THE HISTORY OF POLYBIUS, THE MEGALOPOLITAN: CONTAINING A General Account OF THE Transactions of the World, AND Principally of the ROMAN PEOPLE, During the First and Second Punic Wars.  
Translated by Sir H. S.  
To which is added, A Character of Polybius and his Writings. By Mr. Dryden.  
The First Volume.  
The Second Edition.  
LONDON: Printed by W. Onley, for Sam. Briscoe, in ; and R. Wellington, at the Lute, in St. Paul's Churchyard. MDCXCVIII.   


A Map of Ancient SICELE Mentioned in Polybious. by Sr. H.S. Vol: I.   map of Sicily   

THE CHARACTER OF POLYBIUS, AND HIS WRITINGS.  
THE worthy Author of this Translation, who is very much my Friend, was pleased to intrust it in my Hands, for many Months together, before he published it; desiring me to review the English, and to Correct what I found amiss; which he needed not have done, if his Modesty would have given him leave, to have relied on his own Abilities; who is so great a Master of our Style and Language, as the World will acknowledge him to be, after the Reading of this Excellent Version. 'Tis true, that Polybius has formerly appeared in an English Dress; but under such a Cloud of Errors, in his first Translation, that his native Beauty, was not only hidden, but his Sense perverted, in many places; so that he appeared unlike himself, and unworthy of that Esteem, which has always been paid him by Antiquity, as the most Sincere, the Clearest, and most Instructive of all Historians. He is now not only redeemed from those Mistakes, but also restored to the first purity of his Conceptions: And the Style in which he now speaks is as plain and unaffected, as that he wrote. I had only the pleasure of Reading him, in a fair Manuscript, without the toil of Alteration: At least it was so very inconsiderable, that it only cost me the dash of a Pen in some few places, and those of very small importance; so much had the Care, the Diligence, and Exactness of my Friend prevented my Trouble, that he left me not the occasion of serving him in a Work which was already finished to my Hands: I doubt not but the Reader will approve my Judgement. So happy it is for a good Author, to fall into the hands of a Translator, who is of a Genius like his own; who has added Experience to his natural Abilities; who has been Educated in Business, of several kinds; has Travelled, like his Author, into many Parts of the World, and some of them the same with the present Scene of History; has been employed in Business of the like nature, with Polybius; and like him is perfectly acquainted, not only with the Terms of the Mathematics, but has searched into the bottom of that admirable Science, and reduced into Practice the most useful Rules of it, to his own Honour, and the Benefit of his Native Country; who, besides these Advantages, possesses the knowledge of Shipping and Navigation; and, in few Words, is not ignorant of any thing that concerns the Tactics: So that here, from the beginning, we are sure of finding nothing that is not throughly Understood. The Expression is clear, and the Words adequate to the Subject. Nothing in the Matter will be mistaken; nothing of the Terms will be misapplied: All is natural, and proper; and he who understands good Sense and English, will be profited by the first, and delighted with the latter. This is what may be justly said in Commendation of the Translator, and without the note of Flattery to a Friend.  
As for his Author, I shall not be ashamed to Copy from the Learned Casaubon, (who has Translated him into Latin,) many things which I had not from my own small Reading, and which I could not, without great difficulty, have drawn but from his Fountain, not omitting some, which came casually in my way, by reading the Preface of the Abbot Pichon, to the Dauphin's Tacitus, an admirable and most useful Work; which Helps, I ingeniously profess, to have received from them, both to clear myself from being a Plagiary of their Writings, and to give Authority by their Names, to the weakness of my own Performance.  
The taking of Constantinople by Mahomet the Great, fell into the latter times of Pope Nicholas the Fifth; a Pope not only studious of good Letters, and particularly of History, but also a great Encourager of it in others. From the dreadful Overthrow of that City, and final Subversion of the Greek Empire, many Learned Men escaped, and brought over with them into Italy, that Treasure of ancient Authors, which by their unhappiness we now possess. And amongst the rest, some of these remaining Fragments of Polybius. The Body of this History, as he left it finished, was consisting of Forty Books, of which the eighth Part is only remaining to us, entire. As for his Negotiations, when he was sent Ambassador, either from his own Counttry-men, the Commonwealth of the Achaians, or afterwards was employed by the Romans, on their Business with other Nations, we are obliged to Constantine the Great, for their Preservation; for that Emperor was so much in Love with the dexterous Management, and Wisdom of our Author, that he caused them all to be faithfully Transcribed, and made frequent Use of them in his own Dispatches and Affairs with Foreign Princes, as his best Guides in his Concernments with them. Polybius, as you will find in reading of him, though he principally intended the History of the Romans, and the Establishment of their Empire, over the greatest part of the World, which was then known; yet had in his Eye the general History of the Times in which he lived, not forgetting either the Wars of his own Country, with their Neighbours of Etolia, or the concurrent Affairs of Macedonia, and the Provinces of Greece, (which is properly so called;) nor the Monarchies of Asia and Egypt, nor the Republic of the Carthaginians, with the several Traverses of their Fortunes, either in relation to the Romans, or independent to the Wars, which they waged with them, besides what happened in Spain and Sicily, and other European Countries. The Time which is taken up in this History consists of Three and Fifty Years, and the greast part of it is employed in the description of those Events, of which the Author was an Eye-witness, or bore a considerable part in the Conduct of them. But in what particular Time or Age it was, when Mankind received that irrecoverable Loss of this Noble History, is not certainly delivered to us. It appears to have been perfect in the Reign of Constantine, by what I have already noted; and neither Casaubon, nor any other, can give us any further Account concerning it. The first Attempt towards a Translation of him, was by Command of the same Pope Nicholas the Fifth, already mentioned, who esteemed him the Prince of Greek Historians: Would have him continually in his Hands; and used to make this Judgement of him; That, if he yielded to one or two, in the Praise of Eloquence, yet in Wisdom, and all other Accomplishments belonging to a perfect Historian, he was at least equal to any other Writer, Greek or Roman, and perhaps excelled them all. This is the Author, who is now offered to us in our Mother Tongue, recommended by the Nobility of his Birth, by his Institution in Arts and Sciences, by his Knowledge in Natural and Moral Philosophy, and particularly the Politics; by his being conversant both in the Arts of Peace and War; by his Education under his Father Lycortas, who voluntarily deposed himself from his Sovereignty of Megalopolis, to become a principal Member of the Achaean Commonwealth, which then flourished under the management of Aratus, by his friendship with Scipio Affricanus, who subdued Carthage, to whom he was both a Companion and a Counsellor; and by the , Esteem, and Intimacy which he had with several Princes of Asia, Greece and Egypt, during his Life; and after his Decease, by deserving the Applause and Approbation of all succeeding Ages. This Author so long neglected in the barbarous times of Christianity, and so little known in Europe, (according to the Fate which commonly follows the best of Writers) was pulled from under the Rubbish which covered him, by the Learned Bishop, Nicholas the Fifth. And some parts of his History, (for, with all his Diligence, he was not able to recover the whole) were by him recommended to a Person (knowing both in the Greek and Roman Tongues, and learned for the Times in which he lived) to be Translated into Latin: And, to the Honour of our Polybius, he was amongst the first of the Greek Writers, who deserved to have this Care bestowed on him. Which notwithstanding, so many Hindrances occurred in this Attempt, that the Work was not perfected in his Popedom, neither was any more than a third Part of what is now recovered in his Hands; neither did that learned Italian, who had undertaken him, succeed very happily in that Endeavour; for the perfect Knowledge of the Greek Language was not yet restored; and that Translator was but as a one-eyed Man, amongst the Nation of the Blind, only suffered, till a better could be found, to do right to an Author, whose Excellence required a more just Interpreter, than the Ignorance of that Age afforded. And this gives me occasion to admire, (says Casaubon,) that in following Times, when Eloquence was redeemed, and the Knowledge of the Greek Language flourished, yet no Man thought of pursuing that Design, which was so worthily begun, in those first Rudiments of Learning. Some indeed, of almost every Nation in Europe, have been instrumental in the recovery of several lost Parts of our Polybius, and commented on them with good Success; but no Man before Casaubon, had reviewed the first Translation, corrected its Errors, and put the last Hand to its Accomplishment. The World is therefore beholding to him for this great Work; for he has collected into one their seattered Fragments, has pieced them together, according to the natural Order in which they were Written; made them intelligible to Scholars, and rendered the French Translator's Task more easy to his Hands. Our Author is particularly mentioned, with great Honour, by Cicero, Strabo, Josephus, and Plutarch; and in what rank of Writers they are placed, none of the Learned need to be informed: He is copied in whole Books together by Livy, commonly esteemed the Prince of the Roman History, and Translated word for word: Tho' the Latin Historian is not to be excused, for not mentioning the Man to whom he had been so much obliged, nor for taking as his own the worthy Labours of another. Marcus Brutus, who preferred the Freedom of his Country to the Obligations which he had to Julius Caesar, so prized Polybius, that he made a Compendium of his Works, and Read him not only for his Instruction, but for the Diversion of his Grief, when his noble Enterprise for the Restoration of the Commonwealth had not found the Success which it deserved. And this is not the least Commendation of our Author, that he, who was not wholly satisfied with the Eloquence of Tully, should Epitomise Polybius, with his own Hand. It was on the Consideration of Brutus, and the Veneration which he paid him, that Constantine the Great took so great a pleasure in Reading our Author, and collecting the several Treaties of his Embassies; of which, tho' many are now lost, yet those which remain are a sufficient Testimony of his Abilities; and I congratulate my Country, that a Prince of our Extraction, (as was Constantine) has the honour of obliging the Christian World, by these Remainders of our great Historian. 'Tis now time to enter into the particular Praises of Polybius, which I have given you before, in gross; and the first of them, (following the Method of Casaubon,) is his wonderful Skill in Political Affairs. I had Read him in English, with the pleasure of a Boy, before I was ten Years of Age; and yet, even then, had some dark Notions of the Prudence with which he conducted his Design; particularly in making me known, and almost see the Places where such and such Actions were performed. This was the first distinction which I was then capable of making, betwixt him and other Historians, which I Read early. But when being of a riper Age, I took him again into my Hands; I must needs say, that I have profited more by reading him, than by Thucydides, Appian, Dion Cassius, and all the rest of the Greek Historians together: And amongst all the Romans, none have reached him in this particular, but Tacitus, who is equal with him.  
'Tis wonderful to consider, with how much care and application he Instructs, Counsels, Warns, Admonishes and Advises, whensoever he can find a fit occasion: He performs all these sometimes in the nature of a common Parent of Mankind; and sometimes also limits his Instructions to particular Nations, by a friendly Reproach of those Failings and Errors, to which they were most obnoxious. In this last manner, he gives Instructions to the Mantinaeans, the Elaeans, and several other Provinces of Greece; by informing them of such things as were conducing to their Welfare. Thus he likewise warns the Romans of their Obstinacy and Wilfulness; Vices, which have often brought them to the brink of Ruin. And thus he frequently exhorts the Greeks in general, not to departed from their Dependence on the Romans; nor to take false Measures by embroiling themselves in Wars with that Victorious People, in whose Fate it was to be Masters of the Universe. But as his peculiar Concernment was for the Safety of his own Countrymen, the Achaians, he more than once insinuates to them, the care of their Preservation, which consisted in submitting to the Yoke of the Roman People, which they could not possibly avoid; and to make it Easy to them, by a cheerful compliance with their Commands, rather than unprofitably to Oppose them, with the hazard of those remaining Privileges, which the Clemency of the Conquerors had left them. For this reason, in the whole Course of his History, he makes it his chiefest business to persuade the Grecians in general, that the growing Greatness and Fortune of the Roman Empire was not owing to mere Chance, but to the Conduct and invincible Courage of that People; to whom their own Virtue gave the Dominion of the World. And yet this Councillor of Patience and Submission, as long as there was any probability of hope remaining, to withstand the progress of the Roman Fortune; was not wanting to the utmost of his power to resist them, at least to defer the Bondage of his Country, which he had long foreseen: But the Fates inevitably drawing all things into subjection to Rome, this well-deserving Citizen was commanded to appear in that City, where he suffered the Imprisonment of many Years: Yet even then his Virtue was beneficial to him; the knowledge of his Learning and his Wisdom, procuring him the friendship of the most Potent in the Senate; so that it may be said, with Casaubon, that the same Virtue which had brought him into distress, was the very means of his relief, and of his exaltation to greater Dignities than those which he lost: For by the intercession of Cato the Censor, Scipio Emilianus, who afterwards destroyed Carthage, and some other principal Noblemen, our Polybius was restored to Liberty. After which, having set it down as a Maxim, that the Welfare of the Achaians consisted, as I have said, in breaking their own stubborn Inclinations, and yielding up that Freedom which they no longer could maintain, he made it the utmost aim of his Endeavours, to bring over his Countrymen to that Persuasion: in which, though to their Misfortunes, his Counsels were not prevalent, yet thereby he not only proved himself a good Patriot, but also made his Fortunes with the Romans. For his Countrymen, by their own unpardonable Fault, not long afterwards, drew on themselves their own Destruction: For when Mummius, in the Achaean War, made a final Conquest of that Country; he dissolved the great Council of their Commonwealth. But in the mean time, Polybius enjoyed that tranquillity of Fortune, which he had purchased by his Wisdom. In that private State, being particularly dear to Scipio and Lelius, and some of the rest who were then in the Administration of the Roman Government: And that Favour which he had gained amongst them, he employed not in heaping Riches to himself; but as a means of performing many considerable Actions; as particularly, when Scipio was sent to demolish Carthage, he went along with him, in the nature of a Counsellor, and Companion of his Enterprise. At which time, receiving the Command of a Fleet from him, he made Discoveries in many parts of the Atlantic Ocean; and especially on the Shores of Africa: And doing many good Offices to all sorts of People, whom he had power to Oblige, especially to the Grecians, who in Honour of their Benefactor, caused many Statues of him to be erected; as Pausanias has Written. The particular Gratitude of the Locrians in Italy, is also an undeniable Witness of this Truth; who, by his Mediation being discharged from the burden of Taxes, which oppressed them, through the hardship of those Conditions which the Romans had imposed on them in the Treaty of Peace; professed themselves to be owing for their Lives and Fortunes, to the only Interest and good Nature of Polybius; which they took care to Express, by all manner of Acknowledgement. Yet as beneficent as he was, the greatest obligement which he could lay on Humane-kind, was the Writing of this present History: Wherein he has left a perpetual Monument of his public Love to all the World, in every succeeding Age of it, by giving us such Precepts as are most conducing to our common Safety, and our Benefit. This Philanthropy (which we have not a proper Word in English to express) is every where manifest in our Author. And from hence proceeded that divine Rule which he gave to Scipio, that whensoever he went abroad, he should take care not to return to his own House, before he had acquired a Friend, by some new Obligement. To this Excellency of Nature we own the Treasure which is contained in this most useful Work: This is the Standard by which all good and prudent Princes ought to regulate their Actions: None have more need of Friends than Monarches. And though Ingratitude is too frequent, in the most of those who are Obliged; yet Encouragement will work on generous Minds; and if the Experiment be lost on Thousands, yet it never fails on All. And one virtuous Man in a whole Nation is worth the buying; as one Diamond is worth the search in a heap of Rubbish. But a narrow-licarted Prince, who thinks that Mankind is made for him alone, puts his Subjects in a way of deserting him on the first Occasion; and teaches them to be as sparing of their Duty, as he is of his Bounty. He is sure of making Enemies, who will not be at the cost of rewarding his Friends and Servants. And by letting his People see he loves them not, instructs them to live upon the square with him, and to make him sensible in his turn, that Prerogatives are given, but Privileges are inherent. As for Tricking, Cunning, and that which in Sovereigns they call Kingcraft, and Reason of State in Commonwealths: To them and their Proceed Polybius is an open Enemy. He severely repoves all faithless Practices, and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or vicious Policy, which is too frequent in the management of the Public. He commends nothing but Plainness, Sincerity, and the Common-good, undisguised, and set in a true Light, before the People: Not but that there may be a Necessity of saving a Nation, by going beyond the Letter of the Law, or even sometimes by superseding it; but then that Necessity must not be Artificial, it must be Visible, it must be strong enough to make the Remedy not only pardoned, but desired, to the major part of the People: Not for the Interest only of some few Men, but for the Publick-safety, for otherwise, one Infringement of a Law, draws after it the practice of subverting all the Liberties of a Nation, which are only entrusted with any Government; but can never be given up to it. The best way to distinguish betwixt a pretended Necessity and a true, is to observe if the Remedy be rarely applied, or frequently. In times of Peace, or times of War and public Distractions, which are the most usual Causes of sudden Necessities. From hence Casaubon infers, That this our Author, who preaches Virtue, and Probity, and Plaindealing, aught to be studied principally by Kings and Ministers of State: And that Youth, which are bred up to succeed in the management of Business, should read him carefully, and imbibe him throughly, detesting the Maxims that are given by Machiavelli and others, which are only the Instruments of Tyranny, Further-more, (continues he) the study of Truth is perpetually joined with the love of Virtue: For there is no Virtue which derives not its original from Truth: As on the contrary, there is no Vice which has not its beginning from a Lye. Truth is the foundation of all Knowledge, and the cement of all Societies. And this is one of the most shining Qualities in our Author. I was so strongly persuaded of this myself, in the perusual of the present History, that I confess, amongst all the Ancients, I never found any who had the Air of it so much; and amongst the Moderns, none but Philip de Commines. They had this common to them, that they both changed their Masters: But Polybius changed not his side, as Philip did: He was not bought off to another Party; but pursued the true Interest of his Country, even when he served the Romans. Yet since Truth, (as one of the Philosophers has told me) lies in the bottom of a Well; so 'tis hard to draw it up: much Pains, much Diligence, much Judgement is necessary to hand it to us, even Cost is oftentimes required; and Polybius was wanting in none of these. We find but few Historians of all Ages, who have been diligent enough in their search for Truth: 'tis their common method to take on trust what they distribute to the Public; by which means a Falsehood once received from a famed Writer, becomes traditional to Posterity. But Polybius weighed the Authors from whom he was forced to borrow the History of the Times immediately preceding his; and oftentimes corrected them, either by comparing them each with other, or by the Lights which he had received from ancient Men of known Integrity amongst the Romans, who had been conversant in those Affairs, which were then managed, and were yet living to Instruct him. He also learned the Roman Tongue, and attained to that knowledge of their Laws, their Rights, their Customs and Antiquities, that few of their own Citizens understood them better; having gained permission from the Senate, to search the Capitol, he made himself familiar with their Records, and afterwards translated them into his Mother-tongue. So that he taught the Noblemen of Rome their own Municipal Laws, and was accounted more skilful in them than Fabius Pictor, a Man of the Senatorian Order, who wrote the Transactions of the Punic Wars. He who neglected none of the Laws of History, was so careful of Truth, (which is the principal,) that he made it his whole Business to deliver nothing to Posterity, which might deceive them; and by that Diligence and Exactness may easily be known to be studious of Truth, and a lover of it. What therefore Brutus thought worthy to Transcribe with his own Hand out of him, I need not be ashamed to Copy after him. I believe, says Polybius, That Nature herself has constituted Truth as the supreme Deity, which is to be adored by Mankind; and that she has given it greater Force than any of the rest: For being opposed, as she is on all sides, and appearances of Truth so often passing for the thing itself, in behalf of plausible Falsehoods; yet, by her wonderful Operation, she insinuates herself into the Minds of Men; sometimes exerting her Strength immediately, and sometimes lying hid in Darkness for length of time; but at last she struggles through it, and appears Triumphant over Falsehood. This sincerity Polybius preferred to all his Friends, and even to his Father; In all other Offices of Life, says he, I praise a lover of his Friends, and of his Native Country; but in writing History, I am obliged to divest myself of all other Obligations, and sacrifice them all to Truth. Aratus, the Sicyonian, in the Childhood of our Author, was chief of the Achaean Commonwealth; a Man in principal Esteem, both in his own Country, and all the Provinces of Greece; admired universally for his Probity, his Wisdom, his just Administration, and his Conduct: In remembrance of all which his grateful Countrymen, after his Decease, ordained him those Honours which are only due to Heroes. Him our Polybius had in Veneration, and formed himself by imitation of his Virtues; and is never wanting in his Commendations through the course of his History. Yet, even this Man, when the cause of Truth required it, is many times reproved by him, for his slowness in Counsel, his tardiness in the beginning of his Enterprises, his tedious, and more than Spanish Deliberations; and his heavy and cowardly Proceed are as freely blamed by our Polybius, as they were afterwards by Plutarch, who questionless drew his Character from this History. In plain Terms, that wise General scarce ever performed any great Action but by Night. The glittering of a Sword before his Face was offensive to his Eyes: Our Author therefore boldly accuses him of his Faint-heartedness; attributes the Defeat at Caphiae wholly to him, and is not sparing to affirm, That all Peloponnesus was filled with Trophies, which were set up, as the Monuments of his Losses. He sometimes Praises, and at other times Condemns the Proceed of Philip King of Macedon, the Son of Demetrius, according to the Occasions which he gave him, by the variety and inequality of his Conduct; and this most exquisite on either side.  
He more than once Arraigns him for the inconstancy of his Judgement: And chapters even his own Aratus, on the same Head; showing by many Examples, produced from their Actions, how many Miseries they had both occasioned to the Grecians. And attributing it to the weakness of humane Nature, which can make nothing perfect. But some Men are brave in Battle, who are weak in Counsel, which daily Experience sets before our Eyes, others deliberate wisely, but are weak in the performing part; and even no Man is the same to Day which he was Yesterday, or may be to Morrow. On this account. says our Author, a good Man is sometimes liable to Blame, and a bad Man, though not often, may possibly deserve to be Commended. And for this very reason he severely taxes Timaeus, a malicious Historian, who will allow no kind of Virtue to Agathocles the Tyrant of Sicily; but detracts from all his Actions, even the most Glorious, because in general he was a vicious Man. Is it to be thought, says Casaubon, that Polybius loved the Memory of Agathocles the Tyrant, or hated that of the Virtuous Aratus? But 'tis one thing to commend a Tyrant, and another thing to overpass in silence, those laudable Actions which are performed by him: Because it argues an Author of the same Falsehood, to pretermit, what has actually been done, as to feign those Actions which have never been. It will not be unprofitable in this place, to give another famous Instance of the Candour and Integrity of our Historian. There had been an ancient League betwixt the Republic of Achaia and the Kings of Egypt, which was entertained by both Parties, sometimes on the same Conditions, and sometimes also the Confederacy was renewed on other Terms. It happened in the 148th Olympiad, that Ptolemy Epiphanes, on this Occasion, sent one Demetrius his Ambassador to the Commonwealth of Achaia. That Republic was then ruinously divided into two Factions: whereof the Heads on one side, were Philopoemen, and Lycortas the Father of our Author; of the adverse Party, the Chief was Aristaenus, with some other principal Achaians. The Faction of Philopoemen was prevalent in the Council, for renewing the Confederacy with the King of Egypt: In order to which, Lycortas received a Commission to go to that Court, and treat the Articles of Alliance. Accordingly he goes, and afterwards returns, and giveth Account to his Superiors, that the Treaty was concluded. Aristaenus, hearing nothing but a bare Relation of a League that was made, without any thing belonging to the Conditions of it, and well knowing that several forms of those Alliances had been used in the former Negotiations, asked Lycortas in the Council, according to which of them this present Confederacy was made? To this Question of his Enemy, Lycortas had not a word to answer. For it had so happened by the wonderful neglect of Philopoemen and his own, and also that of Ptolomy's Counsellors; or, as I rather believe, by their Craft contrived, that the whole Transaction had been loosely and confusedly managed, which, in a Matter of so great importance, redounded to the Scandal and Ignominy of Philopoemen and Lycortas, in the Face of that grave Assembly. Now these Proceed our Author so relates, as if he had been speaking of Persons to whom he had no manner of relation, tho' one of them was his own Father, and the other always esteemed by him in the place of a better Father. But being mindful of the Law which himself had instituted, concerning the indispensible Duty of an Historian, (which is Truth) he chose rather to be thought a lover of it, than of either of his Parents. 'Tis true, Lycortas in all probability was dead, when Polybius wrote this History; but had he been then living, we may safely think that his Son would have assumed the same Liberty, and not feared to have offended him in behalf of Truth. Another part of this Veracity is also deserving the notice of the Reader, tho', at the same time, we must conclude, that it was also an effect of a sound Judgement; that he perpetually explodes the Legends of Prodigies and Miracles, and instead of them, most accurately searches into the natural Causes, of those Actions which he describes; for, from the first of these, the latter follows of direct consequence. And for this reason he professes an immortal Enmity to those Tricks and Juggle, which the Common-people believe as real Miracles, because they are ignorant of the Causes which produced them. But he had made a diligent Search into them, and found out that they preceded either from the fond Credulity of the People, or were imposed on them by the Craft of those whose Interest it was that they should be believed. You hear not in Polybius, that it Reigned Blood, or Stones; that a Bull had Spoken, or a thousand such Impossibilities, with which Livy perpetually crowds the Calends of almost every Consulship. His New Years could no more begin without them, during his Description of the Punic Wars, than our Prognosticating Almanacs without the Effects of the present Oppositions betwixt Saturn and Jupiter, the foretelling of Comets and Coruscations in the Air, which seldom happen at the times assigned by our Astrologers, and almost always fail in their Events. If you will give Credit to some other Authors, some God was always present with Hannibal, or Scipio, to direct their Actions: That a visible Deity wrought Journeywork under Hannibal, to conduct him through the difficult Passages of the Alps; and another did the same Office of Drudgery for Scipio, when he Besieged New Carthage, by draining the Waters, which otherwise would have drowned his Army, in their rash Approaches. Which Polybius observing, says wittily and truly, That the Authors of such fabulous kind of Stuff, writ Tragedies, not Histories. For, as the Poets, when they are at a loss for the Solution of a Plot, bungle up their Catastrophe, with a God descending in a Machine: So these inconsiderate Historians, when they have brought their Heroes into a Plunge, by some rash and headlong Undertaking, having no Humane way remaining to disengage them with their Honour, are forced to have recourse to Miracle; and introduce a God for their Deliverance. 'Tis a common Frenzy of the ignorant Multitude, says Casaubon, to be always engaging Heaven on their side; and indeed it is a successful Stratagem of any General, to gain Authority among his Soldiers, if he can persuade them, that he is the Man by Fate appointed for such, or such an Action, though most impracticable. To be favoured of God, and command, (if it may be permitted so to say,) the extraordinary concourse of Providence, sets off a Hero, and makes more specious the Cause for which he Fights, without any consideration of Morality, which ought to be the beginning and end of all our Actions. For where that is violated, God is only present in permission; and suffers a Wrong to be done, but not Commands it. Light Historians, and such as are Superstitious in their Natures, by the artifice of feigned Miracles, captivate the gross Understandings of their Readers, and please their Fancies by Relations of things which are rather Wonderful than True: But such as are of a more profound and solid Judgement, (which is the Character of our Polybius,) have recourse only to their own natural Lights, and by them pursue the Methods at least of Probability, if they cannot arrive to a settled Certainty. He was satisfied that Hannibal was not the first, who had made a Passage through the Alps, but that the Gauls had been before him in their Descent on Italy; and also knew, that this most prudent General, when he laid his Design of Invading that Country, had made an Alliance with the Gauls, and prepossessed them in his Favour, and before he stirred a foot from Spain, had provided against all those Difficulties which he foresaw in his Attempt, and compassed his Undertaking, which indeed was void of Miracles, but full of Conduct, and Military Experience. In the same manner Scipio, before he departed from Rome, to take his Voyage into Spain, had carefully considered every particular Circumstance which might cross his Purpose, and made his Enterprise as easy to him as humane Prudence could provide; so that he was Victorious over that Nation, not by virtue of any Miracle, but by his admirable Forecast, and wise Conduct in the execution of his Design. Of which, tho' Polybius was not an Eye-witness, he yet had it from the best Testimony, which was that of Lelius, the Friend of Scipio, who accompanied him in that Expedition, of whom our Author with great Diligence enquired concerning every thing of Moment, which happened in that War, and with whom he commends for hi● sincerity in that Relation. Whensoever h● gives us the Account of any considerable Action, he never fails to tell us why it succeeded, or for what reason it miscarried; together with all the antecedent Causes of its Undertaking, and the manner of its performance; all which he accurately Explains. Of which I will select but some few Instances, because I want Leisure to expatiate on many. In the Fragments of the 17th Book he makes a learned Dissertation concerning the Macedonian Phalanx, or gross Body of Foot, which was formerly believed to be Invincible, till Experience taught the contrary, by the success of the Battle, which Philip lost to the Commonwealth of Rome; and the manifest and most certain Causes are therein related, which prove it to be inferior to the Roman Legions. When also he had told us in his former Books, of the three great Battles, wherein Hannibal had Overthrown the Romans, and the last at Cannae, wherein he had in a manner Conquered that Republic, he gives the Reasons of every Defeat, either from the Choice of Ground, or the Strength of the Foreign Horse in Hannibal's Army, or the ill-timing of the Fight on the vanquished side. After this, when he describes the turn of Fortune on the Part of the Romans, you are visibly conducted upwards to the Causes of that Change; and the reasonableness of the Method which was afterward pursued by that Commonwealth, which raised it to the Empire of the World. In these and many other Examples, which for brevity are omitted, there is nothing more plain, than that Polybius denies all Power to Fortune, and places the Sum of Success in Providence. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, indeed are his Words. 'Tis a Madness to make Fortune the Mistress of Events, because in herself she is nothing, can Rule nothing, but is ruled by Prudence. So that whenever our Author seems to attribute any thing to Chance, he speaks only with the Vulgar, and desires so to be understood: But here I must make bold to part Company with Casaubon for a Moment. He is a vehement Friend to any Author with whom he has taken any Pains; and his Partialily to Persius, in opposition to Juvenal, is too fresh in my Memory to be forgotten. Because Polybius will allow nothing to the Power of Chance, he takes an occasion to infer, that he believed a Providence, sharply inveighing against those who have accused him of Atheism. He makes Suidas his Second in this Quarrel, and produces his single Evidence, and that but a bare Assertion neither without Proof, that Polybius believed, with us Christians, God administered all humane Actions and Affairs. But our Author will not be defended in this case, his whole History reclaims to that Opinion. When he speaks of Providence, or of any Divine Admonition, he is as much in jest, as when he speaks of Fortune; 'tis all to the Capacity of the Vulgar. Prudence was the only Divinity which he Worshipped; and the possession of Virtue the only End which he Proposed. If I would have disguised this to the Reader, it was not in my Power. The Passages which manifestly prove his Irreligion, are so obvious, that I need not quote them. Neither do I know any reason, why Casaubon should in large so much in his Justification, since to believe false Gods, and to believe none, are Errors of the same Importance. He who knew not our God, saw through the ridiculous Opinions of the Heathens concerning theirs; and not being able without Revelation, to go farther, stopped at home in his own Breast, and made Prudence his Goddess, Truth his Search, and Virtue his Reward. If Casaubon, like him, had followed Truth, he would have saved me the Ungrateful Pains of contradicting him: But even the Reputation of Polybius, if there were occasion, is to be sacrificed to Truth, according to his own Maxim. As for the Wisdom of our Author, whereby he wonderfully foresaw the Decay of the Roman Empire, and those Civil Wars which turned it down from a Commonwealth, to an absolute Monarchy: He who will take the Pains to review this History will easily perceive, that Polybius was of the best sort of Prophets, who predict from Natural Causes those Events, which must naturally proceed from them.  
And these things were not to succeed even in the compass of the next Century to that wherein he lived. But the Person was then living, who was the first mover towards them; and that was that great Scipio Africanus, who by cajolling the People, to break the Fundamental Constitutions of the Government, in his Favour, by bringing him too early to the Consulship, and afterwards by making their Discipline of War precarious, First taught them to devolve the Power and Authority of the Senate, into the hands of one, and then to make that one to be at the Disposition of the Soldiery; which though he practised at a time, when it was necessary for the safety of the Commonwealth, yet it drew after it those fatal Consequences, which not only ruined the Republic, but also, in process of time, the Monarchy itself. But the Author was too much in the Interests of that Family, to Name Scipio; and therefore he gives other Reasons, to which I refer the Reader, that I may avoid prolixity. By what degrees Polybius arrived to this height of Knowledge, and consummate Judgement in Affairs, it will not be hard to make the Reader comprehend; for presupposing in him, all that Birth or Nature could give a Man, who was formed for the Management of great Affairs, and capable of Recording them; he was likewise entered from his Youth into those Employments which add Experience to Natural Endowments. Being joined in Commission with his Father Lycortas, and the Younger Aratus, before the Age of Twenty, in an Embassy to Egypt. After which he was perpetually in the Business of his own Commonwealth, or that of Rome. So that it seems to be one Part of the Roman Felicity, that he was Born in an Age, when their Common-weath was growing to the height, that he might be the Historian of those great Actions, which were performed not only in his Life-time, but the chief of them even in his Sight. I must confess that the Preparations to his History, (or the Prolegomena, as they are called) are very large, and the Digressions in it, are exceeding frequent. But as to his Preparatives, they were but necessary, to make the Reader comprehend the Drift and Design of his Undertaking. And the Digressions are also so Instructive, that we may truly say, They Transcend the Profit which we receive from the Matter of Fact. Upon the whole we may conclude him to be a great Talker; but we must grant him to be a Prudent Man. We can spare nothing of all he says, 'tis so much to our Improvement: and if the rest of his History had remained to us, in all probability it would have been more close; for we can scarce conceive what was left in nature for him to add, he has so emptied almost all the Common-places of Digressions already; or if he could have added any thing, those Observations might have been as Useful, and as Necessary, as the rest which he has given us, and that are descended to our Hands. I will say nothing farther of the Excerpta, which (as Casaubon thinks) are part of that Epitome, which was begun to be made by Marcus Brutus, but never finished; nor of those Embassies which are collected and compiled by the command of Constantine the Great: Because neither of them are translated in this Work. And whether or no they will be added in another Impression, I am not certain. The Translator of these Five Books having carried his Work no farther, than it was Perfect. He, I suppose, will acquaint you with his own Purpose in the Preface, which I hear he intends to prefix before Polybius.  
Let us now hear Polybius himself describing an accomplished Historian, wherein we shall see his own Picture, as in a Glass, reflected to him, and given us afterwards to behold, in the Writing of this History.  
Plato said of old, That it would be happy for Mankind, if either Philosophers administered the Government, or that Governors applied themselves to the study of Philosophy. I may also say, That it would be happy for History, if those who undertake, to Write it, were Men conversant in Political Affairs, who applied themselves seriously to their Undertaking; not negligently, but as such, who were fully persuaded, that they undertook a Work of the greatest Moment, of the greatest Excellency, and the most necessary for Mankind: Establishing this, as the Foundation whereon they are to Build, that they can never be capable of performing their Duty, as they ought, unless they have formed themselves beforehand to their Undertaking, by Prudence, and long Experience of Affairs; without which Endowments and Advantages, if they attempt to Write a History, they will fall into a various and endless Labyrinth of Errors.  
When we hear this Author Speaking, we are ready to think ourselves engaged in a Conversation with Cato, the Censor, with Lelius, with Massinissa, and with the two Scipio's, that is, with the greatest Heroes, and most prudent Men of the greatest Age, in the Roman Commonwealth. This sets me so on Fire, when I am Reading either here, or in any ancient Author, their Lives and Actions that I cannot hold from breaking out with Montaign, into this Expression: 'Tis just, says he, for every honest Man to be Content with the Government, and Laws of his Native Country, without endeavouring to alter or subvert them: But if I were to choose where I would have been Born, it should have been in a Commonwealth. He indeed names Venice; which, for many Reasons, should not be my Wish: But, rather Rome in such an Age, if it were possible, as that wherein Polybius lived; or that of Sparta, whose Constitution for a Republic, is by our Author, compared with Rome; to which he justly gives the Preference.  
I will not undertake to compare Polybius and Tacitus; tho', if I should attempt it, upon the whole Merits of the Cause, I must allow to Polybius the greater Comprehension, and the larger Soul; to Tacitus the greater Eloquence, and the more close Connection of his Thoughts. The Manner of Tacitus in Writing, is more like the Force and Gravity of Demosthenes; that of Polybius more like the Copiousness, and diffusive Character of Cicero. Amongst Historians, Tacitus imitated Thucidydes, and Polybius, Herodotus. Polybius foresaw the Ruin of the Roman Commonwealth, by Luxury, Lust, and Cruelty; Tacitus foresaw in the Causes, those Events which should Destroy the Monarchy. They are both of them, without dispute, the best Historians in their several kinds. In this they are alike, that both of them suffered under the Iniquity of the Times in which they lived: both their Histories are dismembered, the greatest part of them lost, and they are interpolated in many places. Had their Works been perfect, we might have had longer Histories, but not better. Casaubon, according to his usual Partiality, condemns Tacitus, that he may raise Polybius, who needs not any sinister Artifice, to make him appear equal to the best. Tacitus described the Times of Tyranny; but he always Writes with some kind of Indignation against them. 'Tis not his fault, that Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, and Domitian, were bad Princes. He is accused of Malevolence, and of taking Actions in the worst Sense; but we are still to remember, that those were the Actions of Tyrants. Had the rest of his History remained to us, we had certainly found a better Account of Vespasian, Titus, Nerva, and Trajan, who were virtuous Emperors; and he would have given the Principles of their Actions a contrary turn. But it is not my Business to defend Tacitus; neither dare I deeide the Preserence betwixt him and our Polybius. They are equally profitable, and instructive to the Reader; but Tacitus more useful to those who are Born under a Monarchy; Polybius, to those who live in a Republic. What may farther be added concerning the History of this Author, I leave to be performed, by the Elegant Translator of his Work.  
John Dryden.   

THE PREFACE OF THE TRANSLATOR.  
MY Attempt to render this Excellent Author into English, puts me under a necessity of making my Excuse to the World for ingageing in so nice and difficult a Work; And I frankly, first, confess, That I had no Warrant from my Depth of Learning, whereof to make Ostentation, and wherein indeed, he who most abounds, ever finds least cause of boasting. This I own to prevent the Critics, who, for the most part, while they amuse and busy themselves about the Interpretation of Words, show but little Insight in the Matter whereof their Authors treat; which is the solid and useful part of Knowledge. Nor was it a Desire to be seen in Print, it being never my Purpose to appear in Public. For who of but tolerable Sense would take pleasure to be found among a Crowd of Fools, who in these our Days so much pester the Press? My Motive then, in a word, was principally to comply with the Injunctions of a Great Man, and a Friend, whose Commands to me while he lived were Sacred, as his Memory must be now he is removed from among us. To this Gentleman interpreting now and then some Select Passages out of Polybius, to entertain his Retirement, he grew so far in love with our Author, and so charmed with the Force and Perfection of the Roman Discipline, that no Excuse I could make of my Insufficiency availed, but I must render him into English. This Command, I say, which could not be decently excused, begat the Attempt, which, by new Importunity, is permitted to visit the World; when he, for whose sake it was done, has left it, to enjoy that Repose in a better, which his Enemies (jealous of his Virtue) maliciously refused him. And he who would have gloried to Die in the Service of his Country, who was the best Friend and every way one of the best Men of the Age, had the mortification to be a Sacrifice to Slander, and the restless Persecution of those who thought, and perhaps justly, that they could not shine till he should be extinguished. My diffidence then, to do right to my Author, being vanquished by the Importunity of my Friend, I took assurance to think, that my Defects on the one hand might in some degree be supplied by the long Acquaintance and Conversation I have had in those Matters which are principally treated by Polybius: who himself and most others of that sort, who have been interpreted to us by mere Scholars and Book-learned Men, have been so misused, that it may be said, They are rather Tradueed than Translated: And I dare appeal to the discernment of the knowing World, Whether the great Genius of one of the most extraordinary Men of the last Age, Mr. Hobbs, appears like himself in his Translation of Thucydides! And if he, who when he writes his own Thoughts and Matter, is so admirable both for Purity of Language, and Strength of Reason, does not there, for the most part, disappoint the Expectation of the Reader? 'Tis no wonder then if Undertakers of so much a lower Form, as most are who engage in these Works, so seldom succeed, notwithstanding their Knowledge in Letters and Skill in Tongues, when in their own Mother-language, I will be hold to affirm, they will be often found at a loss to conceive rightly of the S●nce of many Passages in History, where Military, Naval or the like Occurrences are handled. So necessary it will be found to be a Man of the World; of Business, Science, and Conversation, who would engage with any prospect of doing well in such Erterprises. How it may happen to me in this Essay, is left to the Candour of the knowing Reader: And if it shall appear I have played the Fool, it chances to be in so very good Company, that I shall be content with my share of Shame. It is an Employment wherein he who performs best, Trafficks for small Gain, and it would be unfair and unconscionable to make the Loss more than the Advent●●● and, at the worst, it having been rather a Diversion than a Task, helping me to while away a few long Winter Hours, which is some Recreation to one who has led a Life of Action and Business, and whose Humour and Fortune suit not with the Pleasures of the Town. Wherefore I shall have little cause of complaint, if my well-meaning in consenting to its Publication be not so well received: I have been worse treated by the World, to which I am as little indebted as most Men, who have spent near Thirty Years in Public Trusts; wherein I laboured and wasted my Youth and the Vigour of my Days, more to the Service of my Country and the Impairment of my Health than the Improvement of my Fortune, having stood the Mark of Envy, Slander, and hard Usage, without gleaning the least of those Advantages which use to be the Anchorhold and Refuge of such as whether wrongfully or otherwise suffer the Strokes of Censure.  
I was saying how difficult I thought it was to Translate a good Author well: there is no way more beaten and travelled, yet none more hard to find; Xenophon and Thucydides have the Voice of the Learned, in favour of their Eloquence, and other Advantages of Style and Manner in their Writings: But where, I say, do these Excellencies shine in their Interpreters, who I take for granted wanted not competent Furniture of Knowledge in the Greek Tongue? For myself, I can own, without scruple, that I am not touched nor edified by what I there read; their Charms are not by their Spokesmen conveyed to my Understanding. Let us, for trial, consult an Example out of Thucydides, and make choice of Pericles' Funeral Oration, so much applauded by Learned Men; what I pray does it speak in English? The Substance and Materials I confess are seen, but the Composition, the Style and Structure, are slight and Gothick: And, for my own particular, I can ingenuously say, that I have no Bowels, no Tears for those poor Men; I neither hear their Groans, nor see their Merits, as they are rendered in our Language. And this will always happen to Translators, who are but plain mere Scholars, and even to others who with over anctious scrupulosity walk so timorously in the Track of their Authors, that they cannot hold pace with them; and think they do enough, if they but keep them in view, tho' at never so great a distance. For 'tis not Transcribing his Words, but Transfusing his Mind, that does an Author justice; if the Spirit and the Genius do not in some degree every where appear, we do but slammer out his Meaning, and so draw his Picture, that but for the Title, no body could know it. Yet I am in no doubt, that Mr. Hobbs could have abundantly shown and displayed all the Beauties, and justly expressed the Energy of the Style, and the Graces and Perfections of that Oration; and given us another kind of Version of Thucydides, had not his fear of falling into the Hands of merciless Critics withheld him. But while I study to conceive aright, and explain my Sense of the Duty of a Translator, I am at the same moment deeply conscious of my own weak Performance; so much easier it is to think justly, than to do well; and under this Self-sentence I trust I may find some shelter against Censure. I know, that to have done Polybius exact justice, I ought to have studied him longer; I should have been better acquainted with his Life and Manners, and as familiar with him, if possible, as his Friends Scipio and Lelius; for so I might in many places, obscure in words, have penetrated his Meaning by my knowledge of the Man: But what shall I say? I have dealt him the fairest measure I was able, I have made him speak the best English I could, without hurting his Sense, while I have neither settered myself to his Words, nor been tied so much as to his Expression: But when I thought I knew his Mind, I uttered it in the best manner I could. Thus I have proceeded in the Narrative-part, and his Accounts of Matter of Fact; but where he Moralizes, Instructs and Acts the Orator, which are the most difficult to be handled, I have there dealt more tenderly and shown the best care I was able to approach his manner. Polybius was, without all question, a very great Man, he was Noble, and of the first Rank of his Country, a Soldier, a Statesman and a Philosopher, and withal of an excellent Understanding; Polished and Cultivated by Business and eminent Trusts, and Tempered and ballasted by his own and his Country's Afflictions. So that it may be said, No Man ever engaged in a Work of this sort better furnished with Requisites; and he seems to fill the Chair, when he treats distinctly on any of the abovenamed Subjects: But when he talks of War, which is the Favourite, Subject and Darling of History; How like a General and perfect Master in that Trade does he acquit himself! How exact and painful is he in his Descriptions of Battles by Land and Sea, descending to every particular that may afford light to his Reader! How finely, fruitfully, justly, and morally does he Instruct and Reason on Events of Councils, Battles and all kind of Transactions! How does Hannibal's Craft and Wisdom, and Flaminius' Rashness and Folly appear in his Account of the Battle of Thrasimene, insomuch that from Readers we become Spectators of all those Exploits! How faithful is he to the Character of the Carthaginians, in their Naval Knowledge and Strength! And with what Frankness, Assurance and Impartiality does he show the Romans Ignorance, and reprove their Rashness, when he compares those two People on the Subject of their Maritime Affairs and Adventures! All which we read with pleasure, and approve with ease. So that, in a word, he will be found throughout to preserve his Character of a Grave, Able and Impartial Writer. He is censured I know somewhere, for his little Religion, which Aspersion his own Words will best wipe off, where, in his Fifth Book, he so solemnly reprehends Philip, Son of Demetrius; and the Etolians for their impious Razing of Temples, and casting down of Statues, and the Altars of the Gods. But I should entrench on the Province of a much abler Undertaker, should I further prosecute this Subject; the Character of Polybius being, as I am told, undertaken by One, who of all others, is best able to do him Justice. Wherefore leaving my Author in so good Hands, I proceed to the Subject, and observe that the Person, the Matter, and the Period of Time wherein he Wrote, seemed to conspire to the Dignity and Perfection of the Work, which was a Body of General History, consisting of Forty Books; of which Number, to the unspeakable Loss of the World, Five only entire have descended down to us: But it has happily chanced, that they are the Five Books from the beginning in their Order; tho' the two first not being of the Body of his History, and rather a Proem to that great Undertaking; the Reader will not be Surprised, nor take Offence to see the Preface, as I may say, to what is now published, swell so much out of all Proportion to the Book, when he shall consider that properly Speaking, it is the Portico or Frontispiece of a so much statelier Edifice; and as it contains a Summary or Abstract of the entire Work, so does it not a little confer to Institution. The whole Work contained the History of the Romans; their Transactions and Adventures with the Carthaginians, Greeks, the Princes of Asia, Egypt, Spain, and all the most memorable Occurrences of the World, during the space of Three and Fifty Years, beginning with the second Punic War, which commenced in tho third Year of the hundred and fortieth Olympiad, and of the World three thousand seven hundred eighty seven, and ending with those Affairs which gave a Period to the Macedonian Monarchy. Which Space of time, as it contains the Bulk of all the great Actions, Conquests, and Successes of the Roman People, so it seems to be the very Meridian of their Glory and Virtue; for they had now by their long practice in War and their conversation with the Greeks, and other polished Nations, refin'd their Manners, which before were course and rustic. They had scoured off the Rust of their Old Iron Discipline, so Austere and Rigid, that it grew to an Idol, a Moloch; to which Generals sacrificed even their Sons: No Citizens Blood, in civil Dissension, had yet stained their Concord: Poverty, 'tis true, had begun to cease to be a Virtue, and was not so venerable as when their Dictator's went to Plough: But their Taste of Riches seemed rather an Effect of their Ambition and Military Glory to adom their Triumphs, and replenish their Treasury with a Fund to enable them to prosecute their Design of Subduing the World. They had yet no leisure for Luxury; and that eager Spirit of Conquest which spurred and inspired them, had preserved their Minds hitherto untainted with the Vices of Ease and a voluptuous Life. In a word, their good Discipline, which Industry, long Practice, and the Necessity and Danger of the State had taught them, while they were yet but weak, and under the apprehension of dangerous Rivals, became at length, when it had secured them against Invaders, to inspire them with the Spirit of Invasion; and conducted them to the acquisition of that stupendous Power and Dominion, which was the Subject of so many Triumphs, and completed, in conclusion, their Subjection of the Universe. What their Discipline was, has been the Argument of many Pens, and would not suit with this Work to enlarge on: But what Discipline is, in the Abstract, I may essay to deliver my Opinion in few words.  
Good Discipline is the Substance and Sum-total of Military Science, and he who would aspire to the Command of Armies by Sea or Land, and is not himself duly Trained, and a Master therein, and a Lover, Promoter, and Exacter of it in others, shall betray the Prince or State who Trusts him; and expose himself and Country to manifold Perils and Disasters. The Principles of Discipline are partly collected and digested into a Body of standing Rules and Instructions; the Harvest of wise and long Experience of the best Men, in the best Times; and partly Unwritten and Traditional, infused by Practice, Conversation and diligent Application and Inquiry of those who would be Proficients therein. In short, 'tis an Art or Habit of prudential Fortitude, on the nicest and most perilous Adventures of Humane Life. Now the Fruit which is gathered, is in the Practice of these Documents; and the hinge and centre of Motion of this great Machine, on which it turns, is Obedience; which among the Romans was Sacred and Inviolable, as the Oracles of their Gods, the Breach whereof was more punishable when successful, than otherwise. For though Fortune was among them a Deity, Discipline was more Worshipped, and they would not allow her to justify a rash Action. Thus Papirius, the Dictator, was hardly won to spare young Fabius, his Master of the Horse, for Fight though successfully in his absence, against his Order; whose Life, with much Difficulty, was given to the Tears and Merits of his old Father. And the Story of Titus Manlius, who condemned his brave Son to Death, is a cruel Instance. Discipline is the Art of doing the hardest Things, the easiest and nearest way; her prime Element is Honour: She teaches us to Die without Fear, when we cannot Live without Reproach; she absolves the most unfortunate Actions where she Conducts; she shows us how to be Saviours when we cannot Win, and loses many a Battle without loss of Fame; she rallies and reunites broken Troops, and has often snatched the Laurel from the Brow of Victory herself; she is the brave Man's Motto, and the Coward's Shield. The one she Urges, while she Animates the other; she sustains hunger-starved Armies, and makes them Obey, March, Fight and Vanquish without Clothes on their Backs, Meat in their Bellies, or Flesh on their Bones. To suffer patiently Hunger, Cold, and want of every needful Thing, is a lazy, feminine, and, as I may say, a vagabond Virtue: but to act bravely, to obey silently, and exactly, and to do worthily in every thing under such straits and Trials, belongs only to those whose Minds and Manners are imbued with this Sovereign Virtue of good Discipline. But that we may not Spin this Thread too fine, let us contract our Speculation, by saying in short, That Discipline is the Soul of Military Action; 'tis the Founder and Preserver of Kingdoms; she leads Fortune herself in Triumph, and by her (under Providence) Princes Reign, and their Thrones are Established. Under her Banners did the Romans subdue the World, and vanquish in Battle more than double their number of Enemies, equal, if not superior to them, in Strength and natural Courage; and the Glory of that great State ebbed and slowed with their Discipline, which, as it is the Parent of Success, so is it the Child of mighty Virtue and Industry: Vice and Luxury (which are her mortal Foes) have no Footing where she Governs; they are so incompatible, that the Depression of the one, is ever the Advancement of the other; no State, but by Miracle, can sink under her Conduct, or be safe where she is not cherished. What has made our Neighbouring Prince so Formidable, but their excellent Form, and exact Observance of the Precepts of good Discipline, where Obedience, like the Key-stone in the Arch, binds and sustains the whole Fabric? And if discerning Eyes would look near, and penetrate the ground and necessity of this Duty, in our Case, they would discover Reasons that are not visible to vulgar Eyes. Wherefore I will take leave of the Gentlemen of the Long-Robe, to allow this kind of Obedience, the preference to all kinds of Submission, or Resignation whatsoever. The Ancients have painted Occasion only bald behind, but here we may add Wings too; For what is more sleeting and fugitive, when she's often hardly seen, but she's passed? Crowns, Religion, Laws, and Liberties, and every thing Sacred and Valuable among Men, do, in our Case, often hang on a single Thread of a Moment; which by one bare Act of Disattention, or Disobedience to Orders, may be lost: And History is thick set with Instances, (which I may here be excused from exemplifying) where what I say is abundantly proved. The Schools may amuse and entangle us with their Cobweb-learning, their Terms and Subtleties; but let them show me in sound Wisdom and safe Morals any Transgression of Obedience to whatsoever Humane Precept, that can bring a heavier Judgement on Mankind, where no Sacrifice, or Penance can Atone, or Power Absolve. We shall not then (I trust) be thought in the wrong, in thus dignifying this Virtue of Obedience in Military Conduct.  
I was almost engaged unawares to extend my Contemplation on this noble Theme, which, by applying it to Ourselves, with respect especially to Our Naval Discipline, might perhaps have proved no Disservice to my Country. But as we never visit Persons of Quality by the buy, but obtain an Hour to perform our Respects with Decency: So I have concluded I ought to treat that Subject, which as it would swell beyond the due Bounds of a Preface; so it deserves to be handled with more Regard, than could be observed towards it in this Place.  
H. S.   

Polybius' General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.  

VOL. I. BOOK I  
IF other Authors, who have gone before us, had omitted to speak in the Praise of History; it might perhaps have left an Engagement on us, to recommend principally, that sort of Study to the World, in as much as there is no Means or Method more short, or less difficult, whereby to cultivate the Mind, than the knowledge of Times past. But in regard it hath been the Business of many Writers, to show, that the Fruit we gather from History, is the most mature and instructive, and yields the properest Materials to form the Understanding for Public Uses; and best arms and prepares us, against the shocks of adverse Fortune, by the knowledge and reflection on other men's Crosses and Calamities; our silence therefore on that Subject, will be the more pardonable, while the best we should be able say, would be no other than what so many excellent Wits have said before us; and when we have done all, our Subject needs it not: For, in short, the Account of those surprising Events, which we have undertaken to Publish, will suffice for its own Recommendation, and bespeak the Attention of Mankind to what shall be related. For who is so stupid and incurious, that would not be glad to learn, by what wonderful means and force of Conduct, the People of Rome could within the space of three and fifty Years, be able to compass the Conquest and Dominion of the greatest Part of the known World? A Felicity which never yet happened to any People, at least it hath not any parallel in History. And indeed what Spectacle, how magnificent and entertaining soever, to the most Curious; or what Speculation, tho' never so profitable to the most Studious, hath at any time been the Subject of our Contemplation, that ought not to give place and yield the Preference both in Pleasure and Instruction to the Knowledge of this Transcendent Story?  
Nor will it be difficult to Exemplify the Grandeur and Singularity of the Work we have undertaken, by drawing Parallels between the Roman Empire, and the most Flourishing States that have been recorded in Story. And those, which in my Judgement are most worthy to be considered, are namely these that follow: First, the Persian Empire; which was once Great and Formidable, yet so it happened, that they never attempted to extend their Conquests beyond the bounds of Asia, but they not only endangered the loss of their Armies, but hazarded the State itself. The Lacedæmonians strove long for the Dominion of Greece, and at length obtained it; but scarce held it Twelve Years in peaceable Possession. The Macedonians acquired a good share of Territory in Europe, extending from the Adriatic Sea to the Danube; but who will not confess, that this was but a small Tract, compared with that vast Continent? Afterwards indeed, their Conquests and Dominion spread into Asia, and the Persian Monarchy composed a part of their Empire. But what People is there, how powerful and enterprizing soever, of whom, it may not with Truth be said, That a very great part of this our World hath escaped their Power and Ambition. In a word, the Macedonians never dreamed of attempting either Sicily or Sardinia, or of carrying their Arms into afric; nor had they the least notice of many fierce and mighty Nations inhabiting the Western Parts of Europe. While of the Romans it will with Justice be granted, that they have not vanquished by parcels, here and there a Kingdom; but subdued and extended their Empire over almost the known World, and have exalted and established the Glory of their Dominion, to that degree of Power and Perfection, that if the present Age can but wisely support the Excess of their Prosperity, no future Times shall be able to produce the like.  
The Sequel of this extraordinary Story, will prove with Evidence enough what we but now observed; namely, That of all Studies, That of History yields the most solid and profitable Fruit, when it makes profession of recounting Occurrences of past Ages with Candour and Fidelity. Ours with respect to Chronology, shall take beginning from the one hundred and fortieth Olympiad: The Subject Matter shall be; First, with respect to the Greeks, the Confederate War which Philip, the Son of Demetrius, and Father of Persius, did in Conjunction with the Achaians, wage against those of Aetolia. Touching the asiatics, we shall treat of the War in Syria, betwixt Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopater: As to what concerns Italy and Asrick, we shall begin with the History of the War between the Romans and Carthaginians, commonly called the War of Hannibal. In brief, our History shall commence where Aratus the Sycionian gives a Period to his. For, in truth, the State in general of things to those Days, were (as one may say) scattered and confused, and without any common Relation; the Motives to their great Enterprises were divers, and also their Ends; and Times, and Places, were equally dark and distant. But here we have a Foundation and Body of History for our Guide; the Affairs of Italy, Greece, Asia and afric, were now as it were incorporate, and conspiring to one and the same great End. And therefore I resolved, and thought it my best Method, here to begin what I have determined to write.  
The Romans, proving Superior to the Carthaginians in the War we mentioned, found Assurance to believe, that they had now advanced far towards the Dominion of the World; and took resolution thence to pursue their good Fortune, and formed thereupon their first Project, for transporting their Arms into Greece, and so into Asia. Were we not for the most part in the dark, touching the general State and Circumstances of those People, who from time to time contended for Sovereignty, we might perhaps spare the Pains we shall take, to inquire and show, by what Means and Motives, the Romans were incited to engage in so vast an Enterprise. But in regard the World for the most part is to learn by what stock of Strength and Military Conduct, the Carthaginians strove with their happier Rivals the Romans, and what Battles it cost to decide the Controversy; we have therefore thought it necessary, to conceive and digest our two first Books, into a form of Preface to the main Work; fearing lest if we should be engaged unawares, into the Narrative of such wonderful Adventures as will occur; we should with Astonishment look back on the mighty Progress, and be to seek for those Causes and Motives, that inspired the Romans to Embark in so extraordinary a Design, as the Acquisition of the Universal Empire. At least it may suffice, to initiate the Reader, and instruct him in the feasibleness of the Enterprise, and show, that their Power was not short of their Ambition, to attempt, and, in effect, to compass what they had projected. For what will be found singular and extraordinary in this Work, and those unparalleled Examples of Events in this our Age, is, that Fortune leaning, and as it were with a strong Bias, bending all her Power one way, and Collecting and Confederating (as one may say) the Forces of the Universe, for the Accomplishment of one vast Design: We shall therefore labour to show, and in one Draught, as in a Picture, gratify the Reader with a Prospect of those Means and Steps, by which she conducted her Counsels to bring this mighty Work to pass. And this indeed was what principally incited me to adventure on this Work, jointly with the Reflection, That no Author in these our Days, hath yet engaged in the like Enterprise, of Compiling and Publishing a General History; which under less Encouragement I should hardly have been drawn to undertake. But having observed, that albeit there are plenty of Writers, who have employed their Pens in Recording particular Wars, and some certain contemporary Transactions and Occurrences; yet there is not One (that I remember) who hath given us any Light into the Notions of General History; nor have those who have written, shown any Care in adjusting the Chronology of the Affairs they have handled; nor the Causes and Reasons leading to any Revolution; nor the Progress and Management, nor the Manner of the Event of Things. I have then on these Reflections concluded it necessary, and that it would not be an ungrateful Present, to delineate and expose to Public View this most Magnificent, and of all others the most Instructive Instance of Fortune's Power; who, tho' we have daily and numerous Accounts of her extraordinary Operations, and behold her constantly attempting new Proofs of her Abilities, we must nevertheless conclude, without any difficulty, that she hath given such Evidences of her Strength in our Days, as surpasses all Example.  
Nor would it be easy to obtain a right Knowledge of so many marvellous Transactions, by any help that may be derived from the Study of particular History, any more than one can be enabled to give a true Account of the Structure and Figure of the wide Universe, by having consulted the Map, or visited some few Towns or Provinces thereof. And we may fitly compare such as make that wrong Judgement, to those, who, beholding the dispersed and single Members of some Body, which while it had Life and Motion, had Beauty and other Excellencies; would undertake to determine and distinguish of the Graces and Perfections wherewith it was Adorned, when Living; while, in Truth, were it possible to give a perfect Image of them, by uniting the scattered Parts, restoring the Form, and giving it Spirit and Motion, he would be obliged to confess that all his Conjectures had been a Dream: And yet we maintain not, but that a sort of Judgement may be made of the whole, by consulting only the Parts, but the Certitude and entire Verity of Things cannot be so acquired. In like manner we conceive, that the bare Study of particular and limited Occurences, can but little avail towards the Improvement of our Knowledge in General History; which cannot be attained, but by sorting (as I may say) and comparing Counsels and Events, by the Resemblances of Things we shall Observe, and the Difference we shall Remark; and thus we approach the Sanctuary, and penetrate the very Bosom of History, and the Fruit we gather will both profit and please. To conclude, The first Naval Expedition the Romans ventured on, beyond the Bounds of Italy, shall be the beginning, and as it were the Groundwork of this our first Book; wherein the Story is continued, where Timaeus the Historian ends, which fell out in the Hundred and Twenty Ninth Olympiad.  
It behoves us then to instruct the Reader, first, in the Time when, and the Means and Manner how the Romans composed their Affairs in Italy; and then to observe what their Motives were to attempt crossing the Seas into Sicily, for that was their first Exploit out of Italy. These things, I say, it will be necessary first to explain, to the end we may avoid all danger of Obscurity in the pursuit of our History, and preserve the Coherence and Gradation of Causes and Things unbroken: It is likewise further necessary, that we should take our beginning from some certain and limited Period of Time, known and remarkable to all. And this will be found so very useful, that Matters will almost explain themselves, when there should be occasion to look back, to renew in the Mind the Notices of what is past. For where Accounts are not founded on plain and uncontroverted Testimony, we read without Faith, and determine of nothing; whereas, when the Understanding is once set right, and established on the Evidence of clear and unblemished Grounds, we Study and Digest what we Read, with Pleasure and Assurance, and yield a ready Consent to the Candour and Authority of the Writer.  
Nineteen Years after the Naval Battle that 〈◊〉 ●ought on the River Aegos, and sixteen 〈◊〉 before the Field of Leuctra; about the 〈◊〉 that the Lacedæmonians made Peace with the Persian King, by the procurement of Antalcidas; Dionysius the Elder having vanquished the Greeks, who inhabited Italy near the River Elleporas, laid Siege to the City of Rhegium. The Gauls were at that time Masters of Rome, which they had taken all but the Capitol; and the Romans, having compounded with the Enemy, under such Capitulations as the Gauls themselves thought fit to impose, were rescued, as it were by Miracle, and restored to their Country beyond all Expectation: And having now laid in some Materials towards the Foundation of their growing Power; they began to wage War on the neighbouring States. And after they had well-nigh subdued the Latins, partly by their Courage, and partly by the Address they had acquired by their long Exercise in Arms, they advanced against the Tuscans, and had to do, almost at the same time, with the Gauls; and then warred on the Samnites, who were the Northern and Eastern Borderers upon the Latins. Soon after, and about a Year before the Gauls invaded Greece, and the Remainder of that People who had rifled Delphos, and were almost all cut off, passed into Asia; Pyrrhus, King of the Epirots, arrived in Italy, invited thither by the Tarentines, who began to apprehend the Consequences of their having violated the Roman Ambassadors. The Romans having subdued the Tuscans and Samnites, and often vanquished the Celtaes, began to prosecute their Success against the rest of Italy; not so much to invade the Property of their Neighbours, as to ascertain and secure what they now reckoned their own; having by their long and frequent Wars with the Samnites and Gauls greatly improved their Discipline and Experience, so as to conduct their Armies with better prospect of Success. The Romans having then, greatly to their Reputation, sustained the shock of so many hazardous Enterprises, and expelled all Foreign Invaders, and even Pyrrhus himself out of Italy; they now proceed to show their Resentment against those who had taken part with that Prince; whom, after they had subdued, and brought under their Power, together with what remained unconquered of Italy, the Gauls only excepted; they made an Expedition against Rhegium, then possessed by certain of their own mutinous Subjects. One and the same Adventure befell two principal Places, situate in the Straight of that Sea, namely, Rhegium and Messina. In short, some time before those things happened, which we have been relating, a Party of Campanian Mercenaries, who had served under Agathocles in Sicily, tempted with the Beauty and Riches of Messina, formed a Conspiracy to surprise it, and keep the possession; which they did by Treachery, being received into the Town, and entertained as Friends. When they became Masters of the place, some of the Inhabitants they expelled, and others they murdered, retaining to their own use the Wives and Children of that unfortunate People, as they chanced to fall into their hands during the dispute: Thus having without much hazard or trouble obtained a remarkable Victory, and become possessed of an opulent City, they divided the Riches and Territory amongst themselves. This Action gave Example to another of the like barbarous Treachery. During Pyrrhus' Devastations in Italy, those of Rhegium, apprehensive of the danger of this new and formidable Enemy; and being on the other hand in dread of the Carthaginians, who were in those days Masters of the Sea, besought the Romans to lend them Succours, and furnish them with a Garrison: Accordingly they supplied them with four thousand Men, giving the Command to one Decius a Campanian, who for some time kept good Garrison, and demeaned themselves as they ought: But at length, in Imitation of the Mamertines, who supplied them with Forces to effect their Treachery, they violated their Faith by the like villainous Act, tempted thereunto by the commodious Situation of the Place, and the Wealth of the Inhabitants; of whom, having possessed the Town, some they expelled, and some they cut off, transcribing the Treachery of that People exactly. The Romans had a just Sense of this wicked Act; but having at that time too much Business on their hands, by the Wars we but now related, were not in a Condition to express their Indignation in the Punishment of the Authors; but as soon as their Affairs permitted, they marched against Rhegium, where they straight besieged the Traitors, and in the end subdued them, who fought obstinately, as being desperate of Pardon, not above three hundred of them being taken alive; who being sent to Rome, were by the Command of the Praetor, dragged to the common place of Execution, where, as the manner is, they were first scourged with Rods, and then beheaded. The Romans, over and above the Equity, were not without Foresight, that the Consequences of this Act would be to conciliate in their Neighbours, the Opinion of their Justice and Honour, which had been much blemished mished by this piece of Treachery; so the Rhegians were forthwith restored to their Town and their Possessions.  
As to the Mamertines (for that Appellation those Campanians assumed) who had so wrongfully possessed Messina, they enjoyed, without any Molestation, both the Town and Territory, so long as they could derive Succours from the Romans their Friends in Rhegium, and lived not only secure, and fearless of any danger, but were often the Aggressors on their Neighbours the Carthaginians, and those of Syracuse, and gave them work enough to defend the adjacent Country; putting many Towns and Villages under Contribution. But they were no sooner deprived of the Aids of Rhegium, which now could not defend itself, when the face of their Fortune changed; being attacked by the Syracusians, and driven within their own Walls; that People having declared War against them for Reasons we shall briefly deliver.  
Sometime before this, while the Army of the Syracusians encamped near Mergania, there happened a Dissension between the Soldiers and Citizens of Syracuse; the Soldiers thereupon made choice of new Leaders, namely, Artemidorus and Hieron, who was afterwards King of Syracuse, he was then indeed but young, howbeit Nature had given him all the good Qualities to be wished in a Prince. He was no sooner advanced to this Power, but by the secret Practices and Address of some of his Friends, he got possession of the City, where he soon suppressed those of the contrary Faction; but proceeding in all things with so much Gentleness and Humanity, that tho' the Syracusians would not approve the Election made by the Army, he was nevertheless received as Praetor, without the least Contest. From the very beginning, by the manner of his Administration of that Authority, it plainly appeared to those who could best discern, that he was Born to something yet greater than the Praetorship. For having rightly informed himself of the Humours and Manners of the Syracusians, that they were Seditious, and no sooner in Arms, but they fell into Factious and Mutinous Practices; and farther observing, that Leptines, one of the prime Citizens, Superior to the rest both in Credit and Interest, and in great Reputation with the People for his Justice and Probity, would be very useful to him; with him he made an Alliance, by taking his Daughter to Wife, and proposing to lodge the Authority in the City with him, during his Expeditions with the Army abroad. Having compassed these things, and observing the old Mercenary Soldiers to have lost their Discipline, to be quite spoiled with Idleness and Debauchery, and to be over and above not very well affected to him, but were bandying and meditating some new Commotions; he therefore forms a pretence of an Expedition against the Barbarians, who were possessed of Messina; and having marched out his Forces, he Encamped near Centuripa, in sight of the Enemy, where, drawing up to engage them, not far from the River Cyamosoros, he so ordered his Battle, that keeping his own Horse and Foot near himself, with show of attacking the Enemy elsewhere, he by that means designedly exposed the Mercenaries to the entire shock of the Mamertines, where they were all cut off; and while the Enemy were busied in the Execution, withdrew his own People in safety to Syracuse. By this Artifice he punished his Mercenaries, and got rid of the disorderly and seditious part of his Army. In brief, having formed an Army to his own Mind, he governed and preserved his Authority in great Peace and Security; and observing the Enemy to be grown Inrolent by their late Success, and that they made Inroads, and spoiled the neighbouring Country, he marched out of the City with his new Army, which he had now well Disciplined, and meeting them in the Plains of Mylaeus, near the River Longanus, he obtained an entire Victory, routing their Army, and taking their principal Officers Prisoners: By which Success they were so humbled, that they lost all Courage for the future. Having performed these things against the Barbarians, he returned with his Army to Syracuse, where he was proclaimed King by the Soldiers.  
As to the Mamertines, they being now deprived of their wont Succours from Rhegium, and their own strength being greatly diminished by their late losses, one Party applied to the Carthaginians, and delivered the Citadel into their Hands; another sent Ambassadors to the Romans, praying their Assistance, and offering them the possession of the City, imploring their Protection on the account of their Alliance and common Original. The Romans were long debating what to determine herein, nor indeed could they honestly resolve to assist them, it being apparent how great a blemish it would be to their Honour, who, while they animadverted on the Treachery of their own Citizens at Rhegium, should be found abetting and supporting the Mamertines, eminently guilty of the like Crime. But they saw too, that the Carthaginians had not only subdued Africa, but had made themselves Masters of many places in Spain; and that Sardinia, and all the adjacent Islands on the Coast of Italy, were already in their possession; these Reflections were weighed with apprehension enough, for the Romans already looked on the Carthaginian Neighbourhood with an Eye of Jealousy, being, as it were, now surrounded by them; and knowing that they had designs on Italy itself; they foresaw how formidable they would grow by the Accession of all Sicily to their State; and perceived too, that this Island, unless they interposed to prevent it, by assisting the Mamertines, would certainly fall into their Hands: For Messina would soon be theirs, and Syracuse would not then be long able to withstand them, the Territory of which two places contained a principal part of the Island. All this they clearly understood, and knew it would not be fafe for them to abandon those of Messina, and permit the Carthaginians to be Masters of a Post, that might prove as it were a Bridge to conduct them into Italy. These Points were long and solemnly debated, and yet the Senate could not be drawn to determine without mighty difficulty, foreseeing that the Reproach in assisting the Mamertines would be greater than the Benefit. But the People, who had been greatly impoverished by their late Wars, and each Man propounding to himself some way or other to repair his own particular damage, decreed to carry on the Enterprise; and the rather, for that those who were to have Command of the Armies, manifested how profitable an Undertaking it would be both for the State in general, and each Man in particular. The Decree therefore passed, and was confirmed by an Ordinance of the People; and Appius Claudius, one of the Consuls, was ordered to conduct an Army forthwith into Sicily, to the Relief of Messina.  
To him the Mamertines delivered up the City, after, either by Art or Force, they had got rid of the Carthaginian Officer who commanded in the Citadel: But the Carthaginians suspecting Treachery or Cowardice, ordered the said Governor to be Crucified. At the same time they directed their Fleet to make towards Pelorus, and encamped with their Land-Army near a Town called Senes, and besieged Messina with all their Forces. Hieron conceiving he saw now a fair prospect of exterminating the Barbarians, Possessors of Messina, out of Sicily; enters into a Confederacy with the Carthaginians, and forthwith marches with an Army from Syracuse towards Messina, and encamped along the Mountain Chalcidicus, to cut off all Correspondence with the besieged on that side. But Appius Claudius, with unspeakable Bravery, passing the Straight by Night, got at length into Messina. Howbeit, perceiving the Besiegers resolute, and the Town straight pressed on both sides, and the Army superior by Sea and Land, and apprehending both Danger and Dishonour in the Enterprise, he dispatched Ambassadors to the Carthaginians and Hieron, to treat about an Accommodation, and obtain Peace for the Mamertines. But the Negotiation not taking effect, and finding there was now no Remedy but Fight; he resolved first to attack the Syracusians; Accordingly he marched out against Hieron, who opposed him with great Readiness and Gallantry, but after a long and very sharp Conflict the Romans had the day; beating and pursuing the Enemy into their Camp; and so Appius returned Victorious into Messina, loaded with the Spoils of the Enemy: And Hieron, who perceived he had made a wrong Judgement touching the Issue of the War, marched away immediately towards Syracuse. Claudius' receiving next Morning Intelligence of his Retreat, and being now full of assurance by his late Success, resolved to lose no time, but forthwith to Attack likewise the Carthaginians. Pursuant to which Resolution, he ordered his Army to take their repast betimes, and to be under their Arms earlier than ordinary; and sallying out by break of Day, he surprised the Enemy, and routed them with great Slaughter; those who escaped being broken and scattered, securing themselves in the Neighbouring Towns. Having obtained these Victories, and raised the Siege from before Messina, he began now to make Inroads here and there upon the Neighbouring Country, and proceeded without impediment to plunder as far as the Territory of the Syracusians and their Confederates, whither at length-he marched with his Army, and sat down before Syracuse. Thus have I related the Motives, and given the History of the Romans first Expidition out of Italy. And for as much as we have judged and chosen this Conjuncture, as the most proper and sure Basis, whereon to superstruct our whole Design; we have therefore concluded, that we cannot better prepare the Mind of the Reader for what follows, than by setting out from hence. Tho' we have looked yet a little farther back, the better to open and explain the Reasons of Things, to the end there may not remain the least doubt. For in my Judgement, whosoever would attain a right Knowledge of the present Greatness of the Roman State, should first be informed, when, and how Fortune began to Espouse their Cause, for they had once lost their Country; and farther, to be well instructed in the Means by which, and the time when, they had entirely reduced Italy under their Dominion, they began to form Designs of their remoter Conquests. It will not therefore be thought strange, if when we are to Treat of Great States and Mighty People, we should labour to unfold the remotest Accounts of Antiquity, and draw our Supplies from as near the Springhead as may be, which is the course we have taken, that we might be sure to build on sound and unshaken Principles, so that whatsoever People shall be the Subject of our Story, we shall endeavour to show how, and when they began, and the Steps that conducted them to that degree of Power and Greatness, wherein we shall behold them. And this is the Method we have been already pursuing, touching the Affairs of the Romans. But we will forbear farther Digressions, and proceed to our History, after we have lightly touched on some Preliminary Matters; and what falls in order principally to be noted, is the Transactions between the Romans and the Carthaginians, during their Contention about Sicily; next will be the War in afric: To which is annexed the War the Carthaginians waged in Spain, managed first by Hamilcar, and after him by Asdrubal; about which time, the Romans invaded Illiria, and other remote Countries of Europe; then shall be handled the War they made on the Gauls inhabiting Italy, and in course, we shall mention that in Greece, called the Cleomenick War, which gives a period to our Second Book: Of these in order, with some necessary Remarks for better light into our History; for we have not conceived it necessary, or in any manner profitable, to be over particular in those things, it not being our purpose to write their History, but so to touch them, as may suffice the better to guide the Reader into what we purpose to relate. In a word, it will be easily perceived by the Thread of our Discourse, how necessary it was to make some recital of what others have said before, so as to let in the Mind of the inquisitive, by an easier passage to subsequent Occurrences: But above all, it behoves us to be punctual in setting down the Revolutions in Sicily, during the War there, between the Romans and Carthaginians, than which for duration, there is hardly any Example of the like in History, nor of the Provisions that were made to Prosecute it, nor for the Greatness of Action, or importance and hazard of Enterprises, number of Battles, and extraordinary Adventures. For in short, those two States had lived hitherto under an exact observance of their Laws, their Diicipline was pure and unshaken, their Wealth not burdensome, and their Strength equal. Whosoever therefore shall carefully consider the Form and Power of those two States respectively, will be better able to collect Matter, whereby to make a juster Comparison by this War only, than by any subsequent Transactions whatsoever between them.  
And now we have but one weighty Impediment to stay the Course of our History, which is, that Philinus and Fabius, the Historians, who have the repute of excelling all others, in their Exactness and Fidelity in delivering this Story, have not nevertheless been so just in their Relations as became them. And yet when I consider their manner of Life, I cannot well tell-how to charge them with designed Falsehood. I am therefore inclined to think it hath happened to them, as it often does to Lovers, Philinus' Affection for the Carthaginians, hath bribed his Belief in favour of their great Conduct, Wisdom and Generosity in all their Actions and Deliberations, and perverted his Judgement on the other hand, touching the Romans. As to Fabius, he acts the same part for his Countrymen, nor would it be blamed in the other Deportments of his Private Life, it being but just, that a Man of Honour should bear Affection towards his Country and his Friends, and that he show Aversion to their Enemies, and Love to their Friends, But when once a Man hath taken upon him the Character of an Historian, his Affections are no more his own, and he is to divest himself of every Passion. For how often falls it out to b● the Duty of a Writer, to applaud the Merits of an Enemy, and blame the Conduct of a Friend, when their Faults and Follies so require. For as a Horse that is become blind, is rendered almost useless, so History, if Truth be once wanting, ceaseth to be of any use or instruction. We are therefore to make no difficulty to detect the Errors of a Friend, and to do right to the Virtues of an Enemy. Nor must we scruple sometimes to blame those, who but now had as just a Title to our Applause: It being impossible, that such, who have the Authority and Administration of Public Affairs, should not sometimes miscarry, or that those who often err, should not be now and then in the right. We are not therefore to weigh the Rank or Fortune of those who are in Authority, but to be careful that our Writings speak the Truth of their Actions. And that this is a just Observation, will appear by what follows: Philinus, in the beginning of his Second Book, reports, that the Carthaginians and Syracusians besieged Messina; and that the Romans, who crossed the Sea to their Assistance, made a Sally out of the Town, but were repulsed with great Slaughter of their People: That soon after they made a second Sally upon the Carthaginians, when they were not only beaten and forced to retire, but lost the greatest part of their Army, taken Prisoners by the Enemy. He likewise tells us, That after this, Hieron was seized with a panic fear, and so violent an apprehension of danger, that he deserted his Camp by Night, and marched away to Syracuse; not only setting fire on his Tents, but withdrawing his Garrisons from all such places as he held in the Neighbourhood of the Mamertines. That the Carthaginians, in like manner quitted their Camp, soon after this Defeat of the Romans, and dispersing, quartered themselves in the Towns round about, without attempting to take the Field, or daring so much as to defend whatsoever they had without their Works; and that this Consternation seizing the Carthaginian Soldiers, disheartened their Officers from giving Battle to the Romans. That the Romans keeping in their Rear, did not only spoil and pillage the Country round about, but laid Siege even to Syracuse. These, in my Judgement, are Absurdities too gross to be examined. For what is more inconsistent, than to make those, who but now besieged Messina, and were in all things victorious, to fly without any apparent cause, and to consent to be themselves besieged. And as to the other Party, which he tells us, was besieged and vanquished, he gives them the Laurel, makes them Masters of the Field, pursuing the Enemy, and leads them at length to the Siege of Syracuse: What Consistency now can be found in this Relation? We must determine therefore, that what he first delivers is false, or the sequel cannot be true. But the latter is true, for the Carthaginians and Syracusians were beaten and forced within their Works, and Syracuse and Echetla were both at one and the same time besieged by the Romans, as Philinus confesseth, the latter being a Town on their Frontiers. We cannot help concluding then, that this his first Account was untrue, and the Defeat he mentions a Falsehood of his own coining; since he allows the Romans to have remained superior to the Enemy in those Encounters before Messina. But, in short, we shall find both Fabius and Philinus to be the same Men throughout, as we shall have occasion to observe in the pursuit of our Story; to which, after this Digression, let us now return, and with the best Connexion we can, labour briefly and truly to relate the Adventures and Issue of this War.  
Upon the News, at Rome, of the Success of Appius and the Legions in Sicily, M. Octacilius and M. Valerius being chosen Consuls, it was decreed, they should both go with all the Legions to prosecute that War. The Romans, over and above the Supplies drawn from their Allies, had at that time a Standing Force of Four Legions, out of which they formed their yearly Levies, each Legion consisting of Four Thousand Foot, and Three Hundred Horse. Upon the arrival of the Consuls, most of the Towns and Places that had submitted to the Syracusians and Carthaginians, gave themselves up to the Romans; insomuch, that Hieron observing the Terror that was spread through the whole Island, on the one hand; and on the other, the Bravery and Number of the Legionaries, began to discern, that the Designs and Hopes of the Romans were founded on better Measures than those of the Carthaginians; which, after he had maturely weighed, he determined to endeavour to be reconciled to the Romans. Accordingly he dispatched Ambassadors to treat with the Consuls about an Alliance, who without difficulty embraced the Overture; to which they were the more willingly disposed, on account of the great difficulty they were under with their Convoys; being justly apprehensive, lest the Carthaginians, who were Masters at Sea, would be able totally to debar them of all Supplies of Provision; and this Jealousy was so much the more reasonable, by how much their Troops, the last Year, were driven to great Straits.  
The Romans then promising themselves good Fruit of this Alliance, readily yielded, and frankly embraced a Friendship with Hieron, on condition that all the Roman Prisoners should be released without Ransom, and that the King should pay them down a Hundred Talents in Silver, on which Stipulations the Syracusians should be held as Friends and Confederates of the People of Rome. Thus Hieron, secured by this Treaty, continued ever after a firm and profitable Friend to the Romans, and passed the rest of his Days in a peaceful enjoyment of the Sovereignty of that Kingdom, in very great esteem among the Greeks; and, in a word, according to my Opinion, was one of the most Eminent and Illustrious Princes that had ever held that Sceptre, and few will be found to have reaped a larger share of Felicity acquired by his own Virtue; whether we consider him in his Domestic or Public Affairs.  
This Treaty being sent to Rome, and ratified by an Ordinance of the People, it was now thought advisable to abate of the Number of their Troops in that Service, and to send only two Legions; making account, that by this Alliance they should be eased of a great part of the Burden of the War; and that their Army, through Hieron's Friendship, would now live in plenty of all things necessary. As to the Carthaginians, they considering, that Hieron of a Friend was become their Enemy, and that the Romans engaged every day farther and farther in the Affairs of Sicily, and that they were become Superior to them in Strength, deliberated about providing a greater Force to oppose them, and to preserve their own Acquisitions in Sicily. Accordingly they raised a great number of Mercenary Troops in the Transmarine Nations their Friends; as the Genoves, Gauls, and, principally, the Spaniards; and judging, that Agrigentum was the most commodiously situate for their purpose, which being besides the most eminent of all the Cities of their Dominion, they made it the Rendezvous of their Armies, resolving it should be a place of Arms, and their chief Magazine. The Roman Consuls, who had concluded the Treaty with Hieron, were now returned to Rome, and the new ones, L. Posthumius, and Q. Mamilius, arrived with the Legions, who, after they had been well instructed in the Designs of the Carthaginians, and of the Preparations they were making at Agrigentum, were resolved to prosecute the War with all their might, and without taking any other Affair in hand, forthwith marched with their whole Army and invested that place; and encamping about eight Furlongs off, totally blocked up the Carthaginians. This happened about the time of Harvest, and the Siege being in all probability likely to last, the Soldiers on both sides were wont to disperse themselves carelessly abroad, farther than they ought, to Forage, and gather in their Corn. This the Carthaginians observing, and beholding the Fields full of Roman Soldiers, dispersed in a disorderly manner, made a Sally upon them, as they were then busy in their Harvest; and having scattered them, one Party attempted the pillaging the Camp, and another attacked their Guards. But here the Excellency of the Roman Discipline was eminently seen, as it hath appeared on many occasions, to their great Honour and the Benefit of their Affairs. For, as it is a most unpardonable fault to desert their Post, or abandon their Corpse of Guard; those who had thus carelessly neglected their Duty, resolved to repair their Fault by some remarkable Behaviour; accordingly they rallied, and bravely sustained the shock of the Enemy, tho' superior in number; and albeit some of the Romans fell, the loss on the Enemy's side was much greater. In short, they surrounded the Carthaginians, who had well-nigh forced their Retrenchment, and making a great slaughter among them, compelled them at length to retreat to their Works. After this Action the Carthaginians were more cautious in their Sallies, and the Romans became more wary in their Foraging. And now, seeing the Carthaginians made no more such adventurous Sallies, and their Fight was reduced to Skirmishing and Picquering in small Parties, the Consuls thought it best to divide their Army into two Bodies; with one they possessed the Ground where the Temple of Aesculapius stands, facing the Town; and with the other, that on the side towards Heraclea, in which two places they encamped, and fortified their Leaguer with Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation, to prevent Attempts from the Town, and hinder Supplies and Correspondence from without, and to secure themselves from Surprises: And in the Space between their two Lines they appointed strong Guards, placed at convenient distances. Their Provisions and all Necessaries, were plentifully supplied, and brought by their Allies to Erbessa; and from that Town, which was not far from their Camp, their Convoys passed without impediment. Affairs continued in this posture for five Months, neither Party gaining upon the other any advantage that might augment either's hopes; their Engagements being, for the most part, in slight Skirmishes. But, to be brief, there being not less than Fifty Thousand Souls in Agrigentum; this mighty Number soon reduced them to great straits for Provision, and a Famine thereupon ensued. In the mean time, Hannibal, who commanded in chief, foreseeing he should not be able long to sustain the Siege, dispatched frequent Advices to Carthage, remonstrating their ill Condition, and demanding speedy Succours. The Carthaginians thereupon took Order for the embarking Elephants, and all the Soldiers and Succours they could put on Board their Fleet, consigning them to Hanno their other General in Sicily. Who assembling his Forces at Heraclea, marched with all his Strength towards Erbessa; which place he surprised, being put into his Hands by Treachery; and, by this Success, having deprived the Enemy of all manner of Relief, the Romans, who were but now the Besiegers became themselves besieged; and, in a word, were reduced to such Straits of all kinds, that they often deliberated about raising the Siege; and had put it in execution, had not Hieron afforded them what Help he was able, which, with great Parsimony, sustained them.  
Hanno having Intelligence of the evil state of the Roman Army, that they were enfeebled by Want, and diminished by Diseases, the Plague being got among them, took Assurance to think he might be now a Match for them. He chose, therefore, about Fifty Elephants, and marched with all his Troops in great haste from Heraclea, sending his Numidian-Horse before, who had Orders to charge up to the Enemy's Retrenchments, with show as if they would Engage them; and to Retreat towards the Army, in case the Romans Sallied out upon them. This Service they punctually performed, attacking one of the Roman Camps, who marched out with their Horse against them, whilst they, pursuant to the Orders they had received, retreated to the Army, and joined Hanno; then the whole Army facing about, attacked the Roman Horse, encompassing them round, and doing great Execution, pursued them to their Camp. Soon after, Hanno seized on an Eminence, called Mount Torus, distant from the Romans about Ten Furlongs, and there Encamped his Army: Where two Months passed without any remarkable Action; he being unwilling yet to come to a pitched Battle, and entertaining the Enemy only with flight Rencounters in small Parties. But now Hannibal giving notice, as well by Signs from the Town, as by Expresses; That they were no longer able to sustain the Wants they were under, and that many were by Famine compelled to Desert, and go over to the Romans; Hanno was at length drawn to come to a Decision, to which the Romans were equally disposed, for the Reasons already noted. So the two Armies were drawn out on the Ground between their two Camps, where they Fought, and the Success was long doubtful, till the Romans forced the Mercenaries, who had the Vanguard, to give back; who, as they retreated, falling in among the Elephants, those Animals, being disordered, broke the Line that sustained their Rear, which Accident discomposed the whole Army. Whereupon the Carthaginians were put to flight, the Romans making great slaughter among them. Many were Slain, and but a few got into Heraclea, the Conquerors taking most of the Elephants and all the Cathaginian Baggage. But what with the Joy of the Victory, and Weariness of the Soldiers after the Battle, the Roman Guards, the following Night, were not kept with their Customary Vigilance; which being perceived by Hannibal, who now despairing of Safety in the Town, took this Negligence of the Romans as an Invitation to him to attempt his Escape; he therefore, about Midnight, with the Foreign Troops that were in the Town, took his March, and filling the Roman Trenches with Faggots, passed over their Works, and escaped unhurt and unseen. The Romans, who saw not their Error till the Morning, contented themselves with a short Pursuit, Attacking them in the Rear, and at the same time possessed themselves of the Town without Resistance: Where they took many Slaves, and an inestimable Booty of all sorts of Riches. There was great Joy at Rome on the News of the taking of Agrigentum; every-body was pleased, and each Man's Courage and Hopes were raised, and they resolved to prosecute the Success of these their first Enterprises. They thought it not now enough to have Rescued Messina, and Enriched themselves by the War, but elevated their Purposes and Expectations to the entire expelling the Carthaginians out of Sicily, and exalting the Roman Name and Power; for, indeed, that was the true Mark towards which all their Aims were levelled. To proceed, it was now evident, that the Romans were Superior by Land, and that their Hopes were not ill grounded, that L. Valerius, and L. Octacilius, the New Consuls, Successors to those who took Agrigentum, would be able to go through with the Conquest of Sicily. But still the Carthaginians were Masters at Sea, and this Regard preserved them yet in equal Terms and Hopes with their Enemy. It is true, that upon the Success at Agrigentum, many Towns and Cities in the Inland Country of Sicily, terrified with the Roman Power by Land, submitted to their Discretion, but many of those that were situate on the Coast, abandoned the Romans, through an apprehension of the Carshaginian Strength by Sea: These things being well weighed, it appeared, that the Success of the War stood yet doubtful; it was observed, that the Coast of Italy lay exposed to the Depredations of the Carthaginian Fleet, who often made Descents upon them; that Asrich was in perfect Tranquillity, and without any feeling of the Violences of the War: On these Motives the Romans determined to make Provision of a Naval Army, to match the Carthaginians on that side likewise: And this, indeed, was my Motive to enlarge, and be the more particular in setting down the Adventures of this War, and to treat distinctly about the Motives, and the Means, the Time when, and possess the Reader with the whole Series of Causes, that incited and enabled the Romans first to adventure on their Maritime Expeditions. After they had well considered, that the War was likely to last, they thought it concerned them to be Masters of a Fleet, and accordingly proceeded on their Preparations, building at their first Essay, no less than an Hundred Quinquereme Galleys, and Twenty Triremes, which could not but be a very difficult Undertaking, the Romans being totally ignorant in the Construction of this sort of Vessels, which were not yet come into use in Italy. Whence may with Admiration be gathered, the extraordinary Virtue, and wonderful Bravery of that People, in Enterprises of the greatest Hazard and Moment, who in the Minority of their Fortune, destitute of all sorts of proper Means, having never till that time so much as dreamed of Navigation, could thus at once, and as one may say, at a Heat, determine on so Adventurous an Expedition; and make the first Proof of their Skill in a Naval Battle against the Carthaginians, who held uncontested, the Dominion of the Sea, derived from their Ancestors. And that I may give a farther Evidence of my Impartial Opinion of the Roman Resolution, it may be remarked, That when they Shipped their Forces on their first Voyage to the Relief of Messina, where it imported so much to have covered Ships, they were not at that time so much as Masters of one single Galley, no not a Brigantine; but by an intrepid Hardiness of Mind, wafted over their Troops in Vessels borrowed of their Neighbours, the Tarentines, Locrians, Neapolitans, etc. But it happening, that the Carthaginians, about that time, Cruising to attack them, one of their Galleys venturing too near the Shore, chanced to be stranded, and before they could get her off, the Romans, intercepting them, took her; and by the Model of this Galley they built their first Fleet. And, but for this Favour of Fortune, who had espoused their Cause, it would have been almost impossible to have put their Purpose in Effect, so utterly Ignorant they were of the Art of Ship-building.  
And now while some were attending that Affair, others assembled their Seafaring People, to instruct them in the use of the Oar, wherein they proceeded after this manner; They caused Banks to be contrived on the Shore-side, in the same Fashion and Order as they were to be in their Galleys, and placing their Seamen with their Oars in like manner upon the Banks, they there Exercised them; an Officer for that purpose being placed in the midst, who, by Signs with his Hand, instructed them, how, at once and altogether they were to dip their Oars, and how, in like sort, to recover them out of the Water; by which means they became acquainted with the management of the Oar; and as soon as their Vessels were built, they equipped them, and put to Sea; where, after they had spent some time in practising upon the Water, what they had been learning by Land, they were ordered by the Consul to adventure along the Coast; for at that time Caius Cornelius, who was General at Sea, was absent on an Expedition to Messina, with Seventeen Vessels under his Command, to give Directions there for the Reception and Security of the Fleet; leaving Orders with the Pilots to make the best of their way to the straits, so soon as they could get ready. During Caius' abode at Messina, an occasion seemed to present for the Surprising of Lipary, but he conceiving earlier hopes of succeeding in the Design, than in Prudence he ought, went with his Squadron thither, and drew up under the Walls of the Town: Of this Design, Hannibal, who Commanded at Sea for the Carthaginians, and was as that time at Palermo, received Intelligence, and immediately dispatched away Twenty Galleys under the Command of one Bloods, a Senator; who arriving in the Night, blocked up Caius in the Harbour, and at break of Day, landing his Men, set upon the Romans: In this Surprise, Caias saw no Remedy, but to submit, and accordingly yielded himself up: So the Carthaginians possessing themselves of the Vessels, and the Principal Roman Officers, made the best of their way back to Hannibal. But not long after this Adventure of Caius, so much talked of, and applauded, it wanted but little that Hannibal himself had been taken in the like Snare. He receiving Advice, that the Roman Fleet was at Sea, and Cruising on the Coast of Italy, not far off; takes with him Fifty Galleys, and went a Head of his Fleet, to view, and be himself a Witness of the Number, and Posture of the Enemy; and standing towards Italy, the Romans, it seems, happening to be nearer than he was ware of, surprised him with their whole Fleet in order of Battle. In this Rancounter he lost the greatest part of his Squadron, and escaped narrowly himself, when every-body despaired of his Safety.  
The Romans, after this, made the best of their way for Sicily, and receiving Advice of the Defeat of Caias, sent an Express forthwith for Duilius, who then had the Command of their Land-Forces in the Island: But while they attended his coming, receiving Advice, that the Enemies Fleer was at hand, they prepared to engage them. But, forasmuch as their Vessels were not built with extraordinary Art; and, consequently, were found somewhat unwieldy in working, it came into their Heads to recompense this defect, by contriving some new Invention, that might be of use to them in Fight; and then was devised that Machine, which was afterwards called Corvus, which Engine was framed after the following manner: They erected on the Prow of their Vessels, around piece of Timber, of about a Foot and half Diameter, and about Twelve Foot long; on the top whereof they had a Block or Pully; round this piece of Timber they framed a Stage or Platform of Board's, four Foot broad, and about eighteen Foot long, which was well framed, and fastened with Iron; the Entrance was longways, and it moved about the aforesaid upright piece of Timber, as on a Spindle, and could be hoist up within six Foot of the Top; about this was a sort of Parapet, Knee high, which was defended with upright Bars of Iron, sharpened at the ends, towards the top whereof there was a Ring: This Machine, resembling, in some sort, our fashioned Mills. To be short, it was slung by those Rings, which by the help of the Poultry was hoist and lowered at pleasure. And with this they attacked the Enemy's Vessels, sometimes on their Bow, and sometimes on the Broadside, as occasion best served: So when ever they grappled the Enemy with those Engines, if they happened to swing Broadside to Broadside, than they entered from all parts, but in case they attacked them on the Bow, they entered two and two by the help of this Engine; the foremost defending the forepart, and those that followed the Flanks, keeping the Boss of their Bucklers levelly with the top of the Parapet. In this posture the Romans prepared for the Battle.  
As soon as Caius Duilius had notice of the Adventure of their General by Sea, he left the Land-Army to the Conduct of the several Colonels, and hastened himself to the Fleet; where, upon his arrival, receiving Advice that the Enemy ravaged the Country on the Coast of Mylas, he made the best of his way with the whole Fleet, to Encounter them. The Carthaginians, on their side, greatly rejoiced when they descried the Romans, and forthwith detached a Squadron of an Hundred and Thirty of their Ships, and stood off to Sea towards them, whom they held in so great Contempt, that they advanced with their Prows directly upon them, careless of any Order of Battle, dreaming of nothing but certain Victory, and the Pillage of the Enemy. He who commanded the Carthaginian Fleet, was the same Hannibal who defended and made his escape with the Army by Night from Agrigentum. His own Vessel was a Galley of Seven Banks of Oars, belonging formerly to Pyrrhus' King of Epyrus: But as they approached, the Carthaginians became greatly surprised at the sight of those Engines we before mentioned, and stood sometime in suspense at the Novelty, never having before seen the like. Howbeit, this did not diminish their Contempt of the Enemy; and the headmost, by the boldness of their attack, made it appear how little they valued them. But the Romans grappling with them, by the help of their Engines, entering by them with ease, came to fight hand to hand with them, upon Deck, as on firm Ground: Some of the Carthaginians were slain, others yielded upon Quarter, frighted at the extraordinary effect of this new and wonderful Invention. They lost in the Fight, of those that came first to engage, Thirty Ships, with their whole Company, of which number Hannibal's Galley we mentioned, was one, who escaped himself in a small Boat, when he was by all given for lost, after having performed the Duty of a gallant and able Leader. At length the rest of the Fleet came up, but when they perceived the Defeat of their first Squadron, they held it safer to shun tempting their Fortune too far, and were surprised too at the sight of those new Engines. They therefore having greatly the Advantage in the lightness of their Vessels, used their best skill by nimbly rowing round them, to attack them with most safety; but when they observed, that which way soever they approached, those Machine's were still traversed and opposed to them, they were at length compelled to yield the Honour of the Day to the Romans, retiring with the lost of Fifty of their Ships.  
But the Romans Hopes were raised by this Success, who having against the Judgement of all the World, proved a Match for the Carthaginians at Sea, resolved to prosecute the War with greater Application; and forthwith landing their Forces on the Island, marched to the Relief of Aegesta, which was straight pressed by the Enemy, where they raised the Siege, and from thence, in a breath, marched to the Attack of Macella, which they took by Assault. After these Successes, Hamilcar, the Carthaginian General by Land, who was then at Palermo, receiving Intelligence of a Sedition in the Roman Army, occasioned by a Dispute between the Legions and Auxiliaries of the Allies about Precedency, which came to a Separation of the Army; the Strangers retiring from the Romans, and being about to Encamp by themselves between Paropus and Thermas; the Carthaginians surprised them, and slew to the number of Four Thousand.  
Hannibal, upon his defeat at Sea, returned with the remainder of the Fleet to Carthage, and being reinforced with more Ships and able Officers, he put to Sea again for Sardinia; where he no sooner arrived, when he was surprised in Harbour by the Romans, who took many of his Ships. These Misfortunes begat a Mutiny in the remainder of the Army, who seized on his Person, and Crucify'd him. And here in may be noted, that the Romans, as soon as they saw themselves Masters at Sea, formed Designs likewise on Sardinia. The following Year produced little or nothing Memorable in Sicily. But on the creating their new Consuls, Aulus Atilius and C. Sulpitius, these, on their arrival, marched with the Army directly towards Palermo, which at that time was the Carthaginians Winter-Quarter; where, as soon as they had posted themselves, the Confuls drew out the Army in Battle, but the Enemy lay quiet within the Town, whereupon they marched to Hippona, which they carried by assault. They likewise took Mytistratus, a strong place, which cost them Time and Trouble to reduce; and formally besieged Camarina, and attacked it by Works and Engines, and, in the end, retook it, that place having before deserted their Party; and, after having taken Enna, and several other places of less importance belonging to the Carthaginians, they prepared to sit down before Lipara.  
The following Year the Roman Consul, C. Atilius, being with the Fleet at Tyndaris, deseryed the Carthaginian Fleet standing along the Coast in a confused and careless manner, whereupon he ordered a Squadron of Ten Galleys to give them chase. But the Carthaginians observing them to Embark their Men, and that some were already put off, and got out of the Port, and that the headmost were a good distance from the reft; they thereupon tacked, and standing toward them, quickly surrounded them, and sank, and destroyed the greatest part of that Squadron, where the Admiral-Gally was in great danger of being taken, and, only by her lightness, and the force of her Oars, escaped, after she was given for lost. But the other part of the Roman Fleet that was ordered to follow, after they were got together, and had ranged themselves into order of Battle, engaged the Enemy, taking Ten of their Vessels, with their Equipage, and sinking Eight: Whereupon the Carthaginians retired with the remainder of their Fleet, to the Islands of Lipara. But, for as much as the Success of this Ba●tel stood doubtful, and either thought he had the better of the other in the Conflict, they therefore set themselves to work with all their might upon their Naval Preparations, to prosecute their Contention for the Dominion of the Sea. In the mean while their Troops perform little by Land, engaging in no Action of importance; but having increased their Naval Power on both sides, they put to Sea the following Summer. The Romans arrived at Messina with a Fleet of Three Hundred and Thirty Vessels, as well long as covered, from whence they stood along the Coast of Sicily to the Right-hand, and having doubled the Cape of Pachin, they stood towards E●nome, where their Land-Forces then were. The Carthaginians arrived first at Lilibaeum, their Fleet consisting of Three Hundred and Fifty Sail, fitted for Service; from thence they went to Heraclea Minoa, where they remained at Anchor.  
The Romans had now formed a Design to Transport the War into afric, to the end the Carthaginians might find Employment in the Defence and Preservation of their own Country, while they were solicitous to contest for the Mastery in Sicily; but the Carthaginians, who knew full well how easy it was for an Army to march to Carthage; and that it would be no difficulty for an Enemy, who had once got footing in their Country, to make what Spoil he pleased; made appear by their eagerness to come to a Battle, that they were resolved to oppose this Design of the Romans with their utmost Power; so that the one Party having determined to Defend, and the other to Assault, it was not difficult to foresee, by the Obstinacy that appeared in either, that they would soon come to a Battle. The Romans than took care, so to provide themselves of all things necessary, as to be in a Posture and Condition, either to make a Descent on the Enemy's Coast, or to give them Battle by Sea. To this end, after they had first selected all the prime Men of their Land-Forces, they divided the Army, into four Divisions; to each of which they gave two Names; the first they called the First Legion, and the First Fleet, observing the like order in the rest; saving that the fourth Division had no other Name than Triarians, after the manner of their Land-Army. In this Fleet there were a Hundred and Forty Thousand Men that bore Arms; each Galley had Three Hundred Rowers, and One Hundred and Twenty Soldiers. As to the Carthaginians, who were most bend on a Sea-Ingagement, their Naval Preparations were greater than that of the Romans; and as they exceeded them in the Number of their Ships, so their Army was proportionably greater, consisting of One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Fight Men. And who now could contemplate the mighty Hazard to which those two contending States were exposed, and but hear the Account of the Preparations of such Fleets and Armies, without Astonishment, and taking part in the Peril with which they threatened each other? The Romans had resolved to keep the Sea, as concluding it to be their safest Course, the Carthaginians having the Advantage of them in the nimbleness and ready working of their Galleys; wherefore they endeavoured, above all things, so to draw up, and form their Fleet, that by the good Order and Disposition of their Battle, the Enemy might be the more cautious how they approached to attack them: which was, in a word, after this manner: The two Consuls, M. Atilius Regulus, and L. Manlius, were in the two Admiral-Gallies, in the Front of their two distinct Squadrons, each of them just a-head of their own Divisions, and abreast of each other; the First Fleet being posted on the Right, the Second on the Left, making two long Files, or Lines of Battle; and whereas it was necessary to give a due space between each Galley, to ply their Oars, and keep clear one of another, and to have their Heads or Prows looking somewhat outwards; this manner of drawing up did therefore naturally form an Angle, the point whereof was at the two Admiral-Gallies, which were near together; and as their two Lines were prolonged, so the distance grew consequently wider and wider towards the Rear; in this manner was the First and Second Fleet disposed. The Third Legion was drawn up Frontways, in the Rear of the First and Second, and so stretching along from Point to Point, composed a Triangle, whereof this Third Line was the Base. Their Vessels of Burden, that carried their Horses and Baggage were in the Rear of these, and were, by the help of small Boats provided for that purpose, towed or drawn after them. In the Rear of all was the Fourth Fleet, called the Triarians, drawn up likewise in Rank or Frontways; parallel to the Third; but these made a longer Line, by which means the Extremities stretched out and extended beyond the two Angles at the Base. The several Divisions of the Army, being thus disposed, formed, as is said, a Triangle; the Area within was void, but the Base contained what we have already mentioned. In a word, the Roman Fleet being formed into this Figure, was disposed for all that could happen; nor would it have been an easy matter to have broken them.  
The Carthaginian Generals, in the mean time, animated their Soldiers all they could in few words, letting them know, That if they overcame the Romans in this Battle, the War would then be prosecuted in Sicily only; but if they should be beaten, they would then be driven to fight for the Preservation of their Native Country, their own Inheritance, and their Wives and Children. In short, they gave order for the speedy embarking their People, which the Soldiers cheerfully obeyed, every one reflected on what their Officers had remonstrated; so they drew out of their Port, full of Hopes and Resolution. When the Carthaginians had observed how the Roman Army was drawn up, they then determined after what manner to form their Battle: Accordingly they disposed their Fleet into four Squadrons or Divisions, and drew it out into one long File; that part to the Right of this Line, stretched a great way out into the Sea, as if their Purpose had been to enclose and surround the Romans, their Prows pointing directly upon them; the Fourth Squadron, which was the Left of the Line, kept close under the Shoar, disposed in manner of a Tenail: Hanno, one of the Generals, he who had succeeded so ill at. Agrigentum, was on the Right with the First Squadron, having with him all the nimble, and best rowing Vessels of the Fleet, being such as were proper to Attack and Retreat, and for their lightness could row round the Romans. Hamilcar, the same that fought near Tindaris, commanded the Left-wing; who after they came to Engage, devised a Stratagem, which showed him an Officer of Experience.  
The Romans having observed, that the Carthaginians, by stretching their Battle to so great a length, were by that means but thinly drawn up, they therefore attacked them in the middle of their Line, where the Battle began; but the Carthaginians, pursuant to the Orders they had received, immediately retreated, with purpose to separate and put the Romans in disorder to pursue them, who accordingly pressed warmly after them; The First and Second Fleets were those who engaged in the Pursuit of the Carthaginians, who feigned to fly: Thus their Army became disjoined, the third Fleet remaining with the Baggage in a Tow, and the Triarians keeping their Post in the Rear of all. Now when the Carthaginians judged the First and Second Fleets to be sufficiently distanced from the rest, the Signal was given from Hamilcar's Galley; whereupon that part of their Fleet which was chased by the Romans immediately tacked, and made head against the Pursuers, who had followed them so eagerly; and now the Battle increased and grew warm , and albeit the Carthaginians had the advantage in the lightness and ready working of their Vessels, whether it were to Advance or Retreat, as occasion required, which they performed with great Promptitude and Facility; nevertheless the Romans lost not their assurance of Success in the end, they found themselves better Men when they came to the Swords Point, and they had great trust in their Engines wherewith they grappled and boarded the Enemy; besides the Soldiers were animated by the Presence of the Generals, in whose Eye they Fought, and who themselves engaged in equal Hazard with the rest.  
Now Hanno, who commanded the Right of the Line, and was at a good distance off from the place where the Battle began, stood out farther to Sea, and attacked the Triarians, where he succeeded so well, as to reduce them to the last Extremity; in the mean while, that Squadron of the Carthaginians that was posted on the Left, under the Shoar, ranged themselves into a Front; and turning their Prows upon the Enemy, charged that part of their Fleet that had the Guard of the Baggage and Horse-ships; whereupon the Romans casting off the Ships which they had in a Tow received the Carthaginians, and fought them with great Bravery. And now might be seen, three Naval Battles fought at one and the same time, in three several Places; but forasmuch as the Parties engaging, were of equal strength, it happened, as for the most part it doth in the like Adventures, where two contending Powers happen to be of equal Force, that Fortune gives the Victory to that side for whom she first began to declare. So Hamilcar, not being able to sustain the first Shock of the Romans, was beaten and fled with his Squadron out of the Battle; Lucius towing away such of their Ships as he had taken. In the mean while, Marcus perceiving the great Danger the Triarians were in, and the Vessels that carried their Equipage, advanced up to their Relief, taking with him the Second Fleet, which remained yet entire; whereupon the Triarians, now well-nigh vanquished, observing with what Bravery he attacked Hanno, took Heart, and renewed the Battle; insomuch that he seeing himself now assaulted from all Quarters both in Front and Rear, and that M. Atilius, contrary to all expectation, was likewise come up, and joined the Fleet, by which means they were in danger of being quite surrounded; yielded the Day to the Romans, and flying, got off to Sea. At the same time Manlius, who was now returned from the Chase, observing that the Third Fleet of the Romans had been forced under the Shoar by the left point of the Enemy's Battle, where they held them surrounded, came up to their Relief, and was seconded by Marcus, who had now rescued the Triarians and Baggage-vessels, and left them safe. In a word, this part of their Army was in great danger, and had been lost e'er this, if the Carthaginians, frighted at their new Engine, could have found Resolution to attack them, but they barely contented themselves to force them on upon the Shoar, and there to keep them beset, not daring to attempt or approach them; so great an apprehension they were under of being grappled by their Corvi. In short, the Carthaginians were now quickly beset by the Romans, who routing them, took Fifty of their Ships with their Equipage, very few either of Soldiers or Seamen escaping. Behold now the Success of these three Battles, in all which the Romans were Victors. They lost but twenty four of their own Vessels, and those perished against the Shoar; but of the Carthaginians, above Thirty were destroyed. Of the Romans not a Ship was taken, but of the Carthaginians Threescore and three.  
Sometime after this Success, the Romans making greater Preparations than ever, and having repaired and enquipped the Ships they had taken from the Enemy, and well refreshed their Army, set Sail for afric. When the Van of their Fleet had gained Cape Mercury, which is a Point of Land running out from the Gulf of Carthage, a good way into the Sea towards Sicily; they there made a Halt, and attended the Coming up of the rest of the Fleet; and when they were joined, they stood along the Coast till they came up with a Place called Aspis or Clupea, where they made their Descent, drawing up their Vessels in the Port where they secured them with a Ditch and Palisade; and finding the Inhabitants resolved to stand on their Defence, they prepared to Besiege them. In the mean while, those who escaped from the Battle, bringing News home of their Misfortune, the Carthaginians were then in no doubt, but that, encouraged by this Success, the Romans would quickly Land, and make the best of their March up to their City. They therefore dispatched Troops to oppose them and to keep Guard upon the Neighbouring Coast by Sea and Land; but when they received Advice of their being Landed, and of their Besieging Aspis, that care was over: Wherefore they now proceed to reinforce their Army with new Levies, which they performed with all possible Application, making due Provision for the Strengthening their City, and the Security of the Country. The Romans, in the interim, became Masters of Aspis, where having left a good Garrison for Defence of the Town and Country about it, and dispatched Messengers to Rome to give an Account of their Successes, and to learn the Senate's Pleasure how to proceed; they marched farther up with their whole Army to Forage and Spoil the Country. In this Expedition they plundered and destroyed a great many noble Buildings, took much Booty of all sorts of , and at least Twenty Thousand Prisoners; all which they performed without any Opposition, and brought all down to their Ships. And now they received the Senate's Answer by their Messengers, whose Pleasure was, That only one of the Consuls should remain in afric, with a competent Strength to prosecute the War, and the other should return back to Rome with the rest of the Army. So M. Atilius remained with Forty Ships, Fifteen Thousand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse; and L. Manlius returned to Rome with the rest of the Army, carrying with him many Prisoners; who Sailing along the Coast of Sicily arrived in safety.  
The Carthaginians foreseeing this War was like to last, considered on the Choice of their Generals; and first chose two, Hanno the Son of Asdrubal and Bostar. Then they sent their Orders to Hamilcar, who was now at Heraclea, to return Home with all expedition: Accordingly, he taking with him Five Thousand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse, came forthwith to Carthage; where, being chosen their Third General, he and Asdrubal fell to consult about the present posture of their Affairs; and concluded, That above all things they ought to Succour the Province, and not endure that the Romans should make their Incursions, and such Spoil upon the Country. In the mean while M. Atilius Regulus proceeds, and in a short space makes a mighty Progress; all such Towns as he attacked, that had no Walls, he carried at the first Assault; and such as were fortified he Besieged; and coming to Adda, which was a Place of Importance, he encamped not far from the Walls, and sat down before it. But the Carthaginians knowing the usefulness of that Place, and being resolved to defend the Country, marched out forthwith against him; where arriving with their Army, they posted themselves on an Eminence, which, albeit it gave them an Advantage against the Romans, was nevertheless very incommodious to themselves in all Respects; for as their greatest Strength and Hopes were in their Horse and Elephants, so abandoning the plain and proper Country, and marching and enclosing themselves in rough and inaccessible Places; they pointed out as it were to the Enemy, the Methods of their own Destruction. And so in effect it proved, for the Roman Commanders, who were Men of Experience, saw well enough, that the main Strength, and most formidable Part of the Carthaginian Army, was rendered useless by their thus keeping the Mountains, they therefore wisely managed this Error of of the Enemy, and not delaying till they should be better advised, improved the Occasion; and accordingly marched at break of Day and surrounded the Hill, where they were thus encamped, when now there could be nothing more useless to them than their Horse and Elephants. In this Occasion the Mercenaries of the Carthaginians behaved themselves gallantly, and engaging with the first Legion forced them to retreat; howbeit, being attacked in the Rear by another Party, marching about the Hill, they were at length forced to give ground, and retire; and now being hard pressed, they forsook their Camp, with their Horse and Elephants, and gaining the plain Country, saved themselves, the Romans pursuing their Foot for some space; so they took their Camp, and proceeded as before to make Inroads, taking of Towns, and spoiling the Country round about, without any Impediment. Then they marched to Tunes, and becoming Masters of that Place they lodged within the Walls, which they chose to do in regard the Situation was proper for the Purpose they had in hand, and was of all Places, the most useful to incommode and distress Carthage itself, and the Country round about it.  
The Carthaginians, who had so unfortunately managed their Affairs both by Sea and Land, not so much through the Cowardice o● their Armies, as the Insufficiency of their Chiefs, began now to despair: For, over and above the Calamities we have related, the Numidians taking the advantage of these their Troubles, had made Inroads upon them and did them as much hurt as the Roman, and in some parts of the Country under their Dominion, a great deal more. Insomuch that the People were compelled to retire and save themselves in the City, whither they brought both Fear and Famine, a mighty Multitude of all sorts flocking at once th●ther.  
And now Regulus, having weighed, that they had been too hard for the Carthaginians both by Sea and Land, and that Carthage itself was not likely to be able long to hold out, admonished them to treat about an Accommodation; fearing lest his Successor that was expected from Rome should (if he made not a Peace) deprive him of the Glory of putting an End to that War. The Carthaginians, on their part, gladly listened to the Proposal, and accordingly dispatched to Regulus some of their principal Citizens; who, after some time of Conference, were so far from yielding to the Propositions, that they had not Patience so much as to hear them repeated, they were so Infamous. For Regulus, as if he had made a complete Conquest, would have had them esteem it as a singular Grace and Benefit, to accord them a Peace upon whatsoever Conditions he should think fit to propound: But the Carthaginians were of a different: Mind, and reckoned, that nothing could befall them more shameful and calamitous, than what was demanded; and that it could not be worse with them to be entirely conquered, and brought under the Roman Yoke. So they returned, not only full of Shame to be so treated, but of Indignation at the intolerable Insolence of Regulus. The Senate, likewise, after they had heard the Terms of Peace repeated, which the Romans proposed, withstood it with so much Courage and Greatness of Mind, that albeit they were at the brink of Despair, the determined rather to abide any Adversity their worst Fortune could bring on them, than slain the Nobility of their Name and Actions by so shameful a Treaty.  
About this time, there was returned out of Greece, a Carthaginian, who had been sent thither to raise Soldiers in those parts for the Service of the State; who brought a considerable number of Recruits with him, and among the rest, a certain Lacedaemonian, called Xantippus, who had been educated according to the Spartan Discipline, and was a Person well seen in Military Affairs; he informing himself of the late Defeat of the Carthaginians, and after having been thoroughly instructed in their Strength, and the Provision they had made for the War; their number of Horse, and of their Elephants; he concluded upon the whole Matter, and so published among his Friends, That it was not the Enemy that had vanquished the Carthaginians, but the Ignorance of their Leaders. This Discourse of Xantippus was quickly spread among the People, and came at length to the knowledge o● of the Magistrates, who forthwith commanded he should be brought before them, when he reasoned the whole matter to them, and did endeavour to Demonstrate, that if by taking his Advice they would alter their manner of Fight, and, descending from th● Hills, incamp and deal with the Enemy i● the Champain Country, he assured them, no only of Safety, but of Victory. The Soldiers who were edified by these Reasons, concurred entirely with Xantippus; to whom thereupon the Conduct of the Army was forthwith given; and indeed this Advice of his was no sooner understood in the Army, but they took Heart, and conceived new Hopes: And as soon as they were marched out of the Town, and disciplined, and formed according to his Rules, the Abilities of this their new Leader, and the Ignorance of their former Captains became so visible, that the Army expressed their Joy by loud and general Acclamations, and a mighty Forwardness to be let against the Enemy; having conceived a firm Assurance that they could not miscarry under the Conduct of Xantippus. In a word, the Officers observing this Change in the Minds of the Soldiers, encouraged them with their Exhortations to behave themselves bravely; and shortly after they marched to find the Enemy, their Forces consisting of Twelve Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Horse, and about an Hundred Elephants. The Romans were a little surprised at the Novelty, to see their Enemy thus to change their manner of proceeding, by marching down, and encamping in the plain Country; but being assured of the Event, they marched toward them with all Expedition, and encamped within Twelve Hundred and Fifty Paces of the Carthaginian Army, who the next Morning held a Council of War how they should proceed, while the Soldiers assembling in great numbers, and proclaiming  the Name of Xantippus, demanded with great earnestness to be led against the Enemy. The Officers observing this their Willingness, and being urged and conjured by Xantippus not to let this their Ardour cool without Action, the Army was directed to prepare for the Battle, and the Order and Manner of their drawing up entirely committed to Xantippus; who proceeded after this manner: He drew up all the Elephants in Front, advanced some distance beyond the Line of Battle: In the Rear of these, at a good distance, he appointed the Carthaginian Battalions; in the Right Wing was disposed part of the Mercenaries, and some chosen out of them were mixed with the Horse advanced before the two points of the Battle. The Romans, seeing the Enemy now ranging into Battalia, lost no time but readily advanced against them with their usual Courage: Nevertheless, in regard they had a just Apprehension of the Force of their Elephants, they appointed their light armed Soldiers to march advanced in the Front of their Battle; and to sustain them, were placed good Troops in firm and close order. Their Horse were drawn up on the Wings, not extending in length so far as their manner usually was, which was recompensed by the addition of Depth, whereby they justly computed, that they should be the better able to sustain the shock of the Elephants; but they were entirely in the wrong touching their Horse; those of the Enemy much out-numbring them: In short, both Armies being drawn up, according to the Design of their respective Leaders, they remained some time in suspense, attending the Signal to engage.  
And now Xantippus commanded the Guides of the Elephants to advance, and attempt the breaking of the Romans Order, and to the Cavalry (which out-winged them) to surround and attack them in the Flank: And the Romans, after clashing their Arms, and giving a Shout, as their manner is, began the Battle; but their Horse perceiving themselves out-numbred by those of the Enemy, soon abandoned their Post in the Wings, and the Foot in the Left-point of their Battle, partly out of fear of the Elephants, and partly believing they should find less to do against the Mercenaries, attacked them on the Right, and put them to flight, pursuing them to their Retrenchments. But it fared otherwise with those who were opposed to the Elephants, they being disordered by those Animals, broken, killed, and trodden under foot: True it is, that the Body of that Battalian, by reason of its great depth and firm order, was not presently shaken; but when the Rear, which yet sustained them, perceived the Enemies Horse in their Flank, and that they were in danger to be surrounded, they were forced to face about to receive them. On the other hand, such of the Roman Army as had charged though the Elephants, were no sooner escaped that danger, but they encountered with the Battalion of Carthaginians, fresh, and in good order, who charging them, cut them all off. And now the Romans being attacked and worsted on all sides, many were destroyed by the rage and force of those mighty Animals, the Elephants; many were killed on the spot by the Cavalry, and very few attempted to fly; those who did, were most of them, by reason it was an open Country, slain by the Hours and the Elephants. Five hundred who followed Regulus in his flight, fell with him alive into the Enemy's Hands. Of the Carthaginians were killed about Eight Hundred; most of them Mercenaries, who were opposed to the Left Wing of the Romans, 〈◊〉 whose Army there did not escape above Two Thousand, and those were of the Party th●● broke and pursued the Carthaginians, wh●● the Battle first began, as was observed; th●● rest were all slain, saving the Consul M. A●lius Regulus, and those taken with him; an the Cohorts that remained, escaped as by Miracle to Aspis. As for the Carthaginians, 〈◊〉 soon as they had pillaged the Dead, th●●●arch'd back to their City full of Glory an● Triumph, leading the Consul with them among the rest of the Prisoners. Certainly, whosoever weighs with Judgement, the Success of this Adventure, may collect matter of much benefit for reforming the Errors of Mankind. For what is more easy to determine in this case of Regulus, than that the flatteries of Fortune are of all others the most vain and trustless; and we may behold him, who but Yesterday was triumphing in the Pride of his Success, refusing the Compassion due to a miserable People, to Day seeing himself a Captive, and in a state to implore that Grace which he refused them. In short, the Event of this Action confirms that excellent saying of Euripides, That one wise Head is more worth than many strong Hands. For it is manifest in the Case now before us, that the Counsel and Abilities of one single Person subdued the Roman Legions, who by their Experience and Bravery were esteemed Invincible, rescued a sinking and despairing Commonwealth, and restored Courage to a beaten and spiritless Army, grown stupid by their Misfortunes. Let it not therefore be thought superfluous, that we add these our Reflections, while those who shall read what we have written, may chance to be edified, and improve their Minds in that laudable Virtue of Moderation; for as there are two ways to correct Men's manners; namely, by their own Misfortunes, and the Example of those of others; so, tho' the one be more sensible, the other is more safe. It is therefore the wisest way, by shunning the Perils and Difficulties of the one when without toil or hazard we may safely contemplate the other, and take out Lessons for our Instruction at other Men's Experience. So that, in sum, it will be found, that there is no Doctrine or Method more likely to improve us in the Conduct of our Life than the Experience we may extract from the Study of History, which fairly and candidly reports to us, the Transactions of Times past; for by this means alone it is that we attain Wisdom and Experience for the bare ask, which at all Times, and in all Events, will be found most preferable: but so much by way of Refiection.  
The Carthaginians, whose Affairs had prospered to their Wish, expressed their Joy with all possible Piety towards the Gods, and mutual Congratulations and Festivals among themselves. As to Xantippus, who had so happy a share in the Advancement and Prosperity of their Affairs, he shortly after (an admirable Example of great Judgement and Wisdom) took his Leave, and departed from Carthage, foreseeing, as it were, that the Service he had done them, being a Stranger, as it was too great for a Reward, so it would soon contract him both Envy and Danger, which a Native, by the Power of Interest, Relations, and Friendship would be better able to avoid, while another would stand exposed to Ruin. There are Authors who render a different Account of Xantippus' Departure, whereof mention shall be made in a fit place. And now the Romans having received an account of the posture of their Affairs in afric, so contrary to their Expectations, applied themselves with all diligence to the repairing and equipping their Fleet, and to rescue out of danger those who had escaped from the Battle; while the Carthaginians did their utmost to reduce them, and get them into their Power; to which End they marched to Aspis, and besieged it; but the Garrison made so brave and obstinate a Defence, that after the Enemy had attempted their utmost to gain it, they were forced to raise the Siege. When the Carthaginians had received Advice that the Romans were sitting out a fresh Fleet to attack them again, they applied themselves to the refitting such of their Vessels as were out of Repair, and to build new ones to reinforce their Navy; and having equipped, and got together in a few days, a Fleet of about Two Hundred Sail, they resolved to put to Sea, and attempt to prevent the Enemy's Descent. In the mean time, the Romans had made ready, early in the Spring, a Fleet of Three Hundred and Fifty Sail; and embarking their Army under the Command of their new Consuls, M. Aemilius, and Servius Fulvius, and standing along the Coast of Sicily towards Africa, they met and fought off of Cape Mercury with the Carthaginian Fleet, which was not able to sustain the first shock, but being entirely beaten, lost in the Engagement, and Hundred and Fourteen of their Vessels, and all that was in them, to the Romans; who afterwards prosecuting their Course, arrived at Aspis; where taking their Men on Board that remained in Africa, they shaped their Course back to Sicily. And being well advanced on their way, they were surprised off of Camarina with so dreadful a Tempest, that the Losses and Hardships they sustained were without Example, and beyond Expression: So terrible it was, that of Three Hundred and Seventy odd Vessels that composed their Fleet, Fourscore only escaped Shipwreck, the rest being either foundered in the Sea, or were lost and broken against the Rocks, that whole Coast being covered with dead Bodies, and strewed with the Ruins and Fragments of their Ships, insomuch as History affords no Example of the like dreadful Disaster. And yet it may be said, that this Calamity was not owing so much to Fortune, as to the Obstinacy of the Consuls: For the Pilots endeavoured to obviate the Hazard they should be exposed to by Navigating on that Coast of Sicily, which borders on the African Sea, there being there not only no Harbours to secure Vessels in distress; but the Season too of the Year was now improper; for by Observation of the rising and setting of Orion and the Dog-Star, they compute and know the safe Seasons for Navigation. But the Consuls, contemning their Counsel, stood boldly out to Sea, in hopes that after this signal Victory, their appearing suddenly on the Coast, might terrify many Towns, and awe them to Submission: But their Folly was chastised by this memorable Loss, which they sustained upon a Motive much too little for the Hazard. The Romans have indeed this inflexibility of Mind peculiar to them, believing that whatsoever they have resolved and determined to undertake, aught to be indispensably performed; and they have established it into a Principle, That what they once had decreed to execute, cannot be impossible to bring to pass: The Effect, indeed of a generous Obstinacy, but the Cause oftentimes of their falling into pernicious Errors and Misfortunes, and their sustaining unspeakable Losses, especially in their Naval-Expeditions. As to their Exploits by Land, where the Encounter is only Man to Man, their Courage frequently conducts them to the Success they propose, by reason their Adventures are with Men like themselves; and yet there want not Examples wherein their Measures and Forces have failed, and they have sunk and miscarried under the weight of their Enterprises. But whenever, by a temerarious Audacity, they act against these raging Elements, and attempt to vanquish the Sea and Wind, they are sure to reap no other Fruit of their Obstinacy, than Loss and Calamity. This we have now mentioned, is an Instance, and they have heretofore smarted by the like Errors; and they shall always stand liable to the same Disasters, till they appear better advised and instructed in the Weakness of that over weaning Presumption, which they are apt to entertain in all their Designs, vainly imagining, that both Sea and Land should on all occasions consent and open their way to Success in all their Enterprises.  
The Carthaginians, upon Advice of this Misfortune of the Romans at Sea, were of Opinion, That they should now be a Match for them by Land, whereunto they were persuaded through the late Victory they had gained. That they should be equal to them likewise by Sea, they had no doubt, by reason of their late great Loss by Tempest; howbeit, they omitted not to reinforce their Strength both by Sea and Land. They dispatched Asdrubal into Sicily, to whom, besides the Forces already there, they ordered a farther Supply of Troops out of those that were lately drawn out of Heraclea, together with an Hundred and Forty Elephants: He was no sooner departed, but they sent after him Two Hundred Vessels laden with all things necessary for the Service of the War Asdrubal, being safely arrived at Lilybaeum, applied himself with diligence to Exercise and Discipline his Troops and Elephants, intending to spread his Arms all over the Country, and to make himself entire Master of the Field. As for the Romans, they were not without a very sensible Sorrow, when by those who had escaped Shipwreck, they received an Account of the mighty Loss they had sustained at Sea; nevertheless, being determined not to yield the Advantage to the Enemy, they ordered a new Fleet to be speedily built, to consist of Two Hundred and Twenty Sail; which Fleet (a wonderful and incredible thing to relate) was completely built and finished in the space of three Months; on which the new Consuls, Aulus Atilius, and C. Cornelius, speedily embarked; who, after having passed the Straight, and touched at Messina, to take with them the Vessels that had been saved in the late Storm, shaped their Course for Palermo with a Naval-Army consisting of three Hundred Sail, and forthwith sat down and besieged that place, which then was the Capital City of the Carthaginians in Sicily. They made their Attacks in two several places, and when their Works were advanced to their Minds, they approached with their Engines of Battery, by which, a Tower or Work standing near the Sea, was quickly, and without much trouble, demolished; at which Breach the Soldiers entered, and took by Assault, and kept Possession of that Quarter of the City called the New Town, whereby the place itself was put into manifest danger; but the Inhabitants coming seasonably in to the Relief, they advanced no farther; so the Consuls, after they had put a good Garrison into the place they had taken, returned back to Rome. Early the next Summer the new Consuls, C. Servilius, and C. Sempronius, sailed over to Sicily with all their Naval Power, and from thence, soon after, stood for the Coast of afric, where they made several Descents, but performed nothing of moment; at length arriving at the Island of the Letophagy, which is likewise called Meninx, not far distant from the Lesser Syrtis, or Flats; here, being unacquainted with the Coast, their Fleet fell among the Sands, where their Vessels grounded, and stuck fast, as if they had been , and there remained till the Flood fetched them off; when with great difficulty and hazard, throwing their Lumber overboard, they made a shift to escape. From thence, like People flying from an Enemy, they stood away for the Coast of Sicily; and after they had doubled the Cape of Lilybaeum they got into the Port of Palermo. But from thence, steering their Course homeward, a Storm took them in the Phare of Messina, where, by a blind Obstinacy, they were embayed; which Storm attacked them with such violence, that above an Hundred and Fifty of their Ships miscarried. Things happening thus adverse to them by Sea, tho' the Senate and People could not subdue their Thirst of Glory and Empire, nevertheless these Losses and Calamities, and the Straits to which they were now reduced, prevailed with them to quit all farther Attempts of trying their Fortune by Sea; so they now totally abandoned all thoughts of Naval Preparations. And determining to rely solely on their Land Armies, they dispatched the Consuls, L. Caecilius, and Cn. Furius to Sicily with the Legions, alloting them only about Threescore Vessels whereon securely to embark and waft over the Army, their Baggage and Ammunition. These Misfortunes of the Romans much augmented the Carthaginian Glory and Fame in the World, and gave a new face to their Affairs. In a word, as the Romans had now yielded them up the Dominion of the Sea, it was no difficulty for them to be entirely Masters there; nor were they without hopes of succeeding in their Affairs by Land; nor did they reckon very wide of the matter, for from the time of the Defeat of the Roman Army, by the Assistance of the Elephants, which discomposed and broke their Ranks in the Battle fought in afric, where those Animals made such Destruction of their People, the Soldiers became so terribly awed, that tho' they had been on several occasions drawn up in Battalia to engage within five or six Furlongs of the Carthaginian Army; sometimes in the Territory of Selinunce, sometimes about Lilybaeum, yet for the space of Two Years together they wanted Resolution to engage them, or to adventure to abide in the Champain Country, so great a Dread they had conceived of the Fury and Shock of those stupendous Beasts: So that little or no Progress was made in their Affairs during all that space, saving the taking of Lipary and Thermes, the Army continuing cooped up in the Mountains, and inaccessible Places. Wherefore the Romans, observing this Terror among their Legions, took a Resolution once more, to tempt their Fortune by Sea: Accordingly upon the Creation of C. Atelius, and L. Manlius' Consuls, they ordered the Building of Fifty Vessels, and Levies of Men for that Service; and now they had a Navy once again established.  
Asdrubal having observed this Dread that possessed the Roman Army, when ever he presented them Battle, and having Intelligence that one of the Consuls was now returned back to Rome, and one half of the Army with him; and that Caecilius with the rest of the Troops was at Palermo, assisting their Allies in gathering their Harvest, their Corn being now ripe; he marched out of Lilybaeum with his Troops, and came and encamped on the Borders of the Territory of Palermo. Caecilius observing this weak Proceeding of the Carthaginian, kept his People within the Walls of the Town, thereby to engage him to Advance nearer; which Asdrubal accordingly did, persuaded thereto by the show of Fear the Romans were under, and imagining that Caecilius had not Resolution to appear in the Field, he rashly adventured his Army into a narrow Strait; and albeit he wasted the Country to the very Walls of Palermo, Caecilius nevertheless held his first Determination, not to move till the Enemy had passed the River that runs close by the Town. When, in short, after the Elephants and the whole Army had got over, he ordered some of his light armed Soldiers, to advance out against them to Pickeer, and draw them the more boldly on. And observing all things to succeed as he had projected, he posted a Body of select and skilful Soldiers on the Counterscarp of the Town, with Orders, that if the Elephants advanced upon them, to Attack them with Darts and missive Weapons, and in case they should be pressed by those Animals, that they should then retire into the Ditch; and from thence gall and molest them all they could. He ordered the Towns People at the same time to furnish themselves with great quantities of Darts, and post themselves without the Town at the Foot of the Walls, and there abide in a Posture of Defence. Caecilius himself with all his Troops remained in readiness at a certain Gate of the Town, that was opposed to the Right Wing of the Enemy, from whence he sustained the Troops with fresh Supplies of Men, who were already engaged. In a word, the Battle began now to grow warm, and the Leaders of the Elephants being resolved to be Sharers with Asdrubal in the Honour of the Day, proceeding as if they designed the Victory should be wholly owing to them, advanced all in order upon the Romans, whom they soon forced to give Ground and retire into the Ditch. But now the Elephants smarting with the Wounds they had received, and vexed with the Darts wherewith they were galled both from the Ditch and the Walls of the Town, began to grow unruly, fell upon their own People, and destroyed many, and put their Troops in disorder. This being observed by Caecilius, he forthwith sallied out with his Troops fresh and in good order, and attacking the Enemy in Flank, who were already in Confusion, flew many, and put the rest of the Army to flight. Ten Elephants were then taken with the Indians their Guides, and others who had lost their Leaders fell likewise into their Hands after the Battle. The happy Issue of this Action go● Caecilius the Reputation  of having restored the Roman Courage by Land to attempt encamping in the open and plai● Country, and to know how to behave themselves well again out of their Retrenchments. There was great Joy at Rome on the arrival of the News of this Defeat, not so much on account of the Elephants which had been taken, tho' it was a very sensible Blow to the Enemy, but because the taking of those Animals, and the Victory obtained against them, had restored the Soldiers Resolution. Wherefore they determined once again, as had been proposed (to the end they might at any rate put a Period to this War) to dispatch the Consuls away with a new Navy. And when all things were in readiness for the Expedition, they departed for Sicily with a Fleet of Two Hundred Sail, it being now the Fourteenth Year of the first Punic War: And being arrived on the Coast of Lilybaeum, and their Troops already in Sicily being assembled thereabout, they resolved to sit down before that City; concluding, that the possession of such a Post, would greatly facilitate the transporting the War into afric. The Carthaginians were of the same Opinion with the Romans in that Point, they therefore Postponing all other matters for the present, employed their utmost Counsels and Endeavours to secure and secure that Place, leaving nothing undone whereby to compass it. Foreseeing, that should it once fall into the Enemy's Hands, the Island being now entirely theirs, Depranum only excepted, the Carthaginians would be without any Stake or Footing. whereby to sustain or carry on the War. But that I may not talk obscurely to those who are not acquainted with the Geography of Sicily, I will here endeavour first to give some light into the Situation of that Island: The whole Island of Sicily is situate, with respect to the extreme Parts of Italy, in a manner as Pelopennesus is to Greece, and the Frontiers thereof; with this difference only, that this latter is a Peninsula. In brief, one may arrive at Pelopennesus by Land by means of the Isthmus, but to Sicily we cannot go but by Sea. Sicily bears the form of a Triangle, at each Corner whereof is a certain Cape or Promontory: That which looks Southward, and runs out into the Sea of Sicily, is called Cape Pachine: That which regards the North, is called Pelorus, where the Sea is almost shut out, the Island being there not above Fifteen Hundred Paces distant from the Continent: The third Cape, which looks toward Africa, is called the Cape of Lilybaeum. This Island is commodiously situate, to Navigate from any of these Headlands to Carthage, which hath been already noted; being distant about an Hundred and Twenty Five Miles; the Wester-most Coast winds somewhat with a Compass, and parts the African and Sardinian Seas. There is a City near this forementioned Cape, bearing likewise the same Name, being that which we have already mentioned, which the Romans besieged; it was begirt a strong Wall, and environed with a good Ditch, which was filled with Water from the Sea, from whence likewise one might go to the Haven, which was extreme difficult of access; unless to such, who by long Practice were perfectly acquainted with the way. This Town then the Romans besieged, making their Attacks in two several places, investing it with their two Camps, which held Communication by means of a Retrenchment, fortified with a Ditch, a Rampart, and a Wall. They made their first Approaches against a Tower, or Work, standing by the Seaside, which looks towards afric, and by their Diligence and incessant Application, adding something every Day, they soon demolished that and Six other Towers standing near it, and then they made way to approach with their Ram to batter the other Works. And having now demolished a great part of the Wall, and many of their Towers being shaken, and some laid level with the Ground, the Besieged began to be hard pressed, the Enemy having made a Lodgement even within their Works. Insomuch, that tho' they had a Garrison in the Town of Ten Thousand Men, Besides the Inhabitants, they could not conceal the Terror they were under. Nevertheless, Hamilcar the Governor, performed the part of a Diligent and Able Officer, by Fortyfying and Rebuilding such Works as the Enemy had demolished, by making Countermines where it was found needful; and, in a word, by endeavouring to find Work enough for the Besiegers, wherever they pressed him. His Diligence was such, as it might be said, He was present ; he was watchful of all Occasions of molesting the Enemy, sometimes by burning their Engines; sometimes, to the end to divert them Day and Night, he would make hazardous Sallies; insomuch, that it might be said, They lost more Men, than if they had fought ranged Battles in the Field.  
While Affairs stood in this Posture, a piece of Treachery was discovered: Certain Officers, of a principal Rank among the Mercenaries, who served in the Town, confiding in the Soldiers readiness to follow them, conspired to deliver up the Place; and by Night, went over to the Roman Camp, to Negotiate their Purpose with the Consul; but it happened, that a certain Achaean, Alexo by Name, one who had done the like grateful piece of Service in the Preservation of Agrigentum, which the Mercenaries would have likewise betrayed to the Syracusians, discovered this Conspiracy to Hamilcar, who immediately thereupon, assembled the Commanders of those Mercinaries that remained in the Town, to whom he imparted the Treason, conjuring them with Promises of great Rewards and Preferments to preserve their Fidelity, and not to be Partakers in the Villainy, wherein those who were now absent were engaged. Whereupon, having frankly assured him of their Faith, he dispatched them to deal likewise with their Soldiers. He likewise employed Hannibal to the Gauls, whom they both knew and loved, having served among them; observing by the way, that this Hannibal was Son of Him of the same Name who was murdered in Sardinia. He likewise sent Alexo to the other Foreigners who was in great Esteem among them, and in whom they had great Confidence. In short, the Persons thus employed, having summoned the several Nations with which they were to Treat, and Exhorting and Conjuring them to continue firm in their Obedience, and promising them ample Rewards from their General; they were easily won to give them sincere assurances of their Faith; insomuch, that when their Agents were returned from the Roman Camp to render an Account of their Negotiation, they were so far from consenting or listening to them, that they drove them away with Darts and Stones. Thus by the Infidility of their Mercenaries, the Carthaginians had been reduced to great Straits, and their Enterprises defeated, had not Alexo, who had already by his singular Virtue preserved Agrigentum, both the Town and Country, their Laws and Liberties, performed now the like eminent piece of Service for them, in detecting so dangerous a Conspiracy.  
Although at Carthage they were yet without any account of the Pressure of Lilybaeum, they were not nevertheless unmindful of the Necessities they concluded they must needs be in, who had undergone so long and straight a Siege. They therefore decreed them a Supply of as many Soldiers as could be carried in Fifty Vessels, who were dispatched under the Command of Hannibal, the Son of Hamilcar, and Adherbal's intimate Friend; who, after he had been exhorted to govern and comport himself as their Affairs upon the place should counsel him, he was forthwith dispatched with Instructions however to attempt speedily, by all ways possible, to secure the Town. Hannibal being now departed with a Supply of Ten Thousand Men, and arriving safely at the Isles of Aegusa, which lie in the way between Carthage and Lilybaeum; he there attended a fair Wind, to waft him to his Port, which no sooner presented, but he put to Sea, and came with a flown Sheet before the Mouth of the Harbour, ordering his Soldiers to be ranged in a fight Posture on the Decks of his Vessels. In the mean while, the Roman Fleet, surprised at this unlooked for arrival of the Cathaginians, and fearing, if they should attempt to hinder them, they might be forced into the Port, together with the Enemy, by the violence of the Wind, they therefore thought it adviseable not to attack them: So they kept their Station, having a good Offin, and contented themselves to abide there, and wonder at this hardy Attempt of the Carthaginians. In the mean while, the Garrison being drawn together upon the Walls of the Town, stood expecting, with great Anxiety, the Success of the Adventure, and greatly encouraged at the arrival of this Succour, did, by their Cries and Acclamations, much animate their approaching Friends. Thus Hannibal, by an intrepid Assurance, compassed his Design, getting safe into the Haven, where he speedily landed his Soldiers. The Town expressed great Joy by this Reinforcement of their Garrison; and tho' the Succour was great in effect, and much comforted and encouraged them, howbeit they were less affected with the pleasure of their Relief, than to behold the Romans tamely consenting to their Passage, without daring to oppose them. And now Hamilcar the Governor, observing the general Joy upon this their increase of Strength, and weighing farther, that they had not yet felt any extraordinary Hardships incident to a Town straitened by a Siege; wisely resolved not to permit the Inclination he observed in the Soldiers, to attempt something upon the Enemy, to cool without Exercise; he resolved therefore, that their first business should be to attack and burn the Roman Engines, while this warm Fit lasted; accordingly he assembled the Garrison and Townsmen, and increased this their Ardour by his Exhortations, which were suited to the present occasion; promising magnificent Rewards to such as should signalise themselves in the Action; and farther assured them of grateful Largesses from the Republic. And now all, as it were with one Voice, expressing their Willingness to engage, he dismissed them to take their Repose; letting them know, that this Cheerfulness of theirs greatly pleased him, directing them carefully to obey their Leaders. Then he assembled his Officers, distributing their several Posts, and distinguishing them according to their Talents; some to secure and sustain, others to attack; giving the Word, and assigning the time when they should Sally, and directing that all things should be in a readiness at the several Posts by break of Day: These Orders being punctually observed, as soon as they could see to march, Hamilcar ordered them to sally out and attack the Machine's in several places at once. The Romans, who were well ware of what might happen, were not on their side to seek, being prepared for the utmost that could besal them; wherefore, with great readiness they advanced against the Enemy, resisting and disputing with a Courage worthy of the Roman Name; till at length, the access of fresh Supplies, as occasion pressed, it came to pass, that their whole Strength on both sides became engaged, and a Battle was fought under the Walls of the Town; for there sallied out of the Garrison no less than Two and Twenty Thousand Men, while those of the Romans much exceeded that number. But forasmuch as this Conflict was managed without any Order or formal drawing up, every Party engaging after their own Humour, the Action became by that means much more violent; for, in short, tho' the two Bodies that fought were numerous, yet the Engagement was a kind of Combat Man to Man, but the heat of the Conflict was about the Engines; for those who were appointed to attack and defend, obeyed their Orders with such Gallantry on both sides, that the Emulation became very bloody, neither Party giving place to the other, but obstinately dying on the spot where they were posted. In the mean while, those of the Carthaginians who brought Fire and combustible Matter wherewith to destroy the Engines, performed their part with so much Resolution, that the Romans despairing longer to sustain the Attack, were giving all for lost, when Hamilcar seeing many of his People slain, and observing that they were not yet Masters of the Enemy's Works, which was a principal part of his Design; he ordered to sound a Retreat; so that the Romans, who were on the point of losing both their Machine's and their whole Equipage of War, having in the end preserved their Works, preserved in effect all, and might be said, in some sort, to have had the better of the Day. After this Hannibal passing in the Night by the Enemy's Camp, went to Drepanum, there to Consult with Adherbal, who Commanded in that Place for the Carthaginians. This Town having a commodious Port, and being within Fifteen Miles of Lilybaeum, was of that Consequence, that they thought it imported them to keep it by any means in their Possession. In the mean while, those of Drepanum having been some time without any Intelligence from Lilybaeum, and having an anxious Desire to know the state of their Condition; all Correspondence by Land being cut off through the straitness of the Siege, and the vigilance of the Enemy; a certain Rhodian called Hannibal, a Man of Condition among them, undertook to get into Lilybaeum by Sea, and so bring them Intelligence how their Affairs stood. This Undertaking was very well received, but every body despaired of the Success of the Enterprise, in regard the Roman Fleet rid at Anchor, and kept a Guard at the Haven's Mouth, on the very Spot by which he was to pass, Nevertheless, the Rhodian, with a Vessel of his own, prepared for his Voyage, and going off to Sea, got under covert of one of those Islands that lie opposite to Lilybaeum, and the next Morning with a fair Wind, and a fresh Gale, he stands away for the Port; and passing in view of the Enemy, got, by Ten a Clock, safely in, to their great Astonishment and Surpise, at the boldness of the Attempt; and the next Day he prepared for his Return. In the mean while the Consul gave strict Orders to have a more careful Eye on the Entrance of the Port on all sides; and directed, that by Night their nimblest Vessels should be appointed to be on the Guard, while himself with his Land-forces attended on the Shoar. So the Vessels were posted on both sides, and placed as near the Shoar as the Shallows would permit, having their Oars a-peike (as the Term is) like so many Wings displayed, ready for flight after the Quarry they expected. But the Rhodian relying on his Knowledge, and the Lightness of his Vessel, passed in open Day through all those Guards of the Enemy that awaited him; nor did he only escape without Hazard of himself, and those that were with him, but in a kind of Mockery and Contempt of the Enemy, he would often lie upon his Oars, and then take a turn and row quite round them, as it were to provoke them to Fight. In short, Hannibal happily executed his Enterprise, and found plainly, that by the excellent make of his Galley, the Romans despaired to deal with him, and beheld himself as it were Triumphing over their whole Fleet. He frequently after passed and repassed, whereby he performed great Service to the Carthaginians, by bringing Advice, and carrying their Orders, to the great Encouragement of the Besieged, and the Amazement of the Romans at so successful a Temerity. But we are to consider the Encouragement he had for so adventurous an Undertaking, namely, his perfect Knowledge of the Passage and Channel that was to conduct him over the Flats or Shallows; moreover, his use was, that whensoever he was discovered at Sea, he would work his Vessel in such manner as if he had steered his course from Italy, and then bring a certain Tower that stood nearest the Sea, right ahead; that Tower covered him from the sight of the other Towers which respected the Coast of afric; and by that very means alone it was, that Vessels coming with a frank Gale under the covert of that Tower gained a safe Passage. The lucky Hardiness of the Rhodian, gave Encouragement to others, who were well acquainted with the Place, to attempt the like; which being found of very ill Consequence to the Romans, they resolved upon blocking and choking the Mouth of the Port entirely up, but found it a Work of mighty difficulty, not being able to fix the the Matter that was brought for that purpose, so as to hinder the Stream from removing and carrying it away: insomuch, that they laboured long at this Work without effect: Nevertheless, this Rubbish, which by mighty labour they had brought together, chanced on a place at length wherein to settle, and there begat a new Bank or Shallow, whereon a certain Carthaginian Galley, attempting to get out in the Nighttime ran aground, and so fell into the Enemy's Hands. The Romans, being Masters of the Vessel, equipped her, and Manning her with chosen Soldiers, and their best Rowers, placed her on the Guard, to have an Eye on those Vessels that went in and out of the Port, and to have a special Watch upon the Rhodian, who getting into the Haven in the Night by his usual Address, was returning out in broad Day. But when he perceived the working of this new Vessel, that she pursued him turning and boarding lightly after him according to his own manner, for she happened to be a Galley of a singular Built; he became much surprised, and thought it his best course to trust now to the lightness of his Vessel, and make the best of his way from them; but finding himself now in the Snare, and no other way left but Fight, he resolutely determined to Engage them; but the Romans out-numbring them, and being all chosen Men, soon determined the Dispute: So that now being Masters likewise of this excellent Vessel, they Manned her, and furnished her with all things necessary, after which there were no more Attempts to go in and out of the Port of Lilybaeum.  
When the Carthaginians had spent much time, and had, with great Industry and Travel, repaired the Ruins, and rebuilt and fortified the Breaches made in their Walls; and when they had given over all hopes of destroying the Enemy's Works, there happened a great Storm of Wind to arise, which blew with that violence on the Romans, that it broke and rendered useless their Machine's and Engines with which they shot into the Town; and even overturned some of their Towers, whereupon certain Greek Soldiers took Assurance to believe it would not be very hard to prosecute what the Tempest had already done, in a good degree, to their hands, and imparted their Project to the Governor, who approving the Proposition, forthwith made provision of all things necessary to put it in execution; accordingly they sallied out, and applying Fire in three several places to the Roman Machine's, the Wind and the dryness of the Materials (their Works having been long built) soon set all in a flame; insomuch, that the Romans found it impossible to stop its Progress, or apply any present Remedy, such was their Fright and Surprise. Furthermore, it being in the Night, the Smoke and Fire, which by force of the Wind were driven in their Faces, greatly annoyed them, as did the fall of their Engines and Works, which destroyed many e'er they could approach near enough to extinguish the Flame; besides, the Wind, which molested the Romans in this Conflict, much assisted the Carthaginians, carrying their Darts and Weapons farther, and with more certainty, and the Fire they shot into their Works was conveyed with greater violence, and took effect at a farther distance; every Object was likewise more visible to them, whereby they were enabled to gall and molest the Enemy with greater advantage, all which conduced very much to their Success in the Enterprise. In conclusion, the Roman Works were in this Action so much damnifyed, that their Rams and Towers were of no use, insomuch that they utterly despaired of taking Lilybaeum by force. They therefore enclosed it round with a Rampire, environed with a Ditch, and fortifying their Camp with good Retrenchments, expected from Time and Patience, what they could not compass by Force: On the other hand, the Besieged having well repaired the Walls where they had been battered, and Breaches had been made, gave evidence of fresh Courage, resolving to suffer generously all the Incommodities of a Siege.  
When Advice came to Rome, that a great number both of Sea and Land-forces had been lost in Defence of their Works and Engines, and in the other Services of the Siege; the Youth of the City thereupon cheerfully listed themselves, with resolution to revenge the Cause of their Country. So an Army was levied, consisting of Ten Thousand Men, and dispatched over into Sicily; upon whose arrival at the Camp, Pub. Claudius assembling the Tribunes, made them an Oration touching his Purpose to surprise Drepanum with their Naval-forces, remonstrating, that Adherbal, the Governor of that Place, and Commander of the Carthaginians, was not of sufficient present Strength to resist them; that he dreamed of no approaching Danger, knowing nothing of the Re-inforcement of the Roman Army; and that after the Losses sustained in the Siege, he would not be persuaded they could be Masters of a Naval Army. In short, the Design being generally approved, the Seamen, old and new Comers, were forthwith ordered to Embark; and out of the Legions, the choicest, best known, and willingest Men, were picked to Embark in this Expedition; which they concluded would be but short, and the Profit they should reap being as it were certain. Orders being now accordingly given, and obeyed, without giving the least Jealousy to the Enemy, the Army departed about Midnight, the Men stowing close and mingling promiscuosly a-board, keeping the Coast on their Right-hand. As soon as Day broke, and the headmost of the Fleet were descried from Drepanum, Adherbal became much surprised at this unlooked for Danger, but soon recollecting his Mind, and beholding the Enemy now at hand, he determined to perform all that was possible for him to execute, and engage in any Hazard, rather than endure a Siege, which by the Preparations he saw threatened him. He therefore assembled all the Seamen and Soldiers belonging to the Fleet upon the Shoar, and ordered, by sound of Trumpet, the Mercenary Troops to march out of the Town and join them; with whom being now assembled, he declared to them in few words, That he was well assured they should be too hard for the Romans, if they would resolve to oppose them resolutely: On the contrary, if they, through Fear, behaved themselves Ill, the Consequence would be to endure all the Sufferings and Calamities incident to a Siege. Hereupon the Army unanimously declared their forwardness to Engage, and required with one Voice to be led forthwith a-board. Adherbal, after he had let them know, that their Behaviour pleased him, and applauded this their Forwardness, made them Embark, and leading himself the Van, directed the Fleet to follow and do as he did; so putting out to Sea, he drew up near the Rocks that lie on the Coast, facing the Enemy, who was now entering into the Haven.  
The Consul, Publius, observing the Enemy, contrary to his Opinion, to make this Stand; and that this his sudden Attempt did not only affright them, but that on the contrary, he beheld them in a posture ready to give him Battle; ordered the Fleet to tack and stand back again, whereof the headmost were now entered into the Port; some were in the Haven's Mouth, and others not far off. But while those in the Van, who had received their Orders, were hasting back, they encountered the others who were yet standing in; by which means, falling fowl one of another, many, both Ships and Men, were in great danger of perishing. But in short, they drew out as they were able, and as they got clear and obtained Sea-room, they put themselves in order of Battle along the Shoar, with their Prows pointing towards the Enemy. Publius, who brought up the Rear of his Fleet, stood off to Sea, and posted himself on the Left of his Line. But Adherbal having passed the Right-wing of the Romans at the head of five Galleys with armed Beaks, turning the Prow of his own Vessel upon the Enemy, and making a Signal for the rest that followed him to do the same; and being now drawn up in Front, he puts out his Sign for the Attack, and so in good order they advanced against the Romans; who, as was observed, were drawn up along or under the Shoar, attending the arrival of their Vessels which were not all yet got out of the Port, which was the cause of their Fight greatly to their Disadvantage so near the Land.  
The two Fleets being now near, and the Flags of Defiance on both sides put abroad, the Battle began, where for a while the Conflict seemed to be equal, both Fleets having on Board the hardiest Men they could pick out of their respective Land-armies. But in the end, Victory began by degrees to declare for the Carthaginians, who from the beginning had in many points the Advantage of the Romans. In short, they surpassed them in the nimbleness of their Ships, which were every way of a better Built and Contrivance, their Seamen were likewise more experienced and abler Men; they were posted also greatly to their advantage, having Sea-room wherein to work their Vessels, as occasion required, so that at any time, when pressed by the Enemy, they could draw off, spread themselves, or draw close together, at pleasure, wherein the lightness of their Vessels very much availed. Furthermore, if at any time the Enemy had given Chase to any of their Galleys, and were separated any distance from their Fleet, they would then tack upon them, and intercepting them, who by reason of their heavy working, and the unskilfulness of the Roman Mariners, could not disengage themselves, so rowing round them, and coming on their Flank with their Prows, they Sunk many of them; on the other hand, when any of the Carthaginian Vessels chanced to be hard pressed, they could come with expedition up to their Relief, and Secure them without Hazard. But we may say of the Romans, that all those Benefits which their Enemy enjoyed were wanting to them: If they chanced to be chased, they were not able to retire for the Shoar, under which they sought; insomuch, that when they were hard driven, and were forced to give back, they were either run aground on the Sands, or lost against the Rocks. Furthermore, the Romans were bereft of one principal Benefit, which much conduces to Success in Naval Engagements; namely, that through of the sluggishness of their Vessels, and the insufficiency of their Mariners, they were not able to come up and attack the Enemy in Flank, as occasion offered, nor come and fall on them in the Rear, who were already engaged. In a word, those who were a-stern, were not able to come up the Assistance of those who were pressed at a distance a-head, being obstructed by the Neighbourhood of the Shoar, wanting void Space wherein to move, and bring their Succours where it was needful. The Consul observing, at length, the Distress of his Fleet, that some were aground on the Sands, and others lost against the Rocks, himself and about Thirty Vessels that followed him, stood away to the Left, and retired out of the Battle, leaving Ninety Three of his Galleys taken by the Carthaginians, very few of the Men belonging to those that were lost against the Shoar, escaping. This was a glorious Action for Adherbal, to whom the Carthaginians did very great Honour, attributing the Success purely to his single Virtue and Bravery: While the Romans treated their Consul with grievous Reproaches, laying the whole Disaster, and the Danger to which his Country was thereby reduced, to his sole Folly and Temerity; formally calling him to his Trial, and loading him with a very rigorous Sentence; nevertheless they abated nothing of their Resolution upon these Misfortunes, which did not in any wise slacken their Purpose, to stretch their utmost strength to recover new Forces for prosecute the War; such was the Contention between those two People, who should remain Superior. And now one of the two new chosen Consuls, L. Junius, was dispatched over to Sicily, with Orders speedily to secure and supply the Camp at Lilybaeum with Provisions and all things necessary; for the safe convoy whereof they appointed a Squadron of Sixty Men of War. Junius having joined the Fleet at Messina that had been rendezvoused there by the Army, and diligence of the Islanders, shaped his course towards Syracuse; his Fleet consisting of One Hundred and Twenty Ships of Burden, and Eight Hundred other Vessels laden with Provisions and other Stores of War. From thence he dispatced his Questors, with Orders to take care speedily to supply the Legions with all things of which they might stand in need, allotting them for that Service, part of his Ships of Burden, and some of his Vessels of War; while the Consul himself remained at Syracuse, attending the arrival of that part of his Fleet which was yet behind, and could not keep him company in his Voyage from Messina; as likewise to receive the Corn the Islanders had provided for his Army. Adherbal, about the same time dispatched to Carthage the Prisoners and Ships that were taken in the Battle. Afterwards he sent Carthalon with a Fleet of about an Hundred Sail, adding Thirty of his own Vessels to the Squadron he had brought with him to surprise and attack the Roman Fleet, riding at Anchor before the Port of Lilybaeum; with orders to take and bring away as many as he could get off, and what he could not, those to burn and destroy. Carthalon, pursuant to his Orders, falls upon the Romans about the fourth Watch of the Night; and while some of their Vessels were burning, and others towing off, the Surprise gave great terror to the Enemy, the danger being much augmented by the cries and tumult of the People, on so unlooked for an Adventure, for the Romans hasting promiscuously in the dark to secure and defend their Vessels, the noise and clamour of the Soldiers gave alarm to Hamilcar, Governor of the Town, who soon perceiving what was doing, prepared for a Sally; and as soon as it was Day, and that he could discern how matters went, he order the Mercenary Troops to march out against the Romans; who being thus attacked on all sides, were reduced to very great straits, which much abated their Resolution; but Carthalon, after having taken and towed off some of their Vessels, and destroyed others, stood to Sea again, and made the best of his way towards Heraclea, in order to the obstructing, what in him lay, the Succours that were coming to the Army, and receiving Advice by his Scouts, that they had discovered a great Fleet of all sorts of Vessels, and that they were not far off, he having the Romans in great Contempt since their last Defeat, forthwith puts to Sea with an ardent desire to come to blows with them, but some of the smaller Vessels of the Roman Fleet, who were advanced a-head of the rest, having given notice to the Quaestors, that the Carthaginians were at hand; they not conceiving themselves of sufficient strength to deal with them, presently took order for the safety of their Fleet, endeavouring to secure them under the Potection of a Town on the Coast belonging to the Romans; but there being there no safe Harbour, only Coves and small Retreats among the Rocks, which gave them some shelter within them, the Quaestors therefore landing their People, applied themselves to make all Possible provision for the Defence of their Fleet, bringing out of the Town all their Engines and Machine's for casting of Stones and shooting of Arrows, and in a Posture of Defence expected when the Enemy should Attack them. But the Chrthaginians being of Opinion that the apprehension of the danger they were in, would soon drive the Soldiers to retire and seek Sanctuary in the Town, resolved not presently to attempt them, but only to Block them up, in expectation they should shortly be Masters of the Vessels without much contest. But having some time in vain expected the Issue, and finding that contrary to their hopes, the Romans appeared resolute in the defence of their Fleet, they contented themselves with surprising only some of their Victuallers, and (the Station where they were being incommodious) retired to a Harbour in a Neighbouring River, where coming to an Anchor, they there continued keeping a vigilant Eye on the motions of the Roman Fleet.  
After the Consul had dispatched those Affairs which had detained him at Syracuse, he departed, and doubling the Cape of Pachine, shaped his course for Lilybaeum, totally ignorant of what had happened to that part of the Fleet which he had sent before. But the Carthaginian Scouts discovering them, gave notice to their General, who immediately weighed Anchor out of the Port, with determination to give them Battle, before they should be able to join the other part of their Fleet. But Junius observing the Carthaginian Fleet to be now near, and taking them to be too strong and numerous for him to deal with, was compelled to seek Sanctuary likewise in such Places as were next at hand, tho' never so dangerous, or incommodious, there being no Havens thereabout that could yield them shelter: Making account that he ought to run any hazard rather than expose, by the loss of the Fleet, their Army by Land to the mercy of the Enemy. When the Carthaginians had observed the Romans purpose, by their working, they forbore to Attack them in so dangerous a Post, but retiring to a place between the Two Fleets, kept that Station; carefully observing their motions: While things stood thus, a strong Gale of Wind came up, which, by the agitation of the Sea, threatened a Tempest at hand: Whereupon the Carthaginian Pilots, who were well skilled in the Wether and the Coast, foreseeing the approaching Danger, gave notice thereof to their Officers, and advised Carthalon by all means to weigh Anchor and get about the Cape of Pachine, thereby to be covered from the Tempest that threatened them. Carthalon readily followed this Advice, and with great difficulty doubled the Cape and secured his Ships. While the two Roman Fleets, remaining on an open harbourless Coast, were so violently assaulted by the Storm, that not a Ship escaped, nor so much as a whole Plank of all their Navy.  
After this Disaster, the Carthaginians began to respire, and conceive new Hopes, and take fresh Courage, while the Romans, whose former Losses had much impaired their Naval Strength, were by this Misfortune quite ruined, and began now to despair to Cope with the Carthaginians by Sea, and resolved to content themselves to hold the Possession of the Inland Towns. In the mean time, as the Carthaginians were become Masters at Sea, so they would not renounce their Hopes of succeeding in their Affairs by Land. And albeit the Condition of the Romans was deplorable enough, and their Army before Lilybaeum driven to very hard shifts by these Disappointments; nevertheless, they held firm to their Purpose of continuing the Siege. Accordingly without delay Order was taken, to have them supplied by Land, with whatsoever they stood in need of; the Army resolutely determining to abide the utmost Extremity. As to Junius the Consul, he after this dreadful Shipwreck, speeds away to the Army, full of Anxity, and meditating on nothing more, than how by some new and remarkable Service, he might repair this cruel shock of Fortune. Wherefore, he undertook on a very slight motive, to surprise Erix, which together with the Town and Temple of Venus, he got into his possession. Erix, is a Mountain standing on the Coast of Sicily that looks towards Italy, situate between Depranum and Palarmo, the most difficult and inaccessible part thereof being on that side which regards Drepanum. This is the highest Mountain in the whole Island, Mount Aetna excepted: On the top whereof there is a Plain, where the Temple of Venus Ericina, the most noble and richly Adorned without dispute, and the most celebrated for Devotion in Sicily. The Town likewise stands on the same Ground, the Access to it being long, strait, and difficult. Junius placeth on the top of this Mountain a Garrison, on the side towards Drepanum; with Orders that they should keep a strict Watch both ways, for he was unwilling to treat the People with violence, unless they gave him occasion; concluding that by that means he should hold both the Town and the Mountain in safe possession.  
During these Transactions, the Carthaginians made choice of Hamilcar Barcas for their General, giving him the Command of their Fleet, in the Eighteenth Year of the War, With this Fleet, as soon as he had received his Orders, he departed to the Coast of Italy with Design to make Descents and Inroads on the Country; accordingly, he fell on the Locrians and the Brutians, and shortly after, comes with his whole Fleet towards Palermo, near which Place, not far from the Seaside, betwixt Palermo and Erix, he took possession of a Place, which he chose for the Commodity of its Situation, where an Army might Incamp with safety, and be constantly and easily supplied with all necessaries. In short, it was an Eminence steep on all sides, and hard of Access, on the top whereof there was a Plain or Level, of at least Twelve Miles in compass, the Ground yields both very good Pasture, and is proper for the Blow, it is covered from all the bad Wether that blows from the Sea, where there are no Serpents or noxious Animals; furthermore, the Situation is so secured by Rocks and Precipices, both to the Land and Seawards, that to guard the Passes either way, a very little Fortification sufficeth. In the middle of the foresaid Plain or Level, there riseth another Eminence, so disposed by Nature, as if it were designed as a Citadel to the rest, from whence there is a Prospect into all the Country round about; here is likewise a good Port of great use to such as Navigate from Drepanum or Lilybaeum to Italy. The Accesses to this Place are only Four, and those very difficult; Two from the Sea and Two from the Landward. Here Hamilcar encamped his Army, fortifying himself, with a Resolution little short of Temerity, having no Friend or Confederate near him, and without hopes of any for the future, surrounded by, and as it were abandoned to, the Mercy of the the Enemy. Howbeit he here found Work enough for the Romans, and often put their Affairs in great danger. For Sailing out of the Port, he pillaged and wasted the Coast of Italy as far as Cuma; and afterwards, notwithstanding the Romans were encamped within Eight Hundred Paces of Palermo, he led his Army thither. In a Word, this Place was, as it were for almost Three Years together, the Stage of so many various Disputes and Rencounters, that it would be very hard to relate the particular Adventures. In brief, the Behaviour of the respective Captains and Leaders themselves, may not be unfitly compared to the Bravery of those, who voluntarily mingle themselves with the Gladiators, and expose themselves to fight for the Prize in Public Spectacles: For they were in perpetual Action, and giving and receiving Wounds at every turn, wherein both their Strength, Bravery and Dexterity, was seen so many several ways, that it would be difficult for the Soldiers themselves to recount the various Passages, much less for the Spectators to remember and relate them, or to make a Judgement, otherwise than in general to determine by the remarkableness of the Actions, the Courage and Experience of the Actors.  
For, in brief, whosoever should attempt to set down the many Plots, and Ambushes, mutually contrived one against the other, how sometimes those who laid the Snare fell themselves in their own Toils; if, I say, one should think to recount the many Attacks, Surprises and Rencounters that occurred, and the various Scenes of Action that passed, the Historian would never have done, nor indeed would the Relation be either pleasant or profitable to the Reader. Let us therefore make a Judgement of the Virtue of the Commanders, by a general Relation of their Performances, and the Issue and Sequel of so many great and hazardous Enterprises; tho' it shall be our Care however to pass by nothing, that may become an Historian to relate, neither their Stratagems, nor any extraordinary Inventions, which Necessity or Occasion might suggest to put in Practice, nor any singular or remarkable Action, that required more than ordinary Talents of Bravery to execute.  
And here it is observable, that it was not possible for them to come to a pitched Battle, for sundry Reasons: First, their Forces on both sides were equal, their Camps likewise were by Nature difficult of Access, and by the help of Art rendered Impregnable, so that each being assured of their Safety in their Works, they prosecuted their Contention by Parties and daily Rencounters, neither seeming inclined to put an Issue to the War by a decisive Battle. So that at length it became as it were a Custom between them, to divide and keep the Success of their Erterprises as it were in Balance, assigning Victory to him to Day, who was to lose on the Morrow. Fortune presiding as a sage Judge in the Lists, and appointing at her Pleasure now one place, now another, to be the Scene of Action, diversifying the nature of their Disputes, and changing the Place as she pleased, from one sort of Ground to another, from Places more open to others more straight and enclosed.  
While the Romans kept Guard both on the top and at the foot of the Mountain Erix, as hath been observed, Hamilcar surprised the Town, which stands between, on the skirt of the Hill, notwithstanding the Roman Solers within it. So that the Romans who were in Garrison on the top, became by that means besieged by the Enemy, who were by them before shut up, where they endured all the Hardships, and were exposed to all the Dangers imaginable, which they suffered however with unspeakable Constancy. The Carthaginians likewise opposed the Enemy with an obstinate Bravery, who pressed them hard on all sides, depriving them of all means of Subsistance, saving by the Avenue that lay towards the Sea, whereby their Provision was not obtained but with great difficulty.  
And now albeit they attempted one another with all the Art and Address, that is practised in Sieges and Attacks; after they had equally felt all sorts of Violence, were pinched with extremity of Famine, and had experimented whatsoever Hardships, are done or suffered in the most calamitous Adventures incident to a Siege; they may nevertheless be said to have been mutually crowned with Victory, but not as it is represented by Fabius, who reports them to have been Vanquished by the Miseries they underwent; but Triumphing over all that could be put in practice to subdue each other. For before it could be seen who was likely to have the better, tho' it was a Dispute, on one single Spot, of two whole Years duration; yet the War at length determined after another manner.  
Thus have I recounted the Occurrences of Erix, and the Actions of the Land-armies; those two States being fitly resembled to Birds, which in Fight show more Courage than Strength, where it often happens that their Anger remains when their Power is lost, and so retireing by Consent, leave it doubtful, who had the Advantage. In like manner, may it be said, to have fared with the Romans and Carthaginians, who, weakened by so long a War, and wasted by the expense of so many Years Dispute, were reduced on both sides to the last Extremity. Nevertheless the Romans maintained a certain Inflexibility of Resolution, not to be expressed; for altho' for the space of five Years, they had totally desisted from all Naval Preparations, discouraged by the many Misfortunes which attended their Navigations, proposing they should be able to put a period to this long and dagerous War, with their Land-forces alone, yet at length perceiving that the great Abilities of Hamilcar were likely to frustrate that Expectation, they determined now the third time, to place their Hopes in a Fleet, concluding it to be the only Means, whereby to put a happy Issue to the Dispute, if Fortune would but in any sort favour their Beginning; and the Sequel proved they did not reckon amiss. They forsook the Sea, the first time, by reason of the Shipwrecks they had sustained, and the second time they were compelled by the loss of their Fleet, in a Battle near Drepanum. And yet they wanted not Assurance to attempt Fortune a third time, how averse soever she had hitherto been. And now having cut off all the means of Subsistance from the Carthaginians in Erix, they by that means subdued them, and put an end to the Strife.  
But let us observe by the way, that this Undertaking of the Romans, was owing more to their Virtue, than to any other Cause whatsoever. For their Treasure was exhausted to so low an Ebb, that there appeared no sort of Fond, whereby to enable them to pursue their Design; but their Greatness of Mind, and the Generosity of those who were in the Government, surmounted all Impediments. And it so sell out, that means were at length found more than sufficient to effect this great Determination, for every one voluntarily contributed in proportion to his private Fortune, and undertook as they were able among themselves; some two, some more joining their Stock, to build and equip a Vessel for their share, on no other Condition than to be reimbursed by the Public at the end of the War. So that in a short space a Fleet of Two Hundred Sail was Built, and put to Sea, all contrived according, to the Model of the Rhodian Vessel, we have elsewhere mentioned; the Command of this Fleet was given to the Consul C. Lutatius, who departing early in the Spring, arrived in Sicily when he was least looked for, the Carthaginian Fleet being retired. He presently possessed himself of the Port of Drepanum, and all the Harbours in the Neighbourhood of Lilybaeum; then he made Preparations for laying Siege to the Town of Drepanum, but he proceeded therein with such Caution as betokened his Foresight, that the Carthaginian Fleet might speedily arrive; and bearing in Mind what had been concluded in their Deliberations at their first setting out, namely, that nothing could put a Period to the War, but a Naval Battle; he therefore, pursuant to that Result, lost no occasion of Exercising and Disciplining his Soldiers and Seamen in all Points wherein they might be rendered serviceable to his Design. And as he was careful to preserve good Order among them, so they soon became expert and knowing in their Business, and his Soldiers ready and capable of pursuing any Orders they should receive.  
The Carthaginians, very much surprised at the News of a Roman Navy, dispatched away a Fleet with all expedition against them, sending at the same time a good relief of Provision of Victuals and all sorts of Stores of War. But their chief care was, that those who were straitened in Erix might be supplied with whatever they wanted. Hanno, therefore, who Commanded the Carthaginian Fleet, shaped his Course first towards Hieronnesus, with design to touch at Erix, before the Romans should have any account of his Motions; determining, after he had supplied them, and lightened his Vessels, to reinforce his Troops from thence, with the choice of the Mercenaries that were there, and that then joining with Barcas, he should be in a condition to give the Enemy Battle. But Lutatius, who had got Advice of Hanno's Arrival, and suspected, indeed, his Design; took on board the choice of his Land-forces, and sailed away for the Island of Aegusa, commonly called Aegates, which lies just against the Port of Lilybaeum, where, after an Exhortation to the Army, suiting the Time and the Occasion, he notified to the Commanders of his Vessels, that he purposed the next Day to give the Enemy Battle; but when, in the Morning, he observed the Wind to blow in favour of the Enemy, and consequently, not fair for them; and further, that the Sea began to swell, and threaten foul Wether, he then became undetermined how to proceed. But after he had well weighed the matter, and considered, that by engaging them, tho' the Wether were not favourable, he should, however, have to do with Hanno alone, and the Troops only that Embarked with him; that over and above, he should deal with a Fleet loaden, and encumbered with the Stores and Provisions which they had taken on Board; and that, on the other hand, if he delayed out of fear of the foul Wether, and by that means gave the Enemy the opportunity of passing by, and joining their Forces, he must then fight, not only with a Fleet light and discharged of all their Lumber, but with an Army strengthened with the choice of their Land-Forces, and what was yet more formidable, he must engage against the known Gallantry of Hamilcar. Wherefore he resolved not to lose the occasion that offered. And now it was not long before they descried the Enemy coming with a flown Sheet, whereupon he stood out of the Port, and drawing up in a Line of Battle, made directly towards them; for his Seamen being strong, in good plight, and well exercised, tho' the Sea and Wind was against them, surmounted the difficulty; and contemning all Opposition, advanced in good order against the Enemy.  
When the Carthaginians saw themselves thus waylaid by the Enemy, and their Passage barred, they forthwith struck their Sails, and after the Captains of their respective Ships had exhorted their Men to behave themselves as they ought, they prepared for the Battle. But the Scene was now shifted, and the circumstances of the Combatants being totally changed, from what it was in the Battle near Drepanum, it will not therefore be thought strange, that the Success should fall out otherwise. In short, the Romans were to seek, till now, in the good Contrivance and Built of their Ships; they had now no Lumber on board to pester and incommode them, having nothing with them but what was of use in the Battle. Furthermore, their Seamen, who were now able, and well exercised, were a mighty help towards their Success in this occasion; they were likewise, for Soldiers, furnished with the choicest Troops they could pick out of the Land-army. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, could boast of none of those Benefits, for their Ships were loaden and pestered, and in no wise in condition for fight; their Seamen were raw and unable, being taken up and entertained in haste; their Soldiers were likewise new-raised Men, having never before seen a Battle; for they had laid aside all thoughts of Naval Preparations, on Presumption that the Romans would never more adventure to Sea. In a word, the Carthaginians being in every thing inferior to their Enemy, the Dispute was soon ended, the Romans routing them at the first Encounter. Fifty of the Carthaginian Vessels were sunk, and Seventy taken, with all their Men a-board; the rest, making the best of their way afore the Wind back towards Hieronnesus, there being scarce an Example of so sudden and seasonable a change of Wind, which came about, as it were, to supply a present pressing Necessity. After the Battle, the Consul stood away with the Fleet for Lilybaeum, to dispose of his Prizes and Prisoners, which gave him business enough, there being, at least, Ten Thousand taken. When the Carthaginians had notice of this Defeat, so contrary to their Expectation, tho' they were surprised, yet they were not humbled, and would willingly have continued the War, could they have found means to sustain it; but of that they had no Prospect. For while the Romans continued Masters at Sea, there was no way whereby to secure and sustain their Forces in Sicily; and on the other hand, utterly to abandon them, would be in a manner to betray them; and leave themselves destitute both of Officers and Soldiers for the Service of the Commonwealth; they therefore dispatched a plenary Power to Hamilcar Barcas, committing the entire Conduct of their Affairs in Sicily to his Management, who, with great Reputation and Honour, acquitted himself of that Commission; performing, in every thing, the part of a Wise and Able Commander; for so long as he had but the shadow of Hope to advance the Interest of his Country, he left nothing unattempted that was not Imprudent and Temerarious to promote it, acting so, as hardly any Man in Military Performance may be named before him; but Fortune had deserted the Carthaginians; and he, after he had unprofitably taken all the best Measures that Experience had taught him, or Reason could suggest, began, at length, to take thought for the safety and preservation of those under him, and wisely yielding to Necessity, and the Circumstances, and State of their present Fortune, dispatched Ambassadors to the Consul, to treat about a Peace. For 'tis fit we should know, that the same Prudence is seen in the Management of a Defeat as of a Victory. Lutatius lent a willing Ear to this Message, knowing full well how much the Roman State had suffered by the War; and that they themselves were sinking under the Burden: So a Period was given to that bloody Strife, the Articles of Peace being a little more or less, as follows;  If the People of Rome approve thereof, there shall be Peace and Friendship between the Romans and Carthaginians, on Condition, That the Carthagians entirely departed out of Sicily; that they shall not make farther War upon Hieron, nor the Syracusians, nor against their Confederates: That the Carthaginians shall deliver up all the Roman Prisoners Ransom-free; and shall pay them, within the space of Twenty Years, the Sum of Two Thousand Two Hundred Talents of Silver. 
These Articles were forthwith dispatched to Rome; but forasmuch as the People were not entirely satisfied, Ten Deputies were impower'd to go into Sicily, and after they had thoroughly informed themselves of the State of their Affairs, to determine on the place what should be concluded; who, upon their arrival, after they had maturely considered of all things, they agreed to the Treaty, with this Alteration of shortening the Time for Payment, adding Two Hundred Talents to the Sum, and obliging the Carthaginians to departed our of all the Islands situate between Italy and Sicily. Thus the War determined, which was waged between those two People, for the Mastery of Sicily, which had lasted full Four and Twenty Years, and was the longest and most Memorable that History hath any where recorded; nor was there ever any that had been prosecuted with so little Intermission. In conclusion, not to recount the numerous Conflicts, and the mighty Preparations that were made during that space, let it suffice to note, as hath been already abserved, that they once fought at Sea with Five Hundred Vessels, comprehending both Fleets, afterwards with few less than Seven Hundred Sail. On the part of the Romans were lost during this War, what by Tempest, what by other Accidents, Seven Hundred Ships; and on the Carthaginians part, near Five Hundred. So that if People were surprised, and wondered at the Naval Battles heretofore fought between Antigonus Ptolemy and Demetrius, they will have much more cause of Doubt and Astonishment, when they shall hear related, the stupendous Transactions that compose our History. And if we shall make Comparison between the Fleets wherewith the Persians waged War with the Greeks, and the Athenians and Lacedæmonians among themselves, it will be a farther Subject of their Wonder, how such mighty numbers could be brought to fight in a Sea-Ingagement. Whence it will become manifest, as we have remarked in the beginning of our History, that if though Romans Design extended to the Subjection of the Universe and they arrived at their End, it will not be found owing so much to Fortune or Accident, as some Greek Authors would suggest, as to the plain and evident measures of Reason, inasmuch as they had acquired a perfect and through Knowledge and Insight into all those extraordinary Enterprises which they had made the subject of their Meditation. But it may be demanded, How it comes to pass, that now at this day, when they are arrived at the Universal Dominion, and their Affairs in a more prosperous state than ever; that if their should be occasion, they would not be able to provide and fit out such Fleets, nor make such Naval Preparations, as in those days? To which I answer, That as it is true, so the Reason is very plain, which shall be made appear, when we come to treat about the Form of the Roman Commonwealth. But to the end the Reader may be throughly enlightened, we will not decide here (as it were by the by) so important a Point. Let us lend our Attention then to the present Subject; for what we shall now farther deliver will appear worth our while, tho' we had not yet related any thing to the purpose. For as some Authors have heard nothing of the Adventures of the Romans, so others have handled their History with so much Obscurity, that no profit can arise thereby. We may observe then, that in this War which we have been relating the Forces and Courage of the two Contending States, seemed to be equal almost in every thing; and principally in their obstinate Emulation for Dominion and Empire. As for their Armies, I believe we may safely grant, in the general, that the Roman Soldiers were the better Militia. But as to their great Officers, Hamilcar Surnamed Barcas, Father to the famous Hannibal, who afterward made War upon the Romans, may be justly reckoned, both for Courage and Wisdom, the ablest Commander of that Age.  
The Peace was no sooner ratified between those two States, when they happened about the same time, to fall, as it were, into one and the same Misfortune: The Romans had a kind of Civil War, by a Rebellion of the Faliscans, but it was soon ended by the Suppression of that People, and the taking their City. And the Carthaginians suffered by a War with the Numidians and Africans, their Neighbours, who joined in an Insurrection with their own Mercenary Soldiers; but the Carthaginians had not the like Success as the Romans; for they were often reduced to the last Extremity, and fought many Battles, not only for the Safety of the Government in general; but for their own private Stakes, their Families, and Fortunes. In short, the account of the Occurrences of that War, for many Reasons might have been deferred, howbeit, we shall, in few words, as it was our Purpose, give an account thereof here; for it will be thereby made manifest, by what then came to pass, what the nature of that War is, which the Greeks have called Inexpiable. Furthermore, we may be instructed by that which happened to the Carthaginians, what Foresight is to be practised, and Caution ought to be used by those who will compose their Armies of Mercenary and Foreign Troops. We shall likewise be taught the difference in Manners between a barbarous People, and those who have been bred and educated under the Laws of good Discipline. In a word, it will appear by the Sequel of those Transactions, what gave rise to that War between the Romans and Carthaginians that was prosecuted by Hannibal. And in regard, not only Historians, but the Managers themselves, of the War, are to this day in dispute about the Causes thereof, it will not be an unprofitable Work to set the World right therein.  
As soon as Hamilcar had finished the Treaty, and led the Troops that were in Erix to Lilybaeum, he resigned his Commission; and Gesco, who was Governor of that place, had the charge of transporting the Army into afric; who, foreseeing what might happen, did not Embark them all at once, but prudently dispatched them by Divisions and Parties, allotting so much time between their Embarking, as might suffice for his purpose; which was, that those who were first sent, might be paid, and discharged, and sent to their Country, before the others should arrive. But the Carthaginians had another Project, for their Treasure being greatly exhausted by the War, they determined to defer their Payment till they had them all together; and then to propose to satisfy them with part only of what was due to them; so they remained in the Port, and were received and detained in Carthage as they arrived.  
But the City at length growing weary of the Neighbourhood of those Strangers, who daily molested them by insupportable Injuries and Insolence, they wrought with their Officers to accept of Quarters elsewhere, at a Town called Sicca, whither they marched them, receiving a certain Sum for their present Subsistance, till their Pretensions should be adjusted, and the whole Army transported; but upon their resolving to leave their Families, and their Equipage, as they had done heretofore, behind them in the City, in expectation speedily to return to receive their Pay; the Carthaginians, fearing, that after so long an absence, it would be hard to keep some from remaining behind, and others from returning back out of love to their Relations, by which means, the Relief they designed to the City, by their departure, would be without effect; they therefore prevailed with them, to march with Bag and Baggage. And now when the whole Army was got into Sicca, and began to relish the Pleasure of Repose, whereof, for a long time they had not tasted, Idleness soon begat Liberty and Neglect of Discipline; Evils commonly incident to Soldiers without Employment; and, in short, the cause, for the most part, of all Mutinies and Disorders. They therefore began to be very clamorous for their Pay, exalting their Merits much above their due; and altho' their Claim was unreasonable, yet they determined among themselves to abate nothing of their Demands. Furthermore, calling to mind, the many Promises their Officers had made them of Largesses and Rewards, for the well-performance of their Duty in the many perilous Conflicts wherein they had been engaged, they raised their Expectations yet higher, and with a covetous Impatience, attended the Issue of their Pretensions. When the Army, as we said, was arrived, and all received into Sicca, Hanno, who at that time was chief Magistrate in Carthage, was dispatched to them, who not only did not answer their Demands, but came even short in his Propositions of what they had already promised, remonstrating to them the Poverty of the State, and the heavy Tributes the Country was already under, and therefore laboured to persuade them to be satisfied with, and take for good Payment, a part only of what appeared due to them; which Proposition was not only rejected, but answered with a present Insurrection of the Soldiers; sometimes the several Nations mutining apart, sometimes joining in a general Sedition, all running to their Arms; and in regard they were of different Countries and Languages, not understood by one another, the Disorder was thereby greatly increased, and nothing but Trouble and Tumult was seen in the Camp. In short, the Carthaginians, whose Militia is for the most part composed of Mercenary Troops, have their Policy of forming them out of divers Nations, believing it hard to conceive a general Conspiracy or Sedition, in an Army, where the Soldiers are of different Languages and Manners, and by that means, likewise, that Soldiers are preserved in better Obedience to their Superiors. But if it arrive once to a general Defection, and that the Sedition spreads throughout the Army, the Disease than becomes incurable, it being impossible to reduce them to their Duty; and the Instance now before us, convinced the Carthaginians of the Defect of their Politics in that Custom. For whensoever it happens, that Armies so composed, conceive a general Distaste or Hatred, the Effects extend beyond the common measures of Outrage and Inhumanity, and Men exceed, in savage Cruelty, wild Beasts themselves. This Calamity, then, befell the Carthaginians, whose Army consisted of Spaniards, Gauls, Lygurians, Baleareans and Greeks; among whom were many fugitive Slaves, who were most of them Africans; so that it was impossible to speak to them all at once, or in one place; or, indeed, to contrive any means to do it; for one Officer alone could not perform it, tho' he were qualified to speak in all their Languages; it would have been likewise equally difficult to assemble and speak to them at one and the same time by different Interpreters, who would never be able to render the same Sense equally intelligible to four or five different Nations at once. Their best course, then, was to instruct the Commanders, to deal with, and harangue their several Troops, when they had any thing to command or persuade the Soldiers. Hanno, accordingly gave out his Orders to them as he was able; while those who were to execute them, had themselves, but an imperfect understanding of what was ordered; others, tho' they understood what was directed them to say, yet reported quite the contrary to the Soldiers; so that, what through Ignorance, what through Treachery, Distrusts and Jealousies daily increased, the Soldiers Complaints not duly heard, and the Conspiracy and Disaffection grew stronger and stronger. The Army thought themselves outraged, that instead of sending to them Officers, under whom they had served in Sicily, who knew their Merits, and who had so often assured them of Rewards; the Carthaginians had sent them one, who knew them not, and had no manner of knowledge of their Services. In short, as they slighted and contemned Hanno, so they began to distrust their own Officers; and thus enraged as they were, with their Arms in their hands, they marched Twenty Thousand of them towards Carthage, and encamped near Tunes, about fourteen Miles from the City.  
And now the Carthaginians became convinced of their Weakness, when it was too late, and no present Remedy could be had; for it was a mighty Fault in them to permit such a Body of Strangers to Assemble all in one Place, while at the same time they well knew, that in case any Disorder should arise, they had not Strength sufficient at home to appear in their own Defence. Another great Error they committed, in permitting their Wives, Children, and their Equipage to go out of the City, which, like so many Hostages, would have served, not only to have preserved them in their Duty, but would have gone far towards composing the Differences that were arisen between them. In a word, the Carthaginians affrighted to behold such an Army, as one may say, of Enemies at their Gates, laboured all they could to win them to Obedience and good Order. They sent them supplies of Provision, which they bought at their own Rates; they dispatched Deputies to them likewise out of the Body of the Senate, who assured them of all they should demand, that was in the Power of the State to perform: But these Mutineers sound something new to require every day, and the Fear they perceived the Carthaginians to be in, added to their Insolence; who having served against the Romans in Sicily, they took for granted that neither the Carthaginians, nor any other People whatsoever, would have Courage to oppose them, or offer them Battle in the Field. No sooner therefore had they adjusted their Demands of Pay, but they proceeded to further Exactions; they required payment for the Horses they had lost in the Service; when that was agreed to, they demanded payment for the Corn that had been delivered them short of their Allowance for many Years past, and they would be paid too at the Rate that it had at any time been sold at, in the utmost Extremity of the War. In brief, as there were many Mutinous and Seditious Persons in the Army, so those propagated new Exorbitances, and every day found fresh occasion of Complaint, and prevented their Agreement by impossible Proposals. Nevertheless the Carthaginians were resolved to agree to every thing, and now the Mutiny began to be appeased, when they understood that an Officer should be sent them under whom they had served in Sicily, who should have Power to Agree and Adjust with them all their Pretences. They were not pleased with Hamilcar Barcas, under whom they had born Arms, believing he had been the occasion of the ill Treatment they had found, because he never came near them; and they believed too, that he had quitted his Command of his own Motion. On the other hand they had an Affection to Gesco, who had likewise commanded them in Sicily, and who had appeared their Friend and Advocate in many Occasions, especially in the matter of their Transportation, so they determined to choose him as Arbitrator in the Matters depending. He therefore embarks, taking Money with him, and upon his Arrival at Tunes, first calls an Assembly of their Principal Officers, and then he Summons them separately, Nation by Nation. Where, after he had gently reproved them for their past Behaviour, he Remonstrates to them the present State of Affairs, and above all labours to persuade them to continue their Affection and Duty to a Government under which they had so long Served, and taken Pay; and, in short, exhorted them to be content with the Remainder of their Pay as it appeared due. Among the Mutineers there happened to be one Spendius a Campanian, who had been a Slave to the Romans, and had harboured himself among the Carthaginians: He was strong of Body, and in all occasions of Danger very forward; this Fellow, fearing to fall into the hands of his Master, for by the Custom of Rome his Fault was punished with Death; laboured both with Words and Actions, to trouble and perplex the Treaty they were upon; and to hinder by all means possible their Agreement with the Carthaginians. Another there was, whose Name was Matho, who was an African, of free condition, and a Soldier among them, having been an active Stirrer in this Conspiracy, and out of fear of Punishment, joined with Spendius to obstruct the Accommodation, possessing the Africans, That as soon as the Strangers should be paid, and dispatched to their Country, it would be their lot to Pay for all, and that the Carthaginians would take such Revenge on them, for the Injuries which had been done them, that all Africa should tremble at it. The Soldiers grew hereupon enraged anew, and in regard they were not likely to receive of Gesco any other Satisfaction than their Arrears of Pay; what was due for their Horses and Bread, being respited to another time, they therefore took thence occasion of fresh Disorders, and assembled in the public Meeting-place in a mutinous manner. To Spendius and Matho they lent a willing Ear, who railed both against Gesco and the Carthaginians, and if any one presumed to offer them temperate Counsel, he was forthwith stoned to Death, even before it could be understood what the Purport of his Discourse was, whether for or against Spendius, and now great slaughter was made both of People of public and private Condition, and nothing was heard during the Tumult, but, Kill, kill; and what greatly augmented the Rage of those People, was the excess of Wine they had drunk, having newly risen from their Repast. So that the word Kill resounding suddenly throughout the Camp, there was no escaping for any one against whom they conceived any distrust or distaste. In a Word, there being now none who presumed to open his Mouth to divert their Determinations, they chose Spendius and Matho for their Leaders and Commanders in Chief.  
Gesco was not without a due Sense of the Danger he was in among these People, but he let that Consideration give place to the Duty he owed his Country; he foresaw that if this Mutiny once came to a head, the Commonwealth would be driven to great straits, to prevent which, he was willing to be exposed to any hazard. He therefore with great Constancy of Mind pursued his Purpose of reducing them to their Duty by all means possible: Sometimes he treated with their Officers, sometimes with the sundry Nations apart; but now being in present want of Bread in the Camp, they impatiently demanded it of Gesco; he, as it chanced, in a sort of Contempt, to reprove their Insolence, bade them go to Matho their Captain; this put all in a Flame, so that without any further delay or respect, they seize on the Money that was brought, and lay ready told in order to their Payment, and arrested Gesco, and all the Carthaginians who accompanied him.  
And now Matho and Spendius conceiving the only way to put matters past Accommodation, and to come to open Hostility, was to engage the Soldiers in some such violent Action, as should be a manifest breach of their Duty, and a violation of the Treaty they were upon. Wherefore they fomented with all their Art and Industry, this Audacious Proceeding of the Multitude; who now had not only seized on the Carthaginians Money and their Baggage, but laying violent hands on Gesco and his Followers, committed them to Prison, loading them with Irons, and then most impiously conspired, and, against the Law of Nations, declared War against the Carthaginians. This than was the Beginning and the Cause of the War with the Mercenaries, which was called the African War. After this, Matho dispatched Deputies to the Cities round about, exhorting them to think on their Liberty; to send him Succours; and to enter into a Confederacy with him. And now the several Heads of the Faction finding the Africans disposed to Revolt, and to shake off the Carthaginians Yoke; and that Supplies both of Men and Provisions were dispatched to them from al● Parts, they divided their Army into Two: One they sent against Utica, and the other towards Hippona, which two Places had refused to join with them in their Defection from the Carthaginians.  
The Custom of the Carthaginians had ever been to Sustain themselves out of the Fruits and Growth of the Country, and the greatest part of their Treasure and Income, wherewith they defrayed their Wars, and made their Military Preparations, arose out of their Revenues in Africa. But their Armies in all their Expeditions were ever composed of Strangers, by which means it will appear, and by what we have related, that all things conspired at once to their Damage, and what had been their Support, converted to their Disadvantage, so that from Consternation they fell to Despair; for so great was their Surprise, that nothing could possibly have befallen them so remote from their Expectation. For after the War of Sicily, which had consumed their Treasure, (being now assured of Peace) they promised themselves a breathing Space of Tranquillity; and took for granted, their Condition would be at least Supportable. But those Hopes soon vanished, and were changed into the sad Prospect of a War more cruel and dangerous. Their Contest with the Romans, was for the Dominion of Sicily only; now they were to Fight for their own proper Safety, and the Preservation of the Commonwealth; and all this without any Stores of War, Armies or Fleets, or any Provision towards it; after so many Unfortunate Conflicts wherein they had been engaged. Furthermore, they were without either Money, or hopes of Friends to whom they might have recourse for Succour. And here they came to perceive the difference betwixt a Foreign and remote War, beyond the Seas; and Civil Dissension at their own Doors.  
In short, this People were of themselves the Authors of their own Calamities; for during the first War, with what grievous Tyranny did they oppress the poor Africans, thinking they savoured them, by exacting from them but the one half of their Income, continuing the same Levies upon their Towns and Cities in time of Peace, as were drawn from them to carry on the War; and this was extorted with that rigour that the poorest Subject was not exempted. And whensoever they were to elect new Magistrates for the Provinces, the Choice never fell on those who were likely to Govern the People with Lenity and Moderation, but on such whose Rigour promised them the greatest Fruits of their Oppression, by draining them of their Money to furnish out their Fleets and their Armies; and, in a word, to Minister to the Ambition of the Republic; among whom Hanno was a principal Minister. All this considered, the Africans were not likely to be backward to Rebel; to whom the bare Report only of what was transacting was sufficient to engage them. The Women themselves, who had so often seen their Fathers and Husbands dragged to Prison by the Tax-gatherers, were in every Town active in promoting the Revolt, combining among themselves to refuse nothing that could be compassed to carry on the War, sparing neither their Ornaments, nor precious Movables to raise Pay for the Armies: Insomuch that Matho and Spendius were so plentifully supplied with Money, that they had not only sufficient to Pay the Arrears that were due, which they had assured them of, the better to engage them to their Purpose: but were enabled to sustain the Expense and growing Charge of the Army. For Wise Officers extend their Prospect beyond the present Occasion. And now, notwithstanding the Carthaginians were heavily oppressed by these Misfortunes, they ommitted not however to provide the best Means for their Defence. The Conduct of the War they gave to Hanno, of whose Service they had heretofore made use, in the Conquest of that part of their Dominions lying about Hecatompolis. They levied Soldiers likewise, from all Parts, and commanded all their Citizens, who were able to bear Arms, to be Mustered, they exercised the Horse also that belonged to the City, and repaired their decayed Ships, and ordered the Building of new ones. In the mean time Matho and Spendius, who had (Seventy Thousand Africans in their Army) besieged Utica and Hippona at one and the same time; being without any Apprehension of the Enemy; for they kept Guard in their Camp near Tunes, by which means the Carthaginians were debarred all Commerce and Communication with Africa. For Carthage is situate on a Peninsula which runs far out into the Sea, and is bounded by that on the one side, and the other by Marish and unpassable Grounds; so that the Isthmus that joins it to the Continent, is not three Miles broad; Utica stands not far from that Part of Carthage which regards the Sea, and Tunes on the side of the Marish Ground: So that the Enemy being encamped in those two Places, did in effect not only block up the Carthaginians from the Continent, but even alarmed the City itself, marching sometimes by Night, some times by Day, to their very Walls; filling the Inhabitants with great Fear and Disorder. Neverthelsss, Hanno omitted no part of his Charge, making all Provision possible for the War, wherein he was very capable, being well practised in Affairs of that Nature, but he was found no able Soldier, whensoever he marched against the Enemy; for he knew not how to improve Occasions of Advantage, and not only manifested his Want of Judgement, but of Courage, too when it came to the Trial. For marching to the Relief of Utica, when he had terrified and disordered the Enemy by the help of his Elephants, whereof he had an Hundred in his Army, and Victory had already declared for him; yet through his Default, not only the Army, but the Town itself, was in great hazard of being lost; for having brought from Carthage all sorts of Machine's, Engines, and Equipage of War, proper for the Attack of Towns, and encamping near Utica, he assaulted the Enemy's Works, who, not able to stand the Force of the Elephants, were forced to quit their Camp. Many were slain by those Animals, and such as escaped, retired to a neighbouring Mountain for Safety, which being strong by Situation, and overgrown with Wood, they thought themselves there secure enough. While Hanno, who had been accustomed to make War with the Africans and Numidians, who, upon any Defeat, are wont to Retreat as far from Danger as they are able, often flying for Two or Three Days together: thought himself secure of the Victory, and that the Enemy had been totally defeated, insomuch that he neglected the Guard of his Camp, left his Soldiers at Liberty, and retiring into the Town, there made good Cheer and thought of nothing but his Ease. In the mean time the Enemy, who had been well trained in War, and had learned of their Leader Hamilcar in Sicily, how to sustain such Shocks and Rencounters, laid hold on this occasion; for being used to fly before an Enemy, and to Face again, and Attack in one and the same Day those who had pursued them; and receiving Intelligence that Hanno was retired into the Town, and that the Soldiers, confident of their Victory, neglected their Duty in Guarding the Camp; they marched forthwith down, and attacked their Retrenchments, killed a great number, and constrained the rest shamefully to Retreat into the Town; taking all their Baggage, Engines, and Equipage of War. Nor was this the only Occasion wherein Hanno had given Marks of his Insufficiency; for this Disaster was followed by another, soon after, near a Town called Gorza: For, notwithstanding he lay encamped in the Face of the Enemy, and had it in his power totally to have subdued them; after having twice worsted them in Battle, nevertheless, by his Imprudence, the Opportunity was lost.  
Wherefore the Carthaginians, dissatisfied with the Conduct of Hanno, gave the Command of their Army once again to Hamilcar Barcas and dispatched him to the Field with Seventy Elephants, and all the Foreigners they could get together, with the Militia of the City, both Horse and Foot; amounting in all to about ten thousand Men. With this Army he marched against the Enemy, whom he surprised in such manner, that they were constrained to remove their Camp, and raise their Siege from before Utica; for which Action alone he was judged worthy of the great Character he had obtained in the World, and confirmed the Hopes they had conceived of his Success; and here we have an occasion to make recital of his Adventures during this Expedition.  
On the narrow, or slip of Land, and that joins Carthage to the Continent, stand two Mountains, almost inaccessible on the side that looks towards the Country; in those two Mountains there are two Ways or Passes made by Art, which lead into the Champaign. These Mountains were possessed by Matho, who had placed Guards in every needful place. Furthermore, the River Macar hinders all passage from Carthage into the Country on that side, which is so deep, as to be no where fordable; over which River there is but one Bridge, near which there stands a Village, which Matho possessed likewise, and guarded with great Vigilance; by this means, not only an Army could not pass, but even a single Man could hardly get passage undiscovered of the Enemy: This was well considered by Hamilcar, who, having a watchful Eye , lights, at length, on a Stratagem which afforded him the only means to get his Passage. He had remarked, that upon the blowing of certain Winds, the Mouth of the River used to be choked up with Sand, which was wont to bank up in nature of a Bar, and afforded a kind of watery Passage over the River; he therefore marched his Army to the River's Mouth, where he halted, without communicating the reason to any Body, till those favourable Winds, we mentioned, should blow; which no sooner happened, but he marcheth his Army, by Night, over the River; without giving the least Suspicion to the Enemy: This Action (wherein he performed great Service, and thought to be impossible) was matter of great Astonishment, both to the Carthaginians and the Enemy; and now Hamilcar gets into the Plains, and marcheth towards those that guarded the Bridge. Spendius receiving Advice of what had passed, gets before him, and marches on the one side with a Body of above Ten Thousand Men, which he drew out of the Town near the Bridge; and on the other were at least Fifteen Thousand, which he ordered from the Camp before Utica, with purpose, by that manner of proceeding, to surround and him Hamilcar's Army in; under which hopes, the Soldiers became so attentive, that they punctually obeyed the Orders they received, and mutually animated each other to do their Duty as they ought. In the mean time, Hamilcar advances with the Elephants in his Front, than the Cavalry, with the light armed Foot, and those who carried Bucklers, in the Rear. But when he observed the Enemy to approach with Precipitation, and, as it were, without any Order, he presently changed the Order of his Battle, commanding those who were in the Rear to advance to the Front; who marching with a compass, became oppossed in Battle to the Enemy; who taking those Motions to be an effect of Fear, and a sort of Retreat, attacked them with great Resolution, tho' without any Order. But Hamilcar's Horse were no sooner advanced, and those who followed them boldly sustaining them; and altogether coming to the Charge, when the Enemy who came in confusion, and in haste, began to fear; finding, so contrary to their Opinion, the Resistance that was made; which not being able to endure they soon betook themselves to flight, one of their Parties encountering with another of their own, which was coming to their Relief, took them for Enemies in the Fright, and engaging, defeated one the other; most of the rest were destroyed by the Horse and the Elephants. In this Conflict there died of the Africans near Six Thousand Men, and about Two Thousand were taken Prisoners; the Remainder, some got into the Town near the Bridge, and some into the Camp before Utica. After the Victory, Hamilcar pursues the Stragglers , taking the Town by the Bridge which the Enemy had abandoned, and retired to Tunes; and foraging the Country round about, some Towns yielding to him out of Fear, others were reduced by force; by which means having, in a good degree recovered the Carthaginians form the Fear they were under, being almost at the point of Despair; he gave them new Courage, and lent them more Assurance in danger.  
In the mean time, Matho, who continued the Siege of Hippona, advised Spendius and Autaritus, who was Chief among the Gauls, to be careful not to lose sight of the Enemy, but to take care, however, not to be surprised in the Champion Country, by reason of Hamilcar's Superior Strength in Horse and Elephants, but to keep the skirts of the Hills, and to march and incamp as near the Enemy as they could, and to take the advantage of attacking them, when they should perceive them at any time encumbered or molested in their March; but while he gave them this Counsel, he forgot not to solicit the Numidians and Africans for Succours, and to incite them to make use of the present Occasion to recover their Liberty. So Spendius made choice of Six Thousand Men, out of the several Nations that were encamped at Tunes, to march, and attend the Motions of the Carthaginians, wheresoever they went; keeping, as he was advised, the Foot of the Mountains. He took likewise with him, the Horse of Autaritus amounting to Two Thousand Gauls, (all the rest of that Nation, who had served at Erix under Autaritus, having taken Pay with the Romans.) And while Hamilcar was encamped in a Plain, surrounded on all sides with Hills, Spendius receives Succours both of Africans and Numidians, and resolves to attack the Carthaginians, by surrounding them, appointing the Numidians to engage in the Rear, the Africans in the Front, resolving himself to fall on their Flank. The Carthaginians were hereby reduced to very great straits, looking on the Danger to be almost inevitable. But it happened that at this time there was a certain Numidian in the Enemy's Army, called Naravasus, a Man of Account both for Nobility and Courage: He had heretofore been of the Carthaginian Party, on the account of the Friendship that had been between them and his Father; and now charmed by the Virtue and Fame of Hamilcar, he was resolved to renew old Kindness; and conceiving this a proper occasion to put his Purpose in effect, he determined to find out Hamilcar, and contract this new-designed Friendship with him: Accordingly he advanceth towards their Camp, attended only with about an Hundred Numidians; and coming near their Lines, he there halts, and with a noble Assurance, makes a Sign with his Hand, that he had something to communicate with them. Hamilcar, not a little wondering at the Hardiness of the Action, sent a Horseman out to him, to whom Naravasus replied, He had something to say to the General; but in regard the Carthaginians showed some Diffidence to trust him, Naravasus forthwith dismounts; and giving his Horse and Arms to his Guard; in that manner, naked and disarmed, with a gallant Boldness, adventures into Hamilcar's Trenches. Every body wondered at the Bravery of the Man, but received him amicably, and freely discoursed with him; and being conducted to Hamilcar, he told him, He wanted not good Inclinations for the Carthaginians in general; but his Ambition was principally to engage in a Friendship with him, which was the Motive that brought him; which, if he approved, he should find him for the future, a faithful Friend, whether it were for Counsel or Action. This Discourse of Naravasus, and the Action itself, performed with so frank a Boldness, filled Barcas with unspeakable Joy, insomuch, that without the least show of Distrust, he embraced the Offer; and not only made him his Confident in his most secret Negotiations, and his Companion in all his Erterprises; but to purchase his Fidelity to the Carthaginians, he promised him his Daughter to Wife. And when the Conference and Treaty was ended, Naravasus joins Hamilcar with a Body of Two Thousand Numidians, with which Re-inforcement he offers the Enemy Battle. Spendius likewise, on his part, being strengthened by the Africans, marches against him, where the Battle was obstinately fought. The Victory was long in suspense, but Hamilcar, in the end, had the Day, whose Elephants did great Service, and Naravasus signalised himself above all others. Spendius and Autaritus escaped by Flight, about Ten Thousand of their Men being slain, and Four Thousand taken Prisoners. After the Battle, Hamilcar released all the Prisoners that were willing to take Pay in the Army, and armed them with the Spoils of the Dead. As to those that were not willing to serve, he assembled them together, and there told them, That he freely Pardoned and Remited their Fault for that time, and gave them their Liberty, leaving every one to his own Course; with this Caution only, That if ever they were taken in Arms against the Carthaginians, they were to expect no Mercy. During these Transactions, the Mercenaries that were in Garrison in Sardinia mutinyed likewise, after the Example of Matho and Spendius; and having shut up Bostar their Commander in chief, in the Citadel, they, at length, murdered both him and all the Carthaginians with him. Whereupon the Republic sent a Re-inforcement of more Troops, under the Command of one Hanno, whose Soldiers likewise abandoned him on their arrival, and joined with the Rebels; and at the same time seized on their Leader, and crucified him. They likewise barbarously murdered all the Carthaginians they could find in the Island; and making themselves Masters of the strong Places, kept them in possession, and domineered till a Dissension happened between them and the Natives, who prevailing, chased them into Italy; so that Sardinia became by this means, entirely lost to the Carthaginians: An Island very considerable, as well by its Greatness, and the number of the Inhabitants, as for the Fruits and Product of the Country. But in regard many have already largely described it, I thought it unnecessary to say more on a Subject so well known, it being but so much time lost, to say over again what others have said before me.  
And now Matho, Spendius, and Autaritus foreseeing, that the Clemency which Hamilcar exercised towards the Prisoners, was like to have but an ill Effect on their Affairs; and fearing least the Africans, and their other Troops, in Prospect of Pardon, should desert them, and go over to the other Army, they resolved to commit some new Act of Villainy; such as should put them past all hopes of Indemnity with the Carthaginians. So they assembled all the Army to a certain place, and while they were there, a Messenger purposely arrived with pretended Letters from those who had followed their steps in Sardinia, which Letters contained strict Injunctions to them, to be careful in guarding Gesco, and the rest of the Prisoners (who, as we have already noted, were treacherously imprisoned at the Treaty of Tunes) inasmuch as there were some in the Army, who had undertaken to the Carthaginians to deliver them up. Spendius here takes occasion to admonish them, not to rely on the specious Humanity which Hamilcar seemed to show to those who had fallen into his Hands; that it was the least of his Purpose to spare them, but by a feigned Clemency, hoped to draw the rest to Submission; to the End, that having them once at his Mercy, he might make one Example of Punishment for all; should they be ensnared by those Allurements. He further proceeded to Counsel them, to take care not to be out-witted, and, neglecting their Duty, permit Gesco to escape; who being a principal Leader, and in great Authority, would prove one of their most dangerous Enemies. Spendius had hardly ended his Discourse, when a second Courier arrives, pretending to come from the Camp near Tunes, who brings Letters pressing the same matter that was contained in the others.  
Upon this Autaritus applies to the Assembly, to whom he remonstrates, that their Safety and Success consisted purely in renouncing all those hopes of Pardon, to which the Carthaginians laboured to persuade them; and that he, whoever he was, that should suggest any Assurance in the Carthaginian Clemency, should forfeit his Fidelity, and was no more to be trusted. He advised them, therefore, to be guided by, and give credit to those who knew best how the Carthginians would deal with them, and to hold them for Traitors and Enemies, who should attempt to persuade the contrary. When he had ended his Discourse, he gave his Opinion that they ought to put Gesco to Death; and not only those who were with him, but all such others as had fallen into their Hands since the War. This Autaritus was a very popular Man in the Army, and prevailed much in their Assemblies; he was, moreover, perfect in the Carthaginian Tongue by reason of his long Commerce among them, as were many others under his Command; who, in their common Conversation, seldom spoke in any other Language. This Officer was therefore listened to with general Applause, and the Assembly was unanimously prevailed with, to consent to his Proposition. Howbeit, there were some of every Nation, who joined in their common Request, That, in regard of the many Benefits they had received at the Hands of Gesco, he might have the Favour only to suffer Death, without putting him to Torment; but in regard their Discourse was confused and in several Languages, it was not understood what they demanded; and now it being known what was determined, one of those there present demanded aloud, That they should forthwith execute the Sentence; whereupon immediately all the Carthaginian Prisoners that were at hand, were stoned to Death, who some time after were buried by their Relations, as if they had been killed and torn by wild Beasts. Then Spendius ordered Gesco to be brought forth out of the Camp, together with the other Prisoners that were with him, to the number of Seventy Persons; and being led some distance off, they first cut off their Hands, beginning with Gesco, whom just before they had owned for their Benefactor, and whom they had made Choice of to be Umpire of their Differences, then by degrees they Dismembered them, and after they had cut off their Legs, they threw them yet alive into a Ditch. The Carthaginians, upon receiving Intelligence of this Savage Piece of Cruelty, justly deplored the Calamities of those Miserable People, and sent to Hamilcar and Hanno, who was the other General, exhorting them to lay the Distresses of the Commonwealth to Heart, and to do their utmost to revenge the Death of their Fellow-citizens, by the Destruction of their Murderers. Heralds were likewise dispatched to the Enemy to demand the Bodies of the Dead, who were so far from dedelivering them, that they advised them to send no more Messengers or Ambassadors, assuring them that the first who came should share the Fate of Gesco. In a word, they now agreed to Treat all the Carthaginians that should for the Future fall into their Hands, with the like Inhumanity, and such of their Allies as should be taken, they would cut off their Hands, and so send them back to Carthage; which cruel Determination they afterwards rigorously executed. Certainly, whosoever shall weigh things rightly, will conclude, that as there are Maladies and Ulcers in Human Bodies, that may arrive to such a head of Malignity as to be past all Cure; so the Spirits and Minds of Men are obnoxious to the like Distempers. In short, there are Sores and Biles in our Bodies which will fester under the use of proper Remedies, and yet if Applications are neglected, they spread and pray upon the part affected, and as they grow in Malignity, come at length to consume the whole Body; not unlike to these, there often happens to grow Diseases in the Mind, which arrive at such Inveteracy, that one may with Justice conclude, Savage Beasts themselves come short of them in Rage and Cruelty. Such as these if you treat them with Humanity, grow into greater Jealousy, and confide in you less than before, interpreting your Lenity an effect of Art and Cunning, and become thereby most enraged with those who discover the greatest Inclination to Clemency. If on the other Hand, you resent their Barbarities, and pay them in their own Coin, they then make Ostentation of their Wickedness, and there is no Crime or Inhumanity, how impious or abominable soever, that they will scruple at, till at length they cease to be Men, and are Metamorphosed into Savage Beasts. And though it cannot be gainsaid, but this Imperfection of the Mind grows out of ill Manners and bad Education; nevertheless, there are other Causes that minister to the Growth of this Evil, whereof the greatest are the Injuries and Avarice of Magistrates and Men in Authority, whereof we have a bloody Example now before us; the truth of which was made manifest as well in the Soldiers as their Officers.  
Hamilcar greatly provoked at these Barbarities, ordered Hanno to join him, concluding, that by uniting all their Troops into one Body, they should soon put a Period to the War. And now, contrary to his Custom, he put all of the Enemy to death, who fell into his hands; and if at any time Prisoners were brought into the Army, he ordered them without Mercy to be devoured of wild Beasts; being at length convinced that the only Remedy to the Evils under which they suffered, was, to extend no Compassion to the Offenders; but, to diminish and utterly destroy them, by all means possible. But, while the Carthaginians were in these fair hopes; when Success  attended their Arms, and they had reason to expect a favourable Issue of the War, behold a Caprice of Fortune, who changing Face, turned the Tide of their Affairs. The two Generals had no sooner united their Armies, but they fell at Difference between themselves, which bred such evil Effects, that by that means, not only many fair Occasions were lost of molesting the Enemy, but Opportunities given to them, to damnify the Carthaginians; which being observed and weighed by the State; one of them was directed to quit his Command; and who should remain in Authority, to be left to the Election of the Army. Another Misfortune, likewise, befell them; about that time, a Convoy of theirs coming from a City called Emporium, wherein they had great Reliance for Supplies, as well of Provisions, as other Stores for the Army, was lost by Tempest at Sea. As to Sardinia, which had ever yielded them great Relief in their straits; that, as we have already noted, was totally lost. But, to fill the Measure of their Adversity, the two Cities of Hippona and Utica, who alone, of all the Towns of Africa, had, till that time, preserved their Fidelity, and not only during this War, but in the time of Agathocles, and even when the Romans made their Descent on Africa, had continued faithful, and never manifested the least Inclination of Revolt, now abandoned them; and were not content, barely to take part with the Africans, without any apparent Motive, but linked themselves, to their Fortunes, in a League of fast Friendship and Alliance; and grew into mortal Hatred against the Carthaginians; which they witnessed by Murdering five Hundred of their Soldiers, with their Officers, who were sent to their Relief, after they had received them into their Towns, and afterwards cast their dead Bodies over the Walls: In short, those two Places gave themselves up entirely to the Africans, expressing so great an Aversion to the Carthaginians, that when they sent Ambassadors to them for leave to Bury their Dead, they refused them. So that now, Matho and Spendius, exalted with the Accession of so much good Fortune, formed a Design of laying Siege to Carthage itself.  
During these things, the Carthaginians dispatched Hannibal to the Army, after they had maturely deliberated about the matter of Difference that had happened between the two Generals, and had declared it was expedient that Hanno should relinquish his Authority. Then Hamilcar, with Hannibal and Naravasus, made Inroads into the Country, and cut off all the Enemy's means of Susistance, in which Service Naravasus was eminently useful, as he did in every thing greatly serve them: And this was the State of their Troops that kept the Field.  
In the mean time, Carthage itself being blocked up and enclosed on all sides, they were driven to have recourse for Succours to their Friends and Confederates; Hiero King of Siracuse, who was their fast Friend, and having diligently supplied them with whatever they demanded, during the whole War, gave them now in their greatest Straits, the best Evidence of his Friendship; and this he wisely saw, to be his safest Course, as conducing to the better Support of his Power in Sicily, and the Conservation of his Alliance with the People of Rome, foreseeing, that if Carthage were not preserved in a State to give them Jealousy, it might be his Lot one Day, to lie at their Mercy, without any Prospect of Redress.  
Herein, I say, Hiero did, without question, proceed like a prudent Prince, it being in no wise safe, to let a little Mischief grow to a head; but, to prevent, by all means possible, the exorbitant Increase of a Neighbouring Prince's Power; lest, when it shall be too late, you find it past your Ability to withstand him, when your own proper Interest shall come to be Contested. On the other hand, the Romans, pursuant to the Treaty of Peace, were not wanting in any thing to the Carthaginians; though there soon happened a Difference between those two States. In brief, the Carthaginians, at the beginning of this War, had seized and made Prize of all Vessels that traded from Italy, to the Coast of Africa, who for Lucre supplied their Enemies with whatsoever they wanted. And now having in their Custody at least Five Hundred Prisoners of that Nation, the Romans stomached it, and began to give evidence of their Indignation thereat. But, this Point was soon composed, for as soon as they signified their Resentment by their Ambassadors, the Carthaginians restored the said Prisoners in so frank a Manner, that they on their side, not to be behind hand in Courtesy, forthwith enlarged without Ransom all the Carthaginian Prisoners, which yet remained of those who had been taken, during the Sicilian War. Furthermore the Romans readily granted them whatsoever Assistance they demanded; they permitted their Merchants to supply Carthage, with every thing they stood in need of, and Prohibited all manner of Commerce with their Enemies. Moreover, they rejected the Overtures made by the Ambassadors of those who had revolted from the Carthaginians in Sardinia, and were in Possession of the Island, though they offered to put it into their hands; and to give farther Evidence of their Sincerity, they refused the Tender the People of Utica made them, who would have freely given them their City; so that the Carthaginians, thus aided, bore the Hardships of the Siege the more cheerfully. In the mean time Matho and Spendius both besiege, and are besieged, being reduced to so great straits for Provision, and all other Stores and Necessaries, by the good management of Hamilcar, that, in the end, they were constrained to rise from before the City, and selecting out Fifty Thousand of the choicest Men in their Armies, with whom there joined a Man of note, called Zarxas, at the Head of his own People; with which Army they marched to encounter the Enemy, and observe the Motions of Hamilcar; keeping, however the Skirts of the Hills, out of fear of the Elephants; and the Horse of Naravasus, still using their utmost Industry to keep Possession of those Fastnesses; and tho' in Courage and Hardiness they were equal to the Carthaginians, nevertheless they were worsted, and came by the loss in all their Rencounters, as being under worse Discipline, and led by Commanders inferior in Skill and Sufficiency: And it was here demonstrated, how much the Wisdom and Knowledge of a great General weighs against Strength and Number; for Hamilcar, like an Artful Gamester, first draws them in to Pickeer, and engage in small Parties, and so by degrees, diminished them; and whenever they came to a Battle, what by his Skill in laying and contriving Ambushes, and otherwise, he cut off great numbers of them. Furthermore, he never permitted them to be at rest, but alarmed them Night and Day, and ever contrived it when they least expected it: And such as fell alive into his Hands, he gave to be devoured by wild Beasts. At length, surprising them in a place where they were greatly incommoded, and where he could lie at his ease, there he besieged them in their Camp, at a time when they thought themselves most secure, where he so straitened them, and brought them to such Extremity, that they came both to want Resolution to give him Battle, and were without all possible means to get out of his Hands; to such Hardships were they driven, that they came to devour one another; an Instance of the Divine Justice, to chastise the Inhumanity they themselves had practised. They were afraid to come to a Battle, knowing, that whosoever fell into their Enemy's Hands, was sure to suffer Death by the most exquisite Torments; and they despaired of any Terms by Treaty, conscious of the Gild of so many abominable Crimes; they therefore determined to abide the utmost Extremity, and to exercise that Cruelty, one among another which they had heretofore practised on their Neighbours, and so to attend the Arrival of those Succours, which they had been made to hope were coming to them from Tunes.  
But when they had spent all their Prisoners, with whose Bodies they had been sustained, and their Slaves were likewise almost consumed in the like horrid Repast; and receiving no News from Tunes, and the Army, subdued by the Sharpness of their Sufferings, beginning to look with an angry Eye on their Leaders; Spendius, Autaritas, and Zarxas began to form Designs of yielding themselves up, and so to enter upon Treaty with Hamilcar; whereupon, demanding, by a Trumpet, a Passport for Persons to be sent on a Treaty, they themselves, among others, went and put themselves into the Hands of the Carthaginians, to whom Hamilcar proposed the following Conditions: That the Carthaginians should make choice of Ten Persons out of the Enemy's Army, of what Condition soever, and that the rest of the Army should be disarmed, and dismissed in their Shirts. These Conditions being agreed to, Hamilcar then declared, That, pursuant to the Articles of Agreement, he made choice of those there present; so the Number was composed of Autaritas, Spendius, and the rest of their chief Officers. But when the Army was given to understand, that their Commanders were detained, knowing nothing of the Agreement that was accorded between them, they took for granted, they had been betrayed. Whereupon, in a tumultuous manner, they ran to their Arms. But Hamilcar, being beforehand with them, drew out his Elephants, and with them, and the rest of the Army surrounding them, fell upon them, and cut them in pieces, to the number of Forty Thousand. The place where this bloody Service was performed, was called Prion, which signifieth a Saw; forasmuch as it bore resemblance to that kind of Instrument.  
After this famous Defeat of their Enemies, the Carthaginians, who were driven almost to Despair, began to take Heart, while Hamilcar, with Hannibal and Naravasus foraged and scoured the Country; and the News of the Victory being dispersed, disposed many of the Africans to come into the Carthaginian Army; and most of the Towns round about to return to their Obedience. After this, they take their March towards Tunes, where they besieged Matho. Hannibal's Quarter was on that part that regards Carthage, and Hamilcar's on the opposite side; As soon as their Army was encamped, they led out Spendius and the rest of the Prisoners; and bringing them near the Walls of the Town, they there crucified them in view of the Enemy. But Matho having observed, that Hannibal did not keep so good a Guard in his Camp as he ought, sallied out, and attacked his Quarters; where killing many of his People, he put the rest to flight, pillaged his Camp; and taking Hannibal himself Prisoner, forthwith ordered Spendius to be taken from the Cross, and Hannibal to be fixed alive in his place, where he executed him with unspeakable Torments; then they chose out Thirty Carthaginian Prisoners, of the Noblest they could find; and placing them about the Body of Spendius, put them to death; as if Fortune had made a Compact with these two People, to give them Occasions of thus mutually exercising their Cruelty one on the other. Hamilcar's Post was so remote from Hannibal's, that the matter was past remedy, before he knew any thing of it; and tho' he should have received earlier Notice, the Difficulty of the Ground and Situation of the Place would have afforded him but little hopes to relieve them. Whereupon he decamped from where he was, and came and posted himself along the Seaside, near the Mouth of the River Macheta.  
The Carthaginians, affrighted at this unlooked for Loss, began to fall from their late Hopes; nevertheless, they omitted nothing that might evidence their Care for the Public. Wherefore they dispatched Thirty of the Body of their Senate, together with Hanno, who had already commanded in this War, to Hamilcar; furthermore, they supplied him with a Re-inforcement to his Army, with all they could pick up, that could bear Arms in the City. The Senators were instructed, above all things, to labour an Accommodation between Hamilcar and Hanno, and to dispose them to such an Accord, that the Commonwealth might not be sacrifieed to their Differences. Whereupon, bringing them together, after long Conference and Debate, Hamilcar and Hanno, became Friends, and passed their Words to agree in all things for the common Good; and accordingly, afterwards, their Affairs were successfully managed, to the full Satisfaction of their Fellow-citizens. So that Matho was now often reduced to Despair; sometimes by Ambushes, sometimes by Surprises, which frequently happened, as on an occasion near Leptis, and others; where in all Parties and Rencounters they still came by the worst. At length, they determined to come to a Battle, to which the Carthaginians, on their part, willingly agreed: The Friends and Confederates of of both Parties were drawn together; and their Garrisons were drawn out to augment their Armies, for deciding the Dispute; and when all things were in a readiness, the Battle was fought on the Day appointed, wherein the Carthaginians had the Day, and the greatest part, of the African Army slain on the place; some few that escaped, got into a neighbouring Town, which soon submitted, where Matho was taken alive. Upon this Success, all the Towns in Africa, that had been under the Dominion of the Carthaginians, returned to their Obedience, Utica and Hippona only excepted, which continued in their Obstinacy; who being, indeed, without hopes of Favour, had no ground to demand it; for from the first of their Defection, they acted against the Carthaginians, so as to cut off all prospect of Pardon; which may serve for Instruction, how necessary it proves, even in those sort of Crimes whereof we have been treating, to leave some place for Moderation, and not to act beyond the power of Reparation. In short, Hamilcar setting down before those two Towns, reduced them, at length, to Mercy. And so ended the War of afric, which had brought the Carthaginian State in so much Danger: And now they saw their Dominion restored, and the Authors of the Rebellion punished. Matho, and those taken with him, after they were carried in Triumph about the City, and treated with all kind of Ignominy, and used in the cruelest manner that could be invented, were, at length, tormented to Death. This War lasted three Years, and near four Months, and contained more Acts of Cruelty, and Inhumanity, than are to be found any where else in Story.  
About the same time the Romans being solicited by the Mercenaries, who were beaten out of Sardinia, and were fled to them, determined to attempt the Possession of that great Island; but the Carthaginians having the Right of first Possession, would not endure the Injury; and in regard they were now preparing an Army to go over and punish the Infidelity of those Islanders; the Romans interpreting those Preparations to be against them, took thence Occasion to declare a new War on them. But the Carthaginians, who had but just laid down their Arms, and knew themselves to be much too weak, and no ways in a condition to wage War with them, found it their best course to submit; and did not only yield up their Right to Sardinia to the Romans, but bought their Peace at the price of Twelve Hundred Talents.  
The End of the First Book.   

Polybius' General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.  
VOL. I. BOOK II.  
WE have shown in our former Book, at what Time it was that the Romans first adventured on Foreign Expeditions, after they had composed their Affairs in Italy. We have related the Motives and Manner of their Transporting their Arms into Sicily, and upon what Grounds they made War on the Carthaginians, and contended with them for the Dominion of that Island We have also noted the Time when the Romans first engaged on Naval Action, and what occurred during the Progress of the War, till the Carthaginians totally relinquished their Pretensions to Sicily, and their Enemies became Masters of it; all but what was reserved to King Hiero. Then we came to relate the Transactions of the War, made by the Carthaginian Mercinaries on their Masters, which was called the War of afric. We have likewise, in that Account, given Examples of the utmost Degrees of the Barbarity of Human Nature, and told what was the Issue of so many Savage Actions, pursuing the Story to the end of that War, wherein the Carthaginians remained with Victory.  
Now we shall proceed, according to our first Purpose, to set down subsequent Occurrences; For, the Carthaginians had no sooner composed their African Troubles, when they raised a new Army, the Command when which was given to Hamilcar Barcas, with Direction to transport it into Spain, who taking his Son Hannibal with him, not then above nine Years old, crossed the Sea, somewhere near the Straight of Herculeses Pillars, and began to lay the Foundation of the Carthaginian Greatness in Spain. Where, after he had commanded, for the Space of almost nine Years, and brought many Nations to yield Obedience to that Government; subduing some by Force, and winning others by Address; he at length ended his Days, in a manner worthy of the Greatness of his Name, being slain in Battle, bravely Fight at the head of his Troops, against a formidable Enemy, that opposed him. Upon whose Death the Carthaginians gave his Command to Asdrubal his Kinsman, at that time General of their Galleys.  
About the same time, the Romans transported an Army, and made their first Expedition into Illyria and the Parts adjacent. So that, whosoever would curiously Search into the History of the Growth of the Roman Greatness, is to have special Regard to that Part of their Story.  
The Causes moving to this Expedition, seem to be these: Agro, at that time King of Illyria, Son of Pleuratus, surpassed by much all his Predecessors in Power and Greatness, both by Sea and Land. He had promised Demetrius, Father of Philip King of Macedon, who had gained him with a Sum of Money, to send Succours to the Mydionians, whom the Aetolians at that time had besieged, moved it seems thereunto, for that they refused to join with them, to live under the same Laws, whom they therefore had determined to Reduce by Arms. And having levied an Army from among that People, they declared War against those of Mydionia, whose City they greatly distressed: attacking it with Machines' and Engines of all sorts. During this Siege the time drew near wherein the Aetolians were obliged to choose a new Praetor; but forasmuch as the Besieged were now brought to Extremity, and that there were hopes they would soon Capitulate; the present Praetor, who then commanded the Army, remonstrated to the Aetolians, that in regard he had born the Toil and Hazard of the Siege, it seemed but just, that he might be permitted to enjoy the Benefit of Disposing of the Booty, and the Honour of Taking the Place. But this Proposition found Opposers, especially among those who were Candidates in the new Election; who persuaded the People by no means to consent to any Innovation in their Customs, but to manage their Affairs according to the Prescription of their Laws, and leave the Issue to Fortune. Whereupon, the Aetolians resolved to proceed to the Election; allotting however, the Profit and Honour that was to be won, to be divided between him that now commanded, and the other who should be chosen.  
Three Days after this Determination, was to be the Election, when the new Officer was immediately to enter on his Charge according to Custom; but in the interim, there arrives a Fleet of a hundred small Vessels with a Re-inforcement of five Thousand Illyrians, who at break of Day landed secretly near the Town, and immediately put themselves in Order of Battle, according to their manner; and being formed in several Divisions, they advanced towards the Aetolians Camp, who were much surprised at the Hardiness of this sudden Attempt; nevertheless, they lost nothing of their usual Assurance, and the Pride that is become habitual to that Nation; for they relied on their Courage, and presumed their Army was not to be beaten. They having many Troops heavy armed, and abounding in Horse, these they commanded to March out, and embattled them in plain ground before their Camp. They likewise ordered their light armed Troops, and some Horse, to take Possession of certain advantageous Posts, and to seize on such Eminencies, as were not too remote from the Camp. And now the Illyrians advancing upon the light armed Troops, soon beat them from their Ground, as being more in Number, and marching in close Order. Then they forced the Horse likewise to retire, and winning the advantage of Ground, they charged those who were drawn up in the Plain; by which means they were the more easily routed; the Besieged likewise, at the same time made a Sally, and between them, the Aetolians were at length defeated; many were slain on the Place, and many taken Prisoners, with great store of Arms, and all their Baggage. Thus, as soon as the Illyrians had executed their Master's Orders, and loaded their Vessels with Booty, they immediately embarked again, and made Sail back to their Country.  
The Mydionians finding themselves thus happily rescued, when they despaired of Succour, called an Assembly of their Magistrates to consult of their Affairs, and principally to determine of the Disposal of the Booty; where 'twas agreed, that the present Praetor, and he who was in Election for the ensuing Year, should jointly have the Authority in the Distribution thereof.  
This Adventure of the Mydionians, is a sort of Lesson to the rest of Mankind, where Fortune seems by a singular Instance to put us in mind of her All-sufficiency; for when they thought themselves ruined past Redemption, she than puts an occasion in their hands whereby to deal to their Enemies the self same Measure, which they had decreed for them.  
As to the Aetolians, who were thus surprised and defeated; their Misfortune may instruct us, not overboldly to determine of Events, and to let Doubt have a share in all our Adventures, while there is a Possibility, that things may fall out otherwise than we expect. For, it behoves us in all the Transactions of our Life, especially in Military Matters, to remember, that we are at best but Men, whose wisest Counsels can never suffice to obviate the Fatality of such surprising Strokes.  
Upon the return home of King Agro's Fleet which he had dispatched on this Expediton, he fell into such a Fit of Joy at the Report his Captains made him of the Success of the Battle, and their having vanquished the Aetolians, a People held in great Esteem for their Valour; that falling into great Excess of Drinking and Revelling, to Celebrate the Victory, he was seized by a pleurisy, which soon put an end to his Days. After him Tuta his Wife reigned, and was governed by the Counsels of such Friends, as she had about her. But the Queen, according to the manner of her Sex, amused with the Joy of her present Prosperity, took no Thought for the future, and without any regard of Danger that might befall her from abroad; First permits her Subjects to practise Piracy, who made Prize of all they met with at Sea; then she sitted out a Fleet equal to that we have mentioned, with Command to the Leaders, to Treat all Nations as Enemies. Their first Enterprise was on the Eleans, and those of Messene, who stood most exposed to the Incursions of the Illyrians: For that Country lying along the Sea-coast, and their Towns standing but thin, it was the more liable to their Attempts, it being hard to send at any time seasonable Relief wheresoever they should be invaded, by reason of the remoteness of their Succours: So that the Illyrians ravaged all that Country with Impunity. From thence they steered towards Phoenicia, a City of Epyrus, whether they went to Revictual their Fleet, when coming to Anchor in the Port, they there entered into Treaty with certain Gauls, who composed part of the Garrison, to betray the Town into their Hands, there being no less than eight Hundred of that Nation then in Pay in the City. The Gauls agree to their Proposal, whereupon they landed their Forces, and were received into the Town, plundering them of all they had, assisted in their Attempt by the said Gauls, then in Garrison.  
The Epirots, upon receiving Intelligence of what had happened, marched forthwith to the Relief of the Place, and coming within a little distance of Phoenicia they encamped their Army, which they did in such manner, that the River which runs through the Town, served for a kind of Retrenchment; and for their better Security, they took away the Timber of the Bridge, that gave passage over the said River. But receiving Intelligence, that Scerdilaidus was coming by Land, at the Head of five Thousand Illyrians, and intended to pass by the Straits of Antigonia, they thereupon detached a part of their Army thither, to secure that Place, while the other part lay idle in the Camp, careless of their Duty, and negligent of their Guard; spending their time in Riot and Feasting, toward which the Country (abounding) plentifully supplied them; but for the Military Part, they set little by it, as holding that Profession in a sort of Contempt. Insomuch, that when the Illyrians got notice of this their Negligence, and that they had divided their Army, they marched away in the Night, and repairing the Bridge, boldly passed over the River, and presently possessed themselves of a secure piece of Ground, and there passed the rest of the Night, and in the Morning, by break of Day both Armies drew up in Battalia, where they fought in sight of the Town, in which Dispute the Epyrots were beaten; many were slain upon the place, and taken Prisoners, and the rest escaped by taking the way towards the Antitanes.  
After this Defeat, the Epyrots despairing of better Fortune, sent their Ambassadors to the Aetolians and the Achaians, to solicit Succours, who in Compassion of their Misfortunes, readily accorded them a Supply; and pursuant to their Promise, shortly after brought their Forces to Helicranus, in order to their Relief. The Illyrians, who were possessed of Phoenicia, advanced towards that Place likewise, in Conjunction with Scerdilaidus, and encamped not far from the Enemy, with Intention to give them Battle, but the inconveniency of the Ground prevented them. During these Transactions there came Letters from the Queen, containing Orders for their speedy return Home, to assist her against certain of her revolted Subjects, who had joined with the Dardanians. So, after they had spoiled and plundered the Epyrots, they consented to a Cessation of Arms; and, pursuant to the Treaty, delivered back their Town and all the Inhabitants of free Condition that were in their Possession. But they embarked, and carried away their Slaves and the Plunder; Scerdilaidus returning by the Straits of Antigonia. These Attempts greatly alarmed all the Greek Cities upon the Coast; for when they considered, that so strong and important a Town of the Epyrots had been taken, so contrary to the Opinion of all the World; they began to take thought, every one for themselves, and were not now only in pain for the Country, but for their Towns and Cities. And now, who would not have thought, that the Epyrots should have consulted, how to be revenged for these Injuries, and to render Marks of their Gratitude to those who so readily succoured them! but so it happened, that they did neither, But dispatched, forthwith, their Ambassadors to Queen Teuta, and entered into Confederacy with the Illyrians and Acarnanians, insomuch that they never after quitted their League with them, and continued in perpetual Enmity with the Achaians and Aetolians; by which Act, they gave at once manifest Evidence of their Ingratitude and Imprudence.  
Whosoever fall into Misfortunes, which Human Reason or Foresight could not obviate, no Man can justly charge them with the Evil that they suffer, but attribute it merely to Fortune, and those who are the cause. On the other hand, when Calamities befall us, through our own Imprudence, we must be content to bear the blame. Therefore 'tis, that when we behold a miserable Man, made so, purely by the Malignity of Fortune, we cannot withhold our Compassion, and are so far from condemning him, that we minister to his Relief. But when our Miseries are the Fruit of our Folly and Obstinacy, we become justly the Reproach and Contempt of every wise Man. Now, who, that had ever heard of the Inconstancy and notorious Perfidy of the Gauls, would have deposited so important a Place in their keeping, where so many occasions were likely to occur to tempt their Fidelity! Furthermore, who would not especially have held that People in Suspicion, that were known to have been expelled their Country, for their Breach of Faith towards their own Nation? Who, after being taken into the Service of the Carthaginians, where, on a Rumour, that their Mercenaries were likely to Mutiny for want to Pay, three Thousand of them that were in Garrison at Agrigentum, revolted and plundered the City; and afterwards being put into Erix, while the Romans laid Siege to that Place, attempted to betray it to the Enemy, and on discovery of their Treachery, deserted the Service and went over to the Romans; and soon after rifled the Temple of Venus Ericina: So that, at length, what for their Impiety, what for their Treachery, the Romans thought they could not do a more meritorious Act, than totally to expel them Italy; and, in a word, the Peace was no sooner concluded betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians, when, disarming them, they caused them to be embarked, and banished them entirely out of their Dominions. After what hath been observed, then, who can forbear blaming the Epyrots for giving up their Country, their Laws, and so rich, happy, and plentiful a City to the Custody of such a perfidious Nation? What Apology can be offered in their Defence, and who will not be obliged to confess, they were themselves the Authors of their own Calamities? This Reflection we thought was not amiss to make, touching the Imprudence of the Epyrots; to the end, we may be instructed in the Danger of committing the safety of a Town to Strangers, whose strength is superior to that of the Natives within it.  
The Illyrians, during their abode at Phoenicia, continued their Custom of Piracy, insulting over, and pillaging all such as traded from the Coast of Italy, where they plundered certain Italian Merchants; killed some, and carried others away Prisoners. Whereupon the Romans, who had hit herto neglected the Complaints that had been made of these Outrages, being now alarmed with new Clamours, coming from sundry Places at once, to the Senate, dispatched their Ambassadors to Illyria, Cajus and Lucius Coruncanus, to be rightly informed touching the Truth of these Reports. In the mean time, Queen Teuta beholding her Vessels on their return from Epyrus, loaden with so much rich Booty (for Phoenicia surpassed all the Cities in that Kingdom in Wealth and Beauty) became greatly exalted and encouraged by this extraordinary Success, and thereby the more strongly incited to enter into a War with the Greeks. Nevertheless it was respited for the present, in regard of some Troubles at that time in her own Kingdom, which were no sooner composed, when she laid Siege to the City of Issa, which alone had refused to yield her Obedience: About which time it was, that the Roman Ambassadors arrived; who being admitted to their Audience, set forth the Injuries that had been done. During their Discourse, Teuta treating them with great Pride and Disdain; in short, told them, She would take Care for the future, that no public Injuries should be done to the People of Rome by the Illyrians; but that it was not the Custom of Princes, to forbid their Subjects to make their particular Profits of what they met with in open Sea. The younger of the Ambassador's stomaching this Answer of the Queen's, with an Assurance truly worthy of a Roman, but at that time, perhaps, not so seasonable, thus replied, It is likewise, Madam, the Custom of the People of Rome, to make themselves public Reparations for Injuries done in particular, and to yield Succour to those that receive them: We shall therefore apply ourselves to Redress our own Wrongs, wherein we shall proceed in such a manner, that you will be soon obliged to change that Princely Custom. Teuta being a Woman of a fierce Spirit, heard these Words with so much Indignation, that without regard to the Right of Nations, as soon as they departed, she ordered the Ambassador, who had used this Liberty of Speech, to be murdered. The News of which Violation, acted by this haughty Woman, was no sooner come to Rome, when they immediately prepared for War, and fell to raising of Troops and fitting out a Fleet.  
Teuta, early the following Spring, dispatched another Fleet against the Greeks, more numerous than the former; one Squadron whereof sailed towards Corfu, another towards Dyrrhachium, under colour of supplying themselves with Victual and Water, but with design to surprise the Town. The Inhabitants, on their arrival, suspecting nothing, imprudently admitted some of them into the Town, under pretence of fetching Water: These having Arms concealed in their Water-vessels, were no sooner entered, when killing the Guards, they became Masters of the Gate. In the mean time, as it had been concerted between them, those who remained in the Ships, came to assist them; so that by this Reinforcement, they were quickly Masters of the greatest part of their Works. And now, albeit the Inhabitants were but ill provided for such a Rencounter, and greatly astonished at so surprising an Attempt, nevertheless, recovering Courage, and standing on their Defence, they manfully attacked the Illyrians; who, after a long Dispute, were compelled to retire. So the People of Dyrrhachium, who were on the point of losing their Town through their Negligence, preserved it by their Resolution; and the Danger into which they were like to fall became a Warning to them for the time to come. The Illyrians hereupon put to Sea, and joining with the other Squadron that was gone before, stood towards Corfu, where they landed, and sat down before the Town, filling all the Country with Terror and Astonishment.  
Those of Corfu being thus surprised, and driven almost to the point of Despair, dispatched, with all expedition, Ambassadors to the Achaians and Aetolians, those of Apollonia and Dyrrachium arriving at the same time to implore Succours, and beseech them not to permit the Illyrians to drive them out of their Country. They were favourably heard by those two People, who agreed together to dispatch ten Achaean Ships, well manned, and provided with all things necessary; and when they were ready, they made Sail towards Corfu, in hopes to be able to raise the Siege. But the Illyrians, having, according to their Treaty, received a Re-inforcement of ten Galleys of the Acarnanians, were got a-head of the Enemy, and engaged them near Paxus. The Achaean Vessels that fought the Acarnanians, made it but a kind of a drawn Business, separating with little Harm done on either side, only some few Soldiers hurt. But it fared otherwise with those who fought the Illyrians, who fastening themselves four and four together, proceeded after such a manner, as (seeming to be entangled) they might, by exposing their Broadsides, tempt the Enemy to attack them in Flank, who, when they had boarded them, they by that Device overpowering them with Numbers from the adjoining Vessels, entered on the Decks of the Achaean Galleys, and easily reduced them, taking four, and sinking one, with all her Men a-board; in which Vessel, was Marcus Carenias, a Man of great Reputation, who had all his Life long served the Achaians with much Honour and Integrity. When those who were engaged with the Acarnanians, saw the Illyrians had the better of the Battle, they retired from the Fight, wherein they were greatly furthered by the nimbleness and good-built of their Galleys, and so made the best of their way Home.  
Upon this Victory, the Insolence of the Illyrians grew greater and greater, who now straitened the Town more than before; so that, at length, after some time of Defence, being deprived of all hope of Succour, they yielded it up, receiving an Illyrian Garrison, and Demetrius of Pharos for their Governor. After this Action, the Illyrians returned to Dyrrachium, and laid Siege to that Place.  
In the mean while, the Roman Consuls, Cajus Fulvius, with a Navy of two Hundred Sail, and Aulus Posthumius with a Land-army, set forth on their Expedition. Fulvius arriving at Corfu, was in hopes to find the Siege yet afoot; and tho' he found the Town was surrendered, and the Illyrians in Garrison, he resolved, however, to attempt something, as well to be satisfied how Affairs had been carried, as to endeavour after some Intelligence with Demetrius; being informed, That he was fallen into the Queen's Displeasure, and had sent to Rome, to make a Tender of the Garrison to them. Whereupon, those of Corfu, glad of the Arrival of the Romans, put themselves (by Consent of Demetrius) into their Protection, hoping they should thereby be safe for the future, against the Outrages of the Illyrians. So soon as things were adjusted here, the Romans made Sail for Apollonia, having Demetrius for their Pilot. In the mean time, Posthumius embarked his Land-army at Brundisium, consisting of about twenty Thousand Foot, and two Thousand Horse, who joined the Fleet at Apollonia; which Town being put into their Hands, they departed for Dyrrachium, on Intelligence that the Illyrians had besieged that Place; who having notice of the Romans approach, raised their Siege, and fled, scattering for safety as well as they could; so that that Town being likewise taken into the Romans Protection, they advanced towards Illyria, subduing the Ardyans in their way. And now Ambassadors came to the Romans from divers Countries, among which, those of the Parthenians and the Antitanes; these offering to put themselves under the Roman Protection, were admitted to their Alliance. So they passed on to Issa, which the Illyrians had likewise besieged, but departed at the approach of the Romans, to whom the Inhabitants delivered up the City. Afterwards, coasting along the Illyrian Shore, they assaulted and took several of their Towns, among which, Nutria, where they lost their Quaestor, some Tribunes, and many Soldiers; but this Loss was repaired, by the taking Forty of the Illyrians Vessels, which were returning home loaden with Booty. As for those who had besieged Issa, among whom were a Body of Pharians; these were well treated by Demetrius, and continued in his Service; the rest being scattered made their escape to Arbon. Teuta, hereupon, with a small retinue, retired to a strong Place called Rizon, situate a good Distance within the Country, on a River of that Name. And now, the Romans having put the greatest part of the Illyrian State into the Possession of Demetrius; and after having invested him with great Authority, they returned with both their Armies to Dyrrachium; from thence Cajus Fulvius departed towards Rome, with the major Part of both Armies; but Posthumius remained behind with forty long Vessels, and raised an Army from among the Natives, to the end, if there should be occasion, he might be in a posture of Defence; for they were not sure of the Fidelity of the Ardyans and others, who had put themselves under the Roman Protection.  
Teuta, early the following Spring sent Ambassadors to Rome, with whom she made her Peace on the following Conditions, That she should be Tributary to the Romans, paying such a yearly Sum as they should think fit to impose: That she should relinquish, entirely, her Interest in Illyria, saving some few Places. And what was yet more considerable, and wherein the Greeks were principally concerned, she was not to Navigate beyond Lissus with above two Vessels, and those unarmed. After this, Posthumius sent Ambassadors to the Aetolians and Achaians, first to report to them the true Cause and Motives of the War, which brought the Romans into these Countries; and then to give them an Account of the Success of their Arms; causing the Treaty of Accord made between them and the Illyrians to be publicly read: The Ambassadors having been received with due Honour, and entertained with all manner of Respect, returned to Corfu; and by the Peace now made with the Illyrians, the Greeks were delivered from their Fears. For in those Days, the Illyrians made not fair War with any particular People, but robbed and pillaged all Nations they met with. These than were the Motives the Romans had first of carrying their Arms into Illyria, and those Countries of Europe; and then was the first Intercourse they managed by their Ambassadors, with the People of Greece. Afterwards they sent Ambassadors to the Corinthians and Athenians, and then it was that the Corinthians ordained, the Romans should have part in the Isthmian Games.  
While these things were transacted in those Parts by the Romans, Asdrubal (for we were speaking of him, when we broke off our Discourse about Spain) governed his Province with great Wisdom and Address, performing infinite Services of extraordinary Moment to the Carthaginians, augmenting their Power especially by a City he caused to be built, which is called by some Carthagena, by others, the New Town. This City hath a very commodious Situation, whether we respect either Spain or afric; but we shall have occasion elsewhere to speak more particularly thereof, and the Benefit accrueing thereby to both those Countries. When the Romans came to understand, that the Carthaginians had acquired so great a Reputation in that Country, as to become formidable to the Spaniards, they resolved to attempt something likewise on that side; and concluding that the Growth of the Carthaginian Greatness was principally owing to their Negligence, who, by a profound Carelessness, had, as it were, slept away their Jealousy; they therefore determined to repair that Error, by their future Care and Vigilance. They did not dare, however, for the present, to exact any thing of the Carthaginians, that might appear hard and severe; nor declare a War with them, from the Apprehensions they were under of the Gauls, who at that time (as it was bruited) were preparing an Army to march against Rome. They resolved, therefore, for the present, to sooth and amuse Asdrubal by Art, that they might have the more leisure to deal with the Gauls. For they rightly judged, that while they should have that Enemy at their backs, it would be not only impossible for them to become entire Masters of Italy, but their City itself would not be out of Danger. Wherefore after they had concluded a Treaty with Asdrubal by their Ambassadors, by which the Carthaginians were obliged not to advance their Arms beyond the River Eber, without making mention of any other Countries of Spain, they prepared to attack the Gauls that inhabited Italy.  
But before we come to speak of that War, we have thought it not improper to say something of the Nation of the Gauls, whereby to Conduct the Reader to a right Knowledge of those Matters which we purpose to deliver. It will also beget a better Connexion of the Parts of our History, to show the Time when that People first planted themselves in Italy. In short, we have not only judged their Actions worthy Recording, and that they ought to be delivered to Posterity, but have concluded it necessary to our Purpose so to do. For, we shall learn by that means what sort of People it was that served under Hannibal, and with what kind of Aids he sustained his great Design of Subverting the Roman Government.  
But it seems fit first, to make mention of the Country, to the end that by being instructed in the Nature and Situation of their Towns, we may give a clearer Insight into the principal Parts of our History. Italy then is in Form of a Triangle; that part which regards the East, is terminated by the Ionian Sea, and Adriatic Gulf: The Western and Southern Parts are bounded by the Tuscan and Sicilian Seas; and where these two Lines meet is one Part of the Triangle, here is a Promontory looking towards the South, which is called Cothinthus, which separates the Sicilian and Ionian Seas. The part which regards the North, and joins it to the Continent, is bounded by the Alps, which take their beginning about Marseilles, and the Places bordering on the Sardinian Sea, stretching and extending from thence to the bottom of the Adriatic Gulf; if they do not reach quite as far as Adria beneath these Mountains, which Line makes the Base of the Triangle; there are spacious and fertile Plains ranging North and South, which terminate the Continent of Italy. These Plains which have likewise a triangular Form, (whereof the joining of the Alps and Apennine Hills near Marseilles, make one Point) exceed in Fertility all other Parts of Europe. On the North they are bounded by the Alps, extending above two hundred and sixty Miles in length; but the Bounds thereof towards the South, are made by the Apennineses, containing in length about four hundred and sixty Miles; towards the Sea, where the Coast of the Adriatic made another side of the Triangle, is computed from Senagallia to the bottom of the Gulf, in length about three hundred Miles. So that this Plain or Champaign Country contains in Circuit, little less than eleven hundred Miles.  
Now touching the Fertility of Italy, it is hardly possible to set it forth: It abounds so much in Breadcorn, that very often, and even in our Days, the Sicilian Bushel of Wheat hath been sold for four Oboli, and Barley at two, and a Metreta of Wine at the same price: They have Plenty likewise of Millet and all other Grain, beyond expression. It may be judged also that they abound in Oak-mast, insomuch as the Italians breed infinite numbers of Swine, which are spent in their Sacrifices, and common Uses, and carried in Herds with their Armies. In a word, it will be seen, by what follows, how plentifully this Country is stored with all things necessary to Human Life, those who travel in these parts, never cheapen any thing in their Inn, but demand only how much they are to pay by the Head; where you shall be very well treated for a quarter of an Obolus; and it is seldom, or never, that they demand more. Their People are numerous, their Men proper and well-propotioned; and by their Actions, they make appear, that they are no less qualified for War. The Gauls, who are called Trans-Alpine, inhabit on the North side of the Alps, about the River Rhone; the Tauricks, the Agonians and many other Barbarous Nations, live on the Skirts of the Plains we have been speaking of: Those Gauls differ nothing from the others, but because they inhabit on the other side of the Alps, the Italians have given them that Appellation.  
The very Tops of these Mountains are not habitable, by reason of the Difficulty of Access, and the perpetual Snow that covers them: The Ligurians live on the Apennineses, and those Mountains towards Marseilles that join with the Alps; possessing likewise the other two sides that regard the Tuscan Sea and the great Plains; but towards the West they spread themselves as far as Pisa, which is the first Town in Tuscany; and on the Inland-side, as far as Arrezzo. Then we come to the Tuscans and Ombrians, their Borderers, who dwell on both sides the Mountains we have mentioned. From thence the Apennineses, which are there distant from the Adriatic Sea, at least Sixty Miles, leaving the Plains, turn away to the Right-hand; and, dividing Italy, as it were in the midst, run, stretching along, as far as the Sicilian Sea: As to the Plains but now named, where the Apennineses turn off, they extend to the Sea, and advance as far as Sienna. The River Po, (so much celebrated by the Poets, who have given it the Name of Erydanus) hath its Source in the Alps, about that part which makes one Point of the Triangle. This River runs first towards the South, watering the Country lying under those Hills; and from thence falling into a level Country, it takes its Course towards the East, and by two outlets, runs into the Adriatic. It is the noblest and most useful River of the whole Continent of Italy, for the Waters that fall either from the Alps or Apennineses run thither. And as it is the greatest, so it is the most beautiful; its Streams swelling to their greatest height about the Month of July, when the Snows, by the excessive Heats are melted, and dissolve from the Mountains. Vessels navigate up this River, from the Sea, by the Outlet called Olana; from whence they sail, at least two hundred and fifty Miles into the Country. This River for many Miles together, preserves its Water in one Channel; but as it approaches towards the Sea, by the accession of many other Rivers, it becomes divided into two Streams; and from the Country of the Trigaboles, it forms two Channels, bearing two different Names; that of Milan, the other of Olana; where it makes the safest and most beautiful Port in all the Adriatic. The People of the Country call this River Bodencus. Other fabulous things spoken of it by the Greeks, namely, that Phaeton received his Fall into these Waters; of the Weeping Poplars; of the People going perpetually in Black, who inhabit thereabout, to Commemorate the loss of Phaeton: And, in a word, the many other Stories that have been invented, are too Poetical, and in no wise useful to our present Purpose: Howbeit, we may have occasion to make Recital of them elsewhere, to be able thereby the better to prove, that Timaeus was not sufficiently instructed in the History of this Country.  
The Tuscans then heretofore possessed all the Champaign Country, and at the same time were Masters of that which was called Phlaegria, bordering on Capua and Nola. And as that People had with great Resolution, withstood those who Invaded them, they grew to have a mighty Name among Strangers, and acquired much Reputation for their Courage and Virtue. Hence it comes to pass that those who read the History of the Tyrrhenians, are to be cautious how they judge concerning that People, by their present Possessions, and the Country they now Inhabit; but are to consider them by the Rule of those Times of which we now speak, and by the Authority and Power of which they were then Masters. The Gauls lived in their Neighbourhood, by which means they had Commerce together; but in process of Time, beholding so beautiful a Country with an avaricious and envious Eye, taking slight Occasion for their Motive, they raised a numerous Army, and attacking the Tuscans by Surprise, forced them to abandon all that Country bordering on the Po, and peopled it themselves. The Laians', and Lebecians, and those who border on the Insubrians, which at that time composed a mighty Nation, were the first that inhabited that part of the River, towards the East. The Cenomans live likewise on the Banks of this River; and all beyond, as far as the Adriatic, was possessed by an ancient People called the Veneti, who spoke a different Language from the Gauls, but much resembled them in their Habit and Manners. The Tragic Poets have said many fabulous things touching this People. Beyond the Po, near the Apennineses, inhabit, first, the Anians, than the Bojans; after these, towards Adria, dwell the Aegones; and lastly, the Senones, living near the Sea-coast.  
In a word, these we have recounted, were the principal Nations that possessed the Country we have described; they dwelled in Villages, open, and without any Walls; they had few or no Movables, they slept without Beds, they eat Flesh, and their chief Employments were Husbandry and War, being totally ignorant of all other Arts and Sciences; their Substance consisted chief in  and Gold; two Commodities that they could easily carry with them, whensoever, by any Accident they should be necessitated to remove: They understand making their Court, and the Art of acquiring Friends, which they greatly covet; for he among them, who hath most Friends, is most honoured; and he who is most honoured, is most feared, and hath most Power. Furthermore, they were not only Masters of this Country, but compelled the neighbouring Nations, awed by the Fame of their Valour, to pay them Obedience. At length they made War on the Romans, whom, after they had vanquished in Battle, together with those that took part with them, they pursued three Days together; and took, at last, the City of Rome itself, all but the Capitol.  
But it happening, that some new Adventures calling them home, the Veneti having marched into their Country with an Army, they Accorded a Peace to the Romans, and, restoring their City, departed. Then they fell into Civil Dissensions; those of them who inhabited the foot of the Mountains, beholding the Prosperity of these, with an Eye of Envy, joined to make War on them. In the mean time, the Romans recovered strength, and entered into Alliance with the Latins. Thirty Years after the Taking of Rome, the Gauls made a second Expedition, marching with their Army as far as Alba; but forasmuch as the Romans were surprised by those sudden Motions of the Enemy, and had not leisure to receive Aids from their Allies, they did not adventure to march against them. Twelve Years after this, the Gauls, with a powerful Army, attacked them again; but the Romans having now timely notice of their Purposes, and leisure to summon there Allies to their Assistance, marched out to meet them, and offer them Battle; when the Gauls, out of Countenance at this their Bravery, began to waver in their Resolution, and grew, at length, to apprehend the Issue, and did not only not adventure to engage the Romans, but secretly, by Night, raised their Camp, and fled as if they had lost a Battle: Then they lay quiet for the space of thirteen Years, when, observing the Romans Power daily to augment, they, at length, came to an Agreement with them, and entered into Articles of Peace.  
After thirty Years of Repose, the Trans-Alpine Gauls took Arms again, but fearing the Success of the War, they composed the Difference by Address and great Presents, and remonstrating the Evil of making War among themselves, who were of one and the same Nation; a Pacification thereupon ensued, and they now laboured to turn the joint Edge of their Courage against the Romans. They marched their Armies, therefore, in one entire Body, through Tuscany (those in that Country having taken part with them;) and after having ravaged the Roman Territories, and taken much Booty, they retired home without Molestation; where they were no sooner arrived, but they fell into Feuds about the Partition of their Plunder, which went so far, that it cost them the loss of the greatest part both of their Booty and their Army. And this is a frequent Folly of that People upon any Success, especially if they happen to have Disputes when they have drank Wine. Four Years after this, the Gauls and Samnites joined their Arms, and made War on the Romans, giving them Battle in the Country of the Clusians, who are likewise called Camartines, where they made great slaughter of them. But soon after this, the Romans, enraged as it were by their Misfortunes, marched against them with a fresh Army, and fight with the same Enemy (having all their Legions in the Field) in the Country of the Sentinates, they got a memorable Victory, destroying the greatest part of their Army, putting the rest to flight, who retired back to their Country. Ten Years were hardly past, when the Gauls besieged Arrezzo with a mighty Force, whither the Romans came to the Relief, and fought them in View of the Town, but were worsted, and retreated. Lucius the Consul was slain; and Manlius succeeding, sent Ambassadors to the Gauls, to treat about the Redemption of their Prisoners; which Ambassadors were by them barbarously slain. This base Action of the Gauls greatly provoked the Romans, who forthwith marched with another Army against them, giving Battle to the Senones, who had the Assurance to encounter them singly; but the Romans had the better, killing many of the Enemy, and compelling the rest totally to abandon the Country; so they took possession of the Territory of the Senones, and this was the first Colony they planted in Gaul. It is called Senagallia, from the name of those Gauls, who before had held it: Of this Country we have already spoken, and shown that it lies near Adria, on the Skirts of the Plains that are watered by the Po  
The Bojans seeing the Senones expelled their Country, and becoming apprehensive of the like measure, betook themselves to Arms, exempting none who were able to march; and having drawn the Tuscans to their Party, they marched against the Romans: And when their Troops on both sides were drawn together, near the Lake of Vadimon, a pitched Battle was fought, wherein the greatest part of the Tuscans fell on the place, and but few of the Bojans escaped by flight. Nevertheless, the Mind of this People was not subdued, who, making a new League, united all their Forces, and arming all the Gauls, composed a fresh Army, with which they gave Battle again to the Romans, but they were entirely defeated and dispersed; and thus humbled, they now send their Ambassadors to the Romans, and had Conditions granted them. These Adventures preceded Pyrrhus' Invasion of Italy about four Years, and happened five Years before the Destruction of the Gauls at Delphos, as if some fatal Influence, charged with a Commission of Mortality against this People only, had then reigned; so severely were they persecuted from all Quarters of the World. As for the Romans, they reaped by the Contests they had with them, two mighty Benefits; namely, first, by a long Exercise of Arms in the many Conflicts they had with that People, wherein it was hardly possible for them to see or suffer more than befell them, they became admirably instructed in the Art of War; and this they made plainly to appear in the ensuing Hostilities with King Pyrrhus. Furthermore, having thus tamed and reduced this Savage Nation, they had the more leisure to attend their Affairs with that Prince, having nothing then to divert their Counsels or Forces; and, in conclusion, they contested, by that means, afterwards, with more Assurance for the Dominion of Sicily with the Carthaginians.  
The Gauls, after having suffered so many Losses and Calamities, remained quiet for the space of five and forty Years, preserving the Peace unbroken which they made with the Romans; but after the old Men, and that Generation were extinct that had tasted the Hardships, and felt the Sufferings of former Wars, the young Men that succeeded them, who knew nothing of Danger, and feared nothing from Fortune, had a mind to exercise their Courage, and with a generous kind of Assurance took to their Arms, and renewed the War against the Romans, upon a very slender Motive, drawing their Allies into the Confederacy. This Design was first formed and conceived among their principal Men, who assembled, and consulted thereon, without imparting it to the People; insomuch, that when the Army of the Trans-alpine Gauls had marched as far almost as Rimini; the Bojans, who were not well assured of their Sincerity, mutinyed against their Officers, and attacked the Army that had come thus far to join them; and having first killed their two Kings, Ates and Gallatus, they at length came to a Battle, wherein they mutually destroyed each other. In the mean time, the Romans, who were surprised, and astonished, at the News of this new Eruption of the Gauls, took the Field with their Armies; and when they came to understand, that the Enemy were defeated by their own Swords, they proceeded no farther, but marched home. Five Years after this Adventure, during the Consulship of M. Lepidus, the Romans made Division of the Lands taken from the Senones, in Cis-alpine Gaul, for Caius Flaminius, to make his Court to the People, had proposed that Law, and had it received: But it may with good reason be averred, That 'twas this that first corrupted the People's Manners, and was the Cause afterwards of Civil Dessention among them. In short, many of the Gauls, and principally the Bojans, who had most cause of Fear, as being nearest Neighbours to the Romans, perceiving, now, that their Designs were not so much for Glory and Empire, as to subdue, and entirely exterminate their Nation and possess their Country, readily entered into the League that was now forming against the them.  
The Bojans and Insubrians (who were the two greatest People on that side) pursuant to their Design, sent Ambassadors by common Consent, to the rest of their Nation, inhabiting on the other side the Alphonso, about the Rhine; these People are called Goesates, from their serving in the War for Pay; for so that word properly imports; and prevailing on their two Kings, Concolitanus and Aneroestus, by means of great Sums of Money, and by the hopes they gave them of rich Booty that would be shared by this Enterprise, if they succeeded, engaged them to join in a War against the Romans, giving them their Faith to assist and abide firmly by them; but the Goesates were not hard to be persuaded. And now, farther to incite them, they reminded them of the Glory of their Ancestors; who had not only vanquished the Romans in Battle, upon the like Expedition, but subdued and became Masters of their City itself, and that being Lords of all the Romans held, kept their City seven Months in their Possession, and at length, freely, and of their own mere Motive, restored it to that conquered People, as an Effect of their Generosity, and afterwards returned to their Country enriched with infinite Booty, without any Danger, Damage, or Impediment. These Discourses so animated the Leaders of the Goesates, and incited them so powerfully to the War, that it may be said, so great an Army never marched out from among that Nation, nor braver and more warlike Men. In the mean time, the Romans, who were not without Intelligence of what was agitated among the Gauls, saw their Danger, and perceived it at hand; and justly fearing the Consequence, applied themselves to the levying of Troops, and making Provision of all things necessary for the War, and marched with their Armies to defend their Frontiers, believing them already invaded, when the Enemy had not yet moved from their Quarters. These Traverses greatly availed the Carthaginians, in the prosecuting their Design in Spain; for as we have already observed, the Romans, who were resolved to put first a Period to their Disputes with the Gauls, were constrained to yield to their Fears of an Enemy, whom they thought now in their Neighbourhood, and to postpone their Consideration of Spain, and their Affairs on that side, till they should have first composed and settled those at home, and secured and established the Commonwealth against the Danger that then threatened. Accordingly, the Treaty being ratified, which they made with Asdrubal, their Thoughts were entirely taken up with the present Enemy, where it was agreed by all, that the safest course, was to come speedily to a Battle.  
In the mean time, the Goesates having passed the Alps, with a magnificent Army, furnished with all sorts of Arms, came and joined the Cis-alpine Gauls, making their Rendezvous on the Banks of the Po. The other Gauls also came in after they had passed the Country that heretofore belonged to the Senones; the Insubrians likewise, and Bojans, who continued in the same Opinion of prosecuting the War, joined them; but the Veneti and Cenomani refused to be of the Confederacy, to whom the Romans had sent their Ambassadors, prevailing with them, to prefer their Alliance with them, to that of the Gauls; so that the Bordering Princes of that People, were forced by that means to leave part of their Forces to secure their Frontiers, and with an Army of fifty Thousand Foot, twenty Thousand Horse, and as many Chariots, they began their March towards Tuscany. The Romans having now Intelligence that the Celtaes had passed the Alps, dispatched with all Expedition the Consul L. Emilius, with the Legions to Rimini, there to make head against the Enemy, if they should chance to Attack them on that side. They likewise sent one of their Praetors towards Tuscany, for the other Consul C. Atilius, was gone at that time to Sardinia, with part of their Troops. But do what they could, their Fears were great at Rome, where they had Reason to conclude their City was in Danger enough; and indeed, none will wonder at their Doubts and Apprehensions, who consider what Reason they had to bear in Mind the Calamities they had heretofore sustained by the Invasions of this Enemy. They drew together therefore their Armies, and levied new Forces, directed their Allies to have their Succours in a readiness, and ordered Muster-rolls to be brought from all parts to the Senate, of all the young Men capable of serving, to the End they might take a certain Measure of their Strength; likewise they filled up their Legions with chosen Men, and ordered them forthwith to March: Furthermore they made so great Provision of Arms, and all things necessary for the War, that there was no Record of the like Preparation in any Age past; in a word, every one did his utmost to prosecute and advance so necessary a Work. For the People of Italy, terrified at this Approach of the Gauls, did not Act at this time as mere Allies of the Romans, to aid and further their Designs of Dominion and Glory, but thought of nothing now but of Fight, for their own proper Safety, their Families, and Fortunes, so that they received with Cheerfulness the Orders that were sent them from Rome.  
And here it will not be amiss, to make an Estimate of the Power and Forces of that Commonwealth, which Hannibal shortly after had the Boldness to attempt, and what an Empire it was that he made the Object of his Ambition, and wherein he succeeded so far as to Reduce the Romans to the last Gaspe and Extremity of Fortune. Let us, I say, make a Computation of the Provision they made toward this War, whereby we shall perceive how far they had improved their Forces. With the Consuls there marched four Legions, in each Legion were five thousand two hundred Foot, and three hundred Horse, with them likewise marched the Succours of the Allies, amounting together to thirty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse: Furthermore, there joined them of Sabins, and Tuscans, above fifty thousand Foot, and about four thousand Horse; these were all conducted to the Frontiers, under the Command of a Praetor, to oppose the Enemy there. From the Vmbrians and Sarcinates, who inhabitit the Appennines, there came in to the Number of twenty thousand; the Veneti and Cenomanei, sent the entire Number they were ordered, to the utmost Borders of the Gauls Territories, to make Inroads on the Country of the Bojans, and to force those who were already departed to retire yet farther, and keep them from joining with the rest. In this manner, they had disposed their Armies on the Frontiers. But at Rome they kept a Reserve of Citizens, always ready to move, consisting of thirty thousand Foot, and fifteen hundred Horse, with a Surplus of Troops of their Allies, of thirty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse. In the General Muster-rolls that were brought into the Senate, were found fourscore thousand Foot of the Latins, and five thousand Horse; of the Samnites seventy thousand Foot, and seven thousand Horse: The Japyges and Messapyges, who had likewise joined with the Romans, sent to their Aid in this War, fifty thousand Foot, and sixteen thousand Horse: The Lucan's supplied them with thirty thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse: The Marsians, Marrucians', Ferentines and Vestines, sent twenty thousand Foot and four thousand Horse. Furthermore, they had two Legions in Sicily, and Tarentum, consisting of four thousand two hundred Foot, and two hundred Horse each; and over and above all these, the ordinary People being mustered in Rome and Campania, amounted to two hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and three and twenty thousand Horse; so that the Troops which depended immediately on the Senate, and were destined to the Guard and Preservation of the City amounted to an hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and six thousand Horse, or thereabouts. But the whole Body of their Srength consisted in no less than seven hundred thousand Foot, and seventy thousand Horse; and tho' Hannibal began with an Army of hardly twenty thousend Men, he had nevertheless the Assurance to Invade and March into Italy, against this stupendous Force of the Romans: But this Point will be better cleared when we come to Treat of those Occurrences.  
Upon the Arrival of the Gauls in Tuscany, they ravaged and plundered the Country without Control, and from thence determined to prosecute their Design on Rome, and were now advanced near Clusium, a Town but three Days March from the City, when News came, that the Roman Army that had been posted on the Frontiers of Tuscany, was approaching, and was almost got up with their Rear: Whereupon they faced about, and marched to meet them, full of Resolution to come to a Battle. And now towards the Evening, the two Armies drew so near, that they were forced to incamp on the Ground where they were, leaving but a very straight Space between their Camps: But when Night was shut in, the Gauls lighting their Fires in their Camp, departed: Leaving their Horse behind, with Orders to follow them the same way they took, with command at break of Day to show themselves to the Enemy. In the mean time, they take their March silently towards Faesula, where they halted to attend the coming up of their Horse, and to Attack the Enemy by Surprise, if they should advance after them. In the Morning the Romans perceiving they were Retreated, and had left only their Horse, eagerly went on the Pursuit, taking for granted that this Motion of the Enemy was a sort of Flight. But they were no sooner advanced within distance, when the Gauls, who lay in ambush, began to appear, and a very sharp Conflict ensued, wherein the Boldness and Number of the Gauls prevailed: Of the Romans there fell six thousand on the spot, the greatest part of the rest making good their Retreat, to a rising piece of Ground well situate for Defence, where they abode; the Gauls resolved presently to besiege them, but being now weary with Marching, and harassed with the Service of the preceding Day, they only left for that time a Party of their Horse, on the Guard at the Foot of the Hill, where the Romans were entrenched, and retired to refresh and repose themselves, with Resolution the next Morning to attack and take them by Force, if they refused Conditions.  
In the mean while, L. Aemilius who had been sent to Rimini, to Guard the Coast of the Adriatic, seasonably arrived: Who having received Intelligence that the Enemy had entered Tuscany; and farther, that they were advanced towards the City, he immediately marched to join the other Army. And now approaching those who were entrenched on the Hill discovered them at a distance by their Fires, wherefore taking Courage, and disguising some of their People, they sent them privately through the Woods to give them an Account of the present Posture of their Affairs. The Consul Aemilius, having not now leisure for much Consultation, ordered the Tribunes to march with the Foot, by break of Day, while himself at the head of the Horse, speeds away directly towards the Hill; but the Principal Officers of the Gauls, who judged by the Fires they had seen over Night, that the Romans were arrived, held a Counsel, to debate, and determine how they ought to proceed: When the King Aneroestus advised them to consider, with Caution, what they did; he said, the Plunder they had taken, was already very great; their Prisoners and the , and other Booty of all sorts, was beyond all Computation; that on this Consideration, it seemed to him that their best course was not to hazard a Battle, which might prove the total Ruin of their Affairs; that the safest Counsel they could take, was now to retreat, and march back to their Country, while they might do it with safety; where, when they had disencumbered themselves of their Plunder, they might with ease return and engage the Romans, if it were concluded reasonable. So this Opinion of Aneroestus, was approved and followed, and the Gauls decamped the same Night, taking their march along the Coast towards the Frontiers of Tuscany, Aemilius having received into his Army those Troops that were encamped on the Hill, after the Defeat of the Romans, did not think it safe to give the Enemy Battle, but determined to keep in their Rear, and vigilantly take occasions of advantage upon them, and attempt to recover, at least, part of their Plunder. But behold, at this very time, the other Consul, C. Atilius, being returned with the Army out of Sardinia, was leading them along the Sea-coast, towards Rome; who utterly ignorant of what had passed, happening to take the same way the Gauls did, and was marching not far before them. The Enemy was now arrived near Telamena, a Promontory of Tuscany, when some of their Foragers fell into Atilius' hands, who gave him Intelligence of all that had passed, assuring him, that both the one and the other Army were not far off, that the Gauls were at hand, and that Aemilius was hard at their Rear. The Consul was a little perplexed at the News; nevertheless, assured of Victory, by thus surprising the Enemy, and enclosing them between their two Armies, he ordered the Tribunes to draw up in Order of Battle, and to enlarge their Front as wide as the Ground would possibly permit; and now having observed an Eminence which commanded the Way by which the Enemy must necessarily pass, he goes himself at the Head of the Horse, and takes Possession of that Post; designing from thence, to give the first Attack, conceiving that the Honour of the Victory would thereby be in a great degree ascribed to him; but the Gauls (who knew nothing of the Arrival of Atilius) believing that Aemilius' Horse had got before them in the Night, and had possessed those advantageous Posts, commanded their Horse, and some choice Men of their Foot, to march, and beat them from that Ground; but receiving Intelligence, by certain Prisoners, that Atilius was there, they formed their Battle of Foot in such manner, as to be able to receive the Enemies Charge in Front and Rear; for they were assured, the one Army pursued them, and the other would not fail to Attack them in Front. This at least they strongly conjectured, both by the Intelligence they had received, and by the Countenance and Actions of the Enemy.  
The Consul Aemilius had been informed that the Legions were landed at Pisa, but he could not hope they were arrived so near; but as soon as he perceived the Dispute upon the Hill, he took for granted his Colleague was now at hand, whereupon he sent a Party of Horse to sustain them, and after having formed their Foot according to the Roman Discipline, they moved toward the Enemy. The Gauls placed the Goesates in their Rear, believing that Aemilius would find them Work there; next to them were posted the Insubrians; in the Front were the Taurisques, and those that inhabit beyond the Po. Thus the two Bodies being drawn up, Rear to Rear, they faced likewise toward Atilius, to receive his Charge. All their Chariots and Baggage were disposed on the Wings. Their Plunder they had carried to a neighbouring Hill, where they left it under a good Guard. So the Army of the Gauls being drawn up, I say, facing two ways, was not only terrible to behold, but were in effect formed in the most proper manner, to receive the Attack. The Insubrians and Bojans engaged, clothed only in thin and light Garments; But the Goesates (such was their Fool-hardiness, and Opinion of their Strength) stripping themselves naked, marched in that manner in the Front of the Battle, brandishing their Swords; conceiving that in that Equipage they should not be only able to use their Arms with more freedom, but being eased of their Garments, they should find less Impediment from the Bushes and Briers that might molest them in time of Action. The first Dispute was on the Hill we mentioned, where great Bodies of Horse fought and attacked each other, mingling and fight without any Order. Here Atilius the Consul, engaging too far, was slain, whose Head was immediately carried to the Gaulish King. But this did not at all dishearten the Roman Horse, who maintained their Post, and repulsed the Enemy.  
And now the Foot came to join Battle, where the manner of the Encounter was not only violent and terrible to those who were engaged, but also, will always appear so, to such as shall hear the Relation; and to whose View the Pen of the Historian shall Describe it. In a word, where three Armies were thus engaged, who will not conclude, but the Spectacle of such a Battle, and the Fashion of the Contest, was wholly new and surprising? Furthermore, who would not at this Day judge, or, who would not then have concluded, that the Manner and Order wherein the Gauls were drawn up, would not either prove fatal to them, as being to receive an Enemy in Front and Rear; or that it ought to contribute to the Victory, as having two Armies to deal with, they had ordered it so, that dividing their Army, one part thereof sustained the other, whereby the Enemy could never attack their Rear? Over and above, all Temptations of Flight were by that means taken away, for they could neither go forward, nor retire, and in case they should happen to be vanquished, they were bereft of all means of Escape, which is an advantage only to be found, when an Army is so formed, fronting two several ways. The Romans were not however without their Reasons to expect Success, who had their Enemy surrounded and hemmed in on all sides; while on the other hand, the formidable Appearance, and the tumultuous Noise of the  Army, gave them Terror enough: For, besides the mighty Sound of their Instruments, and other Martial Instruments wherein they abound, the Shouts and Clamours of their Soldiers was so great, that not only their Instruments and their Men, but the adjacent Hills that environed them, seemed to echo and resound the Noise. Moreover, the Countenance and Behaviour of those who marched naked at the Head of their Army, was a Sight entirely new; those Giantlike Men, strong and well fashioned, in the prime and strength of their Age, where you beheld none in their first Ranks, who were not adorned with Chains, Collars, and Bracelets of Gold: In a word, as this extraordinary Spectacle could not but give the Romans Terror, so the hope of such a Booty lent them Assurance also.  
When the light armed Troops were advanced after the Roman manner, a good distance before the Army, had begun the Battle by a shower of Weapons they cast at the Enemy, the Garments of the Gauls, who were in the second Ranks, did in some sort defend their Bodies: But it fared otherwise with the Goesates, who fought naked in the Van; for these finding their Entertainment quite contrary to what they expected, knew not how to behave themselves, or what course to take; for the Gauls Bucklers being small, never cover their Bodies entirely, at best; so that these Men, who were of the largest Size, were by that means the less defended, insomuch, that few Darts were cast at them without effect; and now being thus galled, and not able to defend their Bodies against those, who, at a distance attacked them, they grew, at length, enraged, and desperate of their Safety; some threw themselves headlong on the Enemy, where they found present Death: Others retiring by little and little, as they were able, manifested their Fear by their Retreat, troubling and disordering the Ranks in their Rear. So the Roman Javelins were too hard for the Goesates Courage, and abated that vain Confidence of theirs, which was, indeed, the best part of their Soldiership. But now the Roman Cohorts advanced, after they had ordered their light armed Parties to retire into the Intervals, and soon came to the Swords point with the Insubrians, Tauriscans, and Bojans, who fought it out with great Resolution; and tho' they were pressed hard, and the Dispute was very bloody, nevertheless, they sustained the Shock, and kept their Post, and may be truly said to be inferior to the Romans, only in their Arms, which were not, by much, so serviceable in Battle as the others. For the Roman Bucklers are made so, as to cover their whole Body, and their Swords much more proper for Service; while those of the Gauls were only barely for cutting. At length, the Roman Horse, that had been engaged on the Hill, came down, and attacked the Gauls in Flank, wherein they performed singular Service; in short, the Gauls were beaten, forty thousand slain, and ten thousond taken Prisoners; among whom was Concolitanus, one of their Kings, Aneroestus, the other King, with a small Party, escaped by Flight to a certain Village, where, soon after, he killed himself, as did the rest who were with him. The Consul, Aemilius, ordered the Spoils of the Enemy to be secured, which were sent to Rome; but whatsoever had been taken from the Country, he ordered to be restored: Then he marched the Army along the Confines of Tuscany, and fell on the Lands of the Bojans, where, after he had glutted the Soldiers with Plunder, he led the whole Army back to Rome; where he adorned the Capitol with the Ensigns he had taken, and hung up their Collars, and Bracelets, and Chains of Gold, reserving the rest of the Spoils, and the great number of Prisoners, to adorn his Triumph, when he should make his Entry into the City. Behold, now, the Success of this mighty Expedition, which had threatened the People of Italy, especially the Romans, with so dreadful a Storm. After this Victory, the Romans began to be in hopes they should be able to force the Gauls out of all the Country bordering on the Po. The two succeeding Consuls, Q. Fulvius, and Titus Manlius, marching against them, with an Army well provided of all things necessary; whereupon the Bojans, on their first Attempt, were affrighted into Submission, putting themselves under the Roman Protection: But it happened to be a Season of great Rains, and the Plague likewise having infected their Army, nothing afterwards memorable was performed in that Expedition.  
The Consuls, who succeeded them, P. Furius, and C. Flaminius, marched with their Armies into the Territories of the Gauls, by the Frontiers of the Anamures, a People who inhabit not far from Marseilles, by whose Friendship, which they had gained, the Consuls had liberty to pass against the Insubrians, on that part where the River Ada runs into the Po; where being attacked by the Enemy, both at the Passage of the River, and where they were about to incamp, they were not able to perform any thing to purpose at that time; entering, therefore, into Treaty with that People, they retired out of their Territory. Afterwards, having a long time marched too and fro, about the neighbouring Country, they passed the River, and came into the Lands of the Cenomani, who were their Allies, with whom joining, they fell a second time on the Insubrians, where they made great Spoil. Whereupon the Princes of that People, observing there was no end of the Molestation the Romans gave them, determined, at length, to put all to the hazard of a Battle; accordingly, having assembled and rendezvoused all their Troops in one certain place, they possessed themselves of all the Treasure, Jewels, and Gold belonging to the Temple of Minerva, and by them called Immovables, with which they made provision of all things they needed to further their Design; and being now well provided, they marched cheerfully against the Romans, and encamped in their view, with an Army of fifty thousand fight Men. The Romans plainly saw, the Enemy much exceeded them in number, and were therefore thinking to reinforce their Army by an Addition of those Gauls, who were in Amity with them; but when they considered the Faithlessness of that People in all their Treaties and Negotiations, and that those, whose Aids they were to use, were of the same Nation with the others against whom they were to draw their Swords; they could not therefore determine to trust them in an Affair of so mighty importance. Wherefore, they found this Expedient; they ordered the Gauls, their Allies, to pass the River, remaining with their own Army on the other side, then demolishing the Bridge, the River not being fordable, they kept them, at least from siding with the Enemy, since they could not resolve to trust them as Friends. By this means too, their own Army was left without any Hopes, but in Victory, for there was no Retreat, but by the River, and that was now unpassable; after this was done, they prepared to receive the Enemy. The Soldiers deserved great Commendations by the Address and Skill they showed in this Battle, having been instructed, it seems, how they were to behave themselves singly, or in a Body: For the Tribunes had remarked in their former Conflicts, that the Gauls were not formidable, but in the Ardour of the first Attack, that their Swords were of such a fashion and temper, that they could give but one good out or two; and then they would stand bend in their Hands, and if they had not time to straighten them, with their Foot on the Ground, they became of no more use: Wherefore, the Tribunes distributed among the first Cohorts, the Javelins used by the Triarians, who were those that marched in the Rear ranks; commanding the Soldiers, first to make use of those Arms, and then to draw their Swords. And now, when they came to engage, they attacked the Gauls as they had been ordered, whose Swords, by the first strokes on the Roman Javelins, became bend and useless; then the Romans advancing nearer with their Swords, got so within them, that they had not room to lift their Arm to take a cutting stroke, which is their manner of Fight, whose Swords have no point: While those of the Romans, on the contrary, being fashioned for cutting and thrusting, redoubling the one after the other, they cut and pierced the Gauls in the Face and Breast, and made a terrible slaughter among them. Thus the Gauls were beaten, and the Honour of that Day principally attributed to the Prudence and Ability of the Tribunes; for the Consul Flaminius was to seek, and had not sufficiently provided for the Safety of the Army; who drawing up near the River, had so ordered it, that the Romans were deprived of one great Benefit, which they make use of in Battle, leaving them not space enough betwixt their Rear and the River to retire, when occasion should make it necessary: so that, if during the Battle, the Romans had been pressed never so little, they had not whither to retire, but into the River; so great an Oversight was the Consul guilty of in that occasion. But so it happened, as we have related; that the Romans, by their Resolution, got a signal Victory, returning to Rome loaden with Spoil and Glory.  
The following Year the Gauls sent their Ambassadors to the Romans, to treat of a Peace, on whatsoever Conditions they should please to grant it; but the Consuls M. Claudius, and Cn. Cornelius, would not yield to treat with them; whereupon they resolved to make their last Effort, and put it once again to the hazard of War. They therefore dispatched Orders for levying of Men among the Goesatae, who inhabit about the Rhone, of which People having taken thirty Thousand into their Pay, they continued in Arms in expectation of the Enemy. About the beginning of the Spring, the Consuls lead their Armies into the Territory of the Insubrians, and besieged the City of Acerras, situate between the Po and the Alps. In the mean time, the Insubrians were willing to do their best to raise the Siege, but knew no way how to secure the Besieged, the Enemy being possessed of all the Avenues; they therefore passed the Po with some of their Troops, and marching them into the Roman Territories, sat down before Clastidium. The Consuls receiving this News, M. Claudius Marcellus, taking with him all the Roman Horse, and a good Body of Foot, marched away with diligence to the Relief of that Place, of whose coming the Gauls having got Intelligence, rise from before it, and march in Battalia against him; and coming to engage, they made for a while a good stand against the Horse, but being at length charged in Flank and Rear, they were forced to yield the Advantage to the Romans, betaking them to flight. Many perished in the River, which they attempted to repass, and more were slain on the Spot. Acerres likewise soon surrendered, where had been lodged great store of Ammunition, and the Gauls retired to Milan, which is the Capital City of the Insubrians. But Cornelius followed them without loss of time, and marched after them thither, where the Gauls attempted nothing during his stay; but on his marching back towards Acerres, they followed him, and attacking his Rear, killed many, and put the rest of the Army to flight; till Cornelius facing about at the Head of the Vanguard of the Army, commanded those that were flying, to make a stand, and face towards the Enemy: These Orders being obeyed, the Romans make Head against them that charged their Rear. But the Gauls, fleshed with Victory, which they thought now sure, sustained for a time the Charge, but it was not long e'er they gave Ground, and, flying, sought Sanctuary in the neighbouring Mountains, whether Cornelius followed them, and then marched into the Country, which he spoiled and harassed, and advancing to Milan, took it by force. So that after this Defeat, the Princes of the Insubrians, finding it in vain further to contend, submitted, and put themselves under the Protection of the Romans.  
Behold now the Success of the War, which the Romans waged against the Gauls; wherein, if we consider the Courage and Obstinacy of the Enemy; the mighty Battles and the Multitudes that composed their Armies, and the Slaughter of Men in the Field; we shall be obliged, without doubt, to consent, that History affords none that may paralled it; while if, on the other hand, we weigh their Designs and Enterprises, and the blind and shallow Administration of their Affairs in all things, we shall see nothing therein that doth not justly beget our Contempt; for the Gauls are ever transported by Heat and Fury, never conducted by Reason and Council, we will not say for the most part, but in all their Determinations. And now having related how soon after they were beaten from their Seats in the Neighbourhood of the Po, some few places excepted under the Alps, we therefore held it but reasonable to relate how they came first into Italy, what they did afterwards, and in a word, how they were at length totally exterminated. For it seems to me to be the Duty of an Historian, to instruct future Times in these memorable Events, which are no other than the Sports and Entertainments of Fortune, lest Posterity, through want of due Information, should be to seek for Examples to fortify their Minds against the frequent and temerarious Descents of these Barbarians. Furthermore, Instruction may be gathered by the Example now before us, how certainly they may be repelled, where they are resisted with Resolution; and that we ought to suffer every thing, rather than yield to them in any thing. And there is no doubt, but those who have obliged Posterity with the Relation of the Persians Expedition into Greece, and the Attempt of the Gauls upon Delphos, gave great Light to the Greeks in their Designs afterwards of rescuing their Country's Liberty. For if the mighty things performed by them, were duly weighed; what Myriads of Men, and what wonderful Preparations were lost and defeated, by the single Virtue of a few, who had a right Knowledge in the Art of War, and were led by the Conduct of Reason: There would be no Force so great, nor Armies so numerous that might not be resisted: And who would not run any Hazard, and suffer any Extremity to win Glory, and redeem his Coutry? In short, the Greeks were not molested, only in the Days of our Forefathers, but even frequently in our Times; which was in part my Motive for giving the World this short History of the Acts of that People, and albeit, it be but an Epitome, it comprehends, at least, their Story from the beginning of their Enterprises. But it is now time to remember from whence we have digressed.  
After Asdrubal, the Carthaginian General, had governed in Spain, for the space of eight Years, he was treacherously murdered in his Tent by a certain Gaul, provoked by some Injury he had received. This Leader had greatly augmented the Dominion of the Carthaginians, not only by Force of Arms, but by his Wisdom, and the Gentleness whereby he gained and attracted the  of many Princes of that Nation. After his Death, notwithstanding the Youth of Hannibal, the Carthaginians made him his Successor in the Govenment of Spain; who, among his other promising Qualities, gave Indications of an extraordinary Courage and Greatness of Mind; and was no sooner confirmed in his Government, but it was easy to foresee by his Actions and Councils, that he meditated a War with the Romans, which, in effect, soon after came to pass. The Romans and Carthaginians were already on Terms of Jealousy, and Provocations had been mutually given, by Injuries done on either side. The Carthaginians on their part could not digest their Loss of Sicily, which they longed to revenge, and secretly laid their Designs to effect it; while the Romans, who were not without Intelligence of their Practices, were on their Guard, insomuch as it was now visible to every Eye, that it could not be long before a War would break out between those two States. It was likewise about the same Period of Time, that the Achaians and King Philip, with the rest of the Confederates, engaged in a War against the Aetolians, which was called the War of the Allies. But since we have already treated of the Affairs of Sicily and afric, and touched what was memorable therein, and pursuant to the Method we have proposed, are now arrived at the said Confederate War, and the second that was waged between the Romans and Carthaginians, called by some the War of Hannibal; where we promised should be the Commencement of our History, it will therefore be necessary, without entertaining the Reader with farther Digression, that we come now to set down the Occurrences of Greece, to the end, that having previously and summarily made the Way plain before us, by reducing the general Account of Affairs to one and the same Period of Time, we may thence take the Beginning of the General History, we have especially undertaken to write, wherein the Causes will be found very visible, which have produced so wonderful Effects.  
Furthermore, in regard our Design is not laid to write the Story and Adventures, of any one single or particular Nation; as some have done that of the Greeks, and others of the Persians, but on the contrary, since we have determined to make a General History of Occurrences in all those Parts of the World, that have fallen under our Observation, it will not be therefore unprofitable to Discourse principally of those Places and People, that are most Eminent and Remarkable; inasmuch, as because the present Age sufficiently furnishes Materials for that Work, and in case we do not enlarge on that Subject here, we shall however, supply it elsewhere. Touching the asiatics and the Egyptians, it may suffice to Treat of their Affairs, no higher than from our own Times; since their Story of remoter Date, has been already the Subject of divers Authors, to to which every one may have Recourse. And indeed they have seen so few Revolutions and Changes of Fortune of late, that there will be no need to resort to distant Accounts, to be enlightened in their Affairs. On the other hand, the History of the Achaians, and the Royal Family of Macedon, will require a necessary Recourse to Antiquity, in regard the latter is now quite extinguished, and the other by their good Conduct and Intelligence, risen to a marvellous Height of Prosperity: For tho' it hath been the Argument of many heretofore, to persuade the Peloponnesians to a Union, for their common Defence and Safety; which could not, however, be brought to pass, inasmuch, as those who have seemed to contend therein, could never relinquish their own Interests and Advancement, while they deliberated for the Public. Wherefore, this Felicity was reserved for our Days, and is accomplished in such a manner, as that they are not only United by a firm Alliance, but the better to fasten the Bond of Union, their Laws are now the same, as also their Money, Weights and Measures; furthermore, they have the same Magistrates, the same Council, and the same Judges: So that to comprise all in one Word, Peloponnesus is not one entire City and Corporation, only because one Wall does not Begirt and Environ it; every thing else is Uniform throughout all their Cities. And it would be no fruitless Curiosity, to inquire why, and for what Reason, the Peloponnesians began to take upon them the Name of Achaians; for those who were first so called, were a People no more considerable than their Neighbours; neither for their Riches, the number of their Towns and Cities, nor the Virtue of their People. In a word, the Arcadians and Lacedæmonians were superior to the Achaians, both in Numbers and Extent of Dominion. And there was hardly any Nation through the whole Continent of Greece, that did not think themselves their Equals, both in Valour and Virtue; how then comes it to pass that the Achaians, and those who have engaged in that Confederacy, and are become the same in Government and Name, are risen to that height of Reputation? It were Blindness and Folly to ascribe it to Accident, or a mere Effect of the Indulgence of Fortune. It behoves us then, to search out, and determine the Cause, for without that, nothing can be effected that comes to pass; whether done by the Guidance of right Reason, or seemingly done without any Reason all. My Judgement of the Cause than is this: That first it is impossible to find a Republic, where Liberty and Equality, and in a word, where popular Government is better preserved, or where more wholesome Laws are to be found, than among the Achaians, this invited many of the Peloponnesian Cities to embrace, of their own Accord, their Form of Government; many likewise were won to receive it by the Force of Reason and Persuasion; and some were constrained by Necessity, and yielded with a sort of Choice to what they foresaw they should shortly not be able to refuse. While in the mean time the Founders of this Institution reaped no Privilege or Advantage by their Change, who no sooner received their Laws, but they were admitted to the same Fellowship of Right with the rest.  
In brief, the Achaians compassed this great Design, principally by two Things, which seldom fail of Effect; namely, Equality and Benignity; and there is great appearance of Reason that that was the chief and most likely Motive to this Concord, which growing and establishing by degrees, acquired to the Peloponnesians so much Power and Wealth. But this Right is to be done the Achaians, that it must be confessed, the Form of Government we have mentioned, was Originally and of Old among them; which appears by manifold Testimonies, but it shall suffice at this time to exemplify only one or two.  
Upon the Burning and Destroying the Assemblies of the pythagoreans, by a secret Conspiracy, in that part of Italy called Magnagraecia, there ensued great Commotious among the Principal Magistrates by that extraordinary Adventure. All the Greek Towns on that Coast of Italy were filled with Sedition, Tumult and Murders; so that to recover and establish Union and Tranquillity among them, Ambassadors were dispatched to them from all parts of Greece, howbeit, the Council only of the Achaians was chosen to cure those great Evils, and compose the Dissensions that were grown among them. Nor was it in this only that the People expressed their Esteem of the Laws and Institutions of the Achaians; but all those Governments soon after, by common Consent, agreed to imitate them, and to Form themselves according to the Example of the Achaean Republic. Whereupon the Crotoniates, the Sybarites, and the Cauloniates, Uniting in one Body, agreed to build a Temple to Jupiter Homorius, Decreeing that Place for the Congress of their General Assemblies. In a word, they received the Achaean Laws, and resolved conformably to Govern their States. And if any thing therein was afterwards altered, it was not out of Choice, but strong Necessity; for on the one hand Dionysius of Syracuse, and the Barbarians on the other, who were too powerful for them to contend with, often compelled them to change their Methods of Administration.  
Afterwards, about the time of the Lacedæmonians Defeat in the Battle of Leuctra, (an Occurrence which surprised all the World) when the Thebans, contrary to the general Opinion, had acquired the Dominion of Greece, there grew great Troubles and Commotions , and principally between the Lacedæmonians and Thebans, for those would not be drawn to consent they had been Vanquished, and these could not prove they had been Victors. Whereupon the Achaians, of all the Greeks, were mutually chosen to be the sole Judges of this Controversy, not by an Argument of their Power and Greatness, there being no State at that Time in all Greece that was not Superior to them in Strength, but merely in regard of the Virtue and Probity which they manifested in all their Negotiations, which had acquired them the good Opinion of the whole World. But they had nothing else at that time to boast of, but good Counsel, and a Disposition to improve their Fortune, not having it in their Power to b● Great or Secure, through the want of such a Head or Leader, whose Virtue and Abilities might answer the Glory of their Designs; For, they no sooner made Choice of One in whom any extraordinary Marks of Courage or Greatness of Mind was discovered, when the Lacedæmonians, and above the rest the Macedonians, would presently form Obstacles, and raise Impediments to the Course of their Virtue.  
But afterwards, when they came to enjoy the Liberty of Choosing such Men, as knew how to acquit themselves, it was then perceived, how capable they were of bringing the greatest things to pass. For, what was more glorious than the Union and Confederacy of the Peloponnesians? Aratus the Sicyonian was the Author of that Noble Enterprise, and Philopoemen of Megalopolis prosecuted it and saw it perfected; 
* Father of our Au●●●●.  Lycortas, and those who succeeded, confirmed it, and laboured therein so successfully, as to give some Assurance of its Duration. But we shall show in the Pursuit of our History, as Occasion shall be given, how, and at what Time, they respectively contributed to that Work. Nevertheless we shall not have occasion to enlarge on the Actions of Aratus, in regard he himself has composed a sort of History, wherein the Truth of Occurrences is plainly delivered. But as to what may concern the others, we shall diligently, and more accurately, recount their Actions. In brief, I have, upon good Deliberation, concluded, that the Work I have undertaken, will be less difficult for me, and more advantageous for the Reader, to take my Beginning from the time when the Achaians, (who had been divided by the Power of the Kings of Macedon,) began to Unite and Incorporate, inasmuch, as from thence may be dated the Birth of that Power and Greatness, which by a constant Growth and Augmentation, hath at length arrived at that height of Prosperity wherein we now behold them, and whereof we have already taken notice.  
It was in the Hundred and twenty fourth Olympiad, when the Patraeans and Dimoeans laid the Foundation of the Union; in the same Olympiad, wherein Ptolemy the Son of Lagus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy, surnamed Ceraunus, died. And if we would extend our Prospect yet further back, behold the State of the Achaians: Tisamenus, Son of Orestes, flying from Sparta, upon the return of the Heraclidoe, governed in Achaia, and was the first King of that People; the Dominion by him there founded, was continued in a rightful Succession down to Gyges, whose Sons rendering him odious by their Tyrannical Practices, the first Form of their Government became changed, and reduced to a popular State, which lasted to the time of Alexander the Great; and albeit their Affairs were governed and regulated according to the Diversity of Times, and Occurrences, nevertheless all possible Endeavours were used to preserve the Form of a popular State. The Commonwealth was composed of Twelve Cities, which are in being at this Day, Olenus and Helice only excepted, which were swallowed up by the Sea, in an Earthquake, that happened not long before the Battle of Leuctra; which Cities are Patra, Dyma, Phara, Trytoea, Leontium, Aegira, Pellene, Aegium, Bura, Ceraunia, Olenus, and Helice. After the Death of Alexander, and since the Olympiad we have mentioned, these Cities fell into dangerous Dissensions, chief by the Artifices of the Macedonian Princes, when every City apart meditated on nothing but their own private Profit, and Ends, to the Prejudice and Destruction of their Neighbours; and this gave occasion to Demetrius, and Cassander, and afterward to Antigonus Gonatus, to put Garrisons in some of their Cities, and that others were invaded and governed by Tyrants, who in those Days were very numerous in Greece. But about the Hundred and four and twentieth Olympiad, when Pyrrhus invaded Italy, these People began to see the Error of their Dissensions, and laboured to return to their former Union. Those who gave the first Example, were the Dymoeans the Patroeans, and the Pharoeans; Five Years after those of Aegium, having cast out the Garrison that was placed over them, were received into the Confederacy. Those of Bura, followed their Example, having first killed the Tyrant; and shortly after, those of Ceraunia did the like: for Iseas their Tyrant, considering how that those of Aegium had expelled their Garrison, and he who governed in Bura, was already slain by the Practices of Marcus, and the Achaians, and that it would be his Lot to have them all quickly for Enemies, he therefore resigned the Dominion; after having first stipulated with the Achaians, for his Indemnity for what was passed, and so incorporated the City into the Union of the Achaians. But it may be demanded, Why we take so remote a View into Antiquity? To which we Answer, Because, in the first place, we would show after what Manner, and at what Time this Commonwealth was founded, and who were the first of the Ancient Achaians, that laid the Foundation; and to the end it may appear that we say nothing without Proof, of the Institutions of that People, and that what we have Recorded is too evident to be confuted, it is manifest they have all along observed the same Methods of Government. So that consenting to Equality and Liberty, which is in the utmost Perfection among that People, and opposing their Arms against those, who by themselves, or by the Assistance of such Princes as would willingly have had them fallen into Servitude; they have been able to compass their great Design, partly of themselves, and partly by their Confederates. In short, we may have recourse to their Laws, and Institutions, to be satisfied in what afterwards succeeded. For, in a word, tho' they have been, in many Occasions of greatest moment, serviceable to the Romans, nevertheless their Success never altered them, or lent them Ambition to Exalt their Fortune, but they barely contented themselves to be permitted, in reward of the good Offices they had rendered their Allies, Liberty only to every one in particular, and a Confirmation of the general Union of Peloponnesus. But this will be more evidently seen by their Actions.  
The Cities, then, we have mentioned continued for the space of five and twenty Years, to preserve their Form of Government unchanged, choosing in their General Assembly, two Praetors and a Secretary. Afterward they concluded to have but one Praetor only, who should be charged with the Management of their Affairs; and the first who enjoyed that Dignity, was Marcus the Carian, who, after four Years of his Administration, gave place to Aratus the Sicyonian, who, at the Age of twenty Years, after he had by his Virtue and Resolution rescued his Country from Tyranny, joined it to the Commonwealth of the Achaians, so great a Veneration had he from his Youth for the Manners and Institutions of that People. Eight Years after, he was a second time chosen Praetor, and won Acrocorinth, which Antigonus had fortified with a Garrison, whereby Aratus freed all Greece from no small Apprehension: when he had restored Liberty to Corinth, he united it to the Achaians, together with the City of Megara, which he got by Intelligence during his Praetorship. All these things happened about a Year before the last Battle that was fought between the Romans and Carthaginians for the Dominion of Sicily, when the latter were obliged to quit their Claim, and become Tributaries to the Romans. In a word, Aratus, who, in a short space, brought many and great things to pass, made it manifest by his Counsels and Actions, that his greatest Aim was the Expulsion of the Macedonians out of Peloponnesus, to suppress Tyranny, and assert the Liberty of his Country. So that, during the whole Reign of Antigonus Gonatus, Aratus constantly opposed all his Designs and Enterprises, as he did the Ambition of the Aetolians, to raise themselves on the Ruins of their Neighbour States. And as in all the Transactions of his Administration, he gave singular Evidences of a steady Mind and firm Resolution, all his Attempts succeeded accordingly, notwithstanding many States confederated to hinder the Union, and to destroy the Commonwealth of the Achaians.  
After the Death of Antigonus, the Achaians entered into a League with the Aetolians, and generously assisted them in their War against Demetrius, so that the ancient Hatred between these two People seemed for the present extinguish'st, and the Desire of Concord began, by degrees, to grow in the Minds of the Aetolians; Demetrius reigned ten Years, and died about the time that the Romans made their first Expedition into Illyria, when many great and noble Occasions were given to the Achaians of finishing the Project they had conceived. For the Tyrants who reigned in Peloponnesus, having lost the Support of Demetrius, who greatly favoured them, began now to Despair; and on the other hand, being awed by Aratus, who admonished them to quit their Governments, on Promise of great Honours and Rewards to such as voluntary resigned, and threatening others with Hostility, who refused: Whereupon they resolved to Despoil themselves of their Dignities, restore their People to Liberty, and Incorporate them with the Achaians. As to Lysiadas, the Megalapolitan, he wisely foreseeing what was likely to come to pass, frankly renounced his Dominion during the Life of Demetrius, and was received into the General Confederacy of Rights and Privileges with the whole Nation. Aristomachus, Tyrant of the Argives; Xeno of the Hermionians, and Cleonymus of the Phliatians, resigning their Authority at the time we mentioned, were likewise received into the Alliance of the Achaians.  
In the mean time, the Aetolians began to conceive Jealousy at the growing Greatness and extraordinary Success of the Achaians, and according to their natural Malice and Ambition, but principally in Hopes they should be able to break the Union of those Cities that were already joined, as it had been concerted with Antiochus, and was heretofore brought to pass, when they shared the Acharnanians with Alexander; encouraged, therefore, now by a Prospect of the like Success, they basely entered into a League with Antigonus, who at that time governed Macedon, during the Minority of Philip, than a Child; they did the like also with Cleomenes, King of the Lacedæmonians, and incorporated their Troops with their own. In short, they saw Antigonus now at Leisure, with the whole Power of Macedon at his Devotion, and were well assured of his Enmity to the Achaians, on the Occasion of the Surprise of Acrocorinth; so that, making account, that if the Lacedæmonians, who likewise bore no good Will to the Achaians, would hearty join with them in their Designs against that People, it would not be difficult to succeed in their Enterprise, inasmuch as they should be able to Attack them in earnest, and Invade them on all sides at once: Nor would the Aetolians have been without Reason to hope some Success in their Design, had they not omitted one principal Consideration; namely, that they were to have to do with Aratus, whose great Abilities sufficed to obviate and prevent all the ill Effects that could be threatened. But making an unjust War on the Achaians, it came to pass, that it did not only not succeed as they had proposed; but on the contrary, as by the Wisdom of Aratus, who was then Praetor, their Designs were broken and defeated; so the Confederacy became stronger, and the Achaians greater than before; and by what shall be further related, it will appear how they effected their Purpose.  
Aratus, then, considering that the sense of the Benefits the Aetolians had received by the Friendship of the Achaians, during the War with Demetrius, withheld them for the present, out of Shame, from openly declaring War against them, though at the same time, they secretly practised with the Lacedæmonians, and manifested so violent an Hatred to the Achaians, that when Cleomenes fraudulently attacked them, and surprised Tegea, Mantinaea and Orchomena, they were not only not touched or concerned at that Outrage and Violation, but did their best to confirm him in the Possession of those Cities. And notwithstanding their natural Avarice, to gratify which Passion, a very slight Occasion sufficed to provoke them to War, with those who had hardly injured them; yet could they tamely suffer, not only breach of Faith, but willingly yielded up great Cities to the Possession of others, in prospect that the growing Power of Cleomenes, might at length render him a Match for the Achaians. Aratus, therefore, and the Chiefs of the Confederacy, determined not to declare War against any one, and to apply themselves only to withstand the Designs of the Lacedæmonians, at least these were their first Thoughts: But when they had further penetrated the Counsels of Cleomenes, and saw him building a Fortress in the Territory of the Megalopolitans, called Athenaeum, and that the War became by that means manifestly proclaimed against them; they than called an Assembly of the States, and therein it was declared that the Lacedæmonians should be reputed Enemies. In this manner, and at that time the War began, which was called the Cleomenic War.  
This War was at first managed and sustained by the single Strength and Forces of the Achaians, who had the Resolution to march alone against the Lacedæmonians, concluding it more for their Glory to attempt their Defence, without borrowing Aids from abroad; but bearing in memory the good Offices which had been done them, heretofore by Ptolemy, they endeavoured to secure his Friendship, and to possess him with a Belief, that their entire Confidence was in him. But when the War began to grow upon them, and Cleomenes had destroyed the Lacedaemonian Government, and of a free State had converted it to a Tyranny, Aratus observing that that Prince managed the War with no less Ability than Force, began to be in pain for the Event, and being jealous of the Arts and Infidelity of the Aetolians, he thought it Wisdom to endeavour to Counter-work, and perplex them in their Enterprises. He therefore considered that, Antigonus, who governed in Macedon, was a Man of Experience, and of his Word, and that he was willing enough to make Alliances; and was not without this Consideration too, That Princes have naturally neither Friends nor Enemies, but measure Amity's and Enmities, by the Rules of Interest; he therefore endeavoured after a good Understanding with that Prince, and determined to propose the joining the Forces of the Achaians with his. But there were many weighty Reasons that convinced him, this was an Affair that could not safely be treated openly; for in a word, he was well ware that Cleomenes and the Aetolians, would not only oppose it, but the Achaians themselves would have reason to Despair, when they should see their Praetor applying to their Enemy: Which they would interpret an Effect of his Doubt of their Forces, which he thought necessary by all means to prevent. He resolved therefore to prosecute his Purpose with such Caution, as to leave no room for Suspicion; and the better to bring it to pass, he was constrained both to do and say many things in the Eye of the People, that to them bespoke quite other Intentions than those he had harboured; thus he kept his Design undiscovered, and that indeed seems to be the Reason why he hath made no mention thereof in his Commentaries. Furthermore, Aratus was not ignorant that the Megalopolitans, by their Neighbourhood to the Lacedæmonians; stood exposed above all others to the Violence and Incommodities of the War, which they could not without great Repugnance undergo, and that the Achaians would not be able to yield them effectual Succours, by reason of their own Straits. He likewise knew their great Inclinations to the House of Macedon, in Memory of the many Favours done them by Philip Son of Amintas, so that he justly collected that whenever they should come to be hard pressed by Cleomenes, they would resort sort for Succour to Antigonus, and the Macedonians. There were two principal Citizens in Megalopolis, namely Nicophanes and Cercidas, with whom Aratus corresponded, who were Men when well qualified for Conducting the Enterprise he was meditating; to these he imparted the Secret, and by their means brought it so about, that the Megalopolitans decreed to send Ambassadors to the Assembly of the Achaians, to move them to solicit Succours from Antigonus, by their Ambassadors. So Nichophanes and Cercidas, were themselves sent to the Achaians, with Orders to proceed on to Antigonus, if they approved the Proposition; which they did, and consented that the Ambassadors should pursue their Orders.  
When Nichophanes had his Audience of Antigonus, he touched the Affairs of his own Country, in few words, speaking no more than what was just fit; but he enlarged, and made him a long Discourse, pursuant to the Instructions of Aratus, of Affairs in General. Which Instructions imported the mighty Consequence of the Alliance between Cleomenes and the Aetolians, and whither it tended; that it was true, the Achaians were likely to feel the first Evils of it, but the heaviest and most dangerous Effects threatened Antigonus; that it was not difficult to determine that the Achaians, were not themselves a Match for those two People, in case they should attack them; and that it was yet easier to foresee, to those who rightly judged of Affairs, that the Ambition of Cleomenes, and the Aetolians was not likely to be limited to the single Conquest of the Achaians; and that they would stop there; that Peloponnesus would prove but a small Morsel to the Avarice of the Aetolians, when Greece itself was not thought sufficient; that touching Cleomenes, albeit he made Show to be satisfied with the Dominion of Peloponnesus, there was no reason to doubt, but that whenever he should compass so great a share of Authority, he would extend his Ambition to the Subjection of all Greece, which it would be impossible to bring to pass, without first destroying the Macedonian Monarchy. The Ambassadors therefore were to pray him to deliberate maturely which was likely to be the safest Counsel for him to take; whether to Succour the Achaians and Beotians, in Opposition to Cleomenes, and to counterplot his Designs upon Greece in Peloponnesus, or by neglecting the Occasion of conciliating the Friendship of so great a People, become liable at length to sustain a War in Thessaly, for the Empire of Macedon, not only with the Lacedæmonians and Aetolians, but with the Beotians and Achaians themselves. They were in short, to let Antigonus know, that if the Aetolians continued their Nutrality, as they yet seemed to do out of shame, to deal ungratefully with those from whom they had received so many good Offices during their War with Demetrius: That in such case the Achaians would stand alone against the Attempts of Cleomenes, and if Fortune favoured their Councils, they should not be driven to resort to any foreign Assistance. But in case other Resolutions should be taken, and that the Aetolians should join with the Enemy, That he should then be moved to weigh with his best Wisdom the State of Things, and not to permit the occasion to be lost of timely succouring, and preventing the Ruin of the Achaians, of whose Fidelity and Gratitude there could be no Reason to doubt. In short, the Ambassadors gave him Assurance, That whensoever these Matters should corn in agitation, Aratus would be prepared to give such Security for their fair Proceeding, as should be pleasing to both Parties, and that he himself would take upon him to demand it whensoever Assistance should be needful. Antigonus having heard the Ambassadors, acknowledged the Counsel of Aratus to be very wise and wholesome, and from that time forward kept a more vigilant Eye on all Occurrences. He likewise writ to the Megalopolitans, assuring them of his Assistance, whensoever the Achaians should declare it necessary.  
Upon the return Home of Nicophanes and Cercidas, they delivered the Letters of Antigonus, and made known the good Disposition wherein they found that Prince, whereupon the Megalopolitans took Courage, and forthwith deliberated to go to the Assembly of the Achaians, and move them to join with Antigonus, and to lose no time in putting their Affairs into his Management. And now, when Aratus had been given to understand by the Ambassadors how kind Antigonus had appeared to the Achaians in general, and to himself in particular; he was not a little pleased to find his Project succeed so well, and that Antigonus proved in his Compliance, so contrary to the Opinion of the Achaians; for he was assured that the Inclination which the Megalopolitans had shown to commit the Conduct of the War to Antigonus, by the Consent of the Achaians, could not but greatly contribute to the Success of his Designs. For, notwithstanding that Aratus, as we have observed, wished there might happen no Occasion to call in Foreign Aids, and that he laboured all that was possible to prevent it; nevertheless, he thought it the safest Advice that could be taken, if they should chance to be straitened, to secure the Friendship of Antigonus, provided the Motion might proceed merely from the Achaians, and that it might not appear it was compassed by his Procurement. For, in short, as he could not answer for Antigonus, who might be tempted to change his Mind, so he was in the right to do his best, to shun the Blame that might be due to him, for the Mischiefs that might befall his Country in case, after Antigonus should have come to their Relief, and succeeded against Cleomenes, he should chance to attempt any thing to the Detriment of the Republic. And on the other hand, he justly feared, that if Antigonus should declare himself their Enemy, no Body would arraign him of Injustice, after the Violation acted by the Achaians against the Kings of Macedon, in the Surprise of Acro-Corinth.  
Wherefore upon the arrival of the Megalopolitans at the Assembly, where they communicated Antigonus' Letters, and after they had deliberated on the great Demonstrations of Affection that Prince had made them; and, in a word, had remonstrated the pressing Occasion of calling him to their Aid, and that the Megalopolitans wished it above all things: Then Aratus stood up to speak, and, after he had exaggerated the Benefits of Antigonus' Friendship, and applauded the Determination of the People, he made a long Exhortation to dispose them by all means, if it were possible, to compass their Defence and Safety by their own Forces alone, inasmuch, as nothing could befall them more Glorious, or more Profitable: And that if after all their Efforts, Fortune should prove averse, then that they might have recourse to their Friends, but that they ought first to perform the utmost they were able, by their own single Forces.  
This Opinion of Aratus being approved, by a general Vote of the Assembly, they determined to proceed no further for that Time, and that the Achaians should attempt at least to sustain the War by themselves. In the mean time, Ptolemy, who despaired of preserving Friendship with the Achaians, began to manifest his  to Cleomenes, by supplying him with Necessaries; for, as he believed the Power of the Lacedæmonians would be likely to go further towards the Defeating the Designs of the Macedonians than the Achaians, he theretofore did what he could to irritate Cleomenes against Antigonus; contributing his part towards the expense of the War. But after the Achaians were worsted by Cleomenes, first near Licoeum, where they met by accident; and afterwards, in a Battle near Magalopolis. And, in short, after their Defeat, and the loss of their prime Strength, in the Territory of Dymaja, near a Place called Hecatombaeum, finding the Circumstances of their Affairs to admit no further Delay, the present Danger in which they saw themselves, prevailed on the Achaians unanimously to consent to implore Succours of Antigonus; accordingly Aratus dispatched away his Son, and ratified the Treaty that had been made with that Prince, touching the Assistance he was to give them. But now a weighty Objection appeared, likely to obstruct the Accord, for they took it for granted, that Antigonus would demur to their Supply till Acro-Corinth, together with the City, should be restored to his Possession; which he would make to be the Seat of the War; and the Achaians could not determine to yield up those Places without the Consent of the Corinthians first obtained; which was the Occasion of some Delay, and gave them leisure to deliberate about adjusting the Sureties.  
In the mean while, Cleomenes' Successes had given the Alarm on all sides, who prosecuted his good Fortune now without danger or molestation, taking some Towns by fair means, and others by force; and having made himself Master of Caphya, Pellene, Pheneus, Argos, Phliunte, Cleone, Epidaurus, Hermione, Troezene, and, in short, of Corinth itself; he marched on, and encamped near the City of Sicyon. The difficulty was now removed, that molested the Achaians, and Aratus the Praetor, while the Corinthians, who, tho' they had signified they were ready to join and march with them, were on the contrary found to have confederated with Cleomenes, and invited him to receive them. This gave the Achaians then a Pretext which justified their Determination, and which Aratus readily improved, who had already given Antigonus some hopes that Acrocorinth should be put into his Hands; which having now performed, the scense of the Injury heretofore done to the Kings of of Macedon, became by that means removed, and the Alliance more firmly ratified for the Time to come; and, what was farther considerable, Antigonus was by that means, put in Possession of a proper Fortress, whereby to manage the War with the Lacedæmonians. Cleomenes, who had already promised himself the Principality of all Peloponnesus, receiving Intelligence of the Alliance concluded between Antigonus and the Achaians, forthwith retired from before Sicyon, and marched and encamped his Army near the Isthmus, and fortified with a Ditch and Rampart, the whole Space between Acro-Corinth and the Onion Hills. In the mean while Antigonus had been long in a readiness to enter upon the War, and attended only the Motive from Aratus; and making a Judgement according to the Advices he received, that Cleomenes would soon be on his march with his Army, he therefore sent to Aratus and the Achaians, himself being then in Thessaly, to exhort them to put in effect the Promises that had been made him, and then marched with his Army towards the Isthmus, by the way of Euboea. For the Aetolians, who had attempted all other means before to prevent the Conjunction of Antigonus with the Achaians, and were still ready to do their utmost to hinder the same, had intimated to him, that he should not attempt his passage with an Army by the straits of Thermopylae, and that if he did, they would oppose him with an Army. When Antigonus arrived at the Isthmus, he encamped just opposite to Cleomenes, with design to block up his passage into Peloponnesus.  
And now, notwithstanding the Affairs of the Achaians were in a state desperate enough; nevertheless, they changed not their Purpose, and were not destitute of Hope; and they no sooner saw Aristotle the Argian, opposing the Partisans of Cleomenes, when they immediately marched to their Assistance, and by the Conduct of Timoxenes, they got possession, and became Masters of Argos by Intelligence; and it is reasonable to believe, that that Success gave Rise to the Prosperity of their Affairs. For, first of all, this Adventure gave check to the Impetuosity of Cleomenes, and greatly disheartened his People, as Occurrences will explain it by and by. For notwithstanding his being possessed of Posts and Places of more advantage, and being Master of greater Conveniences for the supply of his Army than Antigonus; and, in a word, at the Head of a more numerous Army; yet, he no sooner heard, that the Achaians were Masters of Argos, when he deserted all those Advantages we have enumerated, and that rendered him Superior to Antigonus, and retired from the Isthmus, in the manner of a Flight, fearing to be surrounded by the Enemy. Afterwards he managed an Intelligence in Argos, and got into the Town, but after all he could do to keep Possession, he was driven out again by the Achaians, with the Assistance of the Inhabitants themselves, who having first promised him their Concurrence, they afterwards refused it: So he returned to Sparta by the way of Mantinoea.  
Thus Antigonus got his passage into Pelo●onnesus without hazard, and Acro-Corinth ●as put into his Hands, where he remained ●ot long, but hasted away to Argos; where, ●fter he had praised and encouraged the Inhabitants, and settled their Affairs, he returned ●o his Camp, and bend his March towards Arcadia. In short, after he had reduced several new Garrisons that had been lately erected by the Enemy, and put them into the Hands of the Megalopolitans; he proceeded ●o Aegium to be present at the Assemblies of ●he Achaians, where he set forth the Motives ●f his coming among them, and advised how they were to proceed, and there he was cho●●n General of the Confederate Army; and 〈◊〉 being now Winter, he remained some time 〈◊〉 Sicyon and Corinth, but early in the Spring ●rew his Army out of their Winter-quarters, and took the Field; and in three Days ●fter his departure, arrived before Tegea, where the Achaians joined him. Antigonus ●eing encamped before the Town, forthwith besieged it, which being hardly pressed by the Macedonians, who attacked them by all the Methods that are put in practice in the like Attempts; especially, by Mines, which they had made on all Quarters; insomuch, that the Inhabitants, despairing of Safety, yielded up the Place; which Antigonus having strengthened with a Garrison, proceeded on further Expeditions, and marched his Troops with speed into Laconia; and being advanced near Cleomenes, who, with his Army, lay on the Frontiers; he began some small Engagements with him by Parties, the better to sound his Designs: But learning by his Spies, that Cleomenes' Army had been reinforced by fresh Troops from Orchomenus, he forthwith marched away towards those Quarters, where he took Orchomenus by force; from whence he marched against Mantinoea, which place, terrified at the approach of the Macedonians, submitted; then he advanced towards Heroea and Telphussa; whereupon, in regard these two Places voluntarily came into his Party, and Winter was now at hand, he returned to Egium, to be at the Assembly of the Achaians; and sending his Troops home, to pass the Winter, he remained Deliberating and Consulting with the Achaians, how farther to prosecute their Affairs.  
Cleomenes receiving Intelligence, that Antigonus had sent home his Army, and that himself, with a small Guard only of Mercenaries, remained at Aegium, which is not above three Days Journey from Megalopolis; and knowing that City to be of great Circuit, and but thinly peopled, which, to defend it as it ought, would require a great Garrison; and furthermore, having notice, that by reason of their present Neighbourhood to Antigonus, they kept very negligent Guard; and what was yet a farther Inducement, he knew, that the greatest part of the Inhabitants, able to bear Arms, had been lost in the two Battles that had been fought, the one near Lycoeum, and the other near Laodicia, as was noted; upon these Motives then, he gets by Night into the Town, without giving the least Suspicion, conducted by certain Messenians, who had been banished their Country, and had taken Sanctuary in Megalopolis. But in the Morning, when the Alarm was taken, it wanted but little, that the Inhabitants had not driven him out again, both his Person and his People being brought into manifest danger, as it happened to him about three Months before, when he secretly got into the same Town, at a place called Colaeus. But he being now the Stronger, and possessed of all the advantageous Posts, succeeded in his Attempt; and, in short, having vanquished the Inhabitants, became Master of the Place; and was no sooner in possession, when he put in practice so many Outrages and Cruelties of War, that he left not so much as any Appearance, that it had ever been a peopled Place. In my Judgement, Cleomenes gave himself up to that degree of Inhumanity, out of Revenge, that he could not prevail at any time (how difficult soever) to engage any one of the Clitorians, Megalopolitans, or Stymphalians to be of his Faction, depend on his Fortune, or betray their Country to him; yet was the Generosity and love of Liberty amongst the Clitorians stained by the Wickedness of one Man, namely, Thearces, tho' they justly deny him to be a Native, but that he was the Son of an Orchomenian Soldier residing among them. And, tho' there be extant Aratus' History of those Times, there are some who give greator Credit to Clearchus, who dissents from him in many Particulars; the safest and wisest course, therefore, especially while we follow Aratus touching the Achievements of Cleomenes, will be to sift and examine things narrowly, to the end, it may not be our Fault, if Falsehood prevail over Truth. In short, Clearchus has delivered many things without Judgement or Consideration, but we are not to make his Process, and detect his Errors in this place; we shall barely content ourselves, to relate nakedly, the Occurrences of those Times, and the Transactions of the Cleomenic War, and that will suffice to expose the Weakness of the Author, and show, what we are to gather from his History. When Clearchus then would set forth the Cruelties of Antigonus, and the Macedonians, and even of Aratus himself, and the Achaians, he relates, That when the Matinoeans fell into the Hands of the Enemy, they were subjected to unspeakable Calamities; and that their City, which was the most considerable and ancient of all Arcadia, was reduced to so great Misery, as it drew Tears of Compassion from the whole Body of the Grecians.  
In brief, when he hath a mind to move Pity in the Minds of his Readers, and touch them by his Discourse, he represents Women embracing each other with melting Lamentations in their Mouths; he exposes them with dishevelled Hair, and naked Breasts, and adds Tears and Complaints of Men, Women, and Children, Young and Old dragged away promiscuously: In a word, it is his manner thus to paint and describe things, when he would give us an Image of Sorrow and Adversity. Whereupon I observe it is beneath the Dignity of solid Minds to be taken with such Entertainments, wherein Women only can receive Diversion. Behold then what is proper and specific to History, and wherein consists the Benefit that we receive by that Study; It is not the Business of an Historian to affect the Reader with recounting of Prodigies, and relating things for the sake of the Novelty and Oddness of the Matter, nor to wander after Subjects, that with difficulty may be allowed to have a resemblance of Truth; nor to aggravate things; all which is properly the Poet's Theme; but to set down plain Truth, and report punctually what was said or done to the least Circumstance. In short, Poetry and History have two different Ends, or are rather totally incompatible: The Art of Poetry is to strike the Heart, and move the Passions, and to beget a present Pleasure, by a Discourse that hath nothing but a likeness of Truth to recommend it: But the Design of History is to instruct the present and future Ages, in the exact Verity both of Words and Actions. Probability, tho' false, predominates in Poetry, inasmuch as the Spectators there come to be deceived; but Truth is to govern in History, for its End is Profit and Instruction. And yet there are Historians who give us Relatitions of the most important Occurrences, without reporting to us either the Causes, the Beginning or the Reason of Things; whereof, if we are left ignorant, what just Motive will their be either for Compassion or Indignation? In a word, who would not be affected to see a Man of free Condition beaten and severely treated? And yet if this Man's Gild hath begot his Sufferings, no Body will wonder. If Correction, and the Preservation of good Discipline, be the Motives of his hard Treatment, the Authors deserve Thanks and Praise. Is it not held likewise a heavy Crime to kill a Citizen? And yet we may kill a Citizen, destroy a Thief or an Adulterer, and the Law saves us harmless. And if we kill a Traitor or a Tyrant; instead of Punishment; Honours and Rewards are allotted for such Actions: so true it is, that the Justice or Iniquity of what we do, depends not on the Fact, but on the Causes and Motives, the Purpose of the Actors, and the Difference that is found between them.  
The Mantinoeans then having withdrawn from the Confederacy of the Achaians, with whom they were once in Alliance, gave up themselves, their Town and Territory to the Aetolians. And not long after they made the same Present to Cleomenes, and while they were incorporated with the Lacedæmonians, Aratus gaining Intelligence with certain of the Inhabitants, the Achaians took it by force, four Years before the arrival of Antigonus; and, in a word, they were so far from receiving Punishment for the Fault of their Desertion, that on the contrary, the Union and Reconciliation of those two People was as strange, as the Revolution was sudden, and unlooked for: For Aratus was no sooner in possession of the Place, when he expressly forbade all manner of Plunder and Hostility, but causing the Inhabitants to assemble, he exhorted them to take Assurance, and fear nothing, and to apply themselves to their respective Business and Callings, and that no manner of hardship should be offered them, while they continued Members of the Achaean Republic. Whereupon, those of Mantinoea, who could not have hoped such gentle Treatment on so sudden a Change, soon altered their Sentiments; and they who but now were Enemies to the Achaians, and fight against them, had lost many Friends and Fellow-citizens; received now the same Achaians as Inmates into their Houses, and as they would their nearest Friends; performing mutually all Offices of Friendship and Courtesy one to another. Nor was it indeed other than Justice, for I believe it may be with Truth averred, that there are but few Examples of such Lenity in an Enemy; and that scarce any People ever had so light a Feeling of a Misfortune, accounted among the greatest that befall us, as the Mantinoeans, did through the Humanity of the Achaians and Aratus.  
Afterwards by their own Importunity, pressed by the seditious Practices of some of their Citizens, who kept Intelligence with the Aetolians and Lacedæmonians; Ambssadours were sent to the Achaians, to demand a Garrison for their better safety. Whereupon the Achaians appointed three Hundred of their Citizens to be chosen by Lot for that Service; and those whose chance it was to go, left their Fortunes and their Country, to take up their abode in Mantinoea, to assert and defend the Liberties of the Inhabitants. These were accompanied with two Hundred Mercenaries, who jointly contributed to the Conservation of the Established Form of Government: But not long after, instigated by the seditious Practices of the Disaffected, they called in the Lacedæmonians, to whom they gave up themselves and their Town, and put all the Achaians to the Sword, who had been sent thither to succour and defend them; than which, could there be a more perfidious Act? For, in a word, since they had determined to change their Party, and to forget the good Offices they had received from the Achaians, and the Friendship that had been cultivated between them; they might, one would think, have spared the Lives of these poor People, and dismissed them at least in safety to their Country, as not being liable to any Conditions which might arise by any new Treaty; for according to the Right of Nations, that Favour is afforded to Enemies in the like adventures. But the Mantinoeans, of their own mere Motion, acted that criminal Part, and violated an Universal Law, to give an Earnest to Cleomenes, and the Lacedæmonians, of their Readiness to Engage in any thing they should require of them. In this manner, then having with their own Hands slain those who had restored them their Town and their Liberty, after they had taken it by force, and who were then actually guarding them; what degree of Indignation seems due to such Treachery? Or rather let me say, what degree of Punishment can be conceived equivalent to their Crime? Perhaps it may be urged, That upon reducing the Town, themselves, their Wives, and Children ought to be fold into Captivity. To which I answer, That by the Rules of War, that is no worse Treatment than is practised towards those who have no Crime for which to account. They merited therefore certainly the most rigorous Punishment that could be thought on. But if their Usage was no other than Phylarchus reports it, it would have seemed just, not only that the Greeks should have abstained from the Compassion he mentions, but rather that they should proclaim the Praises of those who could not endure to punish so vile and criminal a Proceeding with the Rigour it deserved. And now, albeit the Mantinoeans smarted no more for their Misdeeds than the Pillage of their Goods, and the selling all of free Condition; this excellent Historian refines beyond the Rules of Truth, and labours to render every Passage strange and extraordinary, superadding such Falsehoods as want even the least resemblance of Probability; and such was the blindness of his Folly, that he could not see to set down what was done under his Eye; for the Achaians, at the same time taking Tegea by force, proceeded in no wise with the Tegeans as they had done with the Mantinoeans.  
Now, if it had been out of the native Cruelty of the Achaians, that the Mantinoeans were so hardly dealt with, how comes it to pass, the Tegeans escaped so easily, who fell into their Hands about the same time? If the Mantinoeans were then the only People that suffered such Severity at the Hands of the Achaians, it may be fairly inferred that they had merited, by their extaordinary Crimes, that extraordinary Punishment. Our Historian further says, That when Aristomachus of Argos, who had been Tyrant there, and whose Ancestors had been Tyrants, fell into the Hands of Antigonus and the Aachains, they carried him to Cenchrea, where they put him to so cruel a Death, that there is scarce an Example of so great Inhumanity. Furthermore, he feigns, according to his Custom, that his Cries amidst his Torments were heard into the Streets, insomuch that the People pressed into the Prison, where they were affrighted at the Barbarity of his Usage, which they could not behold without Horror and Detestation. But let us not dwell too long on this Pomp of Tragedy, whereof we have spoken sufficiently. For my own particular, I take for granted, that tho' Aristomachus had never injured the Achaians, there could have been no Death too severe for his manner of Life, and the Crimes he had committed against his Country.  
But our Author, to exalt the Glory of Aristomachus, and excite greater Compassion for what befell him, says, That he was not only a Tyrant, but descended of Tyrant Ancestors. Now, I pray, what more detested or infamous Character could he have given him? For most sure I am, that the Name only of Tyrant, contains the height of all Impiety, and comprehends all that Man's Imagination can compass or conceive of criminal outrageous Wickedness.  
But as to Aristomachus, if he should have suffered greater Torments than are set forth by our Historian, they would have been found short of his Due, for one only merciless Act of his, on the occasion of Aratus' secretly getting into Argos at the head of a Party of Achaians, where being exposed to manifest Danger, fight for the Liberty of the Argians, he was at length compelled to retire, for that through the terror People were under of the Tyrant, none had Resolution to secure or side with him in the Attempt. Upon this Adventure, Aristomachus forms a Design to gratify his Cruelty, pretending there were Conspirators in the City, who held Intelligence with the Achaians; whereupon, in cold Blood, and in the presence of his Friends, he causes no less than fourscore innocent Persons, of the principal Citizens, at once to lose their Heads. I forbear to make mention of the Vileness and Inhumanities' of his Life, and of his Ancestors, which would engage me in too long a Discourse.  
But what I have said may suffice to witness, that it was no Injustice to award him the same Measure he had dealt to others; we rather ought to conclude, it would have been Injustice, if his Death should have happened without some sense of Torment, after he had acted so many criminal Parts.  
It will not therefore be found a just Imputation of Cruelty in Antigonus or Aratus, if, being taken in the heat of War, Aristomachus was condemned to die by Torments, if in times of Peace he deserved no less; and that those who should have compassed his Death, would have merited Applause and Rewards, from every honest Man. But over and above what we have observed, having violated his Faith, and broken his Trust, with the Achaians; what Punishment could they think too great? In short, Aristomachus a little before the Death of Demetrius, being in great Danger, and reduced to the utmost Extremity, forlorn and despoiled of his Dominion, found an Asylum among the Achaians, who received him with all possible Gentleness. They not only forgot and forgave the Crimes and Outrages of his Tyranny, but admitted him to a Share of the Administration of the State, and conferred on him the Trust of Commanding and Conducting their Army, and did him other great Honours; while he, notwithstanding all this, upon the first Shadow of Advantage tendered him by Cleomenes, forgot all these Obligations, and Deserting the Achaians, at a time of their greatest Distress, joined with their Enemies: So that falling at last into their Hands; what hard Measure would it have been, to carry him to Cenchrea, and there to put him privately to Death, and in the Night as our Author reports; when, in Justice, he should have been led through all the Country of Peloponnesus, and after he had been made a Spectacle to the World, he ought to have been publicly tormented to Death, to rende● him the greater Example. Tho', in a word, the severest Treatment that befell this vile Man, was no other, than to be cast into the Sea, for certain Barbarities committed by him at Cenchrea.  
Furthermore▪ Philarchus exaggerates, with Passion, the Calamities of the Mantinoeans; as if he thought it the Business of an Historian, to pick out and enlarge most on the Subject of our Vices; but is silent when he should have Recorded the Memorable and Glorious Behaviour of the Megalopolitans, which occurred at the same time, falsely conceiving that to Register the Flaws and Frailties of Human Nature, were more Eligible, than to Publish the Merit of Noble and Generous Actions; while, who knows not, that the Fame and Glory of Noble Deeds, doth more urge us to Virtue, and reform our Manners better than the Recital of Criminal Adventures.  
Our Author indeed labouring to set forth the Courage of Cleomenes, and his Gentleness to his Enemies, tells us how he took Megalopolis, and preserved it from Destruction, till he had sent to Messene, whither the Inhabitants were retired, to invite them back to their Habitations, and take part with him; nor doth he omit to tell us, that the Megalopolitans had hardly the Patience to hear his Letters read, after they knew the Subject, and that they were with difficulty restrained from stoneing the Messengers to Death. But he totally neglects to publish what in Justice, and according to the Rules of History, should not have been omitted; namely, to Celebrate the Praises of their Virtue, and the generous Resolution they had taken, which he might fairly have done: For, if we reckon, those Men of Honour and Virtue, who Succour and Defend their Friends and Confederates in Distress, both in Word and Deed; and if we think it not only Praiseworthy, but the Subject of great Rewards, and Concessions of remarkable Privileges to those who suffer on that Score, to yield to be spoiled in their Fortunes, to abide the Calamities of Sieges, and endure all the wasteful Effects of Hostility; what may be then said to be due to the Megalopolitans? Shall we not reckon them Men of Honour? Can we praise them too much? First, they endured with unspeakable Constancy, to behold Cleomenes Burning and Ravaging all their Territory abroad; then they chose to abandon their Native City and Soil, rather than their Friendship, and the Ties of Honour they were under to the Achaians. In a word, tho' contrary to their Hopes, Overtures were made them, to return to their Possessions; they could better brook to be deprived of their Fortunes, their Sepulchers, their Temples, their Country, their whole Sudstance, and, in short, to lose all that was valuable and dear to them, than to Violate their Faith to their Confederates. Can any Man do more? or is it in the Power of any Mortal at any time to acquire a more Glorious and Illustrious Character? When, if not here, could an Historian hope to find a Theme fit to Charm the Attention of the Reader! And what more noble Example could be inculcated to Mankind, to excite them to Constancy and Fidelity to their Treaties and Alliances with their Neighbouring States! Nevertheless Philarchus has committed all this to Oblivion; and therefore I think one may safely accuse him of Stupidity and want of Judgement, in the Choice of such Matter as became the Dignity of History, since he could neglect the Recording Occurrences of that importance, that lay so plainly in his View.  
We are farther told by our Author, That the Lacedæmonians took in Booty from the Megalopolitans, to the value of six thousand Talents, whereof two thousand, according to ancient Custom, fell to the share of Cleomenes. Now, who doth not perceive the remarkable Ignorance of this Man, touching the Strength and Possessions of the Greek Towns! which is a matter, wherein, of all things, an Historian ought to be most punctually instructed; while I will be bold to aver, without Exaggeration, That it would have been impossible to find the amount of that Sum in all Peloponnesus, setting the Slaves only aside; nor do I assert it from the Poverty of the Country, that had been robbed and ruined by the Macedonian Kings, and more by the mighty Devastations of their own Civil Dissensions; but I am bold to descend to the Times wherein we now behold it, flourishing in Union, and raised to the greatest height of Prosperity. In a word, it may be calculated by what I am about to say, whether what I undertake to prove be without-book or no. There is scarce any Man so ignorant, that doth not know, that when the Achaians and Thebans joined in War against the Lacedæmonians, and formed a Land-army of ten thousand Men, and a Naval one of one hundred Vessels, they came to a Resolution, each one to contribute to the Charge of the War, in proportion to his Riches and Possessions, and that thereupon an Estimate and Valuation was made of all that was appraisable throughout the Attic Territory, comprehending Lands, Buildings, Goods, Treasure, etc. and upon that Calculation, the whole Value amounted to two hundred and fifty Talents short of six Thousand; from whence it may be inferred, whether we have reason or not to say what has been observed touching Peloponnesus. To conclude, whosoever should undertake to say, that the Pillage and Booty of Megalopolis could exceed, at that time, the Sum of three hundred Talents, would surpass the Truth of the Account: For we are well assured, there was a great number, both of People of Free-condition and Slaves, who escaped to Messene; and what farther confirms this Opinion, that there was no People in all Arcadia, the Mantinoeans excepted, that surpassed the Megalopolitans, either in the number of Inhabitants, Strength, or Riches, which Phylarchus himself grants: and upon the taking the Town after the Siege, out of which no Body could escape, or secure any thing from the Enemy, there was not raised three hundred Talents of the Booty, adding the Sale of the Prisoners to the Account.  
And who will not yet farther wonder, at what Phylarchus reports; namely, that about ten Days before the Battle, there arrived an Ambassador from Ptolemy to Cleomenes, to let him know, That he could expect no farther Supplies of Money from him; with Advice moreover to come to a speedy Accord with Antigonus; and that thereupon Cleomenes determined to come the more speedily to a Battle, before his Army should have notice of this News, as despairing to be able to pay them out of his own Treasure. Now it is remarkable, that if it were true, that about that very time Cleomenes was Master of six thousand Talents, he had been in no need of Ptolomy's Assistance, being a much wealthier Prince than himself: and, as to what concerned his Affairs with Antigonus, if it were likewise probable, that Cleomenes had made but the Sum of three thousand Talents of the Booty, it would have amounted to more than enough to prosecute the War without danger or difficulty. Is not this then a farther Instance of the Weakness and want of Judgement of our Historian, to say, that Cleomenes depended entirely on the Aids and Liberality of Ptolemy, and to report him at the same time Master of so plentiful a Treasure! He runs into many the like Errors, in the course of his History, but what we have already noted may suffice for our present Purpose.  
Megalopolis being taken while Antigonus was at Argos, where he made his Winter abode; Cleomenes assembled his Troops early in the Spring, and after he had encouraged them suitably to the Time and the Occasion, he took the Field, and fell on the Frontiers of the Argians, with a Resolution, by the Vulgar accounted temerarious, by reason of the Strength and difficult Situation of many Places that commanded his passage; but according to the Judgement of those who could best discern, with Wisdom and Conduct enough; for, in short, he knew that the Macedonians, were yet at home, and from them there was no danger to be apprehended in his Enterprise. Furthermore, he wisely considered, that as soon as he should have made any Progress upon the Argians, and had spoiled and ravaged their Country up to the Walls of the City, that People would not be able, with any Patience, to suffer it, but would soon trouble Antigonus with their Complaints and Remonstrances; and in case that Prince should be moved by their Applications, to take the Field, with those few Troops he had with him, and attempt a Battle, that it was then odds but he would be beaten; or, if he did not yield to their Importunity, but kept within the Walls, that then Cleomenes would have the opportunity of terrifying and doing damage to the Enemy, of heartening, and giving Assurance to his Soldiers, and so to return home again with Impunity. And, in short, it happened as he had forecast, for the Argians could not behold their Country wasted and plundered, without pressing Antigonus with their Complaints; who, notwithstanding, departed not from the Dignity of a great Prince, and the Rules of a wise General. He was not therefore moved to take the Field out of fear of present Blame, but kept himself in Covert, to avoid future Censure, and only employed his time in exposing and inculcating his Reasons for all his Proceed.  
After Cleomenes had wasted and pillaged the Country as he had proposed; disheartened the Enemy, and confirmed the Courage of his own People against the Danger that threatened them, he returned home in safety. In the beginning of Summer, Antigonus with the Mecedonians, Achaians, and the rest of the Confederates, led their Troops into Laconia; their Army consisting of ten thousand Macedonians which composed the Phalanx, three thousand with Bucklers, three hundred Horse, and three thousand choice Achaean Foot, three hundred Achaean Horse, and a thousand Megalopolitans armed after the Macedonian manner, led by Cercidas of the same Country. There were further Succours of the Allies, consisting of two thousand Foot, and two hundred Horse of the Beotians, and of the Epirots a thousand Foot and fifty Horse, and the like number of Acarnanians, besides sixteen hundred Illyrians, commanded by Demetrius the Pharian: So that the Army consisted of Twenty eight thousand Foot, and twelve hundred Horse.  
Cleomenes, not doubting but the Enemy would soon visit him, took care to strengthen all the Passes with good Garrisons, fortifying all the Avenues with Ditches and Ramparts; and filling up, and barricadoing the Ways with great Trees laid , felled for that purpose. As for Cleomenes himself, he marched with an Army of twenty thousand Men, and encamped at a certain place called Selasia, having reason to suspect, that the Enemy purposed to pass that way, and he was not deceived in his Conjecture. Here are situate two Mountains, the one called Eva, the other Olympus; between these runs the River Oenus, along the Banks whereof there is a narrow Way or Defile, that leads to the City of Sparta. Cleomenes ordered a good Ditch to be made at the Foot of these two Hills, with strong Ramparts behind them; on the Mountain Eva he posted the Forces of the Confederates, under the Command of Euclidas his Brother, and he himself possessed Olympus with the Spartan Troops and the Mercenaries In short, his Horse he appointad to be drawn up in plain Ground near the River on each side, sustained by a Body of Mercenary Foot.  
When Antigonus arrived, and had well considered the Situation of the Ground, the Fortifications and Defences that were made, and had remarked with how much Judgement Cleomenes had provided for all things, having distributed his Troops and posted them so properly, and that he had so Soldierlike possessed the Place, and was encamped in such excellent Order, the Form thereof bearing the resemblance of an Army drawn up in Order of Battle; for he had omitted no Skill or Forecast, either with respect to giving the Attack, or receiving the Enemy, his People being in a Posture for either, and his Camp well secured against any Insult or Surprise.  
When Antigonus, I say, had observed all this, he could not determine to give Cleomenes Battle, but contented himself for the present to retire some small distance off, and incamp his Army on the the River Gorgylus, which fortified one part of his Camp. Here he remained some Days, the better to acquaint himself with the Ground and Situation of the Country, and the Disposition of the Enemy; feigning to Attack them now in one place, now in another, marching round them to give them the greater Terror. But perceiving every Post to be well-gaurded, and not being able to find any one place, that might encourage him to attempt them; Cleomenes being vigilant: and warily watching his Motions, and always present at every place of importance; he than changed his Purpose, till at length the two Generals came to agree to join Battle: For it was bruited about, That Fortune had made choice of these two Great Men, equal in Skill and Bravery, to try the Mastery one against the other. Antigonus ordered the Macedonians, who carried Bucklers of Brass (mingling among them the Illyrian Cohorts) to march against those on Mount Eva; these were commanded by Alexander Son of Acmetus, and Demetrius the Pharian, in the Rear of these he ranged the Cretians and Acarnanians, who were followed by a Body of Reserve consisting of two thousand Achaians. Towards the River he ordered the Horse, who were to engage those of the Enemy, under the Command of Alexander, and on the Wings of the Horse he appointed a thousand Achaians, and as many Megalopolitans, while he himself resolved to attack Olympus at the Head of the Macedonians and Mercinaries, knowing that Cleomenes was there; he ordered the Mercenaries to have the Van, and the Macedonian Phalanx to sustain them, following-by Platton's, whereunto they were compelled through the difficulties of the Ground; the Illyrians who passed the River Gorgylus over Night, and were posted at the Foot of the Mountain, were ordered to begin the Battle, for which they were to receive a Signal by a White Flag, that should be spread from the nearest Post they had to Olympus; and the Signal that was to be given to the Megalopolitans and the Horse, was a Purple Cassock or Coat, which was to be waved in the Air, where Antigonus himself was posted.  
When all things were in a readiness, the Signal was given to the Illyrians, and after they had encouraged each other, they advanced towards the Enemy, and began to ascend the Mountain, while the Foot which Cleomenes had mingled with the Horse, observing that the Achaean Cohorts were followed with no Reserve, or Troops to sustain them, advanced presently upon them, and charged them in Flank, and much galled those who were endeavouring to gain the Mountain; at the same time Euclidas, who was posted on the top of the Hill, pressed them in Front, and the Mercinaries warmly attacked their Rear. Philopoemen a Megalopolitan, observing this Disorder, presently conceived what would be the Issue, accordingly he told his Opinion to the Commanders in Chief, of the Danger these Troops were in, but observing they gave no heed to his Advice, being then but Young, and having never yet born any Command; he therefore, after he had encouraged his Country Men, attacked with incredible Bravery the Enemy's Horse. This Action forced the Mercinaries, who had fallen on the Illyrians Flank to retire to their Relief, which was their proper Post; who observing them to be now engaged, and retreating from those whom they had before attacked, hastened to sustain them; by which means the Illyrians and Macedonians, and all those who were marching up the Mountain, were delivered from the Obstacle that retarded their Motion, and now resolutely advanced on the Enemy; and it afterwards appeared, that their Success against Euclidas, was owing to Philopoemen. And it is reported, that after the Battle, Antigonus, the better to try Alexander, asked him, How it came to pass, that he adventured to Engage before he received the Signal? and that Alexander should reply, It was not by his Order, but that a certain young Man of Megalopolis had been the occasion, without any Direction from him. And that Antigonus replied thereupon, That that young Man had judged rightly of the occasion of Victory, and had done the part of a good Captain, and that Alexander had acted like a young Soldier. And now Euclidas observing the Illyrian Cohorts to approach, forgot as one may say the advantage of the Ground where he was posted; for it is the Rule of experienced Leaders, when they are posted on superior Ground to the Enemy, to move towards them, and improve the advantage of the Shock, that the descent of the Hill lends them, thereby to give the greater Terror to the Enemy, and then, if Necessity obliges them, slowly to retire and gain the summet of the Hill; for by disordering thus the Enemy, and depriving them of the advantage they promised themselves by their different sort of Arms, and the Order in which they marched, it would not have been hard for him to have forced them down the Hill, so commodiously posted as he was. But Euclidas performed nothing of all this, but acted rather directly contrary; and as if to do nothing at all would conduce to the Victory, he remained on the top of the Hill where he was first posted; imagining it to be his Duty there to attend the coming of the Enemy, to the end, that when he should have defeated them, they might be the more entangled and obstructed in their Flight, by reason of the Precipices and the broken Ground of the Mountain. But it happened quite otherwise than he had conjectured, for while he had so placed himself that he had left no room behind him to retire, he found himself obliged to fight and defend himself on the top of the Hill against the entire unbroken Body of the Illyrian Cohorts, whom he had permitted to gain the top, and were now advancing toward him on level Ground, so that he became an easy Conquest to the Illyrians, having no Ground whereon to make an orderly Retreat, all behind him being Rocks and Precipices.  
In the mean time, the Horse were warmly engaged, where the Achaians performed all that could be looked for in the like occasion, for they knew this Battle did as it were decide their Liberty; but Philopoemen was remarkable above all the rest, whose Horse being first killed under him, and afterward fight among the Foot, he was there struck through both his thighs at one stroke. On the other-side, the two Princes began the Battle on Mount Olympus, with their light-armed Soldiers and their Mercenaries, consisting of about five Thousand on each part. Sometimes they fought by Parties, and then again encountered with gross Bodies, but with great Resolution on both sides, the Action being under the Eye of their Masters, and in View of both Armies; sometimes they mingled and fought Man to Man, and then Troop against Troop, but howsoever it happened, they fought with wonderful Resolution.  
During this variety of Action, Cleomenes received notice, that his Brother was beaten out of the Field, and that the Horse that fought in the Plain began to give Ground, so that fearing to be encompassed by the Enemy on all sides, he was constrained to levelly and open his Retrenchments before his Camp, and to order all his Troops to march out in Front. And the Trumpets sounding to the Charge on both sides, he ordered his light armed Soldiers to retire, and now the Phalanxes on either side moved to the Encounter with their Pikes charged; and one while the Macedonians seemed inferior in Courage to the Lacedemoniaus, and appeared disposed to fly; then again the Lacedæmonians seemed too weak to sustain the Shock of the Macedonian Phalanx, and were giving Ground. In conclusion, Antigonus now advancing against them with an Impetuosity peculiar to the double Phalanx, forced the Lacedæmonians at length off their Ground; the rest of the Army either fell in Battle, or saved themselves by Flight, and Cleomines with a small Party of Horse, escaped unhurt to Sparta; from whence he departed the Night following to Gythia, where he embarked on certain Vessels prepared for such an Incident, and sailed to Alexindria, accompanied with some few only of his intimate Friends.  
Afterwards, Antigonus made his Entry into Sparta without resistance, where he treated the Lacedæmonians with all possible Humanity, and as soon as he had re-established their Ancient Form of Government, he marched away with his Army; having received Intelligence, That the Illyrians had Invaded Macedonia, and made great Spoils upon the Country. Thus it is true, that Fortune is pleased sometimes to permit Actions of highest Consequence, to move and determine on the slenderest Accidents, and Occasions least expected. For, if Cleomenes had respited coming to a Battle but a few Days only; or when he had retired to the City after the Fight, had he but stood upon his Guard, and temporised never so little, he most certainly had preserved his Dominion. In short, Antigonus took his way by Tegea, and after he had restored that Republic, he came two Days after to Argos, at the time of the Namoean Games, where he obtained by an Ordinance of the Achaians, and by the Suffrage of every City, all those Honours that are done to Great Men to render their Fame immortal: From thence he proceeded by long Journeys to Macedon, where encountering with the Illyrians, who were wasting the Country, he gave them Battle, and won a Victory, but in that occasion straining his Voice to Animate his People, he broke some Vein in his Lungs, whereby voiding Blood at his Mouth, he fell into a Languor, and evil Habit of Health, which soon after took him out of the World. This Prince had marvellously gained on the  of the People of Greece, not only by his perfect Skill in Military Matters, but more particularly for his Probity, and the exact Discipline he always observed. His Death left Philip Son of Demetrius to enjoy his Right to the Kingdom of Macedon.  
And now, if it be asked, why we have remained thus long on the History of the Cleomenic War? I answer, Because it occurred in a Period of Time, that confines on the Beginning of the Affairs and Adventures, that are to be the Subject of our History; and we conceived it was not useful only, but necessary, to set down the then State of Macedonia and the Greek Affairs, especially since we have resolved to perform punctually what we have promised. About the same time died Ptolemy, to whom succeeded that other Ptolemy Surnamed Philopater. Seleucus who was Surnamed Pogon, Son to Seleucus, and Grandson to Calinychus, died likewise near that Time, whose Successor in the Government of Syria, was his Brother Antiochus; thus died those who succeeded Alexander, namely, Seleucus, Ptolemy and Lysimachus, all within the Hundred and twenty fourth Olympiad, as did the others in the Hundred and thirty ninth.  
Having now laid the Foundation of our Work, and made it visible in what Times, and in what Manner, and by what Means, the Romans took Assurance to extend their Empire beyond the Bounds of Italy, after they had completed their Conquests in that Country, and had made their first Essay, with the Carthaginians, for the Dominion of the Sea: After having likewise spoken of the Affairs of the Greeks, the Macedonians and the Carthaginians, and given a Summary of the State of these Governments, in those Times; we are arrived, I think, at a proper Place, to put an End to this our Second Book; which we Conclude with the Wars we have treated, and with the Death of the Actors, and according as we have laid our Design, we are come at length to that Period of Time, wherein the Greeks deliberated about the War of the Confederates; the Romans touching the Second Punic War; and the Kings of Asia, about that which was waged for the Dominion of Syria.  
The End of the Second Book.   

POLYBIUS' General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.  
VOL. I. BOOK III.  
WE promised in our First Book to begin our History at the Second Punic War; the War of the Confederates; and that which was waged for the Dominion of Syria. We have likewise delivered our Reasons, why in our two preceding Books we deduced and brought down our Story from so remote Times. Now we are come to treat of the Wars themselves, and the Causes that begat and prolonged them, and that rendered them so terrible. But first it will be necessary that we preface something farther touching our purpose, for since what we have determined to deliver, is proposed to centre in one and the same End, being to be but one entire Work, and as one may say one Spectacle or Representation, where will be seen how, when, and by what means, all the known Parts of the World, became reduced under the Dominion of the Romans; we have therefore concluded it not impertinent to our Method, to give a previous Draught, as it were in little, of what occurred of Importance during so many and great Wars; conceiving the Reader will be thereby more enlightened, and better instructed in our main Design. For as the knowledge of the whole cannot but yield some conception of the Parts; and that to be rightly informed of the parts, must necessarily enable us to judge better of the whole; we shall therefore pursue this course, which we have judged the most proper for Instruction, in opening what might else seem obscure; and shall produce a Table, as it were, or Index, of our whole History, where will be reviewed what we have related. We have indeed already given a kind of Summary of our entire Work, and have prescribed its bounds; but for the particular Occurrences, as the Wars, (whereof we have already made recital) will be the beginning; so we shall prescribe its Period with the desolation and extinction of the Royal House of Macedon. In brief, it will be the Adventures only of Three and fifty Years, in which space will be sound Occurrences so numerous and extraordinary, that no Age within the same compass of Time hath shown the like. Our beginning shall be at the hundred and fortieth Olympiad, and the Order we purpose to observe will be as followeth.  
When we have opened the Reasons that gave original to the War between the Romans and Carthaginians, called the War of Hannibal, we shall show how, and by what means, the Carthaginians, after their Invasion of Italy, and the Suppression almost of the Roman Dominion there, reduced them at length to that low ebb of Fortune, as to raise their hopes of becoming Masters of Rome itself: Then we shall endeavour to explain how at the same time Philip King of Macedon, when he had ended his Wars with the Aetolians, and established afterwards Peace among the Greeks, entered into Confederacy with the Carthaginians. About the same time began the Contest between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopater, touching the Dominion of the Lower Syria, which came at length to a War. The Rhodians and Prusias were likewise at that time in Hostility with those of Byzantium, and hindered the levying the customary Duty that was paid them by those who traded into the Pontic Sea. Here we shall respite our Discourse, to begin our relation of the Romans; of whom we shall endeavour to show by the Events, that their Form of Government did not only greatly avail towards their recovery of Italy, and the Island of Sicily, together with the reducing the Gauls and Spaniards under their Dominion; but (after they had subdued the Carthaginians) to inspire them with Ambition enough to achieve the Conquest of the World. We shall likewise by a short digression relate how the Dominion of Hieron of Syracuse was lost. Then we shall say something of the Disorders that fell out in Egypt, wherein mention shall be made of the Conspiracy that happened on the Death of Ptolemy to divide that Kingdom, which was left to his Son, than a Child. And shall further observe after what manner Philip, between Craft and Force, attempted at once the Kingdoms of Egypt and Caria; and Antiochus the Lower Syria and Phoenicia.  
In short, we shall then give an Abridgement of what passed between the Romans and Carthaginians in Spain, afric, and Sicily; and then we shall treat of Occurrences among the Greeks, and make mention of such Transactions as have any regard to that People. But after we shall have discoursed of the Naval War between Attalus, in conjunction with the Rhodians, and Philip, and that which was waged between Philip and the Romans, and shall have shown after what manner the War was conducted, and by whose management, and what the Success was; we shall then pursue the Relation, according to the succession of Occurrences, and shall make mention of the Motives the Aetolians had to invite and draw Antiochus out of Asia, whereby they became the Authors of the War that followed between the Romans and Achaians; whereof when we have observed what were the Causes, and have seen Antiochus landed in Europe, we shall then first show how he was driven out of Greece, and afterwards (being vanquished in Battle) how he deserted all he possessed in Asia on this side Mount Taurus; and then, how the Romans, having repressed the Insolence of the Galatians, acquired to themselves the Dominion, but delivered however the People of the Lesser Asia, from the frequent Terrors and Injuries of those Barbarians. Then shall be related the Calamities of the Aetolians, and those of Cephalenia, to which will succeed the Account of the War between Eumenes and Prusias, in conjunction with the Gollo-Graecians; to which shall be added, that which the same Eumenes, joined with Ariarathes, waged against Pharnaces. And after we have made mention of the union of those of Peloponnesus, and of the growth of the Rhodian Commonwealth, we shall then make a recapitulation of our whole History, as we have already proposed. Nor shall we omit to relate the Expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes into Egypt; nor the Persian War; nor the Destruction of the Royal House of Macedon. In a word, These Occurrences when duly weighed, will evidence by what Order and Method of Conduct, the Romans have acquired the Universal Dominion.  
For if the good or evil Success of Affairs, may be the measure whereby to make a Judgement of things laudable or worthy of blame, whether it be with respect to Persons, or States; we must finish our History with the Adventures we last recited, which terminates the Three and fifty Years we mentioned, and shows us the Roman Empire at its utmost growth of Greatness: For after this, none were ignorant, and the whole World was compelled to confess, that all submission was due to the Romans, and subjection to their Laws.  
But forasmuch as we cannot make a clear Judgement either of the Victors or the Vanquished, by a bare Account of Events, in regard sometimes things have become hurtful, which had they been rightly improved, might have been profitable; and, on the other hand, some by their Virtue and Constancy, have turned even their Misfortunes to a Benefit; we have therefore judged it not unprofitable to subjoin to what we have proposed to deliver, an Account of the Manners and Discipline of the Conquerors, after what sort they improved their Victories, what consideration the World had of them, and of their Laws and Customs in the Administration of the Government. Furthermore, we shall make enquiry into the Passions and Inclinations which prevailed among each People respectively, with regard to public and private Ends; so that those of the present Age will be able thereby to discern, whether they ought to shun or choose subjection to the Romans; and Posterity to judge, whether their Government were worthy of praise and imitation, or to be rejected as vicious and ; for in that we propose especially to consist the Utility of our History to the present and future Ages.  
In short, this we ought to believe, that those who have the Conduct in Transactions of War, and those who are concerned otherwise in the Administration of public Affairs, do not propose Victory, and the surmounting the Difficulties that occur in their Attempts, as the single and ultimate end of their Designs: For no wise Man ever made War barely for the sake of vanquishing his Enemy; nor did any ever embark upon the Ocean, because he would be able to say he had crossed the Seas; nor do Men study the Arts and Sciences, for the single motive of being thought skilful therein; but every one hath his prospect, either of Pleasure, Honour, or Profit, as the Reward of his Pains and Study: So the principal end we have proposed in this our Work, is to explain and demonstrate to the World the State and Condition of Mankind, after all the Nations of the Earth being vanquished by the Romans, were become subject to their Laws, till those new Commotions that afterwards fell out. I had also a yet further motive which pressed me to this Undertaking, and which affords, as it were, a new beginning; namely, the stupendious Occurrences and marvellous Adventures whereby those times were distinguished, and to which moreover I am the more willingly disposed, from my having been a Witness and Spectator of many of those great Actions, having contributed in the execution of some, and conducted and principally advised in the performance of others. They were those Commotions I mentioned, that obliged the Romans to make War on the Vaccoeans and Celtiberians; which moved the Carthaginians in afric to take Arms against Massanissa, and Attalus and Prusias to declare War with each other in Asia. At the same time Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, who had been expelled his Kingdom by Orofernes, was, by the assistance of Demetrius and his sole Forces, restored to his Government; and than it was that Seleucus, Son of Demetrius, having reigned twelve Years in Syria, lost his Kingdom and his Life by a Conspiracy of the neighbouring Princes: The Greeks, who stood accused of having been Authors of the Persian War, were about the same time absolved of that Blemish, with liberty granted them by the Romans to return from Banishment to their Country. Shortly after these Adventures, the Romans attempted to compel the Carthaginians first to remove and change their Habitations, and afterwards totally to ruin and exterminate them. But we shall report in its proper place the motives of that Enterprise. About the same time likewise the Macedonians departing from their Confederacy with the Romans, and the Lacedæmonians from theirs with the Achaians, will present us, in one prospect, with the beginning and end of the common Calamities of Greece, where will occur ample matter for the Historian's Skill to describe; and it behoves us to implore the favour of Fortune, to lend us life to conduct us through so difficult and important a Task: Nevertheless, tho' Death should chance to prevent us, we should not however departed without some assurance that our Design will survive us, and that there will not want some excellent Hand, who, charmed with the Beauty of so incomparable a Subject, will successfully finish what we have begun. And now that we have prefaced the most remarkable things, which we thought necessary towards the improvement of the Reader's Understanding of our History, both in the parts and the whole, it is high time we proceed to our Discourse.  
Whereas those Authors, for the most part, who have writ the Acts of Hannibal, have undertaken to give us an account of the Causes which begat the War that broke out between the Romans and Carthaginians, whereof mention hath been already made, and have rendered the Siege of Saguntum to have been the first occasion, and the second to be the Carthaginians passing the River Eber, contrary to the Articles of Agreement: For my own part, I do frankly agree with them, That these were the beginnings of the War, but can never accord with those who reckon them for the Causes, no more than it can be conceived, that Alexander's transporting his Army into Asia, was the cause of the Persian War; or that the Voyage of Antiochus to Demetrias with his Army, was likewise cause of the War with that Prince: For who can be drawn easily to conceive, that that was Alexander's motive for the mighty Preparations he made, and of those things which Philip in his Life-time put in execution before him, in order to the Persian War? Furthermore, who will take the beginning of the War, which the Aetolians made upon the Romans, before the arrival of Antiochus, to have been the cause? Those who reason at this rate, seem not to distinguish of the difference between the Beginnings, the Causes, and the Pretexts. The Causes always precede the Beginnings, which are ever subsequent, and as it were a Consequence.  
I hold therefore the Beginnings to be the first efforts or effects of Deliberation; namely, of what hath been with mature Reason debated and decreed to be put in execution; but this will be more evident by what I am about to say, whereby it will plainly appear, what the Causes were which produced the Persian War, and where it took beginning. The principal Cause was, the retreat the Greeks made, by the Conduct of Xenophon, through so many divers Nations of the Upper Asia, where none of all those barbarous People, who were all Enemies, had the Courage to oppose his passage in his march through so vast a Continent. Another cause was the Voyage of Agesilaus, King of the Lacedæmonians, into Asia, where he found no Enemy so hardy as to withstand his Erterprises, from whence he was recalled by reason of some Commotions that happened in his absence among the Greeks.  
Hence Philip took his measures of the Persian weakness, and being not ignorant that both himself and his People were Masters in the Art of War, was incited by the glory and magnificence of the Reward to engage in that Enterprise; so that after he had acquired the general  and Concurrence of the Greeks, he proceeded to form his Design for the Invasion of Persia; publishing his Motives to be no other, than to revenge the Injuries done to the Greeks, by those of that Nation, and accordingly proceeded to make provision of all things necessary to sustain and carry on that vast Undertaking. So that we are thus to reckon, that the Causes of the Persian-War were not others than those we first mentioned, the Pretexts what we have recited, and the Beginning to be Alexander's transporting his Troops into Asia.  
It is likewise past dispute, that the distaste the Aetolians had conceived against the Romans, was the cause of the War that broke out betwixt Antiochus and Them. For the Aetolians, towards the end of the War with Philip, beginning to perceive themselves slighted by the Romans, did not only invite over Antiochus, as we have noted, but determined to do and suffer any thing to compass their Revenge. The Pretext for that War was the Liberty of Greece, to the defence whereof the Aetolians drew the Greeks from all parts to join with Antiochus; and the arrival of that Prince at the head of an Army to Demetrias, was the beginning of the War.  
I have rested the longer on this subject, of showing the difference between these three Points, not only to detect the Errors of some Historians; but to the end the studious may be instructed and set right, in case they should be misled by their false Lights. For to what end is the Physician called to the sick Patient, if he should be ignorant of the Causes of our Diseases? In like manner, it would be in vain to call such to the administration of Public Affairs, who want Judgement to distinguish of the Causes, and Reasons, and Events of things.  
And there can be no dispute but both the Physician and Minister of State will miscarry, while the one is to seek for the Causes of our Infirmities, and the other not duly instructed in those necessary Points we have noted. There is nothing then that calls for more of our care and study to acquire, than a right knowledge of the Springs and Causes of Events, for very often it fortunes, that the greatest things are bred out of slight beginnings, and Remedies may be found with case for Evils in their infancy and first approaches.  
Fabius the Historian reports, that not only the Injuries done to the Saguntines, but the Avarice and Ambition of Asdrubal, were the cause of the War with Hannibal. That after Asdrubal had strengthened himself by his great Power and Acquisitions in Spain, he made a Voyage into afric, where he attempted with all his Might to subvert and abolish the Laws and Constitutions of his Country, and to change the Republic of Carthage into a Monarchy; but that the principal Citizens suspecting his Design, opposed and totally abandoned him, who, after he had vainly urged his Project, returned at length into Spain, where he governed absolutely without any regard to the Authority of the Senate of Carthage; and that Hannibal, who took part in all his Adventures, and pursued his steps in every thing, did both succeed and imitate Asdrubal in the Design he had formed; and soon after he of his own head declared War against the Romans, contrary to the inclination of the Senate; and that there was not one of any Condition or Authority among the Carthaginians, who did not disapprove his proceed against the Saguntines. He further adds, That after the taking of that Town, the Romans dispatched Ambassadors to Carthage, to require the delivering up of Hannibal, or on refusal to declare War against them. But now if it should be demanded of Fabius, whether the Carthaginians could have done a juster or wiser thing, than to have complied with the demand of the Romans in yielding up Hannibal; for if, as he says, his Proceed displeased them, what safer or more profitable course could they have taken to be rid of one who stood tainted with the Character of a common Enemy to his Country? They had thereby established the Security of the State, and by a single Decree of the Senate, delivered themselves from the War which threatened them: What now would our Historian be able to say to all this? certainly he would be greatly to seek for an answer. But the Carthaginians were so far from such Deliberations, that on the contrary they steadfastly prosecuted the War, which was begun by the Opinion of Hannibal, for the space of seventeen Years together; and did not yield to relinquish it, till they were quite hopeless of success, and beheld both their Fortune and Country sinking  
But why have I thus enlarged on Fabius and his History? 'Tis not because I conceive it to be written with such a fashion of Truth, as to fear that some one or other might be persuaded to believe it. For in short, all that he hath delivered hath so little show of Reason or Probability, that without any Remarks of mine, it is very easy to perceive him a faithless Author by the Matter he delivers: I would therefore only barely advertise the Readers of his History, not so much to consult the Title of the Book, as the Verity of things; for there are those who are more biased by the Character of a Speaker, than the Matter he delivers; and while they reflect that Fabius was a Senator of Rome, and lived in these times, they conclude that all he says, hath the stamp of Truth: For my own part, as I will not affirm he ought in every thing to be rejected; so I will take the liberty to think we are not to trust him before our own Eyes. To return therefore to our Discourse; It was the indignation of Hamilcar Barcas, Father of Hannibal, that aught to be esteemed the first cause of that War between the Romans and Carthaginians. For after the Sicilian War, as it was visible he lost nothing of his greatness of Mind, and firmness of Resolution, by his preserving the Legions under his Command at Erix unbroken; and that albeit after the Carthaginians defeat at Sea, he was compelled to dissemble his Resentments, and yield to a treaty of Peace with the Romans; his Anger was not however extinguished, and he laboured after nothing more than to find an occasion of renewing the War; and had soon brought his purpose to effect, had not the Carthaginians been diverted by the Sedition of their Mercenaries, so great was his Authority; but being prevented by by those Commotions, he was constrained to apply himself first to compose the Disorders that happened in his own Country.  
After these Tumults were over, the Romans declared War against the Carthaginians, who readily at first embraced the occasion, hoping for Victory from the justice of their Cause, as we have already shown. But as the Romans has no regard to the Argument of the Quarrel; so the Carthaginians finding at length it would be their safest course to yield to necessity, submitted with great reluctancy to deliver up Sardinia; and further, to buy off the danger of a War, they yielded to a Stipulation, over and above the first Tribute, to pay yearly the sum of twelve hundred Talents; whereupon it may be safely reckoned, that this Disgrace became a second, and the greatest cause of the War that ensued. In short, Hamilcar perceiving now the Indignation of his Fellow-Citizens to concur with his own, that he had appeased the Disorders of his Country, which was now in Tranquillity, and the Government established, turned his Thoughts towards Spain, from whence he proposed to derive Succours, and all sorts of Assistance to further his Project of War upon the Romans. We are to reckon for the third cause of that War, the great success of the Carthaginians in Spain, by which being reinforced by so many Helps and Advantages, they cheerfully prosecuted the Design. In short, it may be collected by manifold Instances, that Hamilcar was the Author of the second Punic War, albeit he lived not to the beginning of the enterprise by eight Years, which will be better understood by what follows.  
After Hannibal's Defeat by the Romans, being constrained to fly his Country, he made his retreat to the Court of Antiochus; the Romans, who foresaw the purposes of the Aetolians, dispatched Ambassadors to Antiochus, the better to pry into the Designs of that Prince; and after they had discovered that Antiochus was determined to take part with the Aetolians, and consequently to engage in a War with the Romans, they thereupon began to visit and hold Conferences with Hannibal, with no other intention than to render him susp●●●●d to Antiochus; which Plot succeeded to their wish. And as Antiochus' Jealousies grew every Day greater, they came at length to a mutual opening of each others Mind on the subject of the Diffidence that was grown between them, and tho' Hannibal said much to purge himself of the Imputation he lay under; yet perceiving it availed little, he came at length to impart to Antiochus, that when Hamilcar went into Spain at the head of an Army, he being then about nine Years old, his Father sacrificing for the success of the Voyage, after the Ceremony was ended, and he had performed all the customary Rites practised on those occasions, he caused the rest of the Company to withdraw; and making him approach to the Altar, he there gently demanded of him, If he were inclined to accompany him in his Voyage to Spain? To which he joyfully replied, That he would go most willingly: And after he had besought him with all the moving Reasons which a Child was capable to urge, that he would take him with him, his Father then taking him by the Hand, led him to the Altar; where he made him swear on the same Altar, That he would never be in Friendship with the Romans. Wherefore he besought Antiochus to rest assured, That he could never change his Sentiments towards that People; and that if he had determined any thing against them, that he would make no difficulty to rely on his Secrecy and Fidelity; and that he would serve him with joy and sincerity: But that if he should enter into Terms of Friendship and Alliance with the Romans, there should be no need of suggesting Accusations against him, who would himself be the first that should declare his Aversion to Antiochus, who in such case would have reason to hold him as an Enemy; forasmuch as he could never be other than a mortal Foe to the Romans, against whom he would attempt all things to the utmost of his power.  
By this Discourse of Hannibal, Antiochus perceiving he spoke from his Heart, was cured of the Jealousy he had conceived of him.  
Behold here a singular Instance of the Hatred of Hamilcar, and of the Determination he had taken, which was yet made more visible by the effects: For he bequeathed two such Enemies to the Romans, in Asdrubal his Son-in-Law, and Hannibal his Son, as nothing could be thought to surmount their Hatred. But Asdrubal lived not to put his Purposes in execution, while Hannibal survived to wreak abundantly the Aversion he had inherited from his Father. Which furnishes safe Advice to those who have the Administration of Public Affairs, to consult carefully the Minds and Motives of those with whom they treat a Reconciliation, or with whom they make a new Friendship; whether it be by force or necessity of the Times, or an effect of , as weary of Hostility: For against the one we are to be carefully on our guard, as being such who only attend the Advantage of a new Occasion, while we may rely with assurance on the others, and treat them with the sincerity of Subjects or of Friends.  
We may justly then esteem these for the Causes of the War made by Hannibal; and the Beginnings to be what we shall now further deliver. The Carthaginians had deeply resented their loss of Sicily; but after they had been compelled to part with Sardinia, and to pay the heavy Tribute they had contracted, their Hatred grew to excess, insomuch that when they had augmented their Dominion, by the Conquest of so great a part of Spain, they began to lend a more willing ear to the Clamours every where uttered against the Romans. In the mean time they lost Asdrubal, to whom, after the Death of Hamilcar, they had given the Government of Spain. The Carthaginians, upon the death of Asdrubal, remained a while in suspense, touching their choice of a new General, being willing to sound first the Inclinations of the Army; but they no sooner understood that the Soldiers had unanimously made choice of Hannibal for their Leader, when they forthwith called an Assembly, and ratified with one Voice the Suffrages of the Soldiers. Soon after Hannibal's confirmation in his Government, he deliberated on reducing the Olcades under the Dominion of the Carthaginians; pursuant to which Design, he marched against the City of Althaea, a rich and well-fortifyed Place, and sat down before it; in which Siege he gave so many Marks of his Bravery and Ability, that he soon became Master of the Place; where his Success so terrified the neighbouring Towns, that they readily yielded themselves up to the Carthaginians. After he had amassed much Treasure, by the sale of the Booty he had taken in the several Towns, he marched to New-Carthage, which he made his Winter-Quarters; where he expressed great Generosity to those who had served under him; and paying the Soldiers their Arrears, and promising further Marks of his Bounty, he so won upon the Affections of the Army, that they had already conceived extraordinary hopes of his Government.  
Early the next Spring he marched against the Vaccoeans, and soon became Master of Salmantica: Then he besieged Arbucala; which Place being great, well-peopled, and the Inhabitants obstinate in their defence, gave him much trouble; but in the end though Town was surrendered; but on his return being attacked by the Carpetanians, a People reckoned among the most powerful of those Nations, he became on the sudden reduced to very great straits; for these being joined by those of the neighbouring Provinces, whom the O●●ades (being driven out of their Country) had incensed against the Carthaginians; with whom came likewise those who had fled from Salmantica, insomuch as if they could have compelled Hannibal to a pitched Field, he had doubtless been driven to great extremity. But he, who was singular both in Prudence and Dexterity, so artfully made his retreat (covering himself by the Tagus) and contrived so to attack them in their passage over that River, that what by the help thereof, and the service of forty Elephants he had with him, he happily effected what he had designed, when every body was in despair. In short, the Enemy being determined to attempt their utmost, resolved to pass the River by several Fords at once; but being encountered by the Elephants, which were posted along the Banks for that service, great numbers were slain as they came to Land, before any could come in to their succour; many were likewise cut off by the Horse, who mingled in the River with the Enemy, where, by the strength of their Horses, which better resisted the Current than the Foot, and sighting from a higher place, they had much the advantage. In a word, Hannibal at length passed the River himself; and vigorously pursuing his success, routed an Army of above an hundred thousand of these Barbarians; who being thus defeated, there remained none on that side the River Eber, except the Saguntines, that could give him any molestation. But Hannibal cautiously abstained from any the least Hostility against that People, pursuant to the Advice of Asdrubal; which was, To make himself first Master of the rest of the Country, and insure his Conquests there, before he gave occasion openly to the Romans to declare War against the Carthaginians.  
In the mean time, the Saguntines dispatched frequent Advices to the Romans, led thereunto partly out of fear and foresight of their own impending Danger, partly likewise out of , to the end the Romans might be perfectly instructed in the Successes of the Carthaginians in Spain. In short, after a cold reception of many of these Intimations, they determined at length to dispatch Ambassadors into Spain, to be eye-witnesses of those things whereof they had been informed. About which time Hannibal, having subdued all those People which he had purposed to reduce, was marched to New-Carthage to his Winter-Quarters, that Place being as it were the Capital City of those Countries, that yielded Obedience to the Carthaginians: There he found the Roman Ambassadors; and giving them audience, was by them cautioned to attempt nothing against the Saguntines, who were received into the protection of the Romans; and that pursuant to the Treaty made with Asdrubal, they should not pass their Troops beyond the River Eber. To this Hannibal (who was yet but young, and ardently ambitious of military Glory, fortunate in his Erterprises, and mortally hating the Romans) replied by way of complaint against them, feigning to favour those of Saguntum, and telling the Ambassadors, That upon a certain Sedition that happened some time ago in the said City, that the Romans being chosen to arbitrate their Differences, and to reduce the Citizens to Peace and Union, had unjustly animadverted on certain of the principal Inhabitants; which perfidious Action of theirs, he held himself obliged to see revenged; and that the Carthaginians inherited that Custom from their Ancestors, to procure Justice to be done to the Oppressed. At the same time he sent to Carthage for Instructions how to proceed, while the Saguntines, encouraged by their Alliance with the Romans, acted many Outrages against those who were now under the Carthaginian subjection. Thus Hannibal, transported by a violent Hatred, acted in every thing without consulting his Reason, and never troubling himself with the truth of Matters, founded Pretexts on false Suggestions; after the manner of those, who, prepossessed by their Passion, do what they have determined, without regard to Equity, or consideration of Honour: Otherwise, had it not been more plausible to have demanded of the Romans the restitution of Sardinia, and the Money so long paid them by the Carthaginians, which they had wrung from them during the Weakness and Calamities of the Republic; and in case of refusal, to declare War against them? But as he concealed the true Cause, and had recourse to false Reasons for his Motive, it may be very justly suspected he entered into that War, not only without Reason, but against the Common Right of Nations.  
Wherefore the Ambassadors departing, went to Carthage, there to expostulate about what had already past; albeit, now well assured, that War would ensue, tho' without any jealousy it would break out in Italy, but in Spain rather, and that Saguntum would be as it were the Seat of Action; which they proposed as a proper Fortress and Place of Arms: This being the subject of the Senate's Deliberations, who concluding it would be a War likely to be drawn out at length, and being in a remote Country, they resolved therefore to give first a Period to their Affairs in Illyria. For at that time Demetrius the Pharian forgetting his Obligations to the Romans his Benefactors, had given them some Marks of his Ingratitude, and understanding how they were molested by the Incursions of the Gauls, and were likely to have to do with the Carthaginians, made now little account of their Friendship, and placed his greatest hopes in the King of Macedon, and during the Cleomenick War had joined with Antigonus. Demetrius then resolved to pillage and reduce the Towns of Illyria under his Dominion, which were now in possession of the Romans; and having sailed beyond Lissa with a Fleet of fifty Ships, contrary to the Articles of the Treaty, he ravaged most of the Islands of the Cycladeses. So that the Romans having notice of these Infractions, and being over and above well informed of the present Prosperity of the Macedonians, concluded that it behoved them to have a careful Eye to their Affairs in the Provinces Eastward of Italy: Nor were they without hopes of defeating the Designs of Hannibal, of making the Illyrians to repent their Folly, and punishing the Perfidy and rash Behaviour of Demetrius. But these proved vain Deliberations, for Hannibal was too much in earnest and prevented them, and in the mean time became Master of Saguntum, which Success was the cause that they were not only obliged to make War in Spain, but in Italy, for the defence of Rome itself. Howbeit the Romans, pursuant to their first Project, sent Lucius Aemilius into Illyria with an Army early in the Spring, being in the first Year of the hundred and fortieth Olympiad, at which time Hannibal parted with his Army from New Carthage towards Saguntum.  
This City is situate about a Mile from the Sea, at the foot of those Mountains which part Spain from Celtiberia. The Territory of Saguntum is very fertile, abounding in all sorts of excellent Fruits, wherein no part of Spain exceeds it. Hannibal sits down before it, and attacks it with so much the more diligence, by how much he judged the reducing such a Place by plain force, would greatly avail towards his compassing those Ends he had further meditated. In a word, he conceived he should by that means deprive the Romans of all hope of making War in Spain; and further, made account, that terrified by his Success, those he had already vanquished, would be thereby held in better Obedience, and preserve their Faith unbroken; that those who were yet unconquered would stand in greater awe of his Power; and what was yet of greater consequence, he should be able to advance his Erterprises with more security, having no Enemy at his back. Furthermore he calculated, that the taking of this Town would yield him great Supplies of Treasure for carrying on the War; that his Army would be more at his Devotion, when he had enriched them with Booty; and that he should be enabled the better to purchase and establish his Interest among the Carthaginians, by distributing among them the Spoils of the Vanquished. These Reflections incited his Industry to press the Besieged with greater Application; so that becoming himself an Example to the Army, by working in the Trenches among the Soldiers, animating them in Person, mingling with them in all Hazards, and incessantly attending the Labours of the Siege, he became in the space of eight Months, Master of the Place. Great Booty was there taken both in Money, Prisoners, and rich Movables. The Treasure he took to himself for the Service of the War he had projected against the Romans; the Prisoners he distributed to the Army in proportion to their Merit; and the rest he dispatched in Presents to his Friends in Carthage. Nor did Hannibal make a wrong reckoning; for the Soldiers were obliged, and became more hardy in danger, and the Carthaginians were won to consent more readily to all his Propositions; and being himself now supplied and furnished with whatever he wanted, he prosecuted his Erterprises with greater promptitude.  
About the same time Demetrius, having Intelligence of the Romans purpose, put with expedition a Garrison into Dimalus, which Place he supplied with Stores of War and all things necessary; and after he had destroyed in the other Towns all those that were of the contrary Faction, and bestowed the Governments on his Creatures, he selected five thousand of the ablest Men from among his own Subjects, and placed them in Garrison in Pharus. In the mean time the Roman Consul led his Legions into Illyria, where receiving intimation of the confidence the Enemy was in of the Safety and Strength of Dimalus, and being further advised, that the Place had the Reputation of having never yet been taken, he therefore resolved to begin his Campagne there, the better to terrify and discourage the Enemy. After therefore he had exhorted his Army to behave themselves as they ought, and caused his Engines and Machine's to approach in several places, he began the Siege, and in seven Days space took the Town. This Celerity of the Romans possessed the Enemy with so much Fear, that they lost their Courage, and Deputies were immediately dispatched from all the Towns round about with Tenders of Submission to the Romans; which the Consul received respectively under certain Stipulations, and then made sail toward Pharus, where Demetrius then was. But being informed that the Place was strongly fortified, and that there was a numerous Garrison of able Men within it, and the Town plentifully furnished with all things needful, he therefore judging the Siege was likely to be a difficult and tedious Work, bethought himself of this Stratagem; Arriving with his Army by Night on the Coast, he landed most of his Troops, with direction to conceal themselves in Woods, and Places proper to hid them from the view of the Enemy, and in the Morning makes sail towards the next Port with twenty Galleys only, in sight of the Town; Demetrius thereupon observing and contemning their number, marches out of the Town with part of the Garrison to oppose their landing; so the Battle began, which was prosecuted with great obstinacy, Supplies of Men being constantly sent from the Town to sustain their Fellows, insomuch that at length by degrees the whole Garrison marched out; in the mean while the Romans, who had landed in the Night, advanced, covering themselves all they could in their march, and possessed themselves of an Eminence so situate, that it defended itself, between the Town and the Port, whereby they cut off the Enemy's retreat to the Town. This being observed by Demetrius, he soon disengaged himself from those who attempted to land, and after he had rallied and animated his Men, marches to attack the others, who had posted themselves on the Mountain.  
The Romans therefore, seeing the Illyrians advancing toward them, met and charged them with unspeakable Resolution, while those that were landed attacked them in the Rear. Insomuch as finding themselves thus hard pressed on all sides, the Army of Demetrius, no longer able to sustain the shock of the Romans, was put to flight; some of them escaped to the Town, but the greatest part dispersed themselves about the Island, covering themselves among the Rocks and inaccessible Places. Demetrius himself got aboard certain Vessels which he had placed in a neighbouring Creek to serve him in such an exigent, and departing by Night, retired to the Court of King Philip, (when every Body gave him for lost) in whose Service he ended his days. A hardy Man he was, but without Judgement, which appeared by the manner of his Death; for endeavouring, pursuant to the King's Orders, to put himself into Messena, hazarding too far in that Attempt, he perished, as shall be shown in its proper place. As to the Consul, he forthwith got possession of Pharus, which Town he presently demolished. In short, after he had reduced the whole Kingdom of Illyria to Obedience, and performed all things in that Expedition to his own Mind, he returned toward the end of the Summer to Rome, where he obtained a magnificent Triumph, and acquired the Reputation of a wise and gallant Leader.  
The Romans now receiving News of the loss of Saguntum, deliberated no longer about entering into the War, as some Authors have said, who pretend to have recorded the Opinions of both Parties, and have most absurdly reasoned thereupon; for what likelihood was there that the Romans should now be undetermined about the War, when but the Year before they had stipulated to declare Hostility whensoever the Carthaginians should attempt any Violence against the Saguntines, whose City they had now destroyed? And can there be any thing more like Untruth than to tell us, That the Senate was in great Consternation; adding, that twelve Youths, not exceeding the Age of twelve Years, being introduced into the Senate by their Fathers, and being privy to what had been there resolved, discovered not the least tittle of what was decreed to be kept secret? This too certainly hath a great appearance of Falsehood, unless it can be made appear, that over and above their many other Advantages, Fortune had endued the Childhood of the Romans with the Sagacity of Counsellors.  
But we have remarked enough of these sort of Writings; namely, such as have been published by Chaereas and Sosilus, who, according to the Judgement I am able to make, have delivered nothing that merits the name of History; but aught to be held as Fables and Tales, such as are vulgarly told to entertain the People. The Romans then receiving Intelligence of what had been done at Saguntum, in violation of the Treaty, made choice of Ambassadors for that Service, and dispatched them to Carthage, with Instructions to propose two Conditions; whereof the one menaced the Carthaginians with loss and dishonour, the other with a dangerous and doubtful War: For they demanded, either that Hannibal and his Abettors should be delivered up to the discretion of the Romans; or in case of refusal, a War to be forthwith declared. When the Ambassadors were come to Carthage, and had audience of the Senate, they delivered their Message, which was but coldly received by the Carthaginians: Nevertheless, one of their Senators who was best qualified, was commanded to set forth the equity and unblameableness of their Proceed; but he therein mentions nothing of the Treaty of Asdrubal, no more than if such a Treaty had never been; at least he told them, That if such an Agreement had been made, it was of no validity, as being transacted without the privity or consent of the People and Senate of Carthage. And an Example was produced of the like practice of the Romans, touching the Peace made by the Consul Lutatius during the Sicilian War; which, in a word, Lutatius had ratified, when notwithstanding it was rejected by the People of Rome, as not having been done by their allowance. They insisted warmly on the Conditions of that Treaty of Peace, and referred particularly to that which was made at the end of the Sicilian War; wherein they maintained, That no mention was made of Spain, but reservation only of the Allies of either Party, which were the precise Conditions of that Treaty. They further proceeded to show, that Saguntum was not at that time in alliance with the Romans; which the better to prove, they caused the Articles of that Treaty to be publicly read. As to the Romans, they replied, That the Argument was not a dispute about Words, and that regard was to be had only to the truth of Fact; namely, whether Saguntum had been attacked and taken, or no? For if Matters had remained in the posture wherein they were, Words might suffice to finish the Dispute; but that City being now taken, whereby the Treaty was become violated, they were obliged either to deliver up the Authors of that Infraction, which would witness to the World, That the Carthaginians were guiltless of the Fault that had been committed, and that Hannibal had of his own head, without their privity, acted that violence; or in case they refused, and, on the contrary, were disposed to own themselves Accessaries with Hannibal; that they then would do well in one word to explain themselves, and put an issue to the Dispute. Thus the Romans ended their Discourse, speaking nothing but in general Terms. And here I cannot well omit what I am about to say, to the end those whom it imports to be rightly instructed in Occurrences, may not be kept in ignorance of the Truth in deliberations of Moment; and that the Lovers of History, misled by the Errors or Passions of Historians, may not lose themselves through want of light into the Treaties, which have been made between the Romans and Carthaginians, since the first Punick War.  
The first Treaty that was made between them, was concluded during the Consulship of Junius Brutus, and Marcus Horatius, who were the first Roman Consul's after the expulsion of their Kings, at the time of the Consecration of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, which was eight and twenty Years before the Voyage of Xerxes into Greece. We shall here record the very Words of the said Treaty, which we have interpreted with all the Fidelity we are able; for in truth the ancient Roman Language is so different from what is now spoken, that those who are most conversant therein, find difficulty enough to explain certain hard Places, after the expense of much Time and Study. The said first Treaty is conceived in the following Terms:  There shall be Peace and Friendship between the Romans, and the Allies of the Romans, and between the Carthaginians, and the Allies of the Carthaginians, on the following Conditions; viz. That the Romans, and the Allies of the Romans, shall not navigate beyond the Fair Promontory, unless constrained by Tempest, or an Enemy. If at any time they shall chance to be forced , they shall not be permitted to buy any thing, nor take any thing but what they need for repairing their Vessels, and for their Sacrifices. That none shall make longer stay  than five Days. That those who shall come as Merchants, shall pay no other Duty than what is allowed to the Common Crier and Register: That these two Officers shall make Affidavit of what shall be bought and sold in their presence, as well in Africa as Sardinia. If the Romans shall chance at any time to visit such Places in Sicily, a● are in subjection to the Carthaginians, they shall not suffer any molestation whatsoever, but shall have Justice done them in all things. That the Carthaginians shall attempt nothing against the Ardiates, the Antiates, the Aretine's, those of Laurentum, of Circe, and of Tarracina; nor, in a word, any of the Latins whomsoever that shall be in subjection to the Romans; nor shall they attempt any of their Towns, that are under the Roman Protection; and in case they should at any time make seizure of any Town, they shall restore the same to the Romans without any damage. That they shall not build either Fort or Citadel in the Country of the Latins; and in case they should at any time invade their Lands in hostile manner, they shall not remain a Night among them. 
The Promontory, here called the Fair Promontory, is near Carthage, tending toward the North; the Carthaginians not permitting the Romans to navigate to the Southwards of that, unwilling, I believe, that they should obtain any knowledge of the Places and Country about Byzaces, or the Lesser Syrtis, where that Territory is called the Empories, by reason of the great Fertility of these Parts; that if any one, compelled by Tempest, or the Enemy, should chance to touch there, and should want Necessaries for the resitting of their Vessels, or for their Sacrifices, these were permitted them, but nothing was to be taken by force; and that those who should so land, should be obliged to departed in five Days. But the Romans were permitted to have Trade and Commerce with Carthage, and the rest of afric on this side the said Promontory, as likewise in Sardinia, and in those Places in Sicily, that were under the Dominion of the Carthaginians: In which Intercourse, the Carthaginians promise to do Justice to all, and not to violate the Rights of any. Nay, it appears by this Treaty, that the Carthaginians spoke of Sardinia, and of Africa, as of their own Dominions; but they speak differently of Sicily, distinguishing plainly between what was, and what was not in subjection to them in that Island: In like manner the Romans, in the same Treaty, speak of the Country of the Latins, not making mention of the rest of Italy, as not being then under their Dominion.  
In short, these two People came after to another Treaty, wherein the Carthaginians comprised the Tyrians, and those of Utica; but with adding to the Fair Promontory Mastia and Tarseius, not permitting the Romans to build Towns, nor ravage the Country beyond it. See the Treaty itself.  
That the Romans, and their Allies, shall have Friendship and Confederacy with the People of Carthage, together with the Tyrians; and those of Utica, and their Allies, on condition that they exercise no Hostility, nor manage any Commerce or Traffic, nor build any Towns beyond the Fair Promontory, Mastia, or Tarseius: That if the Carthaginians shall take any Town in the Territory of the Latins that is not in the Roman Protection, they shall enjoy the Pillage thereof; but the Town shall be restored, and put into the hands of the Romans. That if the Carthaginians shall at any time take any Prisoners with whom the Romans are in Amity by any Treaty; and albeit they are not in subjection to the Romans, they shall not bring the said Persons into any Port of the Romans; and that in case any such Prisoner should be so brought and discovered, he shall, upon being challenged, be forthwith released and set at liberty. That the Romans shall be treated in the same manner, in the Ports depending on the Carthaginians. That if the Romans shall put in at any Port of the Carthaginians Dependants to take in Water and Refreshment, not any of those who are comprised in this Treaty of Friendship, shall offer them any Injury or Molestation; if otherwise, the Crime shall be understood to be a Public Breach of the Treaty. As to Sardinia and Africa, the Romans shall have no Commerce there, where they shall neither traffic, build Towns; nor, in a word, so much as attempt to land on these Coasts, unless it be to supply their Necessities, and refit their Ships. That if in case any shall be compelled by Tempest, or otherwise, to take Refuge in their Ports, they shall departed in five Days; but that the Romans shall have free intercourse to traffic; buy, and sell in any of the Towns in Sicily, under the Dominion of the Carthaginians, and in the City of Carthage itself; where they shall enjoy the same Rights and Privileges with the Citizens of Carthage; and the Carthaginians shall have right to the like Treatment in Rome.  
The Carthaginians seem by this Treaty to make it yet more evident, that they accounted of Sardinia and Africa as their own, and so it was no injury to the Romans to be by them forbidden any intercourse there. On the other hand, when they make mention of Sicily, they use another Style, speaking of the Places only in that Island that paid Obedience to the Carthaginians. The Romans explaining themselves after the same manner, when they speak of the Territory of the Latins, stipulating that no Injury shall be done to the Ardiates, Antiates, those of Circe and Tarracina, which are Maritime Towns on the Coast of the Latins, and were comprehended in that Treaty.  
The last Treaty, that was entered into by these two People, was made about the time that Pyrrhus invaded Italy, before the Carthaginians entered into the War, which they waged for the Dominion of Sicily. The Articles were transcribed from those that went before, saving that they added these that follow: That if the People of Rome, or the Carthaginians, shall chance to enter into Alliance with Pyrrhus, they shall however mutually assist each other in case of either's being invaded by the Enemy; and whichsoever of them shall stand in need of Succours, the Carthaginians shall furnish Vessels of Transport for that Service, as likewise for the War: That each Party shall pay their own Troops respectively: That the Carthaginians shall lend Aid to the Romans by Sea, if they shall need it; but that neither Party shall at any time compel the other to put to Sea with their Vessels.  
In short, the Oath of Ratification was made after this manner: The Carthaginians first swore by the Gods of their Country; and the Romans, after their own ancient Custom, swore by a Stone, and then by Mars. Behold how they swore by the Stone: The Herald who took the Oath, after having sworn in behalf of the Public, takes up a Stone, and then pronounces these words: If I keep my Faith, may the Gods vouchsafe their Assistance, and give me success: If on the contrary I violate it, then may the other Party be entirely safe, and preserved in their Country, in their Laws, in their Possessions; and in a word, in all their Rights and Liberties; and may I perish and fall alone, as now this Stone does. And then he lets the Stone fall out of his Hand.  
If such Treaties were then usual, and that the Aediles had them in their keeping in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, engraved in Plates of Copper, is it not strange that not only Philinus the Historian should be ignorant of this Custom, but that many of the ancient Romans and Carthaginians, (otherwise esteemed well versed in Public Affairs) should be likewise totally to seek therein? But for him with confidence to affirm, that it was agreed in that Treaty between the Romans and Carthaginians, that the Romans should entirely abandon Sicily, and the Carthaginians Italy, and that this Treaty was violated by the Romans, when they passed over into Sicily, tho' it be most certain that such a Stipulation never was, and that there be not the least shadow of ground to believe there ever was any such Treaty; yet our Historian fairly records it, as may be seen in his Second Book, whereof having already said something in the beginning of this our Work, we forbore then to enlarge thereon, and now observe that many having been misled by this Author, have been paid with Falsehoods instead of Truth. And certainly whosoever condemns the Voyage of the Romans into Sicily, let it be covered with never so fair Pretexts, their making Alliance with the Mamertines, and shortly after yielding them the Succours they demanded, notwithstanding they had criminally surprised Rhegium and Messina, they may perhaps herein have reason to blame their proceeding. But when they believe the Romans passed into Sicily, contrary to their Oath, and in violation of the Treaty, they are manifestly deceived.  
Another Treaty was made at the determination of the War in Sicily, the principal Conditions whereof being as followeth: That the Carthaginians shall retire out of Sicily, and out of all the Islands betwixt that and Italy: That the Allies of neither Party shall be injured or molested by either of them: That the one shall have no Authority in the others Dominions, where they shall neither build any Fortress, nor levy Soldiers for the War: That neither shall enter into Confederacy with those with whom the other is in Alliance? That the Carthaginians shall pay, within the space of ten Tears, the sum of two thousand two hundred Talents, whereof one thousand in hand, and shall enlarge all the Roman Prisoners Ranson-free.  
Upon the Romans decreeing War against them, after their misfortunes with their Mercenaries in afric, these Articles were added to the above Treaty: That the Carthaginians shall abandon the Island of Sardinia, and shall further pay the sum of one thousand two hundred Talents, as we have already noted. All these Treaties preceded that which was made with Asdrubal in Spain, which was the very last wherein it was stipulated, That the Carthaginians should not pass their Arms beyond the River Eber. These are the sum of all the Treaties that were made between the Romans and Carthaginians, from the first Punic War to that of Hannibal.  
And now since no Proof appears, that the Romans violated their Faith by their Voyage into Sicily; so in their Acquisition of Sardinia, according to the Articles of Peace, no Pretext or shadow of any Cause can be discovered of the Second Punic War. While no Body questions but the Carthaginians deserted Sardinia, and parted with those vast sums of Money, being unrighteously compelled thereunto during the Calamity of their Affairs. In short, the Romans do but trifle when they tell us for a Reason, that many of their Poople who held Commerce in Africa had been ill treated by the Carthaginians; that difference having been amicably composed upon the Carthaginians setting all those at liberty, who had been detained in their Ports; in acknowledgement whereof the Romans also quitted all their Carthaginian Prisoners without Ransom, as hath been observed in our First Book. Matters then standing thus, it will behoove us to inquire, which of these two People gave occasion for the War of Hannibal.  
We have already recited the Carthaginians Reasons, and shall now observe what the Romans have to say for themselves. True it is, that albeit the Romans were highly provoked at the destruction of Saguntum, nevertheless they did not then show their Resentments. Afterwards indeed, they and many others besides would often say, That they ought not to understand the TTreaty of Asdrubal to be void, as the Carthaginians are bold to say; for this Clause was added in that made by Lutatius: That it should be firm and inviolable if the People of Rome ratified it. But Asdrubal's Peace was confirmed by an ample and plenary Authority, wherein it was accorded, That the Carthaginians should not make War on the other side the Eber. Now as to the Treaty that was made touching Sicily, that was conceived as they themselves confess in these terms,— That the Allies of the one and the other Party should not be attacked or molested by either.— Not only those who were at that time in the Confederacy, as the Carthaginians would understand it, for these terms were added,— That it shall not be permitted to make new Alliances, or to exclude from the Treaty, those who were received into their Alliance, after that Peace was concluded. But forasmuch as neither the one, nor the other Article was added to the Treaty, 'tis but just to believe, that all the Confederates of one and the other People, those who were at that time Allied, and those who were afterwards received into the Confederacy were comprehended therein, and that neither the one nor the other Party ought to molest them. For, in short, who would enter into terms of such restraint whereby they became bound up from making choice of such for Friends and Allies, whose Friendship and Alliance should be found profitable, or by which they should be obliged to relinquish their new Confederates upon any Outrage acted on them by the other Party? My Opinion therefore is, that the intention both of the one and other People in that Treaty is to be understood, that the one should not injure the Allies of the other; and that by no means the one Party was permitted to contract Alliance with the Confederates of the other; and in a word, that which follows aught to be interpreted of any new Alliances that should be made in times succeeding— That the one Party shall not levy Men for the War, nor exercise any Authority in any of the Provinces of the others Dominions, or those of their Allies, who shall not be disturbed by the one or the other Party.  
This being so, it is likewise manifest, that the Saguntines were in Alliance with the Romans long before Hannibal's time, whereof the Carthaginians afford us good testimony: For upon a Sedition which happened in the City of Saguntum, they refused to make the Carthaginians Judges and Umpires of their Differences, albeit they were their Neighbours; for they had at that time established their Authority in Spain, but made choice of the Romans, by whose Arbitration their Disorders were composed. And now if it be alleged, That the Destruction of Saguntum was the cause of that War, we must then necessarily determine, That the Carthaginians began a very unjust War, whether regard be had either to the Treaty of Lutatius, whereby both Parties became mutually bound to offer no violence to their respective Allies; or whether in regard to that of Asdrubal, wherein it was not permitted to the Carthaginians to pass the River Eber. But then, on the other hand, if the cause of the War shall be attributed to the business of Sardinia, which was violently wrested by the Romans from the Carthaginians, together with the Money which was forcibly drawn from them, it will then be but justice to confess, That the Carthaginians did not unrighteously in entering on the War made by Hannibal: For as the Romans improved the occasion of the Carthaginians Distresses whereby to molest them, they did no more than lay hold on the like Opportunity against the Romans, when it served their purpose.  
It is not unlikely but that those who read not History with due Judgement, will be apt to tell me, That it seems a superfluous Work, to tarry thus long on the Subject we have been treating: If therefore such a one there be, whose Abilities can arm him against all Accidents, and who by the light of his own Understanding can penetrate every thing; to such I grant indeed, That the recounting of past Adventures may entertain him, tho' it ministers little or nothing to his Instruction. But while we may safely doubt whether there be any such Man, as can with assurance so determine in his own private Affairs, or in what regards the Public; inasmuch as let the present state of his Fortune be never so prosperous, if he be a Man of sound Sense, he will not overboldly pronounce touching the future. I will therefore take upon me to say, That a right knowledge of Things past, is not only delightful, but necessary: For whether we are invaded either in our private Capacity, or in our Country, How shall we be able to have recourse for succour, and acquire and obtain Friends at need, if we have never contemplated any thing but the present? Or how shall we be enabled to add to what we have already conceived, or propose to enter into War? How shall we be qualified to engage others to take part with us, and favour our Erterprises? And how, in a word, while we amuse ourselves with present things, shall we be qualified to engage our own Subjects to acquiesce roadily to such new Forms and Establishments in the State, as we shall suggest, while we remain ignorant of past Times, whence we are to derive our Arguments? For Mankind, for the most part, is governed by the nearest Objects; and we are aptest to be led to imitate present Examples, not reflecting how hard it is to judge of Men's Minds by their present Words and Comportments, modern Truth being for the most part disguised and wrapped in Clouds, while the Actions of our Ancestors declare manifestly, and conduct us to the knowledge of their Thoughts and Purposes, and tells and informs us from whom we ought to expect good Offices and Succours in our Distresses, and of whom we ought to suspect the contrary; who are likeliest to be touched with our Misfortunes, who will be likeliest to resent the Injuries we may receive, and engage to do us right. These are Points, without Controversy, of mighty importance in the Conduct of our Life, whether with regard to our private Fortune, or the Administration of the Public. Therefore it is, that neither those who writ History, nor those who read it, should so much rest on the account of the Actions themselves, as the things that preceded, or that occurred at the same time, or succeeded them. For if History be defective in the Causes and Original of the Things we contemplate, the means by which they were brought to pass, and the end for which they were executed; and that if it be not made evident to our Understanding, how and in what proportion Events hold and bear with the Actions that have been performed, all beside this will be found it may be a delightful Entertainment; but no Profit or Instruction can result from it for our future guidance.  
And if perchance any one should be of Opinion, That this our Work will find but few Readers, or such as will give it entertainment, by reason of the number and bulk of the Books it contains; yet this would happen only to those, who want discernment in the difference between purchasing and studying forty Books digested in order, and which regularly instruct the Reader by one continued Thread of Discourse in the Transactions of Sicily and Africa, from the time when Timaeus puts an end to his History of Pyrrhus, down to the taking of Carthage; and of all Occurrences in other Quarters of the World, from the flight of Cleomenes King of Sparta, to the time wherein the Battle was fought between the Romans and Achaians, on the Borders of Peloponnesus. I say, they do not rightly consider the difference betwixt reading such a General History, and the searching after the several Books of other Authors, who have treated the same things distinctly and apart; for over and above that these Writings exceed what we have delivered both in number and measure, the fruit they yield for our Instruction will be less: For first, those Authors, do not always agree in their Accounts of the same matters of Fact; and then they touch not on any contemporary Occurrences: And, after all, when you come to confer them together, you shall be obliged to make another Judgement of what they re-report so compared, than when you study and consider them singly and distinctly one from the other. Furthermore, that sort of History never arrives at the principal point of Utility; namely, to show (as we but now observed) what was the issue of such and such Actions, what was contemporary and principally the Causes of Events, which is that which animates the Body of History.  
For to exemplify in our History, it will appear how the War of Philip gave occasion to that of Antiochus; and that of Hannibal, to the War of Philip; and the War of Sicily, to the Hanniballick, or second Punic War. In a word, by the study of General History, we easily arrive at the knowledge of many important Things that come to pass during such Wars, which contribute to the War themselves, and which by no means is attainable by the study of particular History; as namely, in the Macedonian War against Perseus or Philip; unless we can imagine it possible to be entirely instructed in the Art. of War, upon reading only in History the description of Battles. But since this cannot be, I may presume to say, That this our Undertaking may be justly reckoned as much superior to Relations of single or particular Occurrences, as certain Knowledge is more noble than merely to discourse by hear-say.  
But to proceed: The Roman Ambassadors having heard the Carthaginians Reasons, made no other Answer than this: The gravest among them, pointing to his Bosom, told those of the Senate who were present, That they had brought with them both Peace and War; and, That it was left to the Carthaginians election to take which they pleased. To which the principal Senators replied, That they were willing to give the Romans the preference in the Choice. Whereupon the Ambassadors replied, That they than made War their Choice: Which the majority of the Senate accepted with Acclamations; whereupon they were dismissed.  
In the mean while Hannibal, who held his Winter-Quarters at New-Carthage, gave leave to his Spanish Soldiers to retire to their respective Habitations, the better to dispose them to his service, when he should have occasion to call upon them. In short, he furnished Asdrubal his Brother with Instructions how to comport himself in his Government of Spain, in his absence; and in what manner he was to defend himself against the Romans, in case they should chance to separate. After this, his next chief care was to provide for the safety of afric; and by a singular foresight and sagacity of Judgement, he supplied Spain with Soldiers from afric, and afric with the like from Spain, the better to engage and tie those two People, as it were, by mutual Bonds, together. Those that were transported into afric, were the Thersites, the Mastians', and the Olcades, and some Spaniards of the Mountains, composing altogether an Army of twelve hundred Horse, and thirteen thousand Foot. There were likewise Soldiers from the Baleares, who were a sort of Slingers; to whom, together with their Island, the Greeks gave that Name from the kind of Sling they used. It was found expedient to place the greatest part of these Troops in Metagonia, a Country and Promontory of afric; and some were received into the City of Carthage itself. They likewise drew out of the Metagonian Territory three thousand Foot, who were sent to keep Garrison in New-Carthage, and to remain likewise as Hostages, But with Asdrubal in Spain he left fifty Quinque-reme Galleys, two Quadriremes, and five of Three Banks; of which number there were two and thirty of the Quinqueremes, and two Triremes that were equipped for War. He likewise left him four hundred and fifty African Horse, and of Libyphoenicians, a People mixed of Africans and Phoenicians; three hundred Lorgites; eighteen hundred Numidians; Massyles, Massaesyle, Macians and Mauritanians who inhabit the Sea-Coast, eleven thousand eight hundred Foot; three hundred Ligurians, five hundred Balearians, and one and twenty Elephants. And here let it not seem a Wonder, that we have undertaken to treat of Hannibal's proceeding at that time in Spain; thus minutely descending to so many particulars, that even those who had a share in the Conduct of those Affairs could not be thought to observe things more narrowly: Nor let me be condemned, if herein I imitate those, who to gain Belief and Credit with their Readers mingle their Falsehoods with the like Particularities: For it being my lot at Lacinium to peruse there the engraved Tables, or Records of Copper, left by Hannibal during his abode in Italy, I made no difficulty to copy the Contents, since there was no reason to doubt the verity thereof.  
When Hannibal had well provided for the safety of Spain and afric, he then turned his Mind wholly to the business of some new Erterprises, while he attended the return of his Ambassadors, who had been dispatched to the Gauls, for he well knew that the Country at the foot of the Alps, and about the River Po was very fertile, and abounding in brave People given to War; and what was yet more to his wish, implacable haters of the Romans ever since the War they made on them. But of this we have expressly treated in our preceding Book, to the end to help the Reader to a clearer conception of what was to follow. Hannibal then used his utmost Diligence, and employed all his Forces to advance his purpose; he promised every thing liberally; he sent frequent Dispatches to the several Princes of the Gauls, inhabiting on this side the Alps, and in the Mountains themselves; conceiving it would be a main step towards a happy issue of the War against the Romans, to compass his passage through those Countries we have named; and that after having surmounted the many difficulties of a long march, to be able to engage the Gauls to take part with him and join in the Enterprise, as he had laboured to bring to pass. In short, after he had received an account by his Messengers, that the Gauls accorded to his Proposal, and expected him with impatience; and after they had informed him, that tho' the Passage of those Mountains was difficult, yet that it was not insuperable; he began to move his Army out of their Winter Quarters early in the Spring. And having received intelligence of what had been determined at Carthage, his Hopes were greatly augmented, and beholding now his Purposes fortified by the concurrence of his Fellow-Citizens, he began openly to discourse of making War upon the Romans; and to exhort the Soldiers cheerfully to engage therein, he told them, that the Romans had the Impudence publicly to demand, that both he and his Chief Officers should be delivered up to them; he laid before them likewise the Fertility of the Country into which he would lead them, the  of the Gauls, and the Confederacy he had made with them; and when the Army had loudly proclaimed their readiness to march whithersoever he was disposed to command them, and he had gratefully applauded their cheerful Behaviour, and had prefixed the Day for their march, he dismissed the Assembly.  
After he had duly provided for the security of afric and Spain, and had spent the Winter in all necessary Deliberations, upon the Day he had appointed, the Army took the Field, consisting of fourscore and ten thousand Foot, and twelve thousand Horse. After he had passed the River Eber he reduced the Illyrgeti and Bargusians, the Aerenosians, and the Andosins or Ausetans, People that inhabit and spread as far as to the Pyraeneans. He took likewise sundry Towns by force, which he effected in a short time, and even beyond his hopes; but these Successes cost him some hard Conflicts, wherein he lost many Men. In short, he established Hanno Governor of the Country on this side the Eber, and ordered that he should have likewise the Government of the Bargusians, of which People he had the greatest Jealousy, as having been in Amity with the Romans; and appointed ten thousand Foot and one thousand Horse to be drawn out of the Army, to be left under his Command; committing likewise to his keeping the weighty Baggage of the whole Army that marched with him; the like number he sent to their own Home, that by that means he might confirm the Affections of those to whom he gave that Licence, and afford hopes to the others, who adventured with him to return one day to their Native Country; and that those, who were already in Arms, as such of the Natives who remained hitherto at ease in their Houses, might yield readier obedience to his Summons into Italy, if there should happen any occasion to call upon them to recruit his Forces. So the Army marched light, and disincumbered of Baggage to the number of Fifty thousand Foot, and Nine thousand Horse, which he lead over the Pyrenaeans, in order to their passing the Rhosne. This was no very numerous Army, but they were good Men, and had been long trained, and in continual Action during the Wars in Spain.  
But forasmuch as our History will be in danger of obscurity, should we omit the necessary description of Places; it seems therefore behoveful that we here describe, from the place of Hannibal's departure, the vast extent of ground he traversed, and what Countries and Nations he visited in his march into Italy. For I hold it not enough barely to set down the names of Rivers and Cities, as is the method of some Writers, who imagine there is nothing more required; and that the knowledge of things is attained merely by their Names: While, for my own part, I conceive it sit to observe, that as 'tis true, that with respect to places and things we already know, the naming only may suffice to renew the Notices of them in the Memory; yet where we are totally in the dark, I reckon it equally as useless to insist barely on the Names, as to rehearse a certain number of Words that have no signification: For while the Mind is destitute of the means to conceive rightly of what is the Subject of our Contemplation, and is not enabled to apply what we hear to something that we know, we gather no more Fruit from such a Discourse, than if it were spoken to a deaf Ear. It will import us then to propose some certain method whereby we may be able to give right and easy Images of things, when we deliver Matter whereof the Understanding hath not yet taken the least Impression. The first and most general received Notion, and that which (as one may say) is common to Mankind, is the repartition that we have made of the Heavens, whereby we assign the seat and position of the respective Climates and Regions: For who, the most stupid, doth not know, East and West, North and South? The next Notion is, that by assigning to those repartitions in the Heaven's certain divisions of such a position here on Earth, as are subjected to those above, whereby we arrive at a sort of Science of those Places and Countries, which we have never seen, and otherwise know nothing of. This Proposition is only touching the Earth in general: What is next to be done, is to instruct the Reader to make the same division (as far as we know) of the Earth, which is understood to be distributed into the principal Parts; as namely, Asia, afric, and Europe; then, that these three are bounded by the Tanais, the Nile, and the Straight of Hercules. Asia extends from the River Nile, Eastward and Southward. afric stretcheth from the Nile towards Hercules Pillars, then extends Southward, and Southwestward to the Equinoctial. In short, these two Parts, with respect to the whole Globe, contain that entire proportion of Continent to the Southward of Mediterranean Sea, stretching from East to West.  
As to Europe, its situation is Northward, in opposite position to the other two, and is continued, as it were, in a Line from East to West. The principal and greatest part thereof hath Northerly Situation, lying between the River Tanais, and that of Narbona, which, on the Western part is not far from Marseilles, and the Mouth of the Rhosne, near which that River empties itself into the Sardinian Sea.  
The Celtaes inhabit all the Country in the Neighbourhood of Narbona, and spread from thence to the Pyrenaeans, which are a Chain of Mountains, continued from our Sea quite to the great Ocean: The other parts of Europe running from those Hills to the utmost West, and to the Pillars of Hercules, are in a great measure bounded by our Sea, and that of the Ocean; that Portion thereof which borders on our Sea, to Hercules-Pillars, is called Iberia; but that which is washed by the main Ocean remains yet without a Name; it being not long since any discovery has been made thereof, and found to be inhabited by many barbarous Nations, whereof we shall have occasion to speak in particular, in the pursuit of our History.  
In short, as it is not yet known whether Aethiopia, afric, and Asia are joined, and in one continued Continent, extending to the South, or be environed by the Sea; so likewise all that Tract of Land, contained between the Tanais and Narbona, towards the North, is to us at this day totally unknown. And those who speak or write otherwise, are to be held only as Reporters of Fables, amusing us with the Effects of their own Dreams and Visions.  
Thus much I have thought needful to say, the better to qualify those who are not over conversant in Geography, to study our History with greater Profit; and to the end they may arrive with more Facility at the knowledge of what they are yet to know, by conferring them with things whereof they are already informed; and as to what relates, at least, to the general distribution of the Parts, they may be taught to apprehend rightly of the Regions below from the position of the Climates above. For as it is ordinary with us to turn our Eyes towards the Object that is pointed to us to observe; so in proportion to the evidence, whereby things are set before the Understanding, by Words or Discourse, the Mind conceives and becomes enlightened.  
But to return from our digression: The Carthaginians were, in those times, Masters of all that tract of Country in afric, that runs along the Coast of our Sea, from the Philaenian Altars, which are by the great Syrtis, to the Straight of Hercules Pillars; which Dominion contains above six hundred Leagues in length. They had now likewise carried their Conquests into Spain, being on the other side the Straight, which divides the two Continents, having subdued that Country entirely, as far as the Promontory or Rock in our Sea, which terminates the Pyrenaean Hills, that are the boundaries between the Gauls and Spaniards: This Acquisition extending at least three hundred Leagues in length, from Hercules' Pillars to New Carthage, from whence Hannibal set out on his Expedition to Italy, is computed about one hundred and twenty Leagues. This Town we call, according to some, New Carthage; it being, by others, called Cainopolis, or the New Town. From thence, to the River Eber, it is at least one hundred Leagues; from the Eber to Emporium, about sixty Leagues; and thence to the Passage of the Rhosne, near the same distance: but these distances the Romans have set down in their Miles, each Mile containing eight Stades or Furlongs.  
It is computed from the Passage of the Rhosne, up towards the head of the River, to the beginning of the Alps, which lead into Italy, about seventy Leagues, without taking in the way in the Mountains, which is reckoned fifty Leagues; from whence you descend into Italy, coming into a Campaigne Country, watered by the River Po; so the March of Hannibal from New Carthage into Italy, will amount to about three hundred and forty Leagues. And now, if we take only the length of the way into our consideration, Hannibal had already performed half his Journey; but when the difficulties yet behind come to be weighed, the worst, by much, will be found yet remaining.  
Hannibal therefore laboured his utmost to get the Pyrenaeans at his back, being not without suspicion of the fidelity of the Gauls, doubting lest they should block up his passage which he found difficult enough without encountering other Impediments. In the mean time, after the Romans were informed by their Ambassadors, whom they had sent to Carthage, of all that had passed, and had been determined there; and receiving notice earlier than they expected, of Hannibal's passing the Eber, they decreed that Publius Cornelius Scipio should be dispatched into Spain, and Tiberius Sempronius into afric. But while they were busied about their Levies, and the necessary Preparations for the War, they le●t not, however, to prosecute another design they had before in hand; namely, to dispatch Colonies to the Country of the Cis-Alpine Gauls. They proceeded likewise, with great diligence to begird their Towns with Walls, ordering those who were ordained for the Colonies, which amounted to about six thousand, who were to People the two Towns, that were to be built, to be at the Rendezvouse within the space of thirty days. One of which Towns they placed on this side the Po, and gave it the name of Placentia; the other beyond the River, which they called Cremona. These Colonies were hardly arrived; when the Boians (who endeavoured nothing more ardently than to break with the Romans; but for want of a proper conjuncture, had not yet attempted any thing) hearing of the approach of the Carthaginians, began to conceive new hopes; and abandoning their Hostages, which had been given to the Romans at the end of the War (which was observed in our preceding Book) revolted, and took Arms against them. These drew likewise to their side the Insubrians, who were easily lead to take part with them, out of an ancient hatred they bore to the Romans. So they marched out, and fell to spoil the new planted Territories, and advancing after those, who had fled to Modena for Succour, pursued them thither, and there besieged them; where likewise were shut up the three Commissioners, who had been sent to conduct the Colonies, and set out the Lands, Men of great account; the one Caius Lutatius, who had been Consul, and the two others Praetors: These proposed to come to some Treaty, which the Boians seemed to accept; but when they adventured out to debate about the Terms, they broke their word, and seized their Persons, persuading themselves that with such a gauge, they should be able to preserve their Hostages. Upon notice of these Stirs, Lucius Manlius the Praetor, who then commanded an Army in those Parts, marched to their Relief with all the speed he could. But the Enemy getting notice of his approach, laid an Ambush in a certain Forest in his way, where the Romans had no sooner entered, when the Boians fell upon them, attacking them on all sides, and putting the greatest part to the Sword, the rest ●led, and having gained the Hills, there made a stand, and with difficulty enough defended themselves, but at length made a good Retreat. Tho' the Boians left not the pursuit till they had chased them into a Town called Tanetus, which some call Canetus', where they blocked them up. When the news came to Rome, that the fourth Legion was thus besieged by the Boians, they ordered the Roman Legion that had been appointed to Publius to march to their Relief, giving the Command thereof to the Praetor Lucius Atilius, with orders to raise more Troops among their Allies. This is the account of what was transacted in Gaul, after the War broke out, to the arrival of Hannibal; the state of Matters in that Province being such as was before related, and as we but now delivered.  
Early in the Spring the Roman Consuls, having made due provision of all things necessary to put their Purposes in execution, embarked for their respective Governments, Publius steering towards Spain with sixty Vessels, and Tiberius Sempronius with a Fleet of one hundred and sixty; whose Mind was so inflamed with desire of Action, and exalted with the provision he had made at Lilybaeum, that he thought on nothing more than laying siege forthwith to Carthage itself. Publius kept along the Coast of Liguria, and in six Days arrived from Pisa at Marseilles; and coming to the hither mouth of the River Rhosne, which they call the Marseillian, he began to land his Troops; and notwithstanding he had received notice of Hannibal's having passed the Pyrenaeans, he concluded however that he could not be so near as he was; the difficulties of the Way, and the many divers Nations of the Gauls, by whom the Enemy was to make his Passage, made him of that Judgement. But Hannibal had surmounted all these Difficulties, having bought his passage of some, and won it by force of Arms from others, and was now got with his Army to the Pass over the Rhosne, having the Sea of Sardinia on his right. When Publius received the news of the Enemy's approach, he did not at first believe it, as seeming to him incredible, that he should be able to perform so difficult a march in so short a space: Nevertheless, he thought it advisable to endeavour after such intelligence as he might rely upon; accordingly, while his Army lay to refresh themselves, and recover from the Toils of their Voyage, consulting with his Officers what Posts would be most proper to possess, and what way to take that he might get before the Enemy, he commanded out three hundred choice Horse to discover; to whom, for their Guides, and farther to sustain them, he appointed the Gauls to be joined, who were in pay to those of Marseilles.  
Hannibal being now on the Banks of the Rhosne, within four Days march of the Sea, at a certain place where the Channel of that River was not very large, determined speedily to pass his Army, after he had bought the  of the People of the Country, and purchased all their Canoes and Boats, whereof there were great numbers; forasmuch as those who live on that River Trassick on the Sea. Furthermore he amassed great quantities of Materials proper for the making of Floats, whereof the Soldiers in the space of two Days had made abundant provision, every one labouring his utmost to excuse the necessity of other Aid, being resolved to owe their passage over the River to their own single Industry. In the mean time, the Barbarians, on the opposite side, assembled in great numbers to oppose their Landing; which Hannibal no sooner perceived, but he concluded it impossible to compass his Intent by force, having so numerous an Enemy to oppose him; and that he could no longer remain where he was, without danger of being encompassed by the Enemy, unless he speedily attempted something. Whereupon, after three Days debate, about the first Watch of the Night, he detached a Party of his Army (with the Gauls of the Country for their Guides) under the leading of Hanno the Son of Bomilcar. After these had marched about five and twenty Miles up the River, they came to a place where the Water makes a small Island, and there halted. In this place they felled great quantities of Timber in the neighbouring Woods, and in a short time made a sufficient number of Floats to waste them; and so got a safe passage over the Rhosne, none appearing to oppose them: And having gained a piece of Ground, whose situation fortified itself, they there reposed that Day, not only to refresh themselves after so toilsome an Expedition, but likewise to prepare for the farther prosecution of what had been given them in Orders. In the mean while, Hannibal essayed by all means possible to pass over the River with that part of the Army that remained with him; and nothing now so much troubled him, as how to embark his Elephants, which were to the number of forty eight.  
The fifth Night, after the Detachment had passed the River, they drew near the Barbarians, who were assembled to oppose Hannibal's Landing; who, at the same time having his Troops in readiness, ordered his Horse to embark in the great Vessels, and the best of his Foot in small Boat, prepared to pass over. But to the end his Floats and small Boats might go with more security, he ordered the greater Vessels to keep above the Stream, thereby to check the Current of the River. Another invention they had likewise to transport their Horses; they did not embark them, but swum in a Tow after their small Boats, one Man holding three or four by the Bridle on each side the Boat: Thus many were carried over at the first essay.  
The Barbarians beholding all this Preparation ran in haste and disorder out of their Camp, conceiving they should have no great difficulty to repulse the Carthaginians: But as soon as Hannibal perceived the Party on the other side to approach, (for according to the Orders Hanno had received, they made the signs of their drawing near by Smoke in several places as they marched) he ordered his People to move, the great Vessels to keep above, with Directions to those that governed them to stem the Current, keeping the Vessels with their bow upon the Stream, the better to cover the others from danger. So each one animating his Companion with auspicious Words, Laboured with incredible Industry to stem the violence of the Current. In the mean time, the Enemy, on the other side, gave them to understand by their Cries, not unlike to Howl, that they expected them with resolution, insomuch that the prospect every where was terrible, and held the Spectators in great perplexity.  
The Enemy having now wholly abandoned their Tents, those with Hanno fell in pellmell among them unperceived: Some attack and set fire on their Camp, while the greatest part march to charge those that guarded the Passage. The Barbarians thus surprised, some hastened to preserve their Tents, others remained to make head and sustain the 〈◊〉 Hannibal now perceiving the Success to answer his Design, ranged and drew his People up in Battalia as they Landed, and encouraging them in few words, they soon came to Blows with the Enemy; who fight in disorder, by reason of the surprise, were soon vanquished and dispersed.  
The Carthaginians having thus at once gained the Victory and their Passage, used all possible dispatch in the transporting what was yet remaining on the other side the River; and when that Work was over, they encamped that Night on the Bank. The next Morning, having received Intelligence that the Roman Army, with their Fleet, was arrived at the mouth of the Rhosne, Hannibal detached five hundred Numidian Horse, with order to discover and bring an account of the Enemy. And directed those who best understood that Affair, to take care for the transporting the Elephants, while he assembled the Army, where he produced Magilus, who was come to visit him from the Countries that lie about the Po, accompanied with other Princes of the Gauls, making known to them, by an Interpreter, the Resolution that People had taken; but what most animated the Soldiers, was the Presents which those Princes had brought with them, the tender of their Service, and offers to engage with them, as their Companions, in the War against the Romans.  
In short, after Magilus had assured them he would be their Conductor through all those Passages by which they were to march, and that they should shortly arrive in safety in Italy, and want for nothing in their Journey, they thought it reasonable to yield entire belief to what he said; they were likewise greatly encouraged by what they heard of the abundance and fertility of the Country they were to invade, and with the cheerful and frank Behaviour of those who were to join with them in their Conflicts with the Romans. The Gauls being now retired out of the Assembly, Hannibal returned, where he represented to his People, first, the important Actions they had already achieved; how many notable Services by his Counsel and Leading they had already performed; how many hazardous Adventures they had gone through, whereof not any Man there had cause to repent: Then he exhorted them to continue firm in their Resolutions, inasmuch as they were of themselves convinced, that the most difficult part of the Work was now passed, their Passage over the River succeeding to their own Wishes; nor could there be any remaining doubt of the Fidelity and  of their Allies; he required, in short, that they would entertain no anxious Thoughts about the future; but rely firmly on his Care and Circumspection; telling them, that by an entire resignation to his Conduct and Commands, they would give the best and surest Marks of their Resolution, and ascertain their Title to the Glory they had already won. And now, after the Soldiers, by their Words and Actions had unanimously signified their approbation and readiness to obey him, and their willingness to engage in all Dangers. Hannibal praising their forwardness, and imploring the assistance of the Gods for their Preservation, commanded them to retire to their repose, and to be in a readiness to march, for that he determined to decamp the next Day; so they departed.  
The Assembly was no sooner dismissed when the Numidians returned, who had been sent abroad to discover; of whom a great part were cut off, and those who escaped had saved themselves by slight. For having encountered it seems, not far from the Camp, with certain Horsemen of the Romans, whom Publius had sent abroad on the same Errand, they had engaged so roughly, that on the part of the Romans and Gauls, an hundred and fifty were killed on the spot, and of the Numidians above two hundred, the Romans pursuing the rest to their Camp; by which means they got knowledge of what had passed with the Carthaginians, and so retired to their own Army with all the expedition they were able, to assure the Consul of the Enemy's arrival. Whereupon the Romans decamped, embarking all their Baggage on board the Fleet, and eagerly wishing to come to action with the Enemy, they took their march up the River.  
The Day after Hannibal had made his Oration to the Army, he ordered all the Horse to move and march toward the Sea-Coast, to intercept any sudden Danger that might threaten from that Quarter; then he commanded the Foot to follow, while himself attended the coming of the Elephants, and those whom he had left to conduct them. And here it will not be amiss that we give an account how they embarked those mighty Beasts. They made many Floats of Timber, whereof they joined two and two together; these Floats were fifty Foot long each, and were placed pointing out into the River, their inmost ends resting on the Bank, and all well united together; then they fastened others to the ends of those, reaching yet farther out into the River; these Machine's so framed (resembling in some sort a Bridge) were well sustained and fastened with Cordage on all parts, and defended from the violence of the Stream. They moored or fastened this Platform to the Trees which grew on the Bank, whereof there were good store; after having enlarged and run out this Work to about two hundred Foot in length, they joined to the end thereof two other large substantial Floats well fastened together, which they so joined to the six'd Platform with Ropes, as to be able easily to disjoin them from the other; to these movable Floats they fastened Ropes whereby to tow and draw them, with Boats appointed for that purpose, to the other side the River, and to hold them up against the Current, that it might not drive down the Stream when the Machine should be loosened from the fixed Stage; then they covered the surface of it with Earth, to make it appear firm Ground, like that on the Bank, for the Elephants were taught an exact Obedience to their Governors, and were so in all things, passing over the Water only excepted, whereof they stood in great fear: Wherefore, the better to prevail on the rest, they led two gentle Female Elephants foremost, the others following. They being brought to the outermost movable Floats, they then untied the Ropes by which they were fastened, and towed the said Float with the Cargo of Elephants to the other side. The Beasts were terrified at first, and ran from one side to the other of the Float, but beholding nothing but Water on all sides, their sear then kept them in order. Thus by several Voyages they wafted over all their Elephants, some few excepted, which leaped through fear into the Water, when they were in the middle of the Stream; but these were likewise preserved, tho' their Guides perished, for by the help of their great Trunks, which they held above Water, they thereby discharged their Stomaches of the Water, they had taken in, and breathed with freedom. By this Artifice they transported their Elephants to the other side the River.  
And now Hannibal posting his Horse and his Elephants in the Rear of the Army, continued his march down the Stream towards the East. The source or head of the Rhosne is situate far up in the Country, above the Gulf of the Adriatick-Sea towards the West; in those parts of the Alps which regard the North, tending in its passage towards the South-west, and discharging itself into the Sardinian-Sea. In short, this River for the most part makes its passage through a Champaign Country, environed on both sides with Mountains, whose North-side is inhabited by the Gauls-Ardienses, the other is bounded by the North-side of the Alps. That part of the Alps which runs from Marseilles to the bottom of the Adriatic, separates the plain Country in the neighbourhood of the Po, whereof we have already spoken, from the Plain where the Rhosne hath its passage. Hannibal then took his march through that Country where the River hath its source, to come into Italy.  
Some Authors, who have writ of Hannibal's passage over the Alps, entertain us with astonishing and incredible Tales of that Voyage, without heeding that they have thereby committed two Errors, which History of all things will not permit, for they are constrained thereby to coin Falsehoods of their own, and often become liable to contradict themselves. For as they give to Hannibal all the Encomiums of a great and valiant Leader; so at the same time they make him act with the greatest Imprudence imaginable. Then when they are taken in their own fabulous Snares, they are forced to bring down the Gods and Demigods to their Aid, who should not be named but in matters of Truth. Furthermore, they feign that the Alps are so desert and inaccessible, that far from being passable by Armies, Horses, and Elephants, Men cannot, without unspeakable travel, pass them on foot. They tell us farther, that some parts thereof are so waste and destitute of all Succour, that without the Aid of some Divinity, who led Hannibal, as it were by the Hand, through those wild Labyrinths he and his Army had inevitably perished; these, I say, are two Faults in an Historian, which Men of common Sense easily discover and dislike.  
For, in short, were there Truth in what they deliver, where could there be found in Story a more imprudent General, or Leader worse qualified than Hannibal, who being at the head of so numerous an Army, in the prosperity of which all his Hopes were placed, neither knowing any thing of the Country through which he was to march, nor the course he was to take, nor whither he went, nor with whom he was to have to do; and what fourth he fell into much danger. Folly, had engaged in an Enterprise, which, by the common Rules of Reason, yielded no prospect of Success; but on the contrary, to all appearance, pursued an Attempt totally unfeisible? For these Authors make Hannibal in the spring of his Hopes at the head of a flourishing victorious Army, perform such things as are not likely would be acted by a People already vanquished and undone, and reduced to the last extremity; namely, to engage their Troops in Countries and Places totally unknown. For while they tell us all was waste and desert, and the Country no where passable, do they not plainly accuse their own Forgeries? But they knew not that the Gauls, who inhabit about the Rhosne, had often passed the Alps with numerous Armies, long before Hannibal's time; and not only heretofore, but of late days, they had marched to the relief of those Gauls who dwell about the Po, during their Wars with the Romans. Furthermore, they were to learn that even the Alps themselves are inhabited by numerous Nations; but it was their Ignorance indeed that brought the Demi-God down to show Hannibal his way. Wherein they follow the Poets, who in their Tragedies, having for the most part nothing but Fiction and extravagant Adventures for the subject of their Plays, are able to bring nothing handsomely to pass without a God or a Machine. After this manner our Historians have proceeded, being forced to implore some Divinity or other to yield them assistance, and disentangle them from the Falsehoods and Improbabilities they themselves have made. For how can a fabulous beginning have other than a fabulous Issue? Most certain it is that Hannibal did not conduct his Affairs at the rate these Authors would persuade, but like a wise and able Captain. And there is no doubt, but he well knew that the Country into which he was leading his Army, was fertile and abounding in all things, and the Inhabitants aliened in their Inclinations to the Romans; that he had with him for Guides the very People of the Country, who had engaged to partake with him in all his Fortunes. For my own particular, I speak of these things with so much the more assurance, by how much I have not only been instructed therein by those who lived in those Days; but that I might be less liable to Error, I made myself a Journey into the Alps for my better Information.  
To proceed, Publius the Roman General arrived with his Army at the Passage of the Rhosne, three days after Hannibal's departure, who perceiving the Enemy gone, was much surprised, and without doubt with good reason, for he could scarce be persuaded, that the Carthaginian would ever have been drawn to attempt that way into Italy; especially having to deal with so many barbarous Nations in his March, uncapable of Friendship or keeping their Faith. But after he had a while reflected on the boldness of the undertaking, he marched back to the Fleet; where embarking his Army with all expedition, and dispatching his Brother to carry on the War in Spain, he resolved himself to return by Sea into Italy, to make head against the Enemy.  
In the mean space, after four days march Hannibal arrives at a place called the Isle, where the Country is rich and well Peopled. It is so called, because the Soane environs it on one side, and the Rhosne on the other, giving it the figure of a Triangle. This Island, both for form and magnitude, much resembles another in Egypt, which is called Delta; and if there be any difference in the comparison, it is that Delta is 〈◊〉, the one side encompassed by the Sea, and the Rivers that there discharge themselves, and 〈◊〉 the other with rough and almost inaccessible Mountains. Here Hannibal found two Princes, that were Brethren, in Arms against each other, for the Dominion of the Country, their Armies being drawn up ready to engage. The elder of these two made his addresses to Hannibal, praying his aid to re-establish him in his Inheritance, to which he lent a willing ear, foreseeing the Profit he might reap thereby; wherefore, after he had entered into Friendship with him, and compelled the other to retire, he received many singular benefits of the said Prince, who did not only supply his Army with refreshments, and whatever they stood in need of; but exchanging Hannibal's old worn-out Arms for new ones, which he delivered him; he did in some sort recruit his Army. He further supplied them with what  they wanted, and greatly assisted them in their Passage over the Mountains. But the most remarkable service he did them, was, that forasmuch as they were in some jealousy in passing the Frontiers of the Gauls, called Allobroges, he conducted Hannibal by another way more safe, and brought him to the place where they begin to ascend the Alps.  
Hannibal having marched near an hundred Miles in ten days along the River Rhosne, met with mighty difficulties after his Army had entered on the Mountains; and in truth the Allobroges had no purpose to attack them, while they held their March in the Plains, fearing both their Horse, and the Gauls that accompanied the Army. But these were no sooner gone, and that Hannibal began to ascend the Mountains, when they drew together in great numbers, and possessed themselves of the Posts where Hannibal must unavoidably March; and most assuredly, had they but kept themselves longer concealed, the Carthaginian Army had run a mighty hazard; but being discovered by Hannibal, tho' they did him some Mischief, they were requited with equal loss. For Hannibal was no sooner informed, that the Barbarians were Masters of the Passes, when he made his Army halt, and take their Quarters that Night among the Rocks and Fastnesses. In the mean while he dispatched a Party of Gauls, who served him for Guides, to discover the Posture of the Enemy, and learn what they could of their purpose. And having understood that they kept Guard in those places only by Day, but that in the Night they retired to a Town not far off; he found this Expedient to obviate the present Inconvenience: He decamped in broad Day, and by slow Motions advanced with his Army; till arriving not far from the straits, he then encamped not far from the Enemy; and causing Fires to be made in the Camp about the first Watch of the Night, where he left the greatest part of his Troops, himself, in the mean while, with a Detachment of his best Men, passed the straits in the Night; and while the Enemy was retired to the Town, according to their Custom, took possession of those Posts, where they were wont before to keep their Guard.  
When Day discovered to the Enemy what had passed, they did not presently determine what to do; but when they observed the great quantity of Baggage that appeared, and perceived that the Horse could afford them no succour, which by reason of the narrow, stony, and broken ways, could not march but in defiles, they then resolved on the Attack. And now as the Barbarians thus fell on them from all Quarters at once, the Way itself being almost as terrible as the Enemy, the Carthaginians received great loss, especially in their Horses and Beasts of Carriage; for the Way being straight, stony, and broken, the Beasts of Burden were easily thrown down, and disordered, falling into Precipices. But the Horses that were wounded gave them the greatest trouble; for falling by their Wounds among the other Beasts, and labouring to rise and recover their Feet in so narrow a Way, so crowded, they cast down others by their striving to save themselves; which was the occasion of great Labour and Tumult. This being observed and considered by Hannibal, who well knew the Army could not subsist without their Beasts of Burden, which carried their Necessaries, he immediately left the Posts he had taken, and came to the relief of those who were thus hard pressed in their passage; when falling on the Enemy from higher Ground, he did not fail of doing them great Damage: But the evil was, that his own People were thereby equal Sufferers; for the fear increasing  by this new Tumult, many miscarried and were lost in the Crowd; but, in the end, most of the Allobroges were slain on the place, and the rest saved themselves by Flight. And now their Horses and other Beasts, after some time of rest, were led with great trouble and difficulty through the Straight; but Hannibal, after he had escaped this Danger, marched himself with a good Detachment against the Town, that had harboured the Enemy, which he took without resistance, finding it almost quite deserted, the Inhabitants being all gone out in hopes of Booty. This adventure proved very useful to his Affairs, both with respect to the present and the future: For he here recovered many, both Men and Horses, and other Beasts, which had fallen into the Enemy's hands, and  and Corn sufficient to sustain the Army for three Days. But, above all, the Terror he had given by this success to the circumjacent places was such, that none of the Gauls inhabiting the Towns near which he was to pass, gave him the least molestation in his Passage. In this Town Hannibal took up his Quarters, where he remained a Day to rest and refresh his Army, and then prosecuted his Journey. For three Days together he marched without Trouble or Alarm, but the fourth he fell into much danger. The People inhabiting in the Towns on the way he was to pass, having secretly conspired against him, met him however, with Olive-branches, and Garlands of Flowers, Signs among the Barbarians of Peace and Friendship, as the Caduceus is among the Greeks, Hannibal, who had now learned how far he was to trust these People, endeavoured by Questions to inform himself of their Purposes. They told him, That they had received notice of his Success against the Town, and of the loss and defeat of those who had attacked him in his march; but as to themselves, they came to give him assurance, That they were resolved to do him no Injury, nor suffer any to be done to him by others: And that they were ready to give him Hostages for their Fidelity. Hannibal remained long undetermined what to do, having no great Opinion of their Sincerity; but, in the end, weighing that to make a show of believing them, might work on their Good-nature, and by degrees win them to his Friendship, if he seemed to accept their Tenders; and that in case of refusal, they might presently become his Enemies he feigned to consent to their Proposal; and seemed, as they did, disposed to enter into terms of Friendship with them. In short, after these Barbarians had given him security for their peaceable Behaviour, supplied his Army with Provisions, and that they conversed among the Carthaginians with all manner of freedom and confidence, Hannibal began to have a better Opinion of their Sincerity, and accepted their Service for his Guides through the many remaining difficult Ways by which they were to pass. Howbeit, after they had thus conducted the Army for two Days together, they assembled at length all into one Body, and attacked the Rear at a Defile, or straight Passage, as they were marching in a Valley full of Rocks and broken Ground.  
Great likelihood there was that the Carthaginian Army had here run the hazard of being entirely destroyed, had not their General, who reserved a secret doubt of the well-meaning of this People, obviated the mischief of this treasonable Purpose of theirs, by ordering his Horse and Baggage to march in the Van of the Army, and his choicest Foot to sustain the Rear. But having disposed matters after this manner, his loss became less grievous; for his Foot in the Arrearguard proved sufficient to put a stop to the violence of the Attempt. Nevertheless, they were not without great loss both of Men and Horses; and the Enemy, who was possessed of the Ground above them, brought such terror into the Army, by rolling down mighty Stones and Rocks from the Precipices upon them, and showering Volleys of Stones on their Heads, that Hannibal was compelled to take up his Quarters for that Night on the top of an Eminence, exposed to the open Sky, with that part of the Army that was with him, remote from the Horse and the rest of the Troops, and the Baggage, the better to cover and defend, them from danger; who were hardly able, in all that Night, with great labour, to compass their passage through the Valley. In the Morning, the Enemy being now retired, Hannibal joined his Army and Baggage, and advanced towards the top of the Alps. After this the Gauls attempted no more to attack them in Bodies, but in smaller Parties, and with less ardour than before; nevertheless falling sometimes on the Van, sometimes on the Rear of the Army, they seldom failed of making some spoil of the Baggage. The Elephants happened to be of great use to the Carthaginians in these Conflicts; for wheresoever they chanced to appear, they so terrified the Enemy, that the Army marched by that means with much less molestation. In nine Days after this, Hannibal gained the top of the Mountains, where he halted two Days, being willing to give some repose to such of his Army as were come thus far without Wound or Sickness, and to attend the coming of the rest of his Troops that were yet behind. During this stay, many Horses and Beasts of Carriage, which had fallen and strayed out of the way, came in of their own accord, following the Track of the Army to the great wonder of the Beholders.  
But whereas the Snows were yet great in the Mountains, (Winter not being there quite over) Hannibal perceiving his Soldiers to be somewhat discouraged by reason of the Sufferings they had already felt, and out of apprehension of what yet threatened them, caused the Army to be assembled, to the end he might speak to them, and inspire them with new Resolution; which he could no way better effect, than by giving them a view and prospect of Italy; which, in a word, lies so fairly to the Eye, spreading and extending itself at the foot of those Mountains, that Nature seems to have designed them as a Rampart to cover and defend it. So he gave them a survey of the Champaign Country that spreads itself all about the River Po; and gave them to understand how welcome they should be to the People that Inhabited it. He pointed out likewise to them whereabout the City of Rome stood; and by this Artifice animated his harassed Army. The Day following he decamped, and began to descend the Mountains; and now saw no more of the Enemy to molest them in their march, saving some small scattered Parties, who rather awaited occasions how to steal than to fight. Howbeit, Hannibal's Losses were not lessened, by reason of the great Snows and the exceeding bad march they had had, which much weakened the Army. Nor was their passage much better in the descent; for what with the straight, steep, and slippery ways, and the depth of the Snow, the Soldier knew not where to set his Foot with safety; for  they slipped, they were in danger of being lost, and swallowed up in the depths and precipices which lay hid and covered by the Snow. Nevertheless, the long practice in those Hardships and Dangers, taught them to suffer all with Constancy: But at length coming to a place where neither their Elephants nor Horses could pass, the Way, which was very steep before, being now, by the falling away of some of the Earth, become more difficult, renewed their Fears; which was manifest over the whole Army. Upon this accident, Hannibal took a resolution to attempt another way, by taking a compass about those Mountains, tho' there was no appearance of any passage; but forasmuch as the great Snows rendered that Resolution too hazardous, all places being covered and hid from the view, he therefore changed his purpose.  
In the interim, there having fallen much new Snow on that which remained of the Winter before; this last being lose, and not yet deep, yielded firm footing enough to the Soldiers; but this was no sooner trampled on, but it dissolved into Dirt and Mire; whereby the Snow of last Year being frozen under it, it became impossible to march thereon any more than on Ice itself, none being able to keep their Feet; and when they endeavoured to sustain themselves on their Hands and Knees, they often slid and were lost in Pits and Precipices. When their Horses at any time slipped, they by their weight and labouring broke the Ice under them, and so became buried and frozen to Death. Whereupon Hannibal now desperate of obtaining his passage that way, encamped his Army at the entrance of this Pass, after he had first ordered the Snow to be removed which covered all the Ground; and then by the labour of his Soldiers he wrought into the Hill itself, and by unspeakable Pains made his Passage at length through it: So in one Day he made way for his Horses and other Beasts to pass, which immediately marched on. And now decamping the Army, he sent his Horse and other Beasts to forage and recruit themselves, as they could come at Pasture, where the Ground was not covered with Snow. In the mean time he ordered the Numidians to make a passage for the Elephants, which cost them three Days labour with great difficulty to effect; but at length they made way for those Animals, which had suffered much, and were almost dead with Hunger. For there was neither Forage nor Tree to be found on that part of the Alps, nor in the neighbourhood; the Ground lying ever covered with Snow Winter and Summer, but the lower Grounds on all sides produce Woods and Covert, and there is no place thereabout that is not habitable.  
After Hannibal had united his Troops, he prosecuted his march, and in the space of three Days got past these difficult and incommodious Places, whereof we have given an account, and recovered the Plains, howbeit with the loss of great numbers of his People; for many fell by the Enemy, many were drowned in passing the Rivers, and many of Sickness, and the Hardships of their march to and over the Alps. And as he lost many Men, so his loss of Horses and other Beasts of Burden, was yet much greater. In a word, after a march of five Months, from his departure from New-Carthage, and fifteen Days passage over the Alps, he boldly advanced into the Champaign Country, lying about the River Po, and the Frontiers of the Insubrians. Of the Troops that marched out with him, there now remained, of Africans about twelve Thousand; eight Thousand Spaniards, and six Thousand Horse, according to his own Register, left by him, engraved on the Column at Lacinium, which specified that number. About this time Publius Cornelius, who had left his Troops with Cneius his Brother, to prosecute the War against Asdrubal in Spain. embarked for Pisa, and from thence passing through Tuscany, joined the Armies of the Praetors, who were in service in that Country against the Boians; with these he took his march towards the Po, where he encamped with design to come speedily to a Battle with Hannibal. And now that we are arrived in Italy, and have translated the War, Armies and Leaders on both sides thither; it seems necessary that we preface something to the Reader, as the order of our History requires, before we enter on the account of the Battles and Transactions that occurred in that Province. For some may possibly be apt to remark and inquire, why, having spoken so copiously of Spain, we should have yet said nothing touching other Points of Geography; namely, of the Straight that parts the two Continents of Europe and afric, nor of the great neighbouring Sea and its qualities, nor of the Islands of Britain, nor of their Lead-Mines, their Gold and Silver in Spain, whereof Historians have said so much that they contradict one another? But we have not spoken of these matters, not only because it serves to little purpose in the use of History; but first, because such digressions at every turn are apt to perplex the course of our Work, and to divert the Reader's attention from the genuine purpose and thread of our Story. Furthermore, our purpose being not to discourse superficially, and by the buy, of things, but to take them up when they fairly and regularly present themselves, and then seasonably and duly to deliver the Truth copiously and plainly as far as we shall be able. Let it not appear strange then, that neither in this place, nor heretofore, we have ●orborn to touch on many Points as we have said. For if any one fancies it to be the Duty of an Historian to be taken with every hint that falls in his way, and to touch promiscuously on all Subjects on the least motive; let such take care lest they be justly compared to the Glutton at a Feast, who, while his Appetite tempts him to taste of every Dish, he receives neither present Pleasure nor future Profit; on the contrary, he contracts only ill Digestion and worse Nourishment. People of that Humour, I say, in the study of History, have neither present Diversion in the Reading, nor Fruit in the Application for the time to come.  
There are many Vices in History, whereof we shall mention some that ought carefully to be reformed, whereof this we have now named is among the greatest. Do not all, or most part of Historians, affect to entertain their Readers with Descriptions of the remotest parts of the known World, setting down the situation of Places and Countries, and describing their Nature and the like? Where it is odds, but the greatest part of them are deceived in many particulars they deliver, it will be but just therefore to show them their Faults, and endeavour solidly, not superficially, to refute them, not taking up the Argument, as it were, by chance. The course we shall take to correct these Errors, shall not be to blame and inveigh against the Authors, but rather in a manner of compassion to show candidly wherein they have failed through Ignorance. For most certain it is, that had they arrived at our times, they themselves would have seen things by a better Light, and reformed much of their own Failures. For there were sew Greeks to be found heretofore, who had over-diligently visited remote Nations, not having the means to gratify their desires therein; it not being to be compassed in those days, without running extreme dangers both by Sea and Land. Furthermore, if any one by chance, at any time, happened of necessity to visit distant Countries, even the remotest Provinces of the known World, what would the Remarks of a single Traveller amount to? Since it could not be possible those Places should be known as they ought, for the greatest part of those People are Barbarous and Savage, and many parts Desert, and Inhospitable. In short, another difficulty would spring through the diversity of strange Languages, whereby it would hardly be possible to be rightly informed in any thing they saw. And albeit People should happen to see and learn the situation of those Regions, there would be few found whose Candour might be trusted, and Men would doubt that much of what they deliver is fabulous, and of their own coining. So hard it is in such cases not to mingle with Truth, the Tales of their own Invention.  
Since it seems then impossible, that our Forefathers could be thoroughly instructed in all the Subjects of History, Authors therefore who have been silent in matters, which it may be conceived they ought to have better opened; and even those, who have said more than we find they ought, are however without much blame, tho' they do not deserve our praise, since they were not without some tincture of Knowledge, and farthered in some degree the Curiosity of others. But now, in our days, that Asia by the Victories of Alexander hath been travelled and discovered, and the Armies of the Romans have opened a passage both by Sea and Land, whereby to arrive at the certain knowledge of the rest of the World; our Informations come with more certainty of those things, which heretofore we could not speak of with assurance. Especially in this Age, when many who have been employed in the administration of Public Affairs, are now released from the cares of both Military and Civil Applications, and have leisure and means to apply their studies in other curious Speculations. I shall strive to do my part at least, when occasion shall seasonably serve, to bring things to a better light; and mingle in these my Labours such proper Matter as may, to those who delight in this Subject, minister to their better Information. And since I have been at the cost of so much time and peril in my Travels into Gaul, afric, Spain, and on the Ocean that borders on these Countries, spent in the acquisition of Knowledge, I hold it not a vain design to detect and reform the Mistakes of ancient Authors, by enlarging my Accounts and Descriptions of these Parts of the World. But it is now time we return to prosecute our Story, and prepare to relate the Battles and Transactions of the Romans and Carthaginians in Italy.  
We have already set down the number of Hannibal's Troops, when he made his entry into Italy. Who at the end of his march, first encamped at the foot of the Mountains, to recruit and refresh his Army, which was not only greatly harassed in their passage over the Alps, but much spent through the great scarcity of Provisions in their way, and the Diseases they contracted thereby; many in despair neglected their own Preservation, through the continual Hardships and Calamities to which they were exposed: For it was an insuperable difficulty to find Victuals that might suffice for so numerous an Army, where many, who were commanded out to provide and bring what they wanted, miscarried, both Men and Beasts, in their Journey. So that Hannibal, who passed the Rhosne at the head of eight and thirty Thousand Foot, and above eight Thousand Horse, mustered not half that number at his arrival in Italy, as hath been already noted. And those who remained so changed from what they were, that both in  and Countenance they appeared more like Savages than Soldiers. Wherefore his first and chief care was, to restore Health and Strength to their Bodies, and Vigour to their Minds, and to recruit and strengthen his Horse. When his Army was refreshed, his next business was to endeavour an Alliance with the Taurinians, who inhabit at the foot of the Alps, and who at that time had War with the Insubrians; but they would not be drawn to trust the Carthaginians. Wherefore, after having long solicited them to Friendship in vain, he sat down before their Capital Town, which in three Days he took, and all that made resistance he put to the Sword; which struck the neighbouring Barbarians with such terror, that they came all afterwards in to him as one Man, giving themselves up to his discretion. These indeed were constrained; but the other Gauls, who possessed the Country about the Po, cheerfully took part with Hannibal, as was lately observed. But in regard now that the Roman Army was advanced so near, they adventured not presently to show their ; but some of them were constrained to take part with them. Whereupon Hannibal thought it the wisest way not to defer longer, but to take his March into their Country; to the end, that by some notable Action he might establish the Courage, and renew the Hopes of those who were disposed to engage with him.  
During these Motions, he receives Intelligence, That the Consul had passed the Po with all the Legions, and was not now far off. But this News he did not presently believe, inasmuch as he knew he had left Scipio about the Rhosne, and that the Passage by Sea from Marseilles to Tuscany was tedious and difficult. Furthermore, he was informed, that the March from Tuscany to the Alps was not only long, but hardly to be surmounted by an Army. But, in the end, fresh Advices coming daily to him of the truth thereof, he became greatly surprised at the Diligence of the Roman General, who was no less astonished at the Expedition of the Carthaginian: For he was of Opinion, That Hannibal would not have attempted to adventure over the Alps, at the head of an Army composed of so many divers Nations; or that if he was so hardy, he must have miserably perished by the way. But when he became assured, that they were got over those Difficulties, and were now in Italy; and farther, that they had already besieged and taken Towns; he admired the intrepid Boldness of their Leader, whose Attempt had exceeded the Power of Imagination itself. This News was likewise heard at Rome with terror enough; where, after they had been informed of the taking of Saguntum by the Carthaginians; and while they were, as it were, deliberating to send one of their Consuls into afric to attack Carthage, and the other into Spain to make War on Hannibal, they received notice that Hannibal himself was in Italy besieging of Towns. This was so surprising to the Romans, that the dread thereof made them send an express to Tiberius now at Lilybaeum, to acquaint him with the arrival of the Enemy, and to enjoin him to postpone all other Affairs whatsoever, and repair with all the expedition he could to the rescue of his Country. Whereupon Tiberius assembles his Maritime Forces, and embarks forthwith for Rome, leaving his Orders with the respective Tribunes, to draw together what Troops they could out of their several Garrisons, and set them a Day to rendezvous at Rimini, a Town standing on the Coast of the Adriatic, on the edge of the Plains that are watered by the River Po towards the South. So that great trouble and tumult was spread all over the Country; which being alarmed on all Quarters with evil Tidings, the Romans were in great suspense about the issue of the War.  
And now Hannibal and Scipio drew near each other; and mutually animating their Soldiers, spoke to them in such terms as the time and the occasion required. Hannibal incited his Troops after this, or the like manner: He caused to be brought to the head of the Army, which he had assembled for that purpose, certain young Men who were Prisoners, of the number of those that had been taken vexing and plundering the Army in their march over the Alps, whom he had therefore kept in very hard durance. In short, they appeared loaden with Irons, starved almost to death, bearing on their naked Bodies the marks of the ill treatment they had suffered. In this state these Wretches were presented to the view of the Army; where Arms were brought and laid before them, such as were used among the Gauls, and not unlike those the Princes of that Nation make use of in their single Combats: Besides these, there were produced Horses, and rich Habits and Furniture. Then it was demanded, If any among them were willing to engage and fight one with the other to the death, on condition the Vanquisher should have the Prize and the Reward there proposed, while the Vanquished thereby put an end to his Misfortunes, by laying down his Life on the place? Which Proposition they all unanimously cried out they were most willing to accept. Whereupon Hannibal ordered a certain number to be chosen by lot to enter the Lists, two and two, each imploring Fortune's favour. Those to whom the Lots ●ell manifested great joy, while the others, on the contrary, exceeding Grief. So they fought it out, while the rest of the Prisoners looked on the Vanquished, as hardly less fortunate than the Victors, having by their death put a period to the Miseries they endured. Nor had the Carthaginians themselves other Sentiments; who comparing the Life of those that survived, with the Circumstances of those they saw slain, their Pity seemed to incline to the Survivers, conceiving the Dead to be of the two the least unfortunate.  
After Hannibal had entertained his Army with this Spectacle, he told them, That his purpose in so treating those Prisoners, was to instruct them, by an Example of the Calamities of others, in the Contingences of Human Life, and to the end to mind them of the State and Circumstances wherein they now were; for that, in a word, Fortune had now put them under the very same choice, and held out the same Prize and Rewards: That they were tied up to the same necessity of vanquishing, dying, or being made Captives to their Enemies: That if they obtained Victory, not fine Horses only magnificently furnished, would be their Lot, but, by subduing the Romans, they would be the richest and happiest of all that ever had born Arms: That if they chanced to die doing their Duty bravely, such a Death was a Dignity full of Glory and Renown; a Death without pain or fear, and purchased in pursuit of the greatest Good that can happen to Mankind: But should they chance to be vanquished, and that the fear of Death or Danger should betray them to a base Flight; or if they had entertained any Thought otherwise to be safe, they must then determine to endure the last effects of Misery and Misfortune. He said, There could be none among them so weak or stupid, who, reflecting on the tedious and terrible March they had had from their Native Homes thither, the many Perils, Combats, and dangerous Rencounters they had passed, the fearful Rivers they had Forded, and the like Dangers in their passage, can have the least shadow of expectation by slight, ever to return back: And that since that Hope was totally extinguished, they would do well to have the same Motions of Compassion of their own Fortune, as they entertained but now for that of others. For as they esteemed the Condition of the Victors and the Vanquished equal, or rather saw cause to pity the Survivers, they could do no less for themselves than fight bravely; chief indeed to Conquer, but to die rather than not Overcome: For should it be their hap to be Vanquished, there would be no hopes of living; but if they could with determination imprint these Reslections in their Minds, there would be no doubt of Success, nor fear but they should live to enjoy the Fruits of it. That, in a word, none ever brought such Thoughts about them into the Field, whether out of their own Temper or Necessity, that were not crowned with Victory. That the Romans hitherto had to deal with Enemies otherwise than so inspired, who, for the most part, placed their Safety in flight, by reason they ●ought in the neighbourhood of their Country, which was their refuge; and by which means they wanted Resolution to sustain the shock of Danger like an Enemy strengthened by Despair. Hannibal's Army heard with cheerfulness the discourse he made them, and manifested their Minds to be such as their Captain himself desired. He therefore highly applauded their generous Behaviour, and after he had told them, they should be in a readiness to march early on the Morrow, he dismissed the Assembly.  
Cornelius Scipio had now passed the Po, and because he designed to advance further, he caused a Bridge to be made over the Tesin. And drawing the Army together, he told them many things touching the Dignity and Glory of the Roman-State, and of the memorable Actions of their Ancestors. But take the relation (a little more or less) of what he delivered on that occasion. He told them, That tho' it might have so happened, that they had never yet tried the Enemy they had now to deal with, they should nevertheless have reason to rely on Victory; but since they were to fight against Carthaginians, they ought to hold it an insupportable Indignity to the Name of a Roman, that People so often by them beaten, and who had been so long their Tributaries, and bred to Servitude, should presume to look with an angry Eye on a Roman. But, saith he, since we have learned by many glorious Experiments, that this Enemy will never have assurance to endure our approach; What ought we not to hope, if things are rightly weighed? How lately was it proved, that their Horse is inferior to ours? which beat them at the Rhosne, and, after killing many, pursued the rest to their Camp. He told them, That the General, and the rest of the Army, having had News of the approach of the Roman Legions, had retreated as if they fled, and the Terror they were in had compelled them sore against their Wills to attempt passing the Alps back again. He farther told them, That Hannibal was come with but an handful of Men, having lost the greatest part of his Army in his March; and that those he had with him were so harrass'd and weakened with Diseases, and the Hardships they had suffered, that they were totally disabled for Service. He farther told them, That the greatest part of their Horse were lost and made unserviceable by the broken and stony ways they had marched through. He endeavoured, by the like suggestions to persuade the Army, that the showing themselves only would be enough to obtain the Victory; and that furthermore, barely to behold the Enemy they had to deal with, would inspire them with Contempt. He said, in short, That he would not have quitted the Fleet, nor his Spanish Expedition, whither he had been commanded to go, nor would have taken his March so willingly, had he not been firmly convineed, by many Arguments and Reasons, that the Journey he had undertaken was greatly for the Good of his Country, and that the Victory was certain. And now, being a Man of great Account and Authority, and it seeming to them that what he said was true, the Army with great Ardour and Resolution, demanded to be led against the Enemy. So after having commended their Cheerfulness, and made them an Exhortation to be always in a Posture to receive his farther Commands, he dismissed them.  
On the Morrow these two Captains began their March along the River, towards that part which regards the Mountains: The Romans on the Left, the others on the Right. The next Day, receiving News by their respective Foragers, that the Armies drew near, they both thought good to encamp where they were, and entrench themselves. But the next Morning Hannibal, at the head of his whole Body of Horse, and Scipio with his, to whom they joined their Archers, took the Field; both wishing to see each other. And they no sooner perceived by the Dust that was raised, that the Gross on each side drew near, when they began to range themselves in order of Battle. Scipio put his Darters in the Van, and mixed the Gaulish Horse among them, and having ordered the rest Frontwise, moved slowly on. As for Hannibal, he placed his Horse that went with a single Bridle in the Vanguard, together with all the other chosen Horse he had, and so advanced against the Romans. He had likewise placed his Numidians on the Wings, to the end he might be able to come to attack the Romans Flank, and so surround them. And as the Leaders on both sides, and the Troops they commanded, were eager to engage, they soon came to Blows. But scarce had the Roman Darters delivered their first Volley, when terrified with the Violence of the Enemy's Charge, and fearing to be trod and run down by the Horse which advaneed, they retired in haste through the Intervals of their Battle, among their Horse. Those Bodies that came to engage hand to hand fought with Resolution on both sides, and equal Bravery a good space, and the dispute seemed no other than between Horse and Foot mingled, for many in the heat of the Battle alighted and fought on Foot. But when the Numidians, by taking a compass had got on the Romans Flank, the Darters, who had retreated thither, as was observed, were sorely streighten'd and soon defeated, the Numidians having in ' compassed the greatest part of them. And now, at length, those in the Van, on the part of the Romans, who before stood so firm, having lost many Men, who had sold themselves at a good Price, were likewise driven to give ground upon the Numidians, charging their Flank.  
Many made their escape, some one way, some another; some rallied about the Consul, who forthwith decamped from about the Tesin, and led his Troops towards the Bridge over the Po, with intention to pass there; for as the Champaign Country in those Parts is of great extent, and that Hannibal was stronger in Horse, Scipio for that reason laboured to lead the Legions into some safer and more proper Country; and the rather, for that he was himself indisposed of a Wound he received in the Battle. Hannibal stayed some time in expectation the Legions would have appeared; but after he understood that the Romans had abandoned their Camp, he followed them in the Rear as far as the Bridge, which he found broken, where he took about six hundred Prisoners of those that were left there on the Guard. And being told that the rest of the Army were now marched a good distance off, he led his Troops up along the River in search of a proper place where he might make a Bridge; and, after two Days march, having found means to make one of Boats, he ordered Asdrubal to lead over the Army, passing himself likewise; there he gave Audience to sundry Ambassadors, who came to him from several places. For the bruit of his Victory was no sooner spread, when all the neighbouring Gauls became disposed to declare for the Carthaginians; and, as it had been before suggested, they now courted their Friendship, supplying them with whatever they wanted, and offering frankly to join their Forces, and take part in their Adventures. Hannibal gave courteous Reception to those who were come with these Tenders, and after the Army had passed the River, he led them back down the Stream, and marched with great Diligence to intercept the Enemy. But Publius Scipio, after he had passed the Po, marched directly to Placentia, a Colony of the Romans, where he stayed among the rest who were hurt in the Battle, to attend the cure of his Wounds, and believing the Army to be now in Safety, he there remained without further attempting any thing. But Hannibal arriving in two Days after he had passed the River, drew out his Army the next Day in Battalia in view of the Enemy; but the Romans not offering to stir, he retired and encamped about ten Miles off.  
In the mean time the Gauls, who bore Arms under the Romans, beholding Fortune now to declare in favour of the Carthaginians, deliberated by common Consent to desert their Service, but continued quiet in their Tents, waiting the time to put their purpose in execution. And now, when the Army was reposing in their Quarters, about the fourth Watch they put themselves into Arms, and falling on the Romans that were nearest at hand, killed many, and wounded many more, and cutting off the Heads of those they had murdered, marched to the Carthaginians to the number of two Thousand Foot, and two Hundred Horse. Hannibal, by the kind reception he gave them, manifested how welcome the Action was to him; and, after he had with great gentleness invited them into his Service, and with ample Promises to every one according to his degree, he gave them leave to retire for the present to their respective Habitations, thereby to spread the Fame of his Actions, and to win over others to the Service and Friendship of the Carthaginians. And he had reason to conclude, they would now be constrained for the most part to come in to him, after so  an act done by their Countrymen. At the same time Ambassadors came to him from the Boians, bringing with them a Present of the three Roman Commissioners they had taken (as was observed) on the breaking out of the War, who had been deputed for the dividing and setting out the Lands in their Colonies. Hannibal gratefully received their Message, and their Offer, and entered into Confederacy with them; but restored back the Prisoners to their keeping, advising them to secure them under a safe Guard, whereby to redeem their Hostages, as they had formerly proposed. Sciplo much lamented the loss of his People, who had been cut off by so vile an Act of Treachery; and rightly judging that the Gauls, who of a long time had nourished an inbred Aversion to the Romans, would (especially those of the neighbouring Countries, after having acted so criminal a Part) go over to the Carthaginians; he therefore thought it Wisdom, for the time to come, to be more on his guard touching that People. Wherefore he decamped about the fourth Watch of the Night following, and marched and encamped near the River Trebia, upon certain Eminences not far off, resting pretty well assured of the strength of the situation, it being in the neighbourhood of many of their Allies. Hannibal getting intelligence of the motions of the Romans, sent his Numidians in pursuit of them; after these marched the whole Horse of the Army, and himself with the Gross soon followed them. The Numidians coming to the Romans Camp, and finding it empty, stayed to set it on fire, which greatly availed the Romans in their retreat: For the Horse, but for this delay caused by the Numidians, had certainly overtaken the Romans before they had passed the Plains; in which case they undoubtedly had been very much exposed. But forasmuch as the Roman Army had now time to pass over the Trebia, the Enemy coming short, had only the occasion left them of attacking their Rearguard, whereof some were slain, and others made Prisoners. Scipio then having thus compassed his Passage over the River, encamped, I say, on high ground not far from it; and entrenching himself there, attended the coming of Tiberius, and the Legions that were with him, using all possible care and skill to get well of his Wounds, that he might be in a state to give the Enemy speedy Battle. But Hannibal, arriving two Days after he had passed the River, drew up his Army in view of the Romans; who not being disposed to engage him, he marched away, and encamped six Miles off; the Gauls (who had now recovered Courage by the hopes he had given them) supplying him with Provisions in abundance, and all things else of which he stood in need, being determined to share with the Carthaginians in all that should befall them. When the News came to Rome of the Battle of the Horse, they were astonished at the account of the issue, as expecting quite other success; but they comforted themselves with many Reasons to conclude, that at least they were not quite vanquished in that occasion. Some took leave to blame the Temerity of their Leader; and others raged against the perfidious Gauls: But, in a word, while they were assured that their Legions were entire, and had suffered nothing, they were resolved to abate nothing of their Hopes. And when Tiberius Sempronius arrived, and they beheld his Troops pass through the City, they were persuaded, That such an Army by barely showing themselves to the Enemy, would do enough to vanquish them. When the Troops were rendezvoused at Rimini, pursuant to the Orders they had received, and that they had taken the customary Oath, the Consul marched forthwith in quest of Scipio; and as soon as he arrived, he encamped by him, taking care to refresh his Soldiers, who had had a tedious Voyage of forty Days betwixt Lilybaeum and Rimini. In the mean space, Preparations were making to fight the Enemy; during which time, Tiberius never departed from Scipio, informing himself of every thing that had passed, and deliberating with him about what was best farther to be done.  
About the same time Hannibal became possessed of Clastidium, which he got by Intelligence, the Town being delivered up to him by one Publius a Brundusian, who had received the Government from the Romans. Here Hannibal found store of Corn, which he now stood in great need of: The Prisoners he took with him, whom he treated with lenity enough; endeavouring to make show by that Action, of the gentle usage those might hope from him; who tho' they had taken part with the Romans, should so deliver themselves up to his discretion, and to the end they might with less apprehension resign themselves to his Clemency. He treated likewise the treacherous Governor with great respect, and rewarded him magnificently, the better to work upon others to do the like, who had any charge under the Romans. And now receiving Intelligence, That certain Gauls his Confederates, inhabiting between the Po and the Trebia, held secret Commerce with the Romans, (who, it seems, conceived, that by covertly favouring both Parties, they should be able to insure their Safety either way) against those he sent a Detachment of about two thousand Foot, and a thousand Numidian and Gaulish Horse, who punctually performed their Orders, ravaging the Country, and taking much Booty. Whereupon the Gauls so treated, applied to the Romans to secure and secure them. Sempronius, who had long thirsted after an occasion to come to action; having now found it, forthwith order the major part of his Horse, and about a thousand Darters to march, who fall on the Numidians and Gauls, that were still pillaging the Country on the other side the Trebia, taking them by surprise, and without any order, and while they were in contest among themselves about sharing their Plunder; and being too hard for them, beat and pursued them to their Camp. But they were no sooner discovered from the Rampart, when the Carthaginians taking the Alarm, sallied to their relief, and made the Romans in their turn to show their Backs, and hasten to their Camp. Which being observed by Sempronius, he commanded out all the Cavalry and Darters he had, who obliged the Carthaginians to return as hastily as they came, and cover themselves in their Retrenchments. Hannibal, who was not yet ready to come to a Battle, and believed that he ought not to hazard all at one hasty Cast, and without mature Deliberation, behaved himself in this Rencounter in such manner, as that all the World must own, became a Great General: For contenting himself barely to make those who had fled into the Camp, to face about and make head against the Enemy, he then sounded a retreat, not permitting them to pursue the Romans, or longer to engage. The Romans stood their ground for a space; and after they had sustained some loss themselves, but done greater execution on the Enemy, they retired.  
Sempronius being inflamed by this success, his Passion grew yet greater to come to a Battle, and decide at once the Fortune of the War. And albeit he was determined to attempt his utmost, by his single Authority, during Scipio's Indisposition; yet because it would be a mighty pleasure to him to have his Colleague's Concurrence, he imparted his Design to him; but found him not of his Opinion. Scipio told him, That the new untrained Soldiers would be better in the Spring, if care were taken to exercise them during the Winter, and accustom them to Military Duties: And if the Carthaginians attempted nothing further, and were driven to be quiet for a while, the Gauls, who were naturally an inconstant People, it was likely would once again desert them. Furthermore he told him, That as soon as Strength would enable him, he had something to put in execution, which would much redound to the Service of his Country. With these and suchlike Reasons it was, that Publius sought to prevail on Sempronius not to engage in any hazardous Enterprise. And Sempronius himself could not but see, that the Counsel was wholesome which Scipio propounded; but, blinded with Ambition, and a good Opinion of his own Sufficiency, he resolved to do his utmost to be at the head of some Action, before his Colleague could be able to appear in the Field, and the new Election of Consuls should be made, which now drew near. Forasmuch then as since he found he could not accommodate the Occasion to his purpose, and was yet resolved to bend it to his Will, he soon made it visible, that nothing was likely to be prudently done under his Direction, and that things would run a mighty hazard. On the other hand, Hannibal thought as Scipio did, touching the present posture of Affairs, and therefore sought all occasions to come to a Battle. For as he was willing to make use of the forwardness the Gauls manifested, while there Minds were yet unshaken; so he well knew, that the sooner he fought, the rawer his Enemy would be with whom he was to engage, the Army being, for the most part, composed of young new-raised Men. Furthermore, Scipio he knew continued indisposed of his Wounds: And, in a word, what was yet of greater weight, he thought it not safe to remain long without Action. For who so enters with an Army into a Foreign Country, and hath great Designs to execute, hath but one way to succeed and be secure; namely, by incessantly engaging in new and signal Erterprises, whereby to renew and support the Courage and Hopes of his Friends. Hannibal then observing Sempronius' precipitate forwardness to come to a Battle, did all he could on his part to gratify him.  
When he had carefully surveyed the Plain that lay between the two Camps, tho' he found it for the most part very level, nevertheless he discovered certain Places proper enough for laying of Ambushes. In short, there was a Brook hard by, the Banks whereof were somewhat raised above the level of the Plain, and overgrown with Bushes and Brambles, which place he resolved to make use of to execute what he had in his Mind to do; and he concluded his Design was the more promising by how much the Romans were only jealous of the Woods and Forest, and Places of Covert, which the Gauls for the most part made choice of for their Ambushes, but thought themselves safe from that danger in bare and open Countries; not considering that such situations often yield better and safer means to form such Designs than the thickest Woods. For, in short, those who are so lodged are better able to look about them, and discover from far all that passes, and there is often sound in such Plains rising Ground and Eminences sit to cover and conceal Men; nor is there hardly any River or Brook so small that hath not some kind of selter on the Banks, that are for the most part covered too with Shrubs and Brambles, and the like Under-wood, where Foot may be very easily concealed, and even Horse also with a little care, by grounding their Arms, which are otherwise discovered at a distance. After Hannibal then had held a Council of War, where his Brother Mago, and the rest of his Principal Officers were present, to deliberate about the Battle which they expected would be speedily sought, where they all approved of what he had therein proposed; and, while the Army refreshed themselves, he took his Brother to confer with apart, (who was a gallant young Man, and trained from his Childhood to Arms) to whom he first appointed an hundred chosen Horse, and the like number of select Foot, for his Guard; then he ordered him, before it was dark, to pick out a certain number of the bravest Men he could find in the whole Army, whom he should direct to assemble, and attend at his Tent after Supper for further Orders. At the time appointed they appear, where, after he had exhorted them to the well-performance of their Duty, and observed their cheerful Behaviour, he commanded them to sort themselves by two and two, each one to choose for his Companion the Man he best loved, and most trusted: These he commanded to draw together, and assemble in a certain place he appointed in the Camp. After these Orders were executed, Hannibal out of these drew out a thousand Horse, and the like number of Foot, with Instruction to Mago how to put his Orders in execution, and then privily dispatched them away during the Night, accompanied with proper Guides to the Place of Ambush. Early in the Morning Hannibal assembled all his Numidians, a hardy and indesatigable People; these, after he had well encouraged and fairly promised to each one Rewards in proportion to his Merit, he commanded to march out, and brave the Enemy in the Camp, with Directions, that as soon as they should draw out to engage them, and they had began to Pickeer, that they should then retire back over the River. His design being laid to surprise the Romans into a Battle fasting, and not so well prepared for the business as they ought. Then he directed the rest of the Army (after his usual Exhortation) to take a good repast, and be ready under their Arms, and with their Horses ready to march.  
Sempronius the next Morning no sooner saw the Numidians approach when he commanded out the Roman Horse, with Orders to attack them; to sustain these he ordered out six thousand Darters, and at length marched the whole Army out of the Camp: For he had conceived such an assurance in the Numbers he had, and was become so bold by his late Success, that he reckoned, the show only of such a Body of Men would go far towards a Victory. And now it may be noted, that as the Winter was not yet quite past, so the Day was snowy and very cold. Furthermore, the Romans, both Horse and Foot, had been made to march out of their Camp most of them fasting; insomuch as the same Army that took the Field so forwardly began soon to shrink: For when they came to ford the River which was much swelled with the Rain of the Night before, the Water was Breast-high, so that the Romans thus contending at once with Hunger and Cold, (for the Day was now well advanced) began to sink in their Courage, and abate in their Strength; while the Carthaginians on the contrary had taken a plentiful repast in their Tents, and were well fortified with Meat and Drink, and had anointed their Bodies before they put on their Arms.  
Hannibal, who had long waited the occasion, seeing the Enemy now over the River, ordered the Baleares to advance with the rest of the light-armed Troops, to the number of eight thousand Men, to sustain them. And having marched about a Mile from his Camp, he drew up his Army in Battalia; his Line of Foot consisting of Spaniards, Gauls and Africans, amounted to about twenty thousand; his Horse, which he placed on the Wings, to above ten thousand, comprehending those which had been sent by the Gauls, his Confederates; his Elephants he placed advanced before the two Points of the Battle. In the mean time Sempronius ordered a Retreat to be founded to draw off his Horse, who were totally to seek how to behave themselves against this new Enemy, with whom they had to do: For they engaged against Numidians, whose way was to retreat in haste, and to break and disperse themselves, and to rally again with ease, and return boldly to the Charge when they were least expected, which is the Numidian manner of sighting. As to the Foot, Tiberius had drawn them up after the Roman Order. There marched in this Expedition sixteen thousand Roman Foot, and twenty thousand of the Allies. For when ever their Armies represented (as one may say) the Body of the Republic, and that both the Consuls joined their Troops on any pressing occasion, the Roman Army consisted of that number. In short, Sempromus posted his Horse on the Wings, amounting to about four Thousand, and with a proud Port and slow motion advanced in good order against the Enemy.  
The two Armies now drawing near, the light-armed Troops, who were advanced a good distance before the Lines of Battle, began the fight. It was visible from the beginning, that the Romans fought with disadvantage; and that on the other hand the Carthaginians had every thing conspiring in their Favour. For the Roma● Darters who had been harassed all the Morning till then, had spent almost all their Ammunition against the Numidians, and what remained was now wet and spoiled. Their Horse and the rest of their Army was not in a much better condition, while the Enemy was in every thing superior; for, coming into the Battle fresh and vigorous, they performed their Duty more cheerfully, and with greater readiness obeyed the Orders of their Leaders. Wherefore, as soon as they had secured the retreat of their light-armed Troops, and the advanced Parties that began the Battle, and their gross and heavy-armed Troops came to engage, the Romans, not able to sustain the first Charge of the Enemy's Horse, which not only outnumbered theirs, but were likewise in better plight (as was noted) beat them from their Post; so that leaving the Flanks of their Foot now uncovered, the Carthaginian Pikes, and a Party of Numidians, who were posted near their Companions, and had out-marched the rest of the Body, fell on the Points of the Romans Battle, whom they so hard pressed, that they disabled them from making head against those who charged them in Front: Nevertheless, their heavy-armed Troops every where, in the first and second Ranks, fought it at hand for a while with doubtful Bravery.  
But the Ambush of Numidians now rising, and falling unlooked for on the backs of the Romans who were got beyond them, put them into great disorder. And those on the two Points of the Roman Battle, finding themselves pressed in Front by the Elephants, and in Flank by the light-armed Troops, no longer able to sustain it, forsook their Ground, and flying were pursued by the Carthaginians to the River. In a word, the Numidian Ambush coming to Charge the Rear of the Roman Battle, slew many of them: While those in the first Ranks, animated by necessity, charged the Gauls and some Africans, with whom they had to deal, with great Resolution, and killing many, broke the Carthaginian Battalion. Nevertheless, when they beheld the two Points naked, and defeated, being now without hope of succouring them, or of being able to gain their Camp, by reason of the multitude of the Carthaginian Horse, which greatly terrified them, and the Rivers being also much risen by the Rains that had fallen; by which Impediments despairing to gain their Camp, they safely retreated to the number of ten Thousand to Placentia; the greatest part of the rest being slain on the Banks of the River Trebia, partly by the Elephants, and partly by the Enemy's Horse; some few Foot only, and a good Party of Horse escaping; who following the rest, got likewise into Placentia. As to the Carthaginians, after they had pursued the Enemy to the River, not being able for excessive cold to follow them further, they retired to their Camp. There was great joy in the Carthaginian Army on the occasion of this Success; for their loss fell not heavy either on the Spaniards or Africans, but mostly on the Gauls: Howbeit, they had suffered so much by the Snow, and the extreme rigour of the Wether, that many Men and Horses died afterwards of Cold, and all their Elephants save one.  
Sempronius was not ignorant of the great consequence of this Defeat, but was willing however to hid it all he could from the Senate; accordingly, he sent his Dispatches to Rome, wherein he gave them to understand, that the severity of the Wether had snatched the Victory out of his hands. This the Romans were at first willing to believe; but when they understood soon after, That the Carthaginians were possessed of their Camp; That the Gauls from all Quarters had revolted to them; and, That the Roman Soldiers were scattered here and there after the Battle, securing themselves in the neighbouring Towns, and that they had no subsistence but what was conveyed to them by Water up the Po; they than became better instructed how to reckon of the issue of that Battle. Nevertheless, tho' their Affairs had so ill succeeded, contrary to the expectation of all the World, they proceeded to new Preparations for the War; they consulted how to secure such Places as were in the neighbourhood of the Enemy; they determined to dispatch Forces into Sardinia and Sicily, and supplied Tarentum and other proper places with good Garrisons. Furthermore, they equipped and sent to Sea a Fleet of sixty Ships. Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius also, who were the new Consuls, raised Levies among their Allies, and made provision of Victual, which they sent to Rimini and into Tuscany, with show of purposing to send Troops into those Parts. They likewise demanded Supplies of Hieron, who sent them five Hundred Candiots, and a Thousand Bucklermen. Thus with mighty providence they proceeded in all necessary Preparations; and it must be confessed of the Romans, that they are every way a terrible Enemy, even when they are most terrified and menaced with Danger.  
During these Transactions in Italy, Cn. Cornelius Scipio, to whom his Brother had given the Command of the Naval Army, (as we have elsewhere noted) landed on the Coast of Spain, somewhere not far from the Empories; where showing his Army, he coasted along as far as the Eber, reducing such by force as made resistance, and receiving with singular Humanity into his protection, such as voluntarily came in; and took care, above all things, that the Army offered violence to none. And after he had secured, by good Garrisons, such Places as he had brought under the Obedience of the Romans, he marched further up into the Country with his whole Army, having been reinforced with new Auxiliaries, which he levied among the Spaniards, taking in all Places by force that lay in the way of his march. In the mean time, Hanno, who Commanded for the Carthaginians in these Parts, observing the progress Scipio made, presently marched his Army, and came and encamped close by him, not far from the City of Cissa. Whereupon they came to a Battle, and the Carthaginians were beaten, the Romans taking very much Plunder, those who had marched with Hannibal having (as we noted) left the greatest part of their Substance in their keeping. He made Alliance also, Offensive and Defensive, with all those on this side the River Eber. Hanno the Carthaginian General. was taken Prisoner, together with Indibilis the Spaniard, who had usurped Kingly Authority over those who inhabited the inland Country, and had preserved a particular and fast Affection for the Carthaginians. As soon as Asdrubal had notice of this Adventure, he passed the Eber to come to the succour of his Party; but in the interim receiving advice, That the Roman Seamen belonging to the Fleet behaved themselves negligently, being grown careless and presumptuous on the success of their Land-Forces, he marched first against them, taking with him eight Thousand of his best Foot, and a Thousand Horse; and finding the Romans dispersed and scattered about the Country, he fell upon them, killing the greatest part, and pursuing the rest to their Fleet. But he attempted nothing further, but marched back the way he came; and repassing the Eber, remained the Winter at New-Carthage, where he made all necessary provision to sustain the War, and for the defence of the Towns on that side the River. As to Cn. Scipio, as soon as he was come back to the Fleet, he there animadverted on those, according to the Roman Law of Discipline, who he found had been guilty of the occasion of that Defeat: And after he had drawn together and embodied all his Forces by Sea and Land, he marched, and kept his Winter-Quarters at Tarracona. He divided the Booty that had been taken among the Soldiers, by which he greatly gained their , and established in them a more cheerful Disposition of Obedience to such future Orders as the Service should make necessary. Thus we have set down the state of Affairs at that time in Spain.  
Early the following Spring, Cn. Flaminius led the Legions through Tuscany, and came to Arezzo, where he encamped. But Cn. Servilius marched to Rimini, to do his best to shut up the Enemy's passage that way. As to Hannibal, he held his Winter-Quarters in the Cisalpine Gaul, where he used his Roman Prisoners with great rigour; for over and above their being under severe restraint, their Sustenance was dispensed to them very parcimoniously; while, on the other hand, their Allies, who, tho' they were likewise Prisoners, were used however with all possible Humanity: These he caused to be assembled, where he told them, That he had undertaken a Voyage into Italy, not to molest or make War on them, but to fight their Battles against the Romans; and remonstrated to them, That if they knew how to consult their own Good, they would do well to court his Friendship: That his chief end was to restore Liberty to the Italians, and to re-establish the Inhabitants in the Towns and Villages, whom the Romans had injuriously dispossessed. After this, he dismissed them, and ordered them all to be enlarged Ransom-free, the better thereby to engage the People of Italy to his Party, and to alienate them from the Romans, and to animate such against them to whom the Romans had done any late violence, by seizing any Town or Seaport.  
He had likewise meditated during the Winter, another piece of African-Craft; for being well instructed in the Gaulish Levity, and apprehensive lest they should form any secret Design on his Life, his Friendship with them being yet but new, he caused Peruques to be made of sundry sorts, and for divers Ages; than which nothing disguiseth more, even to a degree of rendering People totally Strangers to one another; of these, sometimes he used one sort, sometimes another, providing Habits likewise sorted to every kind of Disguise, insomuch as those who but now departed from his Presence, could not know him a moment after; nor could his most intimate Friends, without difficulty, distinguish him. And now Hannibal taking notice that the rest of the Gauls were not very well satisfied that their Country should continue to be the Seat of War, and that the Army was disposed to follow him , and impatiently desired to march into the Enemy's Country, for the Hatred they pretended to the Romans (while in truth their thirst of Booty was at the bottom) thought it time to move out of his Winter-Quarters, to gratify the Desire of the Army. Accordingly, as soon as the Wether favoured his Design, and he had been throughly instructed in the way he proposed to march, resolving to shun the common Road, as being too long, and too well known to the Enemy; and concluding, that tho' the way through the low Fenny Country into Tuscany was the most difficult, yet being the shortest cut, and that Flaminius would be astonished at so hardy an Attempt; he therefore (who was ever inclined to suchlike Erterprises) determined to take his passage that way. But it was no sooner bruited in the Army, that the General had taken that Resolution, when every one showed his own share of fear for so hazardous a March, through a Country lying for the most part under-water. and full of concealed Pits and Precipices.  
Nevertheless, Hannibal, after he had well informed himself of the Nature of the Soil through which he was to march, being now satisfied, that albeit the way was wet and marshy, yet that it was hard at bottom, caused the Army to march. The Van he gave to the Spaniards and Africans, and appointed the care of the Baggage to the best and most useful Men in the Army, to the end that if they should be obliged to encamp, they might have every thing at hand of which they could stand in need: For in their other Marches, he took little or no care for the transporting of Provisions along with him; taking for granted, That if they were vanquished, they should need none; and, That if they overcame and made themselves Masters of the Country, wherever they came all things would be provided for them. The Gauls marched in the Rear of the Spaniards and Africans, and the Horse in the Rear of all. Hannibal ordered Mago to have a vigilant are to keep the Soldiers from straggling, and to march the Army in their order, apprehensive lest the Gauls especially, whose sloth and impatience of Labour he very well knew, should through the travail of so hard a march, be tempted to return back by the way they came; wherefore he Horse were so posted, that they might compel those to march, who otherwise might be disposed to desert the Service. The Spaniards and Africans then advaneed into the Fens, where none before had ever adventured to go, and bore their part with cheerfulness, they being a robust People, and hardened to the like toilsome Exercises; but it fared not so with the Gauls, who marched not but with great difficulty, for the Ground having been potch'd and broken by those who marched in the Van, they often sell, and were not able to keep their Legs. It being very difficult fort them to support that kind of Travel, to which they bade never been accustomed, nor had they any hopes of remedy by returning back, the Horse being posted to hinder them. In a word; the whole Army suffered unspeakable Hardships in this march, and what was most troublesome, they were forced to pass four Days and Nights without sleep, marching constantly in Water; but to the Gauls it was most grievous, the greatest part of their Horse and other Beasts were lost by the way, falling and sticking, in the Mud and Mire, which yet proved in some sort a relief to the Soldiers; for lying with their Burdens in the way above Water, they passed over them dryshod, and often made use of them to repose on for some short space. The Hooss of many of their Horses that escaped dropped off through so long a Journey in the Water and Fenny Ground. Hannibal himself, who was earryed by the only Elephant that was left, shared a severe part of the Hardship of the Journey; for being before much afflicted with a defluxion in his Eyes, his Malady grew to that height that he lost one entirely by the way, for want of time and convenient place to attend his Cure.  
After the Army (to the wonder of all the World) had passed the Fens, Hannibal being informed that Flaminius was posted near Arrezzo, he led his Army as soon as possibly he could into the Upland Country, as well to refresh and repose his Men, as to inform himself of the Enemy's Purposes, and of the course and situation of the Country. And after he had been told, that the Territory was rich, and that there was much Plunder to be got; that Flaminius was more an Orator than a Soldier; that tho' he had the Gift of Persuasion, he was totally to seek in Military Matters; and that furthermore, he was proud and grown confident of his numbers, and the strength of his Army; he therefore concluded, that if he could by any means march by him, and get into the Country beyond him, that this Consul not able to suffer the Clamours and Reproaches of the Countrypeople, would be drawn to do his utmost to hinder him from spoiling and ravaging the Country; and that, in short, he would be drawn into greater Assurance and Negligence, and endeavour to Attack the Carthaginians at any rate, and follow them whithersoever they should lead him; and that impatient to share the sole Honour of the Victory, he would not be persuaded to attend the coming of his Colleague. In short, he collected by all these Circumstances, that Flaminius was likely to afford him many occasions to surprise him, and lay Ambushes in his way to gall and molest him. And in truth he was not mistaken in the judgement he had made of this Consul. And most certain it is, that they think very wide of the Truth, who conceive, that to acquire a right Knowledge, and take just Measures of the Humour and Character of the Enemy he is to deal with, is not among the prime Qualities and Duties of a General. For as not only when we fight Man to Man, but when one Rank chargeth another, he who thinks of Victory ought with exact care to observe, what naked or weak part the Enemy discovers, whereby to compass his End; in like manner, those who have the Leading of Armies in time of War, aught with skill and address to penetrate and discover the weak side of the Mind of that Captain with whom he hath to do. For there are those, who by an unaccountable kind of Imbecility and a Thoughtfulness which infects all the Actions of Life, are not only remiss in their Public Administrations, but forget what belongs to the Duty of their Private Affairs.  
Some are so abandoned to the use of Wine, that neglecting Nature's invitations to repose, they become at length unable to sleep, otherwise than by the Fumes of excessive Drinking; others are captivated by Love, who have not only thereby sacrificed the Safety of Cities and great States, but have themselves paid down their own Lives with Infamy. Cowardice, and a base Mind are Faults throughout the World, but most capital in a General; they are Blemishes to every private Man, wherever they are found, and mark him with Reproach; but in the Leader of an Army, they are a public Curse and Calamity. For, in short, they are not only the cause of Armies languishing in Sloth and Idleness, without ever entering on Action; but they themselves, who rely on such Leaders, are often led into Precipices and inextricable Dangers. Rashness, Passion, Pride, and Vainglory, are all so many inlets to the Enemy's Success, leading Men as it were, and subjecting them to the Triumph of their Foes, and hurrying their Friends, and those who trust them, to Perdition: For such Men are always exposed to the Trains and Stratagems of their Enemies. Wherefore he who wisely studies and attains a right Knowledge of the Frailties and Weak-side of an Enemy, and Attacks him there, by vanquishing the Leader, will soon be Master both of the General and his Army. For as a Vessel that hath once lost her Pilot, is not long able to dispute it with an Enemy, and by taking him we soon become Masters of all that was under his Charge; so in War, where the one General is superior in Cunning or Military Abilities to the other, he shall also render his Army superior to his Enemies. Thus, in a word, our wise African, having taken a scantling of the Roman General's Capacity, came at length to gain his Point.  
After Hannibal had decamped from about Fesulé, and had marched by, and got some distance beyond the Roman Camp, he sell on their Frontiers; whereupon the Consul became enraged to be thus contemned, as he conceived. But Hannibal had no sooner began to spoil and ravage the Country, and the Smoke which appeared every where from far, made it manifest that he was burning and destroying all before him: Flaminius could not then abstain from Tears. Nevertheless, when any undertook to advise, that it would be the safest course however not to follow and engage temerariously with the Enemy, nor to come too hastily, and without mature deliberation, ration, to a Battle with an Army so much superior to them in Horse; and above all, that he ought to attend the coming of the other Consul, and not adventure on Action till all their Troops were incorporated; he lent so deaf an Ear to these Counsels, that he had not Patience so much as to hear them; demanding of those who thus advised him, What they thought the People of Rome would say of him, should he permit the Carthaginians to burn and destroy the Country with Fire and Sword up to the Walls of the City, while he remained in Tuscany an idle Spectator of the Desolation of his Country, and in the Rear of the Enemy, without attempting any thing? Wherefore he decamped, and caused the Army to march, and without regard to season or situation, thought on nothing but how he might come speedily to a Battle, as if Victory were the thing of all others he least doubted. And, in a word, he had possessed the Army with so strong an expectation of Success, that there were see more Camp-Wenches, and the rake holly Equipage of Boys an Vagabonds following the Army, than there were Soldiers who bare Arms; and all this Rabble bringing with them Chains and Shackles to secure the Prisoners. In the mean time Hannibal led his Army through Tuscany, on that Quarter that lies toward Rome, leaving the City of Corone and the neighbouring Mountains on his lefthand, and on his right the Lake Thrasimene; and, the more to provoke the Romans, he sacked and destroyed all the Towns that lay in his march, and did them all the other mischiefs that are the product of the cruelest War. But as soon as he had notice of the approach of Flaminius, and had made choice of Ground proper to put his Designs in execution, he resolved to delay sighting no longer.  
The Ground he had chosen lay thus: There was a tract of plain even Ground, stretching out in length a good distance. This Level or Vale lay between, and was enclosed on both sides with high Mountains, the farther end thereof being bounded by an inaccessible Eminence, and the entrance bordered on a Lake, between which and the said Mountain there is a very narrow Way or Defile which leads into the Plain. Hannibal then having passed into the Plain by that Straight, takes first possession of the high Ground, he had in Front, where he lodged his Spaniards and Africans; behind the Mountains on the right, he posted the Baleares, and the rest of his light-armed Troops, ordered in one deep File, and posted the Gaulish Horse in the like order behind the Mountains on his left, in such manner that they reached as far as the Defile we mentioned between the Lake and the Mountains, which is the Inlet to the Plain. These Orders being executed in the Night, and Hannibal having thus surrounded the Plain, he remained quiet, making show of a Desire to sit still and attempt nothing. In the mean time, Flaminius follows close at his Rear, eagerly pursuing his Determination to attack him; and arriving in the Evening near the Lake Thrasimene, he there encamped, and early the next Morning marched with his Vanguard along the Vale by the side of the Lake, with determination to fall on the Enemy. The Day proved very dark and lowering, by reason of a great Fog that was risen; nevertheless, Hannibal, upon notice that the better part of the Roman Army was now entered on the Plain, and that their Vanguard was hard at hand, gave the Signal of Battle, dispatching his Orders to those who were in ambush to do their Duty; so that the Enemy was on the sudden surrounded, and at once attacked on all sides.  
Flaminius' and the whole Army with him, were struck with astonishment at this surprising shock of the Enemy; for the Fog was so thick, that they were not able to see about them; and the Enemy falling among them from the Hills in all Quarters at once, the Tribunes and Captains of the Romans could not discern which way to lead their Men, nor how to bring Succours and Relief where 'twas wanted, and were, in a word, totally to seek how to behave themselves; for they were charged at one and the same time in Front, Flank, and Rear, by which means great numbers were slain, not as Men, sighting like Soldiers in Battle, but taken as it were by stealth in their march,  they were able to put themselves in a posture of defence, being, as one may say, betrayed and ensnared by the Imprudence of their General. Flaminius himself, now destitute both of Hope and Resolution, falling among a Party of Gauls, was by them environed and slain. In this Battle there fell, on the part of the Romans, to the number of fifteen Thousand; who were so beset, that they could neither fight nor sly; for it is religiously observed in the Roman Discipline, never to abandon their Ranks, or break their Order by flight. Those who were surprised in the Passage between the Lake and the Mountain died miserably; for being pushed by the Enemy into the Lake, some being forced into the Water with their Arms, not having leisure to think what they did, were unfortunately drowned; others, being the greater part, entered the Lake, as far as they were able, leaving nothing above Water but their Heads, where they remained a while, till the Horse coming in, attacked them there: Whereupon seeing there was now no other Remedy, they demanded quarter in vain, being all cut off, those who were not slain by the Enemy killing one another. About six Thousand, who were well advanced in the Plain, chanced to have the better of the Enemy, whom they fought with in Front; but in regard they could not discover how the Battle went, they knew not whither to move, or whom to relieve, tho' it had been in their Power to have done much toward a Victory. Wherefore, believing they might light on some further occasion of Action, they held on their march, advancing till they had gained the top of the Hills; where, after they had remained a while, and the Fog began to clear up, beholding the lamentable state of their Army, and it being now out of their power to perform any Service to purpose, (the Enemy being Masters of the Field) they made good their Retreat to a certain Town in Tuscany. But the Battle was no sooner over, when Hannibal sent a Detachment of Spaniards, and his light-armed Troops after them, under the Command of Maherbal, who besieged them in the Place; and after he had reduced them to extremity, they yielded to his discretion, who gave them their Lives. Thus have we given the Narrative of this Battle that was sought in Tuscany, between the Romans and Carthaginians. Hannibal causing Maherbal's Prisoners, to whom quarter had been given, to be brought before him, together with the rest that had fallen into their hands, to the number of fifteen Thousand: After he had told them, That it was by his Orders that Maherbal had given them their Lives, he distributed the Roman Prisoners to the Army, to secure them under a good Guard; but he sent home all the Latins gratis, telling them only, (what hath been elsewhere noted) That he was not come to invade or molest the Italians, but to rescue their Liberty out of the hands of the Romans. After this, he led his Army into Quarters of Refreshment, and solemnly buried thirty of his Officers, who had been slain in the Battle: His other Losses were inconsiderable, the Victory not costing him above fifteen Hundred Men, whereof the major part were Gauls.  
And now his Hopes being thus justly raised, he deliberated with his Brother, and the rest of his Friends, about the future Methods they were to take, for improving the Victories they had gained. In the mean time, when the news came to Rome of this Defeat, the Magistrates, who could neither soften nor diminish it, the Stroke had fallen so heavy, assembled the People, to whom they reported the naked truth of their Case. And when at the same time the Praetor, ascending the Tribunal, pronounced these words, We are Overcome, they were struck with such terror, that those who were then present, and had been in the Battle, thought they had cause to believe the Defeat was greater in Rome than in the Field. Nor indeed was this surprise without reason; for the Romans, who had held so long a possession of Victory, and were to learn the mournful Language of Vanquished and Oppressed, knew not how with Constancy to support an Affliction so new and unexpected. The Senate only preserved their Temper with decency, and omitted nothing that belonged to their Function, holding frequent Assemblies to deliberate about a Remedy for the Disease of which they were so sick.  
During these Transactions, the other Consul, who was at Rimini near Adria, on the Skirts of the Gauls, and Confines of Italy, not far from the mouth of the Po, receiving intelligence that Hannibal was advanced into Tuscany, and had besieged Flaminius in his Camp, had therefore resolved to march to his Relief, and join their Troops: But in regard his Army was too numerous to march all in one Body, he therefore picked out four Thousand Horse from the whole number of their Cavalry; and giving the Command of these to C. Centronius, ordered him to march before with expedition, in order to the relief of Flaminius, in case he should chance to be pressed before he could arrive. But when Hannibal got intelligence that they were now sending those Succours after the Battle was lost, he ordered out Maherbal, with the light-armed Troops, and a Body of Horse, to encounter them. Accordingly they met with Centronius, fought with him, and beat him, killing almost half his Men on the place, and forcing the rest to take Sanctuary on a neighbouring Hill, and the next Day they fell alive into their hands. It was but three Days ago that the news of their Misfortunes at the Battle of Thrasimene came to Rome, and their Sorrow in the utmost ferment, when, to fill up the measure of their Affliction, the news of this their last Defeat arrives; when behold now not only the People in consternation, but the Senate itself became sensibly touched. Whereupon they thought it needful, without deliberating on the Election of their Annual Magistrates, to resolve on the choice of some one single Person, in whom the sole Authority should centre. In the mean time, Hannibal, who by the success of his Arms, grew to believe he should be more than a Match for the Romans, did not think it convenient to approach presently nearer Room. Wherefore he continued to harrass and spoil the Country, destroying all by Fire and Sword wherever he came, taking his march toward Adria, where he arrived in ten Days, passing by the Frontiers of the Insubrians and Picentines. The Country in his march being rich, the Plunder of the Army grew so great and cumbersome, that they could neither carry nor otherwise transport it. The People wherever he came, he used with great Cruelty, and, according to the common manner of Treatment of Towns that are taken by force, ordered all to be slain that they could find of Age to bear Arms; such merciless impression had Hannibal's Hatred to the Romans given him.  
Encamping now not far from Adria, in a pleasant and fruitful Country, abounding in all things, he there gave order for the curing of his sick and infirm Soldiers and Horses; for in his Winter-Incampments, in the hither Gaul, where he lay exposed to all the rigours of the open Air, incommoded by the stench of the filth and ordure of the Camp, that what by their unwholesome Incampments, what by their march through the Fens, both Men and Horses (the whole Army over) were generally infected with a Disease called by the Greeks Lemopsoron; but with us, the Scurf or Scab, which comes by Unwholesome Diet and hard Usage: Wherefore happening into this place, so commodious for every thing, he was willing they should want for nothing that might advance their Recovery, renew the Strength, and recruit the Spirits of the Soldiers. Hannibal being now possessed of great quantities of Roman Arms, of those he had either slain or taken, he therefore armed his Africans after the Roman manner: He also dispatched Letters by Sea to Carthage, giving an account of his Successes, having never since his coming into Italy till now approached the Sea-Coast. The Carthaginians received the News with great acclamations of Joy, and deliberated how best to reinforce and supply their Armies both in Spain and Italy, with all things of which they might stand in need.  
The Romans, in the mean time, created Fabius Maximus Dictator, a Person of a noble House, and of so exemplary Virtue, that his single Merit acquired to his Family the Title of Maximi, from the great Actions he so happily Wp2787atchieved. There is this difference among others betwixt a Dictator and a Consul; the Consul hath but twelve Axes carried before him, the Dictator twenty four: Furthermore, the Consuls cannot act in many things without the Authority of the Senate; but the Power of the Dictator is absolute and independent; and, during that Magistracy, the Authority of all others become superseded, that of the Tribunes of the People only excepted. But we shall treat more particularly hereof in its proper place. After Fabius had been named for Dictator, he chose M. Minutius for his Master of the Horse, which is a Charge depending entirely on the Dictator, and supplies his place in the Army when absent.  
Hannibal, after he had refreshed his Army, moved by easy marches along the Coast of the Adriatic, thereby to gain time till he had filled his Troops; here, by washing his Horses with old Wine, whereof the Country abounded, he cured them of the Scratches and the Farcy. Neither did he omit any care for the cure and recovery of his wounded Men, by which means the rest were heartened. and became the more cheerfully disposed to go on such future hazardous Services, as he should have further occasion to use them in. Thus he continued his March, and after he had plundered and foraged the Territory of Pretutium, Adria, and that of the Marrucians', and Ferentines, he took his way towards Apulia, which is distinguished by three Divisions, each having its peculiar name. One part is inhabited by the Daunians, and another by the Messapians. Hannibal first attacked the Daunians, and made spoil about Luceria, a Colony of the Romans, where he put all to Fire and Sword. Then he encamped near Ibona, from whence he sent his Troops to ravage the Lands of the Arpians; and, in short, over-ran the whole Country of Apulia.  
About this time Fabius entered on his Charge, who, after he had sacrificed to the Gods, marched out of the City with his Master of the Horse, at the head of four new-raised Legions, which had been sevied according to Custom. And, after he had joined his Troops near the Frontiers of the Dannians, with those that had been sent to Rimini, he sent the Consul back to Rome, with Orders to Command the Fleet, and have an Eye to the Enemy's Motions by Sea; while himself and the General of the Horse, after he had taken possession of the Legions, marched and encamped near Aegas, in view of the Enemy, and not above six Miles from their Camp.  
The Carthaginian, as soon as he had notice of the arrival of Fabius, led his Army out of the Camp, and marching, drew them up in Battalia near the Romans, to amuse and terrify them: Where having remained some time, and none appearing to oppose him, he marched back to his Quarters. For Fabius, who had determined to do nothing rashly, and not to come presently to a Battle, but to labour by all Arts and Means to secure the Interest of his Country, held firm to his first Resolution. By which means he soon grew into Contempt, was reckoned a Coward by his Countrymen, and one who out of poorness of Spirit shunned all occasions of having to do with the Enemy. But in the end his Actions taught them better how to value him; and to confess, That they could never have chosen a Leader, who better knew his Business, or could proceed with more Judgement and good Conduct, which shortly after, the issue of his Administiation abundantly manifested. Hannibal's Troops who had been bred and broken to their Trade from their Childhood, and he himself brought up among them, and a perfect Master in Military Knowledge, who had fought many Battles with Success in Spain, and gained two important Victories already against the Romans and their Allies: And what outweighed all we have said, and which to him was of greatest importance, was that his Troops had no hopes or prospect of Safety, but what they carried on the Points of their Swords; which was Fabius' Motive to work with so much Cantion and Circumspection, being well assured the Enemy would be superior to him in Battle. Wherefore, by singular Prudence and Address, he had recourse only to those Advantages, wherein he was sure the Romans were the stronger.  
In a word, the Benefits the Romans enjoyed, and of which the Enemy could not deprive them, were Provisions of Victuals, and Stores of War in great abundance, and plenty of good Men to recruit their Armies. Fabius therefore held on his March in the Enemy's Rear, and kept always near him, ever encamping on proper Ground for his purpose, which he very well knew how to choose, having a perfect knowledge of the Country: And being supplied from the places behind him with what he stood in need of, he never adventured his Soldiers abroad to Forage, nor permitted them so much as to be seen out of the Camp. Wherefore being enclosed continually within their Ramparts, and perpetually on the watch to spy any advantage, by the means he surprised and cut off great numbers of the Enemy, who chaneed to straggle any distance from their Camp, or who, out of contempt of the Romans, foraged near them. By this means he diminished his Enemy's numbers, and bred Courage and Assurance in his own Soldiers; and by these little Combats and Rencounters, taught them to recover their Spirits, which were much sunk by their late Calamities, whereby those who had been hitherto vanquished, might begin not to despair of Victory. But nothing could draw him to come to a pitched Field. While, on the other hand, Minutius, his Master of the Horse, was neither of his Judgement nor Humour. For he leaning constantly to the Opinion of the Multitude, made a little too bold with the Dictator in his Discourse, representing him as a flow and bashful Man, while he, for his part, was of another Temper, ready to enterprise any thing, and willing to come speedily to a Battle. After the Carthaginians had wasted the Country round about, as we but now mentioned, they passed the Apennineses, and entered into the Territory of the Sannites, a fertile Soil, and where for a long time they had felt nothing of the desolations of War.  
Here they met with such abundance of all things, that it was not possible for them to consume the store, either by their Expense or their Malice. They plundered likewise the Lands of the Beneventines, where there was a Colony of Romans, and took the City of Venosa, albeit a strong Town and furnished for defence. In the mean time the Romans followed their steps, keeping within a Days march or two at most of them, but approached not nearer, being in no wise disposed to come to a Battle. Whereupon, when Hannibal found that Fabius would not be persuaded to fight, he resolved to take his march towards Falernum, a Town in the Territory of Capua; concluding that one of these two things would thereby be brought to pass; namely, that either he should compel the Enemy to give him Battle; or, in case of refusal, it would be made manifest to all the World he was their superior, and that the Romans wanted Resolution to come to a Decision. And by this means he reckoned that the Towns and Cities would be terrified into submission, and to abandon the Romans. For, notwithstanding Hannibal's two Victories, there was not yet one Italian Town that had taken part with him, but preserved their Faith entire to the Romans, tho' some were hard pressed and streighten'd by the Enemy; from whence may be gathered what deference and veneration they had for the Roman Government. Nor did Hannibal take this Resolution rashly, and without ripe Deliberation; for the Champaign Country about Capua is the best part of the richest and most beautiful Soil in the World. Furthermore, it borders on the Sea by which Italy holds intercourse with all Foreign Countries. Over and above these Encouragements, the noblest and most beautiful Towns of all Italy are found here; namely (on the Sea-Coast) Sinuessa, Cuma, Puzzola, Naples, and Nuceria: On the Frontiers, towards the West, Calenum and Theano; towards the Southeast, Apulia and Nola. Capua is situate in the heart of the Country, and surpassed heretofore in Riches and Luxury all other Cities; so much like the Truth are the Fables that are recorded of this delicious Territory, known likewise by the name of the Phlegraean-Fields, with those famed in Greece for their Beauty and Amoenity. In short, it may be said, That it was principally for this happy Country, that the Gods once contended. Furthermore, this Country is fortified by Nature, and the Accesses to it difficult: For on the one hand it is defended by the Sea, and on the other by a Chain of continued Mountains. In a word, there are but three Avenues to it, and these very straight and difficult over the said Mountains. The first is that which leads to Samnium; the second to Eribanus; and the third from the Country of the Hirpins'. Wherefore the Carthaginian was not without hopes, that if he could compass the Conquest of this part of Italy, he should be able from thence to awe all the World beside, and bring a Contempt on his fluggish Enemy, who had not the Courage to forbid him; and that no body would then doubt, but he was in effect Master of all without the Roman Retrenchments.  
Hannibal wrought on by these Reasons, having left Samnium, and gained his passage by the way of the Mountain called Eribanus, he encamped on the Banks of the River Athurnus, which divides and runs through that part of Campania that regards Italy; and from hence foraged and made Devastations in the Country round about, none appearing to impeach him, while Fabius, tho' wondering at the temerity of his Project, held the faster to his first Determination. But Minutius, on the contrary, and the rest of the prime Officers of the Army, persuaded they had now coop'd-up the Enemy, became very instant that they might hasten their march into Campania; and that it was not to be supported, that Hannibal should, without control, pillage and destroy the best and most flourishing part of Italy. Whereupon Fabius made show of being reasoned into their Opinion, and feigned to be as forward to find out the Enemy and give him Battle as they were, till he had got into the Country, whither he marched the Army with great expedition. But when he drew near the Territory of the Falernians, he contented himself with barely making an appearance with his Army along the Mountains, and to keep pace with the Enemy, fearing lest their Allies should think that the Romans, out of dread of the Carthaginian Army, confined themselves entirely to their Camp. Nevertheless, he adventured not into the plain Country, but continued to shun all occasions of coming to a Battle, for the Reasons already rendered, and for that the Carthaginians much outnumbered them in Horse. Wherefore, after Hannibal had challenged the Romans by all sorts of Provocations and Indignities, plundered all Campania, and amassed a mighty Booty, he began to consult about decamping, resolving by no means to part with his Spoil, but to convey it to some fase place, where he should keep his Winter-Quarters; to the end his Army might not only have a present enjoyment of the fruit of their Travail, but a prospect of plenty of every good thing for the time to come. Fabius then collecting, that the Enemy had a mind to return by the way he came, concluded to waylay him by an Ambush in the Desile or Pass over the Mountains. He therefore ordered a Detachment of four Thousand Men, to advance and take possession of the said Pass, exhorting them to make good use of the occaslion, and the advantage of the Post, when they came to the Engagement, which they so earnestly and so long desired to see. This done, he marched himself with the Gross of the Army, and possessed the Mountains that commanded the said Passage by which the Enemy was to march.  
And now the Carthaginians advancing, encamped at the foot of the Mountains, while Fabius was not in hopes only of making them part with their Plunder; but that if Fortune proved never so little his Friend, to be able at one stroke to put a period to the War. Thus favoured as he was by the advantage of the Ground, Fabius then had nothing so much in his Thoughts, as how best to post and destribute his Troops; to lay his Ambush with most advantage; whom principally to make choice of for their several Parts they were to execute, and where first to begin the Attack. But while he thus stood deliberating, deferring the execution to the next Morning, Hannibal, who had got intelligence of his Design, gave him not time to put it in effect. First then, he gave his Orders to Asdrubal (who had the general charge of the Pioners and Workmen of the Army) to provide as many Faggots of dry combustible Matter as he possibly could procure; to make choice of two Thousand of the best and strongest Oxen, as could be picked out of the whole Herd of Plunder, and to bring them to a certain place near the Camp, there to attend his further Commands. This done, he caused the Grooms and Rabble of the Army to be assembled, and pointing to them a piece of Ground at a distance, that lay between the Camp and the Pass by which he was to march, ordered them, That as soon as they should receive the Signal that should be given, to drive and force the said Herd of  by that way up to the top of the Mountains. This done, he bade the Army to take their Supper, and retire to their repose; and about the third Watch of the Night, he commanded the said Rabble to bind and fasten the Faggots they had provided, to the Horns of the two Thousand Oxen. This being soon done, by reason of the great number of Hands that were employed, he then ordering the Faggots to be lighted, gave them the Signal to march, and drive them up as he had appointed. He ordered likewise his light-armed Troops to march in the Rear of these, and a while to encourage and sustain them; but that as soon as the  began to run and disperse, they should with shoutings and great clamour take possession of all the advantageous Posts, and gain the top of the Mountains, to the end thereby to cover and defend the Army in their passage through the Defile, and amuse and divert the Enemy, in case they found them there. In the mean time Hannibal decamps, leading his Army towards the Straight by which they were to march. The Vanguard consisted of his heavy-armed Troops; these were followed by the Horse; after them went the Baggage and Booty, and the Spaniards and Gauls in the Rear of all.  
The Romans, who had been posted at the entry of the Pass, beholding so many Fires wand'ring about the Mountains, took it for granted, that Hannibal had taken his March that way: Whereupon quitting their Posts in the Straight, they marched with expedition up the Mountains; but when they arrived, and saw nothing but the  carrying Fire on their Heads, they grew greatly astonished, and were struck with greater apprehension of Danger than they needed. But now beholding Hannibal on his March, who had already gained the Pass, they made some small attempt upon them; but the  carrying Fire on their Heads, covering the Mountain, and mingling  among them, so distracted them, that they concluded it to be their safest course to keep the tops of the Hills, and remain there on their guard till Morning, when they might be better able to discern what it was that had so perplexed them.  
In the mean time, Fabius was in trouble to understand the mystery of so many Fires, and began to suspect it to be no other than what it really was, namely, a Carthaginian Stratagem. Nevertheless, mindful of the Resolution he had taken to hazard nothing, he kept his Army within their Works, and resolved not to stir till Morning; while Hannibal, observing that his Project succeeded to his wish, and that the Defile remained totally unguarded, passed safely with his Army and his Plunder. But early in the Morning, observing that the Party which had advanced to the tops of the Mountains, were in danger, the Romans, who had marched thither in the Night, out-numbring them; he therefore sent a Party of Spaniards to sustain and bring them off; who, falling on the Romans, slew about a Thousand of them, and with difficulty made good their Companions retreat.  
Hannibal having now gained his passage out of the Territory of Falernum, and seeing himself in safety, began to consider upon Winter-Quarters, and deliberated thereof among his Friends: For he had now so terrified Italy throughout all Quarters, that the whole Country stood astonished and undetermined what Counsels to take; insomuch, that Fabius was held in great Contempt, as having, through want of Resolution, permitted the Enemy to make his escape, when he had enclosed him in places of so great advantage; yet all could not move him a jot to departed from the Methods he had proposed to pursue, contemning all those vain Reports, and the Opinion which the People had conceived of him.  
Sometime after Fabius being called to Rome, to officiate at their Sacrifices, he committed the Legions to the Conduct of Minutius, enjoining him above all things at his departure, to have a more vigilant Eye to the Preservation of the Army, than how to Attack the Enemy. But Minutius was so deaf to his Advice, that even while Fabius was urging those safe Counsels, he was meditating how by all means possible he might bring it about to give the Enemy Battle. This was the posture of Affairs in Italy, while Asdrubal at the head of an Army in Spain, having equipped a Fleet of thirty Vessels (during the Winter) which had been left him by his Brother, and adding to them ten more, with all their Equipage that had been sent him from other parts, he departed in the beginning of Summer from New-Carthage; his Fleet, consisting of forty Ships, he committed to the care of Hamilcar, with Orders to coast it along the Shore, while he with his Land-Army marched at the same time, keeping near the Sea, with intention to join both Armies near the mouth of the River Eber. Cn. Scipio coming to the knowledge of the Carthaginians purpose, determined forthwith to march out of his Winter-quarters, and endeavour to get before them. But, after he had been informed of their great Strength, both in numbers of Men, and all sorts of provision of War, he declined his Purpose of dealing with them by Land, and equipped a Naval Army, consisting of five and thirty Ships, and putting on Board the best Men of the Land-Army, made Sail and got before the Enemy. Two Days after his departure from Tarragona he arrived near the mouth of the Eber, and about ten Miles from the Carthaginian Fleet; from whence he dispatched two Scout-Vessels of Marseilles, to discover the Motions and Intentions of the Enemy; these Vessels were the foremost in all Dangers, and kept always a head of the Fleet, with a forwardness that proved very useful to the Romans. For the Marseillians had always taken part with the Romans, and espoused their Cause more conspicuously in this Adventure. The Scouts that had been sent out brought advice, that the Enemy's Fleet was at an Anchor in the mouth of the Eber: Whereupon Scipio forthwith got under Sail, resolving to make the best of his way to surprise them, as they lay.  
But Asdrubal receiving timely notice of the Enemies approach by certain Beacons that he ordered to be provided on the Hills, put his Land-Forces in order of Battle on the Shore, and ordered the Marine Army forthwith to embark. As the Romans drew near the Enemy, they caused their Trumpets to sound, and came to Blows with them out of hand. But the Carthaginians, after they had stubbornly disputed the Victory for a while, at length began to retire. But their 〈◊〉- Army that was drawn up on the Shore, proved as it fortuned rather a Mischief than a Benefit, by how much their presence so near at hand gave the Seamen a more certain prospect of Safety by slight, than by fight; wherefore, perceiving the Romans likely to prove superior to them, they stood about and fled as fast as they could toward the Shore, after they had sustained the loss both of Men and Galleys. But the Romans vigorously pursuing the Advantage, forced them at last quite ashore, where deserting their Vessels, they saved themselves by escaping to their Land-Forces that were drawn up hard by; the Romans following them to the Shore, and taking as many of their Vessels as they could carry off, well-pleased to have beaten the Enemy at their first essay, taking thirty five of their Vessels, and making themselves Masters of those Seas. After this Victory the Affairs of the Romans began to have a better face in those Parts.  
In the mean time the Carthaginians receiving Intelligence of this loss, fitted out a Fleet with all Expedition, consisting of seventy Sail equipped for War, well knowing of what moment it was to them to preserve their Dominion of the Sea. This Fleet first touched in Sardinia, and then called at Pisa in Italy, hoping they might have found Hannibal, to have consulted and concerted Matters with him. But the Romans coming after them with a Fleet of an hundred and twenty Sail of Galleys, the Carthaginians terrified with their numbers returned directly back to Sardinia, and from thence to Carthage. Cn. Servilius, General of the Roman Fleet, made chase after them for a while, in hopes of coming to an Engagement, but finding they had got too much the start of him, he left off the pursuit. Then he made Sail for Lilybaeum with the whole Fleet; from thence he steered his course to a certain Island in the African Sea called Cercina, where he levied Money on the Inhabitants, to purchase exemption of their Country from Plunder. From thence he held on his way and came to an Island called Cossyrus, which he took, and after he had put a Garrison into the Town, he returned back to Lilybaeum, where, leaving the Fleet in Harbour he went himself to find out their Land-Forces.  
The Senate of Rome receiving Intelligence of Scipio's Sea-Victory, concluded that it was not only convenient, but necessary to the Commonwealth, that they should not neglect their Affairs in Spain; wherefore to quicken the War on that side, and press the Carthaginians the more in these Parts, they sitted out a Squadron of twenty Galleys, and forthwith gave them into the Charge of Pub. Scipio, dispatching him to his Brother, to the end they might jointly manage the War in Spain. For the Senate justly apprehended, that if the Carthaginians should once be permitted to conquer and possess at their pleasure that. Province, they would soon recover their Dominion of the Sea, attack and make Descents in Italy with ease, and be enabled to reinforce and supply Hannibal both with Men and Money. Wherefore, I say, the Romans, concluding that keeping the War on foot in Spain was of great utility to their Affairs, dispatched Pub. Scipio with a Naval Army to join his Brother; who, after his Arrival, when they came to unite their Strength, proceeded with great Success. For albeit the Romans had never yet attempted to pass the Eber, but thought it a great deal for them, that the People on this side the River were disposed to enter into Friendship and Confederacy with them; yet now they adventured to pass those Bounds, making War on remoter Nations, and Fortune approved their Enterprise: For, after they had terrified the People that inhabit on the Banks of the Eber, they advanced toward Saguntum, and encamped within five Miles thereof, in the neighbourhood of the Temple of Venus, and so posted themselves, that they were every way covered from Attempts of an Enemy, and where whatever they wanted might with case be supplied them, for their Fleet by Sea kept pace with them on Land, coasting it along the Shore at the same rate they marched.  
But in the mean time there happened an occurrence which availed further toward the Prosperity of the Roman Affairs. Upon Hannibal's departure on his Expedition to Italy, he took Hostages of all the Towns of whose Affection he was not well assured; making choice for that purpose of the Children of the principal Inhabitants, and sending them to be carefully kept under a good Guard at Saguntum; that place being not only well fortified, but the Garrison he had left in it well disposed to his Service. Among those there was one Abilyx a Spaniard, a Man of the first Rank in his Country, both for his Authority and Manners; and, above all, reckoned among the most faithful Friends of the Carthaginians. This Man, taking the present posture of Affairs into Consideration, and observing the Romans likely to prosper, took a Resolution worthy of a Spaniard and a Barbarian, which was to bring it about that the said Hostages might be delivered up, believing that by compassing some remarkable Service to the Romans, he should become very Popular, and be well received among them.  
Asdrubal had committed the Government of that Province to Bostar, a Man of Authority among the Carthaginians, with Orders to oppose the Romans, when at any time they should attempt passing the River Eber; but he, wanting Resolution to withstand them, had retired from his Post, and marched and encamped near Saguntum towards the Sea. Now Abilyx well knew, that Bostar was a plain well meaning Man, of easy Faith, unpractised in subtle Arts, and had a good Opinion of him: He therefore imparts to him what he feign'd was the best Counsel he could take; namely, that since the Romans had now gained their passage over the River, the Carthaginians would be no longer able to hold the Spaniards in subjection by fear; but that it imported them, in the present evil Conjuncture of their Affairs, to acquire by some extraordinary means the Affection and  of the Natives: That the Romans were already under the Walls of Saguntum, which was in a manner besieged, and would be soon straightened: That therefore if he would give a check to their Ambition and Success, he could not take a wifer or more safe course, than presently to resolve on the restoring all the Hostages to their Parents and Relations: For that the Enemy coveted nothing with more passion, than to be able to get them into their hands; to the end, that by delivering them up, they might acquire and conciliate thereby the good Opinion of the Spaniards: That, in a word, it would be an act of great Wisdom in him to obviate this Inconvenience, by restoring the Hostages himself, which would bind the Spaniards to him for ever; and that he, for his part, would labour his utmost, that the Carthaginians might reap the best fruit of so fair a proceeding, if they should think sit to commit the Conduct thereof to his management: For if it were transacted by him, he should be both able and willing to negotiate the Affair, with such regard to the Interest of the Carthaginians, in the respective Towns concerned, that their Relations should not only be made sensible of the Benefit, but the People in general disposed to acknowledge their , when they beheld such remarkable Instances of the Carthaginians Friendship. He likewise gave Bostar himself hopes of a valuable Reward, from those whose Children should be so delivered; and that, in short, by his restoring in so generous a manner, and contrary to all expectation, what was so dear to them, every one would emulate the other in their Expressions of Gratitude to such a Benefactor. In a word, he dealt with Bostar by all the fair Arguments he was able to urge, to win him over to his purpose. After this Conference, matters being concluded between them, and a Day set when he should return with all necessary Preparations to receive and conduct the Hostages, Abilyx returned home. The following Night he went to the Roman Camp, where after some Discourse with certain Spaniards that served in the Army, he was by them conducted to the Scipio's; to whom he made it appear by many Reasons, That the whole Body of the Spaniards would come in to them, were it but once known that their Hostages were in their Possession; and thereupon gave them his Word to deliver them into their hands. Publius' listened with great pleasure to the Proposition; and after solemn promise of a noble Recompense, and the time when, and the place where they should attend to execute the Design, agreed on, he dismissed them, who returned back to Sagunrum. And now Abilyx, having provided Persons proper for his Enterprise, came to Bostar; and after the Hostages were put into his hands, he departed by Night from Saguntum, as feigning thereby to be able to go more concealed from the Enemy's Sentinels. But having passed their Camp, he then took another way, and led them at the time agreed on, to the place appointed, where he delivered them to those who had been ordered to take charge of them. This was so great an Instance of Abilyx's  to the Romans, that Scipio held him ever after in great esteem, making use of him in conjunction with People of his own, to see the Hostages restored to their Parents and their Country: who went accordingly from Town to Town; where he negotiated so well for the Romans, giving the People such Impressions of their Generosity and Humanity, and declaiming so justly against the Carthaginians Cruelty and infidelity, and producing himself as an Example of deserting them, that he wrought many Towns over to the Romans, who entered into Confederacy with them. Bostar, who had committed these Children to the Faith of Abilyx, acted a very Child's Part himself, and not like an Officer of his Age and Experience, becoming afterwards thereby liable to many and great Dangers. But forasmuch as the Season of the Year forbade any further present action, they withdrew on both sides into Winter-Quarters. Afterwards the Romans (Fortune changing in favour of their Affairs) received manifold Advantages by means of the Hostages they had so given up, being thereby greatly assisted in their future Erterprises. Thus have we delivered a state of the Occurrences in Spain.  
But to return to our History of Hannibal: He receiving intelligence by his Spies, That there was much Corn at Luceria and Gerunium, and that Gerunium was a commodious place wherein to make his Magazines; thereupon resolved to make that Country his Winter-Quarters, and so lead his Army by the way of the Mountains of Liburnum, to the said Towns. When he arrived at Gerunium, which stands about twenty five Miles from Luceria, he sought by all fair Means and large Promises, to win them to take part with the Carthaginians, offering to bind himself by Oath to the punctual execution of the Conditions that should be accorded to. But seeing he could not so prevail, he sat down before the Town; and laying siege to it soon 〈◊〉 it, putting all the Inhabitants to the ●●word, reserving the greatest part of the Buildings undemolished, whereof to make Granaries; and lodging his Troops under the Walls, fortified his Camp with a good Retrenchment. From thence he sent two third parts of his Army to gather in Corn, ordering them by turns to supply daily the other third part that remained with him, with a certain quantity for their Expense, he continuing with them constantly in Battalia, as well for the guard of the Camp, as to prevent any sudden attempt on those who were employed in gathering in the Corn. In short, the Country being very fertile, and the time of Harvest at the height, they daily brought in very great quantities.  
As soon as Minutius had received the Command of the Army from Fabius, as we noted, he lost no time, but marched by the tops of the Mountains to find out the Enemy, hoping for an occasion to deal with Hannibal there. But when he came to understand, That he was already Master of Gerunium; that the Carthaginians were spread all over the Country gathering in Corn, and that the Army was encamped under the Walls of the Town, he forthwith descended from the Hills into the Champaign Country, and encamped in the Territory of Larinam, on a high Ground called Calela, with a full determination to do his utmost to come by any means speedily to a Battle. Hannibal having notice of the approach of the Romans, permitted only one part of his Army to pursue their Harvest-work, while he with the other two thirds advanced toward the Enemy, posting himself on an Eminence about two Miles distant from Gerunium, to try if he could from thence awe them, and also to be in a better Post to secure his Foragers, in case they should chance to be pressed. But there happening to be a piece of high Ground between the two Armies, which commanded near the Roman Camp, he sent thither in the Night two Thousand of his light-armed Troops to take possession thereof. This being observed in the Morning by Minutius, he immediately ordered out his light-armed Soldiers likewise against them, who attacked them in their Post. The Dispute was very warm for a while; but in the end the Romans prevailed; and dislodging the Enemy, came and posted themselves there.  
Hannibal after this, remained quiet in his Camp for some Days with all his Troops, for that they had the Romans now so near Neighbours; but after a while he was necessitated to send abroad for Forage for his Horse, and to fetch in Corn for the supply of his Camp; for that he was unwilling not only to spend out of the Store they had laid up, but solicitous to add to what they had already gathered, to the end they might live in plenty during Winter, both Horse and Man, placing his greatest hopes of success in the Service of his Horse.  
In the mean time Minutius, being informed that the Enemy was abroad in great numbers, dispersed here and there about the Country, for the Services abovementioned, ordered his Troops to march at an Hour he thought most proper; and, being not far from the Enemy's Camp, drew up his Army in Battalia, and ordering his Horse and light-armed Troops to be drawn up in Parties and small Divisions, commanded them to march and attack the Foragers, and to give no Quarter. This Action did not a little perplex Hannibal, who had not then Strength enough at hand to make head against the Enemy, nor to secure those who were scattered straggling about the Country.  
Those of the Romans, who were commanded out against the Foragers, killed many as they found them wandering to and again; and those, who stood drawn up in Battalia, began so to contemn the Carthaginians, that not satisfied to confine them to their Camp, they were hardly withheld from attempting their Works; insomuch that Hannibal seemed to be greatly straightened: Yet albeit he was reduced to that extremity, that it was all he could do to keep his Ground and defend the Camp, yet he deserted not his Post. In short, Asdrubal receiving those into the Camp under the Walls of Gerunium, that had escaped thither from the Enemy, marched at the head of four Thousand Men to the relief of Hannibal, who, being now in some sort reinsorced, advanced against the Romans, and stood some time in Battalia, not far distant from their Camp, so that in the end he came fairly off of the Danger that threatened him, tho' with difficulty enough; but, in a word, he came off. Minutius having slain many of the Enemy in this Rencounter, and more of the Foragers, retired to his Camp full of assurance of future Success; and on the Morrow, upon the Carthaginians marching out of their Works, he followed them and took possession of their Camp: For Hannibal fearful lest the Romans should by surprise in the Night attempt and assault his Camp at Gerunium, which was not in a very good state of Defence, and might thereby become Masters of their Baggage, their Plunder, and all the Stores they had there laid up, was therefore determined to return and abide in those Quarters. In the mean time the Carthaginians foraged for the furture with more caution, and the Romans manifested less apprehension of the Enemy.  
The news of this Action being brought to Rome, and published with more Vanity than Truth, there was great Joy in the City. For, after the Consternation they had been in, they reckoned it a Change greatly for the better, and as an Omen of their future good Fortune; and, that if their Armies had not of a long time performed any thing to the purpose, it was not at least through the Cowardice of the Soldiers, but the pusillanimity of the Dictator, who apprehended every thing. So that all the World began now to reproach Fabius, and blame his Conduct, for having lost so many fair occasions plainly through want of Resolution. But they heaped so many Praises on Minutius, that in the end they decreed him an Honour that was without any example in the Republic. For they invested him with absolute Authority; imagining that by that act, they should put it in his Power to give a speedy Period to the War; and now by this Decree they came to have two Dictator's at one and the same time to Conduct their Affairs, which never happened at any time before among the Romans. When Minutius came to understand how highly he was exalted in the Opinion of the People, and that they had given him full Power, he grew more determined and forward to attempt every thing how hazardous soever.  
In the mean time Fabius returns to the Army, without any change of Judgement through the Injuries which had been done him; but rather more confirmed in the Rules he had laid down to himself; and observing that Minutius was now become insolent, and uneasy to him, by his new Authority and Successes, and that he opposed him in every thing through a kind of Jealousy he had conceived, and that he was likely to push Matters to a decisive Battle, he therefore put it to his choice whether they should command the Army by Days alternately, or divide the Army and command the distinct Bodies apart, and have two separate Camps, and act as each of them saw good? Minutius thereupon inclined to divide the Army, whereupon the Legions were divided, and encamped apart, about a Mile and an half asunder.  
Hannibal, as well by the Prisoners he had taken, as by their Proceed, had now learned there was an ill understanding between the two Generals, and well knew too the Mind of Minutius; wherefore rightly judging that this posture of their Affairs would in the end work more Mischief to them than to him, he began to contrive how to lay Baits for Minutius, that he might a little restrain his Insolence and confound his Designs. And observing a small rising Ground between his and Minutius' Camp, by which either might incommode the other, Hannibal therefore resolved to possess it; and for that he was well assured, the Roman emboldened by his late Success would oppose him, he therefore devised this Stratagem. The Country round about, near this piece of Ground, was, in truth, plain and Champaign, no part thereof seeming in any wise capable of Ambushes; but, forasmuch as in the plainest Countries there are little insensible Rise and Fall, Turn and Wind, Rocks and Caverns, where Men may be concealed, as here there was, wherefore in these places he hid five Hundred Horse, and five Thousand Foot, divided into Parties of two and three Hundred in a Division, according to the capacity of the places where they were to lodge; and to be so disposed that the Enemy's Foragers might not discover them: This done, he ordered his light-armed Troops to march, and take possession of the Ground we mentioned; whereupon Minutius, who concluded the Enemy had given him a new occasion of Victory, orders out his light-armed Troops to attack them, and after these his Horse, while he himself followed with the gross of the Army in Battalia, keeping their Order.  
The Sun was now risen, and while every Bodies Eyes were fixed on the place of Action, Hannibal's Ambush riseth, and advanceth by degrees unobserved by the Romans. While Hannibal in the mean while was not slack to send Succours constantly to the Charge, and at length advancing himself at the head of his Horse, and the rest of the Army, the Horse on both sides came soon to engage. Whereupon the light-armed Romans, not being a match for the Carthaginian Horse, were beaten, and retreated to their Body, putting them in great disorder. Hitherto the Ambush remained expecting the Signal to fall on, which being now given, they come boldly to the Charge, and attack the Romans on all sides, as well on the gross as the light-armed Troops, so that the dispute was very warm and bloody. And now Fabius, who saw how things went, and feared lest Minutius and his Army should be lost, marched out of his Works, and came in to his relief, who was at his last stake; whereupon the Romans, who before were broken and disordered, observing his approach, took Heart and rallied about their Ensigns, and made a stand, after their having lost many of their light-armed Men, and more of the best and bravest of their Legionary Soldiers. Upon the coming in of the fresh Legions that advanced to the Relief boldly and in firm order, Hannibal began to be in doubt, and therefore founded a Retreat, and commanded his People from the Pursuit. And now all Men justly judged, who were engaged in the dangers of this Action, and in a word concluded, that the Romans had been beaten by the rashness of Minutius, and that the Commonwealth had been at this time, and always heretofore, preserved and rescued through the wise and slow Temper of Fabius. And they were soon satisfied in Rome of the wide disserence there was between the Prudence of a good General of an Army, and a rash  Soldier. Wherefore the Romans now taught by sharp Experience, thought it Wisdom for the time to come to abide in a Body, and in one Camp, and that none was sit to be obeyed but Fabius. As for the Carthaginians, after they had made a Retrenchment between their Camp and this piece of Ground, and had Garrisoned and well Fortified the Post, and performed what was necessary to secure it from any further danger, they betook themselves to their Winter-Quarters.  
And now the time for election of their Consuls at Rome was come, where L. Aemilius and C. Terentius were chosen, and the Dictator's Authority thereby superseded. As to the last Years Consuls, Cn. Servilius and M. Regulus, who had filled the place of Flaminius, they were invested by Aemilius with Pro-consular Power, and having the Camp committed to their Charge, had the entire present Conduct of the War. In the mean time Aemilius took care to make new Levies, after he had imparted his Counsels to the Senate, and sent Recruits likewise to fill up the Legions. Orders were also dispatched to Servilius to be careful not to engage in a general Battle, but to exercise the Troops as often as occasion served in Skirmishes and Rencounters, to acquaint the young Soldiers with Danger and their Duty, and qualify them for more important Occasions. For they were persuaded that much of their misfortune in the War hitherto, was owing to the rawness and inexperience of their Troops, who had not for the most part seen any Action of weight. The Senate likewise dispatched the Praetor Posthumius into Gaul, to endeavour to bring over those who had taken Arms under Hannibal to another Mind; furthermore, it was committed to his Care to Conduct over the Army that had wintered at Lilybaeum.  
They likewise supplied the Scipio's, who conducted the War in Spain, with whatsoever they could be thought to need. In a word, both Consuls and Senate acted with great attention in all things that might avail towards a vigorous prosecution of the War. As soon as Servilius had received the Consul's Orders, he carefully put them in execution, performing every other thing that related to his Charge; but for Occurrences, there happened nothing memorable enough to be related; whether it was that his Instructions were too much limited, or that the Season of the Year permitted him not to enter on any considerable Action, but little was done towards the advancement of their Affairs. What was performed was by Pickeering, and small and frequent Skirmishes and Rencounters, wherein the Leaders were not without their share of some Praise, acting in their Posts always with singular Temper and Prudence.  
Thus than the two Armies remained encamped in view of each other all the Winter, and a good part of the Spring. But as soon as Hannibal saw there was Forage to be had, he decamped from under Gerunium, concluding there was nothing so advantageous for his Affairs, as to labour by all ways possible to compel the Enemy to come to a Battle. In the mean time, he besieged and took the Citadel of Cannae, where the Romans had laid up their Corn and Provisions of War for the Service of the Army. The Town had been demolished the Year before; and having now lost the Fortress, with all their Provision and Stores within it, the Roman Army became greatly streighten'd; and were not only pressed through want of Provisions, which they could not now obtain but with great difficulty, the Enemy being possessed of their Magazine; but also because the Fortress of Cannoe commanded the whole Country round about.  
They therefore dispatched Messenger on Messenger to Rome, for Instructions how to comport themselves; letting them understand, That if the Enemy approached and pressed them, there would be no means left to avoid coming to a Battle; and that the Country being  wasted and destroyed, their Allies began to grow jealous of their Safety, and seemed only at present to stand in a sort of doubtful Neutrality, to take their measures as the success of a Battle should determine them. Whereupon the Senate came to a Resolution that they should give the Enemy Battle: Howbeit, they admonished Cneius to defer it, if possible, to the coming of the Consuls, whom they now dispatched away. All People's Eyes were now on Aemilius, their Hopes being in him, as well on account of his Virtue, as for that he had not long before conducted the War in Illyria, much to the Honour of the Republic. It was decreed, That the Roman Army should consist of eight Legions; which was what the People of Rome had never before done; and that each Legion should consist of five Thousand, over and above the Succours of the Confederates. For, as we have hitherto observed, the Roman Custom was to march out every Year with four Legions, each containing four Thousand Foot, and two Hundred Horse; but now that they were thus threatened, they thought sit to compose their Legions of five Thousand Foot, and three Hundred Horse, to which was added an equal number of Latin Auxiliary Foot, and for the most part thrice the number of Horse. It was the custom to assign to each Consul the one half of these Auxiliary Troops, with two Legions, when they marched on any Expedition; but they seldom employed more than one of their Consuls to manage any one War, with two Legions and the Auxiliaries, as we have observed; and but very rarely it happened, that the Romans were driven to employ all their Forces to finish any one War. Nevertheless, they were now so terrified, that they conceived eight Legions to be little enough.  
After the Senate then had exhorted Aemilius to comport himself in that occasion as became the Majesty of the Commonwealth, and had remonstrated to him of what mighty importance a Battle at that conjuncture was, they dismissed him. As soon as the Consuls arrived at their Camp, they caused the Army to be drawn together, imparting to them the Pleasure of the Senate, and exhorting them to behave themselves as became them. It was Aemilius who spoke to them; whose Discourse principally tended to Apologise for past Failures; for the Soldiers had been so dispirited by so many calamitous Adventures, that they stood in need enough of good Admonition. He therefore did his best to persuade them, That if they had been vanquished in former Occasions, it was not one or two, but manifold Reasons that might be rendered for their Misfortunes; but that now if they had the Hearts of Romans, there was not one which he could foresee, that might debarr them of Victory, and triumphing over their Enemy: That their two Consuls never were joined before, to conduct their Affairs with their joint Legions, all assembled in one Body: That the Soldiers till now were not fit for Service, the State being served by an Army of Novices, raw and untrained to their Business, and unused to the Toils and Perils of War; and what was of greater moment, t●ey had to do with a strange Enemy, whom they had hardly ever seen, before they came to engage with him: That, in short, those who had been defeated near the River Trebia, were hurried to a Battle, within two Days after their arrival from a wearisome Voyage from Sicily: That the others, who lost the Day in Tuscany, did not so much as see the Enemy that beat them; not only before the Battle, but during the Action itself, the Mist and Darkness so hid them; but that now at this time, there was not room to allege one of these Reasons: For first, they had with them both the Consuls, who were not only themselves equally exposed to the Dangers with them; but they had so prevailed, that the last Year's Consuls themselves, whose Magistracy was now expired, did not refuse to stay and partake the Fortune of the Battle: That as to the Soldiers, they had now had time to acquaint themselves with the Enemy, their Arms, Order, Numbers, and manner of Fight, it having been near two Years that they had been in continual action against them; so that Circumstances being totally changed from what they were, they ought likewise to expect a change of Fortune. And further, That it was not to be doubted, nor scarce possible to come to pass, that having vanquished the Enemy in so many late Combats and Rencounters, without any odds in their numbers, they should fail of Victory in a Battle, while they were to fight with an Army surmounting the Carthaginians by at least one half. In a word (Fellow-Soldiers, says the Consul) since every thing seems to promise Victory, it only rests that you should carry your Hearts with you into the Field, and a Determination to Vanquish; and yet when I have said all, it is not you that stand in need of Exhortation; such Methods are only proper for Mercenaries, who sight merely for Pay, or Allies who are constrained by Stipulations to hazard themselves for their Confederates, and without any prospect of bettering their Fortune, let the Success happen which way it will: But you who come not into the Field to sight a foreign Cause, but for yourselves, your Country, your Wives and Children, who are at present in a doubtful case through the many Dangers that threaten them, and whose Condition the Success of a Battle will greatly change: You (I say) need but only to be minded, not admonished of these things: For who is he among you, who had not rather vanquish by Fight, or otherwise die in the Dispute, than lead a wretched Life, beholding these dearest Pledges I named, a Prey to a merciless Enemy. In a word then, resolve without Incitements from any thing I can utter, and take Counsel from your own Reflections, of the difference between the Vanquished and the Victor, what Recompenses you are to hope, and what Calamities to fear: And draw your Swords inspired with such Thoughts, and bear in mind that you sight not now only for the Honour and Preservation of an Army, but for your Country and the Roman Empire; and in such case, what use can there be of Persuasions? If you sight unsuccessfully, and chance to be Vanquished, your Country will be left wholly without Succour; she hath deposited all her Strength in your hands, all her Power, all her Hopes of Safety; you will do well therefore, Fellow-Soldiers, to determine not to violate so great a Trust, in an Occasion of such mighty moment; act then correspondent to such an Obligation, and express your Gratitude as becomes you. In a word, behave yourselves so, that it may appear to the whole World, that if heretofore the Commonwealth hath sustained Damage and Reproach, it was not because the Roman Virtue gave place to the Carthaginian, but merely to be attributed to the Inexperience of our Armies in those times, unlucky Conjunctures, and ill choice of Ground to fight in. After this Discourse, and others of the like Contents, to animate the Soldiers, he dismissed the Assembly.  
The next Day the Consuls marched the Army toward the Enemy, and the Day after came within six Miles of their Camp. Aemilius, who observed the Country to be all plain and champaign Ground, declared his Opinion against coming there to a Battle, forasmuch as the Enemy much overmatched them in Horse, and that it therefore concerned them to draw the Carthaginians, if possible, into such Ground as gave the advantage to Foot; but, in regard Terentius, who knew no better, would not be won to his Opinion, it came to pass, which seldom fails in Military Affairs, that the two Leaders sell at variance.  
The next Day then, when Terentius had the Command, (for it is the Custom of the People of Rome, for the Consuls to Command in their turns) decamped the Army much against Aemilius' liking, and advanced toward the Enemy. Whereupon Hannibal, seeing them approach, moved toward them with his light-armed Troops, and his Horse, and boldly attacked them: But the Romans sustained the first shock by mingling some of their heavy-armed Troops among their light-armed Soldiers, and reinforced these with their Archers and their Horse, and in the end had the better of the Dispute. The reason whereof was, that the Body of the Carthaginian Troops did little or nothing to sustain those that fought, while the Romans had mingled, I say, certain Cohorts with their light-armed Soldiers, who fought at the same time. In short, the Night parted them, but in truth with other Success than what the Carthaginian expected when he engaged: And the next Day Aemilius, who approved not the Resolution of coming then to a Battle, and saw he could not now retreat from the Ground where he was, without great Hazard, entrenched himself near the River Aufidus, with about two third parts of the Army. This River only, of all the rest in Italy, takes its course through the Apennineses, for all the other Italian Rivers are dispersed, some emptying themselves into the Sea of Tuscany, others toward the Adriatic Sea; but the Aufidus, which crosseth the Apennineses, hath its source in that part of Italy that borders on the Tuscan-Sea, and runs into the Adriatic. Aemilius then posted the rest of his Army on the other side the River, toward that part that is Fordable, somewhat more than a Miles distance from his other Camp, and a further space from the Enemies; in this place he ordered them to entrench, to the end he might be the better able to secure and sustain his Foragers that went from either Camp, and to attack with more ease the Enemies, whensoever they ventured abroad on the same Errand.  
And now Hannibal, perceiving the time of Battle to approach, and fearing lest his ill Success in the last Engagement, should have blunted the Mettle of his Soldiers, thought it therefore advisable to speak to the Army, and thereupon Order them to be drawn together to that purpose; and when they were assembled, ●he bid them behold and survey the Country round about, and then demanded, what they could wish more, if the Gods themselves had left them at liberty to choose a place to fight in, than that wherein they now stood, surpassing (as they did) the Enemy so much in Horse? We ought first than (says he) to acknowledge it a Blessing from Heaven, that in order to Victory hath conducted the Enemy hither. In the next place, you are to allow me a share of your Thanks, by whose management they are at length driven to a necessity of giving us Battle; for they cannot choose now but fight, in a place which of all others they would refuse, were it left to their choice. In short, I see no necessity to entertain you with many Words to animate you to go on cheerfully. I might perhaps speak to you on that Subject, and labour to incite you to do Gallantly were you now to learn what the Romans can do, for then indeed it might concern us to endeavour, both by Words and Examples to inspire you with Thoughts worthy of you; but at this time of Day, after we have thrice vanquished them in three successive pitched Battles, what Speech, or what Eloquence can so well persuade you, as the Success of your own Actions? By the Battles you have already won, you have subdued the Country, and by that means reaped the Harvest of plenty of every good and needful thing, and my Promise to you therein made good; and the Effects have proved, that I meant what I said. It now only remains, that we make ourselves Masters of their Cities and Towns, and the Riches and Treasure they contain: If we compass that, Italy itself is ours. This single Battle will finish all our Labours; and by giving us the Empire, and all that the Romans call theirs, we become Masters and Lords of the Universe. There is no need then of Language but of Hearts and Hands, and I trust, by the Favour of the Gods, you will soon see the happy accomplishment of all I have promised you.  
After Hannibal had thus spoken, and the Army had given evidence both by their Voice and their Actions, that they approved what he had said, he remanded them to their Posts; having first praised their. Forwardness, and the Resolution they had manifested, and presently marched and encamped on the other side the River, where the gross of the Roman Army lay. The next Day, after having ordered the Army to take their repast, he bid them prepare for Action; and, the Day following, drawing up his Troops along the River, he presented Battle to the Romans. But Aemilius not liking the Ground, and believing that want of Provision would soon constrain Hannibal to decamp, he therefore moved not, but took care only to have the two Camps well fortified; Whereupon Hannibal marched back to his own, after having stood a while drawn up in Battalia in expectation of the Enemy. After this he sent out his Numidians to molest those of the lesser Camp as they came to their watering place; but Terentius not enduring they should thus dare him so near his Works, and hinder his Soldiers from supplying their Necessities, became the more provoked by such Bravadoes to come to blows, nor were the Soldiers less impatient; so true it is, that no time seems so tedious, as the space between Resolving and Executing, when once we have determined to abide the Dangers and Difficulties that lie in the way to our Purposes.  
When the News came to Rome that the Armies drew near each other, and that they were daily Pickeering and Engaging by Parties, the People were every where in great fear and suspense, and the memory of so many late Defeats terrified them with the apprehension of the issue of the approaching Battle; it being easy to foresee the deplorable state of the Republic in case of a Defeat. Nothing was talked of in Rome but menaces out of their Sibyl's Books, and scarce any thing was seen in Temples and Houses, but Spectres and illboding Prodigies, so that all their time was spent in Vows, Sacrifices and Supplications. For 'tis a Custom among the Romans, in any Extremities or straits in their Affairs, to omit nothing that they conceive may be of use to avert the Anger or Danger that threatens them either from the Gods or Men; and, in a word, there is nothing on such occasions done or said among them, that is held either Superstitious or unbecoming the Dignity of the Government.  
The Day being now come when Terentius had the Authority, he took the Fasces, and the Sun was hardly risen, when he ordered the Army to move out of their Camps, ranging those in the greater Camp in order of Battle as they marched out; those of the lesser Camp he drew up in a long Line, joining them at the extremity with the others, possessing all that side of the Ground that looked toward the South. In the Right-Wing he posted the Roman Horse, filling with them the space between the rest and the River The Foot he disposed in the same manner, but in closer Order in the Rear than in the Front, in regard the number of the Cohorts was doubled. On the left Wing was placed the Horse of the Confederates, the light-armed Troops were advanced some distance before the Line of Battle; the whole Roman Army (taking in the Troops of the Allies) consisting of fourscore Thousand Foot, and six Thousand Horse.  
In the mean time, Hannibal ordered the Baleares and light-armed Troops to pass the River, posting them advanced before the Ensigns. Then commanding the Gross of the Army to march, he passed the River likewise in two places, and ranged them in order of Battle fronting the Enemy. On the left point, being the part nearest the River, he posted his Spanish and Gaulish Horse, opposed to that of the Romans; next these he placed the one half of his African Foot, who bore weighty Armour, their Flank being likewise secured by the rest of the Africans. His Numidian Horse he posted on the Right Wing; and after having thus formed his Line of Battle, drawn out in length, and of equal depth, he made the Centre, or middle Battalions, which was composed of Spanish and Gaulish Legionaries, to move a little forward, in such manner as that the Figure, when they had so done, with the two Wings, might be likened to a Yoke, Crescent-wise or convexed in the midst; for having proposed that the Gauls and Spaniards should first engage, the Africans were posted at hand so as to fortify and sustain them.  
His Africans were armed after the Roman manner, being well furnished for that Service out of the Spoils of the Enemy in former Battles. The Spanish and Gaulish Bucklers were of one sort, but their Swords were not alike. The Spaniards wear Swords short, stiff, and pointed, fit both for cutting and thrusting; but the Gauls were only for cutting-strokes. In a word, it was a surprising Sight to behold them; for the Gauls were stripped naked from the Waste upward; and the Spaniards clad in white Linen-Cassocks, bordered with Purple, after the fashion of their Country. In Hannibal's Army there were ten Thousand Horse; but the Foot, taking in the Auxiliaries and all, did not exceed forty Thousand. In the Roman Battle, Aemilius was posted in the Right, Terentius in the Left, and the last Year's Consuls, Marcus Attilius and Cn. Servilius led the Body. On the part of the Carthaginians, Asdrubal was posted on the Right Wing, Hanno on the Left, and Hannibal led the Body, accompanied by his Brother Mago. The Roman Army faced toward the South, and the Carthaginians consequently towards the North; so that the rising Sun molested neither.  
The Forlorn, or advanced Parties began the Day, and these light-armed Troops contended for a while with equal Courage and Success; but as soon as the Spanish and Gaulish Horse on the Left Wing advanced against the Romans, the Battle grew hot and bloody: For they fought not now, as had been the custom in other Battles, by charging and wheeling off, and then returning to the Charge: But here, when once they came to join, the Horsemen mingling, and often disengaging from their Horses, fought it out Man to Man on Foot. But the Carthaginian Horse in the end prevailed, killing the greatest part of the Romans on the place, tho' their Behaviour was without blame. Those who endeavoured to escape, took along the River, but were most of them cut off, Asdrubal giving no Quarter. And now the Cohorts taking place of the light-armed Troops, it was there likewise hotly disputed for a space; but the Spaniards and Gauls, who did not presently lose their Order, were at length broken, and forced to give ground to the superior number of the Romans; and retreating back, the Crescent, or convex Part of the Figure, which was formed by this Body of Men, and who first engaged, sunk back into the void space in the Rear. The Roman Cohorts eagerly pursuing the advantage, easily pierced the Body of the Enemy's Battle, which was but weak, and composed only of Gauls, to the place where the Battalions stood in close order ●●at had been drawn thither for that purpose, during the Fight from the Right and Left Wings, where all the Danger was. In short, the Romans thus pressing the Enemy, who opened to the Right and Left to give them passage, advanced so far into the void space, that they had now the African Foot, who bore weighty Armour on their Flank both ways; who moving from the Right and Left Wings inwards, charged the Romans on both their Flanks at once, each acting as the present occasion advised.  
In short, every thing came to pass as Hannibal had skilfully devised; for the Romans pursuing the Gauls, whom he well knew were not their match, became at length encompassed by the Africans: By which means they were so enclosed, that they were not able to fight in a Body, but, as it were, Man to Man, or by small Parties against strong Bodies that pressed them from all Parts. And now forasmuch as Aemilius, who was posted in the Right Wing, and had his share in the Conflict with Asdrubal and the Horse; yet being hitherto unhurt, and willing to equal his Actions with his Words, by which he had encouraged the Army, seeing that all the Hopes they had left was in their Foot, he charged through the Enemy's Battle, killing and forcing all that stood in his way, where he did his utmost to encourage his People; Hannibal acting the same Part in the same Post, having from the beginning conducted that part of his Army in Person.  
As to the Numidians, who fought in the Right: Wing against Varro, and the Horse that were posted in the Left Wing of the Romans, neither they nor the others acted any thing memorable on that side, saving that the Numidians so amused the Romans, by beating about them, now offering to charge in one place, now in another, that they were thereby prevented from succouring those that were elsewhere distressed. But now that Asdrubal had completed his Victory, and destroyed the greatest part of the Horse whom he had followed along the River, and was returned to reinforce the Numidians; then the Horse of the Roman Allies beholding their Danger, turned their backs. 'Tis said that Asdrubal in this occasion performed an artful and prudent part; who well knowing that the Numidians were singular at the pursuit of a slying Enemy, he therefore ordered them to follow hard after the running Romans, while he, heading a Body of Foot, advanced to reinforce the Africans; and coming in, fell on the Rear of the Romans Battle, and charged them likewise elsewhere with certain Squadrons of Horse, which greatly heartened the Africans, and as much terrified the Romans. L. Aemilius, having received many Wounds, died in the Battle, after he had lived to act in every thing the part of an able and virtuous Citizen, and especially in this occasion. The Romans resisted yet: a while; but as their Men fell, their Ground by degrees became more and more straightened, till at length they were so huddled up, that they had not space to move and wield their Arms; so they were all put to the Sword. The two Consuls of the preceding Year likewise fell in this occasion, Men of great Reputation for their Wisdom and Probity, and who in this Action gave noble Proofs of the power and extent of Roman Virtue. While matters passed thus here, the Numidians, who went in pursuit of the Roman Horse, killed the greatest part of them, and took some Prisoners. A few got into Venusia, and among these the Consul Terentius Varro, a Person every way unworthy, and who was chosen into the Magistracy for a Curse to his Country.  
This issue had the Field of Cannae, famous for the number of illustrious Men there present on both sides, as well on the part of the Vanquished, as the Victors. And certainly the Action itself witnesseth its own Greatness; for of six Thousand Roman Horse, there escaped no more than Seventy, who got with the Consul into Venusia; and about three Hundred of the Allies, some by one means, some by another. As to the Foot, ten Thousand were made Prisoners, who were not in the Action: Of the rest, not above three Thousand escaped, all the rest dying bravely with their Swords in their Hands, to the number of Seventy Thousand. In a word, the great advantage the Enemy had in Horse, mainly contributed to their Success; and profitable Instruction may be gathered by remarking from hence, That it is more safe to Fight with one hals the number of Foot less, while you exceed the Enercy in Horse, than to have both sides equal in Foot and Horse in a Battle. But this Victory came not cheap to the Carthaginians; for there died in Battle on their part, four Thousand Gauls, fifteen Hundred Spaniards and Africans, and about two Hundred of their Horse.  
The Romans who were taken Prisoners were not in the Battle, for Aemilius had left then in the Camp with Orders to march and attack that of the Enemy after the Battle should begin, thereby to become Masters of their Stores and Ammunition, in case Hannibal should chance to leave his Camp without a good Guard, and in case he did, he was sure to find his Army thereby diminished, and the Romans with less business on their hands. These than were taken much after this manner. Tho' Hannibal left not his Camp without a good Guard, nevertheless, as soon as the Battle began, the Romans, pursuant to their Orders, marched to the Attack; the Carthaginians for a while gallantly opposing them, but at length, when they were on the point of yielding to the superior force of the Enemy, Hannibal, who was by that time Master of the Field, came in to their Relief, and routing the Romans, forced them to take Refuge in their own Camp; of these were killed about two Thousand, the rest were taken alive. Such as were scattered and dispersed about the Country, and had got into Fortified Places, shared no better Fortune, for the Numidians attacked them wherever they went, taking to the number of two Thousand of their Horse Prisoners, as we before noted. The issue of this Battle proved in effect what either Party foresaw; for the Carthaginians thereby became soon possessed, in a manner at least, of all that part of Italy called the Ancient Province, and Magna-Graecia. Those of Tarentum, the Arpinates, and some Capuans, putting themselves presently into their hands, and all the rest giving manifest signs of their good Inclinations toward them. Nor was Hannibal in doubt, but that Rome itself would be his on the first Attempt; while the Romans became now desperate (after this Defeat) of preserving their Dominion of Italy. And under these Agitations, terrified at once at their own and Country's Danger, expected every moment to see Hannibal at their Gates. And, as if Fortune had a mind to make them drink the dregs of this bitter Cup, they received news shortly after (while the City was sinking under the weight of their Adversity) that their Praetor, whom they had sent to the Cisalpine Gauls, was himself with his whole Army routed and cut off, by an Ambush they had laid in his way. Howbeit, the Senate deserted not their Duty in this exigent. They called on the Inhabitants to strengthen the Works of the City, and gave all those needful Orders which their Circumstances would permit, as by the success soon appeared. And tho' in truth the whole World was now witness, that the Romans at this time were vanquished, and gave place in Military Reputation to their Enemy; nevertheless, it will also be confessed, That what by their Constancy of Mind, and the Wisdom of their Counsels, they overcame at length these their Conquerors, and not only rescued their Country, but added not long after to their recovery of Italy, the Conquest of the World.  
Here than we have thought it proper to sinish this Book, which contains so many memorable Tranfactions, as well in Spain as Italy, during the hundred and fortieth Olympiad. And when we shall have spoken of the Occurrences of Greece, during the same Olympiad, we shall then return to Rome, and discourse at large on the subject of that Commonwealth; being persuaded that such Remarks as may be thence collected, will not only be found worthy the Pen of an Historian, but of excellent use both to those, who would improve their Minds in such Contemplations, as others who are actually in the Ministry of Public Affairs; as well for the correcting the Errors of present Governments, as the forming and founding of new Commonwealths.  
The End of the First Volume.    

A Catalogue of BOOKS Printed for Rich. Wellington, at the Lute in St. Paul's Churchyard, and Sam. Briscoe, near .  
THE Italian Voyage; or a complete Journey through Italy: In two Parts; being an exact Character of the People, and a Description of the chief Towns, Churches, Monasteries, Tombs, Libraries, Palaces, Villas, Gardens, Pictures, Statues, Antiquities; as also of the Interest, Government, Rules, Force, etc. of all the Princes. By Richard Laswell, Gent, the second Edition, with large Additions; by a modern Name.  
A Discourse of the Nature and Faculties of Man in several Essays, with some Considerations on the Occurrences of Humane Life. By Tim. Nourse, Gent.  
Familiar Letters: Written by John, late Earl of Rochester, to the Honourable Henry Savile, Esq and several other Persons of Quality; with Love-letters; writ by the ingenuous Mr. Otway, with several other Letters writ by his Grace the Duke of Buckingham, Sir George Etheridge, and Mr. Tho Brown. In 2 Vol. Each may be had singly.  
The Histories and Novels of the late ingenuous Mrs. Anne Behn, Vol. I. viz. Oroonoko, or the Royal Slave: The fair Gilt; or Prince Tarquin, Agnes de Castro, or the Force of generous Love. The Lover's Watch; or the Art of making Love, being Rules for Courtship for every Hour in the Day: The Lady's Lookinglass to dress themselves by; or the whole Art of charming Mankind: The lucky Mistake: Memoirs of the Court of the King of Bantam: The Nun; or the perjured Beauty: The Adventures of the Black Lady. These three never before published; with the Life and Memoirs of Mrs. Bohn; written by one of the fair Sex; with Love-letters written between her and Mine heir Van Brain a Dutch Merchant. Next Week will be published the second and last Volume of Mrs. Br●●'s Histories and Novels; which make her Works Complete.  
The whole Works of that excellent practical Physician Dr. Tho. Sydenham; wherein not only the History and Cures of acute Diseases are treated of, after a new and safest way of curing most chronical Diseases; the second Edition, corrected from the Original Latin. By John Pechey of the College of Physicians.  
Reflections on ancient and modern Learning; by William Wotton, Chaplain to the Right Honourable the Earl of Nottingham, the second Edition enlarged; to which is added, A Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris Themistocles, Socrates, etc. By Dr. Bentley. Printed for Richard Wellington at the Lute in St. Paul's Churchyard, where you may be furnished with most Plays.   

THE HISTORY OF POLYBIUS The MEGALOPOLITAN: CONTAINING A General Account OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.  
And Principally of the ROMAN PEOPLE. During the First and Second Punic Wars, etc.  
Translated by Sir H. S.  
VOL. II. III.  
The Second Edition.  
LONDON, Printed for Samuel Briscoe, at the Corner of Charles-Street, in Covent-Garden. MDCXCVIII.   


The Map of Ancient GREECE Expressing especially the Places mentioned in Polybious by Sir H. S. Vol: II.   map of Greece   

POLYBIUS' General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.  

VOL. II. BOOK IU.  
IN our foregoing Book we have related the Causes of the Second War that fell out between the Romans and Carthaginians: We have delivered the Particulars of Hannibal's March, and Invasion of Italy; and have recounted the Adventures of the two Armies, to the time of the Battle that was sought on the Banks of the River. Anfidus, near Cannae. Now the Occurrences of Greece, during the same Period of time, shall be the Subject of our Pains. But we have thought it necessary to remind the Reader briefly: First, Of what hath been already observed of the Greeks in our Second Book, and principally of the Achaians. Inasmuch as it hath so come to pass, that in the short space of ours and our Father's Days, that Republic hath grown to a marvellous Greatness. For being founded by Tisamenes, one of the Sons of Orestes, we have observed that the Achaians were first governed by Kings, who sprang from him in a continued Line of Succession to the Reign of Ogyges: From whose time, the Supreme Power being translated to the People, became established in an excellent form of Government: Which was afterward first broken and dissolved by the Kings of Macedon, when the Cities and Towns thereof became independent; each governing according to their own Rules, without any common Subjection to a Supreme General Tribunal, to which they might have recourse. After this Revolution, we showed how they came to Unite and Incorporate into one Body; at what time it was that they came to this Resolution; and who they were that gave the Occasion. In short, we have related by what Means and Counsels the Towns being drawn to Unite, the whole People of Peloponnesus grew to have one common Appellation, and to be under one and the same Form of Commonwealth. After having treated in general of that Enterprise, and said something in particular touching the Actions of the Achaians, we pursued the Story down to the time, that Cleomenes King of the Lacedæmonians was despoiled of his Government. Then we gave a brief Recapitulation of general Occurrences to the Death of Antigonus, Seleucus and Ptolemy, who all died about the same time; having promised to begin our History at that Period, which gave an end to those Matters we have now last recited.  
In conclusion, I determined, that I could not any where better begin than from thence: First, In regard that there Aratus finisheth his Commentaries, so that by continuing the Thread of his Discourse, we shall thereby make the relation of the Greek Affairs, as far as we propose to touch them, all of a piece; and than it will come to pass, that the time succeeding, and that which shall compose our History, will be so united to the foregoing Period, that in part what shall be related of our own, and the Transactions of our Father's Days, will be comprised in one Body. For as I have been a Witness to a good part of what shall be delivered, and composed the rest from the Relations of such as could yield me the like certain Testimony; so I have shunned the delivering of remoter Occurrences, through the doubts to which they are subjected: And have thought nothing worthy of an Historian's Pen beyond that Period. Nor indeed can Truth farther fairly be shown, nor Men consequently safely judge of any thing they hear otherwise delivered. A farther particular Motive we had for taking our beginning from thence was, that Fortune seemed at that time to have made an universal Revolution, and given a new Face to the Affairs of the World.  
Tho' Philip, Son of Demetrius, were yet a Child, nevertheless he soon came to sway the Sceptre of Macedon. Achaeus, who governed the Countries of Asia on this side Mount Taurus, did not only bear the Port of a Prince, but was in effect vested with Sovereign Authority. Antiochus, surnamed the Great, a little before, succeeded his Brother in the Kingdom of Syria; being then but very young. And Ariarathes took possession at the same time of the Kingdom of Cappadocia, which was delivered into his hands. About the same time Ptolemy Philopater reduced Egypt to his Obedience. And a little after Lycurgus became established King of the Lacedæmonians. The Carthaginians on that side had newly made Hannibal their General, in order to those Attempts we have already recounted. So that the Government, as one may say, of the World being put into new hands, it could not by the Law of Nature but beget new Counsels, and produce new Things. The Romans then entered upon the War we have related. Antiochus and Ptolemy were soon in Hostility one against the other, for the Dominion of the Lower Syria: And the Achaians and Philip joined in a War against the Lacedæmonians, and those of Aetolia: The reasons of which War we shall now deliver.  
The Aetolians had been long weary of Peace, which obliged them to live Honestly at their own Expense, who had been used heretofore to subsist on Spoil and Rapine. And whosoever hath lead that sort of Life, without prospect of other Profit, than what ariseth by the Damage of another, after the manner of Savage Beasts, are without any sense of Friendship or Alliance; reckon all their Enemies they can pray on; and believe they have a right to any thing they can take away. Nevertheless, during the Life of Antigonus, the sear the Aetolians were under of the Lacedæmonians, withheld them a while from Violence; but he was no sooner dead, and Philip, then very young, come to the Crown, when setting little by his Youth, they meditated by what means or pretexts they might make War on the Peloponnesians; whom after their ancient Custom they had a mind to plunder; and believed they had a better right to make War on the Achaians, than any other People whatsoever. While they were thus consulting, there happened an accident that furthered their purpose, and which, in short, they made use of to colour it. Dorimachus of Trichonia was Son of Nichostratus, who had acted so perfidious a part in the Assembly of the Baeotians. This Dorimachus, a turbulent young Man, and every way an Aetolian, (and after their manner) looking with a covetous Eye on other men's Possessions, was employed by Public Authority to Phigalia, a Town of Peloponnesus, under a show of taking care for the Security and Defence of the Town and Territory; but indeed his Commission was to make Observations from thence of the Transactions of Peloponnesus. Soon after his arrival there drew a numerous confluence thither from sundry Quarters, of lose piratical People, who resorted to him, then residing in that Town, which was a Confederate of the? Aetolians, and situate on the Frontiers of the Messenians; and he, not being able to gratify these Robbers with the Prey they hunted after, (the Peace of Antigonus as yet subsisting among the Greeks) and, in short, having no better way to entertain them, permitted them to spoil the Messenians of their , who were also Friends and Confederates of the Aetolians. Who beginning on the Skirts of their Frontiers, driving away their Herds from thence, their Insolence grew at length to attempt such of their Habitations by Night, as lay at any distance dispersed about the Country. The Messenians were thereupon urged to dispatch their Deputies with Complaints of those Outrages to Dorimachus, and to demand reparation of the wrongs they had received; who did not only not incline to redress them, but seemed rather to encourage those who bare Arms under him, and indeed to enrich himself by sharing a good proportion of all their Booty. But at length being pressed by new and frequent Importunities, his People continuing to act every day new Villainies, he told the Deputies he would come himself to Messina, and do right to those, who had complained of Injuries done them by the Aetolians. But upon his coming, and the Application of those who had been thus molested, some he dismissed with Scoffs, others by adding further Injuries to those they had sustained, and terrifying others with hard and menacing Language. In short, it so happened, that while Dorimachus remained at Messina, this lewd Rabble approaching near the Town in the Night, rifled a certain Countryhouse called Chiron, where killing all that made resistance, they bond the rest in Chains, and carried them away, together with the Cattle. Whereupon the Messenians, who had long lain under the resentment of this barbarous Treatment, and the little account Dorimachus seemed to make of their Complaints, cited him to appear before their Assembly. Sciron happened to be at this time their Chief Magistrate, of whom so his Virtue his fellow Citizens had a singular esteem. He was of Opinion that Dorimachus should be held under restraint till reparation were made of the Damages they had suffered, and the Authors of the Slaughter that had been committed were delivered into their hands; which Counsel was thought but just, and had the ready concurrence of the Assembly. Dorimachus enraged at this proceeding, angrily told them, That they showed themselves but weak in such a Determination, if they could not distinguish that thereby they did not affront him, but the whole Aetolian People; that their Proceeding was unaccountable; and that it would not be long ere it were revenged. There was at this time a certain ridiculous Fellow in Messina called Babyrtas, who was every way so like Dorimachus, that had he been habited like him, the resemblance both in Person, Countenance, and Voice was so great, that it would have been difficult to know them afunder. Hereof too Dorimachus had been informed: Who, on occasion, treating the Messenians after his insolent and menacing manner, Sciron a little transported; How now Babyrtas, saith he, do you think that you or your Threats can awe the Messenians? To this Affront Dorimachus made no Reply, and not able now otherwise to avoid it, yielded that the Messenians should pursue the Reparation of the Injuries that had been done them, and the Punishment of those who were sound Guilty. But he was no sooner returned to his Country, when this Ou●rage they had done him, so wrought in his Mind that without any other known Motive, he prevailed with the Aetolians to make War on the Messenians.  
Ariston was at that time Praetor of the Aetolians; whose Infirmities did not permit him to be at the Head of their Army; to him Dorimachus was allied, as likewise one Scopas; to Dorimachus than he committed, in a manner, the entire Execution of his Authority; who nevertheless did not adventure in their Public Assemblies to persuade them to this War with the Messenians, not being furnished with Matter sufficient to determine them to such a Resolution; and he knew moreover, that his meaning would be too well understood; and that his Revenge and his Profit were the true Motives to such Counsels. So that forbearing to press it publicly, he laboured to win Scopas to assist him in his Designs against the Messenians. Telling him, there was nothing to be feared from the Macedonians, while the Authority was in such raw hands; Philip not having attained the Age of Seventeen Years; he further added, that the Eleans were the Aetolians fast Friends, and in Alliance with them, and concluded there could be no hazard from thence, in breaking the Peace with the Messenians. But the Argument that weighed most with Scopas, as an Aetolian, was the great Profit and Plunder that would arise thereby. For that their Country was rich, naked, and unguarded, and might be easily surprised; and in a word, he promised himself greater Advantage by how much that in the Cleomenic War, that Territory alone had escaped the Rapine and Violence of the Soldiers; and had felt none of those Evils of War by which the whole Country beside had been wasted. He further, and above all things, endeavoured to persuade him, that nothing could fall out more agreeable to the Aetolians. And for what could happen with respect to the Achaians, if they should chance to oppose their march, they could have no just subject of Complaint, while they did no other than barely repel Force by Force; and in case they attempted nothing, that then the execution of what they had projected would be so much the more feasible. That after all that had been said, there were not wanting fair Pretexts to take up Arms against the Messenians, who had long given occasion enough, by their entering into Security to the Macedonians and Achaians, to take part with them in all their Erterprises. Thus he prevailed with Scopas, and his Friends, and wrought so far upon them, that without attending the Resolution of a general Convention of the Aetolians; or so much as imparting their Purpose to the Magistrates in being; or making any one step according to ancient Custom; they did at once, and of their own Heads, in effect, declare War against the Messenians, Epirots, Achaians, Acarnanians, and Macedonians.  
At the same time they sent out their Fleet of Pilserers to infest the adjacent Seas; who meeting with a Ship of the Kings of Macedon off of Cythera, made Prize of her, and carrying her into Port, sold both the Ship and her Company. In short, they proceeded to plunder all along the Coast of Epirus, employing for that service Vessels of Cephallania, and made an attempt on Thyrea, a Town of Acarnania. Afterwards dispatching Troops by secret ways into Peloponnesus, they surprised and kept possession of a Fortress called Clarium, in the heart of the Megalopolitan Territory; which they made use of for a Retreat, and place of Refuge, and to lodge and secure their Plunder: But some time after they lost it again to Timoxenus, Praetor of the Achaians, assisted by Taurion; who had been left by Antigonus on his departure out of Peloponnesus, to administer the Affairs of the Kings of Macedon in those Parts. For Antigonus was in possession of Corinth, which he took and held by the consent of the Achains, during the Reign of Cleomenes; and had not restored Orchomenus, which be had taken by force, but on the contrary kept it still in his Hands, and held it for his own. His Motive it may be presumed for so doing, being not only to preserve by that means, an easy ingress into Peloponnesus; but to be able by keeping a Garrison in Orchomenus to secure and awe the neighbouring Territory to better Obedience.  
Dorimachus and Scopas then choosing their time, when the Praetor Timoxenus was upon resigning up his Charge, and Aratus who was to succeed him not yet invested in the Authority, called an Assembly of the Aetolians in Rhium, and having given their Orders to have the Cephallenian Vessels in a readiness, they embarked their Troops, and transported them into Peloponnesus, taking their march towards Messina, and passing through the Territories of Patroe, Pharoe, and Tritoea, they made show to the Achaians of having no design to molest them in their Passage. Howbeit the covetous Soldiers withheld not their Hands, but plundered and spoiled the Country every where as they went, till they came to Phigalea. This Town they made their place of Arms, and the Seat of the War, and from hence made their Inroads on the Lands of the Messenians, without any regard to the right of Nations, and the ancient Friendship and Alliance that had been made and continued between them; but led by their Avarice against all Rules of Honour or Equity, robbed and spoiled the Country with impunity, the Messenians not finding themselves of strength sufficient to adventure out against them.  
The Achaians, in the mean time, according to Custom, assembled at Aegium, where the Patroeans and Pharoeans preferred their Complaints of the Damages that had been done them by the Aetolians in their march through their Country. The Messenians likewise complained of their Outrages and perfidious Dealing, and sent their Deputies to pray speedy Succours. After the Assembly had deliberated on these Matters, it was concluded, That the resentment of those of Patroe and Pharoe was just, and aught to be prosecuted; and that the case of the Messenians was to be commiserated: And it was especially agreed, That the State in general had been affronted by this insolent proceeding of the Aetolians, who had presumed in hostile manner to enter upon Achaia, not only without their permission, but against the Treaty of Peace. Whereupon, justly provoked by these Infractions, they resolved to send Succours to the Messenians; and that as soon as the Praetor should have put them in Arms, they would then proceed further to execute what should be thought expedient by the Assembly. Timoxenus, who was yet in the Praetorship, was not very well pleased with the Expodition, no● consequently with the Decree of the Assembly; for his Authority being not yet expired, he had no mind to the Command, as having but a doubtful Opinion of the Achaean Militia, which had been long unexercised in Arms. For after the expulsion of Cleomenes, the Peloponnesians weary of former Wars, and believing the present peaceable posture of their Affairs was likely to endure, had totally relinquished the Trade of Warfare, and neglected the use of Arms. But Aratus provoked at the Indignities they had suffered by the audacious Aetolians, pursued the matter with another Spirit; nor was this the first occasion he had conveived of aversion to that People. Wherefore he lost no time in putting the Achaians under Arms, but determined to come speedily to a Battle with the Aetolians. In a word, five Days before he was to enter on his Charge, (Timoxenus delivering up the Seal) he dispatched his Orders to all the Towns and Cities, assigning them a Day when all their young Men, fit to carry Arms, should assemble at Megalopolis. And here we have thought it a Debt due to the Merit of Aratus to say something of him in particular.  
Aratus was endued with almost all the good Qualities, that could be wished, to compose a Man for great and public Employments: He was able in the Art of Persuasion; conceived rightly, and readily executed; and when it was prudent to be silent, he very well knew how to hold his peace. He had not his Equal in supporting with constancy the Dissensions of his fellow Citizens; second to none in composing them, and artful in acquiring Friends and Confederates. He was subtle to contrive and conceal his secret Practices, and none better at devising Stratagems, and laying Ambushes against an Enemy. And in a word, he compassed the most difficult Erterprises by Patience and Application: Whereof manifold Instances may be enumerated; namely and principally, his surprising of Sicyon and Mantinoea; his expelling the Aetolians out of Pellene; and his getting possession of Acro Corinth by intelligence. And yet after all, it is as true, that at the Head of an Army in the Field he was quite another Man; for as he was too slow in his Resolutions, so was he too backward in Danger; and wanted assurance to look on any Attempt, that bore the least appearance of Terror; which were defects that gave occasion of great advantage to the Enemy, who spoiled and pillaged the whole Country of Peloponnesus; and coming once to know his unguarded part, they never failed of succeeding when they attacked him there. So true it is that Nature hath not only diversified Men in their Bodies and Minds; but triumphs in dissimilitude of Mind in one and the same Man, who will be found not only capable and insufficient in things that are divers, but in the selfsame things; we shall see him Wise and Weak; Brave and a Coward by fits. Nor is there any thing new in what we remark on this Subject; or remote from common Observation and Experience, if we but consider with attention. Some Men in heat of the Chase will boldly attack a wild Beast, and do as bravely in single Combats, yet cannot endure the dangers of a Battle, and are not to be trusted in any Solemn Occasion in the Field. Thus the Thessalian Horse are not to be broken or resisted, when formed into a Body in a Line of Battle; but singly and Man to Man they are but a slight People. The contrary whereof is found of the Aetolians. The Candiots are wonderful in their way, by Sea and Land; their Dexterity in Ambushes, Piracies, Surprises, attempts by Night, and beating up of Quarters; and, in short, in every thing that requires Subtlety and Address, wherein they are superior to all others: But in a pitched Field, they are hardly to be brought to look an Enemy in the Face. While it is found quite otherwise with the Achaians and Macedonians.  
We have taken occasion of this Digression, to the end the Credit of our History may undergo no blemish with the Reader, when he shall chance to find the Characters of the same Men so inconsistent with themselves, and see them acting different Parts on the same Subject. After the Achaians, pursuant to the Decree, had assembled all their able Men for the Service of the War; the Messenians repeated their Supplications by their Deputies, that they might not be abandoned to the Mercy of the Enemy, and declared their willingness to be admitted into the League; but the Achaean Ministers demurred to the receiving them into the Confederacy, without the Concurrence first obtained of King Philip, and the rest of the Allies. For the general Treaty that was made by the procurement of Antigonus, during the Reign of Cleomenes, between the Achaians, Epirots, Phocians, and Macedonians, Boeotians, Arcadians, and Thessalians; had been continued yet without infraction. Nevertheless the Messenians had leave to hope, that as soon as their Troops were formed, a supply of Succours should be given them; on condition they sent the Sons of their Principal Citizens to be kept as Hostages at Lacedaemon, whereby to give Security to the Allies, that they should not come to any Accord with the Aetolians without their Concurrence. The Lacedæmonians were at this time with an Army on the Frontiers of the Megalopolitans, pursuant to the Conditions of the Treaty, but in effect more to observe from thence the Event of these Agitations, than to act the part of honest Allies. And now the Affairs of the Messenians being concluded, Aratus sent to the Aetolians to let them know what had been determined; to require them to departed out of the Territory of Messenia, and not to march into Achaia on peril of being treated as Enemies. When Scopas and Dorimachus had received this Resolution of the Achaians, and understood they were now in Arms, and drawn together at the place of Rendezvous; they concluded together, that it was their best course to yield to their Demands, and thereupon dispatched Messengers to Cyllene, and to Ariston the Aetolian Praetor, desiring them to take up all the Merchant Vessels they could procure in those parts, and send them with expedition to the Island of Phlias, where they were to attend further Orders. In the mean time the Aetolian Army (two days after) took their march with their Plunder, taking their way towards the Eleans. For with that People they had preserved a fast Friendship, thereby to keep their Passage open to invade and spoil the Peloponnesians. Aratus confiding too easily on the Aetolians, so quickly executing what they seemed to promise, dismissed the Achaians and Lacedæmonians, and marched himself towards Patroea with only three Thousand Foot and three Hundred Horse; to whom were joined the Troops of Taurion. Dorimachus and Scopas receiving intelligence in the mean time that Aratus was in their Neighbourhood with an Army, and fearing lest they should be attacked at their Embarking, and being well enough disposed to have the War continue; dispatched away their Booty to the Fleet under a good Guard, with Orders to make Sail to Rhium with their Cargo, and there to attend, as if it had been their purpose to Embark there. When they themselves, after they had a while marched after their Plunder, the better to secure it; and observing every where as they went the disposition of the Country, turned off and marched towards Olympia. As soon as they had the news of Aratus and Taurion's being in the Territory of Clitoria, with the Troops we mentioned, they then concluded they should not be able to Embark at Rhium without Danger or a Battle: And therefore were of Opinion, that their best course was to endeavour to come to Action as soon as they could, before the Enemy should be reinforced with more Troops; and while they continued secure, and without any apprehension of a surprise. For they reckoned that if they could be able to put them into the least disorder, they should then compass their Retreat without difficulty, with the Spoils and Plunder they had taken; and before the States of Aetolia could come to the Assembly; or in case the Enemy, terrified with the suddenness of the Attempt, should refuse Battle, they should then likewise not fail of gaining their Passage according to their own desire. With these Thoughts they held on their march till they arrived near Methydrium, in the Territory of Megalopolis, where they encamped.  
And now albeit the Achaean Generals were well ware of the Enemy's approach; yet they conducted their Affairs with so little forecast, that they may be said to have neglected no one thing that might avail to perfect the Character of Folly and Insufficiency. For, in short, as soon as they had quitted the Frontiers of the Clitorians, they came and encamped near Caphya; and when the Enemy on their moving from Methydrium, took their March by Orchomenus, the Achaians drew out and appeared in Battle in the Fields of Caphya; being defended on one side by the River that runs through that Country. After the Aetolians had well considered the Ground; that the Enemy was advantageously posted; that they had cut many. Trenches along the Bank of the River, whereby it was hardly any where passable; and after they had farther remarked a strong desire in them to come to Blows; they upon deliberate Thoughts concluded it their safest course to avoid a Battle; contrary to their first Determination; continuing therefore in good Order, they marched on, taking their way towards Oligyrtus, keeping the high Grounds: And thought they should gain a great Point at that time, if they could compass their Passage without molestation, or being obliged to give the Enemy Battle. After Aratus and Taurion had stayed till they saw the Van of the Aetolian Army to have now gained the Hills; and the Horse in the Plains bringing up and sustaining the Rear; and who now drew near an Eminence called Propus: They sent out their Horse after them, to whom they joined their light-armed Troops under the leading of Epistratus the Acarnanian; these had order to fall on their Rearguard to make some proof of the mettle of the Enemy. Now, if it were reasonable to come to a Battle, they could not have made a worse choice than to attack the Enemy in the Rear, for their Gross had already passed the Plains; but to have done as they ought, would have been to have engaged their Van, as soon as they had entered on the Champaign Ground. In which case they had had the benefit of fight with the Advantage, both in the nature of their Arms, and the strength of their Order, wherein in plain Ground they were in both superior to the Enemy, who could not possibly have then fought without great odds against them. But while they committed this oversight, and attacked not the Aetolians till they had gained the Advantage of Ground, it was no wonder that the Success fell out accordingly. For the light-armed Troops no sooner came to the Charge, when the Aetolian Horse had gained the Mountain, firm and in good order, keeping a good round march, whereby to come up and Join their Foot.  
Aratus, who could not very well discover how the Affair went, and not rightly judging of the Danger to which he was going to expose himself; imagining the Enemies hasty Motion to be no other than Flight, detached his Curiassiers from the Wings, and commanded them to advance to the Charge, to reinforce and sustain the light-armed Soldiers. In the mean time drawing up the rest of his Troops into one Battalion, he marched himself at the Head of them, and hastily advanced towards the Enemy; doing every thing with precipitation. But the Aetolian Horse had no sooner passed the Plain, and joined the Foot who had the Rearguard, and had now gained the Mountain; when they immediately made a halt, and ordering their Foot on the Flanks, encouraged one another to fear nothing: And now facing about, the Shouts they made caused those who were at a distance to return and hasten to their assistance; so that their number increasing, in confidence of their superior Strength, and the benefit of charging from higher Ground, they boldly attacked the Enemy's Horse, and their light-armed Troops, and after a long and obstinate Dispute the Achaians were worsted: Who flying, so terrified those who were coming in no very good order to their Relief, that they likewise retreated as fast as they came; partly out of ignorance of the state of the Battle, partly by meeting those of their Party, who were flying for Safety from the Enemy. This was the reason why it came to pass, that this Party only of five Hundred of their Men was beaten; and above two Thousand betook themselves to flight without engaging. And now the Aetolians, who took Counsel of the present posture of the Field, followed them hard in the Rear with great Shouts and Acclamations. In short, while the Achaean Troops were retreating back to the Gross, as they thought of the Army, which they hoped would afford them a safe reception; their Retreat was Soldierlike, in good and safe order; but as soon as they perceived them to have quitted the advantageous Post they had taken; that their Order was broken and confused; marching in a Defileé, than they sell into Confusion likewise, and scattering and dispersing themselves here and there, some got into neighbouring Towns, others meeting a Battalion of their own Troops, that advanced to their Succour, so terrified each other, tho' no Enemy were near, that they both broke and dispersed. Of those that shifted for themselves, as we observed, some got into the Towns round about, and a good Party escaped to Orchomenus and Caphya, which were not far off. For had they not had those safe Retreats at hand, they had been entirely ruined.  
Thus have we related the Story of this Battle, which was fought near Caphya.  
As soon as the Megalopolitans came to understand that the Aetolians were encamped in the Territory of Methydrium, they drew their whole Forces together, and marched to the Assistance of the Achaians; but they arrived not till the Day after the Battle, and their coming proved of no other use, than to take care of burying the dead Bodies of those with whom they expected to have joined, and hoped to have relieved. So that digging a great Ditch in the Territory of the Caphyans, they there buried the dead, performing the Obsequies of those unfortunate Men with great Honour and Solemnity. And now the Aetolians having obtained a Victory so contrary to their Hopes, by the single service of their Horse, and light-armed Soldiers, took their march thereupon, without fear or danger, quite cross the Country of Peloponnesus. And after making an attempt on Pellene, and harrassing the Territory of Sicyon, they took their way by the Isthmus. These matters than which we have now related were the cause of the Confederate War; and the Decree that was conceived thereupon, and confirmed in a general Assembly of the Allies at Corinth; (where King Philip, who procured the same, and was present) was the beginning of the said War.  
In the mean time the Achaians soon after this Defeat call an Assembly; where Aratus was severely prosecuted with Complaints on all hands: As having been manifestly the occasion of the loss and dishonour they had sustained. And by how much his Enemies pressed him with Accusations, and with strong Reasons laid open his mismanagement; by so much did the Hatred and Indignation of the People increase against him. First, there was no dispute but that Aratus had greatly erred; in having, as one may say, usurped the Magistracy, by taking it upon him before he was regularly elected into his Charge: And he could not deny, but that what he had enterprised thereupon had very ill succeeded. Furthermore they blamed him, for that seeing the Aetolians yet in the heart of Peloponnesus, he had been prevailed with to dismiss the Achaean Troops, notwithstanding he had been before well assured that Scopas and Dorimachus were sirmly determined to embroil their Affairs; and to do all they could to engage them in a War. The third Article against him was, His adventuring to engage with so few Troops, when he might with ease have made a good Retreat to the neighbouring Towns, where he might at leisure have reinforced his Army; and then given the Enemy Battle, if he had seen cause. The last and heaviest Charge against him was, That after he had resolved to give the Enemy Battle, he did not make one Soldierlike step in the whole Conduct of the Action. For it had been in his choice to have sought on plain Ground, which would have been much to his advantage; for there the heavy-armed Troops could have engaged, from whose service he could hardly have sailed of Success: While on the contrary he chose to fight on the skirts of the Hills, where his light-armed Soldiers only were brought to fight, than which nothing could have been contrived more to the advantage of the Enemy. But as soon as Aratus appeared in the Assembly, and had first spoken of the many Services he had rendered the Commonwealth, he then replied to the Reproaches that had been uttered against him. And made it appear that the loss they had sustained was not through his Default; nevertheless he besought their Pardon; if he had been found wanting in any thing in that occasion; and prayed they would not censure him with more Rigour than Humanity. In short, he so wrought with the People, that they grew enraged against those who had so violently prosecuted him, and it was long e'er they forgave them; and in the mean time renewing their good Opinion of Aratus, they gave themselves entirely up to his Counsel and Conduct, in all their future Erterprises. These things came to pass, in the hundred and forty ninth Olympiad: While what we have now further to deliver, happened during that which followed.  
The Assembly then proceeded to decree, That Ambassadors should be dispatched to the Epirots, Boeotians, Acarnanians, and to King Philip; to remonstrate to them that the Aetolians having now the second time violated the general Treaty, had in Hostile manner invaded Achaia; and further to demand Succours according to the Covenants of the Treaty, and to move that the Messenians might be taken into the Confederacy. Moreover, they decreed, That their Praetor should raise an Army of five Thousand Foot, and five Hundred Horse; that he should march to the Relief of the Messenians, in case the Aetolians should return to Invade them: And in conclusion, came to a determination with the Lacedæmonians and Messenians, about the proportion of Horse and Foot which they were to furnish respectively toward the Forces that were to be raised for the general Service of the War. These things being concluded, the Achaians (who could not forget their late disgrace) would not abandon the Messenians, nor the Enterprise they had projected. The Ambassadors therefore acquitted themselves of their Commission. The Praetor levied Troops among the Achaians, pursuant to the Decree of the States, and concluded with the Lacedoemonians and Messenians, that they should each of them bring into the Field two Thousand five Hundred Foot, and two Hundred and Fifty Horse; to the end they might have an Army on foot to answer any present occasion, consisting of ten Thousand Foot and a Thousand Horse.  
The Aetolians in the mean time were not wanting to themselves, who (the day of their assembly now approaching) resolved to do their best to deal with the Confederates of the Achaians; and not only to endeavour a Peace with the Lacedæmonians and the Allies, but even with the Achaians themselves, on condition they would exclude the Messenians; and came to a Resolution, That in case they would not abandon them, that then War should be declared against them; than which nothing could be a more manifest Injustice. For being themselves in League with the Achaians and Messenians, they denounced War against those in case they held Friendship with the others; and on the contrary would enter into Friendship with the Achaians, provided they would become Enemies to the Messenians. But they made no difficulty to act such irregular Parts as these.  
The Epirots and King Philip, having understood the case of the Messenians, yielded to their being received into the Confederacy. And while they condemned the Proceed of the Aetolians, they were not surprised at the Relation; it being nothing new or contrary to the practice of that People. They concluded however to give no further Proofs of their Resentment, but resolved to continue at Peace with them. So much easier it is to pass by the Injuries done by those who have by a custom of transgressing taught us to forgive, than of such as take us by surprise, and from whom we could not have expected foul play.  
Thus the Aetolians, who were held for the common Outlaws and Robbers of Greece, and whose manner it was to strike without warning, and make War without any previous or public declaration, disdained to make any Apology for their Do to those who had charged them with their injurious Dealing: On the contrary, they treated their Accusers with mockery and contempt. As to the Lacedæmonians, who tho' they had been but lately rescued from the Tyranny of Cleomenes, by the Favour of Antigonus, and the Affection of the Achaians, nevertheless forgetting what they owed for that good Office, and the Assurances they had given to King Philip and the Macedonians to enter into no Engagements prejudicial to the Interests of the Achaians; they secretly, notwithstanding sent their Ambassadors to the Aetolians, and became their Confederates.  
And now when the Achaians had formed an Army of their ablest Men, and the Lacedoemonians and Messenians had promised to bring in their quota of Succours, behold a Naval Army arrives, consisting of Ninety Sail of Ships from Illyria, under the Command of Scerdilaidas and Demetrius of Pharus; who passing by the Island, which was the Bounds prescribed by the Treaty with the Romans, made their first descent near Pylus, which they attacked, and after many fruitless Attempts were repulsed. Afterwards Demetrius with a Fleet of fourscore Sail proceeded as far as the Cycladeses, where he got Money from some, and plundered others of those Islands. As to Scerdilaidas, he made Sail directly for the Coast of Illyria, and came to Naupactus with a Fleet of forty Ships, favoured and encouraged by Amina King of the Athamenes, with whom he was in Alliance. And afterwards by the procurement of Agesilaus entering into Conditions touching the distribution of the Plunder, he engaged to march against the Achaians. As soon as Agesilaus, Dorimachus and Scopas had finished this Treaty with Scerdilaidas, and had given him the Town of Cynoetha for Caution, they marched with the Illyrians into Achaia, the Aetolians being at the Head of an Army as good as they could possibly raise.  
Ariston Praetor of the Aetolians, during these Agitations, remained at home, not only without acting in any thing, but seeming ignorant of all that was done, professed to be in Amity with the Achaians; wherein he showed himself a weak Man, and a slight Minister. For which way could he hope to conceal by words, what was made by deeds so public and notorious? But in short, he was held by all the World for one of little worth. Dorimachus, taking his march through the Territory of the Achaians, came to Cynaetha. The Inhabitants of this Town, who are of Arcadian Extraction, had been long vexed with civil Dissensions; and had expressed their hatred one to another by Murders, Banishments, and all kinds of Violence: And had come to a Resolution of making a Division once again of their Lands; and, in short, the Faction that favoured the Achaians being at that time uppermost, the Power was in their hands; and the Governor himself was an Achaean. This being the Posture of Affairs in that Town, those who were under sentence of Bunishment, had a little before the arrival of the Aetolian Army, laboured about a Reconciliation, and besought the Government, that they might be restored to their Country. Upon which Overtures the Citizens were prevailed with to yield to their admittance; but to the end they might not transact any thing without the concurrence of the Achaians, they first dispatched their Deputies to them, to obtain their Approbation. The Achaians readily accorded to the request of the banished Persons, conceiving they should thereby ingratiate themselves and gain the good will of both Parties; of those in whose Hands the Magistracy was then lodged, for their greatest hopes was in the Achaians; and of the others who were restored to their Country, as owing the benefit to their Favour. So that these Differences being composed, the Cynoethians dismissed their Garrison and their Governor, and being now reconciled to their Exiles, who were to the number of about three Hundred, received them to their Friendship; who gave them all the evidences of Fidelity and fair Dealing, that could possibly be interchanged between People firmly disposed to love and oblige one another. But without the least appearance of any new Motive of Dissension, they were no sooner received into the Town, when they conspired together to betray their Country, and destroy those who but just before, had been the Authors of so great a Benefit. So that it may be said, That while they were protesting Fidelity by the Victims on the Altar, they were meditating the most horrible Crime, that could be conceived against God or Man. For they had scarce made an end of swearing Fidelity on their being received into the Town, when they called in the Aetolians, and delivered it into their Hands, proud of being the Authors of their Country's ruin, that had given them Being, and of enslaving those who had redeemed them.  
Behold the manner how this piece of Treachery was contrived. Some of the Exiles had been Polymarches (that is) they had been in command in the Army: Which sort of Magistrates (it seems) had a right to take charge of the Gates of the Town; had the custody of the Keys, and by Night the Command of the Guard. Now the Aetolians, who were not far off, having Ladders and all proper Provision with them, lay concealed waiting the occasion, when the Polymarches, who had been banished (after having dispatched their Companions of the Guard, who were not partakers of the Villainy) presently threw open the Gates. Whereupon one Party of the Aetolians entered that way, and another scaled the Walls. In the mean time, the Inhabitants, terrified at an attempt so surprising, were confounded in their Judgements what to do, or which way first to go; for, in short, they no sooner advanced against those who had entered by the Gate, when they were alarmed by the others who were scaling their Walls; but those who entered by the Gate being the greater number, found them more than work enough. So that in the end the Aetolians became Masters of the Place, and amidst the many Crimes they committed, performed this one act of Justice, namely, to cut those in pieces first, who had betrayed the Town into their Hands; making Booty of their Goods. Howbeit the rest afterwards fared no better, their Houses being exposed to Plunder, and many of the Inhabitants put to Torment, on suspicion they might have concealed their Goods of greatest value. After this severe treatment of the Cynoethians, they placed a Garrison in the Town, and marched with their Army towards Lussi, when arriving near a Temple of Diana, between Clytoria and Cynoetha, a place of great Devotion, and a Sanctuary among the Greeks, they were about to rob the Goddess of the sacred , and all that was near the Temple. But to prevent this Violence, and withhold them from greater Crimes, the Lussiatoe freely bestowed part of what appertained to the Goddess upon them. Whereupon they dislodged from thence, and went and encamped before Clytoria.  
In the mean time, Aratus, Praetor of the Achaians, having sent to demand Aids of King Philip, proceeded to make extraordinary Levies of Men, and called on the Lacedæmonians and Messenians for the Succours they were obliged to contribute, pursuant to the Treaty. The Aetolians likewise pressed the Clytorians to renounce their Alliance with the Achaians, and take part with them. Which being refused, they endeavoured to reduce them by force, scaling the Walls of the Town. But being resolutely opposed by the Inhabitants, they were compelled to retire. From thence they returned to Cynaetha, pillaging the Country all about, and carrying away the sacred  of the Goddess. Then they proposed to put the Town into the hands of the Eleans; which not being accepted, they resolved to keep it for themselves, putting in Euripides for their Governor. But shortly after being alarmed, at the news of the approach of the Macedonians, they burned the Town, and retired; taking their march towards Rhium, with purpose to pass that way into Aetolia.  
In the mean time, Taurion having notice of the Success of the Aetolians, and of what they had done at Cynaetha, and hearing that Demetrius of Pharus was arrived from the Cycladeses to Cenchrea, he importuned him to come to the Assistance of the Achaians; to draw his Vessels over the Isthmus, and fall on the Aetolians in their passage. Demetrius, who had fled from the Rhodians, that were in pursuit of him, and had brought with him no less Shame than Plunder from the Cycladeses, readily yielded to the Demand; especially in regard Taurion was to be at the expense of transporting over the Vessels. But that Work was no sooner over, when they understood that the Aetolians had gained their Passage two Days before; whereupon Demetrius, contenting himself to make Inroads on them here and there, near the Sea-coast, retired to the Port of Corinth. In conclusion, the Lacedoemonians, industriously and with evil intent, deferred sending those Aids, to which by the accord they were obliged; covering their malicious Purpose, however, with dispatching an inconsiderable Supply of Horse and Foot. While the Achaean Troops rendezvoused about Aratus, who in short governed his Affairs in such sort in that occasion, as rendered him rather a cautious and wise Citizen, than an able General of an Army. For indeed the reflection on his late Disasters had so warned him, that he remained long undetermined how to proceed, till at length Dorimachus and Scopas, having leisure given them to act the Part for which they came, returned home without molestation: While Aratus in the mean time well knew, they must of necessity take their March by such Ways and Passes, so difficult and dangerous, that as one may say, they might have been beaten by the Sound only of a Trumpet. As for the Cynaethians, tho' their usage from the Aetolians was barbarous enough, yet so it was that all the World looked on their Misfortunes as a Punishment justly inflicted.  
But forasmuch as the Arcadians are in some Reputation for Virtue among the Greeks, not only for their laudable Manners, and the Humanity wherewith Strangers and all People are received among them; but chief for their Devotion to the Gods; it will not therefore be amiss, that we give some account of the Brutality of the Cynaethians, and how it came to pass that being of Arcadian Extraction, they should have so degenerated, as to surpass in all sorts of Crimes and Barbarities the whole Greek Nation beside. For my own part, I am apt to conclude, that this their Depravity sprang from their being the first and almost only People among the Arcadians that apostatised, and renounced the wholesome and wise Institutions of their Forefathers; and the common and natural Ties of Humanity, so strictly observed by all the Arcadians beside. Music is esteemed useful , but to the Arcadians it is necessary; I mean the true Mystery and Science of Music. And no Credit is to be given to a Saying of Ephorus, so unworthy of the Author, who in the beginning of his Writings tells us, That Music was invented to deceive and abuse us. Nor is there any ground to conclude that the Cretans and Lacedæmonians did, without Reason, introduce the Use of the Flute and Singing, instead of the Trumpet in War: Nor that the original Arcadians did not, on solid Grounds, allot the Preference to Music, as to give it a Part in the Establishment of their State; and whatsoever Austerities they may otherwise profess, they make it an indispensible Part of the Education of their Children, and enjoin the Study of Music to their Young Men till they arrive at the Age of Thirty Years, And most certain it is, that there is hardly any People beside the Arcadians, who in their private Families accustom their Children from their tenderest Age, (and which is grown into a Law) to sing Hymns to their Heroes and their Gods; every one according to the Style and Mode of his Country. Then after their Children have been instructed in the Music of Philoxenus and Timotheus, they are brought yearly to the Theatre, where they celebrate the Feast of Bacchus with Songs and Dances; as likewise the Games, called the Games of Childhood, as their Young Men perform those called the Games of Youth. So that all their Lifelong, they divert not themselves so much in their Entertainments, and Conversation, in the Exercise of their Wit, as their Voices, singing one to another by turns. And in case any one should profess himself ignorant of other Arts and Sciences, he may do it without reproach; but none may presume to want Knowledge in Music, because the the Law of the Land makes it necessary; nor dare they own their Insufficiency therein, it being held infamous among that People. They are likewise at the Charge of the Public instructed in martial Dances, and to Fight and Exercise their Arms, according to the Cadence of Music, and are seen every Year on the Public Theatre, to show the People their Improvement in that Exercise.  
In short, we may safely conclude, That their ancestors did not establish this Custom amongst them, so much for Luxury and Delight, as from a wise Consideration of the Life they lead, and the Climate they inhabit; being a People addicted to Labour, and, in a word, leading a toilsome and industrious Life: Which seems to proceed from the Inclemency of the Air, for the most part cold and melancholy. For it is an established Law in Nature, that we should partake of the Soil that breeds us. Nor can there be a better Reason rendered for the Unlikeness of Nations, as the difrence of the Air they breathe, and the situation of the Countries they inhabit. And hence it comes to pass, that the distance of Climates begets that dissimilitude among us, both in Manners, Make, Humour, and Complexion. These gladsome Remedies than we have related, were wisely instituted to cure and calm by Art the Rigours and Defects of Nature. Furthermore, they had a Custom of mixing Men and Women indifferently in their Sacrifices and Public Assemblies, wherein they frequently met. They likewise instituted Quires, where the Youth of both Sexes conversed, and sung and danced together; and in a word, they left nothing unattempted, that might prevail to soften and sweeten those Austerities of Nature to which the Climate had condemned them. And the Cynaethians, who by reason of their situation, had of all others the greatest reason to preserve these Customs among them (they being the most Northern part of all Arcadia) no sooner fell to neglect these wholesome Institutions, when they fell into Dissensions and civil Discords; and grew at length into such depravity of Manners, that their Crimes, in number and measure, surpassed all the Nations of the Greeks beside.  
Great and manifest Testimonies were given, of the Corruption of this People's Manners, from the Aversion the Arcadians in general had conceived against them, who, when they dispatched their Ambassadors to the Lacedæmonians, after their Defeat, they hardly came into any Town of Arcadia, where the Inhabitants did not warn them out again by Sound of Trumpet, and the Voice of their Public Crier. And the People of Mantinaea proceeded yet farther; for they had no sooner caused the Cynaethian Ambassadors to departed, when they cleansed themselves as from Infection, and slew Victims about their Town and Country, and offered Sacrifices of Purgation.  
We have taken occasion to enlarge on this Subject, to justify the Arcadian Customs and Manners; and to the end lest the Arcadians themselves, by a wrong Judgement and Belief, that Music became thus familiar among them, barely for Luxury and the entertainment of idle Minds, should at length fall into Contempt of that part of their own Laws and Institutions. Nor are the Cynaethians themselves without a share of our Commiseration in this Digression; who, if by the Favour of Heaven, they should one Day see an end of their Affliction, may be drawn to return to the ancient Manners of their Country; and embrace and principally cultivate this Science among them, whereby to soften and bend their Minds with those Charms, which have power to tame wild Beasts themselves; than which, no way seems more likely to polish them from the Rust of Barbarity. But having spoken enough of Cynaetha, 'tis time now to return to our Business.  
The Aetolians having acted these Violences in Peloponnesus, as hath been related, returned home without Impediment. In the interim Philip arrives at Corinth to secure the Achaians; but coming too late the occasion was lost; he therefore sent his Dispatches to the several Confederates, praying them speedily to send their respective Deputies to him there, that they might deliberate together about their general Affairs. While he himself led his Troops towards Tegaea, on a rumour that the Lacedæmonians were fallen into civil Broils.  
The Lacedæmonians, who had been used to Kingly Government, and were but newly by the power of Antigonus set at liberty, fell into Factions; and Seditions growing among them, they were labouring to establish Equality in their State. In these Disputes there were two of their Ephori, of whom it could not be discovered to which Party they were inclined, while the other three openly manifested their being of the Aetolian Faction: Considering King Philip as not yet of Age ripe enough to Rule the Affairs of Peloponnesus. But when, contrary to their Opinion, and more speedily than they expected, the Aetolians were retired; and Philip arrived out of Macedon sooner than was believed; the three Ephori begun to fall into suspicion of Adimantus, one of the other two; for they well knew he was privy to their Designs, and testified his disapproval of their Counsels; wherefore they apprehended lest he when Philip should approach nearer might reveal to him all that had passed. Wherefore imparting their purpose to certain young Men of their Party, they proclaimed by sound of Trumpet, that all who were of Age to go to War, should assemble with their Arms at a certain place of Rendezvous near the Temple of Minerva Chalciaece, to make head against the Macedonians, who were approaching their Borders. Hereupon the People assembled, terrified at this surprising News; but Adimantus disapproving the proceeding, hastened to those who were so drawn together, and spoke to them after this manner: It would be wholesome Counsel to conceive such Edicts, and make such Proclamations, upon notice that the Aetolians our Enemies were on our Borders; but not at this time, when the Macedonians our Friends, from whose Bounty we have received so many good Offices, are approaching us; having their King in Person with them. He had no sooner ended these words, when those who were of Intelligence with the other Ephori fell upon him, stabbing him to death with their Poinyards, and together with him Sthenelaus, Alcamenes, Thyestes, Bionidias, and many other Principal Citizens. Polyphontes and some others, who foresaw the Danger, escaped to King Philip. But the Ephori, becoming by this Action formidable in Sparta, sent forthwith to the King, laying the cause of what had happened to the charge of those who had been slain; praying him to defer his coming to Sparta, till their Tumults should be over, and their Affairs in a more quiet posture: In the mean time they give him solemn assurance of fair Dealing, and that they would perform the Capitulations punctually.  
Their Ambassadors found the King near the Mountain of Parthenia, where they performed their Commission. After he had given them Audience, he told them they should return back to Sparta, and let the Ephori understand, that he intended to proceed on his way to Tegaea, where he desired they would dispatch to him proper Persons with whom to confer touching the present posture of Affairs. So they commissionated ten of the Principal Citizens of Lacedaemon for that Negotiation, appointing Onias' chief of the Embassy.  
Upon their arrival at Tegaea, they were introduced to the King in Council, where they renewed their Accusation against Adimantus; making him the Author of all those Disorders, that had happened among them. And, in short, they made the King plausible Promises to act in every thing the part of faithful Confederates, and to proceed in such manner as to make it manifest, that they surpassed in Zeal and Affection those whom he held for his faithfullest Friends. After this Discourse, and more to the like effect, the Ambassadors withdrew. Those who were present in the Council were divided in their Opinions; and being well assured that Adimantus, and those who had been assassinated were sacrificed for their Fidelity to King Philip, and that the Lacedæmonians prevaricated, and were disposed to enter into Alliance with the Aetolians; counselled the King to make them an Example, and treat them as Alexander had done the Thebans upon his coming to the Crown; But others of the graver sort were for more moderate Counsels; remonstrating that such a Punishment was too great for their Fault; and that it would be enough to punish the Promoters and Heads of the Sedition, by removing them from the Magistracy, and placing the Authority in such Hands as were firm to the Interest of the King.  
After they had all spoken their Minds, the King delivered his Opinion; if it were true that what he said in that occasion was his own: For, in truth, it is hardly probable, that a young Prince of seventeen Years of Age, could be able to determine with such Sagacity, in an Affair of so much moment. But as it is good manners in Historians, to attribute to the Princes themselves the Resolutions that are taken in their Cabinets; so the Readers of History ought to conclude, that such wholesome determinations flow rather from the riper Conceptions of their faithful Servants, and such as are admitted to the Prince's Privacy. And there is all the reason in the World to do Aratus the justice of believing him to be the Author of what the King delivered on that occasion.  
Who said, That if the Confederates had any difference among themselves, what was fitting to be done in such case, was to admonish them by Word or Letter, and let them know that their Proceed were observed: That whatsoever was done in violation of the general Alliance, aught to be punished by the joint Sentence of the Confederates: But that since it did not appear that the Lacedæmonians had been guilty of any Infraction of the Union; but, on the contrary, had given the Macedonians such Assurances of their sincerity, as they did, there was no reason to deal severely with them. That, in a word, it would not be just in him to animadvert on them for light Offences, whom his Father had pardoned while they were Enemies, and he a Conqueror. This Opinion then of the King prevailing, That it would be better to connive at what had happened, he dispatched Petraeus, one of his favourite Servants, in company of Onias, to exhort the Lacedæmonians to continue firm to the Treaty, and to ratify it by a new Oath, while himself marched with his Army to Corinth; having given the Confederates an admirable instance of his Prudence and Magnanimity, in this his behaviour towards the Lacedæmonians.  
The Ambassadors of the Confederates were already met at Corinth, where, upon the King's Arrival, they fell to deliberate with him about their common Affairs, and what resolution to take touching the Aetolians. The Boeotians accused them of having in time of Peace plundered and violated the Temple of Minerva Itonia: The Phocians, for attacking in Hostile manner the Towns of Ambrysus and Daulius: The Epirots charged them with making Inroads and Plundering their Country: The Acarnanians, for their attempt on Thyreum; and after it had been made evident to the Assembly, in what manner they had possessed themselves of the Fortress of Clarium, in the Dominion of the Megalopolitans: That they had ruined the Country of Pharus and Patrae in their march, destroyed Cynaetha with Fire and Sword, profaned the Temple of Diana at Lussi, besieged Clytoria, made War by Sea at Pylus, and Landed in hostile manner on the Territory of Megalopolis. In short, when all these Outrages of the Aetolians had been proved, and canvased in the Assembly, they accorded unanimously to declare War against them. So after they had prefaced their Decree, with enumerating the Causes and Provocations of the War; it was concluded, That all those who had been sufferers by the Aetolians, since the Death of Demetrius, Father of Philip, should be received into the Confederacy; and that if any by the violence of the Times had been awed into Obedience or Alliance with the Aetolians, and paid them Tribute, that they should be forthwith set at liberty, the security of their respective Governments committed to their own hands, and no Garrisons imposed upon them; but that they should be permitted to return to their ancient Laws and Customs, free from any Tribute or Impositions whatsoever: That Aid should be given the Amphictyons, in order to their re-establishment in their Privileges, and the restitution of their Right to the administration of the Temple, which the Aetolians had violently wrested from them, to make themselves Masters of that sacred Place, and all the Revenues thereof. This Decree being ordained in the First Year of the Hundred and fortieth Olymphiad, the War of the Allies thereupon ensued, which was begotten by the violent and general unjust proceed of the Aetolians. And now Ambassadors were sent from the Assembly of the States, to all the Confederate Towns, to the end the Decree being  received and ratified by the Suffrages of the People, they might jointly and separately in their distinct States, publish the War against the Aetolians; whom King Philip likewise advertised by his Letters, letting them understand, That if it were so, that they had just argument or motive whereby to indemnify themselves, and could fairly wipe off the Imputations that lay against them, that they would do well to apply themselves to the general Assembly, and endeavour to put a period to so solemn a Process by a Conference: That they did but make Ostentation of their Weakness, by thinking they might with impunity spoil and pillage, as they did , without any declared War, or apparent cause for such violence; and that those who underwent these Outrages would rest unrevenged; or that it would be believed the Sufferers would be reckoned the Aggressors, and Authors of the War, while they only applied themselves to such Remedies as their case made necessary.  
The Aetolians, on the receipt of these Intimations from King Philip, were at first persuaded he would not appear, and therefore prefixed a Day for their assembling at Rhium; afterwards, when they heard of his arrival, they sent to let him know, that they had not Power to determine any thing in their Public Affairs, till the Convention of the General States of the Aetolians. In the mean while, the Achaians assembling at the usual time, ratified the Decree by a general Vote of the Assembly, and afterwards declared War against the Aetolians. And now the King coming the Aegium, where the Diet was held, he there explained himself in many Point, and proceeded in such manner, as greatly pleased and obliged the Assembly; where they renewed with him the several Treaties that had been heretofore made between his Ancestors and the Achaians.  
About the same time the Aetolians assembled in their General Council, where they elected Scopas for their Praetor, he who had been the Author of all those Violencese we have related. By what name then shall we be able to distinguish such a Determination? For to spoil and treat their Neighbours in hostile manner, without any Declaration of War; and not only not to punish the Authors of such Outrages, but to confer on the Ringleaders the prime Authority in the Government, seems to me the extremity of all Dishonesty. For what gentler Terms will so vile an Action bear! But our sense thereof will be better known by what follows. When Phaebidas surprised Cadmaea by Fraud and Perfidy, the Lacedæmonians, tho' they would not quit their possession, yet they punished the Authors of the Action, believing they had done enough to expiate for the Wrong, in the chastisement of the Offenders. In short, they might have proceeded with less severity, and it would have been more beneficial to the Thebans. Afterward, during the Peace of Antal●idas, they published a Decree, That Liberty should be restored every where to the Greeks, who should enjoy their ancient Laws and Customs; nevertheless, they withdrew not the Governors they had placed over the several Towns.  
When they dissolved the Government, and ruin'd the Town of Mantinoea, they coloured the Action by asserting they had done them on Injury, in transplanting them from one Town to a great many. But 'tis the sum total of Folly and Depravity, to think because our Eyes are shut, that all the World is blind. Thus both the one and the other of these People, by pursuing these pernicious Maxims in the administration of the States, drew on themselves many and grievous Calamities. Wherefore as well in Private Affairs as Public Negotiations, such Counsels are never to be followed, by any who would consult their own Good and Tranquillity.  
King Philip having now come to a Resolution with the Achaians, touching their common Affairs, returned home with his Army, to make preparations for the War; having gained not only among the Confederates, but the Greeks in general, a mighty Opinion of his Goodness and Magnanimity, by the publication of the Decree we have mentioned.  
All these Matters were transacted about the time that Hannibal the Carthaginian General was deliberating about laying Siege to Saguntum after he had subdued all that part of Spain that lies on the other side of the River Eber. Since the Erterprises of Hannibal then take beginning, and bear data with these Affairs of Greece, there seems to be a necessity that we should treat of them alternately, according to the Method of our preceding Book; to the end, having punctual regard to the Time, we may confront (as one may say) the Affairs of both these People of Spain and Greece. But forasmuch as those of Italy, Greece, and Asia were produced from different Causes, tho' they had one and the same event; we have therefore thought fit to handle them distinctly and apart, till such time as we shall arrive at that Period, when the Matters whereof we have made mention come to mingle, and grow to conspire towards one and the same end. By which means, the beginnings and steps of each one respectively, will be made the more intelligible; and the interweaving them afterwards be less subject to confusion, when the time of the respective Occurrences shall be adjusted, and the Means and Causes of things duly set down. In conclusion, they will together compose but one entire History; and, in short, these Affairs became thus mingled toward the end of that War, which was finished in the third Year of the Hundred and Fortieth Olympiad. Wherefore there will be all the reason in the World to treat succeeding Matters conjointly, as those that go before separately, after having first briefly refreshed the Memory in some Occurrences that fell out about those times. Having propounded to ourselves not only to write our History with perspicuity, but so as to engage the Reader's esteem, who shall study it with attention.  
King Philip passed the Winter in Macedon, in making Levies and Preparations for the War, and fortifying his Frontiers against the Attempts of the Barbarians, who were his near Neighbours. Afterward finding out Scerdilaidas, he a little too boldly confided in, and contracted Alliance with him; and promising him Aids towards his acquiring certain Towns in Illyria, and censuring the Actions of the Aetolians, (which pleased Scerdilaidas above all things) he easily won him to his purpose. For private Injuries have their force, and differ not from public in the nature but magnitude of the Offences. And there is nothing so fatal to such as league together in criminal and violent Actions, as the breach of Faith among themselves. This was experimented by the Aetolians; for it was a Stipulation between them and Scerdilaidas, that he should share a proportion in the Spoils and Plunder that should be taken, who was to be a Party in the Crimes that should be committed, if he would join with them in their Expedition against the Achaians. Nevertheless on their taking and spoiling the City of Cynaetha, where was found great Booty of Slaves, , and other movables, they admitted him to no part thereof. Which breach of Articles so distasted Scerdilaidas, that when Philip had refreshed the sense of that Injury, he was wrought to promise he would enter into the common Alliance, on the terms of being paid yearly the sum of twenty Talents, and would make War on the Aetolians by Sea with a Fleet of thirty Vessels.  
And now the Ambassadors, who had been dispatched to the Confederate States, first coming to the Acarnanians, treated with them; who frankly confirmed the Decree, and declared War against the Aetolians. And yet tho' they should have taken time to explain themselves, and expressed their just apprehensions of the War, there is no People against whom less Offence could have been taken, as being Borderers on the Aetolians; and what is more, were very ill able to defend themselves, and not long before had been deep sufferers by Aetolian Violence.  
But there is no doubt but a generous Nation, jealous of their Honour, prefers that to all other Considerations, both in their public and private Treaties; and herein the Acarnanians have surpassed most of the Greeks, who, weak as they are, have in defence of their Reputation, engaged in the greatest Dangers. Wherefore there is no People among the Grecians with whom Friendship may be more safely contracted; there being none who profess more regard to public or private Faith, or will venture further for the love of Liberty. As to the Epirots, tho' they ratified the Decree, yet they would not yield to declare War against the Aetolians, till King Philip should first proclaim it: Wherefore they dismissed the Aetolian Ambassadors with promise to continue in good terms with them, wherein they made show of very little Generosity. Ambassadors were dispatched in like manner to King Ptolemy, to dissuade him from yielding any help to the Aetolians against King Philip, either by supplies of Money, or otherwise. As to the Messenians, on whose score the War first broke out; they replied to the Ambassadors, That they would not engage in the War unless Phigalia, which commanded their Frontiers, were first drawn off from the Aetolian League: But Oenis and Nicippus, with others who favoured the Oligarchy, had procured this Declaration against the general Inclinations of the People, wherein they seem to have been much in the wrong. For while I deny not but War is an Evil greatly to be apprehended, so it is as true that our fear thereof ought not to subject us to suffer every thing, and debase us into Villanage to avoid it. For why do we keep such a stir about preserving Equality among the Citizens, and the freedom of Speech in Deliberations? Why, in short, does the name of Liberty bear such a Price among us, if there were not something more valuable than Peace itself? For what Man ever applauded the Thebans, who out of fear of the Dangers they must have been exposed to, for the sake of the general Good of Greece, during the Median War, entered into Confederacy with the Persians. I am not therefore of Pindar's mind, who to defend that weak Action hath said somewhere in his Writings, That a wise Citizen, who would study the true Welfare of his Country, prefers above all things the Benefits and Tranquillity of Peace. And he thought perhaps that he had all the World of his side, while on the contrary he couldnot have broached a more pernicious and scandalous Opinion. For as there is nothing more eligible and profitable, than Peace on Conditions Just and Honourable: So nothing can be more hurtful or shameful, than when 'tis purchased by Servitude, and stained with base and infamous Ends.  
However it were, the Principal Citizens of Messina, who had no further Prospect than private and present Profit, pursued Peace more passionately than they ought. 'Tis true, that at the price of many Evils which they were content to suffer, they shunned some present Fears and Dangers: But the Disease increasing by degrees, they by those Measures brought their Country at long run into grievous Calamities. The best reason that I can conceive may be rendered in their defence, is, That they were Borderers on the two most considerable States, not only of Peloponnesus, but of Greece itself, namely, the Arcadians and Lacedæmonians; of whom, the one was always their most implacable Enemy, from their first possessing of that Country; the other a peaceable Neighbour, wishing them well and desiring their preservation. Nevertheless they had never openly declared themselves either Friends to the Arcadians, or Enemies to the Lacedæmonians. Wherefore when at any time those two People chanced to differ, or were otherwise engaged in War, the Messenians found their account thereby, and enjoyed their repose: But when ever the Lacedæmonians were disengaged from other Wars, they presently entered on new Designs to molest and subdue the Messenians; who never presumed to contend with a Power so much superior to their own: Nor had ever made any Friend, who would adventure any thing in their behalf; so they became obliged at length, either to comply with the Lacedæmonians, and patiently submit to the Yoke they imposed; or otherwise to abandon their Country with their Wives and Children. In short, they had already frequently felt these hardships, and but a very little before tasted thereof. And it were much to be wished, that the Affairs of Peloponnesus could be settled on such a Basis, and the care of its Conservation might so affect men's Minds, that there should be no occasion of applying such Remedies, as I shall mention by and by. But in case any general Change or Revolution should threaten, my Judgement is, that there is no Course or Counsel so wholesome for the Messenians and Megalopolitans to preserve them in a safe and lasting Possession of their Country, as the contracting a firm and sincere Union one with another in every thing, according to the Advice of Epaminondas, and to preserve their Friendship inviolate.  
In conclusion, this Counsel may be confirmed from ancient Story. For the Messenians, not to mention other matters, erected a Column in the Reign of Aristomenes in the Temple of Jupiter Lycaeus, where according to the report of calisthenes this Inscription was engraven:  
Fate will not always favour Tyrants rule;  
Messenian Jove their ruin hath decreed.  
Whatever Ills are done, no Ills are hid  
From the Divinity's allseeing Eye.  
Grant then, O Jupiter, whom all adore,  
Arcadia may be still in thy protection.  
It is not improbable but that when they were driven from their Country, they then erected this Column, with the Inscription, to implore as it were the Favour of the Gods, to conserve to them their second abode. Nor was it indeed without good reason; for the Arcadians did not only receive them into their City, upon their being compelled to abandon their Country during the War of Aristomenes, but admitted them to a Fellowship of Privileges with their Citizens, and consented to their mixing with them in Marriage. Furthermore upon discovery of the evil Purposes of King Aristocrates, they put him to death and exterminated his whole Race with him. But to look no further into ancient Story, what hath come to pass since Megalopolis and Messena were restored, makes proof enough of the truth of what we have been observing. For after the Battle the Greeks fought near Mantinaea, where the Victory became undetermined, through the loss of Epaminondas, the Lacedæmonians in hopes of getting Messina into their Hands, would have excluded them from the Treaty of Confederacy, while the Megalopolitans, and the rest of the Arcadian Party obstinately opposed it; and so far prevailed in favour of the Messeninas, that they came at length to exclude the Lacedæmonians themselves from the Treaty.  
Now if Posterity can but reflect with attention on these things, we shall not be censured for having thus enlarged on the Points we have been treating. And it will be perceived that what hath been delivered, is in service of the Messenians and Arcadians; to the end that bearing in mind the Injuries they have received from the Lacedæmonians, they may be incited to a closer Union in their Alliances: And that whensoever they would deliberate rightly about the security of either's Estate, it may grow into an established Principle among them to admit no breach in their Confederacy, either through fear of War, or love of Peace.  
As to the Lacedæmonians, they, according to their manner, dismissed in the end the Ambassadors of the Allies, without any reply; so much had their Folly and Pride prevailed on their Judgement; which verifies a good old Saying, That great Presumption is but another name for Vanity and Weakness of Mind. Afterward, on creation of their new Ephori, those who had been the Troublers of the State, and were guilty of all that Bloodshed we have noted, dispatched advice to the Aetolians, counselling them to send Ambassadors to Sparta; which they presently performed, and Machatas soon arrived on the part of the Aetolians, whereupon he applies to the Ephori, demanding that Machatas might be heard in the Public Assembly; then he proposed the coming to a creation of their Kings according to ancient custom, and that it was not to be suffered, and against the tenure of their Laws, that the Dominion of the Heraclidae should be discontinued. None of the Propositions pleased the Ephori; but wanting strength to stem the Current of the opposite Faction; and fearing violence from the  young Men, they replied, That as to what concerned the Kings, they would take it into deliberation. In the mean time, they were forced to assemble the People to give audience to Machatas: And being met, he there appeared, and spoke many things to dispose them to an Alliance with the Aetolians; impudently and unjustly calumniating the Macedonians, and extolling and foolishly exaggerating the Praises of the Aetolians. When he had left the Assembly, great and warm Debates arose touching the Propositions he had made, one Party holding with the Aetolians, and another violently opposing them. But at length, after certain of the gravest Senators had reminded the People, on the one hand, of the fruit they had reaped by the good Offices of Antigonus and the Macedonians; and, on the other, the Outrages of Charixenus and Timaeus, when the Aetolians broke in upon the Lands of the Lacedæmonians, and putting all to Fire and Sword, carried a multitude of the neighbouring People away captive; and did their best to surprise and ruin Sparta itself, aided therein by those who were under the Sentence of Banishment whom they took with them: The People thereupon were wrought to change their mind, and resolve to continue firm to their Alliance with King Philip and the Macedonians. So Machatas returned home, without any fruit of his Negotiation.  
And now the Authors of the late Sedition, dissatisfied with these Proceed, and resolving not to acquiesce to the present Methods of Administration, corrupted certain Persons to engage with them in a most detestable Enterprise. It is the Custom of their young Men to asstmble once a Year in Arms, to celebrate a Sacrifice in the Temple of Minerva Chalciaeca; in the performance of which Ceremony, the Ephori are obliged principally to be present, and direct all things relating to the said Sacrifice. At this Solemnity then, a Party of those, who were in Arms to celebrate the Feast with greater Pomp, fell on the Ephori while they were ministering, killing them in the very Temple, tho' it were a Sanctuary even to those who were under Sentence of Death: And forgetting what was due to that sacred Place, murdered those of their Party at the Table, and before the Altar of the Goddess. Afterwards, to complete what they had projected, they caused Gyridas, and many other Senators, to be put to death, and banishing the rest of the anti-Aetolian Faction, came to an Election of new Ephori of their own Stamp, and proceeded to enter into Confederacy with the Aetolians. So great was their Hatred to the Achaians and Macedonians. But the whole World was witness, that all their other Counsels were conducted by the same Steps of Imprudence and Temerity; being indeed disposed to that manner of Government through their Inclination to Cleomenes; whose escape from the Egyptians and return to Sparta, they wished and daily expected. Such Impressions of Love doth the Gentleness of Princes leave in Men's Minds, that whether present or absent, i● kindles such Sparks of Gratitude and , as are not presently extinguished: And tho' it were now three Years since Cleomenes' flight, and the City had been governed according to their ancient Institutions, there had not been so much as one motion made in Sparta for the Election of their Kings: But the news of his Death was no sooner published when both the People and Ephori proceeded to deliberate thereupon. The Ephori, who were of the Faction of the Seditious, and had made Alliance with the Aetolians, chose for one of their Kings Agesipolis, whose Father was Cleombrotus, who succeeded Leonidas, he being the nearest in Blood. They appointed for his Governor Cleomenes the Son of Cleombrotus, and Brother to the first Agesipolis. As to the other King, altho' Archidamus left two Children begotten of the Daughter of Hippomedon; and there were others of the same Lineage, but more remote, tho' they were of the Family; yet these were rejected, and the Royalty conferred on Lycurgus, who descended not from any one Ancestor that had worn the Crown. But at the price of a Talon he bestowed on each of the Ephori, he bought his Adoption to Hercules, and his Title to the Crown of Sparta. So true it is, that all Villainies are  bought at a price. And it will be seen, that the Authors of these Violations, were not punished in their Children, or Child's Children, but they themselves lived to share the Fruit of their Folly.  
Machatas receiving notice of these Proceed, returned speedily to Sparta, where he laboured his utmost with the Kings and the Ephori, to dispose them to declare War with the Achaians, there being no other means left, whereby to vanquish the Difficulties they were now under, with those who opposed the Alliance with the Aetolians, who had likewise a Party in Aetolia itself. But having at length prevailed with the Kings and the Ephori, he returned back to his Country, after having, by the Weakness of those whom he had gained to his purpose, successfully executed his Commission.  
As to Lycurgus, he marched out, and made Incursions on the Frontiers of the Argians with the Troops he had raised, with whom was joined the Militia of the City: So that taking the Argians thus by surprise, the Enemy easily effected their purpose. Soon after he took Polichna, Prasia, Leucas, and Cyphas. He got possession likewise of Glimpse and Zarax; after which good success, the Lacedæmonians proclaimed War with the Achaians. Thus all things sorting to the Wish of the Aetolians, they entered on the War with great assurance, while, on the contrary, the Achaians had but a melancholy prospect of their Affairs: For King Philip, on whom they most relied, was yet but forming his Army. The● Epirots were slow in their Preparations; and the Messenians continued Neuters, while the Aetolians, assisted by the Eleans and Lacedæmonians, attacked them on every side.  
At the same time Aratus' Praetorship expired, and Aratus his Son was, by the Suffrages of the Achaians, chosen Praetor in his Place. Scopas likewise was Praetor of the Aetolians, whose time was now half expired, the Aetolians Election of Magistrates being in in the Month of September, the Achaians March. Aratus the Younger than entered on his Charge early in that Summer, which was remarkable for the beginning of so many Wars: For Hannibal was then meditating the Siege of Saguntum. The Romans dispatched L. Aemilius at the Head of an Army into Illyria, against Demetrius the Pharian, whereof we have made mention in our preceding Book. Antiochus' entered on the War, which was waged for the Lower Syria, after Theodorus had delivered up to him Tyre and Ptolemais. Lycurgus' King of Sparta arrogating the same Authority as heretofore Cleomenes did, laid siege to Athenaeum, belonging to the Megalopolitans. The Achaians made Levies of Horse and Foot to sustain the War that so much threatened them. Philip marched out of Macedon with an Army of Ten thousand heavy-armed Troops, Five thousand Targeteers, and Eight hundred Horse. These were the hostile Preparations that were then  making. Besides that, the Rhodians were at the same time engaging in a War with the Byzantines, the Quarrel being grounded on the Reasons we shall now deliver.  
The Byzantines are situate the most commodiously of any People, who by their neigh-hood to the Sea, have all things transported to them that minister to the supply of human Life, or Luxury; but they cannot boast of the like Felicity by Land with respect to the Sea; their City stands so on the Coast, that no Vessel can go or come without their Permission. And whatever can be supplied by the Pontic Sea, which yields abundance of every needful thing they are Masters of. In a word, the Country's bordering on that Sea, afford us plenty of Hides, and of good Slaves, Honey, Wax, salted Flesh, and all sorts of the like Commodities. The Byzantines enjoy likewise, by the Benefit of Navigation, all things of the growth of our Countries; as, Oil, Wine, and the like. Breadcorn is also a Commodity among them, which sometimes they buy, and at other times they sell. It will concern the Greeks then, either not to deal at all in these kinds of Merchandise, or to resolve to Trade without Advantage; if the Byzantines should at any time enter into League with the Thracians or Galatians: Or in short, totally to abandon all Commerce with those Countries; for we should be no longer at liberty to Navigate in the Pontic Sea, by reason of the straitness of the Inlets, and the multitude of Barbarians that possess the Country round about. There is no doubt then, but 'tis the Felicity of the situation of Places to which Byzantium owes the many Advantages it enjoys; for be it either for the Consumption of such things whereof they abound, or the Supply of what they want, they Negotiate both with ease, by the benefit of their Navigation; nor are those who hold Commerce with them, without their share of Commodity: Wherefore as they are beneficial to every one, so the Greeks in general have a just Consideration for them: And they do not only think they have a right to their Thanks, to but their Succours and Assistance, whensoever they are invaded or pressed by their barbarous Neighbours. But forasmuch as the Nature and Situation of this Place is known but to a few, it lying out of the way of the general Commerce of the World; we have therefore thought it worth our Pains to show how it comes to pass that Byzantium enjoys so many Advantages, superior to most other Cities. For it is our purpose to be ever very particular in this sort of Subjects, and to endeavour to give such a prospect of those things as shall be found worth remarking, as to paint them as it were to the view; at least to engrave such a Picture of them in the Mind, that the Images shall be but just short of Truth itself.  
That which we call the Pontic Sea then, contains in Circuit about nine hundred Leagues; it hath two Outlets or straits, the one into the Propontis, the other gives it Communication with the Palus-Maeotis; whose Circuit is upwards of three hundred Leagues. And forasmuch as many eminent Rivers of Asia, and more of the principal Rivers of Europe, discharge themselves into this Lake, it comes to pass that when it swells by the Tribute of so many Waters, it enlargeth and emptieth itself by the Straight into the Pontus, and the Pontus is delivered by the Propontis. The Mouth or Straight of Palus-Maeotis is called Bosphorus Cimmerius; which is in Length about threescore Furlongs, in Breadth about thirty, the Extremities whereof are  full of Flats and Shelves. The Outlet of the Pontus is called the Bosphorus of Thrace, being in Length about one hundred and twenty Furlongs, but the Breadth is unequal; for at the entrance of the Narrow between Chalcedon and Byzantium, it is about fourteen Furlongs over; but further out about Hieron, a Place so called on the Coast of Asia, it is not above twelve Furlongs broad; it is reporred, that Jason first sacrificed here to the twelve gods. In a word, there are two causes to which is attributed the perpetual Current one way, that is observed to run in these two straits: The one plain and intelligible, to every one. For while their Waters are incessantly replenished, by the Income of so many great Rivers, there is no other way but by these straits to discharge them; for being bounded and confined  by the Coast, the surplus of Water necessarily and naturally flows out by these passages. The other cause is this; namely, that the Rivers swelling with the great rains, their Streams become thereby so rapid, that mighty quantities of Sand and Soil are by the Torrent conveyed down; which lodging at the bottom, occasion the Water to swell so much the higher and consequently augments the Stream we are speaking of. These are the true Causes then of this constant Current; and we are not to hearken to the Reports of Seafaring People in these cases, but to have recourse to the Evidence of solid Reason, by which alone the natural Causes of Things are understood.  
But since it is our chance to fall on this Discourse, it will concern us to endeavour that nothing may be left unsaid, that may serve to inform the Understanding, touching the nature of the Subject we are treating Wherefore we shall labour to lay things down as plainly as possibly we may, to the end no Doubt may remain on the meanest Capacity. And, in truth, there lies an Obligation on us, who live in the present Age, to examine things with our utmost care and circumspection. For as there is nothing remains in these our Days undiscovered of Earth or Seas, it would be a reproach to fly to Fiction with the Poets and others, who have paid us with Fables, to give us Notions of what themselves knew nothing. Nor will it become us to tread in the steps of Historians, who have gone before us, who (as Heraclitus observes) by their weak reasoning, leave doubtful things more in the dark. Our business therefore must be to win the Faith of the Reader, by the force and evidence of Reason. We conceive then that the Pontus and Palus Maeotis have been ever receiving, and do at this Day continue to receive, and fill up with the Sand and Rubbish that is brought down by the Rivers we mentioned, and will at last be totally filled up and levelled; taking it for granted, that the Countries continue their situation, and the Causes hold their force. For since Time is without limits, and the Space subject to the Accidents we have noted,  bounded and enclosed; what wonder is it to conceive, That tho' the matter conveyed thither be never so inconsiderable, that in process of Time that little will amount to fill a great space? And, in short, 'tis a Rule in Nature, That such things as are subject to increase and diminish, have their period some time or other, let the steps of Progression be never so slow or invisible. But forasmuch as the quantity of Matter brought into these Seas, or Lakes, is not a little, but without question great, beyond all computation, there remains no dispute but the Effect we prognosticate will be soon seen, and is indeed now visible: For the Palus-Maeotis is almost already filled up, where in some places there is not now above fifteen or twenty Foot depth of Water, insomuch as there is no more adventuring to navigate with Ships of Burden without a Pilot, who is acquainted with the difficulties. Furthermore, whereas this Sea (as our Forefathers have observed) was heretofore replenished with salt Water, as the Pontus at this day is, 'tis observable that it is now a freshwater Lake, the surface of the salt Water being surmounted by the accession of so much Matter, as is accumulated and brought thither by the means we mention. The like must in time fall out in the Pontus, and is in some measure already come to pass: But this cannot be yet so easily remarked, by reason of the very great depth of Water in the Channel. Howbeit, those who carefully examine the Matter, may be satisfied of the truth thereof. Hence the Danube discharging his Waters out of Europe by several Outlets, hath begotten a List or Bank of Earth at least forty Leagues long, swelling above the surface, distant a Day's Sail from the Shore: Which Bank is observed to increase daily by the addition of new Matter constantly brought thither; insomuch as whensoever Vessels happen to light upon any of these places, which Seafaring Men call Shelves or Banks, they are for the most part broken, and suffer Shipwreck. Take then my Opinion how it comes to pass that these Mounds or Banks of Earth, grow at that distance from the Continent, and not nearer to the Shore: The Soil and Rubbish then, which by the force of the Torrent is conveyed down, is by the prevalence of the Current transported still forward into the Sea, as long as there remains any strength in the Stream that keeps it in motion; but as that declines, (which happens by the depth and spreading of the Waters, which at length are lost in the wide Sea) the Matter which was before by the Torrent pressed on, sinks and settles to the bottom. And in proportion to the greater or less rapidity of the Rivers, these Banks or Bars are at a greater or less distance from the Shore, tho' the depth be great between that and the Continent. This is seen plainly in the gentlest and smallest Streams, whose Bars are nearer the Shoar, which yet in great Floods (their Current being quickened) transport and remove this Bar at a further distance than ordinary into the Sea, in proportion to the swiftness of the Flood, and the quantity of the Soil it brings down. Hence it will not appear strange, that such a mass of Matter as we have noted, should grow to so great a dimension, as that which is found at the mouth of the Danube; nor that such quantities of Sand only, but that Rocks and Trees should be unrooted and rend from their Seats. It will not then be hard, I say, to credit what we have delivered, but obstinacy rather to disbelieve it; since we behold the smallest Brooks to make an easy passage through all Impediments, which increasing their Rage they come to pierce, and remove by their violence the hardest Rocks, carrying Sand, Stones, and all before them; filling up, and so changing the face of things, that the View and Landscape becomes in a short space quite another prospect.  
Let it not be thought strange then, I say, that Rivers so great and rapid, should produce such effects as we have Calculated, by their descent into the Pontic Sea, which we have maintained, must at length be filled up, and levelled. For he who weighs the matter rightly, will not only perceive it probable, but necessary. For if we reason but from hence, that as the Waters of the Palus-Maeotis are fresher than those of the Euxine, and those of the Euxine in a degree different to those in our Seas; it is a plain consequence, that the Euxine must at long run become a Lake of fresh Water, and at length a Moor or Fenny Continent. But this effect must be the product of so much a longer space, than it hath been brought to pass in the Palus-Moeotis, by how much the Euxine is of greater depth and content than the other: Howbeit, we may justly conclude, it will be by some degrees proportionably sooner, by how much more the Rivers there are greater and more numerous. We have been thus extensive, the better to inform such as think it impossible, that the Euxine (which hath already visibly suffered some advance towards it) should ever become filled up; and that so ample a Sea should, in process of time, grow into Continent. We had likewise a further end by thus enlarging on this Subject; namely, to reprove the fond and fabulous Relations of Seafaring People, and that the Readers may not do like Children, who being yet ignorant of all things, listen with astonishment to every extravagant Tale that is told them: But having their Minds cultivated by the notions of Verity, they may become qualified to determine of the truth or salshood of what they hear.  
But let us further examine the situation of Byzantium. The Straight then that lies between the Euxine and the Propontis is in length about fifteen Miles (as was noted): On that part towards the Euxine, stands the City of Hieron, on the extremity thereof; the other part towards the Propontis, terminates in the space or opening that lies between Byzantium and the opposite Shore: Between these on the side of Europe, and in the very narrow of all, stands the Temple of Mercury, built on a Rock, that like a Promontory jets a good way into the Sea, where the Straight is not above five Furlongs broad. Here it was that Report makes Darius to have built his Bridge, in his Expedition against the Scythians. Now forasmuch as the Coast on both sides, from hence downward towards the Propontis trends away straight, and preserves a parallel distance as it goes, the Current by that means moves equally. But as soon as these vast Waters that descend from the Euxine Sea come to be penned up and streighten'd, by the narrow passage made by the Promontory where the Temple stands, which we but now mentioned, on Europe side, here driven as it were by some mighty force, they recoil over to the Asian Shore, and from thence return to the Coast of Europe, beating on those Headlands or Promontories called Hestiae; and from thence with unspeakable violence take their course over to Asia again, towards that part of the Country called the Ox, where there stands a place bearing that Name, and where the Fable tells us Io, having swum over the Straight, first set her Foot. From hence, as one may say, being pushed off, it takes its course at length over to Byzantium, where the Waters now dilated and spreading themselves about the Town, the Current loseth itself, and carries but a weak stream into the Gulf, but terminates in a manner at the Cape called the Horn. In a word, tho' the greatest part of these Waters make their traverse over again towards the Asian Shore; yet forasmuch as the strength of the Current is now lost, the motion ceaseth ere it arrives so far as Chalcedon, situate on that Coast. For after so many reverberations, the Straight now opening wider, the force of the Stream being spent, cannot reach directly over; but with a kind of Bias declines and steals away. And leaving Chalcedon, dies in the Channel, and so pursues a direct course by the Straight.  
Hence it comes to pass that Byzantium enjoys so many Benefits, and Chalcedon so few; while to the view one would be apt to judge their situation equally Advantageous. But as we have noted, the Navigation to the one is very tedious and difficult; while to the other the Stream compels, and gives a quick and easy passage. Hence those, who are bound from Chalcedon to Byzantium, cannot stand directly over, by reason of the strength of the Current; but are forced first to gain the Point called the Ox, and the Town of Chrysopolis; whereof the Athenians were heretofore possessed, and were the first, who by the Counsel of Alcibiades, exacted a Toll from all that Traded into the Pontic Sea. From hence advancing a little, they fall at length into the Current, which then forceth them away directly to Byzantium. The like happens whether you are bound upward or downward to this place. For if Ships are bound from the Hellespont towards the Euxine, while the Wind blows at South, or from the Euxine towards the Hellespont during the Levants; the Passage is direct and easy along the Coast of Europe, from Byzantium to the Straight of the Hellespont, where stand the Towns of Sestos and Abydus. But those who sail from Chalcedon coasting it along, find quite the contrary; for they are forced to ply and turn to Windward, by reason of the Land of the Cyzicenians, which runs far out into the Sea. In short, as 'tis difficult for those who are bound from the Hellespont to Chalcedon to Coast it along on the Europe side; so when they arrive near Byzantium 'tis as hard to fetch over to Chalcedon, through the exceeding violence of the Current, and the other Impediments we have mentioned, which cross their Passage. It is impossible then to arrive directly from thence at the Coast of Thrace, by reason of the strength of the opposing Current and contrary Winds; which, let us stand which way soever we can, blowing almost constantly Trade, is ever out of the way for that Navigation. For as the Southerly Winds blow fair to waft us into the Pontic Sea, and the opposite Point is fair to bring us back; so but with one or the other of these two Winds 'tis impossible to gain our Passage. Thus have we opened the Causes from whence these great Benefits arrive to the Byzantines by Sea: And what we shall now further observe, will explain the Reason of their Misfortunes by Land.  
Byzantium stands in the Country of Thrace, which borders on and begirts their Territory quite round from Sea to Sea, whence it comes to pass that the Byzantines are in perpetual Hostility with that People. And by how much these Barbarians are a very numerous Nation, and governed by many Princes; by so much is the Task more difficult to reduce them; nor have the Byzantines any prospect of being able, with all the Provision they can make, ever to deliver themselves from the Molestations of that War. For when at any time they chance to obtain any signal Victory over any one of these Princes, they are sure to have three or four combine with much greater Power to revenge and engage in the Quarrel. And in case they should be disposed for Peace sake to yield to pay the least Acknowledgement to any one of these their Neighbours, they were to expect by gaining one Friend to purchase five Enemies. Whence it falls out, that in this Warfare there can be no end; and there is nothing more irksome than the Neighbourhood of so brutal a Race of Men, or more terrible than Hostility with a barbarous Enemy. Furthermore, over and above all these Evils to which they stand exposed to the Landward, they are condemned to one kind of suffering, not unlike that to which the Poets have sentenced Tantalus. For possessing a rich and fruitful Territory, which they take care to Cultivate, their Harvest is no sooner ripe, when these Thiefs visit them, and rob them for the most part of the Fruit of their Labour; which misfortune they lament in vain. Thus than the Byzantines become familiar with the Calamities they suffer, and by the force of Custom endure the Hardships of incessant Hostilities, persisting to preserve their ancient Alliances with the Greeks inviolate. But after the Gauls (to fill the Measure of their Adversity) came to be their Neighbours, under the leading of Comontorius, their Condition became then most deplorable.  
These Gauls were a part of those who swarmed out of their Country with Brennus; who, after the execution done on them at Delphos, did not presently pass into Asia on their arrival at the Hellespont; but invited by the Fertility of the Country about Byzantium, resolved there to six their Abode. Afterwards subduing the Thracians, they established a Regal Seat in Tula, and grew quickly to be Formidable to the Byzantines, whom they drove to great straits; being obliged on Comontorius his invading and spoiling their Frontiers, to buy off that Burden by an Annual Present; sometimes of three Thousand Aurei; sometimes of five Thousand; and some Years it amounted to no less than ten Thousand, whereby to redeem their Country from the Rapine of these Barbarians. Till at length they became driven to be plain Tributaries to the yearly sum of fourscore Talents, which lasted to the Reign of Clyarus; In whom the Gallic Dominion expired; the whole Nation being utterly exterminated by the Thracians. It was at this time that the Byzantines, sinking under the weight of their Adversity, sent their Ambassadors to solicit Succours from the Greeks, and seek Relief from the many Hardships they endured. And, in a word, pressed by their Wants they came at length to a Resolution of exacting a Toll, from all who navigated into the Pontic Sea; for but few of the Greeks, it seems, laid their Sufferings to Heart. But they no sooner began to levy this Duty, when the Innovation was resented on all Hands, and the Rhodians above the rest were censured, who being at that time Masters of the Sea, submitted to so undue an Imposition. And this, in a word, produced the War which we are about to relate.  
The Rhodians then provoked, as well by their own ceiling of this new Tax, as through the Instigation of others, dispatched their Ambassadors jointly with those of their Allies to the Byzantines, to persuade them to abolish it. But the Byzantines could not be brought to accord to the Proposition, in confidence of the Equity of the Motives they had for what they did, and they were the more confirmed in their refusal by the Authority of Hecato●dorus and Olympiodorus; who, being at tha● time first in the Magistracy of the City, opposed it with all their Power: Whereupon the Ambassadors returned home with a Negative Reply from the Byzantines, and the Rhodian● thereupon declared War against them, and 〈◊〉 the same time sent to solicit King Prusias to join and take part with them, being well assured that Prince did not abound in good Will towards that People.  
The Byzantines by the Example of the Rhodians dispatched likewise their Ambassadors to Attalus and Achaeus, to solicit Aid from them. They found Attalus disposed to assist them; but he was not in a present Condition to yield them any great effects of his Friendship, inasmuch as he had been lately compelled by the Power of Achoeus to retire and confine himself to the ancient Limits of his Father's Kingdom. As to Achaeus, who now held the Dominion of the whole Territory in Asia on this side Mount Taurus, and had lately assumed the Title of King, he fairly promised the Byzantines, and frankly embracing their part, put them in mighty hopes; and thereby gave matter of apprehension both to Prusias and the Rhodians.  
Achoeus was of Kin to Antiochus, who succeeded to the Kingdom of Syria, and became possessed of the Power he held, by the means we shall now relate. After the Death of Seleucus, Father of Antiochus, and that Seleucus his Eldest Son had taken possession of the Kingdom, Achaeus accompanied him in his March and Passage over Mount Taurus, about two Years before those Matters were transacted, whereof we shall by and by make relation. Seleucus had no sooner taken possession of the Kingdom, when he received Intelligence that Attalus had already seized and brought under his Dominion all that part of Asia lying on this side Mount Taurus; whereupon he forthwith fell prudently to deliberate about the Affairs of his Government. But he had no sooner passed Mount Taurus, at the Head of a powerful Army, when by the treasonable Practices of Nicanor, and Villainy of one Apaturius a Gaul, he was Murdered. But Achoeus soon compassed a just Revenge on the Traitors for the Death of the King his Kinsman; and taking upon him the Conduct of the Army and the Government, managed all things with great Prudence, and manifested in all his Deportments a singular sufficiency and vivacity of Mind. And albeit the Sovereign Authority became now left to his Election, and the People freely courted him with Tenders of the Diadem, he nevertheless rejected the Offer; and determining to reserve the Succession to Antiochus, Brother of the dead King, led the Army from place to place, and managed the War so prosperously, that he soon recovered all that had been lost on this side the Mountains. But vanquished at length by the Temptations of his Felicity, and after having beaten and confined Attalus to his own City of Pergamus, and reduced all those places that had been forceably possessed, he renounced all those noble and generous Purposes he had taken; and invading the Dominion, consented to be called King, and became the most active and formidable Prince of all on this side Mount Taurus; insomuch, as barely on the prospect of his Friendship and Assistance, the Byzantines took assurance to wage War against the joint Forces of King Prusias and the Rhodians. Prusias had an old grudge against the Byzantines; who either out of inadvertency, or in contempt, had omitted to dedicate certain Statues, which they had once decreed to erect to him. He had a further motive of Indignation against them, for that they had interposed their utmost good Offices to give a period to the War, that had fallen out betwixt Attlus and Achaeus, judging rightly that their Reconcilement would not turn to his account on many Considerations. Furthermore, he was displeased with the Byzantines, in that they had sent their Ambassadors to Attalus, on the occasion of his celebrating the Feast of Minerva; but sent none to him when he solemnised the Soterian Festival. Thus having hoarded in his Mind so many various motives of Displeasure, it was no wonder he embraced with joy the occasion the Rhodians gave him to discharge his Spleen; so they resolved by their Ambassadors, that the Rhodians should attack them by Sea; and he would prosecute them no less vigorously by Land.  
These than were the Causes and the beginning of the War which the Rhodians declared against the Byzantines: And, in a word, the Byzantines engaged therein with Courage enough, while their Hopes of the Friendship of Achaeus lasted: And in prospect of Tibites coming to their assistance from Macedon, they took assurance to conclude, that Prusias (whom they most apprehended) would then share with them the danger of the War.  
Prusias pursuing the Dictates of his Anger, had already fallen on the Byzantines, taking Hieron, a Town they had bought some Years before, at the price of a great Sum of Money, in consideration of the commodious situation of the Place, both with respect to the security of their Commerce and Navigation into the Pontic Sea, and the greater safety of their Slaves, and other Profits arising by their Trade on that Coast. He likewise seized on all they possessed in Mysia, a Territory in Asia, whereof they had been long Masters; while the Rhodians furnished out six Men of War on their part, to which the Allies adding four more, with this Squadron of ten Sail, they stood towards the Hellespont, the Command being given to Xenophon. Of these, nine remained about Sestos, to obstruct all Commerce with the Pontic Sea, while the Commander in Chief, with one Vessel only, shaped his course towards Byzantium, as well to observe their Motions there, as to see whether these Preparations for the War had not wrought a change in their Resolution. But finding them firm and determined to abide the War, he returned to the rest; and without any Action sailed with the whole Squadron back to Rhodes. At the same time the Byzantines dispatched Ambassadors anew to Achaeus, to solicit speedy Succours from him; they likewise sent to Tibites, to persuade him to come in Person from Macedon: For it was the general Opinion that he had a more rightful Claim to the Kingdom of Bythinia, than Prusias who was his Nephew. In a word, the Rhodians observing this firmness and diligence in the Byzantines, were as careful on their part to prosecute their purpose.  
They observed, That this Obstinacy which appeared in the Byzantines to sustain the War, was grounded principally on their prospect of Aids from Achaeus; and knowing that Andromachus, Father of that Prince, was at that time under restraint in Alexandria, and that he laboured by all means possible to obtain his Enlargement, they therefore resolved to send Ambassadors to Ptolemy, to prevail with him to put Andromachus into their hands. This Matter had been under Treaty heretofore, but not so solemnly; but at this time it was solicited earnestly, to the end they might be thereby enabled to transact their Affairs with Achaeus with better effect. In short, Ptolemy giving Audience to the Ambassadors, did not readily yield to their Demands; for Andromachus being both Father to Achaeus, and Brother to Laodice, the Wife of Seleucus, he proposed to make a better Bargain of him for himself: For the Matters that had been in dispute between him and Antiochus, were not yet composed. And Achaeus having now lately taken the Title of King, was become very powerful, extending his Dominions far and wide. Nevertheless, he was at length prevailed with to gratify the Rhodians, who at that time could do any thing with him: So he delivered up Andromachus to be by them restored to his Son. By which grateful Office of theirs, with other Honours publicly decreed to Achaeus, they won him from the Byzantine Party, in whom lay their greatest hope of Succours. Another Misfortune besel them of almost equal prejudice to their Affairs: For Tihites, whom they had persuaded to leave Macedon to come to their assistance, died in his Journey; whose Death so perplexed their Counsels, that they began to sink in their Resolution; while Prusias, animated by their Afflictions, raised his Hopes, and pressed the War with greater vigour, levying Forces in Thrace, whereby he so straightened the Byzantines, that on the side of Europe they durst not look abroad: So that, in a word, being thus frustrate of their fairest Hopes, and hardly streighten'd and in danger from all Quarters, they fell at length to deliberate how they might fairly deliver themselves.  
Cavarus, King of the Gauls, happened to be at that time in Byzantium, who greatly coveting to be a means of composing these Hostilities, most readily and with great Affection offered his Mediation between Prusius and the Byzantines; whereupon they agreed to commit their Differences to his Arbitrement. When the Rhodians came to understand this Negotiation of Cavarus, and that Prusias had yielded to a Treaty (tho' they would much rather have prosecuted their first purpose) they dispatched however Aridices their Ambassador to Byzantium; but at the same time ordered Polemocles with three Triremes to make the best of his way thither, to offer to them first, as 'twas said, their choice of Peace or War.  
Upon the Arrival of the Ambassadors, a Peace in short was concluded, Hieromnemon Cothon, the Son of Calligiton, being present: The Terms of the Treaty with the Rhodians were, viz. That the Byzantines should exact no Toll from any Ships that Traded into the Pontic Sea. On which consideration, the Rhodians and their Allies obliged themselves to preserve Peace with the Byzantines. As to King Prusias, the Articles of the Treaty with him were, That there should be perpetual Peace between Prusias and the Byzantines: That the Byzantines should never lead any Army against King Prusias, nor Prusias against the Byzantines: That Prusias should make restitution of the Lands, Towns, People and Prisoners that had been taken during the War Ransom-free: Furthermore, that he should restore such Vessels as had been taken at the beginning of the War; all the Arms that were seized in their Magazines, together with all the Timber, Marble, Brick, Tyle, and all whatsoever Materials had been carried away: (For Prusias apprehending the approach of Tibites, had caused to be dismantled all such places as might be of use to the Enemy) and, in a word, obliged himself to cause restitution to be made to the Mysians, who were under the Dominion of the Byzantines, of all that had been taken from them by any of the Bithynians. Thus was the War entered upon and determined, that sell out between King Prusias and the Byzantines.  
At the same time the Cnossians sent Ambassadors to the Rhodians to demand the Ships that Polemocles had Commanded, together with four Brigantines, which they had lent them towards the War. This being effected, and the Vessels arriving in Candia, the Eleuthernaeans believing themselves to have been outraged by Polemocles, who to oblige the Cnossians, had caused Timarchus, a Citizen of theirs, to be slain; having first publicly proclaimed their Right to demand reparation of this Violence of the Rhodians, declared War against them. There happened likewise, some time before this, a strange Adventure to the Lyttians, or rather an incurable Calamity. To set down therefore, in few words, a State of the Affairs in Candia in those Days, take them a little more or less, as follows.  
The Cnossians and Gortinians being in league, had by combining their Forces, subdued the whole Island of Candia, the City of Lyttia only excepted; which standing singly out against them, and refusing to submit to their Domination, they agreed to make War upon them, resolving totally to destroy them, to the greater terror of those who should meditate the like Designs. Whereupon the rest of the Candiots in general fell on the Lyttians. But it was not long before a slight occasion (as is the custom of that People) set them at variance amongst themselves; so that Factions were formed, and Seditions grew between them. The Polyrrhenaeans, the Creetaeans, the Lampaeans, Oryans, and Arcadians left the Cnossians; and by common Consent took part with the Lyttians. In Gortinea, the grave and experienced Inhabitants favoured the Cnossians; but the younger sort taking part with the Lyttians, begat great Disorders in the City. The Cnossians terrified at these Commotions among their Allies, procured an Aid of a Thousand Men from the Aetolians; whereupon the Party that sided with them, getting the Citadel, gave it into the possession of the Cnossians and the Aetolians; and after having slain some that opposed them, and pursued some, and terrified the rest, they gave them up the Town likewise.  
The Lyttians, in the mean time, led their Troops into the Enemy's Country, while the Cnossians getting notice of their Expedition, marched and surprised their Town, which they had left with little or no Guard: The Women and Children they sent to Cnossus, but the Town they burned and totally destroyed, exercising all the Spite and Cruelty practised in the most raging War, and so returned home in Triumph. When the Lyttians came from their Expedition, and beheld the Desolation of their City, they were struck with that horror, that not one of them adventured to set his Foot within the Walls; but marching in a Body round the Ruins, celebrated as it were by their Cries and Lamentations the Obsequies of their Native Place, and then marched away to the Lampaeans, who received them with all hospitality. So that in the space of only one Day, they were banished their Country, which they had utterly lost, and received as free Citizens into another, with whom they incorporated, and prosecuted the War against the Cnossians. Thus Lyttia, a Colony of the Lacedæmonians, the most ancient City of Crect, the Mother of a People surpassing all the rest of that Island in Courage and Virtue, was destroyed and disappeared (as one may say) in a moment. The Polyrrhenaeans and Lampaeans, and, in short, all the rest of the Confederates, seeing the Cnossians have recourse to the Aetolians for Succours, whom they knew to be Enemies to King Philip and the Achaians, dispatched their Ambassadors to these to solicit Aid, and make Alliance with them; with whom entering into Confederacy, they sent them four Hundred Illyrians under the Command of Plator, two Hundred Achaians, and an Hundred Phocians. The arrival of these Recruits wrought a great Change for the better in their Affairs; for they soon prevailed with the Elenthernaeans, Cydoniates, and Apteraeans (whom they had confined within the Walls of▪ their Towns) to enter into the League, and abandon the Interest of the Cnossians. In a word, the Confederates following the Advice of the Polyrrhenaeans, sent to King Philip and the Achaians a supply of five Hundred Candiots, the Cnossians having some time before sent a Thousand of their People to the Aetolians. Thus they interchanged Supplies one with another to continue the War. At the same time the Gortineans, who were in Banishment, getting possession of the Port or Haven, and surprising that of the Phaestians, from thence they insested and waged War with those of their own City. In this posture, at that time, stood the Affairs of the Island of Candia.  
At the same time Mithridates declared War against those of Sinope, which became, in effect, the occasion of all those Calamities that afterward befell that City. Upon the Sinopeans demanding Succours of the Aetolians to sustain the Wa●, the Aetolians made choice of three Persons for that Service, to whom they distributed the Sum of about one Hundred and forty Thousand Drachmas, wherewith to purchase Supplies of all things needful for the defence of the place. With this the said Agents made provision of ten Thousand Vessels of Wine, three Hundred and Sixty Pound weight of Hair-Cordage, an Hundred and Twenty Pound of Nerve-Cordage, a Thousand Suits of Arms, giving their Ambassadors in Money about Three Thousand Pieces of Coined Gold. They likewise furnished them with four Machine's for casting of Stones, with Men skilful in the use and, management of them; whereupon having received this Supply, the Agents returned home. Those of Sinope apprehending lest Mithridates should Besiege them by Land and Sea, that Fear gave occasion for the extraordinary Preparations they made. Sinope is situated on the right Hand as we Sail toward Phasis in the Pontic Sea; it stands in a Peninsula, which stretches a good distance out into the Sea. The Town fills the whole breadth of the Peninsula, which is joined to the Continent of Asia, by a neck of Land not half a Mile broad. The rest of the Peninsula advances, I say, far into the Sea, and being  Low-Land, the Town lies exposed to be attacked from that side. The extremities of the Seaward are with difficulty approached, where scarce a single Vessel can with safety adventure to the Shoar; and there are but few commodious Places there for Landing.  
Those of Sinope then fearing Attempts of Mithridates both by Land with Machine's, and to the Seaward by landing and possessing the level and lower Grounds which lie near the City; they therefore resolved to fortify the whole Circuit of the Peninsula towards the Sea; accordingly they barricadoed all the Avenues with a good Palisado, and the same fear advised them to furnish every proper place with Arms, and a sufficient Garrison where it was thought needful. In short, the extent of the Ground is not great, and may be defended by a small strength.  
While these things were thus agitating at Sinope, King Philip marched out of Macedon at the Head of an Army, (for there we broke off our Discourse, when we were relating the Transactions of the Confederate War) which he lead through Thessaly, and the Kingdom of Epirus; purposing by that way to fall on the Aetolians. But in the interim Alexander and Dorimachus having found Men wicked enough for their Design, plotted to surprise the Town of Aegira by Treachery, for which service they assembled twelve Hundred Aetolians, drawing them together at Oenantia, a Town situate on the other side the Water, over-against the place we mentioned, where they made provision of Vessels and all things necessary for their Design, and there waited the occasion to put it in execution. For this Service certain Aetolian Fugitives were found, who had made their Residence some time in that place, and had taken notice that the Soldiers, who had charge of the Aegian Gate, kept but a careless Guard, minding nothing but Drinking and their Pleasure; they had therefore frequently given Dorimachus intimation of what they had observed; and knowing him to be fit for such Projects, invited him to engage in the Attempt. Aegira is situate in that part of Peloponnesus that is washed by the Waters of the Corinthian Gulf between Aegium and Sicyon, standing on high Ground, and by Nature strong and hard of Access. The Town looks towards Parnassus and the Towns adjacent, and not a Mile distant from the Sea. In a word, Dorimachus, when Matters were ripe for execution, embarks his Troops, and arriving by Night came to Anchor near the River that runs by the foot of the Hill whereon on the Town stands. Alexander and Donmachus, together with Archidamus, Son o● Pantaleon, at the Head of a good Body 〈◊〉 Aetolians, attacked the Town on that sid●● which regards Aegium; while one of the F●●gitives (well acquainted with all the Avenues) at the Head of a small Party of their braves and most knowing Men, took his way ove● the Rocks and Precipices, and getting Passage into the Town by a certain Aquaeduct, surprised the Guard that had charge of the Gate, yet asleep; which having put to the Sword▪ and forcibly broken down the Barrier, they opened the Gates to the Aetolians, which they heedlessly entered without any precaution, taking for granted they were now Masters of the Place. But this precipitation o● theirs turned to their destruction, and gave the Inhabitants the opportunity of rescuing their Town. In a word, the Aetolians believing themselves now sure of Success, stood but a small space under their Arms in the Marketplace, but pursuing their natural love of Plunder, began by degrees to Disband, and fell to pillaging the neighbouring Houses, it being now broad Day. The People of the Town were so terrified at this Surprise, that all who were in their Houses, which the Enemy plundered, betook themselves to flight, and got out of the Town, giving all for lost to the Aetolians. But those whose Houses had not been yet rifled, having more leisure to bethink themselves, and coming out to make Head against the Enemy, hastened to the Citadel; where their Number increasing every moment, their Resolution augment proportionably. While on the contrary the Aetolians grew weaker and weaker, through the Avarice of those who incessantly le●t their Ranks to hunt after Booty; by which means their Numbers and their Courage became greatly diminished. When Dorimachus began to perceive the Danger that threatened his Party, he endeavoured to rally and recall his scattered Troops, and marched to Attack the Citadel; making account that the boldness of the Attempt would so terrify the Multitude, that were drawn together for the Defence of that Fortress, that they would incontinently fly before him. But the Aegirates otherwise minded, animating one another, opposed themselves bravely against the Enemy, and advancing to the Charge, came manfully to the Sword's point with the Aetolians. For the place being without any considerable Works about it, the Contest was for the most part at hand, and a Combat as it were of Man to Man: And, in short, the Dispute we may imagine was such, as when on the one part Men fight for the Liberty of their Country, and their Families; and on the other, for their Lives and Safety. But the Aetolians at length began to retire, and the Aegirates as warmly to pursue them, when they once perceived them to give Ground. The greatest part of the Aetolians then fell on the place, or were crowded to Death in the Gate. In conclusion, those of them who were not killed on the Spot, perished among the Rocks and Precipices by which way they endeavoured to escape. Some that gained their Vessels having basely quitted their Arms, wondering at the fortune of their Escape, immediately Embarked and made Sail away. Thus those of Aegira having lost their Town through their Negligence, had the Fortune to recover it by their Resolution.  
At the same time likewise Euripides (whom the Aetolians had sent to the Aelaeans for their General) having plundered the Territory of Dyma, Pharae, and Tritaea, returned to Elis with much Booty. As to Micas of Dyma, who was at that time the Achaean Praetor's Lieutenant, he assembled all the Forces of Dyma, Pharae, and Tritaea, and advanced after the Enemy, who was now retreating. But pursuing with more Precipitation than Prudence, he fell into an Ambush, where he suffered someloss; about forty of his Men being slain, and two handred taken Prisoners. Euripides, exalted. by this Success, soon after took the Field again, gaining a Fortress belonging to the Dymaeans, called Tychos, standing very commodiously. This Place, as Fables say, was built by Hercules, at what time he waged War with the Eleans, and was his retreat when he made Inroads on the Enemy.  
Those of Dyma, Pharae, and Tritaea, who had met with so ill Success in their pursuit of the Enemy, beginning to be in pain for the ●uture, (after the taking the Fortress of Tychos) dispatched Advice to the Praetor of the Achaians, imparting to him what had befallen them, and demanded speedy Succours; each of them apart sending afterwards their Ambassadors with Instances to the same effect. But it so happened, that Aratus could make no Levies of Strangers, inasmuch as in the Cle●menic War, they had withheld part of the Pay that was due to those who had served in their Army. And Aratus himself was, in a word, but a very slow Mover in all Military Deliberations and Erterprises. And that was it that gave Lycurgus' opportunity to surprise Athenaeum of the Megalopolitans; and afterward (as we have noted) to Euripidas to get possession of Gorgona of Telphussa.  
When those of Dyma, Pharae, and Tritaea perceived they were to expect no Relief from Aratus, they resolved in their Assemblies to contribute no further to the Confederate Stock, but to raise Forces of their own for their proper defence; so they listed three hundred Foot and fifty Horse, which they sent to the Frontiers. In this Determination it was agreed by every one, that they had done very wisely for themselves, but very ill for the Confederacy and Common Cause of the Achaians. But a great part of this Failure may justly be imputed to the Praetor, whose custom it had been to amuse and deceive them by his Coldness and Procrastinations, tho' their Affairs were never so pressing. But 'tis, in short, incident to People in Danger, that while there is hope of Aid from their Confederates and Friends, their greatest Reliance and expectation of Support is from them; but those Hopes once lost, and straightened by Adversity, they become driven to apply Remedies of their own, and convert all their Strength to their single and particular Safety. Wherefore there seems to be no blame due to the Pharaeans and the rest, for having made Levies for their own defence, while the Achaean Praetor failed them. But they are not without imputation of having done amiss, in refusing to contribute however to the Common Stock of the Confederacy. And as there is no doubt but their care for themselves in particular was just; so while they were able, they were indispensibly bound to contribute to the General Concernment of the League; especially considering that by the Articles of the Treaty of Alliance, they were to be repaid, whatsoever they should contribute, and what was of further weight, they themselves were the Authors of the Confederacy of the Achaians.  
While matters were thus transacted in Peloponnesus, King Philip, having marched through Thessaly, came to Epirus; where after he had incorporated the Epirot Supplies, who were to join him with his own Troops, together with three hundred Slingers that had been sent him from Achaia, and three hundred Cretans, who were supplied by the Polyrrhenaeans, he continued his march; and having crossed the Kingdom of Epirus, he came to the Frontiers of Ambracia: And in case he had made no delay, but had led his Army directly into Aetolia, and fallen by surprise with so strong a hand on that People, he had in all likelihood given a period to the War. But the Epirots being instant with him to set first down before Ambracia, he by that means gave the Enemy time to fortify and provide for themselves. Thus the Epirots preferring little private Gain, to the general Benefit of the Confederacy, their passion to get Ambracia into their hands, incited them to labour that Philip might make the Siege of that Place his first Enterprise, coveting nothing more than to win Ambracia from the Aetolians, which nevertheless they saw not how it could be effected, without first becoming Masters of Ambracium, a Fortress of good strength, having a strong Wall about it, and standing in the midst of a Morass that surrounded it on all sides; to which there is but one straight access or passage, being a Causey made of Earth brought thither for that purpose. In short, this Place stands very commodiously for infesting the Country of the Ambracians, and the City itself: Wherefore Philip, by persuasion of the Epirots, sat down before it, and disposed things for the Siege.  
Scopas, in the mean while, at the head of all the Aetolian Forces, takes his march through Thessaly, and falls into Macedon; where passing the Plains of Pieria, he ravaged the Country without opposition: And after having taken much Plunder, he marched toward Dlum; which Place being deserted by the Inhabitants, he dismantled, burning the Porticoes belonging to the Temple, and destroying all the Ornaments, and whatever was of use to the People when they assembled to celebrate their Festivals. He likewise spoiled and threw down all the Statues of the Kings of Macedon: And he, who from the beginning of these Troubles, and in his first Expedition, made War not on Men only, but against the Gods, was, on his return home, not only not censured as an impious or sacrilegious Person, but honoured as a Man of Merit, and a good Servant of the Commonwealth; and (by the promise of further success he made them) much animated the Aetolians, who now concluded none would dare to approach their Country in a hostile manner, while they themselves pillaged with impunity not only Peloponnesus, but Thessaly and Macedon itself.  
King Philip soon received advice of this Invasion of his own Kingdom; and tho' he endured with pain the Obstinacy and Ambition of the Epirots, nevertheless he resolved to continue the Siege of Ambracium: And when he had performed all that could be expected in the like cases, and had terrified the Inhabitants by his Works and Approaches, at length took it on composition, after a Siege of forty Days. So turning out the Aetolian Garrison, consisting of about five hundred Men, who by Articles were to suffer no ill treatment, he gave Ambracium to the Epirots, and thus gratified their Ambition. This done, he leads his Army along the River Charadra, with purpose speedily to pass the Gulf of Ambracia, where it is narrowest, near the Temple of the Acarnanians, called Actium. This Gulf comes out of the Sicilian Sea, and parts the Kingdom of Epirus and Acarnaria; the Mouth is but narrow, being little more than half a Mile broad; but it soon widens, and is in some places twelve Miles over, stretching in length about forty Miles in, from the Sicilian Sea, running between the abovenamed Countries. Epirus is on the North-side, and Acarnania on the South. After he had passed this Gulf with his Army, he took his march through Acarnania, and drew towards Phaerea, an Aetolian Town; and recruiting his Army with two thousand Acarnanian Foot, and about two hundred Horse, he invested that Place; and after many vigorous Attacks, for two Days together, the third it capitulated, the Aetolian Garrison marching out with their Baggage, as it was articled. The following Night, there arrived five hundred Aetolians, who came to the relief of the Place, thinking it had been still their own. But the King, receiving an account of their march, possessed himself of certain advantageous Posts in their way; and falling on them, cut of the greatest part of them, taking the rest Prisoners, a very few only escaping. Then after he had distributed thirty Days Corn to the Army (the Granaries of this Town being very well replenished) he marched towards Strategica; and coming within little more than a Mile of the Place, he encamped by the River Achelous? From thence continuing his march, he ravaged the Country round about, no Enemy appearing to withstand him.  
About this time the Achaians, beginning to feel the ill effects of the War, hearing the King was at hand, sent their Ambassadors to wait on him, and demand Succours. These found him near Stratus; who when they had done their Commission, represented how profitable an Enterprise it would be to march to Rhium, and fall by that way on the Aetolians. After Philip had given Audience to the Ambassadors, he did not presently dismiss them; but holding them in hand, told them he would deliberate on their Proposals: So decamping, he marched the Army to Metropolis and Conope. At Metropolis the Aetolians held the Citadel, but ●●●tred the Town, which the King destroyed, and so prosecuted his march to Conope.  
In the mean time the Aetolian Horse were got together, and boldly resolved to attempt the obstructing his Passage over the River, about two Miles from the Town, believing they should be able either to hinder his passing, or at least to do the Army much damage in the attempt. But the King, who had knowledge of their Purpose, commanded the Bucklermen first to enter the River, and to approach the other Bank by Troops or Cohorts well covered with their Bucklers, after the Tortoise manner. These Orders being observed, as they gained the other Shoar, the Aetolians attacked the advanced Party, and in truth made some dispute; but when they observed these to halt, and to draw into close order, and that the second and third Cohorts joining them, composed as it were a Wall of Defence with their Bucklers; they than gave back, and retreated into the Town, despairing to perform any further Service.  
After this occasion, the Aetolians presumed not more to come into the Field, but shut themselves up in their Places of Defence. After the King had passed the River, and spoiled all the low Country without opposition, he advanced to Ithoria, a Place fortified and strong by Art and Nature, and standing in the way of his march. Nevertheless, on the approach of the Army, the Garrison thought it best to retire and abandon their Works. Thus becoming Master of this Place, he ordered it forthwith to be dismantled and demolished, commanding his Troops that ravaged the Country far and wide, to do the like to all the Fortresses they could get into their hands.  
After he had passed this Straight, he moved by easier marches, the better to enable the Soldiers to carry their Plunder. Then having furnished the Army with all things necessary, he led them towards Oeniade, and by the way sitting down before Paeanium, (which Town he resolved to be first Master of) he took it by force, after many Assaults. This was a Place of no great extent, being hardly a Mile about, but no way inferior to the others, as well for the Beauty of the Buildings, as the Strength of the Wall and Works. He caused the Fortifications to be razed, and the Edifices to be demolished, taking order with the Timber and Rafters to make Floats to transport himself to Oeniade. The Aetolians seemed at first resolved to fortify and keep possession of the Citadel of that Place; but on the approach of King Philip, the fear prevailed; so they quitted that likewise. After the King was become Master of Oeniade, he marched into Calydonia, where he invested a well-fortifyed Place, having a strong Wall, and which was well furnished with Stores and Provisions of War. For King Attalus it seems had supplied the Aetolians with all things needful to the Defence of this Town: But Philip taking it by force, the Macedonians wasted all the Country of Calydonia; and afterwards he marched back to Oeniade. The King having well considered the commodious situation of the Place, as well for the passage it gave into Peloponnesus, as other Advantages, resolved to fortify and begird it with a Wall. Oeniade is situate on the Sea, upon the very out-skirts of Acarnania, where it borders on the Aetolians, at the entrance of the Gulf of Corinth; it stands fronting towards Peloponnesus, and lies opposite to the Coast of Dyma, and not distant above twelve Miles from the Country that borders on Araxus; wherefore he fortified the Castle, and laid the Design of joining the Arsenal and the Port, and destined for that Service the Materials he had caused to be transported from Paeanium.  
But while these Things were under consideration, he received Letters from Macedon, whereby he understood that the Dardanians believing he had taken his march into Peloponnesus, had resolved to fall on him at home: That they had levied Forces for that Enterprise, and were making great Provision of all kinds for prosecuting the War. Whereupon judging it but just to repair to the relief of his own Country, he therefore dismisseth the Achaean Ambassadors, giving them assurance, That as soon as he should be able to compose his Affairs at home, there was nothing more in his Thoughts than to come and give them his utmost Assistance. Whereupon he departed, marching with great diligence back by the same way he came. At his passage of the Gulf of Ambracia, in his way out of Acarnania into Epirus, he was met by Demetrius of Pharus, who had been compelled to fly out of Illyria by the Romans (as we have already noted) having only one single Vessel with him. The King received him kindly, ordering him to go first to Corinth, and from thence to take his way through Thessaly, and come and meet him in Macedon.  
After Philip had passed through Epirus, he continued his march without halting; and on his arrival at Pella, a Macedonian Town, the Dardanians, who had got intelligence of his return, by certain Thracian Fugitives, terrified at his diligence and sudden appearance, dismissed their Army, after they were got near the Frontiers of Macedon. Whereupon having notice that the Dardanian Army was broken, he dismissed the Macedonians that were then with him, to go and gather in their Harvest, passing himself into Thessaly, to spend the remaining part of the Summer at Larissa. About the same time, Paulus Aemilius triumphed magnificently at Rome, for his Victory over the Illyrians: And Hannibal, after taking Saguntum by storm, marched his Army into Winter-Quarters. The Romans now assured of the loss of Saguntum, sent Ambassadors to Carthage, to demand the delivering up of Hannibal; but did not in the mean time respite their Preparations for the War, having created Publius Cornelius Scipio, and Tiberius Sempronius Consuls. But forasmuch as we have treated at large of these Occurrences in our preceding Book, we only give here this hint thereof, a little to refresh the Reader's Memory, and to the end contemporary Affairs may be the better understood. And here we are come to the end of the First Year of the Hundred and fortieth Olympiad.  
The Aetolians having in their Assembly created Dorimachus Praetor, he was no sooner seated in his Authority, when assembling their Troops he led them into the upper Epirus, where he acted all the Violences of War, not so much now in prospect of Profit to himself as in Malice to the Epirots. And on his arrival near the Temple of Dodona, he there burnt and demolished all the Porticoes, spoiling the Ornaments, and destroying in short the Temple itself. Thus the Aetolians, careless of what is practised in time of Peace or War, acted such outrageous Parts in both Peace and War, as showed them ignorant of the Rights and Customs of human Nature; persisting to execute what they had once resolved without regard to Gods or Men. As to Dorimachus, after he had done all the spoil he could, he returned back to Aetolia. And now albeit the Winter was not yet over, and the Season afforded no hopes of King Philip's returning yet awhile; that Prince notwithstanding, taking with him three thousand of that sort of Troops they call Chalcaspides; from their carrying Brazen Shields; two thousand Bucklermen, three hundred Candiots, and about four hundred Horse; with this Body of Men he departed from Larissa, and took his march through Thessaly, and so to Eubaea, and thence by Cynus to Corinth; marching by the Frontiers of Boeotia and Megara; and in short performed his Journey with so great secrecy and expedition, that the Peloponnesians had not the least notice of it. On his arrival at Corinth he caused the Gates of the City to be immediately closed, and placing Guards on all the Avenues, sent the next day to Sicyon for the elder Aratus, and dispatched Letters to the Achaean Praetor, and the several Towns of Achaia, requiring them to let him know, how soon they could be able to assemble their Troops, and to assign a place of Rendezvous. This done he continued his march towards Dioscurium a City of Phliasia and there encamped.  
At this time Euripidas having with him two Cohorts of Eleans, and certain Pirates and mercenary Strangers, amounting in all to about two and twenty hundred Men: With these Troops he departed from Psophis, taking his march by Phoenicia and Stymphalia, (ignorant of King Philip's return) with design to attack and plunder the Territory of Sicyon. But so it chanced, that the same Night that Philip encamped near Dioscurium, he marched by, leaving the King's Army somewhat in his Rear, expecting the next Morning to fall on the Sicyonians. But his People lighting on certain of the Candiots, who had been commanded out to Forage; by these Prisoners Euripidas got notice of the arrival of the Macedonians. Whereupon he marched back with his Troops without imparting his Intelligence to any Body, taking the same Road by which he came, purposing to prevent the Macedonians, and take possession of the Rocks and Ground beyond Stymphalia that commands the Passage. The King, who knew nothing of his Design, departed the next day as he had purposed, with intention to march by the Town of Stymphalia itself, and so to Caphya; the place appointed for the Rendezvous of the Achaean Troops  
At that very instant then, that the Vanguard of the Macedonians came to the foot of the Mountain Apeaurus, not a Mile from the Town of Stymphalia; the Van of the Eleans in like manner approached the same Ground: Which when Euripidas perceived, and by what he was told, and by reasonable conjecture became throughly satisfied that it was so; he takes with him a Party of Horse only, and to get himself out of danger, escapes to Psophis, passing over Rocks and Byways, the better to conceal his flight. The rest of his Troops beholding themselves abandoned of their Leader, and being astonished at the surprise, stood a while to consider what was best to be done: For the principal among them were at first of Opinion, That it was only: Party of Achaians that had been drawn together, and came to the relief of the Country: Then perceiving they bore brazen Shields, they took them for Megalopolitans: For it seems that People had made use of these Arms in the Battle that had been fought with Cleomenes near Selasia, Antigonus having so ordered it. So that keeping themselves in good Order, they continued their March, and with assurance approached the Mountain. But they no sooner became certain that they were Macedonians, when quitting their Arms, they betook themselves to slight. About twelve Hundred of them were taken, some cut in pieces on the place, and many perished among the Rocks and Precipices; and, in a word, not above one Hundred of the whole Party made their Escape: So Philip sending the Prisoners and the Booty to Corinth continued his march.  
This Victory passed for a kind of Miracle among the Peloponnesians, the news of Philip's Coming and Conquering being told at one and the same time. After he had traversed Arcadia, and surmounted the Hardships of the Snows, and Difficulties of the Ways, he arrived in three Days at Caphya. Here the King halted for two Days to refresh his Army; then taking with him Aratus the younger, with the Achaean Troops which he had there drawn together, amounting to Ten Thousand Men, he marched the Army toward Psophis by the way of Clitoria, seizing on the Arms and Ladders in all the Towns in his march. Psophis is confessed by all without contradiction to be the most ancient City of Arcadia: Its situation, with respect to Peloponnesus, is in the heart of that Country; with respect to Arcadia it stands on the West-borders thereof, towards the Achaean Frontiers, in the Neighbourhood of the Elean Territory, with whom at that time they were in League. Hither Philip arriving in three Days from Caphya, Encamped on certain Eminences that lie fronting the Town; from whence there is an easy prospect (out of all danger) both of the Town and Neighbouring Villages round about. From hence then taking a view of the great strength of the place, he grew in doubt what to determine; for on the West side there runs a rapid Stream, which during almost all the Winter is no way fordable: This on that side fortifies the Town, and by the depth of its Channel, renders it almost inaccessible, the Waters falling from on high, having in process of time worn it to great depth. On the East-side runs the Erymanthus, a great and violent River, whereof many Tales are told, and are in every one's mouth. On the Southside, where the Torrent empties into the Erymanthus, the Town is environed with many Waters, which give it great strength on that Quarter. As to the other part that regards the North, there stands an Eminence very strong by Nature, and exceedingly improved by Art; and this work served them for a Citadel. Furthermore, the Walls and Works about the Town were considerable both for height and structure. And over and above all this, the Eleans had furnished the place with a good Garrison; and Euripidas, who had escaped in the late Defeat, was in the Town.  
When Philip had well weighed all these Matters, sometimes he resolved not to adventure to Besiege them; but soon again he became of another Mind, when he reflected on the great Importance of the place: For as it greatly annoyed at that time both the Achaians and Arcadians, so it was a Rampire and Bulwark of the Eleans; he foresaw that were it once in his possession, it would become an admirable Fortress whereby to cover the Arcadians against the Insults of the Enemy, and an excellent place of Arms and retreat for the Allies, who made War on the Eleans. Wherefore he became at length resolved to attempt the Siege; and ordering his Troops to refresh themselves, and to be in a readiness under their Arms by break of Day, he commanded them to march down and pass the Bridge over the Erymanthus; which they did without any Impediment, none suspecting they would adventure on so hardy an Enterprise: Then bravely approaching the Town, they came and lodged themselves at the foot of the Wall. Upon this, Euripidas and all within the Town were struck with great Terror and Amazement, having always concluded it most improbable, that the Enemy would ever be so adventurous, as to make an essay of their Strength against a place so well fortified and provided; nor to resolve on a long Siege, by reason of the Winter and bad Wether. Nevertheless, with these Thoughts were mixed certain Jealousies among themselves, and an apprehension lest Philip should become Master of the Place by intelligence. But these Fears were soon over; and after they found there was no ground of Suspicion of that, there being none so much as inclined to Philip's Party, they then unanimously betook themselves to the defence of the Works, the greatest part of the Garrison mounting the Walls, while the Elean Mercenaries made a Sally by a Gate in the upper part of the Town, to surprise the Enemy on that side. In the mean time, the King having appointed three several Attacks, ordered Ladders to be raised by People destined to that particular Service, against each assigned place, with a sufficient Guard of Macedonians to sustain them: Then commanding to sound to the Charge, they advanced to the Assault on all Quarters of the Town. The Garrison for a space made brave resistance, casting down many of their Ladders. But it coming to pass that their Darts, and other Weapons of Defence in such occasions, beginning to fail them (for they were drawn to the Walls in haste, as was noted) and the Macedonians bravely maintaining the Attack, notwithstanding the opposition they found, new Men boldly succeeding and filling up the places of those who had been cast from the Works; that the Townsmen, no longer able to withstand them, deserted their Defence, and betook themselves for safety to the Citadel: So the Macedonians mounted, and became possessed of the Walls; while the Candiots, who were come to Blows with the Party that had made the Sally, beat them back, and in the pursuit entered pellmell with them into the Town; whereby it so chanced, that the place was subdued and taken in all Quarters at once. The Inhabitants, with their Wives and Children likewise took Sanctuary in the Citadel, as did Euripidas, and all that had time to provide for their safety.  
The Macedonians were no sooner Masters of the Town when they fell to plunder and rifle both public and private Places, where they remained till they should receive further Orders. In the mean while, those who had retired to the Citadel, foreseeing what must inevitably besal them, having nothing there to sustain them, deliberated on yielding it up; accordingly they sent a Trumpet to the King, who gave them his Pass for the security of those whom they should appoint to Treat; who were the principal Men of the City, and with them Euripidas, who obtained Indemnity for all who were retired to the Citadel, both Townsmen and Strangers. Nevertheless, the Deputies were ordered to return back, and there to remain till the Army should be drawn off, lest some of the unruly Soldiers, less observant of the King's Commands, should be tempted to rifle them.  
The Wether being bad (much Snow falling) the King was constrained to take up his abode here for some days, where assembling all the Achaians that were with him, he first discoursed with them touching the situation of the Place; that it was well fortified, and of great use to them in the War they had on their hands. Then repeating the assurances of his fast Friendship to the Nation in general, he bestowed the Town upon them, telling them, he was fully determined to give them all the assistance in his utmost Power, and would let no occasion pass, whereby he might express his Affection to them. After Aratus, and the rest of the Achaians had expressed their grateful Acknowledgements for so many Favours and good Offices, the King dissolved the Assembly, and marched the Army away towards Lasion; upon which the Psophidians left the Citadel, and came down into the Town to their respective Habitations. As to Euripidas, he departed thence to Corinth, from whence he went to Aetolia. The Magistrates of the Achaians gave the Government of the Citadel to Proslaus the Sicyonian, placing therein a good Garrison, and Pythias they made Governor of the Town. Thus were Matters accommodated at Psophis.  
The Elean Garrison in Lasion receiving notice of the approach of the Macedonians, and being informed of what had passed at Psophis, deserted the Town; into which the King immediately entered; on his arrival, to give further instance of his Kindness to the Achaians, he made them a Present likewise of this Place. He also restored Stratus to the Telphussians, which the Eleans had abandoned; and, in short, in five Days marched to Olymphia, where after he had sacrificed, and magnificently treated the prime Officers of the Army, and allowed three Days to repose and refresh his Troops, he marched them into the Territory of the Eleans; where he no sooner entered, when he sent Detachments abroad to waste and plunder the Country, himself encamping in the Neighbourhood of Artemissium, whither having ordered the Booty to be brought, he afterwards returned back to Dioscurium. And here, tho' they put all to Fire and Sword wherever they came, and took many Prisoners; nevertheless, the greater part saved themselves by flying to the neighbouring Towns and Places of strength. For the Territory of the Eleans is the best Peopled Country of all Peloponnesus, and the most abounding in all things; for the Inhabitants are for the most part so in love with a Country Life, that how Wealthy soever they are, they cannot be drawn from thence to inhabit their Towns.  
The reason of this seems to be, that the Government greatly encourageth that sort of Life, whereby their Lands become better cultivated and improved; insomuch as they receive from them all kind of Protection, and want no Privilege or Support it can give them. For my own part, I can easily believe they have been ever heretofore addicted to that manner of Living, as well through the fertility of the Soil, as the innocence and simplicity of the Manners of the ancient Inhabitants, while by the general consent of the Greeks they enjoyed their Possessions without any Molestation; or fear of War or Violence; in consideration of the Olympic Games that were there celebrated.  
But after the Arcadians had now Challenged a right to Lasion and Pisa, and they were become obliged to take Arms to defend their Possessions, they became changed in their Manners, and forgot the ancient Customs of their Country: without thought of recovering their old Liberty, and have long continued for the most part in that state. Wherein, ●methinks, they manifest a very stupid neglect of their own proper Benefit, and the Advantage of Posterity. For since Peace is a Blessing which Mankind in general ask of the Gods; and for the sake whereof there is hardly any thing we are not ready to do or suffer; and since among all those things that bear the name of Goods of Human Life, that alone remains undisputed; does it not seem a mighty Error then, and blindness of Mind, that while this Blessing may be honestly obtained, and perpetually enjoyed to despise such a Treasure, and not esteem it a Felicity preferable to all others? But let it be Objected, That such a sort of Government would expose them to the Insolence and Injuries of those, who should have a mind to make War on them, and violate their Faith. But this can but very rarely come to pass, and the general sense of such Violences, and the ready Succours of the whole Greek Nation would soon remedy such an Evil. And after all, Riches being the certain Product of long Peace, they would never want Mercenaries for their Money, whereby to strengthen themselves, and Garrison their Places of Defence; while now in these our Days, out of a vain fear of what is very unlikely ever to happen, their Jealousies one of another beget nothing but War and Violence; and the mutual Destruction of each other. We have thus lightly touched this subject in our way, to give a hint only to the Eleans of their proper Interest, and the rather inasmuch as they can never hope to see a more favourable conjuncture, whereby to regain their lost Rights and Privileges. In a word, if the Eleans chance at this Day to retain any kind of preference to their ancient manner of Country Employments, it seems to be no other than some faint remains of their old Customs, which are not yet quite extinguished.  
Hence than it came to pass, that when Philip fell in upon them, so many Prisoners were taken, and yet that so many notwithstanding made their escape into their Towns. To the Fortress of Thalamés especially many resorted, where they secured much , and great quantities of their Movables; that Place being strongly situate, and the Avenues difficult, and standing remote from all Commerce, and almost every way inaccessible. But when the King became informed, that many of the Enemy had retired thither, he thought himself obliged to attempt (at least his best) to dislodge them: Wherefore having first gained all the difficult Passes, whereby his Army might march with security, he left his Baggage in the Camp, guarded with a good part of his Army, and taking with him only his Bucklermen, and light-armed Troops, marched through the Defiles which lead towards Thalamés. Those who were within the place, terrified at his approach, having been but little conversant in War, and wanting every thing for their defence; and there being great numbers of the base sort of People mixed with them, soon submitted, albeit they had a strength with them of two hundred Mercenary Soldiers that had been brought thither by Amphidamas an Officer of the Eleans.  
As soon as Philip was Master of Thalamés, and the Booty they had there lodged, together with five Hundred Men, who were made Prisoners, and much  of all sorts, he returned back to his Camp. And now his Army being overcharged with Booty, whereby they became greatly hindered in their march, and all Military Expeditions, he found it necessary to retire further, and re-encamp at Olympia.  
Among the Tutors and Governors left by Antigonus to King Philip, who came a Child to the Crown, Apelles was one, who had preserved a powerful influence over the young Prince. This Person then having conceived a project of reducing the Achaians to the state wherein the Thessalians then were, began his Design by means malicious enough: For tho' it seemed to him, that the Thessalians were a free People, and lived in the enjoyment of all their Rights and Liberties, and their Condition quite otherwise than that of the Macedonians; nevertheless, he was therein deceived, for there was little or no difference between them, the Thessalians living liable to the same usage with the Macedonians, being obliged to do and submit to every thing the great Men of the Kingdom thought fit. Now forasmuch as Apelles bent all his Thoughts towards the compassing his Design, his first essay was on the Patience of the Achaean Soldiers, who served at that time in the Army; he therefore caused the Macedonians frequently to dislodge them, and possess their Quarters, when they found them at any time better provided than themselves; and often to deprive them of their Plunder. In a word, he caused them to be severely treated by the common Executioners on every slight occasion: And if at any time they complained, or the Soldiers appeared to rescue their Friends from such hard Treatment, he caused them to be taken into Custody; conceiving, that by this sort of usage, he should be able, by degrees, and unobserved to bring the Achaians to bear by Custom any burden the King should think fit to lay upon them.  
Thus Apelles was not without hopes of compassing his purpose, from his having observed, that heretofore in the time of Antigonus, the Achaians cheerfully underwent many Hardships, to purchase their exemption from the Authority of Cleomenes. But so it chanced, that certain Achaean Soldiers, provoked by this Usage, assembled themselves, and went and imparted the Project and Practice of Apelles to Aratus: Who thereupon applied himself to the King, to obtain a Remedy for this Evil ere it got a head. Philip now informed of what had been done, called these Soldiers to him, and gave them assurance that care should be taken for the future, that no such Injury should be offered them, bidding them rely on his Word; and accordingly he ordered Apelles to determine nothing at any time about the Achaean Soldiers, without first communicating with their Praetor, or Chief Officer. Thus Philip acquired a mighty Reputation, not only among his own Subjects, but throughout all Peloponnesus; as well by his manner of Treatment of the Allies in the Camp, as by his personal Courage, Vigilance, and Abilities in War. And in truth it would have been hard to find a Prince to whom Nature had been more bountiful in those Gifts and Qualities, that are found necessary to the acquisition of Power and Empire: His Understanding was clear, his Memory excellent, and his Person and Fashion bore the Majesty he held; but his brightest Virtues were his Resolution and Military Abilities. But in regard it would be too long a digression, to recount here how it came to pass that he lost this excellent Character, and from a great King became a Tyrant; we will therefore refer that Story to a more proper place.  
King Philip then decamping from Olympia, marched towards Pharae, and soon after came to Telphussa, and from thence to Heraea, where he caused all the Booty to be sold. Here he ordered a Bridge to be made over the River Alpheus, whereby to facilitate his passage into the Territory of the Tryphalians. At the same time Dorimachus Praetor of the Aetolians, sent six hundred of that Nation under the Command of Phylidas, to the Aid of the Eleans, who had demanded Succours against those that wasted their Country. Phylidas on his arrival joining five hundred Mercenaries to his own Troops, who were listed into the Aetolian Pay, and adding to them a thousand of the City-Bands, together with certain Tarentines, marched to the relief of the Tryphalians. This Country takes its Name from an Arcadian Boy called Tryphalus: It stands in the Maritime parts of Peloponnesus, between the Eleans and Messenians, looking towards the Lybian Sea, on the skirts of Achaia towards the North-West. The Towns of this Country are Samicum, Lepreum, Hypana, Typanaea, Pyrgus, Aepyum, Bolax, Styllagium, and Phryxa. The Eleans having of late days subdued and reduced all these Places to their Obedience, to which they added Alipheraea, heretofore an Arcadian Town; and Megalopolis itself, by the procurement of Alliadas, while the Sovereignty was in his hand, which was negotiated by way of exchange, for certain Reasons best known to him and the Eleans.  
The King being now quit of his Plunder and Baggage, passing the Alpheus which runs by the Walls of Heraea, came to Alipheraea: This Town is seated on an Eminence, which lies steep and sloping every way, being an ascent of above a Mile to the top, where stands a Fortress, in which there is a Statue of Brass of Minerva, famous for its Magnitude and the Excellence of the Workmanship. The Inhabitants themselves can give no very clear account why it was there placed, nor at whose Charge it was done. But as to the Workmen, all conclude it to have been wrought by the hands of Hecatodorus and Sostratus; and that it is the most beautiful and finished Piece they ever performed. Philip having ordered those who carried the Scaling-Ladders to be ready by , at certain places assigned them, sent his Mercenaries before, and to sustain them a Body of Macedonians, giving them Orders to begin all together to mount the Hill, at the instant the Sun appeared above the Horizon: Which Directions were punctually and with great Resolution observed by the Macedonians. Those of the place hastening to that part where they saw the Macedonians in greatest number, gave the King opportunity at the head of a Party of chosen Men, to pass unobserved by those of the Fortress, over certain broken Grounds, full of Rocks and Precipices: From whence giving the Signal, they approached with their Ladders to mount the Works. Philip himself first enters, and taketh possession of an unguarded part of the Place, which he immediately sets in a flame; whereupon those, who were defending the Wall, beholding all on fire, terrified at the Danger they saw so near them, and fearing they should lose the Citadel, which was their last Refuge, forthwith abandoned the Defence of their Wall, and hastened thither. Whereupon the Macedonians became presently Masters of the Works and the Town. But those who were retreated to the Citadel, soon sent to the King, and, on composition for their Lives, yielded it up. This Success spread Fear throughout all the Country of Tryphalia, and every one began to deliberate how to preserve themselves and save their Country.  
As to Phylidas, he having quitted Typanaea, and committed some Spoils on the Allies, retired to Lepreum. For in those times, the Confederates of the Aetolians were accustomed, tho' in Amity, not only to be by them deserted in their greatest straits, but suffered themselves to be plundered and betrayed by them; and endured at their hands (who called them Friends) all the Outrages that could be feared from a conquering Enemy. Those of Typanaea gave up their City to King Philip; and the Hypanaeans followed their example. In the mean time, the Phialians having understood what passed in Tryphalia, detesting the Aetolian League, resolutely took possession of the Palace, where the Polemarches or Magistrates resided. As to the Aetolian Pilferers, who held their abode at Phialia, with design to spoil from thence the Lands of the Messenians, and were at that time consulting about enterprizing something on the Phialians themselves; when they came to understand that the Inhabitants were determined to stand on their guard, and repel Force by Force, they thereupon changed their purpose, and after having taken certain Security of those of the Town, they marched out with all their Baggage; whereupon the Phialians dispatched their Deputies to the King, giving their Town and Country up to his discretion.  
During these Transactions, the Lepreans seizing a quarter of the Town into their hands, attempted to force out of the Citadel, the Aetolians, Eleans, and the Troops that had been sent to their relief by the Lacedæmonians. But Phylidas at first set light by this their Attempt, seeming resolved to do his best to preserve the Town in Obedience, and terrify the Inhabitants. But on Philip's sending Taurion with part of the Army towards Phialia, and himself now drawing near, his Courage began to sink; whereupon the Lepreans grew more assured, and did an Action in that occasion very memorable. For albeit there were at that time in the Town a thousand Eleans, five hundred Aetolians, and two hundred Lacedæmonians, and the Citadel over and above in their hands; they had nevertheless the Resolution to enterprise the delivering of their Country, and would not consent to betray themselves by a slavish Fear or Submission. Wherefore Phylidas perceiving the Citizen's determination, marched together with the Eleans and Lacedæmonians out of the Town; as to the Cretans, who had been sent by the Spartiatae, they returned by the way of Messina to their own Country, and Phylidas retreated to Samicum. As soon as the Lepreans became Masters of their Liberty, they dispatched their Deputies to Philip to make tender of their City, and put it into his hands. After the King had given them Audience, he dispatched a part of his Troops to Leprea; and continued his march with his Bucklermen, and light-armed Troops, being determined to attack Phylidas; who (with the loss of all his Plunder and Baggage) was, as we said, retreated to Samicum, whither the King speedily came, and encamped in view of the Place; and sending This Orders for the rest of his Troops to join him from Leprea, made countenance of resolving to besiege it. Whereupon the Eleans and Aetolians, who were unprovided for Defence; and had nothing but the bare Walls to trust to began to capitulate; so it was agreed they should march out with their Arms; from whence they went to Elea. Thus the King became Master of Samicum. And now upon the Supplication of the Towns round about, he received them all into his Protection; as, namely, Phryxa, Styllagium, Epia, Bolax, Pyrga, and Epitalias, and so marched back to Leprea, having in the space of six Days compassed the Reduction of all Tryphalia to his Obedience.  
After some Conference with the Lepreans, suiting the time and occasion, he put a Garrison into the Citadel, and led his Army towards Heraea, leaving Ladicus the Acarnanian his Governor in Tryphalia. Upon his arrival at Heraea, he ordered the Booty to be divided and distributed to the Soldiers; and after he had victualled the Army, and supplied himself with all things necessary, he departed from Heraea, being then midwinter, and marched towards Megalopolis.  
While Success thus waited on the Arms of King Philip in Tryphalia, Chilon the Lacedaemonian, conceiving the Right of Succession to the Crown to be in him, and not longer able to suffer the Injury that had been done him by the Ephori, (who in his wrong had preferred Lycurgus to the Royalty) was determined to attempt something towards doing himself Justice. Wherefore being persuaded he should win much on the People, if by the example of Cleomenes (and many others) he gave them hopes of a new division of the Lands; he by that means meditated how to put his Enterprise in effect. After he had imparted his purpose then to his Friends, whereof there were no less than two hundred, who engaged in the Conspiracy, he resolved to lose no time. But forasmuch as he well knew, that Lycurgus and the Ephori who had elected him, were the main Impediment, he first attacked them, and surprising the Ephori as they sat at Table, killed them there. Thus did Fortune bring those Men to suffer what their Practices had demerited; for whether we consider either the Actor, or the Action, it cannot but be confessed their end was just. After they had dispatched the Ephori, Chilon hastens to the House of Lycurgus, but chanced there to be disappointed; he, by the help of his Friends and Servants being secretly conveyed away, making his escape to Pellene, by private ways, unknown to his Enemy. And now tho' Chilon failed of effecting the most important part of his Enterprise, and had but an indifferent prospect of Success; nevertheless, he was under a necessity of prosecuting what he had began. Wherefore going into the Marketplace, he there attacks and kills all he could find, whom he knew to be his Enemies; greatly animating his Friends and Relations, and giving some hopes to the Multitude. But beholding at length when he had done all, that few or none took part with him; on the contrary finding himself in danger, he secretly withdrew and departed; taking his way through the Territory of Laconia, and so escaped into Achaia, when he lived as a banished Man.  
The Lacedæmonians apprehending the approach of King Philip, secured their Effects in the Country, slighted Athenaeum of the Megalopolitans, and dismantled the Works.  
Thus the People of Sparta, who had long lived in the enjoyment of so excellent a form of Government, from the time that Lycurgus gave them their Laws; and who held so great a share of Power and Reputation till the Ba●tel of Leuctra, sell at length (when Fortune had forsaken them) into deplorable Calamities. Their Reputation diminished every day intestine jars vexed and tormented them, under colour of dividing their Lands, till is the end they were brought so low as to submit to the Tyranny of Nabis, who heretofore could not brook to hear so much as the Name of Tyrant. But enough has been said by others on the subject of the ancient Lacedæmonians and their Actions, and every Body knows what befell them, as soon as Cleomenes had subverted the established Laws and Form of their Republic; nor shall we omit to make further mention of them as occasion shall be given. From Megalopolis Philip marched his Troops by the way of Tegaea to Argos, where he passed the remainder of the Winter; having acquired a Reputation much greater than his Age promised, through the many, noble, and early Actions he had already performed. In the mean time, Apelles (of whom we have already spoken) had not so given over his Project as to be without hopes, as was plainly seen, of bringing by degrees the Achaians Necks to the Yoke. But he well knew that Aratus, both Father and Son, withstood his Design, and that the King held them in singular esteem, especially the Father, who had been in great Reputation with Antigonus, and was known to be a very powerful Man among the Achaians; and the King himself, I say, valued him for his Prudence and great Abilities. Wherefore Apelles resolved to attack these two, and by fraud and address do his best to ruin them with King Philip. Pursuant to which, he first carefully informs himself of their Enemies, and all who among the Achaians were of the opposite Faction; and being well instructed in their several Interests and Characters, he sends for them to Court; and on their Arrival, employs all his Arts to win and engage them to his Friendship, acting in their Favour with the King, whom he laboured to persuade, That if he continued to treat the Aratuses with so much Deference, he could never hope to gain any thing on the Achaians, further than what was stipulated by the Articles of the Confederacy. But if he should please to countenance and encourage those he should recommend, he would soon compass whatever he desired, and dispose of all Matters in Peloponnesus at his pleasure. Furthermore, the time of Election of their Praetor drawing nigh, he resolved to do his best to confer that Dignity on one of his own Party, and to diminish by all means possible the Power of the Aratuses Administration, as being in no wise proper for his use in the Part he had to act; whereupon he prevailed with the King to go as it were in Progress to Aegium, and to be present at the Achaean Assembly. So Philip followed his Counsel, and failed not to be there in due time; where Apelles by Threats on the one hand, and Persuasion on the other, compassed with great difficulty the Election of Eperatus the Pharian, to the Praetorship, in preference to Timoxenus, who had been set up by Aratus.  
Soon after, the King departed from Aegium, marching the Army towards Patroe and Dymas, and came to the Fortress of Tichos, which stands on the Borders of the Dymaeans, and whereof, as hath been elsewhere observed, Euripidas had been long before possessed. The King then being very desirous to win back this Castle, and restore it to the Dymaeans, encamped with the whole Army by it; whereupon the Elean Garrison within became so terrified, that they quickly delivered it up. This place, tho' but small, is exceeding strong; it is not in circuit above a Furlong, but the Walls are not less than five and fifty Foot high. So the King restored it to the Dymaeans, and then led his Army into the Country of the Eleans, wasting and plundering far and wide; and after he had loaden the Soldiers with Booty, returned back to Dymas-Apelles, who began now to think he had advanced far in his Enterprise; having obtained an Achaean Praetor of his Faction, he renewed his Attempts on the Aratuses, being determined totally to destroy their Interest with the King. He pursued them then with Calumnies, which he thus managed: Amphidamus, chief of the Eleans, who had been taken Prisoner at Thalamés, (whither he was retired, as hath been told) being brought among others to Olympia, so wrought by the mediation of Friends, that he was admitted to a Conference with the King; in which Audience he persuaded him, That it would be no difficult matter to procure him the Friendship of the Eleans, and that he well knew by what means to effect it, and make that People covet his Alliance. The King being wrought to believe him, forthwith discharged him without Ransom; impow'ring him to assure the Eleans, That on condition of their ent'ring into League with him, all their Prisoners should be enlarged Ransom-free: That he would protect their Country from Plunder, and all the wasteful effects of War, and confirm and preserve their rightful Liberties, so as they should live in the entire enjoyment of all their Privileges, and be exempt both from Garrisons and Tribute. And now albeit these Overtures contained so much favour, and might be thought sufficient to engage them; nevertheless the Eleans would not be drawn to listen to them, but remained immovable.  
This incidence armed Apelles with Calumnies against the Aratuses, who charged them with Insincerity to the King, and that they did not, as they ought, serve the Interest of the League in which they were engaged with the Macedonians, telling the King, if the Eleans had shown any aversion to his Friendship, it was wholly due to the Artifices of the Aratuses: That, in short, upon Amphidomus' departure from Olympia towards Elis, they took an occasion to have Conference with him, and so prevailed, that he became of another Mind, and changed his Purpose; being by them persuaded, That it would be in no wise for the Interest of the Peloponnesians, that King Philip should acquire any Power over the Eleans; and that this was the cause why the Eleans received the King's Proposals so coldly, and persisted in their Confederacy with the Aetolians, and endured so patiently the Mischiefs they suffered from the Macedonians.  
As soon as Philip had heard these things, he ordered the two Aratuses to be sent for, to the end he might confront them with their Accuser, who should be obliged to charge them to their Faces with these Matters, whereof they had been accused to him in private. Whereupon they came and heard what Apelles had to say; who charged them roundly and with great assurance, and a Countenance full of Menaces; adding, in the King's Presence (who had not yet spoken) That since the King had discovered their Ingratitude to him, and that they had rendered themselves so unworthy of his good Offices, he had therefore deliberated on calling an Assembly of the Achaians, to whom he would impart the Cause, and then return with his Army into Macedon. Whereupon the elder Aratus replied, praying the King not over-hastily to give credit to what he heard; and that whensoever he should stand accused of any Matters to him, by any Friend or Ally, he would vouchsafe to fift● and examine every thing with Caution, before he came to believe a Calumnious Impeachment against him: That furthermore, as it became the Justice of a Prince so to do, so the thing in itself was advantageous to him: That in the mean time, it would be but fair-dealing in Apelles to cause those Persons to be produced who were Witnesses to the Conference, whereof he had been accused, and the Person likewise himself who had given Apelles the Information: That, in short, nothing ought to be omitted, whereby the King might arrive at the certain Truth of the Matter, before he should determine to discover any thing thereof in the Assembly of the Achaians. The King became of Aratus' Mind; and replied, That he would not in any wise resolve hastily, but would carefully first inform himself in every particular of the Matter; and thereupon dismissed the Company. Not long after this Controversy (over and above that Apelles never produced any Proof of the Accusation) a chance happened, which greatly favoured the Cause of Aratus. Amphidamus falling under suspicion of the Eleans, about the Time Philip was wasting their Country, they had therefore formed a Design to secure his Person, and sending him Prisoner to the Aetolians. But he having some suspicion of their Purpose, withdrew himself, and escaped first to Olympia; afterwards being informed, that the King intended to remain some Days at Dymas, where he divided the Booty, he departed from thence, and came thither to him. Aratus was well pleased with the Escape and Arrival of Amphidamus; he therefore with the assurance of an innocent Man, prayed the King to order him to be brought to his Presence, who without Controversy would be best able of all others rightly to inform him, he being a principal Person to whom the Secret was said to be imparted, adding, That there could be no doubt of his Sincerity in the Relation he should give, considering he had been compelled now to abandon his Country on the score of the King, and had no other recourse but to him. This Request of Aratus was thought but reasonable; wherefore Amphidamus was brought to the King, by whom the untruth of the Accusation was made to appear. This proved the occasion that the Good will of King Philip grew now more and more towards Aratus, whom he held in very great consideration; and, on the contrary, of his change towards Apelles, whom he came by degrees to dislike: Howbeit, he dissembled that and many other things all he could, through the long possession of Power he had acquired with him.  
In the mean time, Apelles neglects not to pursue his Design, prevailing to have Taurion, who was Governor for the King in Peloponnesus, to be removed from that Trust; not by any Accusation he preferred against him, but more artfully by praising his Abilities, and that it was for the King's better Service to have him present with him in his Wars and Expeditions; when his meaning was, to have it in his Power to provide a Governor of his own stamp in Peloponnesus. Thus by this new way are Praises converted into Calumnies, and Men are undone by Recommendation. A malicious refined Artifice, forged and put in practice by those who live in the Courts of Princes, the effects of Jealousy and Ambition. Furthermore, Apelles took all occasions to diminish the Credit of Alexander with the King, who had the Command of his Guards, to the end he might have it in his Power likewise to dispose of that Place, and, to conclude all in a word, bend his utmost Endeavours to introduce a total Change in the established Order of Government, which had been left by Antigonus; tho' that Prince, while he lived, ruled the Kingdom and the young King with great Wisdom, and at his Death provided as wisely for every thing. For in his Will he left his Reasons to the Macedonians, of the whole Method of his Conduct, and laid down Rules and Prescriptions for their future Government; appointing to whom the administration of Affairs should be committed; and aiming by all means possible so to settle the Kingdom, as to leave no motive of Dissension or Discord among the Ministers and others, whom they should employ. Wherefore he nominated Apelles for one of the young King's Tutors, who at that time was jointly trusted with him in other Matters. To Leontius he gave the Command of the Bucklermen; Megalea was made Secretary; Taurion was appointed Governor of Peloponnesus; and Alexander had the Command of the King's Guards.  
But in conclusion, Megalea and Leontius being Creatures of Apelles, he disposed them as he pleased, and therefore set all his Arts at work to remove Alexander and Taurion from Authority, that himself might have the Power, or execute it by instruments of his own; all which Designs, he had in great likelihood brought to pass had he not engaged in that secret War with Aratus. Wherefore he came at length to feel the smart of his Folly; and reaped the Wages of his Ambition; it being his Lot to suffer those Evils he was preparing for others. But we will not prosecute his Story here, but leave to another place the recital of the manner and reasons of all that befell him, it being now time to put an end to this Book.  
In conclusion then, after these things were brought to pass, which we have been relating, King Philip returned to Argos, where he spent the Winter among his Friends, sending in the mean time his Army into Macedon.  
Finis Lib. IU.   

POLYBIUS' General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD.  
VOL. II. BOOK V  
THE Year of the younger Aratus' Praetorship expired about the time of the 
* The beginning of April.  rising of the Pleyades (for so the Achaians computed) who was succeeded by Eperatus; Dorimachus holding then that Trust in Aetolia. About the same time Hannibal, having openly declared War against the Romans, departed from New-Carthage, and passing the River Eber, entered on the execution of his Design, and began his march towards Italy. While at Rome Tiberius Sempronius was dispatched towards afric, and Pub. Cornelius Scipio towards Spain at the Head of their Armies. Furthermore, Antiochus and Ptolemy, coming to despair by Conferences and Embassies to compose the Differences that were grown between them about the Lower Syria, had likewise entered into Hostility one with another.  
As to King Philip, he coming to want Money and Provisions for his Army, had convocated by their Magistrates the Assembly of the Achainas; which according to custom was held at Aegium. Where perceiving Aratus (ill satisfied with the Practices of Apelles) had willingly resigned his Authority; and finding Eperatus unqualifyed for business, and in no esteem with the People, he came at length to discern the foul play of Apelles and Leontius, which renewed his esteem for Aratus, whom he now considered more than ever. Not long after, having prevailed with the Magistrates, that their next Convention should be at Sicyon, he there had private Conference with the two Aratus'; and imputing all that had passed to the Artifices of Apelles, prayed them to forget their Wrongs, and continue him in the same degree of Affection as heretofore. Whereupon coming to a new Accord, the King went to the Assembly, where without difficulty he obtained by their procurement all he desir'd towards the furtherance of his Affairs. The Achaians then decreed, That as soon as the Army should begin to march, fifty Talents should be advanced to the King, being three Months pay to the Army; together with Ten Thousand Measures of Corn. And it was also further resolved, That while the King made War in Person in Peloponnesus, he should receive seventeen Talents Monthly. After these Acts of the Assembly they separated, and retired to their respective Cities.  
And now, when the Army began to move from their Winter-Quarters, it was resolved by the King in Council, to prosecute the War likewise by Sea; concluding it to be the only means whereby to surprise and attack the Enemy from all Quarters, by making descents and invading them, where their Towns were distant and remote from Succour; whereby every one would be obliged to consult their own single Safety through the uncertainty of their Motions, and it would be in their power to carry their Arms with more case, whithersoever they should judge it most expedient; for they had to do at once with the Aetolians, Lacedæmonians, and Eleans. After this had been resolved, the King ordered the Fleet, both his own and the Achaean Ships to Rendezvous at the Port of Lechoeum, where he commanded the Soldiers of the Macedonian Phalanx to be exercised and instructed in the use of the Oar; for the Macedonians apply themselves cheerfully to every thing, and learn with facility whatsoever they go about. And, in short, are no less brave and active by Sea than by Land. No People endure Hardship better, or are more patiented of Labour, whether it be in their Fortifications and Encampments, or any other painful or hardy Employments incident to the Life of a Soldier. In conclusion, Hesiod seems to give us their Picture in his Character of the Aeacidoe.  
To whom soft Ease and Lust less Pleasure yield,  
Than Martial Toils and Perils of the Field.  
While King Philip and the Macedonians remained at Corinth, employed about their Naval Preparations; Apelles who could not brook the diminution of his Credit, nor work any change in the Mind of his Master, entered into Compact with Leontius and Megaleas; with whom it was agreed, that they, on their part, who were to act in the Army about the King, should labour with their best Arts secretly to thwart and obstruct him in all his Designs; while he making his abode at Chalcis, would take care so to shorten and retard his Supplies of every thing from all Parts, that he should be so streighten'd on that side, that the want of Necessaries to the advancing his Expeditions should be a great impediment to his Progress. After Matters had been thus concerted between them, this crafty old Courtier soon found reasons whereby to dispose the King to approve of his Voyage to Chalcis, whither he went; and where he performed Articles so punctually with the other two, that he brought the King under such straits, that he became constrained to pawn his Plate to supply his Wants. As soon as the Naval Army was drawn together, and it was thought the Macedonians were now sufficiently exercised, and instructed in the management of the Oar; the King, causing Bread and Pay to be distributed to the Soldiers, embarked with Six Thousand Macedonians, and Twelve Hundred Mercenaries, and steered his Course towards Patroe, where he arrived the next Day after his departure from Corinth.  
About the same time Dorimachus the Aetolian Praetor dispatched Agelaus and Scopas with Five Hundred new raised Candiots to the Aid of the Eleans. For these being under some apprehension that the King had some design on Cyllene, had taken Foreign Troops into their Pay, and levied others of their own Subjects, and took care to Fortify and Garrison that Place. Wherefore Philip composing a Body of all the Stranger-Troops, of the Achaians, the Candiots that were with him, some Gaulish Horse, and Two Thousand choice Achaean Foot, put them into Dyma; both for a reserve, if occasion should require, and to strengthen and secure that Place in case the Eleans should have a mind to attempt any thing that way. Then sending his Dispatches to the Messenians, Epirots, Acarnanians, and Scerdilaidas, requiring them to hasten with their Ships, and meet him at Cephalenia, he parted from Patroe at a Day prefixed, and came to Pronos a Port of that Island. Where observing the very great difficulty of succeeding by laying siege to that Place, the Country about it being very straight, he proceeded further, and steered towards the Town of Palé: Here finding plenty of Corn on the Ground whereby to sustain his Army, he disembarked, and sat down before that Place, drawing his Vessels ashore, and securing them with a good Ditch and Palissado, he sent out his Macedonians to Forage, while he approached to view the Place, whereby to make a Judgement, where he might best apply his Engines to the Walls; it being his purpose there to attend the coming of the Confederate Forces, and to become Master of that Place, thereby to deprive the Aetolians of the Benefit it yielded them: For whenever they had any design of making a Descent on Peloponnesus or to plunder the Coast of Epirus or Acarnania, they made use of the Vessels of Cephalenia. Furthermore, he considered this Town would make a safe retreat both for himself and Friends, and be of great use to them in all their Attempts on the Enemy on that side. For Cephalenia stands not far from the Gulf of Corinth, looking likewise toward the Sicilian Sea, and that part of the Coast of Peloponnesus, that lies North and North-West; and is in the Neighbourhood chief of the Epirots, Eleans, Aetolians, and Acarnanians, whose Coast trends away West and South-West.  
This Town then lying so commodiously for assembling the Forces of the Confederates, for annoying the Enemy, and protecting of Friends and Allies; the King was therefore very desirous to get the Island into his possession. After he had well considered that a great part of the Town was environed by the Sea, and by Rocks that were inaccessible, and that there was but one small spot of good Ground lying towards the way of Zacinthus, whereby they might approach, he therefore resolved there to apply his Engines, and make that the principal Attack. In the mean time, there joined him fifteen Vessels sent by Scerdilaidas; for the Commotions that had happened in Illyria among the Governors of those Provinces, who had fallen into dangerous Dissensions among themselves, was the cause he could not send a greater Supply, Aids came likewise from the Epirots, Acarnanians, and Messenians; for after the taking of Phialea, the Messenians readily took their share of the War.  
And now, when all things were prepared, and the Machine's for casting of Stones and Darts in a readiness, the King ordered them to approach the Walls, after he had encouraged his own People, and had begun to sap their Works. The Macedonians then who wrought cheerfully at the Work, had soon undermined a great part of the Wall, strongly sustaining the Burden with great Posts of Wood as they proceeded, whereupon the King summoned the Town to surrender: But they having no disposition to submit, he ordered Fire to be applied to the Props that sustained the Wall, whereupon a Breach was quickly made. Then he ordered the Bucklermen, who were under the Command of Leontius, (dividing them into Parties) to march to the Attack, and enter the Town over the Ruins of the Breach. But Leontius, mindful of the Agreement he had made with Apelles, withheld certain forward Men, who were already advanced to the top of the Breach from proceeding any further. And having before corrupted some of the principal Officers of the Army, and acting his own part but coldly, it came to pass, that after great loss of their Men, they were beaten off, when they had the fairest opportunity that could be wished of taking the Town. When the King therefore had considered the backwardness of his Officers, and that the Macedonians had much suffered in this Attack, he raised the Siege, calling a Council to debate what was best next to be done.  
While King Philip was thus busy here, Lycurgus marched with an Army into the Territory of the Messenians, and Dorimachus with part of the Aetolian Forces into Thessaly, both with the same design of obliging the King to raise the Siege. Whereupon Ambassadors were dispatched to him from the Acarnanians and Messenians. Those from Acarnania proposing his falling on the Lands of the Aetolians, so to compel Dorimachus, by spoiling the Country, to return to their relief. But the Messenians prayed present Succours; adding, That now while the Etesian Winds blew, they might in a Day's fail gain their passage from Cephalenia to the Coast of Messenia; where Gorgus the Messenian was of Opinion, they might endanger the surprising of Lycurgus, and that the Enterprise promised great advantage. Leontius, who saw this Counsel tended to his purpose, strongly seconded the Advice, foreseeing that if the King followed it, he would spend the whole Summer without effect.  
In short, it was true, that to Messenia 'twas a short and easy passage, but it was impossible to return back during the season of those Winds; so that in all probability should the King have followed that Advice, he would have been shut up in Messenia during the season of Action, without doing any thing to the purpose, while the Aetolians would be at liberty to spoil at their ease, and put all to Fire and Sword in Thessaly and Epirus. This Counsel therefore was very pernicious; wherefore Aratus laboured to divert the King, showing how much better it was to fall on the Aetolians by Sea, and that the occasion of making Descents with their Fleet was not to be lost, now that Dorimachus with the Aetolian Forces was diverted elsewhere.  
The King, who had already conceived a doubtful Opinion of Leontius, as well through his late Behaviour in the Siege, as by other grounds of suspicion he had given him of his Fidelity, became inclined to follow the Counsel of Aratus: Whereupon he writ to Eperatus the Achaean Praetor to assemble his Troops, and march to the relief of the Messenians, while he himself weighing Anchor the next Day, gained his passage under covert of the Night from Cephalenia to Leucas; where all things having been duly prepared at the Isthmus of Dioryctus, he caused his Vessels to be drawn over, and so passed into the Gulf of Ambracia, which, as we have observed, comes out of the Sicilian Sea, and runs far up into the Country of Aetolia. Having performed this Journey somewhat before Day, he made sail towards a Town called Limnoea: Here causing the Army to take a short refreshment, and to be in a readiness to march, and to take no Baggage with them but what they could not be without; and having procured store of good Guides, he became exactly informed by them of the nature and situation of the Country and Towns, and instructed in every thing he had a mind to know.  
Here Aristophontus the Acarnanian Praetor came to the King, at the head of all the Forces of that People; for having been heretofore great Sufferers by the Aetolians, they came with Minds full of Revenge, and to repay them in their own Coin. Wherefore they embraced the occasion with great joy of being thus assisted by the Macedonians; so that not only such as by the Law were obliged to go to the War, but those who were exempted by their Age, listed themselves for this Expedition. The Epirots incited by the like Motives, were not less forward; tho' by reason of the great extent of their Country, and the sudden arrival of King Philip, they were not so well able to draw their Troops together. Dorimachus, as was noted, had led with him the one half of the Aetolian Forces, leaving the other half at home, which he conceived would be strength sufficient to answer any sudden occasion, and be guard enough to the Towns and the Country. And now the King, leaving the Baggage under a good Guard, departed in the close of the Evening from Limnoea; and after they had marched about eight Miles, he caused the Army to halt to take some refreshment; and after 〈◊〉 short repast he continued his march, and by break of Day came to the River Achelous, his purpose being to surprise the Town of Therm.  
Leontius, who had two Reasons to conclude on the probability of his Master's Success, and that all the present strength of the Enemy on that side would be too little to defend them; for the Macedonian Army had surprised them, and came both when and where they were least looked for, being persuaded that Philip would not be so prodigal of his own proper safety, to hazard himself among such Fastnesses and Defilées as the parts about Therm abound with. Wherefore persisting in his treacherous purpose, he advised the King to incamp about the River Achelous, to give some repose and refreshment to the Army after so hard a Night's march; being willing to do his best at least, that the Aetolians might have some small space to bethink them, and provide for their defence. But Aratus, who judged rightly of the importance of the occasion, that it was now favourable, but would not stay; and perceiving Leontius openly now to withstand all wholesome Counsel, and promising Designs, urged Philip by no means to consent to the least delay, nor upon any reason whatsoever respite his March, the success whereof lay in the dispatch. Wherefore the King approving his Advice, would not be drawn to make the least stay; but after the Army had passed the River, marched away directly towards Therm, putting all to Fire and Sword that lay in his way. On his Left he marched by Stratus, Agrinium and Thestium; on his Right he left Conope, Lysimachia, Triconium and Phoeteum: Then he arrived at a Place called Metapa, standing on the entrance of a Pass or Defilée near the Lake of Trichonium, about eight Miles distant from Therm. Wherefore he took possession of that Place, which had been abandoned by the Aetolians, and strengthened it with a Garrison of five hundred Men; forecasting; it might be of use to him, and be a good retreat in case he should be pressed in his march in or out of the Defilée. For the Lake is surrounded with mountainous and broken Ground, and enclosed every where else with thick and unpassable Woods, leaving no access but by this straight and difficult Passage. In short the King ordered his march after this manner: In the Van of the Army marched the Mercenaries, after them the Illyrians; then the Bucklermen and the Legionaries of the Macedonian Phalanx; in the Rear of all marched the Candiots, the Thracians, and light-armed Troops covering the Right; their Left being defended by the Lake.  
After they had marched a while by thi● Streight, they came to a Place called Pamphia, where the King placed a Guard, and 〈◊〉 prosecuted his way to Therm, by a Passage not only broken and difficult, but barricadoed and bounded on both sides by stee● Rocks, and so narrow in many places, that the Passage itself was not without danger. Thi● Desilée, tho' at least four Miles long, Phili● soon passed; the Macedonians marching like Soldiers in pursuit of Victory, and arrius near Therm when it was now broad Day As soon as the Army was encamped, he permitted the Soldiers to plunder and ravage fat and wide, and to spoil and plunder both th● Town and Territory, which abounded not only in Corn, and all sorts of Provision and Military Stores, but in the Town was found great quantities of the most valuable Movables of the Aetolians. For over and above that their Fairs were kept, and their Feasts celebrated there, and it was the place where their Assemblies met, the Aetolians had lodged both for their use, and the better security thereof, all they had that was most precious in Therm, in confidence that there was n●● Place more secure, it having never at an● time before been visited by an Enemy, an● by reason of its situation was held for the Bulwark of Aetolia. Furthermore, through the long Peace they had enjoyed all the Houses in the Neighbourhood, and round about the Temple abounded so much the more with costly Goods and Furniture. The Army remained that Night in the Town, loaden with all sorts of Plunder, and in the Morning, choosing out what was most valuable and easy to be transported, they made an heap of the rest, and burned it before the Camp. They made choice likewise of the best Arms, which they found in their Magazines, exchanging them for such of their own as were less serviceable, burning the rest to the number of above fifteen thousand Suits.  
Hitherto their Proceed were but just, and the War fairly made, but whether what they did afterwards will bear that Name, is a doubt: For calling to mind what the Aetolians had done at Dium and Dodona, they were provoked not only to burn and destroy the Porticoes of the Temple and all the Ornaments thereof, which were wrought with great Art and Expense. But not herewith contented, they proceeded to demolish the very Walls, and levelled the Structure to the Ground. Furthermore, they cast down all the Statues to the number of two thousand, defacing and breaking in pieces the greatest part of those that were not consecrated to, or erected in representation of the Gods. While to these they reserved a Respect, engraving on certain Stones those Verses, that were afterward so much spoken of, being written by Samus Son of Chrysogonus, who had been educated with the King, and began to give some proofs of his Wit:  
Dium, behold how far our angry Shafts  
Have pierced in thy Revenge!  
In short, the Desolation was such as to strike the King himself and those about him with a kind of Terror, while they believed however that they had not over acted their Revenge, for the Sacrilegious Impieties of the Aetolians at Dium. Nevertheless, we must take the libertty to be of a different Opinion, and it will not be hard to discover whether we are in the right or no, by barely enumerating some Examples of the Actions performed by the Ancestors of this Prince, without seeking further. When Antigonus had overcome Cleomenes, King of the Lacedæmonians in Battle, and compelled him to sly the Land, he thereby became Master of Sparta. And albeit it was then in his Power to dispose of them, both City and People at his pleasure; nevertheless, far from evil entreating the vanquished, he restored them to their Liberty and Privileges, and giving them other Marks of his Bounty, returned home to his Country; by which Magnanimity he acquired the Title of Benefactor of the Lacedæmonians, and their Redeemer, after his death; and won a glorious Name not only among that People, but with the whole Nation of the Greeks.  
King Philip, who began and laid the Foundation of the Macedonian Power, raising his Family to that pitch of Greatness, gained not more by his Arms than his Humanity, after he had vanquished the Athenians near Chaeronea. For as he subdued those who encountered him in the Field by Force, so he reduced the whole City and People of Athens by his Goodness and Moderation. Nor was it his manner to give the Reigns to his Indignation in time of Hostility, nor to pursue his Enemies by Arms any longer than till he had gotten it in his Power to make them Examples of his Clemency. Thus by restoring the Athenian Prisoners without Ransom; by giving decent Burial to those that were slain, and sending their Bones by Antipater to Athens; and, in a word, by Clothing many of those that returned home, he gave an easy Period to a most difficult Enterprise. For by this Method and Greatness of Mind, he so charmed the proud Athenians, that from Enemies they became Friends, and approved themselves ready to serve and assist him on all occasions.  
What shall we say of Alexander afterward? 'Tis true, his Indignation so far transported him against the Thebans, that he razed their City, and sold the Inhabitants by Outcry, yet he nevertheless forgot not what was due to the Gods; expressly forbidding, that on no score whatever they should violate either Temple or any Sacred Thing. When he passed into Asia, to revenge the Outrages done by the Persians against the Greeks; he did his utmost, 'tis true, against the People, and was willing to render their Punishment proportioned to their Fault; but still he spared the Temples, and every thing that was dedicated to the Gods. Albeit the Persians, in the●● Invasion of Greece, had therein principally exercised their Rage. Philip then ought to have practised according to these excellent Examples, whereby to give proof, that he did not succeed these his glorious Ancestors less in Magnanimity, than in State and Authority. But, in short, he laboured all his Life long▪ to give proofs of his being descended from Philip and Alexander, but too little care to imitate their Virtues. Wherefore as his Actions had no resemblance with those of his Predecessors, so his Reputation fell likewise short of that which they had acquired. And it was visible by what he did at that time; for his Indignation against the Aetolians wrought him to act the same Outrages he would be thought to punish; and, as the Saying is, to remedy one Evil with another; but he believed himself in the right, when he did no more than repay them measure for measure: And while he himself incurred the same Gild, to revenge the Sacrileges of Dorimachus and Scopas, dreamed not that he should fall under the same Imputation, and share the like Infamy. For to do our utmost to deprive an Enemy of his Fortresses, Towns and Ports; and, in short, of all that can be rightfully called their own; and even to pursue to destruction both them and theirs, to compass Success to our Erterprises, is not accounted Criminal, or against the Law of Arms, which compel to such Violences. But to act such Parts as are neither profitable to ourselves, nor a weakening to the Enemy; such as casting down and defacing of Statues, destroying of Temples, and spoiling the Ornaments; Who can reckon this other than Rage, and the effect of Madness? In a word, it is the Office of a Man of Honour, tho' in Hostility with the vilest Enemy, to pursue them no further than the Correction of their Faults, and the Reparation of the Injuries they have sustained. To distinguish between the Innocent and the Guilty, and not involve them in the same Punishment; and when he cannot discriminate between them, he ought to preserve the Guilty for the sake of the Innocent. For 'tis the Property of a Tyrant to be ever acting Mischief, and to Reign by Violence; to hate his Subjects out of Fear, and be detested by them. While 'tis the Character of a King, to be Beneficent to all Mankind, to acquire the Love of his Subjects by Clemency and Acts of Grace, and so to manage their Minds, that he shall not more desire to reign, than they to be governed.  
But Philip had no mind to walk by these wholesome Maxims; and if we reflect how the Aetolians were likely to have understood it, in case he had pursued a less violent course, and not profaned their Temples, and left his other Excesses unacted; for my own part I take for granted, they would have been compelled to consider him with Veneration, as 〈◊〉 Prince abounding in Honour and Goodness; and would themselves have been seized with remorse, for their own Inhumanities' at Dium and Dodona; while they knew it was in his power to have dealt them the like usage, but was restrained by Motives of Clemency and Magnanimity. Most certain it is, I say, that the Aetolians would have been driven to blush at their own Proceeding, while they should behold King Philip, out of a truly generous and Kingly Spirit, so mindful of his Duty towards the Gods, while he was wreaking his Revenge on his Enemies. For what can be more Noble than to vanquish our Foes by Virtue and Moderation! And how much more glorious and safe, than to subdue them by Arms! Victory acquired by Force, compels Obedience; but when 'tis gained by Gentleness and Humanity, it attracts it. The one reduces not the stubborn Mind but at the cost of mighty Evils and grievous Calamities, while the other leads us, and engages our Consent. Furthermore, where Victory is won by Arms, the Soldier hath his part of the Merit; but the other way the Prince reaps all the Glory.  
But it may be objected, That this Error was not entirely due to Philip, who was then but young, but ought principally to be ascribed to the Counsels of those about him; of which number were Aratus and Demetrius the Pharian: But it will not be hard to determine which of those two was likeliest to give such Advice, albeit he had not been then present at Council: For it will be nowhere found in the whole Life of Aratus, that he ever acted any thing temerariously, and without solid Deliberation; while, on the contrary, Demetrius never did any thing but with precipitation. And we shall show, and plainly evidence by their Behaviour in the like Occurrences, the difference of the Minds and Manners of these two Men, as occasion shall be given us.  
But to return to our Story: Philip taking with him all that could conveniently be carried, marched from Therm by the way he came. The Booty he ordered to go in the Van, guarded by his heavy-armed Troops: The Rear guard was assigned to the Acarnanians and mercenary Strangers, being himself extremely solicitous to get his passage through the straits with what expedition he could, thereby to prevent the Aetolians, who in confidence of the Strength of those Fastnesses, were likely enough to attempt their Rear in their march: Which, in short, came to pass; for assembling to the number of about three thousand Men, under the leading of Alexander the Trichonian, they let the Van of the Army march without approaching, concealing themselves while the Macedonians kept the open Field: But as soon as the Rear began to move, they marched into Therm, and fell on and charged them roundly, insomuch that they put their Reer-Ranks into great disorder; which the Aetolians perceiving, and favoured by the advantage of Ground, pressed them so much the more, killing many. But Philip in foresight of what might happen, had ordered a Detachment of Illyrians, and some of his best Bucklermen, to be lodged in ambush under colour of a rising Ground; who unexpectedly appearing, fell on the Enemy, who had now charged beyond them, killing above a hundred of them, and taking as many Prisoners; the rest saved themselves by flight among the Rocks and Woods.  
After this repulse, those who marched in the Rear of the Army, set fire to Pamphion; and having passed the Straight, joined the Macedonians again. Philip in the mean time encamping near Metapa, to attend their coming up; and the next Day, after he had ordered the Place to be demolished, he pursued his march, and came and encamped near a Town called Acras; from whence departing the next day, he pillaged the Country all along as he went till he came to Conope, where he remained a day to refresh his Army; and then continued his marched towards Stratus, along the River Achelous; where encamping out of shot of their Works, on an Eminence that commands the Town, he from thence vexed and molested the Inhabitants. But coming to understand that the Enemy had strengthened the Garrison with a Recruit of Three Thousand Aetolians, and Five Hundred Candiots; and none daring to adventure out against him, he decamped and marched to Limnoea, purposing from thence to embark. Nevertheless, as soon as the Rear of the Army began to move, and was gotten some distance past the Town, a Party of Aetolian Horse made a Sally, and charged them; these being backed by the Candiots, and more Aetolians that came out to sustain them, compelled those in the Rearguard to face about and make head. At first it was an equal Dispute; but as soon as the Illyrians came in to back the Mercenaries, the Aetolians began to give Ground, and the Horse betook them to slight, and were pursued to the very Gates of the Town, and at least a Hundred of them killed on the spot. After this Repulse, those of the Town adventured no more out; and the Rear of the Army mar●●'d without molestation, coming safe to the Camp, and to their Vessels.  
Here King Philip having commodiously Encamped the Army, sacrificed to the Gods, and did other Acts of Devotion for the good success of that Expedition, and at the same time gave his Officers a Royal Entertainment. In short, his Attempt was looked on by all Men to have been very daring, to adventure as he did among those dangerous and untraveled places, which no Army had ever done before. Nevertheless, he succeeded in his Enterprise, marching and returning in safety, after he had throughly executed what he had designed. Wherefore to express his Joy, he made a solemn Feast for his Officers; where Megaleas and Leontius, who had been much disappointed, and looked with an evil Eye on the good Fortune of their Master, having, as we have heard, complotted with Apelles to give him all the Impediments they should be able, but could by no means prevent the good Fortune which attended his Arms, were however present; tho' their Behaviour there expressed so much distaste, that it was not unobserved by the King, and those about him; who thereby collected, that they had different Sentiments from the rest, touching the prosperity of his Affairs. And now, when all were well warmed with Wine, Megaleas and Leontius being obliged to do as others did, came at length more openly to manifest their Minds; for being now drunk, they went from place to place in search of Aratus; and meeting him as he was returning from the Feast, they first attacked him with rude Language, and afterwards came to offer violence. Whereupon a Tumult arose, and the Soldiers came about them from all Quarters, insomuch as the whole Camp was in disorder. The King, upon notice hereof, immediately sent to appease the Tumult, and to have an account how it happened: Where after Aratus had reported to him how every thing had passed, and had vouched it by the Testimony of such as were present, he retired to his Tent. Leontius, having in the mean time concealed himself in the Crowd, privately withdrew.  
The King being now fully informed of every thing, commanded Megaleas and Crinon to be brought before him, whom he very severely reproved: But they were not only not humbled and made sensible of their Fault, but adding Insolence to their Error, plainly told the King, That they should not be drawn to change their Mind, till they had been thoroughly revenged on Aratus. Whereupon the King, greatly moved at this their Behaviour, immediately condemned them in a Fine of twenty Talents each, and put them under an Arrest; and sending the next Day for Aratus, expressed his sense of the violence which had been offered him, giving him assurance of his Protection, and that he would take due care to do him right.  
Leontius being informed how the King had proceeded with Megaleas, came boldly to him, accompanied with a Party of his Bucklermen, thinking thereby to put him into some apprehension, he being yet but young, and to awe him into another Resolution touching the Offenders; wherefore he boldly demanded of him, who it was that had presumed to lay hands on Megaleas, and cast him into Prisons? But when the King firmly replied, and with an Assurance worthy of Himself, That whatsoever had been done, was by his express Command, Leontius was confounded, and betwixt Grief and Indignation retired from his Presence.  
Here Philip embarked, and arrived with his Fleet soon after at Leucas; where when he had directed those who had the charge of dividing the Booty to hasten the distribution thereof: He assembled his Council, and fell to debate about the Affairs of Megaleas; where Aratus charged him, and the rest of that Faction, with all those criminal Practices we have noted. He farther laid to their charge the Murder that had been committed after the departure of Antigonus, and opened the whole Matter of the Conspiracy of Apelles, showing in what manner they had obstructed the King's Business in the siege of Palaea. And forasmuch as he urged nothing against them that was not vouched by solid Reasons, and made evident by competent Witnesses; Megaleas and his Complices became so hard set, that they had nothing to say in their defence; wherefore they were with one Voice found Guilty. Crinon continued a Prisoner; but Leontius became Caution for Megaleas, binding himself for the payment of the Fine the King had laid on him. This was the success of the treasonable Conspiracy of Apelles and his Adherents, which had quite another issue than they looked for, having promised to themselves that they should oblige Aratus to retire from the King out of fear; and that after they had removed the rest of his Servants, who had any Trust about him, they should then Reign alone, and Rule all as they list; but their Project failed them.  
About the same time Lycurgus returned from Messina and Lacedaemon, having done nothing worth recording: Afterwards, on a second Expedition, he seized on Tegaea; where the Inhabitants retiring into the Citadel, he resolved to besiege it. But after many fruitless Attempts, despairing of Success, he was obliged to march back to Sparta. In the mean while the Eleans made perpetual Inroads on the Lands of Dymas, where the Horse of that Place, which marched out to secure the Country, were drawn into an Ambush, and defeated with little difficulty. Some Gauls were killed on the place, and certain of the Inhabitants made Prisoners; among whom were Polymedes of Aegium, and Agesipolis and Megacles of Dymas.  
Dorimachus also took the Field with the Aetolian Troops, in confidence, as hath been noted, that he should be able to ravage Thessaly, and thereby oblige the King to rise from before Palaea: But Chrysogonus and Patroeus prevented them, being there ready to receive them with an Army; which obliged Dorimachus to keep the Mountains, and not to adventure into the Plain Country. Who, shortly after, being informed that the Macedonians had invaded Aetolia, marched out of Thessaly, and hastened to the relief of his Country; but before he arrived the King was retired. Thus Dorimachus coming always too late, made many vain Expeditions.  
In the mean time King Philip having embarked his Troops at Leucas, and plundered the Coast of Hyanthes in his way, arrived with his Fleet at Corinth, where landing his Army, and ordering the Vessels to be drawn over to the Port of Lechoeum; he dispatched his Letters to all the Confederate Towns of Peloponnesus, appointing them a Day when they were to Rendezvous their Troops at Tegaea. And making but short stay at Corinth, he marched his Army by the way of Argos, and came the next Day to Tegaea; where joining such of the Achaean Horse as were there ready, he proceeded, marching over the Mountains with design to fall by surprise on the Territory of the Lacedæmonians. And after four Days march through a Desert Country, he gained the tops of those Eminences that lie over-against, and give a prospect of the City of Sparta, and leaving Menelaium on his right, came close by Amycla.  
The Lacedæmonians beholding his march from the Town were greatly alarmed, and to seek what to do. For the news of the plundering of Therm, and the many gallant Actions performed by King Philip in his Aetolian Expedition, gave them both present. Terror, and future Caution. There was indeed a Rumour among them, as if Lycurgus should be sent to the Succour of the Aetolians: But no Body could suspect that King Philip would be able to compass such a march in so short a space, while they considered him too of an Age, more to be contemned than feared. Wherefore seeing now Matters to succeed so contrary to their Expectations, it was no wonder they became surprised. But in a word, his Deliberations and their Effects so far surpassed the expectation of his Age, that his Enemies every where were held in fear and suspension. For marching out of the heart of Aetolia, he crossed the Gulf of Ambracia, and gained the Port of Leucas in the space of one Night; where remaining but two Days only, he parted early the third, and plundering in the way all the Coast of Aetolia, he arrived safely at Lechoeum. From thence continuing his march, he came in seven Days near Menelaium, gaining the Hills that give a view of the City of Sparta. So that whosoever shall compute the expedition of his Motions, would not be able without difficulty to believe what they saw; which was the subject of the Lacedæmonians astonishment, who knew neither what to do or resolve.  
The King's first Encampment was near Amycla, a Town distant from Sparta about four Miles, surpassing all others in excellent Fru●● and delightful Gardens; where there is a Temple of Apollo, inferior to none in the whole Country of Laconia, both for Dignity and Riches. The next Day plundering all the Low-Country as he marched, he came to a Place called Pyrrhus-Castle; and after doing all the spoil he could for two Days together in that Neighbourhood, he came and encamped near Carnium. From thence he le● the Army to Asina, where he made a fruitless attempt to become Master of that Place. Wherefore he decamped, and ravaged all the Country as far as Tenarus which lies toward the Sea of Candia, putting all to Fire and Sword. Then turning off, he took his march by the way that leads to the Port of the Lacedoemonians called Gythium, where there is 〈◊〉 good Haven: Which Place is likewise distant from Sparta about four Miles. But soon leaving Gythium on his right, he came and encamped near Elia, the best and most spacious Country of the whole Spartan Territory. From thence, sending out Parties, he spread War and Depredation far and wide, making grievous spoil on the Corn and Fruits of the Country. He plundered also Acria and Leuca, and the Lands of Baeara.  
In the mean while the Messenians, having received King Philip's Letters, whereby they were enjoined to take the Field with their Troops; forthwith composed a Body of two Thousand chosen Foot and Two Hundred Horse; and came short of none of the Confederates in their readiness and good Will. But forasmuch as it was not possible for them, by reason of their remote distance, to comply punctually with the day the Troops were to assemble at Tegaea, they remained a while in suspense, uncertain how to proceed. Howbeit, doubting lest their delay should be interpreted an effect of their former backwardness, they came to a determination to march, and to take their way by Laconia, through the Territory of the Argians, and to join the King's Forces with what speed they might. Accordingly they took the Field, and arriving near Glympia, a Fortress on the Borders of the Argians and Lacedæmonians, it chanced that they did not encamp with that circumspection which they ought, having neither Retrenchment or Palisade; nor was the place where they Encamped well chosen; but in confidence of the good Will of the Inhabitants, they quartered themselves under the Walls of the place. Lycurgus' coming to understand the Messenians were arrived, took with him his Mercenaries, and a small Party of Lacedoemonians, and marched to attack them; and coming upon them about the close of the Evening, boldly attempted their Camp. And now, tho' the Messenians had acted otherwise imprudently in every thing, and had marched with too small a Force, and destitute of Officers in whose Judgement and Abilities they might rely; nevertheless, their behaviour in this Rencounter was without blame, considering the surprise. For as soon as they received notice of the arrival of Lycurgus, leaving all their Lumber, and whatever might trouble them behind, they retired to a certain Fortress, so that the Enemy got nothing but their Baggage and a few Horses; of their Foot they lost not a Man, and of their Horse not above eight or nine, who fell on the spot. After this Defeat the Messenians returned home by the way of Argos; and Lycurgus exalted with his Success marched back to Sparta, where he fell to making of new Levies, and to deliberate with his Friends how to proceed so as to oblige Philip to come to a Battle before he left Laconia. But the King nevertheless marched from Elia plundering and ravaging the Country all along in his way, and four Days aster returned to Amycla with his Army in view of the Enemy.  
As soon as Lycurgus had given the necessary Orders to his Friends and Officers touching the Battle they had resolved on, he commanded the Troops to draw out of the Town, consisting of about Two Thousand Men, taking Possession of all the nearest Posts to Menelaium; leaving Instructions with those that were appointed to remain within the Town, to have a special regard to a Signal that he would give them; which, as soon as they saw, they should issue out of the Town with all expedition, and by as many ways as they could, and draw up on a certain Ground where the River ran nearest to the Town.  
In this posture stood Matters between the two Armies: But lest our Relation should seem obscure through want of due light in the nature and situation of Places about which we treat, we shall therefore do our best to be as clear in that, as in our accounts of matters of fact, which shall be our manner throughout our whole Work. Some Places which are unknown, we shall describe by comparing them with others that are known, distinguishing them by Marks and Notes of common Observation: For through want of a right Information herein, many and great Errors have been committed in the Conduct of Erterprises both by Sea and Land. But we shall labour our utmost, that the Readers of our History may be instructed as well in the manner as matter of Occurrences; and that nothing may be left unsaid touching the Description of Towns and Countries, and principally in Military Adventures, wherein the better to explain our Mind, we shall have recourse sometimes to some certain Port of the Sea, sometimes to an Island, sometimes to some conspicuous Temple, Promontory, o● Mountain, or the Name of some Country; and, in short, the divers Regions of the Heavens, as being things generally known, and familiar to Mankind. 'Tis by this Method then, I say, that we hope to be able to lead the Reader to a just Conception of Places and Situations, to him otherwise unknown.  
To give a general description then of th● City of Sparta, 'tis observable, that in figure it is round; it stands on a plain or bottom, where there rises here and there certain Hillocks or Eminences; and some places are waste and barren. On the Westside runs the River Eurotas, which is deep and unfordable at certain Seasons of the Year. The Mountains of Menelaium are on the other side of the River, regarding the North-East part of the Town; these being almost inaccessible and exceeding high, command all the space of Ground lying between the Eurotas and the Town; which space, in a word, taking likewise the River into the account, which runs by the foot of the Hills, is not above a Furlong and an half wide. Now, by this way King Philip was obliged to pass in his return from his Expedition, having on his left the Town, and the Lacedæmonians drawn up in Battalia, and on his right the River, and the Troops of Lycurgus posted on the skirts of the Hills. Furthermore, the Lacedoemonians having stopped the course of the River, had brought all that space of Ground, we mentioned, under Water; so that it became impossible for their Foot, much less their Horse, to march. Wherefore the King's Army had no other way to go, but in defilée along the foot of the Mountains; by which means, neither Party could sustain or relieve the other; and the whole Army would run a mighty hazard, marching so exposed to the continual shot of the Enemy. Philip therefore well weighing the Peril, resolved that nothing could be better first done, than to attempt Lycurgus, and endeavour to beat him from his Post. Wherefore taking with him his Mercenaries and Bucklermen, which were sustained by the Illyrians, he passed the River, and marched directly towards the Hills. Lycurgus, who could not but understand the King's purpose, put himself in a posture to receive him; and at the same time gave Signal to those within the Town; who immediately sallied out, and drew up as they had been ordered, placing the Horse on their right. When Philip was advanced somewhat near to Lycurgus, he ordered the Mercenaries to march to the Attack; and so began the Battle. For a while the Lacedæmonians, having the advantage both in their Arms and the Ground, had also the better in the Dispute: But as soon as the Bucklermen advanced to sustain the others, and that Philip himself with the Illyrians fell on their Flank, the Mercenaries on the coming up of this Relief took new Courage, and engaged with so much Bravery, that Lycurgus was worsted, and betook himself to flight, leaving about an Hundred of his Men dead on the place, and 〈◊〉 greater number that were taken Prisoners. Many got into the Town; and Lycurg●s himself, favoured by the coming on of the Night, got likewise through byways into Sparta. Whereupon Philip, having now the Mountains to friend, where he placed the Illyrians on the Guard, returned himself with the Bucklermen and Mercenaries to the gross of the Army.  
At the same time Aratus came from Amycl●e with the Phalanx; on whose approach to the Town, Philip repassed the River to countenance his march, posting himself with the Bucklermen and light-armed Troops, to cover those also who carried heavy Arms during their passage by that straight piece of Ground along by the foot of the Hills. In the mean time, those who were drawn up nearest the Town attacked the Horse, who were posted to cover the march of the rest. In which occasion the Dispute was very obstinate, where the Bucklermen performed excellent Service. But in conclusion, the King had the better here likewise; and pursuing the Enemy's Horse to the Gates of the City, passed the River without difficulty, and joined the Phalanx. But Night now approaching, he found it behoveful to hasten his Retreat, and was obliged to Encamp on a piece of Ground, just without the Straight or Defilée.  
It so chanced, that the Guides themselves had pitched on that very place wherein to Encamp, being so advantageous a Spot, that whosoever would make Incursions into Laconia, 'tis impossible to choose a more commodious Post: For it lies in the way to Tegaea, and the Inland parts of the Country on the Banks of the River commanding the entrance of the Defilée, distant about a quarter of a Mile from Sparta, that side which looks toward the Town being covered by the Brow of an inaccessible Hill. It lies, I say, just under the Rocks and Precipices thereof, being a level piece of Ground, plentifully supplied with Water, insomuch as it seems destined by Nature to ensure to the Soldier a saf● entrance and retreat; where being once Encamped, and Masters of the Eminence, they may with assurance say, they are both safe and possessed of a most pleasant Post, which commands the Passage in and out of the Straight.  
Here Philip, having passed the Night without any Alarm, in the Morning caused his Baggage first to march; and leading the Army into the Plains, he there drew up in Battalia, in view of the City of Sparta, where he remained a while, to see if the Enemy were disposed to further Action: Then making a short turn, took his way toward Tegaea; and coming to the Ground where the Battle had been heretofore fought between Antigonus and Cleomenes, he there Encamped. And the next Day after he had well observed every thing, and sacrificed on the top of either Mountain, the one being called Olympia, the other Eva, securing his Rearguard, he prosecuted his march to Tegaea, where he commanded the Booty to be sold, and then returned by Argo● to Corinth with the whole Army. There he was met by Ambassadors from Rhodes and Chios, who were dispatched to him on the subject of a Pacification. The King gave them Audience, and made semblance of an Inclination to a Peace with the Aetolians, with whom he wished them to confer and deliberate by what means it might be brought to pass: So dismissing the Ambassadors, he went to Lechoeum, purposing to Embark from thence, in order to a Descent on the Lands of the Phocians, where he had meditated some Enterprise of great importance.  
About this time Leontius, Megaleas, and Ptolemy, being not yet totally out of hopes of giving some apprehension to King Philip, endeavoured (so to cover their old Crimes) to foment a murmuring among the Bucklermen and the King's Guards (and they themselves instilled the like seditious Opinions) that they who were first in all Hazards, and secured the rest of the Army from Danger, were not treated according to their Merit; and were not only not considered and distinguished by any particular Reward for their Service; but even such Booty as fallen into their hands was taken from them, notwithstanding the constant custom in the like cases to the contrary. After this manner they had so inflamed them, that assembling in Parties, they attempted and rifled the Quarters of the King's chief Friends and Favourites; insomuch that their insolence grew to that height, that they forbore not at length the King's own Lodgings, breaking the Roof thereof.  
This Mutiny spread so great Terror and Disturbance about the City, that the King having notice thereof, came with all possible expedition from Lechoeum; and immediately assembling the Macedonians, partly by Remonstrances, partly by Menaces, appeased the Tumult. But forasmuch as on such occasions Men are of divers Minds, some advising to find out and seize on the Authors of the Sedition to make them Examples; others, that it were better to reduce things to Order, and pacify the Tumult without any further Process or Inquisition; wherefore the King, hiding his Purpose for the present, and seeming well satisfied with what he had already done, exhorted them only to Union and better Obedience, and so dismissed the Assembly. Not but that he was well ware who had been the prime Movers and Instigators of the Sedition, but thought it Wisdom at that time to seem less knowing than he was. But these stirs were soon over, and King Philip's Phocian Expedition likewise at that time for certain Reasons respited.  
And now Leontius, coming to perceive the vanity of his guilty Projects, and the dangerous state he had contracted, had recourse to Apelles, soliciting his return from Chalcis, and giving him frequent intimations of the many difficulties he met with; and that the King grew into greater dislike of him in every thing Now 'tis to be noted, That during Apelle● residence at Chalcis, his Deportment was more like a Sovereign Prince than a Subject, governing all things with an Arbitrary Authority, and labouring to be thought singular in his Sufficiency and Power, and that the King acted nothing but by his Counsels; by which means he disposed absolutely of every thing Wherefore all who were in the Magistracy, and had charge of the Affairs in Macedon and Thessaly ever applied to him, and took his directions in all their Consultations. And i● short, when at any time any of the Gre●● Towns had occasion to publish any new Law or Ordinances, or to confer Honours or Preferments, there was hardly any mention mad● of the King, but of Apelles.  
Wherefore when Philip came to be rightly informed of all these things, he grew justl● sensible of the Outrage that had been don● him: Nor was Aratus wanting to warm hi● Indignation; howbeit; he carried his Resentments so close, that none were privy to his Purpose, or knew any thing of his Mind. Apelles therefore, far from suspecting the least coldness from the King, was persuaded, that he should be received at Court, after his wont manner, and soon dispose of the King's Mind at his pleasure, wherefore he left Chalcis to come to the Aid of Leontius. And now as he drew near to Corinth, Ptolemy, Leontius and Megaleas, who commanded the Bucklermen, and had prime Authority in the Army, so wrought that the Flower of the King's Troops went out to meet and accompany him. Insomuch, that what with Officers and Soldiers they composed a pompons Train, with which he made his entrance into the Town, and so went directly to wait on the King. But while he attempted (according to his manner heretofore) to enter into the Presence, an Officer, who had received Orders to that effect, with held him, telling him, that he must wait, for that the King was busy. This was a sore rebuke to Apelles, who stood astonished without any Reply, and after he had attended a while, retired to his Lodgings, accompanied only with his own Domestics; all the rest having already deserted him. Behold the uncertain state of mortal Greatness, where in one and the same Moment Men are raised to highest Promotions, and sunk to the lowest ebb of Fortune; and this principally in the Courts of Princes, where like Counters their Value rises and falls according to the place they are set in; for those who follow the Court are Great and Little at the Pleasure of their Master, who holds their Fortune in his keeping.  
As soon as Megaleas (contrary to his hopes) came to understand there was no prospect of safety by the Mediation of Apelles, he began to see his danger nearer, and bethought him of seeking security by flight. For, in short, tho' it may be said, that after this Apelles was suffered at Court, and appeared in ordinary Deliberations, yet he was never after admitted to the King's Cabinet, where Matters of weight were principally handled. Some time after the King came to resolve to Embark at Lechoeum, to pursue his Phocian Design, whereof he had so long meditated, taking Apelles with him; but that Affair not succeeding, he steered another course, and came to Elatea.  
Megaleas then, without any consideration of Leontius, who was his Surety in the sum of Twenty Talents, made his Escape, and got into Athens; but the Government of that Place not permitting his stay there, he went from thence to Thebes. In the mean time, the King with the Court departing from Cirrha, sailed to Sicyon, where the Magistrates came out to receive him, and invited him to a Palace, prepared to entertain him, which he thankfully excused, making choice of the House of Aratus, with whom he spent whole Days in Deliberations about his Affairs. During his abode there he dispatched Apelles to Corinth; and as soon as he came to know of the flight of Megaleas, he sent Taurion to Triphalia at the head of his Bucklermen, whose chief Officer was Leontius, seeming to have some extraordinary occasion of their Service; who were no sooner departed, when he caused Leontius to be secured for the payment of the Twenty Talents wherein he stood bound. But the Bucklermen coming to hear thereof, by a Messenger which Leontius had dispatched, sent their request to the King; praying him, that if Leontius Commitment was on any other account than that of his Surety-ship, that he would be pleased not to determine any thing against him, during their absence; and that they should interpret any Sentence in his prejudice, as an Injury done to them, and should accordingly so resent it; (it having been a Custom among the Macedonians to use that liberty with their Kings) that in case Leontius was imprisoned to secure the payment of the Money due on account of Megaleas, they would readily contribute towards satisfying that Debt. But this their Affection shown to Leontius proved unseasonable, and was so ill taken by the King, that it became the occasion of his Death sooner than he intended.  
While these Matters were under agitation, the Ambassadors from Rhodes and Chios returned from Aetolia, bringing with them Propositions for a Cessation of Arms for thirty Days; reporting that the Aetolians were very inclinable to a Treaty, and that they had appointed a Day for their assembling at Rhium, where they prayed the King to give them a meeting, promising all the Advances possible on their part towards a Pacification.  
After the King had ratified the Treaty of Truce, he sent his Dispatches to the Confederates, requiring them to send their respective Deputies to Patroe, there to treat about the Peace with the Aetolians; then setting sail from Lechoeum, he came the next Day to Patroe. About the same time Letters were sent him out of Phocia, that had been writ by Megaleas to the Aetolians, whereby he incited them vigorously to prosecute the War, for that King Philip, through want of Provisions and Stores of War, was at the point of Despair. Furthermore, the said Letters contained very reproachful and injurious Reflections on the King, which plainly evidenced the Man's Hatred to him. Upon reading these Letters, the King became firmly assured, that Apelles was at the bottom, and Author of all these Evils; wherefore he ordered him to be taken into Custody, and forthwith brought to Corinth, together with his Son, and a Youth his Favourite. He also dispatched Alexander to Thebes, in pursuit of Megaleas, ordering that he should be convened before the Magistrates, in order to the payment of the Debt, for which security had been given. This Commission. Alexander executed with diligence. But Megaleas prevented him by killing himself, not being willing to adventure a Trial. At the same time Apelles was put to death, together with his Son and Favourite. Thus perished the Conspirators, whose end was no other than what was due to their manner of Life past, and principally their practices against Aratus.  
As to the Aetolians, they were sincerely disposed to Peace, being grown weary of the War, all their Projects having succeeded quite otherwise than they had proposed; for they expected to have to do with a Prince raw and unfit to govern, King Philip being not arrived at an Age, as they thought, of Conduct and Experience, while in the mean time they sound him a ripe and enterprizing Leader, able and qualified both for Counsel and Execution; and the weak and unwise Part seemed to be turned on themselves, as well with respect to the Administration of their particular Affairs, as the Conduct of the War in general. But when they came to hear of the Mutiny of the Bucklermen, and the Death of Leontius and Apelles, hoping these Troubles would beget Distractions at Court, they therefore respited their meeting at Rhium, which they did from time to time; while King Philip, who had a hopeful prospect of the issue of the War, and was indeed come to give all the impediment he could to the Treaty of Peace, was glad of the occasion they gave him. Wherefore, after he had exhorted and animated the Confederates to the prosecution of the War, he weighed Anchor again, and sailed back to Corinth. Then sending his Macedonians to their Winter. Quarters in their own Country, they took their march home through Thessaly, while he himself, after his departure from Cenchrea, coasting it along the Attic Shoar, came by the Euripus to Demetrias, where Ptolemy, the only remaining Conspirator in the Treason of Apelles, was sentenced by the Macedonians, and accordingly put to death.  
It was about this time that Hannibal, having gained his Passage into Italy, was encamped on the Banks of the Po, in view of the Roman Army; that Antiochus, having reduced to his Dominion a great part of Syria, had put his Army into Garrisons; and that Lycurgus, fearing ill-dealing from the Ephori, had withdrawn and retired into Aetolia: For he had been wrongfully accused to them, as if he had meditated some Innovation in the Government. Whereupon assembling in the Night, they came and beset his House; but he having timely notice of their Purposes, had with his Domestics made his escape.  
The King being now returned home about the beginning of Winter, the Achaean Troops holding Eperatas the Praetor in contempt, and the mercenary Strangers in like manner considering him as a Man of no worth, insomuch that they came to despise his Authority, refusing to pay him Obedience; by which means it came to pass, that they wanted Troops to guard and defend their Frontiers.  
This became a motive to Pyrrhias, (whom the Aetolians had sent to command the Elean Forces) to compose an Army consisting of fourteen hundred Aetolians, about a thousand Mercenaries and Militia of the Town, and two hundred Horse, making in all about three thousand Men; and with these he did not only waste the Territory of Dymas and Pharoe, but proceeded to Patroe; and taking possession of the Mountain Panachaicus which commanded the Town, he plundered and put to Fire and Sword all the Country that lies in the way to Rhium and Aegium; insomuch that those Towns of Achaia which laboured under these Evils, and saw no hopes of redress, became constrained to submit to lie under Contribution: For the Soldiers being in Arrear of their Pay, refused to receive Orders, when at any time they were commanded to march on any Expedition for the relief of the Country. Whereupon the Affairs of the Achaians grew from bad to worse, their mercenary Troops daily deserting the Service: All which Calamities were, in a word, to be ascribed to the Insufficiency of Eperatus the Praetor. Matters stood in this posture then in Achaia when Eperatus' Authority expired, who was succeeded, early in the Summer, by Aratus the Elder.  
Hitherto we have spoken of the Affairs of Europe only; now pursuing the Order of Occurrences, we are arrived, as it were, at a fair and easy passage to those of Asia; let us proceed then to recount the Hostilities transacted in those parts of the World, contemporary with the others we have already related.  
We shall begin, as we promised, with the History of the War, that was waged between Antiochus and Ptolemy for the Lower Syria. For albeit Hostilities were yet on Foot between these two Princes, at the time we broke off our Relation of the Grecian Affairs; nevertheless, we had good reason to pursue that Method, for the better uniting the Parts of our History. And to prevent the danger of Mistakes in the Reader, touching the Date of Transactions, we conceive we have therein done enough, when in speaking of what was there acted during that Olympiad, and what at the same time in Greece, we have punctually remarked the beginning and end of the Asian Transactions. Furthermore, for the better perspicuity of our History, and that we may render it more intelligible, we have judged it most behoveful not to mingle the Occurrences of that Olympiad, but to refer it to subsequent Times, when woe shall assign to each Year its peculiar Actions and Adventures in order as they happened. For having undertaken to write not any particular or separate History, but to recount all that was done every where at the same time; and forasmuch as we have engaged in a Work superior to all who have gone before us; we ought therefore to make it our chief Business so to dispose of the several Members, and unite the Parts in such order, that the whole may appear uniform and entire: and yet that no one part thereof may be liable to obscurity. Whereof after we shall have here first hinted some distant matters touching the Reigns of Antiochus and Ptolemy, we shall then proceed to give our Story such a beginning, as shall be evident and known to all, and of a piece with the Occurrences which preceded.  
The Ancients have somewhere said, That a good beginning is half the Work; whereby they would instruct us, that in all our Undertake, our principal Care should be to begin well whatsoever we go about: And 'tis possible some may object, That they have herein gone too far, while in my Judgement they have said less than the matter will bear. For I think it may with safety be maintained, That not the half only of any Enterprise is effected when 'tis well begun, but the whole well-nigh brought to pass: For 'tis impossible to enter successfully on any Design whatsoever, without having first formed and digested the whole Project, and meditated with deliberation both on the beginning, progress, and end. For who can be able to give a Summary, or Recapitulation, of what he hath written at the end of his Discourse, if there be not connexion or coherence in what he hath delivered, whereby it may be discerned, from whence, why, and how matters have been conducted to that issue? He therefore who would write a General History, or would but study it as he ought, should above all things labour to begin well, and then he may conclude the better half of his Work done. And this shall be our utmost Endeavour.  
Nevertheless, 'tis seen that most Historians say with me, That they writ a General History, and that their Work is the greatest that hath ever been undertaken. But of all these Authors, I know none, Ephorus excepted, who was the first and only Writer that hath proposed indeed to compose a General History. But I will not arraign any one here in particular; and only remark, that there have been Authors in these our days, who undertaking to write History, have in three or four Pages, comprehended the Wars of the Romans and Carthaginians, and with assurance are bold to boast they have therein written the whole Story of the Universe. True it is, that that Age was celebrated for many great Actions both in Spain, afric, Sicily, and Italy; and the War of Hannibal exceeded all others, both for Dignity and Duration, except the first Punic War, when the Dominion of Sicily was contested; which, in short, was such as held the whole World in suspense, all Nations under great Fear and Uncertainty attending the Event. But who is so stupid or incurious, that is not in some measure instructed in these Adventures? And yet there are Historians, who tho' they have touched never so superficially those matters, would nevertheless persuade us they have left nothing unsaid of the Affairs of the Greeks and Barbarians; and these I think may be fitly compared to those Painters, who according to the custom of some States, draw on the Walls of their Public Buildings, the History of their Exploits in divers Ages and Places, and would be thought to have therein represented every thing just as it was done.  
If it should be demanded then, how Historians come to be guilty of this Vanity? I answer, That it is easy to promise any thing, and as easy to undertake and engage in the most difficult Erterprises by Words and Discourse; but few there are who rightly weigh the Difficulty of the execution. The one is common and familiar, the other rare and next to impossible; and whosoever he may be that hath compassed it, it must have been at the cost of mighty Pains, and the product of many Years of Life. Thus much I have thought fit to say, in reproof of such as over boastingly magnify their Works, and vaingloriously ex●● their own Merit. But now let us proceed to our Business.  
Ptolemy King of Egypt, surnamed Philopater, took on him the Government of that Kingdom on the death of his Father, and the murder of Megas his Brother and his Adherents; by which means, and some other Acts of Caution, he reckoned himself secure against any Attempts from those of his own House, and concluded Fortune Herself had covered him from all Dangers abroad. Furthermore, Antigonus and Seleucus being now dead, and Antiochus and Philip succeeding them, who were yet but young, and hardly out of their Childhood: Ptolemy, I say, for these Reasons beholding himself sheltered on all sides from Danger, governed his Kingdom as if his Pleasure and Ease had been now his only Business, and resigned up to a voluptuous Life, forgot the Duties of his Dignity, and grew to neglect every body and every thing; all access to him became difficult, as well to those of his own Court, as others who had charge of Public Affairs, both within and without the Kingdom; albeit the Kings his Predecessors had been no less solicitous for the one than the other, and as jealous of their Authority abroad as at home. For the Lieutenants of their Provinces in Caelo-Syria and Cyprus were wont to wage War with the neighbouring Princes of Syria by Land and Sea; and those, who had the Government of their principal Towns on the Sea-coast from Pamphylia to the Hellespont, and who had the Command of the Country bordering on Lysimachia, kept a watchful Eye on the Actions of the Princes of Asia, and of the Islands; while those that ruled in Aenus, Maronea, and the Towns beyond them, were as careful to observe the Macedonians and the Occurrences of Thrace. Insomuch that the Egyptian Kings, embracing so wide a Dominion, were covered, as one may say, with a Buckler against all those Princes, and never took thought for Egypt itself, while the Avenues were so carefully kept. But forasmuch as the King we are speaking of now left all things at random, while himself, dissolved in Love and Wine, took care for nothing; it was not strange that he should soon find Enemies, who would conspire against both his Life and Kingdom.  
The first of these was Cleomenes of Sparta, who attempted nothing during the Life of Ptolemy Euergetes, with whom he was in great Friendship, and by whose Favour and Assistance, he had hopes of recovering his Kingdom. But after his Death, and his own Affairs inviting him to try his Fortune, Antigonus being also now dead, and the Achaians diverted by War; and what Cleomenes had ever ardently laboured to effect being come to pass, namely, that the Aetolians confederating with the Lacedæmonians (who equally hated the Achaians and Macedonians) should jointly enter into a War against these two States. These things, I say, falling out, were a motive to press by all means possible his departure from Alexandria. And first he moved the King therein, demanding Succours both of Men and Stores of War. Afterwards perceiving him to lend no very willing Ear to his suit, he besought him at least for permission for himself and Followers to departed; for that be could not hope for a more favourable Conjuncture, than that which now offered, for the recovery of his Kingdom. But Ptolemy, amused neither with future nor present things, giving himself up to his Pleasures and Debauches, came to no Resolution touching the Request of Cleomenes.  
Furthermore, Sosibius, who at that time was first Minister of State, and governed the Affairs of Egypt, coming to consult with his Friends thereupon, it was concluded among them, that it was not safe not only to supply Cleomenes with what he demanded, but even to let him departed the Kingdom. For after the death of Antigonus, they came to neglect their Frontier Provinces, taking for granted, that the expense of those Affairs was now needless They furthermore considered, that Cleomenes having now no Rival in Greece that could withstand him, became jealous lest coming to recover the Dominion of that Country, he might not become a formidable Enemy to them; knowing, as he so well did, the Frailties of their King, and the general State of the Egyptian Affairs, and that their Provinces were remote and disjointed, which he might greatly improve to their damage: For at Samos they had a numerous Fleet, and at Ephesus a great Body of Troops. Wherefore, I say, they resolved that it would not be Wisdom to permit not only that Cleomenes should go with an Army, but not safe to permit him to quit the Country at all, considering the Greatness of his Character, and how he had been disobliged, which he would consequently study to revenge. It remained then that they must determine to detain him by force; and yet they wanted Resolution to conclude thereon, looking on it as a dangerous Attempt to imprison a Lion among a Flock of Sheep; and Sosibius himself became of that mind, for the Reasons we shall now deliver.  
At what time they were deliberating about putting Magas and Berenice to death, fearing; lest their Design might miscarry through the great Power and Resolution of Berenice. The Conspirators therefore were obliged to flatter and treat, with better usage than ordinary, some Persons about the Court; and to give them Assurances of great Advantages, in case their Design succeeded. Wherefore Sosibius well knowing of what importance it was to Cleomenes to acquire the  of the King, whose Assistance he needed, and that he was an able and well experienced Person, came to reveal the Conspiracy to him, adding many fair Promises, and Assurances of his good Offices in his Service; whereupon Cleomenes taking hotice of the Disturbance he was under, and that they very much apprehended Danger from their Mercenaries, told him he might be aught of pain in that particular, for that those People should give them no molestation; but, on the contrary, if need were, should lend them their assistance. This was a surprising Saying to Sosibius, while Cleomenes proceeded; adding, that there were few less than three thousand Peloponnesians in the Army of Mercenaries, and at least a thousand Candiots, who, upon his least beck, would be at his Command; and from the Troops of Syria and Caria, there was no danger to be feared. In short, this Discourse at that time greatly pleased Sosibius, and animated him to the murder of Berenice. But afterwards as often as he ruminated on the Folly and Weakness of the King, and the hardy and enterprizing Qualities of Cleomenes, and the Affection the mercenary Soldiers bore him, he could not contain his Fear. Wherefore he prevailed with the King and those about him, to consent that Cleomenes might be taken into custody: And the better to compass his purpose, he made use of an occasion we shall now relate. There chanced to be at that time in these Parts, a certain Messenian called Nicagoras, who had been an old Friend of the Father of Archidamus King of Sparta; and albeit with Archidamus himself he had not had that intimacy, nevertheless upon his leaving the City out of fear of Cleomenes, and retiring to Messena, Nicagoras did not only hospitably receive him into his House, and supply him with all things necessary, but grew at length to cultivate a Friendship with him, equal to that which had been heretofore between him and his Father. Wherefore when afterwards it came to pass, that Cleomenes had given Archidamus some hopes of his return, and that there appeared some likelihood of an Accord, Nicagoras interposed his good Offices, and acted in the Treaty between them.  
After all things seemed to be adjusted, and that Archidamus on the Faith of Nicagoras' Treaty was returning, and on his way to Sparta, he was intercepted by Cleomenes, and slain, but without any Violence offered either to Nicagoras, who was in his company, or any body else of his Train. Wherefore Nicagoras, tho' he made public profession of his Obligation to Cleomenes for sparing his Life, nevertheless he harboured in his Mind Resentments suitable to that Outrage. This Nicagoras then coming to Alexandria, to dispose of certain Horses he had brought over, as he was landing meets with Cleomenes, who with Panteus and Hippitas were walking on the Strand. As soon as Cleomenes knew him, he came and saluted him in friendly manner, demanding what business had brought him thither? And when he told him, he had brought over some Horses to sell; Cleomenes replied, That he would have made a better Voyage, if he had brought a Cargo of Buffoons, and Beautiful Boys, for that the present King liked that sort of Merchandise much better. At which saying Nicagoras smiling, replied little; but a while after coming to have some Discourse with Sosibius about the disposal of his Horses, he told him what Cleomenes had said, not without design of doing him an ill Office at Court; and perceiving Sosibius pleased with the Relation, he proceeded to reveal to him the Subject of his Hatred, and the Aversion he bore to Cleomenes.  
Sosibius, coming thus to discover that Nicagoras was an Enemy to Cleomenes, prevailed with him by Gifts and Promises to write a Letter to him, containing Accusations against Cleomenes, which Letter should be lest with one of his Servants on his departure, to be by him brought some Days after, as if Nicagoras had dispatched him for that purpose. Accordingly a Letter was written, and the Matter conducted as had been agreed, and as soon as Nicagoras was gone, the Messenger brought the Letter to Sosibius, which, together with the Bearer, he immediately carried to the King. The Contents were, that in case Cleomenes were not speedily dispatched with a Body of Troops, and all things necessary for his Enterprise, he would be the occasion of great Troubles in the Kingdom. This than was the Engine whereby Sosibius wrought with the King and his Creatures to determine on putting Cleomenes under Confinement, and securing him with a good Guard. Whereupon he was secured, having a large House appointed him for his Prison, which differed from others in nothing, but that it was more spacious. And now Cleomenes perceiving there was no hope left him, resolved however to attempt his Enlargement by all the ways he could imagine, whereby to compass it; not that he saw how it could probably be effected, being destitute of all necessary means to put his purpose in Execution, at least he resolved to die like himself, and never yield to slain that Virtue which had rendered him so considerable in the World. And I am ready to believe he had his Mind prepossessed, and set before his Eyes what all great Men do in the like Exigencies.  
To urge their Fate with safety to their Fame,  
And to Posterity consign a Name.  
Cleomenes then being informed of the King's purpose to make a Progress to Canopus, contrived to have it bruited among his Guards, that he was to be speedily set at liberty; and on that pretext he caused Provision to be made for a great Entertainment to those of his Family, sending to his Guards plenty of Meat and Wine, Garlands of Flowers, etc. insomuch that the Soldiers drinking too plentifully, he took that occasion about midday to escape out of Prison, with all his Domestics in his Company; who with their drawn Swords meeting in the Marketplace with the Governor of the Town, they threw him out of his Chariot, and killed him on the place amidst his Guards, who stood astonished at the boldness of the Action; in the mean time, crying Liberty, Liberty, as they passed along. But when they saw none appoach to join them, all People standing amazed at the Greatness of the Enterprise, they then betook them towards the Castle, with design to set all the Prisoners at liberty, and to make use of their assistance: but those who Commanded in that Fortress suspecting their purpose, and strengthened the Guards, and secured the Gates: Whereupon Cleomenes and his Followers seeing now no hopes on that side, turned their Swords on each other, and so generously died (and as one may say) Laconian-like. Thus fell Cleomenes, a Personage most agreeable, and admirably gifted for Conversation; but above all things qualified for the Conduct of great Affairs; and, in conclusion, one whom Nature had endowed with all the advantages requisite to a great Captain and a King.  
Not long after, Theodotus an Aetolian, Governor of the Lower Syria, revolted; partly out of Contempt of the King, who led so infamous a life, and partly out of an apprehension of ill Offices done him by the great ones at Court some time before; notwithstanding the good Service he had done the King in many occasions, and principally in the War against Antiochus for the Lower Syria: Nevertheless, he was so far from being considered according to his Merit, that being commanded to come to Court, he there ran great hazard of his Life. Wherefore on these Provocations, Theodotus resolved to apply himself to Antiochus, and to put the Towns of that Country into his Hands; which Overture was gladly received by that Prince, and the Design soon after put in Execution. But that we may Treat of the Family of this Prince in the same Method we have done the last, we shall have occasion to go a little back; and taking our beginning from the time of Antiochus' coming to the Crown, we shall descend to the Subject of the War, whereof we purpose to Treat.  
Antiochus the Younger then, was the Son of Seleucus, who was surnamed Callinicus; who after the Death of his Father, and the Accession of his Elder Brother to the Crown, went into the Upper Asia, where he held his Abode for some time. But on the Death of Seleucus his Brother, who was Treacherously slain in his Expedition over Mount Taurus, as we have elsewhere Noted; Antiochus Succeeded him who made Achoeus Governor of all that part of Asia on this side Mount Taurus, and gave to Molon and his Brother, the Government of the Upper Provinces; namely, to Molon the satrapy (so called) of Media, and to Alexander, that of Persia.  
But these two Brothers contemning the Youth of the King, and being in hopes Achoeus would join with them in the like Design; and apprehending above all things, the Cruelty and perverse Mind and Calumnies of Hermias, who at that time Ruled Affairs at Court; wherefore they came to a Resolution of casting off their Obedience, and of endeavouring to withdraw the other Satrapa's from their Duty to the King. Hermias was a Carian by Birth, and received his Authority, and the Administration of the Government, at the Hands of Seleucus; who at his Departure towards Mount Taurus, had committed the Affairs of the Kingdom, during his Absence, to his Care; who beholding himself thus Exalted, grew to Envy and Suspect all who had any Trust or Share in the King's Esteem. In a Word, being naturally a Tyrant, he would ordinarily punish the slightest Faults with Rigour, making them greater by his Exaggerations; and often appeared a Cruel and Inexorable Judge towards others who had no Faults but of his finding. But above all things, he was bend on the Ruin of Epigenes, who had the Charge of leading back the Troops, that were Assembled out of Affection to Seleucus. For he well knew him to be a Man both Eloquent and Able for Execution, and who had great Authority in the Army. This he could not brook; wherefore he watched him with a Malicious Eye, and studied by all ways possible, to render him Obnoxious. In short, it chanced, that while they were deliberating in Council about the Rebellion of Molon, and on the King's Command, that every one should deliver his Judgement freely, touching the Means of Suppressing the Rebels; Epigenes speaking first, gave it as his Opinion, That it was an Affair that would not endure delay, and that the Remedies ought speedily to be applied to the Disease: That he Conceived the King's Presence was absolutely necessary, whose Authority on the place would weigh much: That in such case neither Molon nor his Partisans would have the assurance to persist in their Error, beholding the King himself at the Head of his Army: Or should they chance to continue obstinate, the very Soldiers would Mutiny, and deliver them up to the King.  
Hardly had Epigenes finished his Discourse, when Hermias in passionate manner replied, That this was not the first Traitorous Counsel he had given: That he had long harboured Evil Purposes towards the King: That it now pleased him however to behold him openly, declaring his Wickedness in the pernicious Advice he had offered, wherein he plainly showed his Design of giving up the King into the Hands of the Rebels. He added nothing further at that time on that Subject, seeming content to have thus sown the Seeds of Suspicion and Calumny against him, expressing rather his Indignation than Hatred. In a Word, his Ignorance in Military Affairs (it may be) gave him greater Apprehension of the Danger than needed: Wherefore his Advice was, That no Army should be sent against Molon, but that they should March against Ptolemy; who being a Vicious and Careless Prince, he concluded that War would be Managed with less danger. Howbeit, after he had thus astonished the Assembly, he yielded that Molon should be Prosecuted by War, and that the Chief Command in that Expedition should be given to Xeno and Theodotus, Counselling the King to pursue the Recovery of the Lower Syria, to the end that Young Prince being Engaged and Surrounded with Troubles from all Quarters, and keeping him in perpetual Action, he might, as he conceived, render himself the more necessary, and cover with more safety, the Crimes of which he was Conscious, and better secure his Credit with his Master. Pursuant to which Design, he Forges Letters from Achoeus, and brought them to the King; which Letters contained King Ptolomy's Solicitations to him, to take on him the Royalty, promising him his Assistance both of Money, Ships, and all things he should stand in need of, provided he would Assume the Crown, and the other Marks of Regality, whereof he was in effect already Possessed, tho' he shunned the Title, and neglected the Tender of a Diadem which Fortune herself made him. This Letter found so much Credit with the King, that he thereupon determined forthwith earnestly to pursue the War in Caelo-Syria.  
While these Matters were under agitation, Antiochus being at Seleucia, Diognetus his General at Sea arrived, bringing with him Laodice the Daughter of Mithridates, who was Espoused to Antiochus. This Mithridates boasted of his being Descended from one of the Seven Persians, who slew the Magis, holding Possession of that Dominion, which Darius had heretofore given to his Ancestors, extending as far as the Coast of the Euxine Sea. Antiochus went in great Pomp to receive this Princess, whom he presently Married, the Nuptials being Solemnised with all possible Magnificence. As soon as the Ceremony was over, he carried her to Antioch, where he caused her to be received as Queen; and then turned his Thoughts to prepare for the War. In the mean time Molon had prepared the People of his Government for every thing he might be disposed to attempt, as well by the hopes of Reward, as through the fear wherewith he had possessed the Principal Officers, by angry and menacing Letters counterfeited from the King. Furthermore, his Brother was in a readiness to join him; and he had well provided against all danger that might threaten from the Neighbour-Provinces, having been at great Expense to Purchase the Good Will of those, who had any Authority among them; and, in a Word, Marched with his Army to Encounter the King's Forces. While Xeno and Theodotus were so terrified at his approach, that they retired and secured themselves in the Neighbouring Towns. Whereupon Molon making himself Master of the Territory of Apollonia, became supplied with all sorts of Provisions of War in great abundance, and was already grown formidable in appearance, and in effect: For, first the King's breed of Horses was entirely in possession of the Medes; which Country moreover abounds in Corn and all sorts of . As to its Strength, all that can be said, would not amount to half what the Subject will bear. Media is Situate in the heart of Asia, and if comparison be made between that and the other parts, it will be found to surpass all the Provinces thereof, both in extent of Territory and height of the Mountains that surround it. They have many powerful Nations that are their Borderers: On the East are the Deserts which lie between Persia and Parasia. The Caspian Pass called the Gates, is in their keeping, where they touch on the Mountains Tapyroe, which are not far from Hyrcania. It extends towards the South to Mesopotamia, and the Territory of the Apolloniates. Nor is it remote from Persia, being covered on that side by the Mountain Zagros, which hath an ascent of above twelve Miles. And whereas this Mountain is divided and broken into many Parts and Eminencies, it comes to pass that there are divers Valleys and deep Descents, which are inhabited by the Cossoei, Corbrenoe and Carchi, and other Barbarous Nations, who are generally given to War. Towards the West they approach the Country of Atropatii, who are not far from those People, whose Dominion extends as far as the Euxine Sea. The Frontiers of Media towards the North, are in the Neighbourhood of the Elymaei, Ariaracoe, Cadducoei, Matiani, and in short, overlook those Countries on the Pontic Sea, that join the Palus Moeotis. The Country is also parted into sundry Divisions, by Mountains, which run through it from East to West, between which there are Plains abounding with Cities, and Peopled Places.  
As soon as Molon had made himself Master of this Country, the most proper of all others wherein to establish the Seat of his Dominion; over and above that, he was become formidable, as was noted, by the Power he had acquired; he grew likewise into such Reputation, that the People of Asia believed he was not to be resisted; especially when they saw the King's Army had been forced to Retreat into Towns for safety; which they took for granted, was no other than yielding up the Field: This Success greatly augmented the Courage and Expectations of his Army. Wherefore he resolved to pass the Tigris, and march to the Siege of Seleucia. But being prevented in that Design by Zeuxes, who had seized on the Vessels of Transportation, he retired to a Place called Ctesiphon, where he made plentiful Provision of all Necessaries for the Wintering of his Army. When the King came to understand that Molon Advanced, and that his own Army retired, he then resolved to go at the Head of his Forces, and to respite for a while, his Expedition against Ptolemy. But Hermias continued firm to his Purpose, and prevailed to divert him; so Xenoetas an Achaean, was sent with an Army, having as absolute Authority as if the King had been there in Person; Hermias demonstrating that 'twas enough for Princes to make War against Rebels by their Lieutenants, but that Kings ought to oppose themselves only to their Equals, where Glory and Empire is the Subject in Dispute. Thus having the young Prince entirely in his Possession, he prevailed to carry on his first Design, so they went to Apamea, where they Assembled the Troops. From thence the King lead his Army to Laodicea, then marching through the Desert, they came to the Valley of Marsya between the Mountains Libanus and Anti-Libanus, a Place very straight and enclosed by those Mountains which come almost to touch; and there where it is narrowest, it is full of low and watery Ground, where they gather Odoriferous Dew. The Castle of Brochi Commands on the one side of the Straight, on the other that of Gerra; there being only a narrow way between them. After some time had been spent in their March through this Vale, and the taking in some Neighbouring Towns, the King approached Gerra; but both the one and the other Fortress being in the Hands of Theodotus the Aetolian, who had likewise well Fortified the Defilée about the low Grounds, and Posted Troops Commodiously for Defence, the King resolved to force his Passage. But when he had well considered, that by Seiges he should Harrass his Army, and be more a Sufferer himself than the Enemy; and having some Reasons to believe that Theodotus would shortly be wrought over to his Service, he forbore to Prosecute that Enterprise; so that having no present Prospect of succeeding here, and receiving notice of the Defeat of Xenoetas, and that Molon Victorious had subdued many Provinces, he resolved to relinquish all other Designs, and deliberate on those Affairs which more nearly concerned him. For Xenoetas, as we noted, being sent with an Authority full and absolute, could not well bear that Degree of Greatness, which he had never hoped to attain, but grew insolent towards his Friends, and acted inconsiderately against the Enemy. For taking his march towards Seleucia, having Diogenes Governor of Susiana, and Pythias with him, who brought his Troops from the Coast of the Red-Sea, under his Command; he came and encamped in view of the Enemy, being covered on that side by the Tigris.  
In the mean time many Deserters from Molon's Army, swimming the River, came over to Xenoetas, who gave him assurance, that in case he passed the River with his Army, the greatest part of the Enemy's Troops would revolt to him, many of the Leaders being disobliged by Molon; and that the Soldiers in general were disposed to return to their Duty. Xenoetas, encouraged by these Reports, resolved to pass over the Army, and showed a purpose to make a Bridge at a certain place where by the force of the Stream the Earth is cast up in form of an Island, but he did not prosecute that Design: Whereupon Molon made a Jest of his Project. Nevertheless, Xenoetas, in the mean time, caused Boats to be built, and seized on others where they could be sound, to put in execution what he had purposed. Then picking out a Body of the best Troops of the Army, both Horse and Foot, and leaving Zeuxes and Pythias with the rest to guard the Camp, he wasted over his Men by Night, marching and encamping about Ten Miles above the Enemy, where he made choice of a commodious and well-defended piece of Ground to encamp in; for the River environed it almost quite round, and the rest was secured by a Moor, and deep boggy Ground. Molon, upon knowledge hereof, detached a Body of Horse with Command to march towards the Enemy, partly to prevent the passing of those that remained behind; and partly to attack those who were already got over. But on their approach to Xenoetas' Camp there was no need of the Swords of an Enemy to defeat them; for being, it seems, unacquainted with the Ground and Country about it, they chanced to fall among the Bogs and watery places, whereby not only their Design miscarried, but most of the Party were lost. Wherefore Xenoetas, now persuaded, that if he drew nearer to the Enemy's Camp, the greatest part of the Army would desert to him, took his march along the River, and came and Encamped close by them. Whereupon Molon, either out of Stratagem, or some real doubt of the Soldiers Disposition, left his Camp by Night, with all his Baggage, seeming to take his march towards Media. Xenoetas now believing that Molon had forsaken his Camp through ●ear upon his approach, or through distrust of his own Troops, took possession thereof, where he quartered his Army, giving his Orders, that the Horse and Baggage of Zeuxes Camp should forthwith pass over and join him. Then assembling the Soldiers, he encouraged them, by giving them hopes of a good issue of the War, for that Molon had already thought it his safest course to sly before them; so commanding them to refresh and repose themselves, he ordered them to be in a readiness to march by break of Day in pursuit of the Enemy.  
And now the Army of Xenoetas, full of Assurance, and being possessed of so great plenty of all things, fell to Feasting and making Merry, Drinking to excess, and acting in every thing the parts of careless dissolute People. While Molon, when he thought he was got far enough, made an halt; and taking some space to refresh his People, faced about, and marched directly back by the way he came; and advancing to the Camp, found the Enemy negligently scattered here and there, plunged in Sleep and Wine. Wherefore attacking them at . Xenoetas, astonished at the surprise, and not able to awaken and draw his Troops together to make head against the Enemy, lost his Life, gallantly fight. The greatest part of the Army were cut off in their Tents, the rest casting themselves into the River, hoped to gain the Camp on the other side, but very few escaped over. Here might be seen the divers Scenes of Tumult and Confusion in the Army; for all had their share of Terror, at an Attempt so unlooked for: And while they viewed their Camp on the other Bank of the River, without regard to the violence of the Stream, or the difficulty and danger of the Passage, such was their Passion to escape the Swords of the Enemy; their fear, I say, had so blinded their Judgement, that to save themselves from the hands of those that pursued them, they committed themselves to the Waters, making their Horses, Baggage, and all attempt to pass the River, as if they thought some special Providence had commanded the Flood to yield them secure, and waft them safe to the other Shore; so that it was a lamenble sight to behold at once Men, Horses, Arms, Baggage, the Dead and Living floating and mingled together in confusion.  
Molon becoming Master of Xenoetas' Camp, afterwards passed the River without impediment, none withstanding him; for Zeuxes, who might have hindered him, was fled; wherefore he took possession likewise of the other Camp. Then upon this Success he marched speedily to Seleucia, which soon fell into his hands; for that Zeuxes and Diomedon, who was Governor of the Place, had deserted it. Then reducing the upper Provinces to his Obedience, where he found none to oppose him, he marched on, and subdued the whole Country of Babylon, and all the Territory extending as far as the Red-Sea. From thence he marched to Susa, which was taken by Assault, as other Places had been; but he in vain attempted the Fortress of that Place, for that Diogenes the Governor had made timely provision for his Defence: Wherefore he forbore to use force, but leaving Troops to block it up, took his march back to Seleucia, where he refreshed and recruited his Army; and then after he had well encouraged them, he proceeded on further Erterprises. Thus Molon reduced all the Country to the City Europus, and all Mesopotamia as far as Dura.  
When Antiochus came to be well informed of these Occurrences, he quitted the barren Country of the Lower-Syria, (as we have noted) and turned his Thoughts wholly on this War. Wherefore assembling his Council once again to deliberate about it, and requiring every one to deliver his Opinion plainly touching the War of Molon; Epigenes again first gave his Judgement, saying, That it had been well for the King's Service, if they had followed his first Advice without any delay or loss of time; for the Enemy had made so great a progress, that he was confirmed in his former Opinion; namely, That it was most necessary the King should march with the Army, and manage the War in Person. But Hermias thereupon renewed his Indignation against Epigenes, charging and blaming him as heretofore; and came to exaggerate his own Praises to that degree, that every body despised him; and contesting with the King himself, laboured all he could to make him persevere in his Syrian Expedition; insomuch, that great Offence was taken by Antiochus himself, who notwithstanding interposed his Authority in vain to reconcile them, Hermias being by no means to be wrought from his Aversion to Epigenes. Howbeit, his Advice at length prevailed, as being the most safe and profitable; which Hermias not being able now longer to hinder, seemed on the sudden to accord entirely to what he could not prevent; and becoming (as one may say) another Man, resolved, that laying aside all other Affairs, the War with Molon ought to be vigorously prosecuted: Wherefore he applied himself with great diligence, and turned all his Thoughts to make preparation for carrying it on.  
And now when the King's Troops were assembled at Apamea, there grew a Mutiny in the Army about the Arrears of Pay. Whereupon Hermias perceiving the King to be surprised, and to seek what to do, made an Offer to him, proposing to satisfy the Soldiers Arrears out of his own private Fortune, provided he would yield that Epigences might not be employed in that Expedition; pretending, that the Differences which had happened between them, would be the occasion of Disputes, that would greatly hinder him in the management of his Affairs. The King, in truth, lent a very unwilling Ear to the Proposal, believing it to be for his Service to take Epigenes with him, who was well seen in Military Matters, and in every thing an able Counsellor; but won by the Artifices of Hermias, who had gained likewise those about him, he was not Master of his own Resolutions: Wherefore yielding to present Necessity, he complied with the Demand of Hermias. Whereupon Epigenes retired to Apamea, pursuant to the Orders he received from the King.  
All of the King's Council were ill satisfied with this Resolution, while, on the other hand, the Soldiers, who had received satisfaction of their Demands, expressed great Affection towards Hermias, by whose means they had obtained their Arrears. Nor was there any remaining Stirs, saving among the Cyrrhestae, of whom there revolted from the King's Service to the number of Six Thousand, who for a while gave him some Trouble; but being pursued and attacked, they were defeated by those that were sent against them, the greatest part being cut off, and the remainder returning to their Obedience.  
And now Hermias, having subdued those about the King by his Authority, and gained the  of the Soldiers by his Bounty, departed with Antiochus and the Army; but forgot not, by means of Alexis, who was Governor of the Citadel of Apamea, to form this Design for the Destruction of Epigenes. He forged a Letter from Molon to Epigenes; and having corrupted one of his Servants by Promises of a great Reward, gives him the Letter, with Orders to lay it among the rest of his Master's Papers. Whereupon Alexis comes to Epigenes, and demands of him if he had not received Letters from Molon? To which Epigenes replied with Indignation, That he held no intercourse with Rebels. But Alexis boldly affirming the contrary, demanded leave to search; and ent'ring by force into his Lodgings, he found the Letter; with which pretext he immediately killed Epigenes on the place, the King being persuaded to think him Guilty. And tho' the principal Men about him were awed into Silence, and did not dare to move therein, nevertheless the Action gave them great Jealousy and Offence.  
Upon the Army's arrival at Euphrates, Antiochus joined the Troops that he found there, and pursued his march; and coming near Antioch in Mygdonia, Winter being now at hand, he there remained till the Colds were over, and in forty Days after arrived at Liba. Here he fell to deliberate with his Officers what course was best to take to find out Molon, and by what means they should sustain the Army in their march; for Molon was in possession of all the Country about Babylon. Hermias' proposed to keep along the River Tigris, by which means they should have the benefit of that River, and two others, Lycus and K●pros, to cover and defend their Camp. But Zeuxes, tho' he wanted assurance to deliver his Mind as he ought, having the Fate of Epigenes before his Eyes; nevertheless, such was the Weakness and Danger of Hermias' Advice, that with some difficulty he replied, That there was a necessity of their passing the Tigris; and made appear the great Impediments they should meet with, in holding their march along the River. He principally urged, that after a long and tedious Journey, and a march of six Days through a continued Desert, they would come to a place called, The King's Ditch; which place, if it should chance to be possessed by the Enemy, would entirely bar their further Progress; which might be the means of exposing the Army to great danger, by their being compelled to return by the Desert, where (which was especially to be considered) they should be reduced to want every needful thing. On the other hand, he made appear, That in case they passed the Tigris, it was more than probable, that those of the Country of Apollonia would see their Error, and return to their Duty, who, it was plain, were compelled, and not out of , but out of Fear and Necessity, had taken part with Molon. Furthermore, being to march through a plentiful Country, there would be no danger of being driven to straits for any thing. And what was of further importance, when Molon should see his passage ●ack into Media shut up, and behold himself 〈◊〉 straits for Provision, he would be constrained either to come to the issue of a Battle, 〈◊〉 in case of refusal, would hazard the desertion of his Troops to the King.  
This Advice of Zeuxes was approved, pursuant to which the Army being divided into three Bodies, they passed over the Troops with their Baggage in three several places. So they prosecuted their march towards Dura, which was at that time streighten'd by one of Molon's Officers, who on their approach left the Siege. Then continuing their march without halting, they passed by Oricum in eight Days and came to Apollonia. And now Molon being informed of the King's Arrival, and not being very well assured of the  of the Susians and Babylonians, whom he had but lately reduced, and who were surprised into submission; and further, fearing the Enemy's design of blocking up his Passage back into Media, he resolved to lay a Bridge over the Tigris, and passing his Army, determined to gain the Mountains of Apollonia before Antiochus should arrive; for he relied much on his Slingers, which they call Cyrthii. Whereupon putting in execution what had been resolved, he marched the Army away with great diligence. But the King chancing to move with all his Troops about the same time from Apollonia, that Molon's Army approached the Mountains, certain advanced Parties of choice Men of either Army happened to meet on the Hills. These had some dispute, and pickeered for a while, but on the approach of the gross of the Army, they retired, and the two Armies Encamped about five Miles asunder. But Molon, during the Night made reflection, how dangerous it was for Men in Rebellion to march against their Prince in broad-day and give him Battle; wherefore he became of Opinion, that the much safer course would be to fall on Antiochus by Night, which was accordingly resolved; so detaching a Body of select Troops, he lead them by secret ways towards the Mountains, and from thence determined to fall on the Enemy's Camp from high Ground. But while he was on his March, he was given to understand, That Ten of his People had deserted and stole away to the King; whereupon he desisted, and returned back by the way he came; but coming to the Camp about break of Day, he filled the whole Army with Fear and Tumult: For being surprised and awakened with the Noise, the Terror grew to that degree, that they had like to have abandoned their Works; but by Molon's Care and Diligence all was appeased.  
In the mean while the King, who was prepared to come to a Battle, ordered his Troops to march out by break of day. On the right of the Battle he ranged the Lanciers under the Leading of Ardyes, of whose Conduct in War he had received sufficient Proofs. After these he posted the Candiots, who had been sent pursuant to the Treaty of Peace. These were joined by the Galatians and Tectosages; and next these he placed the Mercenary Strangers, who were brought from Greece. The King himself was at the head of a strong Battalion, where the Cohorts were disposed after the same manner. On the left he posted the Horse, that are called the Troops of the King's Allies, ordering his Elephants by ten, with Intervals between them, a little advanced before the Battle. On the Wings were posted the Auxiliary Troops, both Horse and Foot, who had Orders to attack the Enemy in Flank, as soon as the Battle should begin. Then the King going from Rank to Rank, spoke to the Soldiers, and in few words, as the time and occasion permitted, animated them to their Duty. He gave the leading of the Left-Wing to Hermias and Zeuxes, remaining himself in the Right.  
Molon also marched out his Army, and ranged them with difficulty enough, by reason of the last Night's disorder; nevertheless, he formed his Troops according to the Measures the other Army had taken, and placed his Bucklermen, Galatians, and heavy-armed Soldiers in the Centre. He distributed his Archers, Slingers, and all his light-armed Troops without the Horse, on the Right and Left; posted his Chariots armed with Scythes, advanced before the Line of Battle. He gave the Command of the Left to Neolaus his Brother, reserving the Right to himself.  
Being thus drawn up, the Battle began; and, in a word, the Right of Molon's Army preserved their Fidelity to the last, engaging Zeuxes with great Resolution. But the Left no sooner advanced near the King, when they deserted and went over to him; which Accident, as it greatly terrified Molon's Army, so it increased the Courage of the King's. And now Molon, beholding himself deserted, and as it were abandoned on all sides, and reflecting on the Punishment that awaited him, searing to fall alive into the Enemy's hands, killed himself; and all who had been Complices with him, and could escape home, ended their Days after the like manner. Neolaus saving himself out of the Battle, got into Persia, and came to Alexander his Brother, where he killed the Wife and Children of Molon, and afterwards died himself on their dead Bodies, having persuaded Alexander to do the like. After the King had pillaged the Enemy's Camp, he ordered Molon's Body to be fixed on a Cross, and placed on one of the highest Mountains of Media; which was immediately put in execution the Body being carried into the Country of the Chalonitidi, and placed on the most conspicuous part of the Mountain Zagra, where where was fixed on a Cross.  
As to the Rebel-Army, after the King had severely reproved them, he vouchsafed them his Pardon; appointing certain Officers to lead them back into Media, who were to remain there to regulate the Affairs of that Province.  
In the mean time the King returned to Seleucia, where he applied himself to the establishing the Affairs of the neighbouring Provinces, practising his customary Prudence and Clemency. As to Hermias, he continued the same Man still, loading the Seleucians' with many Accusations, and condemning them in a Fine of two thousand Talents, sending their Diganes (for so their Magistrates are called) into Banishment; and exercising his natural Cruelty on many of the Citizens, dismembering some, and putting others to death. But in the end the King's Humanity prevailed, and put a period to those Evils, sometimes by ordering things his own way, sometimes by interposing to soften the Severities of Hermias; and contented himself with diminishing the Mulct of the Seleucians' to five hundred Talents; on the payment whereof he received them into Grace.  
After these things, Diogenes being left Governor in Media, Apollodorus in Susa, and Tycho the King's Chancellor being sent into the Country's bordering on the Red Sea, an entire Period was given to the Rebellion of Molon, and all the Troubles that fell out thereupon were composed. Antiochus' encouraged by this Success, that he might terrify the Princes of the Barbarians bordering on his Dominions, and deter them for the future from taking part with his Rebellious Subjects, or entering into Alliance with them, he resolved to invade them. And first he proposed to attack Artabazanes, who was esteemed superior to the rest both in Power and Military Abilities, being over and above Lord of that People they call Atropatii, and other neighbouring Nations. But Hermias unwillingly engaged in that War, as well in regard of the Danger it threatened, as for that his Mind was more bend on that against Ptolemy, according to the Resolution that had been formerly taken: Nevertheless, on the News of the Queen's having brought a Son, and conceiving the King would run some hazard of his Person in a War with the Barbarians, he came to promote the Proposition of invading them, in hopes of being delivered of Antiochus; proposing that in case he could by any means be rid of him, the Government of the Empire, and Tuition of the Infant-Prince would fall to his share. Wherefore after all things were prepared for the Expedition, the Army marched over the Mountain Zagra, and fell on the Territory subject to Artabazanes. The Country lies on the Borders of the Medes, separated only by a ridge of Hills that lie between them. It extends on the one side to the Pontus, where the River Phasis runs into that Sea; and stretcheth as far as the Caspian Sea. The Region abounds in good Soldiers, especially Horse; it is plentifully stored with Provisions, and all things needful to sustain a War, the Kingdom having continued ever since the dissolution of the Persian Empire, having it seems been neglected by Alexander. But Artabazanes being old, and towards the period of his Days, and terrified it the King's arrival, thought it safest to submit, and purchase Peace with Antiochus, on whatsoever Conditions he should please to impose.  
After this Affair was accommodated, Apollophanes, the King's beloved Physician, perceiving Hermias to aspire yet beyond that degree of Power and Greatness to which he had been raised, began to fear, and take thought for the King's safety and his own; wherefore taking a proper occasion, he imparted his Jealousy to Antiochus, praying him not to rely over-confidently on Hermias' Fidelity, concerning which, there wanted not grounds of distrust: That, in short, it behoved him to be on his guard, and not to defer the means of his Preservation, lest he fell into the like Snare with his Brother: He told him he thought the Danger at hand; wherefore he conjured him to determine with speed touching the means of his own and his Friend's Preservation.  
Antiochus hereupon dissembled not to his Physician the Hatred he bore to Hermias, and that he had long entertained suspicious Thoughts of him: He told him he took in good part his care for his safety, and praised his Resolution in opening so frankly his Thoughts. This Discourse confirmed Apollephanes that he had obliged the King, and that his Sentiments were conformable with his own; which gave him both Joy and Assurance. In conclusion, Antiochus enjoining him to have a careful eye to his and his Friend's Preservation, not only in words, but in effect. And Apollophanes manifesting his readiness to act any part to insure his safety, they came, after a long conference, to agree, That the King should feign himself indisposed in his Head, insomuch that for a while none were to be admitted to his Chamber. Howbeit, at length such of the King's Servants as he most esteemed, were to be permitted to wait on him; by which means they dealt apart with such as they thought fit; and when they had imparted the Conspiracy to those who were proposed to be engaged, (which was not hard to bring to pass through the general Hatred Hermias had contracted) they deliberated how to put it in execution. The Physicians than advised the King to take the Morning's Air, while the Season was yet cool, and to walk abroad early: So that Hermias was not wanting to give his attendance at the Hour appointed; and with him those to whom the King had communicated his purpose, but none else, in regard the King's walking out was designed to be sooner than ordinary. Thus Hermias was led abroad; and coming to a lonely place, where the King stepping aside, as on some necessary occasion, he was in the mean time killed by those who were about him; a Punishment in truth too gentle for his Crimes.  
The King now delivered of this Troubler of his Affairs, resolved to lead his Army home, all the Provinces through which he passed receiving him with Acclamations of Praise, and applauding principally his Justice in taking Hermias out of the World; whose Wife and Children were at the same time stoned to death by the Women of Apamea.  
Upon Antiochus' return home, he disposed his Army into Winter-Quarters, and sent to expostulate with Achoeus about his invading the Crown, and presuming to call himself King. Afterwards he let him understand, that the League he had made with Ptolemy, was come to his knowledge; and charged him with many other Acts contrary to Justice, and in violation of his Duty. It seems that at what time the War was undertaken against Artabazanes; Achoeus imagining the King might miscarry in that Expedition; and tho' that should not happen, yet the King being thereby drawn so far out of the way, would give him a safe opportunity to fall on Syria, and seize on that Kingdom for himself, aided therein by the Cyrrhestoe, who at that time had withdrawn their Obedience from the King: Wherefore with this Determination he marched his Army out of Lydia. Furthermore, he caused himself to be Crowned at Laodicea of Phrygia, receiving and giving Audience to Ambassadors; and in his Letters to the Cities, he assumed the Regal Title; flattered principally into this Attempt by the Instigations of a certain Exile called Syniris. But after some days march, and that they now approached Lycaonia, there happened a Mutiny in his Army, the Soldiers refusing, it seems, to be led against him, whom Nature had destined for their King. Whereupon Achoeus perceiving the Army to have changed their Mind, changed also his Purpose; and to persuade them that he never designed to invade Syria, he took another way, and marched and plundered Pisidia. After which Expedition, having enriched the Soldiers with Booty, and confirmed their Affection, he returned home.  
The King then, who was well informed of all these Passages, had, as was noted, let Achoeus know so much by menacing Messages, and in the mean while prepared for the War against Ptolemy. To which purpose, early in the Spring, he assembled his Troops at Apamea, and called a Council to deliberate on the best way to make his entrance for the invading of Syria; on which subject were long Debates of the Nature of the Country, Situation of Places; of the Provision to make, and of what Benefit a Fleet would be towards the furtherance of the Enterprise. But the Advice of Apollophanes the Seleucian, the Physician we have already had occasion to name, prevailed above the rest; who maintained, that the Design on Caelo-Syria was vain; and it would be an unprofitable Expedition to make War there, while they left Ptolemy in quiet possession of Seleucia, a Royal City, and in effect the Metropolis of the Kingdom: That not to mention the Dishonour to have that City in the hands of an Egyptian King, the recovery thereof would redound greatly to the Service of the King's Affairs in many Points: That in the interim, while it remained in the Enemy's hands, it would be a mighty Impediment to the progress of the King's Success in the Enterprise he was upon: For which way soever he had a mind to carry the War, he would find it necessary (over and above all other Preparations) to strengthen all his Towns with extraordinary Garrisons, merely on the account of the Danger that would threaten from Seleucia: But that if Antiochus made the recovery of that Place his first Business, it would not only serve as a Bulwark and Frontier against all the other Towns of the Kingdom, but would mainly enable him to prosecute his Enterprise both by Sea and Land.  
The Opinion of Apollophanes then was by common Consent approved; and it was resolved to open the Campaign with the Siege of Seleucia. The Kings of Egypt had held constant Garrison in this Town, ever since Ptolemy, called Euergetes, offended with Seleucus for the Death of Berenice, became Master thereof; who on that Provocation, had invaded Syria. When it was resolved then, that Apollophanes' Counsel should be followed, Antiochus ordered Diognetus his Admiral, to Sail with the Fleet to Seleucia, while himself marched with the Army from Apamea, and came and Encamped near Circus. Theodotus was likewise sent with a sufficient Body of Troops into the Lower Syria, with Orders to take Possession of the straits, and to have an Eye to all Motions in those Parts. As to the Situation of Seleucia, and the Country about it, take it a little more or less, as follows, Seleucia stands on the Sea-Coast, on the Frontiers of Cilicia and Phoenicia, in the Neighbourhood of a very high Mountain called Coryphoeus; one side of which Mountain towards the West, is washed by the Sea between Cyprus and Phoenicia; the other towards the East, regards the Territory of Seleucia and Antioch. Seleucia stands on the Southside of this Mountain, between which and the City is a deep Vale, waste and full of broken Ground, which extends to the Sea, enclosed almost on all sides with Rocks and Precipices. On that side of the City towards the Sea, the Ground is low and watery, where there is a Suburb Fortified with a good Wall, like that of the City itself. Seleucia surpasses all the Cities of Syria in the Magnificence of her Temples and other Buildings. It hath but one Communication with the Sea, which is a Passage wrought out of the Rock in manner of Stairs. Not far off is seen the Mouth of the River Orontes, whose Head is in the Country about Libanus and Anti-Libanus, taking its Course through the Plain of Amycoe; and running to Antioch, divides that City as it were into two, which it cleanses of all their Filth and Rubbish, and at length discharges itself, not far from Seleucia, into the Sea we mentioned.  
Now before Antiochus would proceed with Hostility against Seleucia, he first sent Offers of Rewards to the Principal Men of the City, and Promises of further future Advantages, to win them to yield it up without strife or resistance. But finding he laboured that way in vain, he corrupted several of their Military Officers, who had Posts distinct, and Commanded in sundry Quarters of the City; and in confidence of their Compliance, drew out, and ordered his Troops as for an Attack. To the Seaward the Marine Forces were appointed; towards the Land, those of the Camp were ordered to make the Assault. So making three Divisions of his Army, and animating the Soldiers according to Custom, and Proclaiming by a Herald, Promise of extraordinary Recompenses, as Crowns, and such like Rewards to the Officers and Soldiers, who should best behave themselves. He gave to Xeuxes, and those under him, the Attack of the Gate that leads to Antioch; to Hermogenes, that of those parts that are nearest the Temple of Castor and Pollux; and to Ardys and Diognetus, the Ars'nal and Suburbs; for it was agreed with the Conspirators, that as soon as the Suburbs should be won, the Town should be Surrendered. And now the Signal being given, the Attack began in all places at once, and was pressed with great forwardness and bravery. But Ardys and Diognetus signalised themselves above the rest, both in Resolution and Address. Tho' indeed in other places they could not come to the foot of the Wall to erect their Ladders, without coming to Blows with the Enemy; but at the Ars'nal and Suburbs they approached, and applied their Ladders without Impediment: So that while the Marine Soldiers Scaled the Ars'nal, and Ardys the Suburbs, and those of the Town not being able to come to their Relief, being themselves pressed on all Quarters, Ardys, after some Dispute, became Master of the Suburbs; whereupon the Officers who had been gained by the King, and Commanded in several Posts of the City, came to Leontius the Governor, pressing their Opinion, that there was now no safe way left, but to send immediately to the King to Treat, before the Town should be taken by Assault: Whereupon Leontius, who was ignorant of the Treachery, being frighted with their seeming Fear, dispatched a Message to Antiochus, with Proposals of Conditions that no Violence should be done to any, and that the Inhabitants should be Safe in their Persons.  
The King on sight of the Proposals, promised that no manner of Injury should be done to any one of free Condition, which were to the number of Six Thousand. And in a word, when the Place was delivered up, he did not only deal graciously with those, but recalled their Exiles, and restored the City to its Privileges, and the Inhabitants to their Estates and Authority, leaving only Garrisons both in the Port and Citadel. While the King was busied in these Affairs, Letters were brought him from Theodotus, by which he was Solicited to march with what Expedition he could into Syria, giving him assurance that on his Arrival, he would deliver the Kingdom entirely to his Possession. This News gave the King some trouble and suspense, uncertain what to resolve, on the intimation he had received. Theodotus was by Birth an Aetolian, who tho' he had done Eminent Service to the Egyptian Kings, nevertheless his Recompenses were not only short of his Merits, but coming to Court, as we have elsewhere noted, he there ran great hazard of his life. Whereupon when Antiochus was on his Expedition against Molon, Theodotus having no very good opinion of the state of Ptolomy's Affairs, and jealous of his Interest at Court, had himself taken Ptolemais, and won Tyre by the help of Panoetolus, and had now earnestly invited Antiochus. Who therefore respiting for that time his Expedition against Achoeus, and all his other Affairs; he marched with his Army, taking the same way he had gone before. And having passed the Valley of Marsyas, he Encamped near the Straight, where the Fortress of Gerra stands, along the side of the Lake, between the Mountains. There he received notice that Nicolaus, one of Ptolomy's Captains, had laid Siege to Ptolemais, where Theodotus was shut up; wherefore leaving his heavy-armed Troops behind, and giving Orders for the Besieging the Castle of Brochos, that commanded the Passage by the Lake, he marched at the Head of his light-armed Forces to raise the Siege of Ptolemais. Nicolaus, receiving Intelligence of the King's approach, decamped from before the Town, and sent Lagoras a Candiot, and Dorymenes an Aetolian, to possess the Straight near Berytus. But Antiochus hasting after them, forced them to a Battle, where they were beaten; so the King himself Encamped in the Straight. In which place assembling the whole Army, after he had encouraged them, he prosecuted his March with the entire Body of his Troops, full of expectation of great Success, whereof there were already so many promising appearances. Theodotus and Panoetolus, accompanied by their Friends, coming out to meet the King, were received by him with great Courtesy, to whom they delivered up Tyre and Ptolemais, with all the Stores of War that were there lodged; among other things they found, there were forty Galleys, whereof twenty were covered and equipped for the Sea, and none were less than Quadriremes; the other were Triremes, and Vessels of less Rates; these were committed to Diognetus the King's Admiral.  
In the mean time Antiochus being informed that Ptolemy was gone to Memphis, that his Troops were assembling at Pelusium, and that they had opened the Canals of the Nile, and let lose all their Watercourses; he thereupon changed his purpose of marching to Pelusium, and divided his Army, resolved to attempt the Towns by the way; some by fair means, some by force. Such Places as were not sufficiently Garrisoned for Defence, were on his arrival frighted into Submission, and putting themselves under his Protection, Courted his Favour; but such as had Men and Provisions within, and thought themselves able to withstand him, preserved their Obedience to their Prince; insomuch, that the King spent much time and labour to reduce them.  
At to Ptolemy himself, who was manifestly betrayed, he took little or no thought for the better posture of his Affairs; nor dreamed of approaching the Enemy, as he ought to have done; such was his stupidity, and the aversion he ever had to Military Employments: Wherefore Agathocles and Sosibius, who were at that time in prime Authority, having the entire Administration of the Public in their Hands, fell at length to deliberate with the best Advice they could. They resolved to make all possible Preparations for Defence; and to win Time, concluded to send Overtures to Antiochus; and to proceed in such manner, as to possess him with assurance, that he was not at all mistaken in the Mind of Ptolemy; namely, that he would never resolve to meet him in the Field, but endeavour by Conference and Mediation to dissuade his Enterprise on Syria. This Counsel being approved, Agathocles and Sosibius, to whom a share of the Management likewise was committed, dispatched Ambassadors to Antiochus, and so wrought that the Rhodians, Byzantines, Cyzicenians, and the Aetolians themselves, dispatched their Ambassadors to Mediate a Peace. In somuch, that on their arrival, the time that was taken up in Treating and Journeying from one King to another, lent space sufficient for Sosibius and Agathocles to prosecute their Preparations for the War. Their Residence was at Memphis, where they held their Conferences with the Ambassadors, according to the Emergency of Affairs; and where they received and treated with the Ministers of Antiochus. But while these were well received, and civilly entertained, and held in hand, all the Mercenary Strangers, which Ptolemy had in his Towns and Garrisons throughout the Countries of his Dominion, were assembled at Alexandria. Furthermore, they sent every where to levy Troops, taking care above all things, that due Provision might be made as well to sustain those they had already in Pay, as those whom they expected. Nor were they less mindful of every other Point that might require their Application to advance their Purpose; sometimes the one, sometimes the other, going to Alexandria to provide that nothing might be wanting towards the Execution of what had been resolved. To Echecrates the Thessalian, and Phoxides the Miletian, was committed the Care of providing Arms, raising Men, and forming their Troops; who were assisted by Eurylochus the Magnesian, together with Socrates the Boeotian, Cnopias and Aloritas. In short, it was a mighty advantage to the Egyptians, to be furnished with those Men who had served under Demetrius and Antiochus, and who were at least seen in some degree in the Conduct of Battles and Military Expeditions. These than proceeded to provide for the War as fast as they could Exercise and Discipline the Soldiers, that were committed to their Care.  
First, they caused them to be distributed according to their Age, than they armed them after such manner as they judged proper, taking from them such Arms as they had before been used to. They abolished the old way of drawing up in Battle, which had been observed on the review of their Armies; when they Paid the Soldiers, and Modelled them in such sort, as best suited with the Service they were to go upon. Then they accustomed them to the Word of Command, wherein their Officers kept them in perpetual Exercise; instructing them likewise in the use and management of those Arms they were appointed to carry. At other times they caused the whole Army to be drawn up in one place, and Exercised together; wherein Andromachus the Aspendian, and Polycrates of Argos, who were newly arrived out of Greece, were employed above the rest. These had truly the Courage and Industry of Greeks, and well knew how to apply it in occasions of War. Furthermore, they were Men of Experience, and both Eminent by the Reputation of their Country, and the Quality of their Persons. Polycrates was particularly considerable by the Antiquity of his Family, and the Character of Mnasias his Father, who had often won the Prize in the Olympic Games. Thus than the Officers Exercising and Animating sometimes in Public, sometimes in Particular, the Soldiers who were respectively put under their Command, they became bold and expert for the Service wherein they were to be employed.  
Furthermore, every one of those we have named, had their particular Posts and Charges in the Army, suited to their Talents and Capacity. Eurylochus the Magnesian had the Command of three thousand Men, being of those Troops of the King's Household, called Agema. Socrates the Boeotian, Commanded two thousand Bucklermen. Phoxidas the Achaean, and Ptolemy the Son of Thrasea, together with Andromachus the Aspendian, had the like Charge in the Phalanx and the Greek Mercenaries. But Andromachus and Ptolemy had the prime Commands in the Phalanx, and Phoxidas of the Mercenaries. The Phalanx was Composed of about five and twenty thousand Men: The Mercenaries amounted to about eight thousand: The Horse of the King's Household came to about seven hundred, who were led by Polycrates, together with those who were brought from Libya; and that were raised in Egypt, making in all to the number of three thousand Men. But Echecrates the Thessalian, had the Command of the Groecian Horse, and the rest of the Foreign Cavalry, being to the number of two thousand in all. And as he had taken great pains in Exercising and Disciplining them, so was his Care visibly recompensed in the Service they afterwards performed to Ptolemy. Cnopias also the Aloritan, yielded to none in his Diligence, in Training and Instructing those who were committed to his Charge; who were a Body of three thousand Candiots, among whom were a thousand new-raised Men, which he put under the Command of Philo a Cnossian. There were likewise three thousand Africans, Armed after the Macedonian manner, whose Chief was Ammonius the Baroean. The Egyptian Troops, or Phalanx, amounted to twenty thousand, the Command of which Body Sosibius reserved to himself. They assembled likewise of Thracians and Gauls, Subjects of King Ptolomy's, to the number of three thousand; and more, two thousand new-raised Men of the same Nations; these were put under the leading of Denis of Thrace. The Army of Ptolemy then was Composed of this number, and of the divers People we have recited.  
Antiochus, in the mean time, laid close siege to Dura; but that attempt not succeeding, the Place being strong of itself, and Nicolaus finding ways to recruit and supply them from time to time, he therefore accorded to Ptolomy's Ambassadors (who arrived the beginning of Winter) a Truce of four Months; telling them, it would not be through his default, if a Peace did not follow. Nevertheless, in that he spoke not his Mind; but being unwilling longer to be detained out of his own Dominions, he was earnest to withdraw his Army to Seleucia to their Winter-Quarters. Furthermore, there were grounds of suspicion that Achoeus (whom none doubted took part with Ptolemy) was practising Designs against the King.  
In conclusion, Antiochus having granted the Demands of the Ambassadors, dismissed them, with Injunctions to let him know speedily the Resolution of Ptolemy, requiring them to meet him on their return at Seleucia. Then putting Garrisons into proper places, and leaving Theodotus in the chief Command, he prepared for his return home. As soon as he arrived at Seleucia, he dispatched his Army into Winter-Quarters; where during their abode, but little care was taken to train and keep them in good Discipline; he holding his Opinion, that there would be but little occasion of fight, to finish what he had begun: For being already possessed of a good part of the Lower Syria and Phoenicia, he made no great doubt of acquiring easily the rest; and that what remained in Dispute, would be ended by Treaty and Conference; and that Ptolemy would never be drawn to Dispute with him in the Field. The Ambassadors were likewise of his Opinion; for Sosibius, who held the Treaty at Memphis, had entertained them with all possible Deference and Respect; and had managed his Affairs in such sort, that none of those, who had been sent to Ptolemy, were able to obtain the least information of the Preparations that were making at Alexandria: Wherefore the Ambassadors, at their return, declared that Sosibius was ready to yield every thing.  
'Tis observable, that in all the Conferences Antiochus had with the Ambassadors of Ptolemy, he seemed most carefully to insist on the advantage of the Right he had, as well as the Success of his Arms, against his Adversary. And on the arrival of his Ambassadors at Seleucia, when they came to treat about the Conditions of the Peace, pursuant to the Instructions they had received from Sosibius, the King made but very little account of the violence that had been acted against Ptolemy, whereof the whole World was witness, in his seizing of Towns in the Lower Syria; but frequently boasted of that Expedition, affirming he had done no wrong therein to any Man, having but barely attempted the recovery of his Right; and that Antigonus, Cocles, and Seleucus, who were the first Conquerors of that Province, were the rightful Masters, and that therein consisted the force of his Pretensions to the Lower Syria, in opposition to Ptolomy's. He further said, that it was true that Ptolemy waged War with Antigonus; but it was not for Dominion, but merely as a Friend and Ally of Seleucus, to whom that Country appertained. Then he referred to the Accord made by the several Princes; at what time Antigonus being defeated and vanquished, Cassander, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, met in a General Assembly, to deliberate on that Subject, when the entire Kingdom of Syria was adjudged to Seleucus. Those who were present on the part of Ptolemy, laboured to prove the contrary, and to show the weakness of Antiochus' Pretensions; and further to exaggerate the Injury, remonstrated the Indignity of breaking the Peace, by the Treachery of Theodotus, and the Expedition of Antiochus: That Ptolemy the Son of Lagus entered on the War for the acquisition of Syria: That he joined his Arms with Seleucus conditionally, that as the Dominion of Asia should be his, so the Lower Syria and Phoenicia should fall to Ptolomy's share. The several Ambassadors urged these and the like Reasons in the Conferences that were held; but no fruit came of their Debates, through want of one common Mediator: For while Matters were canvased by People equally interested and partial to their own side, without any one to moderate the Heats that could not but grow between them, what success could be hoped? The Affair of Achoeus was likewise a great clog to the Negotiation: For Ptolemy urged to have him comprised in the Treaty; but Antiochus could not brook so much as to hear him named exclaiming how scandalous it was that Ptolemy should entertain so much as a thought of giving protection to one in Rebellion against his Prince.  
Thus while these two Princes built on the Equity of their Allegations, the Treaty was defeated; and early in the Spring Antiochus assembled his Troops, with intention to attack the Enemy by Sea and Land, and to prosecute his Conquest of what remained to be reduced of Caelo-Syria. Ptolemy, on the other part, committing his Affairs in those parts to the Conduct of Nicolaus, furnished Gaza plentifully with every needful thing for its defence, moved also with his Sea and Land Forces. On their arrival, Nicholaus prepared with determination to abide the War; and was readily supplied in all his Demands by Perigenes, to whom Ptolemy had given the Command of the Fleet and Naval Army, which consisted of thirty Vessels of War, and four hundred of Burden. Nicholaus was an Aetolian by Nation, very brave, and in the Trade of War superior in Knowledge to most, who at that time were in the Service of Ptolemy. His first care was with part of his Army to possess the straits near Platanoes, posting himself with the other part of his Army in the places near Porphyreon, to prevent any attempt of Antiochus on that side. In the mean while, the Fleet remained at Anchor not far off.  
On Antiochus' arrival at Marathum, the Aradians applied to him with Tenders of Friendship and Alliance; whom he did not only kindly receive, but interposed his Mediation between the Islanders, and those of the Continent; composing the Difference that had happened between them, and establishing Friendship among them. Then marching into Syria, by that passage which is called Thoûprosopon, he came to Berytus; took Botris in his march, and burned Trieres and Calamus. From thence he dispatched Theodotus and Nicarchus, with Orders to possess the straits which lead to the River Lycus, to be beforehand with the Enemy. In the mean time, himself kept on his march with the Army, and came and Encamped by the River Damura, Diognetus, with the Fleet, keeping always near him. From thence, taking with him Nicarchus and Theodotus, with his light-armed Troops, he went to view the straits where Nicholaus was posted; and after he had made Remarks to his Mind, he returned back to the Camp. The next Day, leaving Nicarchus with the Command of his heavy-armed Troops behind, he marched himself at the head of the rest of the Army, to put in execution what he had projected. Now, in regard Mount Libanus streightens, and contracts the passage by the Sea-Coast, and the space is bounded by a Valley, waste and inaccessible, it comes to pass, that the way between that and the Sea, is very narrow and difficult. Here it was where Nicolaus had posted himself; where by placing good Guards in some places, and fortifying others with Works, he thought he should be able, without much difficulty, to withstand Antiochus' Passage.  
The King, in the mean time, disposed his Army into three Divisions; to Theodotus he gave the Command of one, with Orders to attack the Enemy that was posted along the Mountain; another Division he gave to Menedemus, who was expressly directed to attempt the Passage that lay in the middle of the Vale; the third he appointed for a reserve, with respect to what might happen in the Naval Conflict: These were lead by Diocles, who was Governor of the Country of Parapotamia near the Euphrates. Antiochus himself making choice of such a place (attended only by his Guards) where he might stand and have a fair view of all that passed on every side, whereby being a Spectator of each Man's behaviour, he was enabled to judge where to supply Succours in case of Need. And now Diognetus and Perigenes drew their Fleets into a Line of Battle, drawing as near the Shore as they could, insomuch as the whole Action by Land and Sea became one single prospect. When the Signal was given they advanced to the Attack on all sides. The Fight at Sea continued for some time doubtful, their Forces being in every thing equal. And notwithstanding Nicolaus seemed a while to have the better, having the advantage of Ground; yet upon Theodotus' forcing the Enemy from their Post on the Mountain, and from thence falling on the rest, Nicolaus was compelled to give Ground, and betake him to flight. About two thousand were slain in the pursuit, and no fewer taken Prisoners, the rest got into Sidon. Perigenes likewise, who once thought he had the better in the Naval Dispute, terrified to behold his Friends beaten , left the Enemy a stern, and flying, secured himself in the same place.  
Antiochus presently thereupon leads his Army to Sidon, and encamps before the Town: But he thought it not advisable to attack it; for as it was very well supplied with all sorts of Provisions of War, so the Inhabitants were numerous, and their Strength reinforced by those who had fled thither after the Battle. From thence then he took his march towards Philoteria, ordering Diognetus his Admiral to make sail with the Fleet to Tyre. Philoteria stands in the neighbourhood of a great Moor, through which runs the River Jordan, which from thence pursues its course through the Plains of Scythopolis. Antiochus becoming Master of the two forementioned Places, grew into greater assurance of succeeding in his Erterprises, in regard the Territory subject to those Towns produced sufficient of all things to sustain his Army, and yielded over and above enough of every thing he might need to prosecute his Design; wherefore after he had strengthened them with good Garrisons, he took his march over the Mountains, and came to Atabyrium. This Town stands on a rising Ground, which by a gentle descent terminates in a Plain, from whence to the top of the Eminence it is near two Miles. Here Antochus lodged an Ambush, which in effect won him the Place. For after by little Skirmishes and Disputes he had drawn the People out, in one of these Engagements, feigning to be too weak, his Party retreated, while the others pursued; when presently facing about, the Enemy in their turn retired, who meeting the Ambush in Front, many were cut off; and, in short, Antiochus himself pursuing the Advantage, so terrified them, that the Town was taken on the first Attack.  
At the same time Keroeas, one of Ptolomy's Captain, deserted, and came over to Antiochus, whom receiving with great Solemnity, it gave occasion for many other prime Officers of the King of Egypt to leave his Service. For shortly after Hippolochus the Thessalian acted the same part, bringing with him to the number of four hundred Horse. Antiochus likewise Garrisoned Atabyrium, and pursuing his Journey, in his march received to his Obedience the Cities of Pella, Camus, and Gephrus, which surrendered.  
This great Success so wrought on the Minds of the neighbouring People, that they unanimously took part with Antiochus, whereby his Hopes increasing, and his Power being augmented by this new accession of his Arabian Friends; he advances into Galatis, which reducing, he took Abila, and in it those who were come in to secure it, under the leading of Nicias, a Kinsman and Confident of Menea's. In short, Gadara was the only Place that now remained to be reduced, which was esteemed the most considerable for Strength in all that Country. To this Town the King approached with his Army, and so terrified the Inhabitants with his preparations to Attack them, that they yielded themselves up. And now being informed that great numbers of the Enemy were drawn together in a certain Town of Arabia, called Rabath-ben-Ammon, or Rabatamana, from whence they made Excursions, and plundered the Country of those who had contracted Friendship with him; he therefore laying aside all his other Affairs, bend his march that way, and approached the Mountain whereon the Town stands. After he had viewed the situation on all sides, he concluded there were but two places by which they could be attacked; there than he posted his Troops, and caused his Machine's to approach. The Conduct of the Works he divided betwixt Nicarchus and Theodotus, whi●● himself kept an equal and vigilant Eve of their Behaviour, and remarked the Affection that carried these two Leaders to advance his Service: Who emulating each other, and labouring who should first open a Breach, the Wall was demolished by that means much sooner than was expected. That Work done, the King continued his Attacks Night and Day, pressing by all means possible to get into the Town; but therein they long laboured in vain, by reason of the multitude of the Defendants. Till at length one of their Prisonen discovered, to the Besiegers, a Vault or Passage under Ground, by which the besieged descended to supply themselves with Water; which Passage being once stopped up, the Inhabitants, streighten'd by necessity, confessed themselves vanquished, and so yielded up the Town.  
Thus Antiochus became Master of Rabatamana, where he left Nearchus' Governor, with a good Garrison, and sending Hippolochus and K●roeas, (who had deserted Ptolemy) at the head of five thousand Foot into the Country in the neighbourhood of Samaria, to Command in that Province, and to Defend those who had submitted to him against Incursions of the Enemy, he bent his march towards Ptolemais, there to pass the Winter, for so he had before determined. During the same Summer, those of Ped●elissa being attacked and besieged by the Selgians, and finding themselves in danger, applied to Achoeus for Succour by their Ambassadors; who readily promising them his Assistance, they sustained the Siege with great Constancy, in hopes of his sending them Relief, which he accordingly did, dispatching Garsyeres at the Head of Six Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse.  
As soon as the Selgians had notice of the approach of these Succours, they marched with the greatest part of their Troops to possess the straits, near a certain Place called by those of the Country Climax, or the Ladder; posting his Troops on the Passage, or Entrance hard by Saporda, breaking the Ground and barracadoing the Passages every where. Garsyeres, marching into the Territory of the Milyades, came and encamped near Cretompolis; and finding it was impossible for him to advance any further, for that the Enemy had every where made themselves Masters of the Defilées; he therefore devised this Stratagem: He caused his Troops to face about, and march back by the way they came, making show, as if on finding the Ways so fortified, that he could not march on, he had despaired of his Design of relieving the Besieged. The Selgians were deceived by this show, and concluded Garsyeres had changed his purpose; whereupon one part of their Troops returned to their Camp, and, the● 〈◊〉 marched home, for that their time of Harvest was at hand.  
This being observed by Garsyeres, he there upon marched back, and gained the top of the Mountains, without meeting any force to oppose him; where posting sufficient strength to guard the Avenues, he left Phaylus to Command there, and marched with the Army to Perga; dealing with other People of Pisidi●, and with the Pamphylians themselves by Persons he dispatched to them, setting forth the insolent behaviour of the Selgians towards their Neighbours, and exhorting them to enter into the League of Achoeus, and to contribute to the Relief of Pednelissa.  
While these things were in agitation, the Selgians sent an Army against Phaylus, which being well acquainted with the Country, had conceived hopes of terrifying him, and forcing him from his Post. But finding their Attempt in vain, and losing many of their Men in the several Attacks they made upon him, they lost their hopes likewise of succeeding that way; howbeit, they would not forsake their Enterprise, but had recourse to their Machine's.  
In the mean while the Etennenses, who inhabit the Mountains of Pisidia that overlook Sida, supplied Garsyeres with a re-inforcement of eight thousand Men; and the Aspendians with four thousand. But those of Sida, who tho' they had a just Consideration for Antiochus, yet bearing no  to the Aspendians, would not be drawn to send relief to the Besieged.  
Garsyeres however, thus strengthened with the Succours of the Allies, marched towards Pednelissa▪ promising himself to be able to raise the Siege on the first attempt. But when he perceived the Selgians to be under no surprise at his arrival, he drew near, and Encamped his Army close by them. The Pednelissians the mean while were driven to great straits for every thing; wherefore Garsyeres, resolving to put relief into the Town by one means or other, drew out two thousand choice Men of his own Troops, each Man taking with him a certain proportion of Corn, ordered them to march, and endeavour to get into the Town by Night. But this attempt being discovered by the Selgians, they hastened to prevent them; and attacking them, took all the Corn, and cut off most of the Party. This success so exalted them, that they came thereupon to resolve not only to assault the Town, but to attack Garsyeres himself in his Camp. For the Selgians are a People who in War love both those Counsels and Erterprises best, that are most rash. Leaving their Camp therefore with a good Guard, they drew out the rest of their Troops, and posted them in divers places about Garsyeres' Works, and marched to the Attack on all sides. Garsyeres finding himself enclosed every where by this surprising Attempt, and beholding his Defences in some places already broken down, and the whole Camp reduced to extremity, ordered his Horse to sally out by a way the Enemy had taken least notice of. And now the Selgians, believing the Horse to be fled and escaped away, made no more account of them, but let them pass unpursued; whereupon, after they had gone some distance, they wheeled about, and fell on the Enemy's Ree●, where the Dispute was bloody. Upon this, the Foot, who before were heartless, and on the point of turning their Backs, took Courage, and faced the Enemy with fresh Resolution, insomuch that the Selgians, who ●ut now thought the Day their own, beh●ld themselves on the sudden, surrounded on every side, worsted, and driven to fly. At the same time the Garrison of Pednelissa sallied and fell on the Selgians Camp, which they forced; whereupon the Enemy flying in disorder, they lost to the number of at least ten thousand Men. Those of their Allies who escaped, retired home; and the Selgians gaining the tops of the Mountains, got to the City. Garsyeres pursuing them, being desirous to hasten out of the Defilée, and approach Selgia before the Enemy could have leisure to rally, and consult about their safety. Accordingly he came before the ●●ty, with his Army where the Enemy, hopeless of help from their Allies, through the loss they had lately sustained in their Service, and terrified at their Defeat, grew into doubt both of their own and their Country's safety. Wherefore calling an Assembly, they agreed to dispatch Logbasis, one of their Citizens, in quality of their Ambassador to Achoeus. This Logbasis had been in great esteem with Antiochus, he who died in Thrace; and it seems had the care of the Education of Laodice, (whom he brought up with the tenderness of his own Child) and who was afterwards married to Achoeus.  
On these Considerations they concluded him the properest Person to be sent in the present Exigence, wherefore they dispatched him, But Logbasis revealing the Secret of his Embassy to Garsyeres, made so little reckoning of his Duty, and the preservation of his Country, that on the contrary he was instant with Garsyeres to let Achoeus understand, that he was ready to put the City into his hands; whereupon Garsyeres, furnished with those Hopes, dispatched Letters to Achoeus, praying him to dispose himself for his Journey, on the receipt of his Advice, while he in the mean time held a Truce, and entered into Treaty with the Selgians; and contriving Disputes about the Articles of the Peace, spun out the time till the coming of Achoeus, and that Logbasis had leisure to confer with him, touching the execution of their Enterprise.  
And now during the Treaty, and the going and coming of Messengers from the 〈◊〉 to the Camp, and from the Camp thither▪ the Soldiers by degrees were admitted into the Town, to traffic and buy Provisions, and what else they wanted; and Oversight which hath had many bad effects. And it may 〈◊〉 assurance be said, that as there is no Creature that possesses so great a share of Sagacity and Reflection as Man, so there is scarce any more subject to be deceived: For how many Town●▪ Fortresses, and even Camps, have been by this means betrayed to the Enemy! And albeit there are frequent and fresh Examples of such Disasters, and we know they have befallen many; 'tis as true nevertheless, that by I kno● not what kind of fatality, we know not how to secure ourselves against such Arts, and a●● always to seek to prevent them; the reason's take to be from our want of reflection on other Men's Adventures. Our Providence is seen in making Provision to sustain and pay our Armies, and to furnish our Soldiers with the best and most proper Arms for our Defence, while at the same time we omit what is both more easy and profitable; namely, to be on our guard against these kind of Evils to which we lie exposed: For Prudence may be acquired at our leisure, and by the study of History, we improve the Understanding without difficulty, in the contemplation of things past.  
Achoeus failed not to be present at the time assigned, and the Selgians entering into Conference with him, were in hopes on that occasion of sharing with others the Benefit of his Gentleness and Humanity. But in the mean time Logbasis, having privately got into his House a good number of those who came from the Camp into the Town, laboured with the Inhabitants not to lose the occasion, but to improve, while they might, the Offers so bountifully tendered by Achoeus: That they would do well to convoke their Assembly, and deliberate on their present state, and put a period to the Treaty they had already begun. Whereupon they called an Assembly of the People, drawing off those who were posted on the Walls and elsewhere, for the defence of the Place, pretending the necessity of a General Assembly of the whole Body of the People, solemnly to conclude on the Proposals.  
While things were in this posture in the Town, Logbasis gives the Signal to the Enemy, and in the mean time causes the Soldiers he had received into his House, to be ready with their Arms, while himself and his Sons likewise prepare to act their Parts. Acha●us than approaches the Town on one side, with one part of the Army, and Garsyeres with another advances towards Cesbedium, which is a Temple of Jupiter, that commands the Town in manner of a Citadel. But it chanced that these motions were observed by a certain Shepherd, who giving an account to the Assembly, that the Enemy were approaching the Walls; some hastened to Cesbedium, others to their Posts on the Walls, from whence they had been called; while the multitude enraged, ran to the House of Logbasis; whose Treachery being now manifest, some untile the House, while others attack and force the Gates, and in short killed Logbasis, with his Family, and the whole Party that were with him. Then they proclaimed Liberty to their Slaves; and drawing up in several Bodies, they marched to the defence of such Places as had most need of succour. And now Garsyeres, beholding the Temple in a posture of defence, thought it not safe to advance, while Achoeus, who attempted the Gates, and used his utmost Endeavours to get into the Town, was attacked by the Selgians; who making a Sally, slew about seven hundred Mysians▪ of his Party, and compelled the rest to retire.  
After this repulse, Achoeus and Garsyeres returned to the Camp, while the Selg●ans, doubting danger from a Sedition within the Town, (the Enemy being still at hand) sent out some of their gravest Inhabitants to treat with Achoeus, who at length accorded them Peace on the following Conditions: That they should pay down presently four hundred Talents: That the Pedneliss●an Prisoners should be enlarged: and that within a certain space, they should pay further three hundred Talents. Thus the Selgians, being reduced to manifest danger of losing their Country by the Treachery of Logbasis, had the good Fortune to rescue it by their Resolution, without staining their Liberty, or violating the Alliance in which they were engaged with the Lacedoemonians.  
Achoeus, having reduced the Country of Milyas to his Dominion, and part of Pamphylia, marched to Sardis, where he waged War with Attalus, menacing also Prusias; becoming formidable to all the Asians inhabiting on this side Mount Taurus. But while he was diverted by the War with the Selgians, Attalus having with him the Gauls, Aegosages, or Tectosages, led his Army to the Towns of Aeolia, and others in that Neighbourhood, who out of fear had submitted to Achoeus The greatest part of which Towns yielded themselves up, whom he received with gentleness, willing them to understand it in effect of his Grace and Goodness; nor were there many which exercised his Arms to reduce them. The principal Places that submitted were Cuma, Smyrna, Phocoea; and in short, the Aegoeans and the Lemnites terrified at his arrival, submitted. The Teii and Colophonii also applied to him by their Ambassadors, and put themselves and Towns under his Protection.  
After he had received these People according to the Conditions of the ancient League, and had likewise received their Hostages, he entertained the Smyrnian Ambassadors with singular Benignity; for indeed, that People had above all others distinguished themselves by a generous Fidelity towards him. From thence he continued his march, and having past the River Lycus, he came to the Towns inhabited by the Mysians, and so proceeded to the Country of the Carsenses, and, in short, spread so much Fear among them, that the Garrison of Didyma-Tiche, where Themistocles had been left Governor by Achoeus, delivered up the Two Castles. From thence he marched and spoiled the Lands of Apioe, and passing the Mountain Pelecas, he came and encamped near the River Megistus. Here there happening an Eclipse of the Moon, the Gauls, who could no longer bear the Toils of so tedious a March, (for they went with their Wives and Children, travelling in Wagons along with them) conceiving the Eclipse to be ominous, came to a Resolution to march no further. Whereupon, tho' they were a People of no use in Attacks, and had all along, during their march, encamped by themselves (being subject to no Discipline) and were a proud and refractory Nation: Nevertheless, the King was in pain what to resolve about them; for he was doubtful if he should dismiss them, le●t they should take Arms under Achoeus, and that to punish their Insolence by destroying them, would redound to his discredit, they having passed over into Asia out of respect to him; wherefore he took that occasion for his return, after he had promised to conduct them safe to the place from whence they came, and assured them of Lands wherein to plant, and that he would at no time refuse to comply with any of their reasonable Demands, but do them all the good Offices in his Power; so after he had led his Gauls to the Hellespont, and treated those of Lampsacus, the Alexandrians, and Illians with great Respect (they having continued firm in their Fidelity) he returned with his Army to Pergamus.  
It was now early in the Spring, when Antiochus and Ptolemy, having made all necessary Provisions for the War, were arrived at the conjuncture of deciding their Controversy by Battle. Ptolemy marched from Alexandria with an Army of seventy thousand Foot, five thousand Horse, and seventy three Elephants; while Antiochus, receiving intelligence of the Enemies advancing, assembled also his Troops. His Army consisted of Daoeans, Carmanians, and Cilicians, who were light-armed; these were commanded by Byttachus the Macedonian. Theodotus the Aetolian, who had deserted and betrayed the Affairs of Ptolemy, was placed at the head of twenty thousand Men, armed after the Macedonian manner, chosen Troops, and carrying for the most part silvered Bucklers. The Phalanx was composed of about twenty thousand, which was conducted by Nicarchus and Theodotus, surnamed Hemiolius. Menedemus the Alabandine led two thousand Archers and Slingers, with whom were mingled a thousand Thracians. There were likewise Medes, Cyssians, Caddusians, and Caramanians to the number of five thousand, who were ordered to obey Aspasianus the Median. The Arabians and others of the Neighbour-Nations, composed a Body of above ten thousand, whose Chief was Zabdiphilus. The Greek Mercenaries amounted to five thousand, and at the head of these was placed Hippolochus the Thessalian. Antiochus had likewise five hundred Candiots, commanded by Eurylochus, and a thousand new-raised Men of the same Country, whose Leader was Zebes the Gortynian; there were also five hundred Lydian Slingers, and a thousand Cardaceans, who had over them Lysimachus the Gaul. The Horse consisted of about six thousand, four thousand of which obeyed Antipater the King's Nephew; the rest were led by Themison. In conclusion, the Army of Antiochus consisted of seventy two thousand Foot, the Horse above-noted, and a hundred and two Elephants.  
Ptolemy first marched to Pelusium, where he encamped; and as soon as the Rear was come up, and he had distributed Bread to the Army, he prosecuted his march through a Country destitute of Water, along the Mountain Casius, passing by a place called Barathra. When he arrived at Gaza, he drew out a Detachment, with which he marched and advanced before the Army, without any apprehension of Impediment. The fifth Day he came to a Place where he purposed to halt, encamping about fifty Furlongs from Raphia. This is the first City of the Lower Syria, after Rhinocorura, that lies in the way from Egypt into that Country.  
Antiochus at the same time advanced with his Army; and passing by Raphia, he encamped by Night about ten Furlongs from the Enemy. For a while their Camps stood at this distance one from another. But shortly after, Antiochus decamped, and came and lodged nearer the Enemy, as well to better the Conveniences of his Army's abode, as to hearten the Soldiers; so that there was not now above five Furlongs space between their two Camps; insomuch that those who went to Water, and marched out to Forage, had frequent Rencounters; and often by Parties both Horse and Foot pickeered between their Camps.  
Here Theodotus gave an instance of Aetolian Resolution, and indeed worthy of a truly fearless Man: For having resided heretofore in Ptolomy's Court, and being well acquainted with the Ways and Manners of that Prince, he got a little before  into the Enemy's Camp, with two Men only in his company. It was not easy to know him by his Face, it being not yet Day; nor by his Habit, for that the Army consisted of great diversity of Garbs. He having before observed where the King's Tent stood, for that they had frequently pickeered near that place, approached undiscovered, and entering the Tent where the King used to Eat, and give Audience, he searched  for him, but found him not; Ptolemy it seems having lain that Night elsewhere. Wherefore wounding only two Persons, and killing Androeas the King's Physician, he retired in safety, having executed his Design, if we rightly weigh the Hazard, but failed only through want of information where the King was lodged.  
After these two Princes had remained five Days thus near each other, they agreed to come to a decision. Ptolemy first marched out, and soon after Antiochus appeared in Battle. Their Bodies were composed of their Phalanxes and chosen Troops, armed after the Macedonian manner, who were opposed one to another; their Wings were thus ordered, in Ptolomy's Polycrates commanded the Left, with the Horse that were under his Command; and betwixt these and the Phalanx, first marched the Candiots next to the Horse: These were followed by the Regiment of Guards, called Agema; after these marched the Bucklermen, led by Socrates; then the Libyans, armed like Macedonians. The Right was led by Echecrates the Thessalian, with the Horse who were under his Command; on the Left next Echecrates marched the Gauls and Thracians; then Phoxidas with his Greek Mercenaries; after these marched the Egyptian Phalanx. They placed forty Elephants to cover the Left-Wing, where the King was to be, and the other thirty three stood on the Right to cover the Mercenary Horse. Antiochus thus ordered his Battle: On his Right he placed sixty Elephants, to cover the extremities of that Wing, where he himself proposed to stand, opposed to Ptolemy, giving the Conduct to Philip his Foster-Brother; in the Rear of these were posted two thousand Horse, led by Antipater; next these were the like number drawn up in form of a Tenaile; after the Horse stood the Candiots in front; then the Greek Mercenaries; betwixt these stood the five thousand Men, that were armed like Macedonians, under the Command of Byttacus the Macedonian. His Left-Wing consisted of two thousand Horse, led by Themison. After these were the Cardaces, the Lydian Slingers; and next those three thousand light-armed, who were under Menedemus. The Cyssians, Medes, and Caramanians followed; and to these succeeded the Arabs, and their Neighbour-People, which closed up to the Phalanx. The Right-point of the Battle was covered by the rest of the Elephants, which were conducted by Myiscus, who had been the King's Page.  
In this order of Battle were the two Armies drawn up; while the two Kings, attended by their Officers and Favourites, went from Rank to Rank to animate their Troops. But forasmuch as they had placed their greatest Confidence in their Phalanxes, which may be called Legionaries; to these therefore they were more earnest in their Exhortations, wherein Sosibius and Arsinoe seconded Ptolemy; and Theodotus and Nicarchus, Antiochus; who were Chiefs of the Legionaries of the one and the other Army. In short, it may be concluded, that the Speeches of these two Princes were near the same, whereby to encourage their Troops; neither being furnished with stronger Reasons than the other; for they were but young Kings, and had never yet done any thing very memorable, out of which to collect Matter for their Exhortations; wherefore they laboured to hearten them to the Battle, by laying before them the Prize of Glory that was to be won, and the Reputation of their Ancestors; and above all, made large Promises of Rewards to the Officers in particular, and the Soldiers in general, to oblige them to their best performance in that occasion. Thus than the two Kings animated their Armies, partly by themselves, and partly by their Interpreters.  
As soon as Ptolemy and his Sister Arsinoe were come to the Left-Wing, and Antiochus to the Right of their two Armies, attended by their Guards, they sounded to the Charge, and the Battle began with their Elephants: Some of those Beasts, on Ptolomy's part, came at first boldly on to the Attack; and the Men who fought from the Turrets behaved themselves well, fight from thence with their Pikes; but the shock between the Elephants themselves was more remarkable, those Animals attempting one the other with an impetuosity hardly to be represented; for they fight after this manner: They first make proof of their Strength by engaging with their Teeth, and with a firm foot keeping their Ground, press one against another with their utmost strength, till by this contention one of them prevails, and compels the other to yield ground to his superior Strength; whereby the Trunk being turned aside, he is forced, by endeavouring to disengage himself, to expose his Side and Flank to his Enemy, who fails not to hit him there, goring him with his Tooth, as Bulls do with their Horns.  
But it came to pass, that Ptolomy's Elephants for the most part wanted Courage to stand the Shock; and as the Elephants of Libya, who can neither endure the Smell nor Braying of those of India; so these, frighted at the Strength and Size of the others, turned their backs before they came near them, putting Ptolomy's Regiment of Guards into disorder, who were drawn up behind them, upon whom they fell. In the interim, Antiochus leading about his Battalion of Guards; and getting before the Elephants, charged Polycrates at the head of the Horse; and at the same time the Mercenary Greeks, who were posted near the Phalanx, advanced against Ptolomy's Bucklermen, whose Order had been already broken by the Elephants. The Left-Wing of Ptolomy's Army being by this means worsted, turned their backs, and betook them to flight; but Echecrates, who commanded in the Right, and stood waiting to see the issue of the Dispute between the two Points, whereof we have been speaking, observing a thick Cloud of Dust drive towards him, and perceiving their Elephants would do nothing, commanded Phoxidas, who led the Greek Mercenaries, to advance, and charge those that were opposed to him, while he led the Horse about, and charge those that were posted behind the Elephants, and were covered by those Animals; whereupon attacking the Enemy's Horse in Flank and Rear, they put them to flight. Nor was Phoxidas and those with him less fortunate, who falling on the Medes and Arabs, had the like success.  
Thus the Right-Wing of Antiochus beat, and the Left was beaten; and now albeit the Phalanxes on either side were deprived of their Points, they remained however entire, and held their Order, attending (betwixt Hope and Fear) the Event. Antiochus, we observed, where he fought on the Right, had the better; but Ptolemy retiring into the Phalanx, and appearing in view of both the Armies, much discouraged the Enemy, and gave new Heart to his own People to prosecute the Battle; insomuch, that Andromachus and Sosibius caused their Phalanx to charge their Pikes, and advance. The Assyrian Soldiers did indeed for a while sustain the Charge; but those who were under Nicarchus hardly enduring the first Shock, were presently broken, and turned their backs. Antiochus, like a young Prince and unexperienced Captain, imagined because they had beaten the Enemy where he fought, and pursued them, that the Victory had been entire; but he was soon undeceived by an old Officer, who advised him heedfully to consider what that mighty Cloud of Dust meant, that came from the middle Battle, driving towards the Camp; so that being soon given to understand the Success, he hastened towards his Camp, attended only by his Troop of Guards; where finding his Army routed, he made speed to Raphia, under this Comfortable Persuasion only, that the Battle was not lost through any Default of his, but by the Cowardice of his Soldiers.  
Ptolemy, thus winning the Day through the good Behaviour of the Phalanx, many of those that fled being cut off by the Horse and Mercenaries, who fought in the Right Wing, retired out of the Field, and remained that Night in the Camp. The next Day, after he had caused the Dead on his side to be buried, and had stripped the Enemy that remained on the place, he Decamped, and Marched directly towards Raphia. In the interim, Antiochus, Rallying and Forming into Troops such as he found, who had fled out of the Field, would have Encamped without the Walls; but finding they were for the most part gotten already into the Town, he thought it best to retire himself in likewise; and early the next Morning, Marching out with the Remains of his Army, took his March towards Gaza; where after he had Encamped, he sent to Ptolemy, to Demand the Bodies of those that were slain; which being obtained, he caused their Funeral Rights to be perform.  
In this Defeat, Antiochus lost no less than ten thousand Foot, and above three hundred Horse, besides Prisoners to the number of four thousand: Thirteen of his Elephants were killed in Fight, two died after of their Hurts. On the part of Ptolemy fell about two thousand five hundred Foot, and seven hundred Horse; 16 of his Elephants were killed, and the remainder most of them taken. This was the success of the Battle that was fought near Raphia, for the Dominion of Caelo-Syria.  
After Antiochus had caused the Slain to be buried, he Marched away with the rest of his Army homeward, while Ptolemy received to his Obedience Raphia, and the other Towns, which contended which should be first in their Submission to the Conqueror. In short, 'tis the Custom of Mankind on the like occasions, to Accommodate their Affairs to their present Fortune; but of all Countries, none produce Minds so pliable that way, as these of this Country, when Fortune will have it so; nevertheless, that Nation being disposed to a better liking of the Government of the Egyptian Kings, it was a less wonder that they so frankly gave themselves up to Ptolemy And indeed those of the Lower Syria, have ever born a singular Veneration for the Royal House of Egypt. Wherefore, to acquire the Good Will of this Prince, they forgot no ways of Flattery, Honouring him with Crowns, and Adoring him with Sacrifices and Altars, and doing all things of that Nature.  
When Antiochus was arrived at the City that bears his Name, he dispatched Antipater his Nephew, and Theodotus Hemiolius, his Ambassadors to Ptolemy to Negotiate a Peace; being doubtful lest his Enemies should take the occasion to Attack him; and having no great Trust in the Multitude of his Subjects, by reason of his late Misfortune. He was jealous likewise, that Achoeus might make use of the Conjuncture to hurt him. As for Ptolemy, none of these Reflections employed his Thoughts, who contenting himself with unexpected Victory, and pleased with the entire Recovery of the Lower Syria, so contrary to his Hopes, manifested a much greater inclination to Peace, than in Prudence he ought, through the natural Sloth that was in him, and the other Infirmities of Mind, to which he was subject through the whole course of his Life. Wherefore as soon as Antipater, and the rest of that Commission arrived, he presently consented to a Years Truce, after having first said some menacing things, and complained of the Injuries offered him by Antiochus: Then he dispatched Sosibius to ratify the Accord; and making about three Months stay in Syria and Phoenicia, to regulate and settle the Affairs of the several Towns and Cities, he left Andromachus the Aspendian, his Governor in those Provinces, and so departed for Alexandria, with his Sister and Favourites; having put a period to the War, to the great Wonder of his Subjects, who so well knew his Life and Manners. In conclusion, after Antiochus had Ratified the Treaty of Sosibius, he prepared for the War against Achoeus, as he had before determined.  
About the same time the Rhodians, wisely improved the occasion of an Earthquake, that happened in that Island, which had Demolished their Colossus, their Ars'nal, and the greatest part of their Walls. But this Calamity, by their Wisdom, was Converted to a Benefit: So wide the difference is between the effects of thoughtless Negligence, and prudent Vigilance, whether it be in private or public Affairs: For as the one often turns the best Success into a Calamity; so the other can extract Benefit out of the greatest Disasters. Thus the Rhodians aggravating their Sufferings and Losses to the World, by Ambassadors which they sent abroad for that purpose; that what by Treating in Public, what by Private Persuasion, People (especially the Kings) were so much touched, and took so sensible a part in their Affliction, that they were not only relieved and supplied, but were Treated with such Respect, that their Benefactors reckoned themselves obliged by their own Generosity. Hiero and Gelo gave them seventy five Talents to rebuild the place of their Exercises; part of which Sum was paid down, the rest soon after. These presented them likewise with Silver Candlesticks, and other Vessels for Sacred Uses, with ten Talents for their Sacrifices, and other ten for the supply of the like Necessities; the whole Sum amounting to an hundred Talents. Furthermore, all who Navigated and Traded to Rhodes, they exempted from Public Duties and Tribute. They presented them likewise with fifty Catapults, or Cross-Bow, of three Cubits long each. In short, after they had shown their Good Will in so many Noble Expressions of Bounty, as if they themselves had been obliged, they caused two Statues to be erected in the principal Marketplace of Rhodes, where the People of that City were Crowned by those of Syracuse.  
King ptolemy likewise promised them three hundred Talents of Silver, a million of Artabes, or Measures of Wheat; Materials for building of twenty Quinqueremes, and the like number of Triremes; as namely, forty thousand Cubits of Pine-Timber, a thousand pounds' weight of Copper Money, three thousand pounds weight of Tow, three thousand Masts, three thousand Talents to re-edify their Colossus; an hundred Architects, three hundred and fifty Artificers, and fourteen Talents by the Year, to pay for their sustenance. Furthermore, he gave them ten thousand Artabes of Corn, for the expense of their Sacrifices and Exercises; and twenty thousand of the like Measures of Corn, for the Service of their Fleet. In short, the greatest part of these particulars were soon delivered, and a third part of the Money in Hand.  
Antigonus gave them ten thousand pieces of Timber, of sixteen Cubits long each piece; seven thousand Planks, of seven Cubits long each; three thousand pounds of Iron, three thousand pounds of Pitch and Rosin, and a thousand Metreta's or Measures of Tar; further, promising them a hundred Talents of Silver. Chryseis, his Wife, gave them an hundred thousand Measures of Wheat, and three thousand pounds weight of Lead. Seleucus, Father of Antiochus, gave immunity to all the Rhodians, who Navigated on the Coast of his Dominions, ten Galleys equipped for War, and two hundred thousand Measures of Corn, besides many other things of value.  
Prusias, Mithridates, and the rest of the Princes then Reigning in Asia; as Lysanias, Olympichus, and Limnoeus, made them proportionable Presents. In a word, 'tis impossible to recount the numbers of Towns, and People, who contributed to the Relief of the Rhodians, according to their Ability in that occasion. Insomuch, that whoever should have considered only, how suddenly that City risen from its Ruins, to that wonderful height of Riches and Splendour, both in Public and Private, would be struck with astonishment. But when consideration is had to its Commodity of Situation, and th● superfluity of all things that were supplied them from abroad, that they might be sure to want for nothing; their flourishing State, and the Felicity to which they so soon arrived, will then cease to surprise us, and rather defeat our Expectations.  
We have a little enlarged on this Subject, to exemplify the Rhodians Love to their Commonwealth, who have shown themselves worthy of Praise from all Men, and are an excellent Example for imitation. And this we have taken the liberty the rather to say, to the end that both Princes and People may consider and see how the Minds of Men are shrunk, and how little the Liberalities of our Days appear, when compared with the Munificence of our Forefathers; and to the end that when they have extended a small Favour, they may not exalt their own Generosity, and for little Acts of Grace, exact Remunerations and Honours, equal to what was due to Kings of Old; and that by weighing rightly either's Merit, neither may want his due.  
About the beginning of Summer, Agetas being Praetor of the Aetolians, and the Elder Aratus Elected to that Magistracy by the Achaians, being now entered on his Charge, (I think at least, 'twas there we broke off our Discourse of the Social War) Lycurgus the Spartan returning home from Aetolia, being recalled by the Ephori, who had found the Information false on which the Sentence of his Banishment was grounded, (he I say) in conjunction with Pyrrhias the Aetolian, who was at that time the Elean Praetor, resolved to fall on the Lands of the Messenians. Aratus, in the mean time, found the Achaean Mercenaries corrupted by Idleness, and decay of Discipline, and the Cities indisposed to contribute towards the War, through the default of Eperatus, who had but ill discharged his Office of Praetor. Wherefore after fit Exhortations to the Achaians, and wresting from them by force, as it were, a Decree for his purpose, he applied himself with his best diligence to prepare to prosecute the War. The Achaians Decreed to entertain eight thousand Mercenary Stranger Foot, and five hundred Horse; and that they should levy at home three thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse; and that to complete that number, the Megalopolitans should contribute three hundred Foot, called Chalcaspides, from their bearing Brass-Bucklers, and fifty Horse; and that the Argians should furnish the like number. It was further Decreed, that they should fit out a Fleet, and that three Ships should be sent towards Acta, and the Gulf of Argos; and three to hover about Patrae and Dymas, and the Seas in the Neighbourhood.  
While Aratus was busied in these Affairs, and making Provision for the War, Lycurgus and Pyrrhias led their Troops into the Territory of Messenia, having concerted by their Agents about the time they were to move with their Armies into the Field. But Aratus getting notice of their purpose, took with him the Mercenaries, to whom he joined some chosen Troops, and with these Marched away in haste to secure the Messenians, and to proceed to Megalopolis. In the interim, Lycurgus takes Calamas, a Messenian Town, by Intelligence; from whence he prosecuted his March to join the Aetolians. But Pyrrhias, having drawn but a small Force out of Elea, was Encountered by the Messenians on their Frontiers, and worsted, and so compelled to retire home again. Whereupon Lycurgus, defeated in his Hopes of increasing his strength by that addition, and not having Force sufficient of his own to put his Design in effect, after he had Foraged the Enemy's Country, and done them what damage he was able, with the little strength he had, returned back to Sparta, having done nothing worth mention.  
The Enemy thus disappointed, Aratus who was provident to foresee the future, prevailed with Taurion to order out fifty Horse, and five hundred Foot, enjoining the Messenians to provide the like number; with which Force, he proposed to defend the Frontiers of the Messenians, Megalopolitans, Tegaeans, and Argians: For that these Countries, lying in the Neighbourhood of Laconia, whenever the Lacedæmonians wage War in Peloponnesus, stand exposed to the first shock of the Enemy. As to the Lands of Achaia, that lie towards Elea and Aetolia, those he resolved to defend with his Mercenaries, joining with them some Achaean Troops.  
Aratus, having put his Affairs in this posture, dismissed the Megalopolitans home, by a Decree of the Achaians; for that having not long before been forced to leave their Country entirely ruined by Cleomenes; and albeit they were poor, and in no condition to do any thing, Public or Private, nevertheless they possessed still the same Courage and Greatness of Mind. But this begat great Disorders and Dissensions among them, as it seldom ●ails to happen in States or Private Families, when pinched with Poverty, and deprived of means to Prosecute what they would design. First, a Contention arose about the Structure of the Walls of their Town; some were for confining it to straighter limits, and so to build, that when they should come to erect the Walls, they might compass it without difficulty, and that in case of Hostility they might the better defend it. These remonstrating that their Town had not been lost, nor they undone by the Enemy, but through the overgreat circuit of their Walls, and their want of numbers to Man them. Furthermore, they proposed that the Rich, who had Possessions and Inheritances, should contribute the third part of their Estates towards the repeopling the Town. Others were of a different Opinion, neither yielding to build the Town less than it was, nor thinking it reasonable that the rich should so contribute. But the Dispute was heightened on occasion of the Laws of Pritanis, a Person of great Fame; who had been bred among the Peripatetics, and was sent by Antigonus to be their Legislator. But Aratus at length composed these Differences, and bringing them to Reason by all the Arts he could, entirely reconciled them; and had the Articles of Accord engraven and placed on a Column near the Altar of Vestoe.  
As soon as Aratus had united the Megalopolitans, he departed to go to the Assembly of the Achaians, leaving the Mercenaries to the leading of Lycus the Pharoean, who was at that time Propraetor of the Country. The Eleans, who were not pleased with Pyrrhias, procured to have his Place filled by Euripidas, who came to them from Aetolia; he taking the occasion of the Assembly of the Achaians, drew out two thousand Foot and threescore Horse, and led them into the Territory of Pharoea, plundering and spoiling all along as he marched as far as the Frontiers of the Aegeans, and having got much Booty, retired to Leontium, Lycus receiving Intelligence of what had passed, marched out and got before him, with design to make him quit his Plunder; and Attacking him, killed above four hundred of his Party, and took two hundred Prisoners; among whom were Physsias, Antanor, Clearchus, Euanoridas, Aristogiton, Nicasippus, and Aspasius, all Men of note; taking over and above, their Arms and Baggage. At the same time the General of the Achaean Fleet, sailing to Melycria, took there no less than an hundred Prisoners; and after his return, he transported a Body of Troops to attempt Chalcea, the Inhabitants of which Town immediately Sallying out against him; nevertheless, he took two of their Ships with all their Men aboard; he made Prize likewise of a Brigandine near Rhium, with all the Soldiers and Rowers that were in her. And in that Expedition he took much Plunder both by Sea and Land, which produced a great Sum of Money, and so great plenty of Provision, that the Soldiers took better heart, in prospect of better Pay; and the People assurance to think, they should be now exempt from Taxes and Contributions towards the War.  
And now it came to pass that Scerdilaidas, conceiving himself abused by King Philip, a good part of the Money that was due by the Stipulations that were concluded between them, being with held from him, fitted out a Squadron of fifteen Ships, with orders to take by reprisal, what by agreement was his due. This Squadron came to the Port of Leucas, where on account of old Friendship they were well received; and here indeed they acted no Hostility, having no occasion given them. They took only Agathynus and Cassander of Corinth, who arrived at the Port in Vessels belonging to Taurion, and as Friends adventured into the Harbour; but these seizing the four Vessels, and making them Prisoners, sent them away to Scerdilaidas, Ships and all. From thence they made sail for Malea, plundering all the Merchant's Vessels they met in their way.  
And now Harvest approaching, and Taurion taking no thought for supplying those Towns we mentioned with Succours, Aratus therefore with a chosen Band of Soldiers marched to assist the Argians in their Harvest; and Euripidas drew out his Aetolians to Forage the Lands of Tritoea. But Lycus and Demodochus, Generals of the Achaean Horse, coming to understand that the Aetolians were marched out of Elea, immediately gathered a Body of Troops out of Dymas, Patroe, and Pharoea, whom joining with the Mercenaries they had with them, they marched and fell on the Lands of the Eleans; and drawing near to a Place called Phyxium, they ordered their Horse and light-armed Troops to Forage the Country, concealing the rest of their Forces in the forementioned place; whereupon the Eleans marched all out against those that spoiled the Country, and pursued them who seemed to fly. Lycus in the mean time rises from his Ambush and attacks them, whom not able to withstand, but facing about at the first sight of them, the Achaians cut off to the number of two hundred, took about fourscore Prisoners, and so marched home in safety with all their Booty. He who commanded the Achaean Fleet likewise, making several descents on the Coast of Calydon and Naupactus, pillaged at pleasure all along the Country, and charged and routed in two occasions the Forces that came to the relief: In one of which he took Cleonicus of Naupactus Prisoner, who was soon enlarged without Ransom, as being a favourer of the Achaians, wherefore he was not sold with the rest on his being taken.  
At the same time, Agetas the Aetolian Praetor raised an Army out of his own Nation, with which marching into the Lands of the Acarnanians, after he had taken much Plunder, he made Inroads and Foraged the Country of Epirus, and then returned home, and dismissed the Aetolians to their several Towns. Upon this the Acarnanians invaded the Territory of Stratus, where being surprised with a causeless Terror, they retreated back with shame, howbeit without loss; the Countrypeople who made head against them, fearing to pursue them, jealous that their ●light had been only to draw them into an Ambush. At the same time a piece of mock-Treason was acted in Phanotis, which was managed after this manner; Alexander, whom Philip had placed his Governor in Phocis, contrived with Jason, whom he had made Governor of Phanotis, this stratagem to catch the Aetolians; he made Jason treat with Agetas, the Aetolian Praetor, about the betraying to him the Citadel of that Place, which by Oath he confirmed; whereupon Agetas coming with his Aetolians thither, and at the time concerted between them, chose out an hundred of the best Men of his Party, and sent them towards the Fort, while himself with the rest remained concealed not far off. Jason, who had Alexander himself in the Town ready to sally to his assistance, admitted (pursuant to the agreement) the Aetolians into the Citadel; whereupon Alexander immediately entering, surprised and took them. Agetas coming to understand by Morning what had happened, marched back with his Army; having been catched in the same Snare by which he had often taken others, being singular in those kinds of dishonest Arts.  
During these Transactions in Greece, King Philip took the Town of Bylazor in Poeonia, which place commanded so entirely the way by which we go from Dardania into Macedon, that becoming Master thereof, he became thereby safe against all Attempts of the Dardanians; it being very difficult to invade Macedon, after Philip had got this Place into his possession, which gave him all the Inlets to that Country. As soon as he had strengthened it with a good Garrison, he dispatched Chrysogonus with expedition, to conduct a Body of new-raised Troops out of the Upper Macedon; going himself to Edesa with those he had raised in Bottia and Amphaxitis. And as soon as Chrysogonus returned with his Macedonians, he marched and came in six Days to Larissa; from whence continuing his march Night and Day, with reposing as little as possible by the way, he came before Melitea, which place he attempted to take by Scalade; while those within were so terrified at an Attack so surprising, that he had mastered the Town with little difficulty, had not their Ladders been too short. In which Matter their Officers were greatly to blame; for what is more reproachable, than to come rashly to the Assault of a Town or Fortress, without preparation of every necessary thing? As a right knowledge of the height of the Walls, and the like proper Information, whereby to strengthen their assurance of Success. Who will not therefore condemn these of Negligence and want of Foresight? Or, having themselves taken wrong measures, and committed it to others to pursue their mistakes in providing Ladders and other Machine's, which are contriv●d and prepared without difficulty, and are of indispensible use in such Erterprises; who, I say, can excuse them of being Authors of their own Shame and Reproach, who conceive such Orders? And what is more certain, than to see in these occasions every omission of our Duty punished? For the Error is no sooner committed when we see the Damage, and feel the Effects, which appear in divers manners. First, the bravest and most forward Men are hereby most exposed, who being by this means compelled to retire, the Enemy recovers heart and attacks them with assurance, and pursues them with advantage. This is confirmed by infinite Examples; for of those, who are forced to retire in such occasions, we shall find more to perish, and be reduced to the utmost perils than to escape. And it must be confessed, that such as act thus weakly contract to themselves the misfortune of never being afterwards trusted; incur a lasting hatred among the Soldiers, and teach the Enemy to be more on his guard. And such Errors do not only admonish the Spectators how to improve them, but afford instruction to those who hear the relation. Wherefore all Officers and Leaders, who shall be engaged in the Conduct of the like Erterprises, be hereby taught to proceed more regardfully. Nor is it difficult, by the help of a very little Science, to be Master of the means, whereby to compass exactly such heights and measures, as import us to know with assurance, when we have such designs to prosecute. But let us resume our Discourse, referring to another place what we purpose to deliver for the instruction of those who would not be deceived when they engage in Actions of this nature.  
King Philip, hopeless of succeeding in his purpose here, drew off and encamped his Army along the River Enipeus; ordering to be brought from Larissa, and the other Towns, all such Stores and Provisions of War, as during the Winter he had caused to be provided for the service of Sieges and attacking of Towns; his main design in the Expedition being to attempt the City of Thebes, called Phthiotis. This place is situate near the Sea, distant about eight and thirty Miles from Larissa. 'Tis a Frontier of Magnesia and Thessaly. The Territory borders on Magnesia on the side towards Demetrias; on Thessaly, towards that quarter that is inhabited by the Pharsalians and Pheroeans. But forasmuch as the Aetolians were now Masters of that Country, and from thence made incessant Inroads, they greatly annoyed those of Demetrius, the Pharsalians and Larissoeans, spoiling and plundering as far as a place called the Fields of Amyricus. Wherefore Philip, concluding the Enterprise to be worth his while, resolved to spare no application whereby to become Master of that place. In order to which, he had provided an hundred and fifty extraordinary Catapults, and five and twenty other Engines for casting of Stones, and so marched and sat down before Thebes; and forming his Army into three Divisions, took possession of the nearest Posts to the Town; one Division being posted on the Ground near Scopius, another about Heliotropius, and the third possessed an Eminence that looks into the Town. These three Camps he united by Lines of Communication, which he fortified with wooden Redoubts, standing at about an hundred Paces distant one from another, wherein he placed good Guards for their defence. Then securing all his Stores and Equipage of War in one place, he caused his Machine's to be drawn out.  
During the first three Days, the Inhabitants showed great assurance by the brave resistance they made, whereby the Works advanced but little; but after by incessant Attacks, which kept them continually in action, and a mighty number of Darts and Stones that had been cast into the Town, whereby the better half of the Besieged were either killed or wounded, their Resolution began to fail, and the Macedonians with more success, advanced with their Mines. Howbeit, tho' they wrought with their utmost diligence, they were five Days gaining the foot of the Wall, the Ground proving so difficult. But in the end, by working without intermission Night and Day, relieving each other by Parties, they had sapped about two hundred paces of the Wall, which they sustained by strong Posts or Props of Timber. But it so happened, that these Props being not of sufficient strength to sustain the Burden, the Wall fell, before the Macedonians could apply Fire to consume them, as was their Custom. Then they wrought a Mine under the Ruins, to make a passage into the Town; but as soon as the Thebans perceived the Enemy preparing to force their entrance, they yielded. Philip by this success having secured the Frontiers of Thessaly and Magnesia, and taken much Booty from the Aetolians, his Army came then to confess, That Leontius had justly suffered; for it was now evident, That he had not done his Duty as he ought, with the strength he had at the Siege of Palaea.  
Philip thus becoming Master of Thebes, sold the Inhabitants, and repeopling it with a Colony of Macedonians, changed its Name to Philippi. Thus having succeeded in all his Erterprises, new Ambassadors came to him to treat about a Peace, on the part of the Rhodians; also from Chios, the Byzantines, and from Ptolemy himself. But Philip replied, as he had done before, That he held the same disposition to give a period to the War, willing them to apply to the Aetolians, to know their purpose; but that in the interim he was resolved to pursue his Erterprises. In order to which, receiving intelligence that the Ships of Scerdilaidas infested the Sea about Malea; that they treated all the Trading-Vessels as Enemies; and that contrary to the Treaty, they had seized some of his own Subjects Ships in the Port of Leucas. He therefore Embarking on the Euripus with a Fleet of fifty Sail great and small; some equipped for War, others Vessels of Burden; with this force pursued with great diligence the Illyrians, persevering in his purpose to press the War against the Aetolians, being yet totally ignorant of Occurrences in Italy: For about the time that Philip held Thebes besieged, the Romans were beaten in Tuscany by Hannibal, the news whereof had not yet reached Greece. Philip coming too late to attack the Illyrian Fleet, sailed to Cenchrea, from whence he sent his Vessels of War to cruize on the Coast of Malea, towards Aegium and Patroe, ordering his other Ships to steer towards Lechoeum by the Cape of Peloponnesus, with instructions there to remain at Anchor, while he himself, accompanied with his Friends and Favourites, made haste to Argos, to be present at the Nemoean Games; at which time he received Letters from Macedon, imparting the news of the Romans Defeat in a great Battle, and that Hannibal was Master of all without their Retrenchments. This news Philip communicates to Demetrius of Pharus, and to no other, to whom he enjoined all possible secrecy. Demetrius' glad of the occasion, advised him thereupon to give a period to the Aetolian War, with what expedition he could; but his Opinion was, That he should prosecute his Design against the Illyrians, and prepare his Thoughts for an Expedition into Italy. He persuaded him, that such a Design would win him the Obedience of the whole Greek Nation for the time to come, that the Achaians would submit through the Affection they bore him, and the Aetolians through fear, after the many Calamities they suffered by the War: That Italy, and his Voyage thither, would be his first step to the universal Dominion, to which none had so great Right to pretend; and that the present Distresses of the Romans was a fair and most favourable occasion to incite him to the Enterprise.  
Thus did Demetrius easily work on Philip, who was yet but young, and whose Affairs Fortune had hitherto espoused; whose Mind was great, and he of a Race, that I, by I know not what kind of Destiny, above all others, yielded with case to the transportments of acquiring the Universal Dominion. Philip for the present, I say, communicated the news he had received to none but Demetrius: But soon after assembling his Friends, he fell to deliberate about a Peace with the Aetolians; to which Aratus appeared well enough disposed; weighing, that by how much they had the better in the War, by so much was it likely they should better their Terms in a Treaty of Peace. Wherefore, without attending the arrival of Ambassadors, who were to act in that Negotiation, he dispatched to the Aetolians Cleonicus of Naupactus, whom he found attending the Assembly of the Achaians, and where he had remained ever since he had been taken Prisoner. Then taking with him what Ships he found at Cor●nth, he went with his Land Forces to Aegium: But the better to hid his Inclinations to a Peace, he advanced towards Las●on; and taking a small Fortress that was built on the Ruins of that Place, made show of a purpose to seize on Elea. After Cleonicus had made two or three Journeys backward and forward, the Aetolians demanded a Conference, to which Philip consented. And having now his Mind totally weaned from the War, he dispatched Letters to the respective Cities of the Confederacy, exhorting them to hasten their Deputies to the Assembly, to deliberate together about Peace. In the interim, he embarked his Army for Panormus, a Port-Town of Peloponnesus, lying against Naupactus, where he Encamped, resolving to attend the Arrival of the Ambassadors, who were to compose the Assembly. But he went himself to Zacynthus, where he stayed till he had notice of their meeting, and then returned, after he had first by his single Authority settled the Affairs of that Island.  
As soon as the Assembly was full, King Philip dispatched Aratus, Taurion, and certain others who had accompanied them to the Aetolians, who at the same time held a General Assembly of their States at Naupactus, whither the Ambassadors likewise came; and after some Conference, whereby they became assured of the Aetolians being sincerely disposed to a Peace, they returned to impart the News to Philip. But the Aetolians being in good earnest to put a period to that War, accompanied them with their own Ambassadors, to persuade the King to come over with his Army into Aetolia, to the end they might by conference give an issue to the Affair, which would be expedited with greater ease, when he should be so near. Philip moved by their Entreaties, passed over with his Troops, and came to a place within less than a League of Naupactus, where he Encamped; and securing his Army and Fleet with a good Retrenchment there, attended the result of their Debates. In the mean while, the Aetolians came flocking to them in Multitudes, confidently and without Arms. And because the place of Treaty was not above a quarter of a Mile from Philip's Camp, they held continual intercourse with him, by Persons impower'd by them to treat; and after a while, the King sent to them the whole Body of the Confederate Ambassadors, with Instructions to to yield a Peace with the Aetolians, on condition principally, that each Party should be confirmed in the possession of the Places then held. After the Aetolians had declared their Consent to the Proposition, they entered into Debates touching the Articles that had regard to each one in particular: But of that we shall make no mention, as containing little of Importance, and shall only recite the Terms of a Remonstrance, made by Agelaus of Naupactus, to the King and the Confederates, on their opening the Assembly.  
He told them, that nothing so much imported the Greeks, as to shun all occasions of War among themselves; and that they ought to render Thanks to the Gods, that becoming now of one Mind, and leading each other as it were by the hand, like those who ford a River, they have obtained a prospect of uniting in the general Defence of themselves and their Cities against the Barbarians, whose Designs they had so much cause to apprehend. That albeit they should not be able to give perpetuity to the present Union among the Greeks, it behoved them at least in that Conjuncture, to agree as one Man in the preservation of their Common Safety; since none could be ignorant of the strength of the Barbarians, and the mighty War they were like to have on their hands with that People. That none, how unacquainted soever in the Affairs of the Commonwealth, but must discern, that nothing was more probable, than that whether the Carthaginians vanquished the Romans, or the Romans the Carthaginians, in the present War, the Conquerors would not rest satisfied with the Dominion of Italy, or Sicily, but prosecute their Designs further than they would be willing; and at length as far as Greece itself: Wherefore he exhorted them, especially King Philip, to have an eye to the Danger that threatened them; that the Task would not be insuperable, if instead of impairing the Forces of the Greeks, as he had hitherto done; and rendering them by that means an easier Prey to their Enemies; he would now lay their Affairs to heart, and do for them as for himself, and act in behalf of the whole Greek Nation, as if Greece were his Inheritance. That if he so conducted his Councils, he should have no cause to doubt of acquiring the general Affection of that People; of being by them abetted, and assisted, in all his Designs; and that Foreigners, terrified at the Firmness of their Fidelity to him, would be cautious how they invaded him. That if his Mind was bend on great Erterprises, and he thirsted after Glory, he should extend his Prospect towards the West, and contemplate the War that had set all Italy in a flame; that he should watch the Event, and improve it to his advantage; and when Time should ripen his Affairs, generously aspire to the Dominion of the World. That the present Conjuncture did not impugn that Design. In conclusion, he prayed him, that if it were so that he had any remains of Displeasure against any of the Greeks, which might dispose him to new Hostilities, he would respite his Purpose to a Season of more leisure, and so provide that it might be always in his Power to renew, and give a period to the War with them. For if once he suffered the Tempest that was gathering in the West to reach Greece, it might justly be feared, that all these Treaties, Leagues, and Wars, which, as it were in pastime, had hitherto entertained them, would be then so little in their choice, that they might come one day to ascribe it to the great Favour of the Gods, to be able to determine among themselves of Peace and War; and to have it equally in their power, as their Wish, to be Judges of their own Differences.  
This Speech of Agelaus prevailed with the Confederates, especially King Philip, to desire the Peace more earnestly. For he, who was already shaken by the Counsels of Demetrius, heard nothing from Agelaus that did not sort to his purpose. Wherefore after he had adjusted the Conditions with the Aetolians, and signed the Treaty, every one returned home, carrying with them Peace in exchange for War. These things came to pass, namely, the Defeat of the Romans in Tuscany, the War of Antiochus for the Lower Syria, and the Peace of King Philip, and the Achaians, with the Aetolians, in the third Year of the Hundred and fortieth Olympiad; about which time it was, that the Affairs of Italy and afric began to mix and have relation with those of Greece. For after this, neither K. Philip, nor any of the Greek Princes, formed any Design, or amused themselves about Peace or War in Greece; but all had their Eyes fixed on Italy, as the Object of every one's Attention. And it was not long before the several People inhabiting the Isles of Asia, acted the same part; for those who could not brook the growing Greatness of Philip, and others who had any Contests with Attalus, had no more recourse to Antiochus or Ptolemy, to Southern or Eastern Princes, but had their Prospect Westwards; some sending their Ambassadors to the Carthaginians, others to the Romans. In like sort, the Romans themselves, awakened by the Power and Prowess of King Philip, and being willing to obviate betimes the Danger that might grow from that Prince's Enmity, who might add new Evils to those which already sorely pressed them on all sides; resolved to dispatch Ambassadors into Greece. But forasmuch as we have already clearly explained, at what time, by what means, and what Counsels the Affairs of Greece came to be interwoven with those of Italy and afric; after we shall have continued to relate the Transactions of Greece, to the time when the Romans were defeated at Cannoe, where we broke off our Discourse of the Occurrences of Italy, we purpose to finish this Book.  
As soon as the Peace was ratified, and the Achaians had created Timoxenus their Praetor, they returned to their old Manners and course of Life; and the rest of the Towns of Peloponnesus, in like sort, fell to repair their public and private Damages, to cultivate their Ground, re-edify their Altars, establish their Worship, and restore their Laws and Customs. All which had been near utterly ruined and made desolate through the long War they had sustained: It having been the fate of the Peloponnesians, (who of all others are most disposed to a Life of Ease and Tranquillity) to enjoy less of that Blessing than their Neighbours; and of whom it may be said with Euripides, Whose Life with War and endless Toil, is vexed.  
Nor is it more than what in my Judgement seems reasonable to expect should befall them; for what is more probable, than that a People aspiring after Dominion, jealous of their Liberty, and who would yield Precedence to none, should be ever embroiled in Hostilities. One would have thought that the Athenians, after they were delivered from their Fears of the Macedonians, should have been at case, and established their Security on sure and lasting Foundations; yet so it happened, that giving themselves up to the Counsels and Conduct of Euryclidas and Micyon, and secluding themselves from the Society of the other Cities of Greece; what Flatteries, what Decrees of Honours and Praise (led by the Weakness of their Governors) did they heap on the Neighbouring Kings, especially Ptolemy, without regard to Decency or their own Honour, through the Folly of those who administered their Affairs! Ptolemy had no sooner composed his Affairs in Syria, when he became obliged to wage a new War in his own Dominions. For after that Prince had put the Egyptians in Arms against Antiochus, wherein he was not ill-advised, if regard only were to be had to the occasion that then pressed him; the sequel showed, that nothing could have been more pernicious with respect to the future. For the Egyptians growing proud and overweening of their Strength, after the Victory at Raphia, grew to withdraw their Obedience from the King; and conceiving their Power sufficient to withstand him, waited only for a fit Person to head them, to proceed to a Rebellion; and in short, did rebel soon after.  
Antiochus, who, during Winter, had made mighty Provision for the War, early in the Spring passed over Mount Taurus; and entering into League with Attalus, prosecuted the War against Achoeus. The Aetolians, to whom the War had not proved so fortunate as they had hoped, were for a while well enough pleased with Peace; and, on that Consideration, they chose Agelaus of Naupactus Praetor, whom they believed to have been mainly instrumental in the Pacification between them and the Achaians; nevertheless, it was not long before that Peace distasted them, and their Complaints broke out against Agelaus; murmuring, that they had now lost all occasions of bettering their Fortune, and enriching themselves by the Spoils of Strangers; and were become hopeless for the time to come, the Peace not being particular with some few Towns, but with the whole Greek Nation. But their Praetor, with wise Patience, enduring their foolish Reproaches, so moderated those Heats, that they submitted to his Authority, tho' with repugnance enough.  
As soon as the Peace was ratified, King Philip returned by Sea to Macedon; where finding that Scerdilaidas, who had already seized certain Vessels in the Port of Leucas, had lately plundered Pissoeum, a Town of Pelagonia, with the same Proetext as before, of paying himself the Money that remained due; that he had further drawn to his Party the Towns of Dassaretis; that by Promises he had allured the People of Phoebatis; as, namely, Antipatria, Chrysondiona, and Gertunta; and had made Inroads on the Macedonians: Philip therefore first led his Troops against the revolted Towns, with Resolution however not to delay his march against Scerdilaidas, judging it to be of great moment to compose the Affairs of Illyria, in order to the Erterprises he had conceived, especially his Voyage into Italy. For Demetrius had so kindled his Ambition, that it became his meditation Night and Day, and was the subject of his Dreams, talking in his sleep of a War in Italy. While yet these Instigations grew not from the Love he bore to Philip, whose Affairs he little considered, but from his Hatred to the Romans, and a Regard to his own Ends, conceiving there was now no other means left him, whereby to regain his Dominion of the Island of Pharus. In conclusion, Philip departing with his Army, recovered the Places we mentioned, together with Creonium, and Gerunte in Dassaretis: And besides those, Enchelanoe, Cerax, Station, and Boei, near the Lake Lychnidius. Furthermore, he made himself Master of Bantia, in the Territory of Calicoeni, and Orgysum on the Frontiers of the Pissantines; and after these Successes, marched his Horse into Winter Quarters. It was during the same Winter that Hannibal, having spoiled the best part of Italy, held his Quarters in Apulia near Gerijon, at which time Lucius Aemylius, and Terentius Varro, were created Consuls at Rome.  
King Philip, in the mean time, calculating, that to further the Erterprises he was projecting, he should stand in need of a good Supply of Ships and Seamen; not that he conceived himself a Match for the Romans by Sea, but to enable him to embark and transport his Troops, where he should think it best, whereby to take the Enemy by surprise, and when they least suspected him: Wherefore, finding the Vessels of the Illyrian Fashion were properest for his use, he caused forthwith an hundred of that sort to be built; and was one of the first Macedonian King's who had ordered so great a Fleet to be provided. After he had rigged and equipped them with all things necessary, he assembled his Troops about the beginning of Summer; and when he had exercised his Macedonians a while in the Use of the Oar, he put to Sea. This was about the time that Antiochus marched over Mount Taurus.  
After Philip had passed down the Euripus with his Army, and doubled the Cape of Malea, he arrived near Leucas, sailing by Cephallenia; when taking Harbour, he remained watching the Motions of the Roman Fleet, having a careful eye to every thing. But as soon as he became assured, that the Fleet at Lilybaeum remained still at an Anchor, he weighed, and stood off to Sea, steering as if he were bound for Apollonia. But after they had passed the Mouth of the River Loius, (or rather Aous) which runs by the Walls of Apollonia, the Fleet was on the sudden terrified with a panic Fear, such as usually surprises Armies by Land. It seems some of the Vessels in the Rear, who had touched in a Port of a certain Island, called Saso, lying at the entrance of the Ionian Sea, came up in the Night with the King to let him know, That by certain Vessels that came out of the Sea of Sicily, and arrived at the same Port, they were assured, that they had le●t the Roman Fleet at Rhegium, and that they were making the best of their way for Apollonia, with Orders to join Scerdilaidas. Philip therefore apprehending the Roman Fleet to be at hand, took the Alarm, and in a fright stood about with his Fleet, and returned from whence he came, his Ships sailing dispersed, and without any order. The next Morning arriving at Cephallenia, and being recovered from his Fear, he told his People, That certain Affairs, that imported him to negotiate in Peloponnesus, had made him change his Purpose. The News however that had so terrified Philip, was not entirely false; for Scerdilaidas being informed of Philip's great Naval Preparations during the Winter, had concluded that his Design was to fall on him: He had therefore given advice thereof to the Romans, and prayed Succours from them; so that the Romans had sent him ten Vessels out of the Fleet at Lilybaeum, which Squadron was seen at Rhegium as they passed by: And if Philip's Surprise had been less, he might have succeeded better in his Illyrian Expedition. Furthermore, it is not improbable but that the Romans themselves, who were humbled by their Loss at Cannoe, might have fallen into his hands: But being terrified at the News, he made the best of his way to Macedon; without Loss indeed, but not without Reproach.  
But what Prusias ' did about the same time, merits to be recorded to his great Honour: Those Gauls whom Attalus had drawn out of Europe (having an extraordinary Opinion of their Bravery) to prosecute the War against Achoeus, having deserted his Service, for Reasons we have elsewhere noted, fell to spoil and plunder the Towns about the Hellespont, wherein they proceeded with great Violence and Cruelty; and coming to lay siege to the Ilians, the Alexandrians, who inhabited the neighbouring Country, behaved themselves with great Reputation on that occasion; for sending out Themistas' at the head of four thousand Men, he did not only raise the Siege, but forced the Enemy quite our of the Trojan Territory, by cutting off their Convoys, and opposing other ways their Designs.  
Afterwards the Gauls, having taken Arisba, a Town of the Abydenians, attempted other Places of that Country, vexing them with continual Hostilities. Wherefore Prusias marched at the head of an Army to attack them; and giving them Battle, gained a memorable Victory, where they were all cut off, their Wives and Children only escaping to their Camp. The Spoil he gave to his victorious Soldiers, and by that Success delivered the Peloponnesians from their Fears, and the great Danger that threatened them; and instructed those Barbarians by that Example, to be cautious for the future how they adventured out of Europe into Asia. The Affairs of Greece and Asia then were in the posture we have related. As to Italy, after the Battle of Cannoe, the People, both of the Towns and Country, for the most part, gave themselves up to Hannibal, as we have already observed.  
But having now summarily recorded the Occurrences of the Hundred and Fortieth Olympiad, we will here give a period to that History; and after we shall have made a short Recital in the follow Book, of what hath been delivered in this, we purpose to treat about the Form of the Roman Commonwealth.   
Finis Liber V.