Archaeologiae Graecae: OR, THE ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE. By JOHN POTTER, M. A. and Fellow of Lincoln College, OXON. Sheldonian Theatre OXFORD, Printed at the THEATER, for Timothy Child at the White-hart, and John Jones at the Dolphin and Crown, in St. Paul's Churchyard, LONDON. AD. MDCXCIX. Archaeologiae Graecae: OR, THE ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE. VOLUME THE SECOND: CONTAINING I. The Military Affairs of the GRECIANS: II. Some of their Miscellany Customs. — Simili frondescit virga metallo. Virgil. Quis reprehendet nostrum otium, qui in eo non modo nosmetipsos hebescere & languere nolumus, sed etiam, ut plurimis prosimus, enitimur? Cicero. OXFORD, Printed at the THEATER, for Timothy Child at the White-hart, and john jones at the Dolphin and Crown, in St. Paul's Churchyard, LONDON. A. D. MDCXCIX. Imprimatur, Samuel FITZ-HERBERT ADAMS, Vicecan, Oxon. THE CONTENTS. BOOK III. CHAP. I. Of the Wars, Valour, Military Glory, etc. of the Ancient Grecians. pag. 1. CHAP. II. Of their Levies, Pay, &c of Soldiers. 6. CHAP. III. Of the different sorts of Soldiers. 10. CHAP. IU. Of the Graecian Arms and Weapons, with their Military Apparel. 20. CHAP. V. Of the Officers in the Athenian and Lacedaemonian Armies. 56. CHAP. VI Of the several Divisions, and Forms of the Graecian Army, with other Military Terms. 61. CHAP. VII. Of their manner of making Peace, and declaring Wa●, their Ambassadors, etc. 71. CHAP. VIII. Of their Camps, Guards, Watches, and Military course of Life. 77. CHAP. IX. Of their Battles, the General's Harangues, the Sacrifices, Music, Signals, Ensigns, the Word, and Way of ending Wars by single Combat, etc. 81. CHAP. XX. Of their Sieges, with the most remarkable of their Inventions, and Engines used therein. 97. CHAP. CXI. Of the Slain, and their Funerals. 107. CHAP. CXII. Of their Booty taken in War, their Gratitude to the Gods after Victory, their Trophies, etc. 116. CHAP. XIIII Of their Military Punishments, and Rewards, with their manner of conveying Intelligence. 125. CHAP. XIV Of the Invention, and different sort of Ships. 129. CHAP. XV. Of the Parts, Ornaments, etc. of Ships. 135. CHAP. XVI. Of the Tackling, and Instruments required in Navigation. 141. CHAP. XVII. Of the Instruments of War in Ships. 147. CHAP. XVIII. Of the Mariners, and Soldiers. 149. CHAP. XIX. Of the Naval Officers. 155. CHAP. XX. Of their Voyages, Harbours, etc. 160. CHAP. XXI. Of their Engagements, etc. by Sea. 167. CHAP. XXII. Of the Spoils, Military Rewards, Punishments, etc. 171. BOOK XIV. CHAP. I. Of the Care the Grecians had of Funerals, and of Persons destitute thereof. 173. CHAP. II. Of the Ceremonies in Sickness, and Death. 188. CHAP. III. Of the Ceremonies before the Funeral. 195. CHAP. IU. Of their Funeral Processions. 206. CHAP. V. Of their Mourning for the Dead. 212. CHAP. VI Of their manner of Interring, and Burning the Dead. 225. CHAP. VII. Of their sepulchers, Monuments, Cenotaphia, etc. 237. CHAP. VIII. Of their Funeral Orations, Games, Lustrations, Entertainments, Consecrations, and other Honours of the Dead, etc. 247. CHAP. IX. Of their Love of Boys. 262. CHAP. X. Of their Customs in expressing their Love, their Love-potions, Incantations, etc. 266. CHAP. XI. Of their Marriages. 285. CHAP. XII. Of their Divorces, Adulteries, Concubines, and Harlots. 320. CHAP. XIII. Of the Consinement, and Employments of their Women 335. CHAP. XIV. Of their Customs in Childbearing, and managing Infants. 343. CHAP. XV. Of their different sorts of Children, Wills, Inheritances, the Duties of Children to their Parents, etc. 362. Archaeologiae Graecae: OR, THE ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE. BOOK III. CHAPTER I. Of the Wars, Valour, Military Glory, etc. of the Ancient Grecians. THE ancient Grecians were an innocent and unpolished sort of Mortals, wholly unacquainted with the modern, and more refined Arts of War and Peace. Persons of the highest Birth and Quality, and whom they phansyed to be descended from the Race of the Immortal Gods, had little other business to employ their Hours, beside tilling the Earth, or feeding their Flocks and Herds; and the rapine of these, or some other petty Concerns, which was looked on as a generous and heroical Exploit, occasioned most of the Wars: so famous in their Story. Achilles in Homer tells Agamemnon, that 'twas purely to oblige him, he had engaged himself in so long and dangerous a War against the Trojans, from whom he had never received any just cause of Quarrel, having never been despoiled of his Oxen, or Horses, or had the Fruits of his Ground destroyed by them (a) Iliad. ●. v. 152. : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For tho' I here against warlike Trojans fight, 'Tis not to vindicate my injured Right; Since they by impious Theft have ne'er detained My Oxen, Horses, or on Pthia's Land Destroyed my Fruits; for me, the craggy Way O'er pathless Mountains, and the boisterous Sea Secure from what Invasion they would make: But 'tis, ungrateful Man, 'tis for thy sake, T' advance thy Triumphs that I hither come, That thou with greater State may'st lord it home. Mr. Hutchin. And the simplicity of their Conduct may be sufficiently evinced, as from several other Instances, so by those especially, where an Achilles, a Hector, or an Ajax are introduced opposing themselves to vast Numbers, and by the force of their own Valour putting to flight whole Squadrons of their Enemies. Nor is the Poet to be thought blame-worthy, or to have transgressed the rules of probability in such Relations; which, tho' perhaps strange and incredible in our Days, were no doubt accommodated to the manners of the Times, of which he wrote. For even in the Sacred Story we find it recorded, that a single Goliath defied all the Armies of Israel (b) I Sam. XVII. 11, 14. , and with a big look, and a few arrogant Words, put so great terror into them, that they fled before him. Notwithstanding this, in the revolution of a few Ages, Greece became the celebrated Mother of the bravest, and most experienced Soldiers in the World: For being cantoned into a great number of little independent States, all which, tho' bordering upon one another, were governed by different Laws, and prosecuted contrary Interests, it became the Seat of continual Wars; every Hamlet being ambitious of enlarging its Territory, by encroaching upon its neighbour-village, and contending for the addition of a few Lands with no lesle heat and fury, than if whole Kingdoms had been the Prize: The consequence whereof was, that the Grecians, being from their childhood inur'd to Martial Affairs, and having to their native Bravery added long and constant Experience, were rendered as well in good Order and Discipline, as true Courage and Valour, superior to most other Nations. They became a terror to all the Countries round about them, and with small Numbers often put to flight vast multitudes of the Barbarians: The Persians frequently experienced the sad effects of it in the loss of numerous Armies, and at length of the greatest Empire in the World. And (to enumerate no more Instances in a thing so well known) the Carthaginians, tho' Men of great Courage, and excellently skilled in the Art of War, being worsted in Sicily by Timoleon the Corinthian in several Encounters, and by unequal numbers of Men, were driven into an admiration of the Graecian Valour; and forced to confess, that they were the most pugnacious and insupportable of Mankind; and forthwith made it their business to entertain as many of them as they could procure, in their Service (a) Plurarchus Timcleanse. . But tho' almost all the Grecians had their share in Military Glory, yet were the rest far inferior to the Lacedæmonians, who by the Laws of their Country were under an obligation to make War their Profession; they never applied themselves to any Art, or Employment, or the exercise of Trade, which they accounted unworthy of Generous and Freeborn Souls; but, committing all such cares to the Helots', who were a gentiler sort of Slaves, spent their Time in manly Exercises, to render their Bodies strong and active. They were also accustomed by hard Diet, by Stripes, and other severities, patiently to undergo any hardships, to endure Wounds, to encounter any Dangers, and, if the Honour of their Country so required, to throw themselves into the Arms of Death without Fear, or Regret. Yet were they not so imprudent or foolhardy, as to court Dangers, or Death; but were taught from their childhood to be always prepared either to live, or die, and equally willing to do either; as appears from those Verses, cited by Plutarch (b) 〈◊〉. to this purpose; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They died, but not as lavish of their Blood, Or thinking Death itself was simply good, Or Life: both these the strictest Vertu●●y'd. And as that called, they gladly lived, or 〈◊〉. Nor was this Indifferency to Life or Death only discoursed of amongst them, as a point of mere Speculation; but carefully and seriously instilled into their tender Years, and always embraced as one of the first Principles of their Actions; which begot in them such an undaunted Courage, and so firm and unmoveable a Resolution, that scarce any thing composed of Flesh and Blood was able to stand before them. This extraordinary and unparallelled Bravery, being adorned and strengthened with the wisest Conduct, and the most perfect Skill in all the Stratagems of War those Times were capable of, has rendered them famous in Story, and examples of Military Virtue to all succeeding Ages: For (these are Plutarch's (a) Telopida words) the Lacedæmonians were most expert and cunning in the Art of War, being trained up and accustomed to nothing more than to keep themselves, from Confusion, when their Order should be broken; to follow any Leader or Right-handman, so rallying themselves into Order; and to sight on what part soever Dangers press. It is therefore by no mean▪ to be wondered, that foreign and vastly remote Nations should be desirous to entertain the Laceacmonians into their Service; that Cyrus the Younger should think That the readiest and most effectual Method to advance himself to the Empire of Persia: That Crasus, the wealth King of Lydia, and several of the Egyptian Monarches, tho' surrounded with numerous Forces of their own, should never esteem themselves secure without assistance from Sparta; or that the Sicilians, Thracians, Carthaginians, with the Cyrenaeans, and many others, were beholding to it for Protection, and Deliverance from powerful Enemies. And for the Grecians themselves, whenever any of their little States were in danger of being swallowed up by their more powerful Neighbours, we find them having Recourse for Aid to the Spartans', who were a common Refuge to the oppressed, and restrained the Ambitious Invaders of other Man's Rights. Hence likewise it came to pass, that in all Confederacies they were looked on as the principal Associates; and in all Wars carried on by public Contributions, they challenged the chief Command as their right and peculiar. Nor could any Exigency prevail with them to depart from that Claim, or resign it to the greatest of Princes: Gelon, King of Sicily, tho' promising to furnish them with large Supplies against the Barbarians, on condition he might be declared Captain-general of the Graecian Forces, was rejected (b) Herodotus lib. VII. . Yet we find, that after the Victory over Mardonius at Plataeae, Pausanias the Lacedaemonian General, having by his excessive Severity, and Tyrannical Behaviour to the rest of the Soldiers rendered the Spartans' very odious, in the end they revolted to the Athenians, the gentle and courteous Carriage of whose Commanders, Aristides and Cimon, had endeared them to all the rest of the Grecians: And here the Magnanimity of the Lacedæmonians was wonderful; For when they perceived that their Generals were corrupted, and their Minds too much elevated and puffed up by the greatness of their Authority, they left off sending any more of them to the Wars, choosing rather to have Citizens of Moderation, and that persevered in their ancient Manners and Customs, than to be honoured with the Superiority of all Greece (a) Plutarch Aristide. . But this Misfortune did not put an end to the Lacedomonian Greatness; for we find them in a little time reassuming their ancient Spirits, and disdaining even Alexander himself (tho' submitted to by the rest of the Grecians, and declared their General against (Persia) for their Superior: Which is the reason, that in the Monuments erected after the Persian Victories, and bearing the Names of Alexander and the Grecians, the Lacedæmonians were excepted by Name, as having no share in that Honour (b) Plutarch Alexandre, Arrianus De gestis Alexandri lib 1. . The Athenians alone were able to dispute with the Lacedæmonians this Prerogative; some few times excepted, when some unusual Success raised any of the other States beyond their ordinary Grandeur; as it happened to the Thebans, who, from a mean and despicable People, were by the Conduct of Epaminondas and Pelopidas advanced to an Equality, is not a Superiority over the most flourishing Cities of Greece. Notwithstanding these, and some other Obstacles, the Lacedæmonians for the most part made good their Pretensions, and, in most Wars carried on by a Confederacy, were Generals of all the Land-forces; but were at length constrained to leave the Dominion of the Seas to the Athenians; who having laid out their whole Strength in sitting out a Navy against Xer●es, for a long Time reigned sole Lords of the liquid Element: During which Season we find a Decree put so●th by their Senate, wherein it was ordered, That the Command of all the Naval Forces of Greece should belong to Athens; but the Land armies should obey a General from Sparta (c) Xenophon 〈◊〉 lib. VII. . But the Rival Cities could not be long content with this equal distribution of Power, each being jealous of the other's Greatness, and thinking herself best able to govern the whole jurisdiction; till at length the Athenians, having their whole Fleet, except twelve Trireme-Gallies, destroyed at once by Lysander the Spartan Admiral, in the famous Battle at Aegos-potamus, were constrained to own the Lacedæmonians for Sovereigns both at Sea and Land (d) Xemphon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. VI Plutarch Lysandro. . But the Lacedæmonians were not long able to maintain this Command; for the Athenians, having recruited their Naval Forces, and engaged Evagoras the King of Cyprus, and Pharnabazus the Persian Emperor's Lieutenant to their Interest; by their Assistance, and the singular Conduct of their own Admiral Conon, gave them so great an overthrow at Cnidus (a) Isocrates pro 〈◊〉, in Phili●pum, Panamenaica, Xenoph●n 〈◊〉 lib VI Plutarch 〈◊〉. , that they never after pretended to contest the Sovereignty of the Seas; contenting themselves with the chief Command at Land, which the Athenians suffered them to enjoy without farther molestation; both Cities being weary of the Contention, and convinced at length of the Truth of what had been commonly observed, That Fortune was most favourable to the Lacedæmonians by Land, but in Sea-engagements sided with the Athenians (b) Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. VII. . This seems not to have been without reason, the Athenians by the commodiousness of their Situation being disposed, and, as it were, invited by Nature to apply themselves to Naval Affairs; whereas the Lacedæmonians were placed at a greater distance from the Sea, and more inclined to Land-service, (to which they were inur'd from their tender Years) than to venture themselves on the Ocean, to which they had never been accustomed; for Lycurgus their Lawgiver expressly forbade them (c) Plutarch Institut. La●cnices. to visit foreign Countries, out of a well-grounded fear, lest his Citizens should be corrupted by the conversation of Strangers, and forsake that excellent platform of Government, he contrived for them: And it happened to them as he had wisely foreseen; for no sooner had Lysander rendered them Sovereigns of the Seas, when they began by degrees to leave off their ancient Customs, and sensibly to degenerate from the Virtue and Glory of their Ancestors (d) Demoslinenes Orat in Philip. III. . CHAPTER II. Of their Levies, Pay, etc. of Soldiers. THE Graecian Armies consisted for the most part of free Denizens, whom the Laws of their Country obliged, when arrived at a prefixed Age, to appear in Arms, upon the summons of the Magistrate, or Commissioned Officer. In some places they were more early admitted to the Wars, in others later; the Athenians were sent at twenty, the Spartans' seldom till thirty: The younger Men in both Cities, with those, who by reason of their Age were discharged from Military Service, were left at home to defend their Habitations. Some Persons were excused by reason of their Age; for having spent their Youth and Strength in serving their Country, it was but reasonable to discharge them from farther Service, that they might end their Days in Peace. After threescore Years it seems to have been usual in most places to allow them Liberty of retiring. Others were exempt on account of their Function; such were at Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Farmers of the public Customs (a) Demosthenes in Nearam. ; and several of the holy Orders, with those that were appointed to dance at Bacchus' Festival (b) Idem Midiana. . Others were excluded from-serving in the Wars; such were the Slaves, and such others as lived amongst them, but were not honoured with the Freedom of their Cities. These were never admitted, except in cases of extreme Danger, when there remained no other means of preserving the Commonwealth. Of this Custom I have already given a large Account in one of the foregoing Books (c) Lib 1 Cap. X. . All that served, were entered into a public List, or Register; whence the Levy was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and to make a Levy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Amongst the Primitive Grecians, it seems to have been frequently made by Lots, every Family being obliged to furnish out a certain number, and filling up their proportion by the Chance of Lots: Whence Mercury in Homer (d) liad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , pretending to be one of the seven Sons of Polyctor the Myrmidon, adds, that he was appointed by Lots to follow Achilles to the Trojaen War, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'Twas I, who when the Lots were drawn, Was doomed to follow Peleus' mighty Son. For the appointment of all Persons of a certain Age to be ready to serve in the Wars, seems only to be an Institution of later Ages; whereas all such like things were formerly managed at the pleasure of the Supreme Magistrate. The Soldiers were all maintained at their own expenses; no Name was more opprobrious than that of a Mercenary, it being looked upon as a Disgrace for any Person of ingenuous Birth and Education to serve for Wages. For all this, it was not permitted any Person to absent himself, except upon reasons allowed by the Law; and whoever was found thus to have transgressed, was at Athens deprived of his Voice in all public Business, and in a manner of all other Rights of Citizens, and was forbidden to enter into any of the public Temples (a) Aeschines 〈◊〉, Demosthenes Timocrates. . And lest any of the Persons appointed to serve should make their escape, we find they were branded in the Hand with certain Marks, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to which Custom Saint Paul is thought to allude in his Epistle to the Galatians (b) Cap VI, 17. , where speaking of the wounds he had received in his Christian Warfare, he tells us, that he bore in his body the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Marks, of the Lord JESUS. The Carians were the first that served in Greece for Pay (c) Strabo, He'ychius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Author. , and have thereby rendered their Name infamous to Posterity; being represented by all the Writers of those Times, as a base and servile Nation; insomuch that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are Proverbial Epithets for Persons of abject and pusillanimous Tempers, or servile Condition (d) Hesychius. ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a synonymous term for Slaves; as in that Proclamation at the end of the Athenian Festival Anthesteria, whereby the Slaves were commanded to be gone out of Doors; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Be gone, ye Slaves, the Anthesteria are ended. Thus they despised the poor Carians for introducing a Custom, which in a few Ages after was so far from being looked upon as unworthy their Birth, or Education, that we find it practised by the whole Nation of the Greeks, who not only received Pay for serving their own Commonwealths, but listed themselves under foreign Kings, and fought their Battles for Hire; their chief Magistrates not disdaining to accompany them in such Expeditions. Several Instances of this sort might be produced, were not that famous one of the Great Agesilaus' condescending to serve Ptolemee, King of Egypt, instead of numbers of others. The first that introduced the Custom of paying Soldiers at Athens was Pericles, who, to ingratiate himself with the Commonalty, represented how unreasonable it was, that Men of small Estates; and scarce able to provide for their Families, should be obliged to neglect their Business, and spend what their Industry had laid up, in the public Service, and thereupon preferred a Decree that all of them should have Subsistence money out of the Exchequer (e) Ulpranus in Orat. De Syntaxi. ; which seems to have been received with general Applause. What Sum they daily received cannot easily be determined, it being increased, or diminished as occasion required. At first we find the Foot-soldiers had two Oboli a Day, which in a Month amounted to ten Drachms (a) Demosthenes Philipp. I. . What we read in Thucydides (b) Lib. III. of the Soldiers that garrisoned Potidaea, to every one of which was allotted a Drachm a Day, with another to a Servant for attending upon him, must not be understood, as if their ordinary Pay was of that value, that being only to the common Seamen of Athens three Oboli, to those that manned the Sacred Vessel called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Foot-soldiers, four; whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Proverbial Expression for a Soldiers life (c) Eustath. Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for serving in the War. The Horseman's Pay was for the most part thirty Drachms a Month, that is a Drachm a Day; this we find to have been termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Saidu● V . The ordinary Method of raising this Money, was by imposing a Tax on the whole Commonwealth, whereby all Persons were obliged to contribute according to the value of their Estates. But this was done only, when the public Treasury was exhausted, and the constant Revenues from Tributary Cities, public Lands, Woods, Mines, or from Fines and Amercements were not sufficient to defray the charges of the War. In cases of greater Necessity, the Richer Citizens at Athens were obliged to extraordinary Contributions, and there appears to have been a generous and laudable Emulation amongst the Men of Quality in that City, who voluntarily offered more than was required of them, and contended which of them should most largely contribute towards the Honour and Preservation of their Native Country. Confederate Wars were maintained at the common Charge of all the Allies, every one of whom was obliged to send forth a proportion of Men; as we find practised in the Trojan War, which was the first, wherein the whole Country of Greece united against a foreign Enemy. Sometimes they were carried on by public Contributions of Money, levied by Persons delegated by the common consent of the Confederates, which was only the Practice of later Ages; the primitive Wars, wherein the Soldiers served at their own Expense, and supplied their Necessities out of the Spoils of their Enemies, being managed with lesle charge to the Public. The first Tax, or Tribute of this Nature that we find paid by the Grecians, was after the Expulsion of Xerxes out of Greece, when they agreed to make an Invasion upon their common Enemy, under the conduct of the Athenians: For then Aristides the Athenian, at the general desire of the Greeks, surveyed the whole Country and Revenue, and assessed all particular Persons Town by Town, according to every Man's ability: Thus he taxed them four hundred Talents, to which Pericles added about a third part more; for we find in Thucydides, that in the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, the Athenians had coming in from their Confederates six hundred Talents. After Pericles' Death, being increased by little and little, it was at length raised to the sum of thirteen hundred Talents (a) Plutarch Aristide. ; all which was managed at the Discretion of the Athenians. CHAPTER III. Of the different sorts of Soldiers. THE Armies were composed of various sorts of Soldiers, their Gross, or Main Body usually consisted of Footmen, the rest road some in Chariot's, some on Horseback, others upon Elephants. The Foot-soldiers we find distinguished into three sorts; the first and Principal of which were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Suidas v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , being such as bore heavy Armour, engaging with broad Shields, and long Spears. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were Light-armed Men, who fought with Arrows, and Darts, or Stones and Slings, annoying their Enemies at a distance, but were unfit for close Fight. They were in Honour and Dignity inferior to the Heavy-armed Soldiers; and therefore when Teucer in Sophocles quarrels with Menelaus, he is scoffingly reproved by him in this manner, O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Sophocl. Ajac. v. 1141. . This Archer seems to think himself somebody. It seems to have been frequent for them, having shot their Arrows, to retire behind the Shields of the Heavy-armed for Protection; for so we find the same Teucer doing in Homer (d) Iliad. 6. v. 266. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teucer the ninth from these at length appeared, And all his Bows for certain Deaths prepared; Lurked behind Ajax's Shield the Hero stood, Which whensoe'er the Warlike Chief removed, Around on all he casts his angry Eyes, Threatening Destruction to his Enemies; But when he saw or wounded one, or slain, Back he betook him to his Shield again. So timorous Boys, approaching Ills to eat, With eager haste to careful Mothers run. Mr. Hutchin. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Sai●as loc. cit. Aelianus. , tho' frequently comprehended under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as opposed to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where a middle sort between both, being armed with Shields and Spears, but far inferior in bigness to those of the Heavy-armed Men. From their narrow Shields called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they received their Name. The Horsemen amongst the Ancient Grecians were not very numerous, being only such as were possessed of Estates, and able to furnish out Horse's a● their own Charge. Hence both at Athens and Sp●●ta we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Horsemen, to have composed the second Order in the Commonwealth, being placed above the Commonalty, and next to those of the highest Quality and Fortune; The same is recorded of the Roman Equites, and (to mention no more) we are told by Herodotus (b) Lib. V. , that among the Chalcidians none but Rich Men were admitted into that Order. Afterwards, when Men of Estates began to court Ease and Pleasure, and thought it more advisable to furnish out a Horseman, and maintain him at their proper Expenses, than to venture their own Persons; they retained indeed their former Name, but the Honour of Serving on Horseback was lost (c) Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib VI. . Who it was, that first instructed Mankind in the Art of Horsemanship, is not agreed on by the ancient Writers of Fables; some attributing it to the Amazons (d) 〈◊〉 Orator. , others to the Centauris (e) Palaphatus lib. I , others to Bellerophon (f) Plinius lib. VII. cap. LVI. ; others, last (to trouble you with no more) ascribe the Honour of it to Neptune (g) Homerus in Hymn. Sophocles Oedipo. , the first Creator of this Animal; for which reason we find the various Epithets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (h) Pausanias' Ach●icu. , I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) Pindarus Pyth. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (k) Lycophron Cessandr. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. conferred upon him by the Poets, and Mythologists. Whoever obliged Mankind with the first Invention of this Art, seems to have left it very imperfect; for in those early Ages 'tis probable they understood not the Method of governing Horses with Reinss, and Bits, but managed them only with a Rope, or Switch, and the Accent of their Voice; this we find to have been the Practice of several other Nations, as the Numidians (a) Silius lib. I , Getulians (b) Idem lib. II. Lybians (c) Stra●o lib. XVII. , and Mas●ylians of whom Lucan speaks thus (d) Lu●anus lib. IU. , Et gens quae nudo residens Massylia dorso, Ora levi flectit fraenor●● nescia virgan. Without a Saddle the Mas●ylians ride, And with a tender Switches their Horses guide. Afterwards Bridles came into Fashion, of which the most remarkable were those called Lupata, having Bits of Iron, not unlike Wolves Teeth, and therefore called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin Lupi: whence Horace (e) Lib. I. Od. VIII. — Gallica ne lupatis Temperet ora fraenis. Not with the sharper Bits Manage th' unruly Horse. The first Invention of them is by Statius attributed to Neptune, — Neptunus' equo, si certa priorum Fama patet, primus tencris laesisle lupatis Ora, & littoreo domuisse in pulvere sertur. Neptune, if we may credit give to Fame, First taught with Bits the generous Horse to tame. By others to the Lapithae, or Centaurs, who inhabited a Town in Thessaly, called Pelethronium: Thus Virgil (f) Georgic. III 115. , Fraena Pelethronii Lapithae, gyrosque dedere Impositi dorso— The Lapithae of Pelethronium road With Bridles first, and what their use was showed. Thou some are of opinion that the Poet speaks of Bridles, as invented not by the Lapithae, but a Man of that Nation, whose Name was Pelethronius, to whom we find P●iny also attributing the Invention of Bridles, and Harness (g) Lib. VII. cap. LVI. : The last of these the Greeks term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were made of divers sorts of Stuffs, as Leather, Cloth, or the Skins of wild Beasts. Parthenopaeus' Horse is covered with the Skin of a Lynx in Staius; Aeneas' in Virgil with a Lion's (a) Aen. VIII. , — quem fulva leonis Pellis obit— Covered with a Lion's Skin.— Sometimes we find them adorned with rich and costly Clothing; as in the same Poet (b) Aen. VII. , Omnibus extemplo Teucris jubet ordine duci Instratos ostro alipedes, pictisque tapetis, Aurea pectoribus dem'sia monilia pendent. For every Trojan strait it is decreed, That sprightly Couriers be in order led, Adorned with costly Trappingss, to whose Breasts The Golden Poitrels hang.— Of the Saddles in use amongst us we find no mention in any ancient Writer; as neither of the Stapia, or more properly Subex pedaneus, or Stirrup, which does not appear to have been used till these later Ages; there being no notice taken of any such thing in any Author, that I know of, before Eustathius, who flourished about five hundred Years ago, and in his Commentaries upon Homer hath mentioned an Instrument of this sort. In former Ages they supplied the want of such helps by their Art, or Agility of Body●punc; being able to leap on Horseback, as the Heroes in Virgil (c) Aen. XII. , — Corpora salin Subjiciunt in equos— And by a Leap bestride their Horses. Or for their greater convenience, the Horses were taught submissively to bow their Bodies to the Ground, and receive their Riders upon their Backs (d) P●llux lib. I. cap. XI. , as we find practised as well in Greece, as by the ancient Spaniards (e) Strab● lib. III. , and other Nations. Hence Silius speaks of the Horse of Claelius, a Roman Knight in this manner (f) Lib. X. , Ind inclinatus collum, submissus & armos De more, inflexis praebebat scandere terga Cruribus— Downwards the Horse his Head, and shoulders bend, To give his Rider a more fair ascent. Sometimes we find them leaping up by the help of their Spears, or other things. Several other Methods were used by Men of weak, and unactive Bodies: Some getting up on the Backs of their Slaves (a) Volatereanus Epit. Xeno●hon. ; others by the help of short Ladders; both which Support were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lastly, we find the Highways filled with Stones erected for this purpose; which is said to have been done in Italy by Gracchus (b) Plutarch Graechu. ; and in Greece was always one part of the business of the Overseers of the Roads (c) Xenophon Hipparcho. . Let us now return to their Military Affairs, where we shall find it disputed, whether the Warriors of primitive Ages were carried to the Field in Chariots, or on Horseback: Lucretius indeed tells us, that the first Heroes were mounted upon Horses, whereas Chariots were only a later Invention (d) Lib. V. , Et prius est reppertum in equi conscendere costas, Et moderarier hunc fraenis de●traque vigere, Quam bijugo curru belli tentare pericla. Mounted on well-reined Steeds in ancient Time, Before the use of Chariots was brought in, The first brave Heroes fought.— But we are informed by Palaephatus, that Chariots were first in use; the Lapithae, who flourished about Herculeses Time, being the first that attempted to ride upon Horses, a thing strange and unheard of by the Grecians in those Days, who viewed them not without amazement, imagining them to have been Monsters compounded of the different shapes of Men and Horses, or Bulls, which they frequently backed instead of Horses; whence we have the Fables of the Centauris, and Hippocentaurs. And 'tis more than probable, that at the time of the Trojan War, the custom of Riding and Fight upon Horses was not commonly received by the Grecians; since the Heroes of Homer, whose Authority must in such cases ever be held Sacred, are always introduced into the Battle in Chariots, never on Horseback. The Chariots of Princes, and Heroes were not only contrived for Service, but Ornament; being richly embossed with Gold, and other Metals, as we read of Orsines the Persians' in Curtius (e) Lib. X. , and several of Homer's, as that of Rhesus (f) 〈◊〉. ●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Silver and Gold his Chariot did adorn. And another of Diomedes (a) Iliad. V. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chariots richly adorned with Gold and Tin. They were likewise adorned with curious Hangings; whence we read of Lycaon's Chariot (b) Iliad. V. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Like Wings its Hangings are expanded wide. And Achilles' the Poet calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Iliad. X. . The Chariots in Homer are drawn for the most part by two Horses coupled together; that of Achilles had no more, the Names of his Horses being only Xanthus and Balius. So Lycaon's (d) Iliad. V. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Two well-paired Steeds to every Chariot stand. And Aeneas' in Virgil (e) Aenid. VII. v. 280. , Absenti Aeneae currum, geminosque jugales. A Chariot, and two sprightly Steeds are sent To absent Aeneas.— To these two they sometimes added a third, which was not coupled with the other two, but governed with Reinss, and therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. but in Homer usually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Rein wherewith he was held in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The same Custom was practised by the Romans, till the time of Dionysius the Halicarnassian (f) Antiquit. Rom. lib. VII. , tho' left off in Greece long before. In the eighth Iliad, Hector's Chariot seems to be drawn by four Horses for there the Hero thus bespeaks 'em, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And however some ancient Critics will have the two former to be no more than Epithets of the later, because Hector afterwards speaks them in the Dual Number, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Yet it is evident from other places, that even in Homer's time it was customary to have Chariots drawn by four Horses; as when he tells us, the Phaeacian Ship shap●● her course, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (a) Odyss. V. . Every Chariot carried two Men, whence it was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (b) Eustathius. ; tho' that word does not in its strict and proper acceptation denote the whole Chariot, but only that part, wherein the Men were placed. One of these was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he governed the Reinss, which in those days was not a Servile, or ignoble Office, but frequently undertaken by Men of Quality; for we find Nestor (c) Iliad. V. , Hector (d) Iliad. ●. , and several others of Note employed in it; and that not on extraordinary occasions, but frequently, some of them making it their Profession. Yet the Charioteer was inferior, if not always in Dignity, at least in Strength and Valour to the Warrior, who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and had command of the other, and directed him which way to drive, as Eustathius observes (e) Iliad. ●. . When he came to encounter in close Fight, he alighted out of the Chariot, as we find every where in Homer, and the rest of the Poets. So Hercules and Cyenus about to engage, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) Hesiodus Scuto . Leapt from their Chariots on the Ground. And Turnus in Virgil (g) Aeneid X. , — Desiluit bijugis, pedes apparat ire. Dismounts his Horse, and fits himself to walk. When they were weary, which often happened by reason of their Armour, being heavyer than any other, they retired into their Chariots, and thence annoyed their Enemies with Darts, and missive Weapons. Beside these, we find frequent mention in Historians of Chariots called Currus salcati, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because armed with Hooks, or Scyths, with which whole Ranks of Soldiers were cut off together. But afterwards it being considered, they were never of any use but in plain and open Ground, and w●re frequently turned back by affrighted and ungovernable Horses upon their own party, to it's confusion and ruin, several Methods also being contrived to defeat or elude their Force, these and all other Chariots were wholly laid aside. Accordingly, when Military Discipline was carried to its height, th● sometimes they were brought into Battles by Barbarians, as may be observed of the Persians in Curtius, yet we never find the Grecians make any use of them, or much damaged by them; but contemning that old and unskilful Method of Fight, they chose rather to ride on Horseback, which Custom seems to have been received in a short time after them Heroic Wars. Of all the Grecians the Thes●alians have the greatest Name for Horsemanship, and in all Wars we find their Cavalry most esteemed. The Colophonians had once by many remarkable Actions arrived to such a pitch of Glory, as to be looked on as Invincible; In all long and tedious Wars their Assistance was courted, and the Party that obtained Supplies from them, was certain of Success and Victory: Insomuch that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in Latin Colophonem imponere was used Proverbially for putting a Conclusion to any Affair (a) Strabo lib. XIV . The Lacedæmonians were but meanly furnished with Cavalry, and till the Messenian Wa●s it does not appear that either they, or the rest of the Peloponnesians employed themselves in Horsemanship, but reposed their chief Confidence in Foot (b) Pausanias' lib. IU. ; Peloponnesus being a Mountainous and Craggy Country, and therefore unfit for Horsemen (c) Plato , who in such places become almost useless in Fight. But the Messenians being subdued, the Spartans' carrying their Arms into other Countries, soon found the great occasion they had of Horse to support and cover their Foot; and in a short time supplied that Defect, by instructing their Youth in Horsemanship; to which end we find they had Masters in that Art, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Hes●ebius. . But the greatest part of their Cavalry was furnished from Seiros (e) Xemphon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. IU. , a Town not far distant from Sparta, the Inhabitans of which claimed as their proper Post, the left Wing in the Lacedaemonian Armies (f) Th●cydide. lib. V. . Attica was likewise an hilly Country, and therefore not designed by Nature for breeding Horses: we find accordingly the Athenian Cavalry to have been exceeding few in Number, consisting only of ninety-six Horsemen: For the whole Athenian Nation being anciently divided into forty-eight Naucrariae, we are told by Pollux, that the Number of Horses, each of these were obliged to furnish to the War, was no more than two. And therefore 'tis no great wonder if the M●des thought them deprived of reason, when at the 〈◊〉 of Morathan they had courage to encounter a strong and numerous Army with so small, and appearingly contemptible a 〈◊〉 Herod●tus. . Having afterwards expelled the ●edes and Persians 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, and raised themselves to a flourishing Condition, they increased the Number of their Cavalry to three hundred; and not long after, having once more restored Peace to their City, and established it in great▪ Power and Splendour than before, they augmented them to twelve hundred, and armed at the same time an equal Number of Men with Bows and Arrows (b) Aeschines Orat. de falsa legatione, A●docides Orat. de pace. , of which they had before no greater plenty than of Horses; For both then, and afterwards, the strength of most of the Graecian Armies consisted in their heavy-armed Foot. The 〈◊〉 admitted none to serve on Horseback, till he had undergon a strict probation; and if any Person was found to have fraudulently insinuated himself into the List, upon Conviction he was declared 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and disfranchised (c) Lysias Orat. de ordine deserto. . This consisted, with respect to the Men, in a Search after their Estates, and observation of their Strength and Vigour of Body: For no Persons were entered into the List, but such as had plentiful Possessions, and were in good Plight of Body (d) Xenophon. . Those that were found to be infirm, and worn out with Age, or Service, were branded with a mark called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was a token of their Discharge (e) Hesyclnus. . In Horses, they observed their obedience to their Riders, and such as they found ungovernable, or fearful, were rejected: This was examined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the found of a Bell, or some other instrument of that nature: Whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to try, or prove; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unproved. Such Horses likewise as were beaten out with long service, they branded upon the Jaw with a mark, frequently termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) Hesychius. , being the figure of a Wheel, or Circle, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereby the Beast was released from farther service. We meet with several Titles and Appellations of Horsemen, most of which were derived from the variety of their Armour, or different manner of fight, as that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who annoyed their Enemies with missive Weapons at some distance, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with oth●●, the distinction of all which is sufficiently intimated in their Names. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes by mistake, or corruption, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Suidas, Pole-axe, lib I cap X. n. V. , were such as for conveniency had two Horses, on which they road by turns. They were sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they lead one of their Horses; which was not a late contrivance, but practised soon after the Heroical Times, as appears from Homer's (b) Ilial. o● 684. mentioning it, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor does he ever fall, tho' at full speed He leap from one upon the other Steed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, first instituted by Alexander the Great, were a sort of Dragoons, and accommodated with Armour something heavyer than that of ordinary Horsemen, but not quite so weighty as that of the Foot-soldiers; to the end they might be ready to serve either on Horseback, or on Foot; for which reason they had servants attending to take their Horses, whenever the General commanded them to alight (c) Vollux loc. cit. . They were also distinguished into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, heavy, and light armed, after the same manner with the Footmen. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Curassiers, were not only fortified with Armour themselves, but had their Horses guarded with solid Plates of Brass, or other metals, which from the Members defended by them received different names, being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, &c. (d) Idem eodem cap. , sometimes they were composed of Skins fortify with plates of metal, curiously wrought into Plumes, o● other Forms. Thus we find one of Virgil's Hero's armed his Steed; (e) Aen. XI. v. 770. Spumantemque agitabat equum, quem pellis ahenis In plumam squamis auro conserta tegebat. He spurred his generous Horse, whose Clothing was A Skin beset with Plates of Gold and Brass Made in the Fashion of a costly Plume. They were likewise bedecked with various Ornaments, viz. with Bells, as we find Rhesus' Horses in Euripides; with Clothing of Tapestry, Embroidery, and other curious Work; with rich Collars, and Trappingss, or what the Latins call phalcrae, the Gre● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which some will have to be an Ornament for the sore-head, others for the Jaws● nor are there wanting, who think 〈◊〉 to signify all the Ornaments belonging to Horses. Of Camels and Elephants, which are so much talked of in the Wars of some Countries, we have no Mention in the Graecian Story before the Times of Alexander, when we find a great number of Elephants transported from the Eastern parts of the World. These were wont to carry into the Battle large Towers, in which ten, fifteen, and as some affirm, thirty Soldiers were contained, who annoyed their Enemies with mi●ive Weapons, themselves being secure, and out of danger (a) Philostratus Vitan Apollonsi lib. I cap. VI . Nor were the Beasts idle, or useless in Engagements; Fo● beside that, with their Smell, their vast and amazing Bulk, and their strange and terrible Noise, both Horses and Soldiers were struck with Terror and Astonishment, they acted their parts courageously, trampling under Feet all Opposers, or catching them in their Trunks, and tossing into the Air, or delivering them to their Riders (b) Curtius' lib. VIII. . Nor was it unused for them to engage with one another with great Fury, which t●ey always doubled after they had received Wounds, tearing their Adversaries in pieces with their Teeth (c) Pelybius lib V. . But in a short Time they were wholly laid aside, their service not being able to compensate the great Mischiefs frequently done by them: For tho' they were endued with a great measure of Sagaciousness, and approached nearer to Human Reason than any other Animal, whereby they became more tractable to their Governors, and capable to pay obedience to their Instructions; yet being sore wounded and pressed upon by their Enemies, they became ungov●rnable, and frequently turned all their Rage upon their own Party, put them into confusion, committed terrible Slaughters, ●●d delivered the Victory to their Enemies; of which several remarkable Instances are recorded in the Historians of both Languages. CHAPTER IV. Of the Graecian Arms and Weapons, with their Military Apparel. THE Authors of Fables tell us, the first Person, that put on Armour, was Mar● who perhaps for no other reason was honoured with the Title of God of War; it being very frequent with ●he ancient Heathens gratefully to acknowledge their obligations ●o the first Contrivers of any profitable Invention, by ascribing them ●nto the number of their Deities, and decreeing to them the perpetual Care and Sovereignty of those useful and ingenious Arts, or Contrivances, whereof they were the first Authors. The Workman employed by Mars, was Vulcan, at that time a Master-finith ●n the Isle of Lemnos, and so eminent in his Profession, that Posterity advanced him among the Gods, and honoured him with the Superintendency and Protection of his own Trade: but his Countrymen the Lemnians were not so fortunate; for they stand represented to ●ll Ages as common Enemies of Mankind, and branded with all ●he marks and characters of Infamy, for so execrable and pernicious a Device. Whence t● Poets have fixed upon them the Name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to continue the memory of the Harm they did ●o Mankind. Thus Homer (a) Iliad. ●. prope sinem. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Turned out of Heaven the Lemnians me received. Their Country likewise was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we find in A●ollonius (b) Argon. II. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To Lemnos, otherwise Sinteis called, They sailed. From the same original are derived those common Proverbs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, great and intolerable Evils: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fatal, or mischievous Hand: And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to have a cruel and bloody Look (c) Eustathius Iliad. ●. p. 119. Edit. Basil. . Thou some will by no means allow this Character to have been given to the Lemnians for their Invention of Arms, but ●ather for the frequent Piracies, and Outrages committed by them upon Foreigners, or for other Reasons: Whereas they tell us that Liber, or Bacchus was the first that introduced into the World the use of Weapons (d) Isidorus Orig. lib. IX. cap. III. . The Arms of all the primitive Hero's were composed of Brass, as appears from Homer, who is herein followed as well by the ancient Poets, both Greek and Latin, as all other Writers that give account of those Times. Pansanias hath endeavoured to prove this by a great number of Instances (a) Laconicis. ; 'tis reported in Plutarch (b) 〈◊〉. ; that when Cimon the son of Mil●iades conveyed the Bones of Theseus from the Isle of Scyros to Athens, he found interred with him 〈◊〉 sword of Brass, and a spear with an Head of the same Metal. More Examples would be superfluous, since we are expressly told by Hesiod, that there was no such thing as Iron in those Ages, but their Arms, all sorts of Instruments, and their very Houses were made of Brass (c) Oper. & Dieb. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Not yet to Men Iron discovered was, But Arms, Tools, Houses were composed of Brass. Whence it came to pass, that after the World was acquainted with the use of Iron, the Artificers, and their occupation still retained their old Names. Thus we are told by Aristotle (d) Poetica. , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes an Iron-smith: And (to trouble you with no more Instances in a thing so commonly known) Plutarch (e) Camilla, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. applies the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the making of Iron Helmets. Some of their Arms were composed of Tin, especially their Boots; as we read of A●hillers's in the eighteenth Iliad. This Metal was likewise frequently used in other parts of their Armour, as appears from Agamemnon's Breastplate (f) Iliad's. , and Aeneas' Shield (g) Iliad. ●. . Several other Metals were made use of; Gold and Silver were in great esteem among them, yet the most illustrious Hero's used them only as graceful Ornaments; Those that had their whole Armour composed of them, are usually represented as more addicted to effeminate and delicate Arts, than manly Courage, and Bravery. Glaucus' Arms were indeed made of Gold, but the great Diomedes was content with Brass. Amphimachus, who entered into the War with Golden Weapons, is compared by Homer to a trim Virgin (h) Iliad, ● prope finem. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tricked up in Arms of Gold for horrid War, Like some trim Girl, does Nemion's son prepare, The vain Amphimachus; but not that show, Nor Pomp could ward off the unerring blow, But by Aeacides deprived of life, His Arms were seized by the more skilful Chief. Mr. Hutchin. ●n like manner the Persians, having given themselves over to softness and Pleasure, engaged with the rough and sturdy Grecians, richly adorned with Gold and Jewels, and became an easy Prey ●nto them. The Graecian Hero's, tho' not so unpolished, as to debarr themselves the use of these Ornaments, yet were not so excessively profuse of them, nor applied them to the ●ame Ends and Purposes: Achilles' Shield so curiously engraved by Vulcan is a Lecture of Philosophy, and contains a description of almost all the works of Nature. The Arms of other valiant Princes are frequently adorned ●ith representations of their noble Exploits, the History of the Actions of their Ancestors, or Blessings received from the Gods; ●r filled with terrible Images of Lions, or Dragons, and rendered ●right and shining to strike terror and amazement into their Energies, according to that of Homer (a) Iliad. ●. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Th' amazing Lustre terrified the sight. So 'tis reported of our British Ancestors, that they painted themselves with divers forms of Animals, thinking thereby to appear more terrible to their Enemies. The ancient Grecians were always armed, thinking it unsafe to adventure themselves abroad without a sufficient defence against Aggressours. Hence Aristotle hath rationally inferred, That they were a barbarous and uncivilised Nation: For being educated in ●he deepest Ignorance, and having very little sense of that Justice and Honesty, to which all Men are obliged by Nature's eternal and immutable Sanctions, being also in a great measure without the restraint of Human Laws, all Persons thought they had a just Title to whatever they could by any means take into possession, which they had no other method to secure, but that whereby ●hey obtained it; and resigned their claim, whenever a more po●ent Adversary exhibited his Pretensions. The Seas were filled with Pirates, the Land with Robbers, who made a prey of whatever came to their hands, and frequently made incursions into Countries, which they spoiled and depopulated, and, if their Force was great enough, drove out the Inhabitants, and compelled them to seek new Seats. By Men of this Procession Io, Europa, Ganymede, and many others were stolen; which put Tyndarus into such a fear for his Daughter Helen, that he caused all the young Princes, that made their Addresses to her, to bind themselves by a solemn Oath to recover her, if ever she should be conveyed away. The Sea, we are informed by Thucydides (a) Lib. 1. , was freed from Piracies by Minos' King of Crete, who with a powerful Navy maintained for many years the sovereignty of it. But the Land was still infested, and therefore when Theseus designed to make his first journey from Trazen to Athens, Plutarch tells us, That his Relations would have persuaded him to go by Sea; For (says he) it was at that time very dangerous to travel by Land to Athens, no place of the Country being free from Thiefs and Murderers: For that Age produced a sort of Men, for strength of Arms, swiftness 〈◊〉 Feet, and vigour of Body excelling the ordinary rate of Men, and in Labours and Exercises indefatigable; yet making use of these Gifts of Nature to nothing good, or profitable to Mankind; but rejoicing, and taking pride in Insolence, and pleasing themselves in the Commission of barbarous and inhuman Cruelties, in seizing by force, whatever fell into their Hands, and practising upon strangers all manner of Outrages; who imagined that Civility, and Justice, and Equity, and Humanity, (which they thought were commended by many, either for want of Courage to commit Injuries, or Fear of receiving them) nothing at all to concern those, who were most daring, and strong (b) Plutarch Thesea. . Of these indeed Hercules and Theseus, and other generous and public-spirited Princes in a great measure freed the Country: But before that, 'twas not to be wondered, if the Grecians always wore Arms, standing upon their guard, especially since in those Days few of them were united into large Towns, but lived retiredly in Country-seats, or at the best in small and defenceless Hamlets. This Custom was first laid aside at Athens, the occasion and necessity thereof being first removed in that City (c) Thu'ydi●es Lib 1. : For Historians generally agree, that the Athenians entertained the decent Rules of Civility and Humanity, were modelled into a regular Form of Government, and enjoyed the happiness of wholesome and useful Laws before the rest of the Grecians. The Heroes took great pride in wearing for their defence the Skins of wild Beasts, which they esteemed as Badges of their Prowess. Instances of this kind are every where to be met with in the Poets. Hence Theocritus (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Over his neck and back a Lion's Skin was thrown Held up by 't's Feet. Herculeses Lion's Skin is very famous in story, and Homer's great Princes are frequently introduced in the same Habit; in imitation of whom the other Greek, and Latin Poets have armed their Heroes. Thus Acestes in Virgil (f) Aeneid. V. v. 36. , — occurrit Acestes Horridus in jaculis, & pelle Libystidos ●rsae. Acestes dreadful for his horrid Darts, And for the Libyan Bear-skin that he wears, Met them.— But we find they were not ashamed of using better and stronger Armour for their defence; the ordinary sorts of which were these that follow: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, made of Brass, but lined with Wool, and worn next to the Skin, underneath the Coat of Mail. This we learn from Homer speaking of a Dart that pierced through the rest of the Hero's Armour, but was so blunted by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Iliad. . & Eustathius ibid. p 345. Edit. Basil. , that it only razed his Skin, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,— She to that part the deadly Shaft conveyed, Where meeting Clasps a double Breastplate made; Strait on his Belt it fell, nor there could stay, But through both Belt and Breastplate forced its way, And now his last best hopes, the well-lined Brass, Which against Darts his surest refuge was, It razed, but could not through it make a perfect Pass. Mr. Hiachin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, reached from the Knees to the Belly, where it was joined to the Brigandine (b) Eustasbius ibid. . But the latter of these names is more frequently taken fo● the Belt surrounding the rest of the Armour. Thus Homer (c) Iliad . ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 His rich embroidered Belt he then unbraced, And all his Armour underneath it placed, Which by the hands of skilful Smiths was made. This was so essential to a Warrior, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came to be a general name for putting on Armour (a) Pa●sanias Bae●ticis. : Whence Homer introduces Ag●me●●on commanding the Grecians to arm themselves thus (b) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atrides strait commands them all to arm. The same Poet, when he makes that Hero resemble the God of War in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is supposed (as Pausanias (c) Loco citato. tells us) to mean his whole Armour. The Romans had the same custom, as appears from Plutarch (d) Coriolane. ; And it prevailed also amongst the Persians; whence Herodotus relates, ho● Xerxes having reached Abdera, when he fled from Athens, and thinking himself out of danger, did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or disarm himself (e) Urania, cap. CXX . But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a more general name than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and signifies the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consisted of two parts, one of which was a defence to the Back, the other to the Belly; the extreme parts of it were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the middle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) Pollu●, Pausanias ●●: 〈◊〉. . The sides were coupled together with a sort of Buttons (g)▪ Pausanias ibid. . The same may be observed in Silius (h) Lib. VII. of the Roman lorica, which differed not much from the Graecian Thorax, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by Hesychius expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Poet's words are these, — qua sibula morsus Loricae crebro laxata resolverat ictu. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was an half-thorax, or Breastplate; which Pollu● tells us was first invented by jason: and we find it very much esteemed by Alexander, who, as Polyaenus (i) Strateg. lib. IU. reports, considering that the entire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might be a temptation to his Soldiers to turn their backs upon their Enemies, those being equally guarded by it with their Breasts, commanded them to lay aside their Back-pieces, and arm themselves with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Breastplates; that so whenever they were put to flight, their Backs might be exposed naked to their Enemies. The Thoraces were not always composed of the same stuff; some were made of Line, or Hemp twisted into small Cords, and close set together, whence we read of ●horaces bilices, and trilices, from th● number of Cords fixed one upon another. These were frequently used in Hunting, because the Teeth of Lions, and other wild Beasts were unable to pierce through them, sticking in the Cords; but not so often carried into Battles, as Pausanias observes (a) Attie●. ; Yet there are not wanting Instances of this sort, for Ajax the son of Oileus has the Epithet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Homer (b) Iliad. ●. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ajax the lesle a Linen Breastplate had. Alexander likewise is reported by Plutarch to have worn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a double-twisted thorax: And Iphicrates caused his Soldiers to lay aside their heavy and unwieldy Brigandines of Iron, and go to the Field in Hempen Armour, as Cornelius Nepu hath informed us in his Life of that Captain. The ordinary matter the Thoraces were made of, was Brass, Iron, or other Metals, which were sometimes so tightly hardened, as to be proof against the greatest force: Plutarch (c) Demetri●. reports that Zoilus an Artificer having made a present of two Iron Brigandines to Demetrius Poliorcetes, for an experiment of their Hardness, caused an Arrow to be shot out of an Engine called Catapulta placed about twenty-six paces off, which was so far from piercing the Iron, that it scarcely razed, or made the least impression on it. This Armour was of two sorts; one of which, because it consisted of one, or two continued pieces of Metal, and was inflexible, and able to stand upright, was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Eustathius. . Another was composed of a Beast's Hide, according to the Poet, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whence the Latin word lorica is thought to be derived from lorum. This was set with plates of Metal cast into various forms; sometimes into hooks, or Rings, not unlike a Chain; sometimes resembling Feathers, or the Scales of Serpents, or Fishes; to which Plates or Studs of Gold were often added: Whence we read of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And the Greek and Latin Poets frequently mention them. Thus Silius (e) Lib V , speaking of the Consul Flaminius; Loricam induitur, tortos huic nexilis hamos Ferro squama rudi, permistoque asperat auro. Virgil arms his Heroes after the same manner (a) Aeneid. XI. ; — Rutulum thoracae indutus, aënis Horrebat squamis— Dressed in his glittering Breastpiece, he appeared Frightful with Scales of Brass. The single Plates being sometimes pierced through by Spears, and missive Weapons, it was customary to strengthen them by setting two, three, or more, upon one another; Thus Statius (b) The●. VII. , — ter insuto servant ingentia ferro Pectora— With triple Plates of Iron they defend Their Breasts. And in another place (c) Theó. XII. , Multiplicem tenues iterant thoraca catenae. The little Chains a mighty Breastplate join. Whence in the same manner as from the number of Cords, they were termed bilices, and trilices; in Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Virgil (d) Ae●●id. III. 467. , Loricam consertam hamis, auroque trilicem. The threefold Coat of Mail beset with Hooks and Gold. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ocreae, were Greaveses of Brass, Copper, or other Metal, which they wore upon their Legs. Whence Hesiod (e) Scuto. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Greaveses of shining Brass, which Vulcan gave, He round his Ankles placed.— Homer frequently composeth them of Tin (f) Iliad. ●. v. 612. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He made his Greaveses of beaten Tin. The Sides were generally closed about the Ankles with Buttons, which were sometimes of solid Gold, or Silver, as we have it in the same Poet (a) Iliad. ● v. 330 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The curious Greaveses he round his Ankles closed With Silver Buttons. It is probable, that this piece of Armour, was at first either peculiar to the Grecians, or at least more generally used by them than other Nations; because we find them so perpetually called by the Poet, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were Guards for their Hands, which we find also to have been used by some of them, with other Defences for their Arms. Aa●xis was a Buckler composed sometimes of Wickers woven together, according to Virgil (b) Aenei●. VII 632. ; — flectuntque salignas Vmbonian crates— The Bucklers they of Osiers make. Whence it is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Hesychius. . It was likewise of Wood; and because it was expedient that the Warriors should be able with the greatest ease to wield it, they usually chose the lightest sort of Wood for this use, such are the Fig, Willow, Beech, Poplar, Elder-trees, etc. as we are informed by Pliny (d) Nat. Hist. lib. VI cap. XL. But it was commonly made of Hides; whence we find so frequent mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. These were doubled into several Folds, and fortified with Plates of Metal. Ajax's Buckler was composed of seven Folds of Hide, and covered with a single Plate of Brass, as we read in Homer (e) Iliad. ●. v. 222. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Made of the Hides of seven well fatted Bulls, And covered with a Plate of Brass. Achilles' was guarded with three Folds more, as the Poet tells us, — & aes, & proxima rupit Terga novena boum, decimo tamen orbe moratum est. It pierced the Brass, and through nine Hides it broke; But could not penetrate the tenth. But the same Hero's in Homer was more strongly fortified by two Plates of Brass, two of Tin, and a fifth of Gold (a) Iliads ●. 270. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— For with five Plates Vulcan it fortified, With two of Brass, two Tin, and one of Gold. The principal parts of the Buckler were these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the outmost Round, or Circumference. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin umbo, a Boss jutting out in the middle of the Buckler, upon which was fixed another protuberant part termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was of great service to them, not only in glancing off, and repelling missive Weapons, but in bearing down their Enemies themselves: Whence Marshal has this allusion, In turbam incideris, cunctos umbone repellet. Should you be in a Crowd, your Slave Would with his Boss repel them all. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a Thong of Leather, and sometimes a Rod of Metal, reaching cross the Buckler, whereby they hung it upon their Shoulders, according to the primitive Fashion (b) Eustathius Iliad. ●. p. 184. Edit. T●●●l. : Whence Homer (c) Iliads ●. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Down from his Shoulders the huge Buckler fell With it's loosed Thong. It was sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, except this may be understood of the Rod, to which the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was fastened, as Hesychius expounds it, which seems most probable, and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were Rods, whereby the Bucklers were held, (as Homer's Scholiast reports) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Thongs affixed to them, and hung upon the warrior's Shoulders, tho' Eustathius will have them to have been put to the former use, and to be the ●●me with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Loco citato. . Sometimes the Bucklers were held by little Rings called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; But at length most of the Grecians used an Handle called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which tho' sometimes spoken of with the former names, and explained by them, was really different from both, being invented by the Carians (b) Etymologici Auctor, Homeri Scholiastes, etc. , and, as 'tis commonly thought, composed for the most part of small Iron Barrs, placed cross each other, and resembling the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Eu●●athius loco citato. . When the Wars were concluded, and the Bucklers, (as was customary) hung up in the Temples of the Gods, they took off the Handles, thereby to render them unfit to serve in any sudden Insurrection: Whence the Poet introduces a Person affrighted, when he saw them hanging up with Handles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 O sad! The Bucklers Handles have. Which another had also found fault with a little before; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aeschylus speaks of little Bells hung upon Bucklers to strike Terror into the Enemy, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Most of the Bucklers were curiously adorned, having engraven in them all sorts of Figures of Birds, and Beasts, especially such as were of generous Natures, as Eagles, Lions, etc. Nor of these only, but of the Gods, of the Celestial Bodies, and all the Works of Nature: which Custom was derived from the Heroic Ages, and continued in later Times, being (as Herodotus) (a) Lib. I reports) first introduced by the Carians, and from them communicated ●o the Grecians, Romans, and Barbarians. The Grecians had several sorts of Bucklers, the most remarkable of which seem to have been those of Argos, which are thought ●o be bigger than the rest, whence Virgil compares to them Po●pheme's monstrous Eye, which he tells us was (b) Aeneid. III , Argolici clypei, aut Phoebaeae lampadis instar. Like an Argolick Buckler, or the Sun. ●ost indeed of the ancient Bucklers seem to have covered the ●hole Body, whence Virgil (c) Aeneid. II. , — clypeique sub orbe teguntur. Under their Bucklers covered close they stand. ●yrtaeus enumerates the Members protected thereby, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thighs, Legs, and Breast, Belly, and Shoulders too The mighty Buckler covered. ●his farther appears from the Custom of carrying dead Soldiers ●ut of the Field upon their Bucklers▪ whence we read of the fa●ous Command of the Spartan Mothers to their Sons, H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. Either bring this, (meaning the Buckler,) or be ●ought upon it; meaning they should either secure their Bucklers, ●r lose their Lives in defending them (d) P●ustarc●u● Apophthegm. 〈◊〉. . And Homer, for the same ●ason calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Eu●thius interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. of the same size with a Man (e) Iliad. ●. . Their Form was usually round, whence Virgil's clypei orbis, and ●e frequent Mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Hence 〈◊〉 it's outmost Circumference was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as hath been already observed. There were likewise Shields of lesser Sizes, and other Forms, ●e use of several of which came into Fashion after the Heroic Ages. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was squared, like the Figure rhombus, and 〈◊〉 used by the Persians (a) Strabo lib. XV. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was oblong, and usually bending inward: It seems ●● have been the same, which is called in Pollux (b) Lib. I. cap. X. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to have been shaped like the former, and composed of Hides with the Hair, whence Grammarians derive it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. hairy. It was very light, whence (as Eustathius (c) Iliad. ●. p. 433 Ed. Basil. observes) Homer gives it the Epithet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a small and light Buckler in the Form of an Ha●moon (d) Isidorus Hispal. Origin. Lib. XVIII. , or, according to Xenophon, resembling an Ivy-leaf, an● first used by the Amazons. But Suidas will have it to be a kin● of foursquare Buckler, wanting the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or exterior Ring. This was the chief of all their Arms: The Regard they had o● it appears both from what has been already observed concerning their Care in adorning, and preserving it; and from the common Story of Epaminondas, who having received a morta● Wound, and lying under the Agonies of Death, with great Concern enquired whether his Buckler was safe (e) Ammianus lib. XXV. . Chabrias the famous Athenian, when his Ship was sunk, rather chose honourably to resign his Life with his Buckler, than leaving it, to escape to another Vessel (f) Aemilius Trobisi in Chabris. . Military Glory indeed being esteemed the greatest that Human Nature was capable of, they had a profound Regard for all sorts of Arms, which were the Instruments, whereby they attained it; whence to leave them to their Enemies, to give them for a Pledge, or dispose of them any dishonourable Way, was an eternal Disgrace both in Greece (g) Aristophanis Scholiastes Pluto. , and at Rome, and scarce eve● to be wiped off, or atoned for. Thus have I endeavoured to give you a Description of the principal of the Graecian Defensive Arms, which are in general termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The principal of their Offensive Weapons in later Ages was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Spear, or Pike, the Body of which was composed of Wood, in the Heroic Times most commonly of Ash, whence we have so frequent mention in Homer of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as when he speaks of Achilles' Spear (c) Iliad. v. 143. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Ashen Spear for Murder then designed, When to his Father with a cruel Mind Old Chiron gave it. The Trojans were likewise armed from the same Tree (d) Iliad. ●. 47. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Head, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was of Metal. So was also the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is so called either q. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Cross; or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Lizard, which it is said to have resembled, being hollow at one End, where it was fixed into the Bottom of the Spear; and sharp at the other, (a) Eustathius. Pollux, lib. I. cap. V. , which being thrust into the Ground upheld the Spear erect, when the Soldiers rested from the Toil of War. Whence Homer, speaking of Diomedes' Followers (b) Iliad. ●. v. 151. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Sleeping about him all his Men they found, Under their Heads were laid along the Ground Great Shields, their Spears erected upright stood Upon their Brazen Points. Aristotle observes that the same Custom was practised amongst the Illyrians in his Days (c) De Arte Poetica. . And it seems to have been common in other Nations, as may appear from the first Book of Samuel (d) Cap. XXVI. v. 7. , where Saul is said to have slept with his Spear fixed in the Earth close by his Head. In Times of Peace they reared their Spears against Pillars, in a long wooden Case called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we have it in Homer (e) Odyss. ●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Against a Pillar in a well-made Case He hung his Spear. Virgil speaks something to the same purpose (f) Aenoid. XII. v. 92. , Exin, quae in mediis ingenti adnixa columnae Aedibus astabat, validam vi corripit hastam. Strait he pulls down with all the Force he could, A Spear, that in the Middle of the House Was reared against a mighty Pillar. Of these there were two Sorts, as Strabo hath well observed (a) Lib. X. ; The former was used in close Fight, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the U●e, and excellent Management of which the Abantes are celebrated in Homer (b) Iliad. C. v. 543. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Abams followed him, whose Bushy Hair Lies thick behind, Abams, who nev●r fear Close fights, but bravely strike the Breastplates through With Athen Spears. Where you may observe the Signification of the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which (as the S. ●●iaśt hath observed) is applied to Arms used in in close ●ight; whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs rather to missive Weapons, which are called by the general Names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of which Kind was the other sort of Spears; Whence we find one making this Boast, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I strike as far with a Spear, as another with an Arrow. This was frequently used in the Heroic ●uels, where the Combatants first threw their Spears, and then sel● to their Swords. Thus Hector and Achilles (c) Iliad. ●. , Mene●aus and Paris (d) Iliads ●. , and the rest of the Heroes attack one another. Theocritus hath described the Combat of Castor and Lyn●eus after the same Manner (e) Idyll. ●● v. 187. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 First with their Spears began the noble Strife, Each sought to find an open Pass to Life; But all in vain, the Shields the Strokes endured, Their Spears were broken, and the Men secured, Their Swords they drew, the Blades like Lightning shone B●fore the Thunderbolt falls swiftly down, Now rose their Fury. Mr. Creech. The 〈◊〉 had a peculiar sort of Spear called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was fourteen or sixteen Cubits in Length. 〈◊〉, a 〈◊〉, which, according to ancient Custom, was hung in a B●lt put round the Shoulders. Whence Homer (a) I●●●d ●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 His Silver-hilted Sword about his Shoulders hung. Hesiod, and the rest of the Poets mention the same Custom (b) Scuto Hercules. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— — A Brazen Sword Placed in the Belt, down from his Shoulders hung. The Belt reached down to their Thighs. Whence Homer's Hero (c) Odyss●●. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strait from his Thigh his Sword he draws. And Virgil's AEneas (d) Aeneid. X. v. 86. ; — ●●yus ensem Eripit à femore.— It may be enquired whether the Sword was hung upon the right Side, or the left; to which some will reply, That Foot-soldiers were it on the l●ft, Horsemen on the right; and josephus (e) Excidii Huro, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. III. expressly mentions Horsemen with their Swords on their right Sides: But whether this was constantly observed, or frequently varied, as Lipsius (f) Militia Romana. has observed of the Roman Sword, 〈◊〉 easily be determined. The Scabbard was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, close to it was hung a Dagger, or Poniard, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to Eustathius (a) Iliad. ●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was seldom used in Fight, but on all Occasions supplied the want of a Knife, as appears from the Poet, out of whom I will give you this one Instance (b) I●●●d ●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Drawing his Dagger, which was always put Close by his Sword, Atrides straightway cut Some Hairs from the Lamb's Heads. Possidonius in Athenaeus tells us, the same Custom was practised by the ancient Gauls (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib XIV. . Close by this, or rather instead thereof, the Soldiers of lower Ages used a Dagger called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was borrowed from the Persians (d) 〈◊〉 in vocibus Atticis, Pollux, etc. . They had sometimes another Sword called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was the same with the Roman ensis falcatus, and our Falchion, or Scimeter; and was chiefly used by the Inhabitants of Argos. Not much unlike this were the Lacedaemonian Swords, called, according to Pollux, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but, as Xenophon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and, by the Athenians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Sutras, Eustatheus 〈…〉. &c : They were bend Fauchion-like, and in Length far lesle than those commonly used in other Parts of Greece; The Reason of which Custom being demanded of Antalcidas; 'Tis (said he) because we encounter our Enemy's hand to hand (f) Plutarch Apophthegm. : And when another Person told Agesilaus in Derision, That a Juggler on a Stage would make nothing of swallowing their Swords: Well (replied the King) ye with these little Weapons we are able to reach our Enemies (g) Idem loc. citat. & 〈◊〉. . The only thing farther remarkable in the old Graecian Sword is the Hilt, which they took a great Pride in adorning, not so much with Silver, and Gold, and precious Stones, as with Figures of Lion's Heads, etc. to make them appear more terrible to their Enemies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a sort of Pole-axe: With this Weapon Agamemnon was encountered by Pisander in Homer (b) I●●●d ●. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— The other from his Buckler straightway drew A curious Brazen A●, whose Handle sew Could match for Length, for Olive, or for Work. 〈◊〉, was not much different from the former, and is joined with it in Homer (a) I●●●d ●. v 710. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Both Parties fight close together stood, And unconcerned alike for Loss of Blood, Axes and Hatchets used. Several other Weapons of le●● Note may occur in Authors, whereof I shall mention only one more, and then proceed to th● missive Weapons: i● i● 〈◊〉, a Battoon of Wood, or Iron; from th● Use of which the famous Robber Periphetes, slain by Theseus, was named 〈◊〉 (b) P●●t●rc●●s Theses, D●●d●rus S●c. lib IU. ; which Title was likewise conferred upon 〈◊〉, who, as ●omer tells the Story, made nothing of breaking through whole Squadrons of Enemies with his Iron Club (c) I●iad. ●. v. 136. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Brave Freuthalion led these on; he wore The Arms of King Arc●houss before, Godlike Arcit●ous, Club-beare● named, And for his cruel Weapon greatly famed, Who with his Club whole Squadrons put to Flight, But never Spear, or Arrow used in Fight. Mr. Dechair. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Bow, the first Invention of which some ascribe to Apollo, who from the Art of managing this Weapon hath obtained divers Appellations, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. All which, tho' moral Interpreters force to other Applications, yet the ancient Authors of Fables refer to this Original. This new Contrivance the God communicated to the primitive Inhabitants of Crete (a) Diod●●s Sicu●●. , who are reported to have been the first of Mortals, who understood the Use of Bows and Arrows (b) 〈◊〉. : And even in later Ages the Cretan Bows were famous, and preferred to all others in Greece (c) Pole-axe lib. I. cap. X. . Some rather choose to honour Perses the Son of Perseus with this Invention; and others father it upon Scytheses the Son of jupiter (d) Plinius. , and Progenitor of the Scythians, who were excellent at this Art, and by some reputed the fi●st Masters thereof: Thence we find it derived to the Grecians, some of whose ancient Nobility were instructed by the Scythians, which, as those Times went, might justly pass for a grand Piece of Education. Thus Hercules (to trouble you with no more Instanced) was taught by Teutarus a Scythian Swain, from whom he received a Bow and Arrows of Scythian Make: Whence Lycophron, speaking of Herculeses Arrows, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Cassandr. v. 56. Item ●zetzis S●●●li ● ibidem, & Theocrits Scholiastes Idyll. XIII. . With Arrows that he had from Teutarus. And tho' Theocritus hath changed his Tutour's Name into Eurytus, yet he also was of Scythian Original: and we find the Hero in that Poet armed with a Mae●tian, i.e. Scythian, Bow (f) Idyll. XIII. v. 56. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He went armed with a crooked Bow after the Maeotian Fashion. Lycophron also arms Minerva with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ā Maeotian Bow, and in the same Place tell's us of Herculeses Scythian Dragon, whereby he means a Bow, which he bequeathed to Philocletes for his Care in kindling the Pile wherein he was burned alive (g) 〈◊〉. v. 914. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Minerva, who found out the Trumpet's Sound, Drawing her Arrows with a skilful Hand She aimed, and shot with a Maeotian Bow. This crooked Bow the Godlike Hercules, Whose Arrows, when they slew would always kill, First used, and then to Philocte●es gave A Present for the Pile at Dura's Banks. Mr. Dechair. Both the Poets seem particularly to remark the Incurvation of the Scythian Bow, which distinguished it from the Bows of Greece, and other Nations; and was so great as to form an Halfmoon, or Semicircle (a) Ammianus Marcelimus lib. XX. . Whence the Shepherd in Athenaeus (b) Lib. X. , being to describe the Letters in Theseus' Name, and expressing each of them by some apposite Resemblance, compares the third to the Scythian Bow, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The third was like a Scythian Bow. Meaning not the more modern Character 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the ancient C, which is semicircular, and bears the third Place in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Graecian Bows were frequently beautified with Gold, or Silver, whence we have mention of aures arcus, and Apollo is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the Matter of which they were composed, seems for the most Patt to have been Wood; tho' they were anciently, Scythian like, made of Horn, as we read of Pandarus' in Homer (c) Iliad. . v. 1ST. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strait he pulls out an handsome polished Bow, Once it a wanton He-goat's Horn did grow, A Goat, that coming from his wont Rock He spied, and wounded with a mortal Stroak: The Dart pierced through his Breast, and strait the Ground Received him falling by so deep a Wound: Long were his Horns, and these a Workman wrought, And made the very Bow, with which he fought; The Horn he smoothly polished, and affixed A Golden Nob upon the Top. Mr. Dechair. Whence Lycophron, who takes a Pride in antiquated and forgotten Customs and Expressions, speaks thus of Apollo encountering Idas with his Bow (a) Cassandr. v. 564. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — In Battles bend his Horn. But some ancient Glossographers by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would rather understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Bowstring, which was composed of Horse's Hair, and therefore called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Hes●chius. : To which Custom Accius alludes, Reciprocae tendens nervo equino concita Tela.— Drawing the Arrows with an Horse's Hair. Homer's Bowstrings are frequently made of Hides cut into small Thongs: Whence we read of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He drew the Arrow by the Leathern String. As Eustathius observes-upon that Place (c) Iliad. . p. 344. Ed. Basil. . One Thing more is remarkable in their Bows: It is that Part, to which the String was fixed; 'twas upon the uppermost Part of the Bow, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, commonly made of Gold, and the last Thing towards finishing a Bow; whence Homer, when he has described the Manner of making a Bow, adds after all, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence, Eustathius tell's us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to bring any Affair to an happy Conclusion. The Arrows usually consisted of light Wood, and an Iron head, which was commonly hooked: Whence Ovid (d) De Amore. ; Et manus hamatis utraque est armata sagittis. Hooked Arrows armed both Hands. Sometimes they were armed with two, three, or four Hooks: Hence Sta●ius (a) T●ebaid. lib. IX. ; A p●ra te●geminis acies se condidit uncis. The Head with three Hooks armed Entered his Body. In this Sense likewise Hippocrates' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to be understood. The Heads of Arrows were sometimes besmeared with Poison; for which Piece of n●●uman Skill Virgil's Amycus was famous (b) Aeneid. IX. v. 771. ; — ferarum ●astatorem Amycum, quo non felicior alter Ungere tela manu, ferrumque armare veneno. — Amycus the Man, Who many a wild and savage Beast had slain, Famed for his Skill, and for his wondrous Art In giving double Force to any Dart, Or Arrow, with his Poison. This Practice was more frequent in barbarous Nations, but seldom used, or understood in Greece: Wherefore Minerva in Homer having assumed the Form and Titles of Mentes King of the Taphians, and Son to Anchialus, pretends that her Father, out of an extraordinary Love to Ulysles, obliged him with a Quantity of this deadly Ointment, after he had been at the Pains of a tedious Journey to Ephyra, to furnish himself, but had been denied it by Ilus the Son of Mermerus, who (as the Poet tells us) rejected Ulysses' Request out of a Scruple of Conscience, being afraid that Divine Vengeance would prosecute so criminal an Action (c) Odyss. ●. v. 260. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — When he had Ilus left Returned from Ephyra; in Hopes to find Some Poison he for Arrows Heads designed, Ulysses thither failed, Ilus revered Th' immortal Gods, and ●h●refore much he feared To grant what he desired, but easier f●r He found Anchialus, who strait took care To give the kill Poison, that he asked, For dearly well he loved him. Mr Dechair. They were usually winged with Feathers, to increase their Speed and Force, whence Homer's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Iliad. . v. 116. etc. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Iliad. ●. v. 171. , Oppian's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ●. , Sophoc●es's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Trachimit. , with divers other Epithets, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Names to the same Purpose (f) Vide Commentarium meum in ●ycopi●on. v 56. . These they carried to the Battle in a Quiver, which was usually closed on all Sides, and therefore (as Fustathius (g) Iliad. ● p. 29. Ed. Bas. observes) joined with the Epithet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This with the Bow the Heroes carried upon their Backs: Thus Apollo in Homer (h) Iliad. ●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Carrying his Bow, and Quiver on his Shoulders. Hercules is represented by Hes●od in the same Manner (i) Scuto Hercul●● v 130. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — towards his Back He turned the hollow Quiver, which contained Great Shafts, who●e Force no Mortal yet sustained, And did not strait expire. Likewise the famous Heroïn in Virgil (k) Aeneid XI. v. 652. ; Aureus ex humero sonat arcus, & arma Dianae. The Golden Bow and Arrows loosely hung Down from her Shoulders. In drawing Bows the primitive Grecians did not pull back their Hand towards their right Ear, according to the Fashion of modern Ages, and of the ancient Persians (a) Procopius de Bell Persi● lib I ; but, placing their Bows 〈◊〉 before them, returned their Hand upon their right Breast (b) Eustathius Iliad. . p. 344. etc. Iliad. ●. p 6●2. Ed Basil. ; which was the Custom of the Amazonian Women, who are reported to have cut off their Right Breasts, lest they should be an Impediment to them in Shooting; on which Account their Name is commonly thought to have been derived from the privative Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. from their Want of a Breast. Thus Homer of Pandarus (c) Iliad. . v. 123. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Up to the Head the mortal Shaft he drew, The Bowstring touched hi● Breast. There were several sorts of Darts, or Javelins, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, called in Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Eustashius' Odyss. . ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and many others; some of which were projected by the Help of a Strap girt round their Middle, and called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin amentum, the Action is expressed by the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is likewise sometimes used in a more general Sense for any sort of Darting, tho' without Straps. The Javelin thus cast was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the Custom is mentioned in the Roman, as well as Greek Writers: Whence Seneca in his Hipp●lytus, Amentum d'gitis tende prioribus, Et totis jaculum dirige viribus. The Strap with your Forefinger draw, Then shoot with all your Strength. The ancient Grecians were wont to annoy their Enemies with great Stones. Thus Agamemnon in Homer (e) Iliad. ●. v. 264. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But he to other Ranks himself betook, And here his Spear, his Sword, and Stones too struck The flying Enemy. These were not Stones of an ordinary Size, but such as the joint Strength of several Men in our Days would be unable to much as to lift. With a Stone of this Bigness Diom●des knocks down Aeneas in Homer (a) Iliad. ●. v. 3●2. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— — a vast and monstrous Stone The brave Tydides' took and threw alone, A Stone it was, so h●●w, and so great, Not two the strongest ●en could bear the Weight, As now Men are, but he with Ease it hurled, And broke Aeneas' Hippias Ajax likewise, and Hector encountered one another with the same Weapons; and the latter (as the Poet tells us) had his Buckler broken with a Stone scarce inferior in Bigness to a Millstone (b) Iliad. ●. v. 270. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Stone so big, you might a Millstone call, He threw, which made the Shield in Pieces fall. Nor did the Gods themselves disdain to make use of them; as appears from Homer's Minerva, who attacked the God of War with a Stone of a prodigious Size, which had been in former Ages placed for a Landmark (c) Iliad. ●. v. 403. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — here stepping back A Stone, that long had lain to part the Land, She forces up with her commanding Hand, A sharp, black, heavy Stone, which, when 'twas thrown, Struck Mars' Neck; the helpless God falls down With shivering Limbs. Virgil has elegantly imitated some of these Passages in his twelfth Aencid (a) V 8●6. , where he speaks of Turnus in this manner; Ne● plura ●●atut, sa●um circum●picit ingens, Sarum antiqu●m, ingens, campo quod forte jacebat L●nes agro prositus, ●tem ut discerneret arvis: Vix Iliad le●ti bis se●●ervi●e subment, Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus: Ille man● raptum trepida contorsit in hostem Ae●i●r in●urgens, & cursu concitus heros. He spoke no more, but strait a Stone he spied, An old prodigious Stone, which to divide The Lands th●re lay, le●t Quarrel, might en●ue, And one should claim w●● was fewer Due. Should Six the lusti●st Men together try To bear this Stone, it would their Strength defy, So weak, so frail the Bodies, that Men wear, Such puny Men, as now on Earth appear; He matched it up, and running on him threw This many Stone. Mr. Dechair. On all which Relations several modern, especially French Critics insult with Triumph, imagining them grossly absurd and ridiculous; whilst forming wh●t they call Rules of Probability from the Manner, of their own Times, they can scarce meet with one Passage in all the Volumes of ancient Poetry, that does not on some Score or other soully disgust their curious and distinguishing Palates. But however the Heroic Fights might be carried on in this Manner, as most of the ancient Poet's wi●ness, yet in nearer Ages, when they tell us M●n's Strength, and Courage were lessened, but their Policy, and Conduct improved, we seldom find any Mention of Stones, except in Sieges, where the Defenders frequently rolled down vast Rocks upon their Enemy's Heads. They were likewise cast out of several Engines, of which the most common in Field-engagements was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Sling; which, we are told by some, was invented by the Natives of the Balearian Islands, where it was managed with so great Art and Dexterity, that young Children were not allowed any Food by their Mothers, till they could sling it down from th● Beam, where it was placed aloft (b) Vegetal de re militari lib I. cap XVI Lucius Florus lib. III. cap. VIII. Diolotus Sl●●●us lib. V. Strabo lib. III. ; and when they arrived to be of Age to serve in the Wars, this was the principal of their offensive Arms; it being customary for all of them to be furnished with three Slings, which either hung about their Necks, according to Eustathius (a) Commentario in Dionysium. ; or were carried, one on their Necks, one in their Hands, a third about their Loins (b) Lycephron, ejusque Scholiastes v. 635. . Hence the Balearian Slings are famous in all ancient Writers; Take only one Instance out of Ovid (c) M●tamorph. lib II. v. 727. ; Non secus exarsit, quam cum Balearica phonbum Funda jacit; volat illud, & incandescit cundo, Et quos non habuit, sub nubibus invenit ignes. — He burned within Just like the Led the Balearian Sling Hurls out; You hear the Bullet whistling fly, And Heat attends it a● long the Sky, The Clouds the Fire, it wants itself, Supply. Mr. Dechair. It was likewise common in Greece, especially amongst the Acarnanians (d) P●●lux ●ib I. cap X. , who were well skilled in managing it, and are by some thought to have invented it; Others give that Honour to the Aetolians (e) Strab●. , But none of the Grecians managed it with so great Art and Dexterity as the Achaians', that inhabited Aegyum, Dyma and Patrae; who were brought up to this Exercise from their Infancy (f) Liviu● lib. XXXVIII , and are thought by some to have excelled the Balearians: Whence it became a Custom to call any Thing directly levelled at the Mark, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (g) Surdas. . This Weapon was used for the most part by the common, and light-armed Soldiers: Cyrus is said to have thought it very unbecoming any Officer (h) Xenoph. Cyro●a●. lib. VII. ; and Alexander endeavouring to render his Enemies as contemptible to his own Soldiers as he could, tells them, They were a confused and disorderly Rabble, some of them having no Weapon, but a Javelin, others were designed for no greater Service, than to cast Stones out of a Sling, and very few were regularly armed (i) Curtiu● lib. IU. . The Form of a Sling we may learn from Dionysius, by whom the Earth is said to resemble it, being not exactly Spherical, but extended out in Length, and broad in the Middle: for Slings resembled a plaited Rope, somewhat broad in the Middle, with an Oval Compass, and so by little and little decreasing into two Thongs, or Reinss. The Geographer's Words are these (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 5. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— It's Matter seems not to have been always the same; in Homer we find it composed of a Sheep's Fleece; and therefore one of the Heroes being wounded in the Hand, Agenor binds it with his Sling (a) Iliad. ●. v. 599. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Sling of Wool he to his Hand applied, One of his Servants held it. Out of it were cast Arrows, Stones, and Plummets of Lead called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, some of which weighed no lesle than an Attic Pound, i.e. an hundred Drachins. It was distinguished into several sorts; some were managed by one, others by two, some by three Cords. The Manner of Slinging was by whirling it twice or thrice about their Head, and so casting out the Bullet. Thus Mezentius in Virgil (b) Aeneid. IX. v. 587. , Ipse ter adducta circum caput egit habena. Thrice round his Head the loaded Sling he whirled. But Vegetius commends those as the greatest Artists▪ that cast out the Bullet with one Turn about the Head. How far this Weapon carried its Load is expressed in this Verse, Fundum Va●rro vocas, quem possis mittere funda. It's Force was so great, that neither Head-piece, Buckler, or any other Armour was a sufficient Defence against it; and so vehement Its Motions, that (as Seneca reports) the Plummets were frequently melted. Lastly, we find mention of Fire-balls, or Hand-granado's called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. One sort of them are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were composed of Wood, and some of them a Foot, others a Cubit in Length: Their Heads were armed with Spikes of Iron, beneath which were placed Torches, Hemp, Pitch, or such like combustible Matter, which being set on Fire, they were thrown with great Force toward the Enemy's first Ranks Head foremost, whereby the Iron-spikes being fastened to whatever came in their Way, they burned down all before them (a( Suidas. : Wherefore they seem to have been of the greatest Use in Leaguers, to demolish the Enemy's Works; tho' my Author mentioneth no such Thing. Concerning Military Apparel nothing certain, or constant can be related; only it may be observed, that Lycurgus ordered the Lacedæmonians to clothe their Soldiers in Scarlet; The Reason of which Institution seems either to have been, because that Colour is both soon imbibed by Cloth, and most lasting and durable (b) Xenophon de Rep. Laced. ; Or on the Account of its Brightness and Splendour, which that Lawgiver thought conducive to raise Man's Spirits, and most suitable to Minds animated with true Valour (c) Pluta●chus Institut Laconic. ; Or, lastly, because 'twas most proper to conceal the Stains of Blood, a Sight of which might either daunt and despirit the raw and unexperienced Soldiers of their own Party, or inspire their Enemies with fresh Life, and Vigour (d) Plutarchus ●oc. citat. Aelianus lib. VI cap. VI Valerius Maximus lib. II. cap. VI : Which Eustathius observes to have been well and wisely considered, when he comments on that Passage of Homer, where the cowardly Trojans upon seeing Ulysses' Blood flow from his Wound, receive new Courage, and animating one another, rush with united Force upon the Hero (e) Iliad. ●. v. 459. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — The Trojans saw Ulysses' Blood Gush from his Wound, then with new Life inspired Each stirred the other up, and with joint Force Rushed on the Hero. 'Tis farther remarkable of the Lacedæmonians, that they never engaged their Enemies, but with Crowns, and Garlands upon their Heads (f) Xenoph●n, item Plutarch Lycu●ge. , tho' at other Times they were unaccustomed to such Ornaments: Hereby ascertaining themselves of Success, and, as it were, anticipating their Victory, Crowns being the ordinary Rewards presented to Conquerors in all the Parts of Greece. So wonderful, indeed, were the old Lacedaemonian Courage and Fortune, that they encountered their Enemies fearless and unconcerned, joining Battle with certain Hopes, or rather Assurance of Victory; which was a Thing so common to them, that for their greatest Successes, they seldom sacrifieed to the Gods any more than a Cock: Not were they much elevated when the happy News arrived, nor made Presents of any Value to the Messengers thereof, as was usual in other Cities: For after the famous Battle of Mantinaea, we find the Person, that carried the Express of Victory, rewarded with nothing but a good Piece of powdered Beef (a) Plutarch Agesilao. . The Soldiers usually carried their own Provisions, which consisted for the most part, of Salt-meat, Cheese, Olives, Onions, etc. To which End every one had a Vessel of Wickers (b) Aristo●h●nis Scholiast●s A●harnent. , with a long, narrow Neck, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence Men with long Necks are by the Comedian termed in Derision 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Pace. . CHAPTER V. Of the Officers in the Athenian and Lacedaemonian Armies. THE Graecian Cities being governed by different Laws, the Nature, and Titles of their Offices, whether in Military, or Civil Affairs, ●nust of consequence be distinguished. Wherefore, it being an endless Undertaking to recount the various Commands throughout the whole Graecian Nation, I shall only present you in this Place with a short View of the chief Offices in the Athenian and Lacedaemonian Armies. In the primitive Times, when most States were governed by Kings, the supreme Command belonged to them of Course; and it was one principal Part of their Duty towards their Subjects to lead them forth in Person against their Enemies, and in single Combat to encounter the bravest of them at the Head of their Armies. And it may be observed, that when any Prince through Cowardice, or other Weakness was judged unable to protect his People, it was customary for them, withdrawing their Allegiance, to substitute a Person better qualified in his Place: A memorable Instance whereof we have in Thymates an Athenian King, who, declining a Challenge sent by Xanthus' King of Boeotia, was deposed without farther ado, and succeeded by a Foreigner, one Melanthius a Messenian, who undertook to revenge the Quatrel of Athens on the Baeotians (d) Vide Archa●log. nostr. Vol. I. p. 333. . Yet on some Occasions it was not impracticable for the King to nominate a Person of eminent Worth and Valour to be his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or General, who either commanded under the King, or, when the Emergency of other Affairs required his Absence, supplied his Place: Which honourable Post was conferred by King Erectheus upon jon the Son of Xuthus in the Eleusinian War (a) Pausanias' Atti●is. . But the Government being at length devolved upon the People, Affairs were managed after a new Method; For all the Tribes being invested with an equal Share of Power, 'twas appointed that each of them should nominate a Commander out of their own Body; This Nomination was made in public, and frequently lighted upon the same Persons, if they behaved themselves with Courage and Prudence, and executed their Office for the Safety and Honour of their Country; Insomuch that 'tis reported of Photion, that he was a Commander five and forty Times, tho' he never sued, or canvased for that Honour, but was always promoted by the free and voluntary Choice of the People (b) Plusar●●us Phocione. . Before their Admission to Office they took an Oath of Fidelity to the Commonwealth, wherein one Thing is more peculiarly remarkable, viz. That they obliged themselves to inrade the Megarians twice every Year: Which Clause was first inserted in the Oath by a Decree preferred by Charinus, on the Account of Anthemocritus an Athenian Herald, whom the Megarians had barbarously murdered about the Beginning of the Peloponnesian War: This done, the Command of all the Forces, and warlike Preparations was entrusted in their Hands, to be employed and managed as they judged convenient; Yet was not their Power absolute, or unlimited, it being wisely ordered, that upon the Expiration of their Command, they should be liable to render an Account of their Administration: Only, on some extraordinary Occasions, it seemed fit to exempt them from this Restraint, and send them with full and uncontrollable Authority, and then they were styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Suidas. : Which Title was conferred on Aristides, when he was General at the famous Battle of Plataeae; upon Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus in the Sicilian Expedition, and several others (d) Plutarch. . These Commanders were Ten, according to the Number of the Athenian Tribes, and all called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being invested with equal Power, and about the first Times of their Creation frequently dispatched all together in Expeditions of Concern and Moment, where every one enjoyed the supreme Command by Days: But lest in controverted Matters an Equality of Voices should retard their Proceedings we find an eleventh Person joined in Commission with them, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose Vote, added to either of the contesting Parties, weighed down the Balance, as may appear from Herodotus' Account of the Athenian Affairs in the Median War. But in some Time it was looked on as unnecessary, and perhaps not very expedient, for so many Generals to be sent with equal Power to manage military Affairs: Wherefore, tho' the ancient Number was elected every Year, they were not all obliged to attend the Wars; but one, two, or more, as Occasion required, were dispatched to that Service: The Polemarchus was diverted to civil Business, and became Judge of a Court, where he had Cognizance of Lawsuits between the Natives, or Freemen of Athens and Foreigners: The rest of the Generals had every Man his proper Employment, yet none were wholly free from military Concerns, but determined all Controversies that happened amongst Men of that Profession and ordered all the Affairs of War that lay in the City (a) Demosthenes Philipp. . Hence they came to be distinguished into two sorts, one they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they administered the City-business; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from their Concern about Arms. The latter of these listed and disbanded Soldiers as there was Occasion (b) Idem Orat. de Epitrierch. Plutarch Phocione. , and, in short, had the whole Management of War devolved upon them during their Continuance in that Post, which seems not to have been long, it being customary for the Generals, who remained in the City, to take their Turns of serving in the War (c) Ulpta●us in Mid●anam. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were likewise ten, (every Tribe having the Privilege of electing one) and commanded next under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They had the Care of Marshalling the Army, gave Orders for their Marches, and what Provisions every Soldier should furnish himself with, which were conveyed to the Army by public Criers. They had also Power to cashier any of the common Soldiers, if convicted of Misdemeanours. Their Jurisdiction was only over the Foot (d) Lysias Orat. pro Mantitheo, & de neglecta militia, Aristophanes' Scholiast. Avibus. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were only two in Number (e) Sigonius de Rep. Athen. , and had the chief Command of the Cavalry next under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) Demosthenes Midiana. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were ten; one being nominated by every Tribe. They were subordinate Officers to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and invested with Authority to discharge Horsemen, and to fill up the Vacancies, as Occasion required (g) Lysius in locis citatis. . Thus much of the General Officers, the Inferiors usually derived their Titles from the Squadron, or Number of Men under their Command: as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Proceed we in the next Place to the Commanders of the Spartan Army. The supreme Command was lodged in one Person, for the Lacedæmonians, however fond of Aristocracy in civil Affairs, found by Experience that in War a Monarchical Government was on several Accounts preferable to any other (a) Isocrates ad Nic●●lem. : For it happening that once upon a Difference in Opinion between their two Kings, Demaratus and Cleomenes, the former withdrew his Part of the Army and left his Colleague exposed to the Enemy, a Law was hereupon enacted, that for the future they should never command the Army together, as had been usual before that Misfortune (b) Her●dotus lib. V. cap. LXXV. . Yet upon great and emergent Occasions, when the Safety and Honour of the State was in Dispute, they had so much Prudence, as rather by transgressing the●● Letter of the Law to secure their Country, than by insisting on Niceties to bring it into Danger: For we find that, when Agis was engaged in a dubious War with the Argians & Mantineans, Plistonax his fellow-King, having raised an Army out of such Citizens, as by their Age were at other Times excused from Military Service, went in Person to his Assistance (c) Thucydedes lib. V. . The General's Title (as some say) was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) 〈◊〉. , which others will have common to all other Military Officers. He was ordinarily one of the Kings of Sparta; it being appointed by one of Lycurgus' Laws, that this Honour should belong to the Kings: But in Cases of Necessity, as in their King's Minority, a Protector, or Viceroy, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was substituted for the Management of Military, as well as Civil Affairs (e) Xenor●●n de Repub. Lace●●m. . 'Twas under this Character, that Lycurgus reformed, and new modelled the Lacedaemonian Polity, and commanded their Armies, during the Infancy of King Charilaus (f) Plutarch●s ●ycurgo. . Pausanias' also was Tutor to Plistarchus, when he lead the Lacedæmonians, and the rest of the Grecians against Mardonius, Xerxes' Lieutenant, at Pluaeae (g) Herodotus, Thacy●t●e●, Platarch●s, Cornel●●s Ne●os 〈◊〉. . This only concerned their Land-armies, for the Laws made no Provision for their Fleets, their Lawgiver having positively forbidden them to meddle with marine Affairs. Wherefore when they became Masters of a Navy, they confined not their Elections of Admirals to the Royal House, but rather chose to commit so great a Trust to their most able and experienced Seamen; as may appear from the Instances of Lysander, and several others, who commanded the Spartan Fleets, tho' never invested with Royal Power. Nor was it ordinarily permitted their Kings, when entrusted with Land-armies, to undertake the Office of Admiral: The only Person honoured with those two Commands at the same Time, was the Great Agesilaus (a) Pluta●chus A●esila●. . The King, however limited and restrained when at Home, was supreme and absolute in the Army, it being provided by a particular precept of the Law, that all others should be subordinate to him, and ready to obey his Commands (b) Herodotus lib. VI Th●cydides lib. V. . Notwithstanding this, he was not always left wholly to himself, and the Prosecution of his own Measures, it being customary for some of the Magistrates called Ephori to accompany him, and assist him with their Advice (c) Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. II. . To these, on some Occasions, others were joined; When Agis had unadvisedly entered into a League with the Argians, at a Time, when it lay in his Power to have forced them to accept of Terms far more honourable to his Country, the Spartans' highly resented his Imprudence, and enacted a D●●ree, that he should never again command an Army, without ten Counselors to go along with him. Whether the succeeding Kings were hereby obliged, does not fully appear; but it seems probable, they were not sent to the Wars without a Council consisting, if not of the same, however of a considerable Number of the wisest Heads in Sparta: Agesipolis was attended with no lesle than thirty (d) Xenopho● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib V. ; And tho' the Tenderness of his Age might occasion that extraordinary Provision, yet in Wars of great Concern, or Danger, and such as were carried on in remote Countries, Kings of greatest Experience, and most eminent for Conduct, were not trusted without a great Number of Counselors; For we are told, that Agesilaus himself, when he made his Expedition into Asia, was obliged by a Decree of the People to take thirty along with him (e) Plutarch Agesilas, & Xenophon. . Beside these, the General was guarded by three hundred valiant Spartans' called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Horsemen, who fought about his Person (f) Thacydides lib. V. , and were much of the same Nature with Romulus' Life-guards called Celeres, or Light horse, as Dionysius of Halicarnassus reports. Before him fought all those that had obtained Prizes in the Sacred Games, which was looked upon as one of the most honourable Posts in the Army, and esteemed equivalent to all the glorious Rewards conferred on those Victors in other Cities (g) Plutarch Lycurgo. . The chief of the subordinate Officers was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Titles of the rest will easily be ' understood from the Names of the Parties under their Command, being all derived from them: Such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. CHAPTER VI Of the several Divisions, and Forms of the Graecian Army, with other Military Terms. THE whole Army, as compounded of Horse and Foot, was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Front, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The right-hand Man of which, as in other Places, was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The Wings, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ●● which some make Pan, Bacchus' General in his Indian Expedition, to have been the first Inventor; The Soldiers herein, and their Leader, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Those in the middle Ranks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The Rear, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Person that brought up the Rear, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Orbicius. ; which seem to have been common Names for any others that obtained the like Places in smaller Bodies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a Party of five Soldiers; it's Leader, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of ten; it's Leader, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: And so of the rest. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consisted of eight, as others, of twelve, or, as some, of sixteen, which was a complete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tho' some make that to contain no lesle than twenty-five. It is sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and its Leader 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was an half 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; It's Leader, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a Conjunction of several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Sometimes 'tis termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which consisted of four half, or two complete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, containing thirty-two Men. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, however the Name imports only fifty, was usually a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, consisting of four 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or sixty-four Men: Whence it's Leader was not only termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we sometimes find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, consisted of two of the former, containing an hundred-twenty-eight Men. It's Commander was anciently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but afterwards the Name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 generally prevailed. To every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were assigned five necessary Attendants, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as not being reckoned in the Ranks with the Soldiers. These were 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Crier, who conveyed by Voice the Words of Command. He was usually a Man of strong Lungs: The most remarkable of any in Story was Homer's Stentor, who, he tells us, was able to shout as loud as any fifty (a) Iliad. ●. v. 784. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 juno there clamours with imperious Sway, Like bawling Stentor, when his Lungs gay way, Whose Voice would open in a mighty Shout, As loud as fifty Man's.— 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Ensign, remitted by Signs the Officer's Commands to the Soldiers; and was of use in conveying Things not to be pronounced openly, or discovered; and when the Noise of War drowned the Cryer's Voice. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Trumpeter, was necessary, as well to signify to the Soldiers the Will of their Commanders, when Dust rendered the two former useless, as to animate and encourage them, so on several other Accounts. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was a Servant, that waited on the Soldiers to supply them with Necessaries. These four were placed next to the fore-most Rank. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Lieutenant, brought up the Rear, and took care that none of the Soldiers were left behind, or deserted. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and, according to some, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was compounded of two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being made up of two hundred-fifty-six Men. The Commander, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contained two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. fivehundred and twelve Men. The Commander's Name was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and (as some think) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was the former doubled, and consisted of a thousand and twenty-four. The Commander, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈…〉 four Fronted Phalange against all Attempts of the Enemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which by some is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, contained two of the former, i.e. two-thousand-forty-eight. The Commander, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and, by the Ancients, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was compounded of two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and contained four-thousand-fourscore and sixteen, or four-thousand-thirty-six, according to others. The Officer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and (as some think) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was almost a Duplicate of the former, for it consisted of eight-thousand, one hundred and thirty two. The Commander's Title was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contained about two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or sixteen-thousand, three-hundred, fours●ore and four. The Commander, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes taken for a Party of twenty-eight Men, sometimes of eight-thousand; but a complete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is said to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Several other Numbers are signified by this Name, it being frequently taken for the whole Body of Foot, and as often in general for any Company of Soldiers. Indeed the Graecian Battles were usually ranged into an Order peculiarly termed Phalanx; which was of such Strength, that it was able to bear any Shock with what Violence soever charged upon them. The Macedonians were the most famous for this Way of Embattling; Their Phalanx is described by Polybius to be a square Battle of Pike-men, consisting of sixteen in Flank, and fivehundred in Front; the Soldiers standing so close together, that the Pikes of the fifth Rank were extended three Foot beyond the Front of the Battle: The rest, whose Pikes were not serviceable by reason of their Distance from the Front, couched them upon the Shoulders of those, that stood before them, and so, locking them together in File, pressed forward to suppo●t and push on the former Ranks, whereby the Assault was rendered more violent and irresistible. The Commander was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the Length, or first Rank of the Phalanx, reaching from the farthest Extremity of one Wing to that of another. 'Tis the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The Ranks behind were called, according to their Order, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was the Depth, consisting in the Number of Ranks from Front to Rear. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were the Ranks taken according to the Length of the Phalanx. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were the Files measured according to the Depth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Distribution of the Phalanx into two equal Portions, which were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. or Wings: The left of these was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The right, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Body, or middle Part between the Wings. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the lessening the Depth of the Phalanx by cutting off some of its Files. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, acies recta, or the Hearse, wherein the Depth exceeded the Length. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differed from the former, by being broad in Front, and narrow in Flank; whereas the other was narrow in Front, and broad in Flank (a) Aelian. Tacticis. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or obliqua acies, when one Wing was advanced near the Enemies, to begin the Battle, the other holding off at a convenient Distance. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the Soldiers were placed back to back, that they might every way face their Enemies: which Form of Battalia was used, when they were in Danger of being surrounded. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differed herein from the former, that it was formed lengthways, and engaged at both Flanks; whereas the former engaged at Front and Rear. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the Leaders were placed in both Fronts, but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who followed▪ the Rear, transplanted into the Middle, so that their Enemies were confronted on all Sides. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was contrary to the former, having the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and their Rear on the two Sides, and the rest of the Commanders, who were placed at other Times in the Front, in the Midst facing one another; In which Form the Front, opening in two Parts, so closed again, that the Wings succeeded in its Place, and the last Ranks were transplanted into the former Place of the Wings. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was when both the Phalanx's had their Officers on the same Side, one marching behind the other in the same Form. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the Commanders of one Phalanx were placed on the right Flank, in the other on the left. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when it's Form was changed, as the Ways required, through which it marched. Loxe-Phalanx or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fronted Phalange The Front The Battle called Plinthium The Diphalangia Homoistomus The Cyrte or Convex Half Moon. The Epicampios The Coelembalos or hollow Fronted ●eda● The Front The Induction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, represented an halfmoon, the Wings turned backwards, and the main Body advanced toward the Enemy; or on the contrary. The same was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being Convex, and therefore hollow. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the Parts of the Battalia stood at an unequal Distance from the Enemy, some jutting out before others. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when both Wings were extended beyond the adverse Army's Front; When only one, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, called likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Battalia with four equal, but not rectangular, Sides, representing the Figure of a Diamond. This Figure was used by the Thessalians, being first contrived by their Countryman jason. Indeed the common Forms of Battalia in Greece, in Sicily also, and Persia, seem to have been devised after this, or some other Square (a) Aelianus Tacticis, qu● ubique in hoc capite consulendus. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rostrum, or cuneus, was a Rhombus divided in the Middle, having three Sides, and representing the Figure of a Wedge, or the Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Design of this Form was to pierce, and enter forcibly into the Enemy's Body. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Forsex, was the Cuneus transversed, and wanting the Basis: It represented a Pair of Sheers, or the Letter V; and seems to have been designed to receive the Cuneus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, laterculu●, an Army drawn up in the Figure of a Brick, or Tyle, with four unequal Sides; it's Length was extended towards the Enemy, and exceeded the Depth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Turris, was the Brick inverted, being an oblong Square, after the Fashion of a Tower, with the small End towards the Enemy. This Form is mentioned by Homer (b) I●●ad ●. v. 43. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wheeling themselves into a Tower's Form. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had an oblong Figure, but approaching nearer a Circle than Quadrangle. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was an Army extended at length with a very few Men in a Rank, when the Ways they marched through could not be passed in broader Ranks: The Name is taken from a Worth that insinuates itself into little Holes in Wood On the same Account we find mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so ranged, as it were, to pierce through the Passages. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the ranging Soldiers close together, so that, whereas in other Battalias every Man was allowed four Cubits Space on each Side, in this he took up only two. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was closer than the former, one Cubit's Room being allowed to every Soldier: 'Tis so called from Bucklers, which were all joined close to one another. Several other Forms of Battalia may occur in Authors, as those drawn in all the sorts of Spherical Figures. One of these was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, first invented by Ilium of Thessaly, representing the Figure of an Egg, into which the Thessalians commonly ranged their Horse (a) Aelianus loc. citat. . 'Tis commonly taken for any Party of Horse of what Number soever, but sometimes in a more limited Sense for a Troop of sixty-four. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contained two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. one hundred and twenty-eight. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a Duplicate of the former, consisting of two-hundred-fifty-six: For they commonly used a sort of Horsemen called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who annoyed their Enemies with Missive Weapons, being unable to sustain a close Fight by reason of their light Armour. There was likewise another sort of Tarentine Horsemen, who, having discharged their missive Weapons, engaged their Enemies in close Fight. Their Name was derived from Tarentum in Italy, which used to furnish out Horsemen of these sorts: But whether the Name of this Troop was taken from the sort of Horsemen, or the Number's being the same with that used by the Tarentines, is not certain. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contained two of the former, i.e. fivehundred and twelve. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being made up of one thousand and twenty-four. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the former doubled, containing two-thousand-forty-eight. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was equal to two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being composed of four-thousand-ninety-six. The Lacedaemonian Divisions of their Army had peculiar Names. The whole Army was divided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Regiments. What Numbers of Soldiers were ranged in each is uncertain; Some making them fivehundred, others seven, and some nine (b) Plutarch Pelopid●. ; But at the first Reformation of the Commonwealth, they seem not to have exceeded four-hundred, who were all Footmen. The Commander was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Xenophon de Rep. Laced. ; to whom was added a subordinate Officer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Idem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. VI : The former was Colonel, the latter his Lieutenant. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the fourth Part of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: And tho' some affirm there were five 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) He●y●●●. , yet the former Account seems more agreeable to the ancient State of the Spartan Army: For we are assured by Xenophon, that in every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there were four 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the fourth Part, or, as others, half of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and contained fifty Men, as appears from the Name. The Commander hereof was styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Of these there were▪ eight in every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the forementioned Author reports. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the fourth Part, or, as others, the half of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contained twenty-five Men, and so called, because all the Soldiers therein were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Idem , or bound by a solemn Oath upon a Sacrifice to be faithful and loyal to their Country: The Commander was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of these Xenophon tells us there were sixteen in every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which, together with his Account of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, makes it evident that the primitive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consisted only of four-hundred: The Disagreement of Authors herein seems to have been occasioned by the Increase of the Lacedaemonian Army; For in succeeding Ages the Spartans', having augmented their Forces, still retained their ancient Names, so that the eighth Part of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tho' perhaps containing several Fifties, was still termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Roman Battalions, in like Manner, however increased by new Additions, were still called Legiones; which, tho' at first they contained no more than three-thousand, were afterwards varied as Necessity required, and consisted of four, five, or six-thousand: The same may be observed of their Cohortes, Manipuli, Ordines, etc. There are several other Military Terms, an Explication of some of which may be expected in this Place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the placing of any Company of Soldiers before the Front of the Army; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the light-armed Men are drawn before the rest of the Army, to begin the Fight at a Distance with missive Weapons. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is contrary to the former, and signifies the ranging of Soldiers in the Rear. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when to one, or both Flanks of the Battle, Part of the Rear is added, the Front of those, that are added, being placed in the same Line with the Front of the Battle. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the Wings are doubled, by bestowing the light-armed Men under them in an embowed Form, so that the whole Figure resembles a threefold Door. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the placing together of different sorts of Soldiers; as when light-armed Man are ordered to fill up void Spaces between the heavy-armed Companies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is distinguished from the former, as denoting the Completion of vacant Spaces in the Files by Soldiers of the same sort. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a continued Series of Battalions in March, drawn up after the same Form behind one another, so that the Front of the latter is extended to the Rear of the former: Whence this Term is sometimes taken for the Rhetorical Figure Inductio, where certain Consequences are inferred, in a plain and evident Method, from the Concession of some Antecedents (a) Aristoteles Topic. lib. I. Quintilianus lib. V. cap. X. Cicero. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differs herein from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that the Phalanx proceedeth in a Wing not by File, but by Rank, the Leaders marching not directly in the Front, but on one Side; when toward the left, 'twas called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: When toward the right, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are distinguished into four sorts; For when they expected the Enemy, and marched on prepared for him only on one Side, they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: When on two Sides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: When on three, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: When every Side was ready for an Assault, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Motions of the Soldiers at their Officers Command were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the right: Because they managed their Spears with their right Hands. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the retrograde Motion, i e. to the left. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the left: For their Bucklers were held in their left Hands. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a double Turn to the same Hand, whereby their Backs were turned on what before lay to their Faces. There were two sorts of it: 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereby they turned from Front to Rear, which is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so that their Backs were toward their Enemies; The Deduction The Macedoman Countermarche by File whence 'tis called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was always effected by turning to the right. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from Rear to Front, whereby they turned their Faces to their Enemies, by moving twice to the left. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the whole Battalion, close joined Man to Man, made one Turn either to the right, or left. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being the Return of such a Battalion to its former Station. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereby their Backs were turned to the Place of their Faces, the Front being transferred to the Place of the Rear. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a treble 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or three Wheelings. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to turn about to the Places they were in at first. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Countermarch, whereby every Soldier, one marching after another, changed Front for the Rear, or one Flank for another: Whence there are two sorts of Countermarches, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one by Files, the other by Ranks; both are farther divided into three sorts. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, invented by the Macedonians, was thus: First the Leaders of the Files turned to the right, or left about, than the next Rank passed through by them on the same Hand, and, being come into the distant Spaces, placed themselves behind the Leaders of their Files, then turned about their Faces the same Way: In like manner the third Rank after them, with the fourth, and all the rest, till the Bringers up were last, and had turned about their Faces, and again taken the Rear of the Battle. Hereby the Army was removed into the Ground before the Front, and the Faces of the Soldiers turned backward. This appeared like a Retreat, and was for that reason laid aside by Philip of Macedon, who used the following Motion in its stead. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, invented by the Lacedæmonians, was contrary to the former; That took up the Ground before the Phalanx, this the Ground behind it, and the Soldier's Faces turned the contrary Way; In that the Motion was from Rear to Front, in this from Front to Rear. Aelian (a) Tact. cap. XXVIII. cum Binghamii notis. describes it two ways; One was, when the Bringers up first turned about their Faces, the next Rank likewise turning their Faces, began the Countermarch, every Man placing himself directly before his Bringer up; the third did the like, and so the rest, till the Rank of File-leaders were first. The other Method was, when the Leaders of Files began the Countermarch, every one in their Files following them orderly: Hereby they were brought nearer to their Enemies, and represented a Charge. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was used by the Persians and Cretans; it was sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because managed like the Graecian chori, which, being ordered into Files and Ranks, like Soldier, in Battle-aray, and moving forward toward the Brink of the Stage, when they could pass no farther, retired one through the Ranks of another; the whole chorus all the Time maintaining the same Space of Ground, they were before possessed of; wherein this Countermarch differed from the two former, in both which the Phalanx changed its Place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Countermarch by Rank, was contrary to the Countermarch by File: In the Countermarch by File the Motion was in the Depth of the Battalia, the Front moving toward the Rear, or the Rear toward the Front, and succeeding into each other's Place; In this the Motion was in length of the Battalia flank-wise, the Wing either marching into the midst, or quite through to the opposite Wing: In doing this, the Soldiers, that stood last in the Flank of the Wing, moved first to the contrary Wing, the rest of every Rank following in their Order. It was likewise performed three ways: 1. The Macedonian Countermarch began its Motion at the Corner of the Wing nearest the Enemies upon their appearing at either Flank, and removed to the Ground on the Side of the contrary Wing, so resembling a Flight. 2. The Lacedaemonian Countermarch, beginning its Motion in the Wing farthest distant from the Enemy, seized the Ground nearest to them, whereby an Onset was represented. 3. The Chor●an Countermarch maintained its own Ground, only removing one Wing into the other's Place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to double, or increase a Battalia, which was effected two ways; For sometimes the Number of their Men was augmented, remaining still upon the same Space of Ground; sometimes the Soldiers, continuing in the same Number, were so drawn out by thinning their Ranks, or Files, that they took up a much larger Space than before. Both these Augmentations of Men, or Ground, being made either in Length, or Depth, occasioned four sorts of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were made by Countermarches. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when fresh Men were inserted into Ranks, the Length of the Battalion being still the same, but the Soldiers drawn up closer and thicker than before. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was p: 70. Doubling of Ranks in Action when the Files were doubled, their Ground being of no larger Extent than before, by ranging them close to one another. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the Length of the Battalia was increased, without the Accession of new Forces, by placing the Soldiers at greater Distances from one another. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the Depth of Ground taken up by an Army was rendered greater, not by adding new Files, but separating the old to a greater Distance. To conclude this Chapter, it may be observed, that the Grecians were excellently skilled in the Method of imbattelling Armies, and maintained public Professors called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who exercised the Youth in this Art, and rendered them expert in all the Forms of Battle, before they adventured into the Field. CHAPTER VII. Of their manner of making Peace, and declaring War, their Ambassadors, etc. BEFORE the Grecians engaged themselves in War, it was usual to publish a Declaration of the Injuries they had received, and to demand Satisfaction by Ambassadors; For however prepared, or excellently skilled they were in the Affairs of War, yet Peace, if to be procured upon honourable Terms, was thought more eligible: Which Custom was observed even in the most early Ages, as appears from the Story of Tydeus, whom Polynices sent to compose the Differences with his Brother Eteocles King of Thebes, before he proceeded to invest that City, as we are informed by Statius (a) Thobaid. lib: II. v. 368. , and several others, — potior cunctis sedit sementia, fratris Praetentare fidem, tutosque in regna precando Explorare aditus: A●udax ea munera Tydeus Sponte subit.— The Council then vote it expedient, That to the King a Legate should be sent, Who might to prove his Faith the Oath declare, And stop the Ferment of intestine War; This Treaty Tydeus bravely undertook. Nor was the Trojan War prosecuted with so great Hazard and Loss to both Parties, till these Means proved ineffectual; For we find that Ulysses and Menelaus were dispatched on an Embassy for Troy to demand Restitution; Whence Antenor thus bespeaks Helen (a) Iliad. ●. v. 205. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 With stout Atricles sage Ulysses came Hither as Envoys, Helen, thee to claim. The same Poet in another Place lets us understand, that their Proposal was rejected by the Trojans as overruled by Antimachus, a Person of great Repute amongst them, whom Paris had engaged to his Party by a large Sum of Money (b) Iliad. ● v. 124 ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Antimachus o'erswayed the Embassy Refused, and did fair Helena deny, Since Paris had by Largesses of Gold Secured his Trust.— Invasions, indeed, without Notice were looked on rather as Robberies than lawful Wars, as designed rather to spoil and make a Prey of Persons innocent and unprovided, than to repair any Losses, or Damages sustained, which, for aught the Invaders knew, might have been satisfied for an easier Way. 'Tis therefore no Wonder, what Polybius (c) Lib IU. relates of the Aetolians, that they were held for the common Outlaws and Robbers of Greece, it being their Manner to strike without Warning, and make War without any previous and public Declaration, whenever they had Opportunity of enriching themselves with the Spoil and Booty of their Neighbours. Yet there wants not Instances of Wars begun without previous Notice, even by Nations of better Repute for Justice and Humanity; But this was not ordinary, being only done upon Provocations so great and exasperating, that no Recompense was thought sufficient to atone for them: Whence it came to pass, that these Wars were of all others the most bloody and pernicious, and fought with Excess of Rage and Fury; the contesting Parties being resolved to extirpate each other, if possible, out of the World. Ambassadors were usually Persons of great Worth, or eminent Station, that by their Quality and Deportment they might command Respect and Attention from their very Enemies; And by what Injuries, or Affronts soever they were enraged, yet Ambassadors were held sacred by all Sides, and received no Harm without violating the Laws of Gods and Men, for they thought themselves obliged to prosecute with utmost Vengeance so great an Impiety: Whence (to omit several other Instances) we read that the Lacedæmonians having inhumanly murdered Xerxes' Ambassadors, the Gods would accept none of their Oblations and Sacrifices, which were all found polluted with direful Omens, till two Noblemen of Sparta were sent as an expiatory Sacrifice to Xerxes to atone for the Death of his Ambassadors by their own: That Emperor indeed gave them Leave to return in safety without any other Ignominy, than what they suffered by a severe Reflection on the Spartan Nation, whose barbarous Cruelty he professed he would not imitate, however provoked by them; Yet Divine Vengeance suffered them not to go unpunished, but inflicted what th●●● Men had assumed to themselves, upon their Sons, for being sent on an Embassy into Asia, they were betrayed into the Hands of the Athenians, and by them put to Death, which my Author concludes to have been a just Revenge from Heaven for the Lacedaemonian Cruelty (a) Heredotus Polymn. cap. CXXXIV. . Whence this Holiness was derived upon Ambassadors, has been matter of Dispute: Fabulous Authors deduce it from the Honour paid by the Ancients to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Heralds, who were either themselves Ambassadors, or, when others were deputed to that Service, accompanied them, being held sacred on the account of their Original, because descended from Ceryx, the Son of Mercury, who was honoured with the same Employment in Heaven, these obtained upon Earth: 'Tis true that these Men were ever had in great Esteem, and their Persons held sacred and inviolable; whence, as Eustathius observes, Ulysses in Homer, when cast upon foreign and unknown Coasts, usually sends an Herald to protect the Men deputed to make Discovery of the Country and its Inhabitants, Persons of that Character being reverenced even in barbarous Nations, except some few, such as the Laestrygones, or Cyclopes, in whom all Sense of Humanity was extinguished (b) Eustathius Iliads ●. p. 83, 84. Ed. Basil. ; They were likewise under the Care and Protection of Mercury the Precedent God of their Occupation, and jupiter (c) Idem Iliad. ● p. 729. ; whence Achilles calls them the Messengers not of Men only, but of jupiter (d) Iliad. ●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All Hail! ye Envoys of great jove and Men. But these Honours seem not to have been conferr'd upon them so much, because they were descended from Mercury, (several other Families, to whom no such Respect was due, bearing themselves much higher on their Original) as upon account of their Office, which, being common to them with other Ambassadors, seems to have challenged an equal Reverence to both: Licence, indeed, being once granted to treat Persons of that Character injuriously, all Hopes of Peace and Reconciliation amongst Enemies must be banished for ever out of the World; and therefore in the most rude and unpolished Ages all sorts of Ambassadors were civilly entertained, and dismissed with Safety: Whence Tydeus' Lady in Statius (a) Thebay lib. II. v. 371. is prevailed with to let her Husband go Ambassador to Thebes, because that Title would afford him Protection in the Midst of his Enemies; — Te, fortissime gentis Aetolium, mulium lacrymis conata morari est Deïphile, sed jussa patris, tutique regressus Legato, justaeque preces vicere sororis. Thy tender Wise, Heroic Soul, did pine, And scarce admit thy generous Design, Until her boiling Passion did abate By Argia's Prayers, and a Parent's Threat, And that Tutelar God, who does on Envoys wait. The Athenian Heralds were all of one Family, being descended from Ceryx the Son of Mercury, and Pandrosus Daughter to Cecrops King of Athens The Lacedaemonian Heralds were all descended from Talthybius, Agamemnon's Herald, who was honoured with a Temple, and Divine Worship at Sparta (b) Herodotus loc. citat. Pausanias' La●onicis. . They carried in their Hands a Staff of Laurel, or Olive, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, round which two Serpents, without their Crests erected, were folded, as an Emblem of Peace and Concord (c) ●●●nius lib. XXIX cap III. . Instead of this the Athenian Heralds frequently made use of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was a Token of Peace and Plenty, being an Olive-branch covered with Wool, and adorned with all Sorts of Fruits of the Earth. The Peplegmene The Plaesium Ambassadors were of two sorts, being either sent with a limited Commission, which they were not to exceed, or invested with full Power of determining Matters according to their own Discretion. The former were liable to be called in Question for their Proceedings; The latter were subject to no after-reckoning, but wholly their own Masters, and for that reason styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plenipotentiaries (a) Vide Archaeólog nostr. lib. I. cap XV. . It may be observed, that the Lacedæmonians, as in most other Things their Customs were different from the rest of their Countrymen, so likewise in their Choice of Ambassadors had this peculiar, that for the most part they deputed Men, between whom there was no very good Correspondence; supposing it most improbable, that such Persons should so far trust one another, as to conspire together against the Commonwealth: for the same reason, it was thought a piece of Policy in that State to raise Dissensions between their Kings (b) Aristoteles Politic. lib. II. . Their Leagues were of three sorts: 1. A bare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Peace, whereby both Parties were obliged to cease from all Acts of Hostility, and neither to molest one another, nor the Confederates of either. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereby they obliged themselves to assist one another in case they should be invaded. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereby they covenanted to assist one another as well when they made Invasions upon others ', as when themselves were invaded, and to have the same Friends and Enemies (c) Sa●das. . All these Covenants were solemnly confirmed by mutual Oaths, the manner of which I have already described in a former Book (d) Lib II. cap. VI : To the end, they might lie under a greater Obligation to preserve them inviolate, we find it customary to engrave them upon Tables, which they fixed up at Places of general Concourse, that all the World might be Witnesses of their Justice and Fidelity: Thus we find the Articles of Treaty between Athens and Sparta not only published in those Cities, but at the Places where the Olympian, Pythian, and Isthmian Games were celebrated (e) Th●erli●e● de Bello Peloponnes. . Farther, to continue the Remembrance of mutual Agreements fresh in their Minds, it was not uncommon for States thus united, interchangeably to send Ambassadors, who, on some appointed Day, when the People assembled in great Numbers, should openly repeat, and by mutual Consent confirm their former Treaty: This we find practised by the Athenians and Spartans' after their forementioned League, the Spartan Ambassadors presenting themselves at Athens upon the Festival of Bacchus, and the Athenians at Sparta on the Festival of Hyacinthus. Their manner of declaring War was to send an Herald, who bid the Persons that had injured them to prepare for an Invasion, and sometimes in token of Defiance cast a Spear towards them. The Athenians frequently let lose a Lamb into their Enemy's Territories; signifying thereby, that what was then an Habitation for Men, should be laid waist and desolate, and become a Pasture for Sheep (a) Di●genian Collect. Prov. Suidas, etc. . This was rarely done without the Advice and Encouragement of the Gods; the Soothsayerss, and all sorts of Diviners were consulted, the Oracles enriched with Presents, and no Charge, or Labour spared to engage▪ Heaven (so they imagined) to their Party: Instances of this kind are almost as common as the Declarations of War, which was never undertaken before the Gods had been consulted about the Issue: Nor was the Verdict of a single Deity thought sufficient, for in Wars of great Moment and Consequence, whereon the Safety of their Country and Liberties depended, they had Recourse to the whole Train of prophetical Divinities, soliciting all with earnest Prayers lifted up to Heaven on the Wings of costly Offerings and magnificent Presents, to favour them with wholesome Counsel. A remarkable Example whereof we have in Croesus before he declared War against the Persians, when not content with the Answers of his own Gods, and all the celebrated Oracles in Greece, in consulting which he had lavishly profused vast Quantities of Treasure, he dispatched Ambassadors as far as Libya loaden with Wealth, to ask Advice of jupiter Hammon (b) Herodotus lib. I . When they were resolved to begin the War, it was customary to offer Sacrifices and make large Vows to be paid upon the Success of their Enterprise. Thus when Darius invaded Attica, Callimachus made a Vow to Minerva, that, if she would vouchsafe the Athenians Victory, he would sacrifice upon her Altars as many He-goats, as should equal the Number of the slain among their Enemies: Nor was this Custom peculiar to Greece, but frequently practised in most other Countries: Many Instances occur in the Histories of Rome, Persia, etc. The jews likewise were acquainted therewith, as may appear from Iephthah's Vow, when he undertook to be Captain over Israel against the Ammonites (c) judicum cap XI. v. 30. . After all these Preparations, tho' the Posture of Affairs appeared never so inviting, it was held no lesle impious than dangerous to march against their Enemies, till the Season favoured their Enterprise: For being extremely superstitious in the Observation of Omens, and Days, till those became fortunate, they durst not make any Attempts upon their Enemies: An Eclipse of the Moon, or any other of those they esteemed unlucky Accidents, was enough to deter them from Marching: And if all other Things promised Success, yet they deferred their Expedition till one of the Days, they looked on as fortunate, invited them to it. The Athenians could not be persuaded to march 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before the seventh (a) Aristophanis Scholiastes Equit. Hesychius. ; which gave Occasion to the Proverb, whereby Persons, that undertook any Business unseasonably and before the proper Time, were said to do it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Zenolius. . But the Lacedæmonians were of all others the most nice and scrupulous in these Observations; their Lawgiver having commanded them to pay a critical and inviolate Obedience to the Celestial Predictions, and to regulate all their Proceedings as well in Civil, as Military Affairs by the Constitution of the Heavenly Bodies: Amongst the rest they were obliged by a particular Precept never to march before the full Moon (c) Lucianus Astrolog. ; For that Planet was believed to have a supernatural and extraordinary Influence upon their Affairs, to bless them with Success, when itself was in the Height of its Splendour, but, till it was arrived there, to neglect, or suffer them to be blasted for want of Power to send Assistance: So constant a Belief of this had they entertained, that the greatest Necessity could not prevail upon them to alter their Measures; For when the Athenians were like to fall into the Hands of Darius, and sent to implore their Assistance, they agreed indeed to send them a Supply of Men, but, rather than march before full Moon, forced them to run the hazard of a decisive Battle, and with a small and appearingly inconsiderable Handful of Soldiers to encounter an hundred-thousand Medians (d) Herodetus lib. VI . CHAPTER VIII. Of their Camps, Guards, Watches, and Military course of Life. OF the Form of the Graecian Camps nothing exact and constant can be delivered, that being not always the same, but varied, as the Custom, or Humour of different States, or the Conveniencies of Place and Time required. The Lacedæmonians, indeed, are said to have been prescribed a constant Method of building Towns, and encamping by their Lawgiver, who thought a Spherical Figure the best fitted for Defence (a) Xenophon De Rep. Laced. ; which was contrary to the Custom of the Romans, whose Camps were Quadrangular; but all Forms of that sort were rejected by Lycurgus, the Angles being neither fit for Service, nor defensible, unless guarded by a River, Mountain, Wall, or some such Fortification. It is farther observable of the Lacedæmonians, that they frequently moved their Camps, being accustomed vigorously to prosecute all their Erterprises, impatient of Delays and tedious Procrastinations, and utterly averse from passing their Time without Action: Wherefore the reason of this being demanded of Lycurgus, he replied that 'twas that they might do greater Damage to their Enemies (b) Plutarci●s Apophthegmat. Laconie. : To which Xenophon adds a second, That they might give more early Relief to their Friends (c) Loco citato. . Of the rest of the Graecian Camps it may be observed, that the valiantest of the Soldiers were placed at the Extremities, the rest in the Middle; that the stronger might be a Guard to the weaker, and sustain the first Onsets, if the Enemy should endeavour to force their Entrenchments. Thus we find Achilles and Ajax posted at the Ends of the Graecian Camp before Troy, as Bulwarks on each Side the rest of the Princes, who had their Tents in the Middle, as we learn from Homer (d) Iliads ●. v. 222. Item Sophoelu Ajax, ejusque Scholeastes Triclinius v. 4. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atrides stood i'th' Midst o' th' Fleet, hard by Where th' Odyssean high-built Ship did lie, That all his Orders equally might hear, As far as Ajax's on one Side, as far As Peleus' Son's o' th' other, for they were At each Extremity like Fortresses. When they designed to continue long in their Encampments, they contrived a Place, where Altars were erected to the Gods, and all Parts of Divine Service solemnly performed; In the same Place public Assemblies were called together, when the General had any Thing to communicate to his Soldiers; and Courts of Justice were held, wherein all Controversies among the Soldiers were decided, and Criminals sentenced to Punishment: Which Custom was as ancient as the Trojan War, and is mentioned by Homer (e) Iliad. ●. v. 806. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sweeting to th' Ulyssean Ships he came, Where their Assemblies, and their Courts were held, And the Gods worshipped.— When they were in Danger of having their Camp attacked, it was usual to fortify it with a Trench and Rampire, or Wall, on the Sides whereof they erected Turrets not unlike those upon the Walls of Cities, out of which they annoyed their Enemies with missive Weapons. Thus the Grecians in Homer were forced to defend themselves in the ninth Year of the Trojan War, when Achilles refused to assist them, whereas till that Time they had wanted no Fortifications, but immured the Trojans within their own Walls: The Poet has thus described their Works (a) Iliad. ●. v. 436. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A thick, substantial Wall of vast Extent They raised with Turrets, as a Muniment To them and th' Fleet, and that there might a Way Be for their Cavalry upon Survey, They framed great Gates, the Wall too they entrenched With Stakes infixed.— The manner of living in Camps depended upon the Disposition of their Generals, some of which allowed their Soldiers in all sorts of Excess and Debauchery; others obliged them to the strictest Rules of Temperance and Sobriety; a remarkable Instance whereof we have in Philip of Macedon, who (as Polyaenus reports) condemned two of his Soldiers to Banishment for no other Offence, than because he had found them with a Singing-woman in his Camp. But the Graecian Discipline was not always so severe and rigid, as may appear from Plutarch (b) women's p. 810. Edit. Paris & Lycurge. , who tells us, that the Lacedæmonians alone of all the Grecians had no Stage-players, no Jugglers, no dancing or Singing-women attending them, but were free from all sorts of Debauchery and Looseness, of gaudy Pomp and Foppery; The young Men, when commanded nothing by their General, were always employed in some Exercise, or manly Study, the old were busied in giving Instructions, or receiving them from Persons more skilful than themselves, and their loser Hours were diverted with their usual Drollery, and rallying one another facetiously after the Lacomck Fashion: Yet ●heir Lawgiver allowed them greater Liberty in the Camp, than at other Times, to invite them to serve with Delight in the Wars; For, whilst they were in the Field, their Exercises were more moderate than at Home, their Fare not so hard, nor so strict a Hand kept over them by their Governors; so that they were the only People in the World, to whom War gave Repose. They were likewise allowed to have costly Arms, and fine clothes, and frequently presumed themselves, and curled their Hair; Whence we read that Xerxes was struck with Admiration, when his Scouts brought him Word, the Lacedaemonian Guards were at Gymnical Sports, and curling their Hair (a) He●alotus lib. VII. cap CCVIII & C●IX. . Their Guards may be distinguished into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the first were upon Duty by Day, the other by Night. At several Hours in the Night certain Officers called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or walk round the Camp, and visit the Watch; to try whether any of them were asleep, they had a little Bell, termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at the Sound of which the Soldiers were to answer (b) Surda●. : Whence to go this Circuit was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Hence also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to try, or prove (c) Arist●thanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, untried, or unproved (d) Idem Lysistrate. . This Custom furnished Brasidas with an Advantage against Potidaea in the Peloponnesian War; For, having observed the Sounding of the Bell to be over, he took his Opportunity before the Bell's Return to set up Ladders in an unguarded Place of the Wall, and so entered the City (e) Thacyds' es lib. IU. . The Lacedaemonian Watch were not permitted to have their Bucklers, that, being unable to defend themselves, they might be more cautious how they fell asleep. To which Custom Tzetzes alludes in one of his Historical Chiliads (f) Chiliad. IX. Hist. CCLXXVI. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 One of the Generals once more eminent In Stratagems and warlike Policy Gave out, that all the Guards should march unarmed With Bucklers, to secure them vigilant, Lest they supinely negligent should sleep. The rest of the Spartan Soldiers were obliged to take their Rest armed, that they might be prepared for Battle upon any Alarm (a) Xenophon. . It may be farther observed of the Spartans', that they kept a double Watch; One within their Camp, to observe their Allies, lest they should make a sudden Defection; The other upon some Eminence, or other Place, whence there was a good Prospect, to watch the Motions of their Enemies (b) Idem. . How often the Guards were relieved doth not appear; as neither whether it was done at set and constant Times, or according to the Commander's Pleasure. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed, which signifies a Watch, is frequently taken for the fourth Part of the Night, answering to the Roman Vigiliae; as appears from several Places of the New Testament, as well as other Authors; But it seems to have this Signification rather from the Roman, than Graecian Watches, those being changed four Times every Night, that is, every third Hour, (computing the Night from six to six, or rather from Sun to Sun) for the Time between the two Suns was divided into twelve equal Parts, which were not always the same, like our Hours, but greater, or lesle, according to the Season of the Year; and are therefore by Astronomers termed unequal and planetary Hours. CHAPTER IX. Of their Battles, the General's Harangues, the Sacrifices, Music, Signals, Ensigns, the Word, and Way of ending Wars by single Combat, etc. BEFORE they joined Battle, the Soldiers always refreshed themselves with Victuals, eating and drinking plentifully: Which Custom with its Reasons we have largely accounted for in Ulysses' elegant Oration to Achilles (a) Iliad. ●. v. 155. , where he advises the young General by no means to lead out the Army fasting: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Noble Achilles, tho' with martial Rage Thy generous Mind is fir'd thy Foes t' engage, Let not thy valiant Troops to Troy repair, There to sustain the great Fatigues of War, Before brisk Wines and Viands animate Their Souls with Vigour to repel their Fate, That Troy to their embattled Force may yield, And with amazing Terror quit the Field; For such is th' Energy of sparkling Juice With such Heroic Zeal it warms, such Prowess doth infuse: No Man hath Pu'ssance the whole Day to sight, Till the Phoebean Carr brings on the Night, Unless rich Wine and wholesome Food prepare His Courage for the Dust and Din of War; His strenuous Limbs than Marches undergo, And he with dauntless Rage assails the Foe; Inflaming Wine incites his Fury on, And thus he'll venture till the Battle's won. Mr. Abel. We are told also by Livy, that the Romans thought this a Preparative absolutely necessary, and never omitted it before Engagements (b) Lib. IX. . This done, the Commanders marshaled the Army in order to an Engagement: In which Art the Grecians were far inferior to the Romans; for drawing up their whole Army, as it were, into one Front, they trusted the Success of the Day to a single Force; whereas the Romans, ranging their Hastati, Principes, and Triarii in distinct Body▪ behind one another, were able after the Defeat of their first Body twice to renew the Battle, and could not be entirely routed, till they had lost three several Victories. Yet something not unlike this we find practised as long since as the Trojan War, where old Nest●r is said to have placed a Body of Horse in the Front, behind these the most infirm of the Foot, and, last of all, such of them as surpassed the rest in Strength and Valour (a) Iliad. ●. v. 297. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nestor the Horse placed first in all the Host, I'th' Rear the Infantry maintained their Post, Such as he had detached from all the rest, For Courage, Hardship, and for Strength the best: And to prevent that none should run away I'th' Midst of all were ordered in Array The rude, th' infirm, the inexpert.— Mr. Abel. Where tho' some interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the right and left Wings, and others several other Ways, yet the most natural and genuine Sense of the Poet seems to be, that they were drawn up behind one another (b) Pl●t●ra● u● lib the tiomer●. . At this Time the General made an Oration to his Soldiers, wherein with all the Motives suitable on such Occasions he exhorted them to exert their utmost Force and Vigour against the Enemy: And so wonderful was the Success, that attended these Performances, that many times, when Affairs were in a declining, and almost desperate Condition, the Soldiers, animated with fresh Life and Courage, have instantly retrieved them, and repulsed those very Enemies, by whom themselves had before been defeated: Several of these Instances may be found in the Graecian and Roman Histories, few of which are more remarkable than that of Tyrtaeus the lame Athenian Poet, to whom the Command of the Spartan Army, was given by the Advice of an Oracle in one of the Messenian Wars; The Spartans' had at that Time suffered great Losses in many Encounters, and all their Stratagems proved ineffectual, so that they began to despair almost of Success, when the Poet by his Lectures of Honour and Courage, delivered in moving Verse to the Army, ravished them to such a Degree with the Thoughts of dying for their Country, that, ru●hing on with a furious Transport to meet their Enemies, they gave them an entire Overthrow, and by one decisive Battle put an happy Conclusion to the War (a) 〈◊〉 Mosie ●●, 〈◊〉 lib. XV. Iust●●. lib. III. . Before they adventured to join their Enemies, they endeavoured by Prayers, Sacrifices, and Vows to engage Heaven to their Assistance, and sung an Hymn to Mars, called 〈…〉, as that sung to Ap●llo after a prosperous Battle, was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Thu●yd. 〈◊〉 lib 1. etc. . The Lacedæmonians had a peculiar Custom of sacrificing to the Muses, which was either designed to soften and mollify their passionate Transports, it being their Custom to enter the Battle calm and sedate (c) 〈…〉. ; or to animate them to perform noble and Heroical Exploits, deserving to be transmitted by those Goddesses to Posterity (d) Idem ●ycurgo. . The Soothsayerss inspected all the Sacrifices to presage th● Success of the Battle; And till the Omens proved favourable, they rather chose t●mely to resign their Lives to the Enemy, than to defend themselves. The Spartans' especially were above Measure addicted to this Superstition; For in the famous Battle at Pla●●●●, when Mardonius the Persian General had fallen upon th● Grecians, Pausanias the Spartan, who at that Time commanded the Graecian Army, offering Sacrifice, found it not acceptable to the Gods, and thereupon commanded his Lacedæmonians, laying down their Bucklers at their Feet, patiently to abide his Commands; The Priests offered one Sacrifice after another, but all without Success, the Barbarians all the Time charging upon them, and wounding and slaying them in their Ranks, till at length Pausanias turning himself towards the Temple, with Hands lifted up to Heaven, and Tears in his Eyes, besought juno of Cithaeron, and the rest of the Tutelar Deities of the Plataeans, that if the Fates would not favour the Grecians with Victory, they would grant at least, that by some remarkable Exploit they might demonstrate to their Enemies, that they waged War with Men of true Courage and Bravery: These Prayers were no sooner finished, when the Sacrifices appearing propition, the Signal was given, and they fell with Resolution upon the persians, and in a short Time entirely defeated their whole Army (e) Idem Aristi●●. . Their Signals are commonly divided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Words sometimes indeed are used promiscuously, but in Propriety of Speech are distinguished. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were of two kinds, either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. pronounced by the Mouth, or visible to the Eye: The first are termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the later 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin Tes●era, or the Word, communicated by the General to the subordinate Officers, by them to the whole Army, as a Mark of Distinction to know Friends from Enemies (a) Glossogra●hi. . It commonly contained some good Omen, or the Nam● of some Deity worshipped by their Country, or General, and from whom they expected Success in their Erterprises. Cyrus, for example, used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) 〈…〉. lib VII ; Caesar, Venus' gerions (c) 〈◊〉 Bell C●v●●. lib. II. ; Augustus, Apollo (d) Valerius 〈◊〉 lib. I. cap. V. : But this Custom often proved of fatal and pernicious Consequence; for by frequently questioning one another they bred Confusion among themselves, and (which was no lesle dangerous) discovered their Word to the Enemies; As we find happening in the Fight between the Athenians and Syracusians, spoken of by Thu●●dides (e) Lib. VII. : It became likewise the Occasion of several mischievous Stratagems, one of which we find practised by an Arcadian Captain in a War with Laedem●n; when engaging in the Night, all the T●ssera he gave his Soldiers was, that they should forthwith lull whoever demanded the Word; whereby th●y easily distinguished, and slew the Spartans', themselves being undiscovered, and therefore secure (f) Poniard lib. I . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a visible Character of Distinction, as nodding their Heads, waving their Hands, clashing their Weapons, or such like (g) s. cap XXVI. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were Ensigns, or Flags, the Elevation whereof was a Signal to join Battle, the Depression to desist (h) 〈…〉. lib. I . Of these there were different sorts, several of which were adorned with Images of Animals, or other Things bearing peculiar Relations to the Cities they belonged to; The Athenians, for instance, bore an Owl in their Ensigus (i) 〈…〉. , as being sacred to Minerva, the Protectress of their City: The Thebans a Sphinx (k) Idem 〈◊〉, Cornelia's Nepas Epami●●●●. , in memory of the famous Monster overcome by Oedipus: The Persians paid Divine Honours to the Sun, and therefore represented him in their Ensigns (l) 〈◊〉 lib. III. . The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was frequently a Purple Coat upon the Top of a Spear, as appears of Conon's in Polyaenus, and 〈◊〉 's in Plutarch: Nor was it uncommon to use other Colours; Polybius speaking of the Fight between Antigonus and Cleomenes (a) 〈◊〉 lib. II. tells us; That the Illyrians, having Orders to begin the Battle, were to receive a Signal by a white Flag, that should be spread from th● nearest Post to Olympus; But the Signal to be given to the Megelopolitans and th● Cavalry, was a Purple Coat, which was to be advanced in the Air, where Antigonus himself was posted. The ancient Graecian Signals were lighted Torches thrown from both Armies by Men called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were Priest's of Mars, and therefore held inviolable; and, having cast their Torches, had safe Regress (b) 〈…〉, Lycophron●● 〈◊〉 v. 2●●, 〈…〉. : Whence of Battles sought with Transport of Fury, wherein no Quarter was given, it was usual to say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.c. Not so much as a Torchbearer escaped. To this Custom there are frequent Allusions in Greek and Lat●n Poets: Lycophron, speaking of the Phoenicians, who by stealing 〈◊〉 b●gan the Quarrel between Europe and Asia, saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) 〈◊〉 v. 1295. . They raised envenomed Discord, who then s●ook Her baleful Torch within two Continents. Hence also Sta●ius (d) Theba●d. IV. v. 5. ; Prima manu rutilam de vertice Larissaeo Ostendit B. ●ona facem.— Bellona first from th' Larissaean Tow'● Shakes the dire Torch.— 〈◊〉 likewise, with others, whom I shall forbear to mention, 〈◊〉 notice of this Custom (e) 〈…〉 lib. I , Tisiphone quations infesto humine pinum, Armatos ad castra vocat pallentia manes, Tisiphone summons the Ghosts t' appear, Shaking a livid Flame as Signal of the War. Th●se being laid aside, Shells of Fishes succeeded, which they founded in the manner of Trumpets, which in those Days were not invented (f) Tzetzes in ●ycophron. v. 250. . Hence Theognis' Riddle may easily be interpreted, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Sea-inhabitant with living Mouth Spoke to me to go Home, tho' dead it was. T●●ton's Shell-trumpet is famous in Poetical Story; Whence Ovid speaking of Neptune (a) Metam lib. I , — supraque profundum Exstant●m, atque h●●er●s i●nato murice tectum Caerulcum Tritona vocat, c●●haeque sona●i Laspirare jubet, fluct●●que & flumina signo jam revocare dato, ca●a buccina sumitur illi Tortilis, in lauson quae turbine crescit ab into. Already Triton at his Call appears Above the Waves, a Tyrian Robe he wears, And in his Hand a crooked Trumpet bears. The sovereign bids him peaceful Sounds inspire, And give the Waves the Signal to retire: His writhe Shell he takes, whose narrow Vent Grows by degrees into a large Extent. Mr. Dryden. And most of the Poets mention this Cust●m in their Description of the primitive Wars: Whence Theocritus in his Poem about the Exploits of Castor and Pollux (b) Idyll. ●●. v. 75. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This said, Amycus did his Trumpet sound, The Valleys rung, and echoed all around, Through every distant Field the Noise was heard, And Crowds of stout Bebrycians soon appeared. Mr. Creech. Lycophron also, speaking of the Trojan War (c) Cassandra v. 249. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Great Mars, that nimble God of War, Invigorates the Youth by Sound of Shell Twining and circling into various Rounds, Thus was the Land laid waste, thus raged the fi'ry God. Where tho' the Scholiast falls soul upon the Poet for introducing Shells at a Time when Trumpets were in use, which he tells us may be made appear from Homer, yet herein he seems to be too audacious, it being observable (a) Eustathius Iliad. ●. , that, tho' Homer mentions Trumpets, yet they never make any Part of the Description of his Heroical Battles, but only furnish him with a Simile, or Allusion; As happens in the Place cited by Tzetzes (b) Iliad. ●. v. 219. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When Foes encamped around a City lie, And wait surrender from the Enemy, Great Fear runs thrilling through their Breast within The Wall●, when echoing Trumpets do begin; Such was Achilles' Voice, such Dread appeared▪ In all the Dardan Host, 'twas so distinctly heard. Mr. Abel. Whence it may be presumed, that Trumpets were indeed used in Homer's Time, being then only a late Invention, and not so ancient as the Trojan War, as the old Scholiast hath also observed (c) Iliad. ●. v. 219. Iliads ●. v. 388. . Virgil indeed appears to give some Countenance to Tzetzes' Opinion, when he speaks of Mis●nus, whom he makes to have served Hector in the Trojan War, & afterwards Aeneas, in the Office of a Trumpeter (d) Aeneid. VI v. 163. ; — illi Misenum in littore sicco, Ut venere, vident indigna morte peremium, Misenum Aeoliden, quo non praestantior alter Aere ci●re viros, Martemque accendere cantu: Hectoris hic magni fuerat ●omes; Hectora circum Et lituo pugnas insignis obibat & hasta. Postquam illum victor vita spoliavit Achilles, Dardanio Aeneae seize fortissimus heros Addiderat socium, non inferiora secutus. As soon as they approached, they spied their Friend Misenus dead by some untimely End, The brave Misenus, above all renowned To make with swelling Notes the cheerful Trumpet sound; New Vigour would encourage on the War, When e'er his Trumpet echoed from afar. He was th' illustrious Hector's Intimate, The Ranks he'd traverse in Heroic State, With is Spear he'd exercise, with is Trumpet animate; But when Achilles Hector overcame, And slew him in the Field, as great a Name HE achieved by cleaving to Aeneas' Side, A Prince for is Prowess no lesle dignifyed. Mr. Abel. But here the Brazen Trumpet and lit●●●s are taken from the Practice of the Poet's own Age by a Figure familiar to Men of his Pro●ession; for Misenus was never acquainted with so rare a Contrivance, and tho' we find him so proud of his Art, as to challenge the Gods of the Sea, yet 'twas not to a Contention on the Trumpet, but on a Shell, the Instrument used by these Deities: Whence the same Poet, who may be supposed to be the best Interpreter of his own Words, adds in the Verses immediately following, Sed tum forte, cava dum personat aequera concha Demens, & cantu vocat in certamina Devos, Aemulus exceptum Triton, si credere dignum est, Inter saxa virum spumosa immerserat unda. But, whilst the Sea-Gods proudly he defied Sounding a writhe Shell by th' Ocean's Side, As his due Fate for his Ambitious Sound, Him, if Report deceive not, Triton drowned. There were six several sorts of Trumpets (a) Eus●a●hius Iliads ●. p. 118●. Ed t. Basil. , which have occasioned the Disagreement in ancient Writers concerning the first Author of the Invention; it being common for them to ascribe to the Inventor of any one sort the Honour of the first Contrivance. 1. The first Trumpet was contrived by Minerva, the common Mother and Patroness of almost all Arts and useful Inventions; Whence she was honoured with ' the Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mentioned in Lycophron (b) Cassandra ●. 915. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Under this Name she was worshipped in a Temple dedicated to her at Argos (c) He●●bius, Phavorinus, 〈◊〉 loc. 〈◊〉. : But Pausanias is rather of opinion, that this Trumpet was the Invention of one of Herculeses Sons called Tyrrhenus, whose Son Hegelaus (having communicated it to a Party of Doriant, the Subjects of Temenus) in Memory of the Invention, and out of Gratitude to the Goddess for Assistance therein, gave her this Surname (a) P●usanias Corintheacit. Vide Commentarium nostrum in Lycophren v. 915. . 2. The second was the Egyptian Trumpet, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Osirit's Contrivance: It was round, and used at Sacrifices to call the Congregation together (b) E●stathius loc. cit Idem deinceps videndus. 3. The third was invented in Gallia Celtica, where it was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: It gave a very shrill Sound, but was not very large: It was cast in a Mould, and had its Mouth adorned with the Figure of some Animal. They had a Pi●e of Lead, through which they blew into the Trumpet, when they sounded. 4. The fourth was first used in Paphlagonia, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Figure of an Ox upon its upper Orisice; It had a deep base Sound. 5. The fifth was invented in Media, had also a deep Note, and was sounded by the Help of a Pipe composed of Reeds. 6. The sixth was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because invented by Tyrrhenians, from whom it was communicated to the Grecians by one Archondas, who came to assist the Heraclidae, or Posterity of Hercules (c) Sophocis● Sci●●liastes Ajace v. 17. Sunlas, Deodorus Siculus lib. V. . Others attribute the first Contrivance of it to Tyrrhenus, Herculeses Son (d) Hyganus Fab. 274 . It's Orisice was cleft, and sent forth an exceeding loud and shrill Sound, not unlike the Phrygian Flute; Whence it became of all the rest the most proper for Engagements: Ulysses in Sophocles compares to it the Goddess Minerva's Voice (e) Ajace v. 16. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 How clear, Minerva, and distinct thy Voice, Thou, whom I reverence above the rest Of Deities, who crowd th' Aetherial Court, Thy Voice I know, and perfectly retain, Although thou art unseen, as if I'd heard The Tyrrhene Trumpet, whose continuing Sound Leaves an Impression of its echoing Notes. Mr. Abel. Where the Scholiast observes, that Minerva's Voice is resembled to the Tyrrhenian Trumpet, because it was easily known by reason of its Loudness, as that Trumpet excelled all others, and was at the first hearing easy to be distinguished from them. These were the most common and remarkable sorts of Trumpets; others may perhaps now and then occur in Authors, such as the Libyan mentioned by Suidas, and one of Sophocles' Scholiasts (a) Loco citato. , but seem to be of lesle Note, and not so frequently used. Several other Instruments were used in sounding Alarms; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Pipe, in Arcadia; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Sicily (b) Clemen● Paedag. lib. II. cap IU. . The Cretans were called to Battle by the Sound of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Flutes (c) Pol●●ius lib IU. ; as others, of Citharae, Lutes, or Viols (d) A. Gelitus lib. 1 cap XI Martianus Capella lib IX. ; but, as most of the ancient Writers affirm, of Lyrae, or Harps (e) Clemens loc cit. Athe●●aus lib XII & XIV Eustathius ad Iliads ●. , which, Plutarch tells us, were not laid aside for many Ages (f) Lib. de Musica. : The Person that sounded the Alarm the Cretans called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and others termed him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (g) Hesr●h●●●. from a sort of Trumpet called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Lacedæmonians are particularly remarkable for beginning their Engagements with a Consent of Flutes (h) jidem Aucto●es, guide Crete●sibus citantur, item Xen●phan, Maximus ●●rtus Dissert XII & XXI. Quin●●ianus lib. I. cap XVI. Theeadides' lib. V V●lerius Maximus lib. II. cap. VI Lucianus de Saltatione, & alii passim. ; The reason of which Practice being demanded of Agesilaus, he replied, That it was to distinguish Cowards; such being unable by reason of their Consternation to keep Time with their Feet to the Music, as was their Custom. This Answer is indeed facetious, and not wholly without Truth, yet seems not fully to comprehend the Design of this Custom. Valerius Maximus is yet farther from the Truth, and stands in direct Opposition to it, when he supposes it intended to raise the Courage of the Soldiers, that they might begin the Onset with greater Violence and Fury; for Thucydides, with whom the rest of ancient Historians agree, assures us, that the Design of it was rather to render them cool and sedate, Trumpets and other Instruments being more proper to inspire with Heat and Rage; but these Passions they thought rather apt to beget Disorder and Confusion, than to produce any noble and memorable Actions, Valour being not the Effect of any sudden and vanishing Transport, but proceeding from a settled and habitual Firmness and Constancy of Mind: Wherefore they endeavoured not with Noise and Hast, but with composed Minds, and settled Countenances▪ to advance in a majestic and deliberate Pace towards their Enemies. The manner of it is described by Plutarch (i) Lycur●o. , who tells us, That the Army being drawn up in Battle-aray, and the Enemy near, the King sacrificed a She-goat, and at the same Time commanded the Soldiers to adorn their Heads with Garlands, and the Fluters to play 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Tune of Castor's Hymn; and himself, advancing forwards, begun the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Alarm: So that it was at once a delightful and terrible Sight to see them march on keeping Pace to the Tune of their Flutes, without ever troubling their Order, or confounding their Ranks, their Music leading them into Danger cheerful and unconcerned: For (proceeds my Author) Men thus disposed were not likely to be possessed with Fear, or transported with Fury; but they proceeded with a deliberate Valour full of Hope and good Assurance, as if some Divinity had sensibly assisted them. Maximus the Tyrlan attributes to this Method those great Successes, and numerous Victories, that have rendered the Spartan Name famous in all succeeding Ages; but it seems peculiarly calculated and adapted to the Discipline and Temper of that State; and scarce to be imitated, till the old Lacedaemonian Resolution, and unparallelled Firmness of Mind can be recalled. The rest of the Grecians advanced with eager Hast and Fury, and in the Beginning of their Onset gave a general Shout to encourage and animate themselves, and strike Terror into their Enemies: This was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the Soldiers repeating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Suidas makes them to have cried also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: The first Author of it was Pan, Bacchus' Lieutenant-General in his Indian Expedition; where, being encompassed in a Valley with an Army of Enemies far superior to them in Number, he advised the God to order his Men in the Night to give a general Shout, which so surprised the opposite Army, that they immediately fled from their Camp: Whence it came to pass, that all sudden Fears, impressed upon Man's Spirits without any just Reason, were called, by the Greeks and Romans, Panic Terrors (a) Polyanous Strateg. lib. I . This Custom seems to have been used by almost all Nations, Barbarous as well as Civil; and is mentioned by all Writers, that treat of Martial Affairs: Homer hath obliged us with several elegant Descriptions of it, too numerous to be inserted in this Place: I shall however give you one out of the fourth Iliad (b) V. 452. , where he resembles the Military Noise to Torrents rolling with impetuous Force from Mountains into the subjacent Valleys; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As with impetuous Torrent Rivers flow Down a steep Hill, when swollen by Winter's Snow, Into the Vales with mighty Floods they pour, Fraught with Destruction and an hideous Roar: Thus fled, thus posted all the Trojan Rout In eager Flight with dismal Noise and Shout. Mr. Abel. Some may infer from the Beginning of Homer's third Iliad, that this Noise was only a Barbarous Custom, practised indeed by the Trojans, but laughed at by the more civilised Grecians (a) V. 1. : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As, when the nipping winter Seasons past, To a Pygmean Combat Cranes make haste, In cheerful Flights they blacken from afar The Clouds, and gladly meditate a War, With Noise and Clangor eagerly they fly, Such were the clamorous Shouts of th' Trojan Enemy. Silent and Wise the Argian Legions move Fixed and united by a mutual Love, Auxiliary Aid resolved to show, If an impending Loss came threatening from the Foe. Mr. Abel. But this is o●ly to be understood of their March, as appears likewise from another Passage in the fourth Iliad, where the Poet has admirably represented the Order and regular March of the Grecians, with the Confusion and disorderly Motion of the Barbarians (b) V. 427. : — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 With stern and awful Visage Chiefs bear Sway, While all their Forces silently obey; In thick Battalions they march along, (But who would think that such a numerous Throng Should fill the Plains, and scarce e'er use a Tongue) Such powerful Chiefs the Graecian Hero's were, Thus did their Conduct gracefully appear; As thus they march, their burnished Arms afar Display the Lustre of a future War. Not in such State advanced the Trojan Rout, With thundering Peals of Noise, and pompous Shout A Tumult they did raise, and th' Air did rend; Thus, when a Swain large Flocks of Ewes hath penned To milk their burdened Duggs, they doleful bleat Hearing their Lambkin's bleating for the Tear. Mr. Abel. Where 'tis manifest he only speaks of their March, because a few Ver●es after, where he comes to describe the Engagement of the two Armies, he does it in the Words before cited; and in all other Places he mentions the great Noise and Clamour of both Parties in their Encounters. Thus in the sixteenth Iliad he speaks of Achilles' Myrmydons (a) V. 276. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Grecians press o' th' Trojans with a Noise, The Ships reflect the Echo of their Voice. And a little before (b) V. 267. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They throng out of their Ships with joyful Shout. Nay so necessary, and almost essential was this Shout to a Battle, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are used by the Poet as equivalent Terms for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: And, when he commends his Hero's for being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he often means no more than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, excellent Warriors. 'Twas also one Part of a good Soldiers and Commander's Character to have a strong Voice, not only because it was the Custom to signify their Orders by Word of Mouth before Trumpets were invented, but for the Terror wherewith it surprised and astonished their Enemies (a) Eustathius Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 187. Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●p. 309. Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 799. etc. Ed. Basil. : Instances of this Nature are very frequent in Homer, where Hector, Achilles, and several others strike a Consternation into the adverse Party with a Shout: And later Authors give this good Quality it's peculiar Commendation; Plutarch in particular, in his Character of Marcius Coriolanus the Roman General, observes that he was not only dreadful to meet in the Field by reason of his Hand and Stroke, but (what he tells us Cato required in an accomplished Warrior) insupportable to an Enemy for the very Tone and Accent of his Voice, and the sole Terror of his Aspect. In the Heroical Wars the Generals sought at the Head of their Armies, as appears in all Homer's Battles: Whence they are frequently termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fight before their Armies: Thus when he lead up the Trojans (b) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 16. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At th' Head o'th' Trojans Godlike Paris fought. And when Achilles sends out his Soldiers to defend the Graecian Ships, having allotted to the rest of his Officers their several Posts, he places Patroclus and Automedon, as chief Commanders, before the Front (c) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 218. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Before the rest two well-armed Chiefs appeared, Patroclus, and Automedon, prepared With equal Courage to begin the Fight At th' Head o' th' Myrmidons.— To heap up more Instances in a Thing so well known would be to no purpose. In wiser Ages this Practice was laid aside, and Generals, considering how much the Event of the Battle depended upon the Preservation of their Persons, usually chose safer Posts, and were more cautious how they adventured themselves into Danger. The Retreat, and other Commands seem usually to have been sounded upon the same Instrument, wherewith the Alarm was given: Yet in those Places, where the Alarm was sounded by soft and gentle Music, the Retreat and other Orders we find sometimes signified upon louder Instruments: Which may be observed of the Lacedæmonians, who seem to have used Trumpets in signifying the General's Orders, as appears from Polybius (a) Lib. II. prope sinem. , who reports that Cleomenes commanded a Party of his Army to change their Posts by Sound of Trumpet. The Lacedæmonians, when their Enemies fled out of the Field, were not allowed to prosecute their Victory, or make long and eager Pursuits after them (b) Thucydides lib. V. Polyanus lib I : While they made Opposition, and were able to fight for Mastery, they contended with invincible Courage and Resolution to bear, them down; but, when they ceased to make Resistance, and yielded the Day, they gave them Liberty to provide for their Safety by Flight, pursuing them only a very short Space, and that by flow and easy Paces: The reason of which Custom Pausanias (c) Messenicis. accounts for from their strict and inviolate Observance of Order and Discipline, which made them rather choose to let their Enemy's escape, than by breaking their Ranks to overtake them: Plutarch's Relation seems also rational, and well suited to the old Spartan Temper; That the Spartans', having routed an Enemy, pursued him till they had completed their Victory, and then sounded a Retreat; thinking it base, and unworthy of true Grecians, to cut Men in Pieces, that had ceased from resisting them, and left them the Field: Which manner of Dealing with those they had conquered, did not only show their Magnanimity and Greatness of Soul, but had a politic End in it too; For their Enemies, knowing that they killed only those who made Resistance, and gave Quarter to the rest, generally thought it their best Way to consult their Safety by an early Flight (d) Plutarch Lycurgo, Apophthegmat. Laconicis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. . One Thing farther remains before the Conclusion of this Chapter, viz. That it was frequent amongst the ancient Grecians to put their Cause upon the Issue of a single Combat, and to decide their Quarrels by two, or more Champions on each Side: And their Kings and great Commanders were so eager in their Pursuit after Glory, so tender of the Lives of their Subjects, that they frequently sent Challenges to their Rival Princes, to end their Quarrel by a single Encounter, that by the Death of one of them they might prevent the Effusion of more Blood: Remarkable Instances hereof we have in Xanthus' King of B●eotia, who, challenging the King of Att●ca, was slain by him, and so ended a dangerous War between those States (a) Vide Archaeolog. nostr. Vol. I p. 332. ; and in Pittacus the famous Mitylenian, who slew Phryno the Athenian General in single Combat: Ancient Histories are full of such Examples, as likewise of Wars happily concluded by a small Number commissioned by mutual Agreement to decide the Controversy: The Lacedæmonians furnish us with one memorable Instance in their Wars with Argos about the Title to Thyrea, which was determined by three-hundred on each Side: Nor was the Conclusion of the War between the Tegeans and Pheneans, two petty States in Arcadia, lesle remarkable, being effected by a Combat of three Brothers on each Side (b) Pluta●chus Par●lleli●. , all the Circumstances of whose Story run exactly parallel to that of the Horatij and Curiatij so famous in Roman Histories: The Eastern Countries were acquainted with the same Custom, as may appear from Goliath's challenging the Israelitish Host to give him a Man to fight with him, and the Flight of the Philistines upon David's Victory over their Champion. CHAPTER X. Of their Sieges, with the most remarkable of their Inventions, and Engines used therein. THERE are no Footsteps of any Siege amongst the primitive Grecians; their Cities were not fortified with Walls, but lay open to all Invaders, and, their Inhabitants once vanquished in open Field, became an easy Prey to the Conquerors▪ Wherefore 'tis not to be wondered, that the People of those Times enjoyed no fixed and settled Habitations, but frequently removed from one Part of the Country to another, being forced to quit their Seats, whenever they were coveted by a Power superior to their own (c) Thucydides initio lib. I . This moving and unsettled Condition, wherein they continued for some Ages, caused them to attempt several Methods to secure themselves: Some built their Cities upon the Tops of unaccessible Rocks, and Mountains, whence they could easily repel a greater Force of Enemies: Others, whose Situation was not so defensible, were driven to seek other Ways for their Safety, till at length some Heads of no vulgar Understanding brought forth an amazing Contrivance to enclose their Houses and Possessions within Walls; this at first was looked on as a Work so wonderful, so far above Human Capacity, that the Gods were frequently called from their blessed Mansions to undertake it: The Walls of Troy (to mention no more) were of Divine Workmanship, and raised by no meaner Persons than Neptune and Apollo: But if Mortals had the Happiness to project, and finish so great a Design; they seldom sailed of being translated to Heaven, and having their Names enroled among those exalted Being's, to whom they were thought to make neat Approaches, whilst on Earth. And, since it was their Custom to immortalize the first Authors of every little Contrivance, 'tis no Wonder if they conferred the same Honours on those great Benefactors, to whom they were obliged for the Security and quiet Possession of whatever the rest of their Deities had gratified them with. Once, indeed, enclosed within Walls, they looked upon themselves safe from all Assaults; and, had not a weak Opposition within been sufficient to repel much greater Forces of Invaders, such a Town as Troy could never have held out ten Years against an hundred-thousand Besiegers. Nor were the Grecians of later Ages, however renowned for Knowledge in Military Affairs, very willing to undertake, or expert in managing Sieges; But rather chose to end thei● Quarrels, if possible, by one decisive Battle, than to undergo the Fatigue, and other Incommodities of so tedious, so d●ngerous, and expensive a Method. Of all the Grecians the most averse from undertaking Leaguers, the most unskilful in carrying them on to Advantage, were the Lacedæmonians; insomuch that after Mardonius' Defeat at Plataeae, when a Body of Persians had taken Refuge in some Wooden Fortifications, they could find no Means to drive them thence, but must have been forced to retire, had not the Athenians, and some other Grecians advanced to their Assistance (a) Herodotus lib IX. cap. LXIX. . For we are told by Plutarch, That their Lawgiver obliged them by a special Injunction not easily to engage in Besieging Towns; and to lose their Lives in such Undertake was accounted inglorious, and unworthy a Spartan, as we learn from the same Author (b) Plutarch. Sylla. , who, speaking of Lysander's being slain before the Gates of a little Baeotian Town called Halia●tu●, tells us, That like some common Soldier, or one of the forlorn Hope, he cast away his Life ingloriously, giving Testimony to the ancient Spartans', that they did well to avoid Storming of Walls, where the stoutest Man may chance to fall by the Hand not only of an abject Fellow, but of a Boy, or Woman; as they say Achilles was slain by Paris at the Scaean Gates of Troy (c) Homer. Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. 360. ; Pyrrhus also the great King of Epirus fell by the Hand of a Woman at Argos (d) Plutarch Pyrrho. . When they endeavoured to possess themselves of a Town, or Castle, it was usual first to attempt it by Storm, surrounding it with their whole Army, and attacking it in all Quarters at once, which the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Romans corona cingere. When this Method proved ineffectual, they frequently desisted from their Enterprise: But if resolved to prosecute it, they prepared for a longer Siege; in carrying on which they seem not to have proceeded in any constant and settled Method, but to have varied it according to the Direction of their Generals, as well as the Difference of Time, Place, and other Circumstances. When they designed to lay close Siege to a Place, the first Thing they went about was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Works of Circumvallation, which we find sometimes to have consisted of a double Wall, or Rampire, raised up of Turss called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin cespites. The interior Fortification was designed to prevent sudden and unexpected Sallies from the Town, and to deprive it of all possibility of Succour from without; the exterior to secure them from foreign Enemies, that might come to the Relief of the Besieged: Thus, when the Pelo●●●ncsians invested Plataeae, Thucydides reports, they raised a double Wall, one towards the City, the other towards Athens, to prevent all Danger on that Side; the middle Space, which was sixteen Feet, was taken up with Lodges for Guards and Sentinels, built at due Distances from one another, yet so close, that at a distant View the whole Pile appeared to be one broad Wall, with Turrets on both Sides, after every tenth of which was a larger Tower extended from Wall to Wall. Engines were called by the ancient Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and afterwards 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ The first Invention of them the Grecians claim to themselves, b●ing not easily induced to allow the Contrivance of any Art to other Nations; for it was their Custom to travel into Egypt, India, and other Eastern Countries, to furnish themselves with Sciences, and Inventions, which afterwards they made public in Europe, and vented as Productions of their own: Hence was derived most of the Graecian Philosophy; and as for Engines used in Sieges, it appears they were invented in the Eastern Nations many Ages before Greece had the least Knowledge of, or Occasion for them: Moses' Times seem not to have been unacquainted with them (a) De●teronum. cap. XX 2●. , several of the jewish Kings likewise appear to have known the Use of them; whereas the Grecians till Homer's Time are not found to have had the least Hint of any such Thing: Statius indeed carries them as high as the Trojan War, and, speaking of the various Presents sent to Achilles by the Grecians in order to carry on the War, reports that Pylos and Messene furnished him with Engines to batter the Walls; Murorum tormenta Pylos Messenaque tralunt. Large battering Engines are from Pylos sent, And from Me●●ene— But the Poet seems to have forgotten the rude and unskilful Age of this Hero, and to have formed his Description from the Practices of his own Times; ●ince Authors of better Credit have no mention of any such Thing: Homer indeed speaks of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which some ancient Interpreters take for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, scaling Ladders (a) Iliad. ●. v. 444 , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bearing well-pointed Spears these strait ascend The scaling Ladders.— But it may with no lesle Propriety be taken for the Pinnacles of Towers, as we find it used in the following Verse (b) Ibid. v. 258. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Tower's losty Pinnacles they razed, Demolished all their Bulwarks.— Others again will have them to have been as ancient as the Theban War, and to have been the Contrivance of Capaneus, one of the seven Champions; the Story of whose being knocked down with Thunderbolts was grounded on no better a Foundation, than that, attempting to scale the Walls of Thebes with Ladders, he was beaten down and slain with Stones: And since the Contrivance is so easy and obvious, it may not be wholly improbable, that even those Ages were acquainted with it, however the different sorts of Ladders were invented afterwards, when some of them were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Appian. , p●●catiles, folded, others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, to b● taken in Pieces (d) Plutarchu● 〈◊〉 , for the Convenience of Carriage. Th● Matter they were composed of, was likewise very different, being not only Wood, but Ropes, Leather, etc. The rest of their Engines seem however to have been later: The Ram indeed is said by Pliny to have been invented in the Trojan War, and to have given occasion to the Fable of the Wooden Horse built by Epeus, it being the constant Practice of those Times to wrap up the Original of every Invention in Fables: But this is only Conjecture, and may with the same Ease be denied, as asserted; Athenaeus indeed speaks of this Engine as very ancient (a) Fine lib. VI , but doth not fix its Invention to any determinate Time, only observes that the Romans were obliged for it to the Grecians; and since Vitruvius gives the Honour of its Contrivance to the Carthaginians in their Si●ge of Gades, and neither Homer, nor any Greek Writer for many Ages after has the least mention thereof, there seems little reason to credit Pliny's Report. 'Tis probable however, that those Ages might have some small Helps in taking Towns, contrived, as by several others, so particularly by E●cus, who is famous in Poetical Story for b●ing an Artificer, and (as Lycophron reports) was very serviceable on that Account to the Graecian Army, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Cassandr. v 945. , Dauntless in Boxing, but dismayed at th' Sound Of clashing Arms, yet by his famous Art He was most useful to the Graecian Fleet. But these Devices seem to have been exceeding contemptible, and unartificial; and therefore were wholly laid 〈◊〉 wiser Ages, and, it may be, never practised but at their first Invention. The only constant Instruments used by the ancient Grecians in demolishing Walls, were (for aught appears to the contrary) those they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin terebrae, which were long Irons with sharp Ends: Wherefore 'tis reasonable to conclude that most of their famous Engines were invented about the Time of the Peloponnesian War, wherein 'tis plain from Thucydides they were used; Diodorus (c) Lib. XII. and Plutarch (d) 〈◊〉. will have Perishes to have contrived several of them by the Assistance of Artemon an Artificer of Ciazomenae, as Rams, Tortoises, etc. yet Cornelius Nevo● reports, that some of them were used in the Age before by Mil●iades, when he besieged Paros; Plutarch also himself, when he reports out of Ephorus, that battering Engines were first employed in th● Samian War by Pericles, and composed at that Time by Artemon, being then a strange and surprising Sight, presently after add●, that Heraclides of Portus will have that Engineer to have flourished several Ages before the Samian War; so that nothing of certainty can be expected in this Matter. The Principal of the Graecian Inventions were these which follow: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, testudo, a Tortoise, a defensive Invention, so called from its Strength, because it covered and sheltered the Soldiers under it, as a Tortoise is covered by its Shell: Several sorts we find of them, as, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, testudo militaris, termed sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the Soldiers, drawn up close to one another, and the hindermost Ranks bowing themselves, placed their Targets above their Heads; as if we suppose the first Rank to stand erect, the rest to stoop lower and lower by Degrees, till the last Rank kneeled upon the Ground; the Men in the Front and on the Sides holding their Targets before their Bodies, the rest covering the Heads of those that were placed before them; so that the whole Body resembled a Penthouse, or Roof covered with Tiles, down which the Enemy's missive Weapons easily glided without Prejudice to the Soldiers underneath: This Invention was used in Field-battles, but more frequently in surprising Cities before the Besieged were prepared for Defence; and served to protect the Besiegers in their Approach to the Walls. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was foursquare; the chief Design thereof was (as the Name imports) to guard the Soldiers in filling Ditches, and casting up Mounts. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was triangular with its Front shelving downwards for the Protection of Pioners, who undermined Walls. 4. To these may be added Testudo arietaria, wherewith those that battered the Walls were protected; of which afterwards. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Wicker Hurdles, resembling the Roman vineae, which the Soldiers held over their Heads. The Word came at length to signify Trifles, from the Siege of Syracuse, where the Athenians calling continually for Hurdles to shelter them, the Besiegers in Derision used to cry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Another Engine composed of Board's, and, like the Roman pluteus, was used by Alexander's Soldiers, as we read in Curtius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, agger, a Mount, which was raised so high as to equal, if not exceed the Top of the besieged Walls: The Sides were walled in with Bricks or Stones, or secured with strong Rafters to hinder it from falling; the Forepart only, being by Degrees to be advanced nearer the Walls, remained bare. The Pile itself consisted of all sorts of Materials, as Earth, Timber, Boughs, Stones, etc. as Thucydides reports in the Siege of Plataeae: Into the Middle were cast also Wickers, and Twigs of Trees to fasten, and, as it were, cement the other Parts. The whole Fabric is thus described by Lucan (a) Lib. III. ; — tunc omnia late Procumbunt nemora, & spoliantur robore silvae; Ut, cum terra levis mediam virgultaque molem Suspendant, structa laterum compage ligatam Arctet humum, pressus ne cedat turribus agger. The Groves are felled, and strongest Timber sought, From thickest Forests largest Oaks are brought, To make strong Rafters to support the Pile, Left th' Earth break in and frustrate all their Toil, Unable to sustain the Tower's Weight. Mr. Hutchin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, turres, mov● 〈◊〉 Tow●●● of Wood, usually placed upon the Mount: They were driven upon Wheels, which were fixed within the Bottom-planks to s●cu●e them from the Enemies. Their Size was not always the same, but proportioned to the Towers of the City they besieged; the Front was usually covered with Tiles, and in later Times the Sides were likewise guarded with the same Materials; their Tops were covered with raw Hides, and other Shrowds, to preserve them from Fire-balls and missive Weapons: They were formed into several Stories, which were able to carry not Soldiers only, but all sorts of portable Engines; whence Silius (a) Lib. XIV. ; Turris multiplici surgens ad sidera tecto Exibat, tabulata decem cui crescere Grajus Fecerat, & multas nemorum consumserat umbras. Thin were the Groves, and scarce could boast a Shade, When th' Grajan with ten Rooms a Tower made, Whose various Turrets seemed the Stars t' invade. The first Contrivance is attributed to some Artificers of Sicily about the Time of Dionysius the Tyrant; by some to Polyidus a Thessalian, Philip of Macedon's Engineer (b) Athenaus' Mechanicit apud Turneb. Vitruvius' lib. X. cap. XIX. ; by others to Diades and Chaereas (c) Heron cap. XIII. , who were Polyidus' Scholars, and entertained by Alexander in his Eastern Expedition: The last of these seem rather to have been Improvers of the former Invention, for we find mention of Wooden Towers in the elder Dionysius' Reign (d) Diodorus Seculus. : It may be the Device of making 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, portable Turrets to be taken in Pieces and carried along with the Army, may be owing to them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aries, the Ram, was an Engine with an Iron Head called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, resembling a Ram's Head, wherewith they battered the Enemy's Walls: Of these there were three kinds: 1. The first was plain and unartificial, being nothing but a long Beam with an Iron Head, which the Soldiers drove with main Force against the Wall. 2. The second was hung with Ropes to another Beam, by the Help of which they thrust it forwards with much greater Force. 3. The third differed only from the former, as being covered with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Shroud to guard the Soldiers, whence 'tis called testudo arietaria. The Beam was sometimes no lesle than an hundred and twenty Feet in length, and covered with Iron Plates, left those who defended the Walls should set it on Fire; the Head was armed with as many Horns as they pleased; josephus reports that one of Ve●pasian's Rams, the Length whereof was only fifty Cubits, which came not up to to the Size of several of the Graecian Rams, had an Head as thick as ten Men, and twenty-five Horns, each of which was as thick as one Man, and placed a Cubit's Distance from the rest; the Weight hung (as was customary) upon the Hinder-part, weighed no lesle than one thousand and five hundred Talents; when it was removed from one Place to another, if it was not taken in Pieces, an hundred and fifty Yoke of Oxen, or three hundred Pair of Horses and Mules laboured in drawing it; And no lesle than fifteen-hundred Men employed their utmost Strength in forcing it against the Walls; at other Times we find these Rams driven upon Wheels. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was first invented by Demetrius, Son to Antigonus, who, having taken Rhodos, with several other Towns by the Help of this Engine, was honoured with the Surname of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. We have several Descriptions of it left us by Vitruvius (a) Lib. X. , Plutarch (b) Demetrio. , and Diodorus (c) Lib. XX. , who, tho' differing in other Points, are thus far agreed, That it was a Machine of prodigious Bulk, not unlike the Ram covered with a shroud, but vastly bigger, and of far greater Force; that it was driven both with Ropes and Wheels, and contained several other smaller Engines, out of which Stones, and other missive Weapons were cast. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are used in different Senses, sometimes for Arrows, sometimes for Engines, out of which Arrows were cast; in the later of which Significations they are termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They are likewise, tho' not very properly, taken for Engines to cast Stones; and we find them sometimes used to throw great Pieces of Timber: The Invention of them is ascribed to the Syrians by Pliny; but Diodorus (d) Lib. XIV. , and Plutarch report, they were first contrived in Sicily, about the Time that the elder Dionysius engaged in the War with Carthage. Engines to cast Stones were of several sorts; some only for smaller Stones, such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Slings; others for those also of a a larger Size, called sometimes only by the general Names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the former of which seem to signify all sorts of Engines, the later all those designed to cast missive Weapons; sometimes by more peculiar Titles, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Names are yet so general, as to comprehend all Engines that cast Stones: Nor is there any proper Term, that I know of, for that famous Engine, out of which Stones of a Size not lesle than Millstones were thrown with so great Violence, as to dash whole Houses in Pieces at a Blow: 'Twas called indeed by the Romans Ballista, but this Name, tho' of Graecian Original, appears not to have been used in Greece; this Engine however was known there, and was the same with that used by the Romans, the Force of which is thus expressed by Lucan (a) Lib. III. ; At saxum quoties ingenti verberis ictu Excutitur, qualis rupes, quam vertice montis Abscidit impulsu ventorum adjuta vetustas; Frangit cuncta ruens, nec tantum corpora pressat Exanimat, totos cum sanguine, dissipat artus. Such is the Force, when massy Stones are thrown, As when from some Mount's Top a Rock falls down, Which now worn out with Age can't longer bear The Shock of Winds, and Fury of the Year; They break through all that in their Passage lie, And do through Walls and Houses force their Way, No only kill the Man, but spread all o'er The Ground his scattered Limbs and reeking Gore. Mr. Hutchin. These were the most remarkable Engines the Grecians used in taking Towns. It will be expected in the next Place, that some Accounted be given of the Methods, by which the Besieged defend themselves. Upon the Enemy's Approach they gave notice to their Confederates (if they had any) to hasten their Assistance: In the Day this was done by raising a great Smoke; in the Night by Fires, or lighted Torches called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence to signify the coming of Enemies was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Theog●●du Scholiastes. Homeri S●holiastes Iliad ●. : These were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to distinguish them from those they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were lighted upon the Approach of Friends: They differed in this, that the later were held firm and unmoved, the former tossed and waved to and from in the Air. They seem not to have had any constant Method of defending themselves; but thus much may be observed in general, that the Walls were guarded with Soldiers, who, with Stones, and all sorts of missive Weapons assaulted the Invaders; and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with other Engines of that Nature were planted within the Town, and played upon them. Several other Methods were practised against them, as, when the Tyrians heating brass Bucklers red hot, and filling them with Sand and Lime, poured it upon Alexander's Soldiers, which getting between their Armour and Flesh, burned vehemently, and caused them to fling off their Armour, so that the Besiegers wounded them at pleasure, without receiving any Hurt. Several Ways they had to elude the Force of their Engines, and defeat their Stratagems: Their Mines they rendered ineffectual by Countermines; their Mounts they let fall to the Ground by Undermining their Foundations: Their Towers and all their Engines they burned with Fire-balls; themselves they defended with Skins, Wooll-packs, and other Things proper to ward off Stones, and other missive Weapons: The Heads of Battering Rams they broke off with Stones of a prodigious Size from the Walls; or (as we read of the T●rians) ●ender'd them useless by cutting the Ropes, whereby they were governed, with long Seythes: And if there remained no Hope of defending their Walls, they sometimes raised new ones with Forts within. Many other Contrivances were used, as the Posture of Affairs required, and as the Besieged were ingenious in finding out Methods for their own Preservation. Their manner of treating Cities they had taken, was not always the same, depending upon the Temper of the General, who sometimes put all, at least all that were in Arms, to the Sword, demolished the Walls and Buildings, and made the rest Slaves; sometimes graciously received them into Favour, requiring only some Tributary Acknowledgement. The Athenians had a Custom of sending Colonies to inhabit the Places they had depopulated, which they divided by Lots among some of the Commonalty, when met together in a public Assembly (a) Aristophanu Scholiastes 〈◊〉 p. 134. . When they demolished a City, it was frequent to pronounce direful Curses upon whoever should endeavour to rebuild it; which some imagine was the reason that Troy could never be raised out of its Ashes, tho' there wanted not who attempted it, being devoted to eternal and irreparable Ruin by Agamemnon (b) E●tathius Iliad. ●. p. 350. : This seems to have been a very ancient Custom, and derived from the Eastern Nations; for (to omit other Instances) we find joshua at the Destruction of jericho to have fixed an Imprecation upon the Person that should rebuild it (a) josua cap. VI 26. , which was accomplished in Hiel the Bethelite many Ages after in the Reign of Ahab (b) I. Reg. cap. XVI. 34. . CHAPTER XI. Of the Slain, and their Funerals. THE ancient Grecians seem to have treated the Bodies of their dead Enemies in a very undecent and inhuman manner, basely revenging the Injuries they had received from them whilst living, by disfiguring, and stabbing their Carcases, and exposing them to Scorn and Ignominy: Which cruel and barbarous Practice was not throughly reformed in the Trojan War, as appears from divers Instances in the Iliads, where dead Enemies are dismembered by insulting Conquerors; none of which is more remarkable than that of Hector, who lay unburied many Days, was dragged round Troy's Walls, and Patroclus' Sepulchre, and suffered all sorts of Indignities: This indeed might be imputed to Achilles' extravagant Rage for the loss of Patroclus, or (as the Scholiast (c) Iliad. ●. v. 398. affirms) to a peculiar Custom of Thessaly his native Country, where it was their constant Practice to drag at their Chariots the Murderers of their near Friends, did it not appear that the rest of the Gre ians used him in a manner no lesle brutish and barbarous, by cowardly insulting over him, and stabbing his dead Body (d) Ibid. v. 367. : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus having said, with unrelenting Force He rends his vengeful Spear from Hector's Corpse; Too small the Recompense one Death could give, But, Hector Dead, his Manes still must grieve: He than the bloody, lifeless Corpse despoiled; And Soldiers, with avenging Fury filled, With eager Haste about his Body press, Admire his Stature, and his Comeliness; Each vents his Rage upon th' already slain, As tho' they meant to kill him over again: Then thus one pointing to his Neighbour said, With vaunting Words insulting o'er the Dead, " Is this the Hector, whose tremendous Name " Brought Fear and Terror wheresoever it came? " God's! how he's changed since when he threw his Fire " Amidst our Ships, and made whole Greece retire. Mr. Hutchin. Tydeus has no better Treatment in Statius (a) 〈◊〉 IX. v. 180. ; Ducitur hostili (proh dura potentia Fati!) Tydeus ille solo, modo cui Thebana sequenti Agmina, sive gradum, seu frena effunderet, ingens Limbs utrinque datus: Nusquam arma, manusque quiescunt, Nulla viri feritas; juvat ora rigentia leto, Et formidatos impune lacessere vultus; Hic amor, hoc una timidi, fortesque sequuntur Nobilitare manus, infectaque sanguine tela Conjugibus servant, parvisque ostendere natis. At Godlike Tydeus (wretched Turn of Fate!) Avenging Tyrians levelly all their Hate; At Godlike Tydeus, whose commanding Sway Through Theban Troops did propagate Dismay; Whether he mounted on his Horse appeared, Or for destructive War on Foot prepared, Th' opposing Squadrons dared not long to stay, But, where he lead, submissively gave way; Yet he brave Chief is dragged along the Field, And bears what Foes with Power and Fury filled Could e'er inflict; his dreadful Arms they seize, All stab his Corpse, and tear his manly Face; The most opposing Minds in this conspire, The timorous and the brave alike desire To stab the Body of their Foe when slain, And with his Blood their glutted Blades to slain, These they as Marks of highest Honour prize, And keep to show their Wives, and blooming Boys. Mr. Hutchin. Whence it appears to have been their constant Practice, and looked on as very consistent with Virtue, and Honour; as Servius hath likewise observed, when Virgil's Mezentius was used in the same manner; the Poet indeed does not expressly affirm any such Thing, which notwithstanding plainly appears; for whereas he only received two Wounds from Aeneas (a) Fine Aen. X. , we find his Breastplate afterwards pierced through in twelve, i.e. a great many Places, a determinate Number being put for one indefinite (b) Aeneid. XI v. 9 ; — bis sex thoraca petitum Perfossumque locis. Through twice six Places was his Breastplate pierced. The barbarous Nations rarely failed of committing this Crime; Leonidas King of Sparta, having valiantly lost his Life in fight against Xerxes, had his Head fixed upon a Pole, and his Body gibbeted (c) Herodotus Calliope. : But the Grecians were long before convinced of the Villainy, and Baseness of such Actions; and therefore, when Pausanias the Spartan was urged to retaliate Leonidas' Injury upon Mardonius, Xerxes' General overcome at Plataeae, he refused to be concerned in, or permit a Revenge so barbarous, and unworthy a Graecian: Even in the Times of the Trojan War the Grecians were much reformed from the Inhumanity as well of their own Ancestors, as other Nations; it had formerly been customary for the conquerors to hinder their Enemies from interring their Dead, till they had paid large Sums for their Ransom; and some Footsteps of this Practice are found in Homer; Hector's Body was redeemed from Achilles (d) Iliad. ●. , Achilles' was again redeemed from the Trojans for the same Price he had received for Hector (e) Lycophronii Cassandra v. 269. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— A Ransom large as that which Priam gave, That Royal Hector's mangled Corpse might have The happy Priv'lege of a decent Grave, By Argian Chiefs shall be repaid to Troy, And then the slain Achilles shall enjoy That honourable Urn the grateful God Upon his Mother Thetis had bestowed. Mr. Hutchin. Nisus is introduced by Virgil, dissuading his Friend Euryalus from accompanying him into Danger, left, if he were slain, there should be no Person that would recover by Fight, or redeem his Body (a) Aeneid. IX. v. 213 , Sat, qui me raptum pugna, pretiove redem●m M●ndet humo s●lita.— Let there be one, who moved with pitying Care Would me redeem made Prisoner of the War, Or ransomed decently my Corpse inter. Whence it appears, that Redemption of the Dead was practised in those Days, and, if neglected, they were frequently suffered to lie unburied; which Misfortune happened to many of Homer's Heroes, as we learn from the very Entrance of the first Iliad, where he thus speaks of Achilles' Anger, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— And numerous Crowds of valiant Hero's Ghosts Sent mournful down unto the Stygian Coasts, Whilst uninterred on Earth their Bodies lay, Exposed to Dogs, and ravenous Birds a Prey. But this was not so common as in more early Ages, for we find Achilles himself celebrating the Funeral of Eetion King of Thebes in Cilicia, and Father of Andromache, whom the Poet introduces speaking thus (b) Iliad. ●. v. 414 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Then when the Walls of Thebes he overthrew, His fatal Hand my Royal Father slew, He slew E●ti●n, but despoiled him not, Nor in his Hate the Funeral Rites forgot; Armed as he was he sent him whole below, And rev'renced thus the Manes of his Foe; A Tomb he raised.— Mr. Dryden. And Agame●●on granted the Trojans free Leave to perform the Funeral Rites of all their Slain, promising upon Oath to give them no Disturbance (a) Iliads ●. v. 408. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I envy not the Priv'lege of the Dead, I grant, that they upon the Pile be laid, Let jove be Witness to the Vows I make, Nor will I e'er the binding Covenant break. Mr. Hutchin. Not long before, the Grecians were perfect Strangers to this Piece of Humanity, for we are told that Hercules was the first that ever gave leave to his Enemies to carry off their Dead (b) Aelianus Var. Hist. lib. XII. cap XXVII. ; and others report, that the first Treaty made for the recovering and burying the Bodies of the Slain, was that of Theseus with the Thebans to inter the Heroes that lost their Lives in the Theban War (c) Plutarches Theseo. . In all succeeding Ages, it was looked on as the greatest Impiety to deny what they thought a Debt to Nature, and was rarely, or never done to lawful Enemies, except upon extraordinary and unusual Provocations; for it was thought below a generous Temper, and unworthy Grecians to vent their Malice, when their Enemies were deprived of all Power to defend themselves. The Grecians seem to have been careful to Excess and Superstition in procuring an honourable Interment for the Bodies of their own Soldiers, that had valiantly lost their Lives; insomuch that the ten Admirals, that gained that famous Victory over the Lacedæmonians in the Sea fight at Arginusae, were put to death on no other Pretence, but that they were said not to have taken due Care in gathering the Bodies that floated on the Waves; when yet they alleged, that they were hindered by a Tempest that might have been dangerous to the whole Fleet, had they not provided for their Safety by a timely Retreat (d) Xenophan Grae. Hist lib. 1. : This, no doubt, was one Cause why, after a battle upon the Corinthian Territory, Nicias the Athenian General, finding that two of his Men were left by an Oversight, when they carried off the Dead, made an Halt, and sent an Herald to the Enemy for Leave to carry them off, hereby renouncing all Title to the Victory, which belonged to him before, and losing the Honour of erecting a Trophy; for it was presumed that he, who asked Leave to carry off his Dead, could not be Master of the Field (a) Plutarch Nicia. . After that, Chabrias, having put to flight the Lacedæmonians at Naxus, rather than leave any of his Soldiers, or their Bodies to the Mercy of the Waves, chose to desist from prosecuting his Victory, when he was in a fair Way to have destroyed the Enemy's whole Fleet (b) Diodorus Siculus lib. XV. . When they carried their Arms into distant Countries, they reduced the Bodies of their Dead to Ashes, that those at least might be conveyed to their Relations, and reposited in the Tombs of their Ancestors: The first Author of which Custom (they say) was Hercules, who having sworn to Licymnius to bring back his Son Argius, if he would give him Leave to accompany him in his Expedition against Troy, the young Man dying, he had no other Expedient to make good his Oath, but by delivering his Ashes to his Father (c) Homeri Scholiastes Iliad. ●. v. 52. : However we find it practised in the Trojan War, where Nestor advised the Grecians to burn all their Dead, and preserve them there till their Return into Greece (d) Iliad. ●. v. 332. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oxen, and Mules, in solemn Order led, To us assembled here shall bring our Dead, That we their Bodies near our Ships may burn, And save their snowy Bones till we to Greece return. Mr. Hutchin. The Lacedæmonians thought this an unprofitable Labour, and therefore buried their Dead in the Country, where they died; only their Kings they embalmed with Honey, and conveyed them Home, as we learn from Plutarch (e) Agesilao. , who reports that when Agesilaus resigned his Life at the Haven of Menelaus, a desert Shore in Africa, the Spartans', having no Honey to embalm his Body, wrapped it in Wax, and so carried it to Lacedaemon. The Soldiers all attended at the Funeral Solemnities with their Arms turned upside down, it being customary for Mourners in most of their Actions to behave themselves in a manner contrary to what was usual at other Times; in those Places where it was the Fashion to wear long Hair, Mourners were shaved; and where others shaved, Mourners wore long Hair: Their Conjecture therefore is frivolous, that imagine, the Soldiers turned the Heads of their Shields downwards, lest the Gods, whose Images were engraven upon them, should be polluted with the Sight of a Corpse (a) Servius in Aeneid. XI. 92. ; since not the Gods only, but any other Figures were frequently represented there; nor some few only, but the whole Company held them in the same Posture: Besides, not the Shields alone, but their other Arms were pointed downwards: Thus Evander's Arcadians, with the rest of Aeneas' Soldiers in Virgil (b) Loc. cit. follow Pallas' Hearse, — Tum maesta phalanx, Teucrique sequuntur, Tyrrhenique deuces, & versis Arcades armis. Next went the mournful Troop, Captains from Troy, Tyrrhenia, and from pleasant Arcady, With Arms turned downward.— The Graecian Princes in Statius (c) Thebard. VI observe the same Custom; — versis ducunt insignibus ipsi Grajugenae reges.— The Graecian Chiefs the sad Procession led With Ensigns downwards turned.— Their Tombs were adorned with Inscriptions showing their Names, and sometimes their Parentage, and Exploits, which Honour the Spartan Lawgiver granted to none beside Women who died in Childbed, and Soldiers (d) Plutarch Lycurge. that lost their Lives in Battle: These were buried with green Boughs, and honoured with an Oration in their Praise: Such of them as had excelled the rest, and were judged complete and perfect Warriors, had a farther Honour of being interred in their Red Coats, which were the Soldiers Habit at Sparta (e) Aelianus Var. Hist. lib VI cap. VI : Their Arms were likewise fixed upon their Tombs; whence Leonidas the Spartan King is introduced in the Epigrám refusing Xerxes' purple Robe, and desiring no other Ornament to beautify his Tomb, than his Buckler; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whilst Xerxes moved with pitying Care beheld Th' unhappy Spartan, who himself had killed▪ The Royal Persian with officious Haste His purple Robe about the Body cast; Till dying Leonidas Silence broke, And thus that generous Spartan Hero spoke; " Forbear, fond Prince, this unbecoming Pride, " No Persian Pomp shall e'er these Relics hide, " Soft purple Palls are only used by those, " Who have betrayed their Country to their Foes; " My Buckler's all the Ornament I'll have, " 'Tis that which better shall adorn my Grave " Than ' Scutcheon, or a formal Epitaph; " My Tomb thus honoured, I'll triumphant go " Like some brave Spartan to the Shades below. Mr. Hutchin This Custom was not peculiar to Sparta, but practised all over Greece; where, beside their Arms, it was usual to add the Badge of whatever other Profession they had born. Espenor, appearing in the Shades below to Ulviles, entreats him to fix the Oar he used to row with, upon his Tomb, and to cast his Arms into the Funeral Pile (a) Odyss. ●. v. 74. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whatever Arms remain to me when dead, Shall with my Corpse upon the Pile be laid; Then o'er my Grave a lasting Mon'ment rear, Which to Posterity my Name shall bear; This do, then fix the Oar upon my Tomb, With which I used to cut the Silver Foam. Mr. Hutchin. Alisenus, Aeneas' Trumpeter, has both his Arms, Oar, and Trumpet fixed upon his Grave (b) Virgil. Aeneid. VI v. 232 ; At pius Aeneas ingenti mole sepulcrum Imponit, suaque arma viro, remumque, tubamque. A Tomb of vast extent Aeneas reared, Where the dead Corpse was decently interred, And on't his Arms, his Oar, and Trumpet fixed. It was customary for the Spartan Matrons, when there had been a Fight near Home, to examine the Bodies of their dead Sons, and such, as had received more Wounds behind than before, they conveyed away privately, or left them in the common Heap; but those, who had a greater Number of Wounds in their Breasts, they carried away with Joy and Triumph, to be reposited amongst their Ancestors (a) Aelianus Var Hist lib. XII. cap XXI. : They were carried Home upon their Bucklers; whence that famous Command of the Mother to her Son related in Plutarch (b) Apophthegmat. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. either bring this (meaning his Buckler) home with you, or be brought upon it. To which Custom Ausonius alludes (c) Epigram. XXIV. ; Arma superveheris quid, Thrasybule, tua? Why are you thus upon your Buckler born, Brave Thrasybulus ●— The Athenians used to place the Bodies of their Dead in Tents three Days before the Funeral, that all Persons might have Opportunity to find out their Relations, and pay their last Respects to them: Upon the fourth Day a Coffin of Cypress was sent from every Tribe, to convey the Bones of their own Relations, after which went a covered Hearse in memory of those, whose Bodies could not be found: All these, accompanied with the whole Body of the People, were carried to the public Burying place called Ceramicus, and there interred: One Harangue was spoken in Commendation of them all, and their Monuments adorned with Pillars, Inscriptions, and all other Ornaments usual about Tombs of the most honourable Persons. This was their ordinary Practice at Athens (d) Thacylides lib. III. , but those valiant Souls, that were slain in the Battle at Marathon, had their Bodies interred in the Place where they fell, to perpetuate the Memory of that wonderful Victory: It may be observed farther, that in their Lists the Names of the Soldiers deceased were marked with the Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being the Initial of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. Dead; those of the living with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it is the first in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. Preserved: Which Custom was afterwards taken up by the Romans (e) R●t●mus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v, v Paulas Diace●u● De notis literatum, Isidorus Hisp. l. lib 1. cap XXIII. . CHAPTER XII. Of their Booty taken in War, their Gratitude to the Gods after Victory, their Trophies, etc. THEIR Booty consisted of Prisoners, and Spoils. The Prisoners, that could not ransom themselves, were made Slaves, and employed in the Service of their Conquerors, or sold. The Spoils were distinguished by two Names, being either taken from the Dead, and termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or from the Living, which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: They consisted of whatever Movables belonged to the Conquered, whose whole Right and Title by the Law of Arms passed to the Conquerors (a) Plato De Legib. lib. 1. . Homer's Heroes have no sooner gained a Victory over any of their Rivals, but without farther Delay they seize their Armour; Instances of this are as numerous as their Combats. But however this Practice might be usual among the great Commanders, who road in Chariots to the Battle, fought by themselves, and encountered Men of their own Quality in i●●gle Combat; yet inferior Soldiers were not ordinarily permitted such Liberty, but gathered the Spoils of the Dead, after the Fight was ended: If they attempted it before, they were even then looked upon to want Discipline; Nestor gives the Grecians a particular Caution in this Matter (b) Iliad. ●. v. 66. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Than Nestor thus began his sage Advice; My Friends, and valiant Greeks, be timely wise, Auspicious Sons of Mars, let no Delay, No Hopes of fordid Booty cause your Stay; But with united Force rush on the Foe, Add certain Death to each becoming Blow; 'Twill then be time enough for to prepare To seize the Booty of the horrid War, To drag your mangled Foes along the Plain, When weltering in their Blood they lie all slain. Mr. Hutchin. This Method was taken in succeeding Ages; for no sooner were their Battles ended, but they fell to stripping and risling the dead Carcases of their Enemies: Only the Lacedaemonian were forbidden to meddle with the Spoils of those they had conquered (a) Ae●●●us lib. VI cap. VI ; the reason of which Prohibition being demanded of Cleomenes, he replied, That it was improper to offer the Spoils of Cowards to the Gods, and unworthy a Lacedaemonian to be enriched by them (b) Plutarch Apophthegm. Laconicu. : But this seems only a Pretence, since there are several Instances of their dedicating Part of their Booty to the Gods; The true Reason perhaps may be collected from the Constitution of their State, whereby an Equality was maintained amongst them, and nothing more severely prohibited, or more repugnant to the very Foundation of their Government than to acquire, or possess large Estates: Wherefore, to prevent their Soldiers from seizing upon the Spoils, they had always three hundred Men appointed to observe their Actions, and put the Law in execution against Delinquents (c) Eulatinus Iliad. ●. v. 66. . The whole Booty was brought to the General, who had the first Choice, divided the Remainder amongst such as had signalised themselves according to their Quality and Merits, and allotted the rest equal Portions: Thus in the Trojan War, when the captive Ladies were to be chosen, Agamemnon in the first Place took Astynome Ch●yses's Daughter, next Achilles had Hippodamia Daughter to Bri●es, than Ajax those Teemessa, and so on (d) Isaac. Tzerzes' in Lycophronis Cassandram v. 299. ; whence Achilles complains of Agamemnon, that he had always the best Part of the Booty, himself, who sustained the Burden of the War, being content with a small Pittance (e) Iliad. ●. v. 163. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Yet when the Greeks some Trojan Town invade, And Distribution of the Spoils is made, How small a Part compared to thine I bear, I who have born the Burden of the War, Nor do you envy me in this the largest Share. But when the so much wished for Time arrives, That to each Greek th' allotted Portion gives, Laden with Spoils you haste into your Tent, Whilst I, with fight quite fatigued and spent, Come to the Navy with a grateful Heart For that small Pittance they to me impart. Mr. Hutchin. And whenever any Booty of extraordinary Value was taken, we find the Soldiers reserving it for a Present to their General, or the Commander of their Party: Instances of this sort are frequent, as in other Writers, so especially in Homer; Ulysses' Company always honoured him with the best and choicest Part of what they took. Hered●●s (a) Calliope. reports that after the Victory over Mardonius Xerxes' Lieutenant, Pausanias the Spartan, being at that Time General of all the Graecian Forces, was presented with a great Booty of Women, Money, Horses, Camels, etc. over and above what was given to any other: This Practice indeed was so universal, that to be a Commander, and to have the first Share of the Booty are used by the Poets as equivalent Expressions: Whence Lycophron (b) Cassandra. v. 293. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thy Hands shall mighty Potentates subdue, And brave Commanders that the Prize first share, Chiefs too, that so much boast their Pedigree. But before the Spoils were distributed, they looked on themselves obliged to make an Offering out of them to the Gods, to whose Assistance they were indebted for them all; those separated to this Use, were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, either q. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the War, wherein they were collected, had destroyed many (c) Eustathius Odyss. ●. ; or, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because after Sea-engagements they were exposed upon the Shoar (d) Bulengerus Lib. de spoliis. ; or rather, from their being taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the Top of the Heap; because all the Spoils being collected into one Heap, the First-fruits were offered to the Gods (e) Sophoclu Scholeastes Trachen. : In allusion to which Custom, Megara in Euripides, telling what Choice of Wives she had made for her Sons out of Athens, Sparta, and Thebes, thus expresseth it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Gods, to whom this Honour was paid, were not only those, whom they looked on as having a peculiar Concern in all Affairs of War, such as Mars, Minerva, etc. but several others, as jupiter juno, and any to whom they thought themselves obliged for Success, those especially that were Protectors of their City, or Country, etc. They had several Methods of consecrating Spoils: Sometimes they collected them into an Heap, and consumed them with Fire; sometimes they made Presents, which were dedicated and hung up in Temples: So Pausanias the Spartan is reported to have consecrated out of the Persian Spoils a Tripod to Delphian Apollo, and a Statue of Brass seven Cubits long to Olympian jupiter (a) Herodotus lib. IX. . It was very frequent to dedicate their Enemy's Armour, and hang it in Temples; but the Lacedæmonians were forbidden this Custom; which perhaps may be the meaning of Cieomenes' forementioned Reply; for that they were allowed to offer their other Spoils appears as from that of Pausanias, so from several other Instances. This Custom was very ancient (b) Eustathius Iliad. ●. v. 81. , and universally received not in Greece alone, but most other Countries: Hence Hector promises to dedicate his Enemy's Armour in Apollo's Temple, if he would vouchsafe him Victory (c) Iliad. lo. cit. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If kinder Phoebus' my Proceedings bless, And crown my bold Attempt with good Success, Make Hector conquer, whilst his Foe shall bleed, And give me th' Honour of so brave a Deed, When I've despoiled my Foe, his Arms I'll bring, And there devote them in his Temple.— Mr. Hutchin▪ Virgil alludes to this Custom in his Description of the Temple, where Latinus gave Audience to Aeneas' Ambassadors (d) Aeneid VII. v. 183. ; Multaque praeterea sacris in postibus arma, Captivi pendent currus, curvaeque secures, Et cristae capitum, & portarum ingentia claustra, Spi●●●●aque, clyp●ique, creptaque rostra carinis. Axes, and Arms did sacred Posts adorn, And Chariot, from the conquered Nations born, Crests too, and massy Bars of Gates, and Spears, And Beaks of Ships, and Bucklers.— Many other Instances to the same purpose occur in Authors. This Custom seems to have been derived into Greece from the Eastern Nations, where no doubt it was practised; what else can be the meaning of Goliath's Sword being reposited in the jewish Place of Worship (a) I. Sam. XXI. 9 ? Nor was it customary only to dedicate to the God's Weapons taken from Enemies, but their own likewise, when they retired from the Noise of War to a private Life; which seems to have been done, as a grateful Acknowledgement to the Gods, by whose Protection they had been delivered from Dangers. Horace alludes to this Custom (b) Lib. I. Epist. I. v. 4. ; — Vejanius, armis Herculis ad postem fixis, latet abditus agro. Vejanius now consults his private Ease, Desists from War, and seeks retired Peace, Having hung up his Arms to He●cules. Ovid also speaks to the same purpose (c) Trist. lib. IU. ; Miles ut emeritis non est satis milis a●●is, P●ni● ad antiques, quae tuli●, arma Lares. The battered Soldier harassed out with Age, Not able longer in the War t' engage, Devotees the Arms, which formerly he bore, To's Household Gods for their assisting Power. But lest these Arms should furnish Malcontents in sudden Tumult● and Insurrections, they seem to have been usually some Way or other rendered unfit for present Service: The Bucklers, for instance, were hung up without Handles; whence a Person in on● of the Poets seeing them otherwise, cries out in a Fright, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Unhappy Wretch! the Bucklers Handles have. The reason may be collected from the foregoing Verses, where another saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If you sincerely wish the public Good, You should not suffer any to devote Bucklers with Handles.— As a farther Expression of their Gratitude to the Gods, it was customary to offer solemn Sacrifices, and return public Thanks to them: Here it may be observed, that the Lacedæmonians for their greatest Successes by Force of Arms offered no more than a Cock to the God of War, but, when they obtained a Victory by Strategem, and without Blood, they sacrificed an Ox (a) Plutarelius Institut. Laconic. ; whereby they gave their Generals to understand, that Policy as well as Valour was required in a complete Warrior, and that those Victories were to be preferred, whereby they suffered the least Damage, surpassing herein the Roman Constitution, which rewarded with greater Honours the Victors in open Field, than those who gained a Conquest by Policy, as esteeming the former Method more noble and becoming Romans; wheresore those were permitted to enter the City in Triumph, but the later were only honoured with an Ovation (b) Idem Mar●ello. . It may not be improper in this Place to add, that the Grecians had a Cust●m something resembling the Roman Triumph, for the Conquerors used to ma● a Procession through the Middle of their City, crowned with Garlands, repeating Hymns and Songs, and brandishing their Spears; the Captives were also l●d by them, and all their Spoils exposed to public View, to do which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Phav●rinus. . Trophies were called by the ancient Athenians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by succeeding Ages 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Aristophanu Schol●astes ●l●t●. : They were dedicated to some of the Gods, especially jupiter surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Pausanias' Lac●ni●u, Plut●rchus Parallel●●, Phur●●tus. , and juno, who shared in her Husband's Title, being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) Phavo●i●us. ; whence Lycophron (g) Cassandra v. 1●28. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The manner of adorning Trophies was hanging up all sorts of Arms taken from the Enemy, according to Euripides (h) H●raclid. v. 786. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All sorts of Arms, that from the Foe he took, He hung about the Trophy which he raised. Hence also juvenal (a) Satir. X. v. 133. speaking of the Roman Triumphal Arches, Bellorum exuviae, truncis astixa tropaeis Lorica, & fracta de cas●ide buccula pendens, Et curtum temone jugum, vic●eque triremis Aplustre.— The Spoils of War brought to Feretrian jove, An empty Coat of Armour hung above The Conqu'rour's Chariot, and in Triumph born A Streamer from a boarded Gally torn, A chap-fall'n Beaver loosely hanging by The cloven Helm.— Mr. Dryden. To these they usually added the Names of the God they were dedicated to, of the Conquerors also, and of those overcome by them, with an Account of all the Spoils, and other remarkable Occurrences in the War; this Inscription was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and was frequently engraved, whence Lucian saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; sometimes written with Ink, whence O●hryades the Lacedaemonian, just surviving his Victory over the Argians, caused a Trophy to be erected, upon which, being supported by his Spear, he inscribed with his own Blood, instead of Ink, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Plutarch Parallelis, Sto●aus Tit. De Fortuna. . The Spoils were hung upon the Trunk of a Tree; the Olive was frequently put to this Use, being the Emblem of Peace, which is one of the Consequents of Victory: Several other Trees also had the same Honour, especially the Oak, as being consecrated to jupiter, who had a peculiar Right to these Respects; there is frequent mention of this in the Poets: Sidonius (c) Panegyric. , — quercusque tropaeis C●n va gemit.— The bended Oak beneath the Trophies groans. Statins describes the same Custom (d) Theba●d. ; Quercus crat tenerae jamdudum oblita juventae, Huic laeves galeas, perfossaque vulnere crebro Inferit arma.— There stood an ancient Oak, whose sprightly Juice Decayed by Age could not like Life infuse Through every Part, on this bright Helmets hung, And battered Arms.— Virgil also concurs herein with them in several Places, and adds farther, that Aeneas' Trophy was upon an Hill; whence it may seem probable, that it was customary to set them upon eminent Places, to render them more conspicuous: His Words are these (a) Aeneid. XI. v. 4. ; Vota Deûm primo victor solvebat Eoo; Ingentem quercum, decisis undique ramis, Constituit t●mulo, sulgentiaque induit arma, Mezent● ●●cis exuvias, tibi, magne, trophae●m, Bellipotens; aptat rorantes sanguine cristas, Telaque trunca viri, & bis sex thoraca petitum Persossumque locis, clypeumque ex aere sinistrae Subligat, a●que ensem collo suspendit eb●●num. Soon as the Morn her weaker Beams displayed, His Vows to Heaven the pious Victor paid: A stately Oak, whose Branches all around Were first ●opt off, he placed on rising Ground, With glittering Arms the hallowed Trunk he graced, The Spoils of King Mezentius deceased, Which Trophy, mighty Arbiter of War, The grateful Prince did to thy Honour rear, He hung his nodding Plume besmeared with Blood, And broken Spears upon the leaf-less Wood, Then round the Stock his much-pierced Corslet bound, The sad Remembrance of each ghastly Wound, And on the left Side fixed the brazen Shield, With which Mezentius 〈◊〉 the fatal Field, Then round his Neck the leathern Belt he cast, And in't his iv'ry-hilted Sword he placed. Mr. Hutchin. In the same manner Pompey, having subdued the Spaniards, erected a Trophy upon the Top of the Pyrenean Mountains. Instead of Trees, succeeding Ages erected Pillars of Stone, or Brass, to continue the Memory of their Victories; to raise these they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Expression was likewise applied to the Erection of Trees; for if the Place they pitched on was void of Trees fit for their purpose, it was usual to supply that Defect by fixing one there, as appears from the forementioned Passage of Virgil. To demolish a Trophy was looked on as unlawful, and a kind of Sacrilege, because they were all consecrated to some Deity: Nor was it lesle a Crime to pay Divine Adoration before them, or to repair them, when decayed, as may be likewise observed of the Roman Triumphal Arches; This being a means to revive the Memory of forgotten Quarrels, and engage Posterity to revenge the Disgrace of their Ancestors: For the same reason, the Grecians, that first introduced the Custom of erecting Pillars for Trophies, incurred a severe Censure from the Ages they lived in (a) Pl●ta●chus Roma●●s Quaestionibus. . The Macedonians never erected Trophies, obliged hereto by a Prescription, observed from the Reign of Caranus, one of whose Trophies was demolished by Wolves (b) Pausanias' p. 315. ; which was the reason, that Alexander the Great, however vainglorious in other Instances, never raised a Trophy: As for those erected by the Macedonians of succeeding Ages in their Wars with the Romans, they were inconsistent with the ancient Custom of their Country. In some Ages after this, they seem to have been wholly laid aside. Yet, they were not wanting to raise Monuments to preserve the Memory of their Victories, and to testify their Gratitude to the Gods; some of which are likewise mentioned in Authors before the Disuse of Trophies. Sometimes Statues were erected to the Gods, especially to jupiter, as appears from that which Pausanias dedicated out of the Persian Spoils (c) Her●dotus lib. IX. , and several others; There is frequent mention of this Custom in Euripides (d) P●●●●ss. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Again, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Several other Instances may be produced: Sometimes the same God was honoured with a Temple on such accounts, as appears from the Story of the Dorians, who, having overcome the Achaeans, raised a Temple to jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) P●●ani●● Laconicu. . Sometimes they erected Towers, which they adorned with the Spoils of their Enemies; which was likewise a Roman Custom, and practised by Fabius Maximus, and Domitius Aenobarbus after the Victory over the Allobroges (f) Lucius Florus lib. III. cap. II. . It was also customary to raise Altars to the Gods; an Instance whereof we have in Alexander, who, returning from his Indian Expedition, erected Altars in Height scarce inferior to the most lofty Towers, and in Breadth exceeding them (g) Arrian●s Exped. Alex. lib. V. . CHAPTER XIII. Of their Military Punishments, and Rewards, with their manner of conveying Intelligence. THE Grecians had no constant method of correcting their Soldiers, but left that to the Discretion of their Commanders; only in some few Cases the Laws made provision. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Runagates, suffered Death. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as refused to serve in the Wars, and such as quitted their Ranks, by one of Charondas' Laws were obliged to ●it three Days in the public Forum in Woman's Apparel (a) Diodorus Siculus. . The Athenians delivered such, with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. those who lost their Bucklers, to certain Judges called Heliastae, who punished them at Discretion; nor were they permitted to enter the Temples, till they had satisfied Justice (b) Aeschines in Ctes●p●ontem. . But of all others the Lacedæmonians inflicted the heaviest Punishments on all such Offenders; for their Laws obliged them either to conquer, or to die upon the Place; and such as quitted their Bucklers, laid under as great Disgrace, as if they had forsaken their Ranks: Runagates were not only deprived of all Honours, but it was likewise a Disgrace to intermarry with them; whoever met them in the Streets, had Liberty to beaten them, nor was it permitted them to resist in their own Defence; and to make them more remarkable, whenever they went abroad, they were obliged to wear a nasty Habit, their Gowns were patched with divers Colours, and their Beards half shaved, half unshaved (c) Plu●a●chus Agesila● ; the Scandal was likewise extended to their whole Family, and therefore their Mothers frequently atoned for their Crime, by stabbing them at their first meeting; which was a common Practice, and frequently alluded to in the Greek Epigrams, in one of which●a Spartan Matron, having run her Son through, thus insults over him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Be gone, degenerate Offspring, quit this Light, E●rotas is concerned at thy loathed Sight, For see he stops his Course, ashamed to glide By that polluted Coast, where you abide; Hence then, unprofitable Wretch, speed to the Dead, And hide in Hell thy ignominious Head; Base dastard Soul, unworthy to appear On Spartan Ground; I never did thee bear. Mr. Hutchin. Several others may be produced to the same purpose; and where the same Fate be●●ll those that lost their Bucklers: Now the reason being demanded of Dem●ratus, why they punished so severely those who quitted their Bucklers, when the Loss of their Helmet, or Coat of Mail, was not looked on to be so scandalous, he replied, That these were only designed for the Defence of single Persons, whereas Bucklers were serviceable to the whole Battalia. Beside the Rewards of Valour already mentioned in the foregoing Chapters, there were several others: The private Soldiers were put into Office, and the subordinate Officers were honoured with greater Commands. It was likewise customary for the General to reward those that signalised themselves, with large Presents; Whence Telamonius, being the first that gained the Top of Troy's Walls, when it was besieged by Hercules, had the Honour to have Hesione the King's Daughter for his Captive: Theseus was presented by the same Hero with Antiope the Amazonian Queen, for his Service in the Expedition against the Amazons. The Poets frequently introduce Commanders encouraging their Soldiers with Promises of this nature: Thus Agamemnon animates Teucer to behave himself courageously, by assuring him of a considerable Reward, when the City should be taken (a) I●iad. ●. v. 2●●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Next after mine, yours is the best Reward, A Tripod, or a Chariot stands prepared. For your Acceptance; else some captive Maid Shall big with charms ascend your joyous Bed. Mr. Hutchin. Ascanius in Virgil makes no lesle Promises to Nisus (b) Aeneid. IX. 253. ; Bina dabo arge●●o perfecta, atque aspera signis Pocula, devicta Genitor quae cepit Arisba, Et tripodas geminos; auri d●o magna talema; Cratera antiquum, quem dat Sidonia Dido: Si vero capere Italia●n, sceptrisque potiri Contigerit victori, & praedae ducere sortem; Vidisli quo Turnus equo, quibus ibat in armis Aureus, ipsum illum c●peum, c●i●●asque rubentes Excipiam sorti, jam nun●●●a praemia, Nise: Praeterea bis sex genitor lectis●ima ma●rum Corpora, captivosque dabit, suaque omnibus arma; Insu●er id campi quod ●ex habet ipse Latinus. Your common Gi●t shall two large Goblets be Of Silver wrought with curious Imagery, And high embossed, which, when old Priam reigned, My conquering Sire at sacked Arisba gained; And more, two Tripods cast in Antic Mould, With two great Talents of the finest▪ Gold, Beside, a costly Bowl engraved with Art, Which Dido gave, when first she gave her Heart: But if in conquered Italy we reign, When Spoils by Lot the Victor shall obtain, Thou saw'st the Courser by proud Turnus pressed, That, Nisus, and his Arms, and nodding Crest, And Shield from chance exempt shall be thy Share; Twelve labouring Slaves, twelve Handmaids young, and fair, All clad with rich Attire, and trained with Care, And last, a Latian Field with fruitful Plains, And a large Portion of the King's Domains. Mr. Dryden. Several other Promises they encouraged them with, according to every Man's Temper, or Condition: Wherefore Ascanius thus proceeds to Euryalus Nisus' Companion in Danger; Te vero, mea quem spatiis propioribus aetas Insequitur, vencrande puer, jam pectore toto Accipio, & comitem casus complector in omnes; Nulla meis sine te quaeretur gloria rebus, Seu pacem, scu bella geram, tibi maxima rerum, Verborumque fides.— But thou, whose Years are more to mine allied, No Fate my vowed Affection shall divide From thee, Heroic Youth; be wholly mine, Take full Possession, all my Soul is thine; One Faith, one Fame, one Fate shall both attend My Life's Companion, and my Bosom Friend, My Peace shall be committed to thy Care, And to thy Conduct my Concerns in War. Mr. Dryden. Sometimes Crowns were presented, and inscribed with the Person's Name, and Actions, that had merited them, as appears from the Inscription upon the Crown presented by the Athenians to Conon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Others were honoured with Leave to raise Pillars, or erect Statues to the Gods, with Inscriptions declaring their Victories; which Plutarch supposeth to have been a Grant rarely yielded to the greatest Commanders: Cimon indeed was favoured therewith, but Miltiades, and Themisto●●es could never obtain the like; nay, when Miltiades only desired a Crown of Olive, one Sochares stood up in the Midst of the Assembly, and replied, when thou shalt conquer alone, Miltiades, thou shalt triumph so too; which Words were so agreeable to the Populace, that his Suit was rejected: The reason why Cimon was more respected than the rest, our Author (a) Plutarch Cimone. thinks, was because under other Commanders they stood upon the Defensive; but by his Conduct they not only repulsed their Enemies, but invaded them in their own Country: But perhaps a more true and real Account may be taken from the Change of Times, for the primitive Ages seem not to have been so liberal in the distribution of Rewards, as those that succeeded; for when later Generations degenerated from their Ancestors, and produced fewer Instances of Magnanimity and true Valour, the Way to Honour became easier, and Men of common Performances without Difficulty obtained Rewards, which before were only paid to Persons of the first Rank for Virtue, and Courage (b) Aeschines in Ctesiphontem. . Another Honour conferred at Athens upon the Valiant, was to have their Arms placed in the Citadel, and to be called Cecropidae, Citizens of the true old Blood; to which Custom the Poet alludes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some were presented with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or complete Suit of Armour; as we find of Alcibiades, when he was very young, and went in the Expedition against Potidaea (c) Plutarch Al●ibiad●. . Others were complemented with Songs of Triumph, the first of which were composed in Honour of Lysander the Spartan General (d) Pi●ta●chu● Lysandro. . Many other Honours were paid to such as deserved well of their Country; but I shall only mention one more, which consisted in the Care of the Children of such as valiantly sacrificed their Lives for the Glory, and Preservation of the Athenian Commonwealth (e) Aeschines in Ctesiphonte●. : They were carefully educated at the public Charge, till they came to Maturity, and then presented with a complete Suit of Armour, and brought forth before the People, one of the public Ministers proclaiming before them; That hitherto in Remembrance of their Father's Merits the Commonwealth had educated these young Men, but now difinissed them so armed, to go forth, and thank their Country by imitating their Father's Examples. For their farther Encouragement, they had the Honour of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or having the first Seats at Shows, and all public Meetings. It may not be improper to add something concerning their way of sending Intelligence: This was done several ways, and by several sorts of Messengers, one remarkable were their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were lightly armed with Darts, Hand-granadoes, or Bows and Arrows (a) S●●das. ; one of these was Phidippides famous in the Story of Miltiades for his Vision of Pan (b) Cornelius' Ne●●●●lti●de. . But the Contrivance of all others the most celebrated for close Conveyance of Intelligence, was the Lacedaemonian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was a white Roll of Parchment, wrapped about a black Stick; it was about four Cubits in length (c) Pi●l●ri Sch●liastes Ol●mp. Odd VI , and so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. Skin: The Manner and Use of it was thus; when the Magistrates gave Commission to any General, or Admiral, they took round Pieces of Wood exactly equal to one another; one of these they kept, the other was delivered to the Commander, to whom when they had any Thing of Moment to communicate, they cut a long narrow Scroll of Parchment, and rolling it about their own Staff, one Fold close upon another, they wrote their Business upon it; then, taking it off, dispatched it away to the Commander, who applying it to his own Staff, the Folds exactly fell in one with another, as at the Writing, and the Characters, which, before 'twas wrapped up, were confusedly disjoined, and unintelligible, appeared very plain (d) Plutarch 〈…〉 in Avibus, A. Gellius, &. . CHAPTER XIV. Of the Invention, and different sorts of Ships. MOST of those useful Arts, and admirable Inventions, which are the very Support of Mankind, and supply them with all the Necessaries, and Conveniences of Life, have at first been the Productions of some lucky Chance, or from slight and contemptible Beginnings have been by long Experience, curious Observations, and various Improvements matured, and brought to perfection: Instances of this kind are every where frequent, and obvious, but none can be produced more remarkable than in the Art of Navigation, which, tho' now arrived to a Pitch of Perfection beyond most other Arts by those successful Additions it has received from almost every Age of the World, was in the Beginning so mean and imperfect, that the Pleasure, or Advantage of those, who first applied themselves to it, was very small and inconsiderable. Those, who adventured to commit themselves to the liquid Element, made their first Essays in shallow Waters, and trusted not themselves too far from the Shore; but, being emboldened by frequent Trials, proceeded farther by degrees, till at length they took Courage, and launched forth into the main Ocean: To this purpose Claudian (a) Praesat. in Rapt. Proserpina. ; Inventa secuit primus qui nave profundum, Et rudibus remis solicitavit aquas, Tranquillis primum trepidus se credidit undis, Littora securo tramite summa legens; Mox longos tentare sinus, & linquere terras, Et leni caepit pandere vela Noto: Ast ubi paullatim prae eps audacia crevit, Cordaque languentem dedidicere metum, jam vagus irrupit pelago, caelumque secutus, Aegaeas hyemes, jonias que domat. Whoever first with Vessels cleaved the Deep, And did with uncouth Oars the Water sweep, His first Attempt on gentle Streams he made, And near the Shore affrighted always stayed; He launched out farther next, and left the Land, And then erected Sails began to stand, Till by degrees, when Man undaunted grew, Forgetting all those Fears before he knew, He rushed into the Main, and harmless bore, Guided by Stars, the Storms that loudly roar In the Aegaean, and Ionian Seas.— Mr. Dechair. To whom the World is obliged for the Invention of Ships, is, like all Things of such Antiquity, uncertain; there are divers Persons, who seem to make equal Pretensions to this Honour; such are Prometheus, Neptune, janus, Atlas, Hercules, jason, Danaus, Erythraeus, etc. but by common Fame it is given to Minerva, the happy Mother of all Arts, and Sciences: Some, who, leaving these antiquated Fables of the Poets, pretend to something more of certainty in what they deliver, ascribe it to the Inhabitants of some of those Places, that lie upon the Seacoasts, and are by Nature designed, as it were, for harbouring Ships, such as the Aeginensians, Phoenicians (a) Plin. l. V. c. XII. Str●bo l. XVI. Mela l. I. c. XII. etc. The reason of this Disagreement seems to have proceeded partly from the different Places, where Navigation was first practised, (for it was never peculiar to any one People, and from them communicated to the rest of the World, but found out in Countries far distant from one another) and in part from the various sorts of Ships, some of which, being first built by the Persons abovementioned, have entitled them to the whole Invention. The first Ships were built without Art, or Contrivance, and had neither Strength nor Durableness, Beauty nor Ornament; but consisted only of Planks laid together, and just so compacted as to keep out the Water (b) Ma●●●●s Tyr. Dissert. XI. Isidorus. : In some Places they were nothing else, but Hulks of Trees made hollow, which were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as consisting only of one Piece of Timber; of these we find mention in Virgil (c) 〈◊〉 lib. I v. 136. , Tunc alno● fluvii primum sensere cavatas, Navita tum stellis numeros, & nomina fecit. Then hollowed Alders first on Rivers swum, Then to the Stars both Names, and Numbers came Imposed by Mariners.— In later Ages also they were made use of at some Places, being the same with those called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the strict, and most proper Acceptation of that Word (d) 〈◊〉 lib. V. , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as made by hollowing, and, as it were, digging in a Tree. Nor was Wood alone applied to this Use, but any other Materials that float upon the Water without sinking, such as the Egyptian Reed papyrus, or (to mention no more) Leather, of which the primitive Ships were frequently composed, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, these were sometimes begirt with Wickers, and frequently used in that manner upon the Rivers of Aethiopia, Egypt, and Sabaean Arabia even in later Times; but in the first of them we find no mention of any Thing but Leather, or Hides sewed together: In a Ship of this sort Dardanus secured his Flight to the Country afterwards called Troas, when by a terrible Deluge he was forced to leave Samothrace, his former Place of Residence (e) Lycophronu Cassandr. ejusque Sch●lia●te● v. 75. . Charon's infernal Boat was of the same Composition, according to Virgil (a) Aeveid. VI 414. , — Gemuit sub pondere cymba Sut●lis, & muleam accepit ●im●sa pa●●●em. Under the Weight the Boat of Leather gro●n'd, And leaky grown, th' impetuous Wa●●● found An easy Passage through.— When Ships were brought to a little more Perfection, and increased in Bigness, the Sight of them struck the poor, ignorant People with Terror and Amazement; for it was no small Surprise to behold great floating Castles of unusual Forms, full of living Men, and with Wings (as it were) expanded flying upon the Sea (b) Ap●llo●●●, ejusque Scholiastes. : What else could have given Occasion to the Fiction of Pers●●●s's Flight to the Gorgous, ●ho, as Aristophanes (c) Scholiastes. expressly tells us, was carried in a Ship, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What other Original could there be for the famous Story of Triptolemus, who was feigned to ride upon a winged Dragon, only because in a Time of Dearth at Athens he sailed to more fruitful Countries to supply the Nece●sities of his People, or to the Fable of the winged Horse Pegasus, who, ●as several Mythologists (d) Th●smophor. report, was nothing but a Ship of 〈◊〉 Name with Sails, and for that reason feigned to be the Offspring of Neptune the Emperor of the Sea (e) 〈…〉. (f) Vossius Idol lib III. cap XLIX. : Nor was there any other Ground for the Stories of Grysson●, or of ships transformed into Birds, and Fishes, which we frequently meet with in the ancient Poets. So acceptable to the first Ages of the World were Inventions of this Nature, that whoever made any improvements in the Art of Navigation, built new Ships of Forms better 〈◊〉 for Strength, or Swiftness than those before used, rendered the old more commodio●●● by any additional Contrivance, or discovered Countries untraced by former Travellers, were thought worthy of the greatest Honours, and (like other common Benefactors to Mankind) ascribed into the Number of the deified Heroes, they had their Inventions also consecrated, and fixed in the Heavens. Hence we have the Signs of Aries, and Taurus, which were nothing, but two Ships, the former transported Phryxus from Greece to C●●chos, the later Europa out of Phoenicia into C●ote; Argo likewise, Pegasus, and Perseus' Whale were new sorts of Ships, which, being had in great Admiration by the rude and ignorant Mortals of those Times, were in Memory of their Inventors translated amongst the Stars, and metamorphosed into Constellations by the Poets of those, or the succeeding Ages. Thus much concerning the Invention of Ships. At their first Appearance in the World, all Ships, for whatever Use designed, were of the same Form; but the various Ends of Navigation, some of which were better answered by one Form, some by another, soon gave occasion to sit out Ships, not in Bigness only, but in the manner of their Construction, and Equipment, differing from one another. Not to trouble you with a distinct Enumeration of every little Alteration, which would be endless, they were chiefly of three sorts, Ships of Burden, of War, and of Passage. Ships of Passage were distinguished by several Names taken usually from their Carriages; those that served for the Transportation of Men, being called by the general Names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, when filled with armed Men, by the particular Titles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; those, in which Horses were transported, were named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and hippagines, to mention no more. Ships of Burden were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to distinguish them from Men of War, which were properly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: They were usually of an orbicular Form, having large and capacious Bellies, to contain the greater Quantity of Victuals, Provisions, and other Necessaries, with which they were laden; whence they are sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as, on the contrary, Ships of War we find named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Ulpianus in Demosth. Orat adv. Lepti●●m , being extended to a greater Length than the former, wherein they agreed in part with the Transport-vessels, which were of a Form betwixt the Ships of War, and Burden, being exceeded by the later in Capaciousness, by the former in Length. There was likewise another Difference amongst these Ships, for Men of War, tho' not wholly destitute of Sails, were chiefly rowed with Oars, that they might be the more able to tack about upon any Advantage, and approach the Enemy on his weakest Side, whereas Vessels governed by Sails, being left to the Mercy of the Winds, could not be managed by so steady a Conduct; hence the Ships of War are usually styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ships of Burden were commonly governed with Sails, and those of Transport often towed with Cords, not but that in both these all the three Ways of Government, viz. by Sail, Oar, and Cords, were upon occasion made use of. Men of War are said to have been first rigged out by Parhalus, or Samyres, as others by Semiramis, but according to some (b) 〈◊〉. Nat. Hist. lib. VII. cap ult. by Aegaeon: They were farther distinguished from other sorts of Ships by various Engines, and Accessions of Building, some to defend their own Soldiers, others to annoy Enemies, an Account of which shall be inserted in the following Chapters; and from one another in later Ages by several Orders, or Ranks of Oars, which were not, as some vainly imagine, placed upon the same Level in different Parts of the Ship; nor yet, according to others, directly, and perpendicularly above one another's Heads; but their Seats being fixed one at the Back of another ascended gradually in the manner of Stairs. The most usual Number of these Banks was three, four, and five; whence there is so frequent mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. trireme, quadrireme, and quinquireme Galleys, which exceeded one another by a Bank of Oars, and consequently were built more high, and rowed with greater Strength. In the primitive Times, the long Ships had only one Bank of Oars, whence they are sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Name of a single Horse, and therefore, when we find them called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and upwards as far as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we are not to suppose they were rowed with fifty, or an hundred Banks, but only with so many Oars: such as these was the Ship Argo, which we find was rowed with fifty Oars, being the first of the long Ships, and invented by jason, whereas till that Time all sorts of Vessels had been of a Form more inclining to Oval; Others (a) Apollodorus Biblioth. lib. II. carry the Invention of long Ships something higher, referring it to Danaus, who, they tell us, sailed from Egypt into Greece in a Ship of fifty Oars; and however jason should be allowed to have introduced them into Greece, yet he cannot be thought their first Contriver, but rather imitated the Egyptian, or African Model, the later of which was some Time before composed by Atlas, and much used in those Parts. The first, that used a double Bank of Oars, were the Erythraeans (b) Plinias. ; which was farther enlarged by Aminocles of Corinth with the Accession of a third, as Herodotus, Thucydides, and Diodorus the Sicilian report; but Clemens of Alexandria (c) S●romat. lib I will have this Invention to belong to the Sidonians: To these Aristotle a Carthaginian added a fourth, Nesicthon of Salamis (according to Pliny) or Dionysius the Sicilian (according to Diodorus) a fi●th, Xenagoras the Syracusian a sixth; Nesigiton increased the Number to ten, Alexander the Great to twelve, Ptolemy Soter to fifteen, Philip Father to Perseus had a Ship of sixteen Banks (d) Polysius in Fragment & Livius. , than (it being easy to make Additions, the Method of erecting one Bank above another once found out) Demetrius the Son of Antigonus built a Ship of thirty Banks, and Ptolemy Philopator, out of a vainglorious Humour of outdoing all the World besides, farther enlarged the Number to forty (a) Plutarch Demetrio, Athenaus: lib. V. , which (all other Parts bearing a just Proportion) raised the Ship to that prodigious Bigness, that it appeared at a Distance like a floating Mountain, or Island, and upon a near View seemed like an huge Castle upon the Floods; it contained fourthousand Rowers, four hundred Mariners employed in other Services, and almost three thousand Soldiers. But this, and such like Fabrics served only for Show, and Ostentation, being by their great Bulk rendered unwieldly, and unfit for Use; Athenaus tells us the common Names, they were known by, were Cyclades, or Ae●nae, i.e. Islands, or Mountains, to which they seemed almost equal in Bigness, consisting, as some report, of as many Materials, as would have been sufficient for the Construction of at least fifty Triremes. Beside those already mentioned, there were other Ships with half Banks of Oars; such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which seems to have been betwixt an Vnireme, and Bireme, consisting of a Bank, and an half: likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, betwixt a Bireme, and Trireme, having two Banks and an half: These, tho' perhaps built in other Respect after the Model of the long Ships, or Men of War, are seldom comprehended under that Name, and sometimes found in Opposition to them. Several other Ships are mentioned by Authors, which differed from those already enumerated, being sitted for particular Uses, or certain Seas, employed upon urgent Necessities in naval Fights, but more commonly, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Tenders, and victualling Ships, to supply the main Fleet with Provisions, and sometimes built for Expedition, to carry Expresses, and observe the Enemy's Motions, without Danger of being seized by the heavier, and armed Vessels: These were distinguished from the former by the manner of their Construction, and Equipment, being in part like the Men of War, partly resembling the Ships of Burden, and in some Things differing from both, as the various Exigences they served in, seemed to require. CHAPTER XV. Of the Parts, Ornaments, etc. of Ships. HAVING treated of the different sorts of Ships used amongst the ancient Grecians, I shall in the next Place endeavour to describe the principal Parts, whereof they consisted, the Ignorance of which has occasioned a great many Mistakes, and much Confusion in those that have conversed with Authors of Antiquity. Herein I shall chiefly follow the Account of Scheffer, who hath so copiously treated on this Subject, and with such Industry, and Learning collected whatever is necessary to its Illustration, that very little Room is left for farther Enlargement. Now the principal Parts, of which Ships consisted, were three, viz. the Belly, the Prow, and the Stern: These were again composed of other smaller Parts, which shall briefly be described in their Order. 1. In the Belly, or middle Part, of the Ship there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, carina, or the Keel, which was composed of Wood, and therefore from its Strength and Firmness called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: It was placed at the Bottom of the Ship, being designed to cut, and glide through the Waves (a) Homeri Sch●●●●st. Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and therefore was not broad, but narrow, and sharp; whence it may be perceived that not all Ships, but only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose Bellies were straight, and of a small Circumference, were provided with Keels, the rest having usually flat Bottoms (b) Isidor. lib. XIX. cap. I . Round the Keel were placed Pieces of Wood to save it from receiving Damage, when the Ship was first launched into the Water, or bulged against Rocks; these were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin cunei according to Ovid (c) Metam. XI. v. 516. , jamque labant cunci, spoliataque tegmine cerae Rima patet.— The Wedges break, and, losing all its Wax, A Hole lets in the Water.— Next to the Keel was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Pollux. , within which was contained the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Pump, through which Water was conveyed out of the Ship (e) Aristoph. Scholar Equit. . After this was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or second Keel, being placed beneath the Pump, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (f) Pollux. : By some it is falsely supposed to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hence proceed we to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, latera, or Sides of the Ship, which encompassed all the former Parts on both Hands: These were composed of large Rafters extended from Prov to Stern, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Plato De Repub. l X. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Heliodorus Aethiopicis. , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Aristophaenes Equitibus. , because by them the whole Fabric was begirt, or surrounded. In both these Sides the Rowers had their Places, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin fori, and transtra, placed above one another: The lowest was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and those that laboured therein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The Middle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the uppermost 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence the Rowers were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Pollux. . In these were Spaces, through which the Rowers put their Oars; these were sometimes one continued Vacuity from one End to the other called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but more usually distinct Holes, each of which was designed for a ●●●gle Oar; these were styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because not unlike the Eyes of living Creatures: All of them were by a more general Name termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from containing the Oars (e) Athenaeus lib. V. ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to have been another Thing, signifying the Spaces between the Banks of Oars on each Side, where the Passengers seem to have been placed: On the Top of all these was a Passage, or Place to walk in, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as joining to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or uppermost Bank of Oars. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Prow, or Fore-deck, whence it's sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Forehead, and commonly distinguished by other metaphorical Titles taken from human Faces. In some Ships there is mention of two Prows, as likewise of two Stems; thus was Danaus' Ship adorned by Minerva, when he fled from Egypt. It was customary to beautify the Prow with Gold, and various sorts of Paint, and Colours: In the primitive Times red was most in Use, whence Homer's Ships were commonly dignifyed with the Titles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or red-faced: The blue likewise, or Sky-colour was frequently made use of, as bearing a near Resemblance to the Colour of the Sea, whence we find Ships called by Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Aristophanes' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Several other Colours were also made use of; nor were they barely varnished over with them, for they had a curious Art of Annealing them by Wax melted in the Fire, so as neither the Sun, Winds, or Water were able to deface them; This Art was called, from the Wax used therein, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the Fire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it is described by Vitruvius (a) Lib. VII. cap. IX. , and mentioned in Ovid (b) Fastorum lib. IU. , — Picia coloribus ustis Cerrleam matrem concava puppis habee. The painted Ship with melted Wax annealed Had Tobys for its Deity.— In these Colours the various Forms of Gods, Animals, Plants, etc. were usually described, which were often added as Ornaments to other Parts also of the Ships, as plainly appears from the ancient Monuments presented to the World by Baysius. The Sides of the Prow were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Wings, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according ●o Scheffer, but I rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for since the Prow is commonly compared to an human Face, ● will naturally follow that its Sides may be called Cheeks. The Top of these, as likewise of the Stern, was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Thucydidis Scholiastes. , because void of Rowers. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Hind-deck, or Stern, sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Tail, because the hindmost Part of the Ship: It was of a Figure more inclining to round than the Prow, the Extremity of which was sharp, that it might cut the Waters; it was also built higher than the Prow, and was the Place, where the Pilot sat to steer: The Bow of it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Planks, of which that was composed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There was another Place something below the Top called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the interior Part of which was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Some other Things there are in the Prow, and Stern, that deserve our Notice; as those Ornaments, wherewith the Extremities of the Ship were beautified, commonly called in general 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Sus●a●. , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Homerus. , in Latin corymbi, which Name is taken from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in Homer, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thou this Word in Greek is not, as in the Latin, applied to the Ornaments of both Ends, bu● only of the Prow (f) Etymologic● Auctor. : These are likewise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because placed at the Extremity of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was a long Pl●nk at the Head of the Prow, and therefore sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (g) Tellux. ; the Form of them sometimes resembled Hel●●ets, sometimes living Creatures, but most frequently was wound into a round Compass, whence they are so commonly named corymbae, and coronae. To the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ●he Prow answered the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Stern, which were often of an orbicular Figure, or fashioned like Wings, to which a little Shield, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was frequently affixed: Sometimes a Piece of Wood was erected, whereon Ribbons of divers Colours were hung, and served instead of a Flag (a) Pole-axe, 〈◊〉. to distinguish the Ship, and of a Weathercock to signify the Quarters of the Wind. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Goose, whose Figure it resembled, because Geese were looked on as fortunate Omens to Mariners, for that they swim on the Top of the Waters, and sink not. This Ornament, according to some, was fixed at the Bottom of the Prow, where it was joined to the foremost Part of the Keel; and was the Part, to which Anchors were fastened, when cast into the Sea▪ But others carry it to the other End of the Ship, and six it upon the Extremity of the Stern (b) 〈◊〉 Auctor. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the Flag, whereby Ships were distinguished▪ from one another: It was placed in the Prow, just below the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, b●ing sometimes carved, and frequently painted, whence it is in 〈◊〉 termed pictura, representing the Form of a Mountain, a Tree, a Flower, or any other Things, wherein it was distinguished from what was called tutela, or the Safeguard, of the Ship, which always represented some of the Gods, to whose Care and Protection the Ship was recommended; for which reason it was held sacred, and had the Privilege of being a Refuge, and Sanctuary to such as ●led to it; Prayers also, and Sacrifices were offered, and Oaths confirmed before it, as the Mansion of the Tutelar, and presiding Deity of the Ship: Now and then we find it taken for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Latantias lib I cap II. 〈…〉 v●t●t●s. , and perhaps some few Times the Images of Gods might b● represented upon the Flags: By some it is placed also in the Prow (d) Pr●●p●as in E●a●a cap. XII. ●●rilias in catena ad eundem prophetara. , but by most▪ Authors of Credit assigned to the Stern: Thus Ovid, (to omit more Instances) in his Epistle of Paris, Accipit & pictos puppis adunca Deos. The Stern with painted Deities richly shines. Farther, the tutela, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are frequently distinguished in express Words, that being always signified by the Image of a God; this usually of some Creature, or feigned Representation: Hence the same Author (a) De Tristibus. , Est mihi, suque, precor, slavae tutela Minervae, Navis & à picta casside nomen habet. Minerva is the Goddess I adore, And may she grant the Blessings I implore; The Ship its Name a painted Helmet gives. Whe●● the Tutelar Deity was Minerva, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Helmet. In 〈◊〉 manner, the Ship, wherein Europa was conveyed from Phanicla into Crete, had a Bull for its Flag, and jupiter for its Tutelar Deity; whi●h gave Occasion to the Fable of her being ravi●●●'d by that God in the Shape of a Bull. It was customary for the Ancients to commit their Ships to the Protection of those Deities, whom they thought most concerned for their Safety, or to whom th●y bore any sort of Relation, or Affection: Thus we 〈◊〉 from Fa●ip●●es (b) I●hige●ia. , that Theseus' whole Fleet, consisting of sixty Sail, was under the Care of Minerva the Protectress of Athens; Achilles' Navy was committed to the Nereids, or Sea-nymphs, because of the Relation he had to them on the Account of his Mother Thetis, who was one of their Number; and (to mention no more) the Boeotian Ships had for their Tutelar God Cadmus represented with a Dragon in his Hand, because he was the Founder of Thebes, the principal City in Boeotia. Nor were whole Fleets only, but single Ships recommended to certain Deities, which the Ancients usually chose out of the Number of those, who were reputed the Protectors of their Country, or Family, or presided over the Business they were going about; thus Merchants committed themselves, and their Ships to the Care of Mercury, Soldiers of Mars, and Lovers of Venus and Cupid; so Paris tells his Mistress in Ovid, Qua tamen ipse vehor, comitata Cupidine parvo Sponsor conjugii stat Dea picta sui. Venus, who has betrothed us, painted stands With little Cupid on my Ship.— On the Prow of the Ship, about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was placed a round Piece of Wood called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Eye of the Ship, because fixed in its Fore-deck (c) Pollux, Eustathius, A●oll●nii Sch●'tas●● A●gou. lib. ● v. 1●89. ; on this was inscribed the Name of the Ship, which was usually taken from the Flag, as appears in the forementioned Passage of Ovid, where he tells us his Ship received its Name from the Helmet painted upon it; hence comes the frequent mention of Ships called Pegasi, Scyllae, Bulls, Rams, Tigers, etc. which the Poets took Liberty to represent as living Creatures, that transported their Riders from one Country to another; nor was there (according to some) any other Ground for those known Fictions of Pegasus, the winged Horse of Bellerophon, or the Ram, that is reported to have carried Phry●us to Colchos, with several others, that occur every where in the Poets. The whole Fabric being completed, it was fortified with Pitch to secure the Wood from the Waters, whence it comes that Homer's Ships are every where mentioned with the Epithet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Black. The first that made use of Pitch, were the Inhabitants of Phaeacia (a) Saidas v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , called afterwards Corsica. Sometimes Wax was employed in the same Use, whence Ovid (b) ●pist. Oenon. v. 42. , Caerula ceratas accipit unda rates. The azure Sea receives the waxy Ships. Now and then it was applied with a Mixture of Rosin, or other Materials fit for the same Purpose; whence the Colour of Ships was not always the same, and the Epithets ascribed to them in the Poets are various. After all, the Ship being bedecked with Garlands, and Flowers, the Mariners also adorned with Crowns, she was launched into the Sea with loud Acclamations, and other Expressions of Mirth, and Joy (c) At●●neus lib. V. ; and, being purified by a Priest with a lighted Torch, an Egg, and Brimstone (d) Apule●us Asin. lib. XI. , or after some other manner, was consecrated to the God, whose Image she bore. CHAPTER XVI. Of the Tackling, and Instruments required in Navigation. THE Instruments used in Navigation were of divers sorts, being either necessary to all sorts of Navigation, or only some Form of it, as that by Sails, by Oars, etc. The chief of the former sort were as follow: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, gubernaculum, the Rudder, placed in the hindmost Deck, whereby the Pilot directed the Course of the Ship. The smaller sort of Ships had only one Rudder, but those of greater Bulk, as often as Occasion required, had more, insomuch that sometimes we read of four Rudders in one Vessel: The Places of these are uncertain, b●ing perhaps not always the same; but it seems probabl●, that, when there were only two Rudders, one was fixed to the Fore-deck, the other to the hindmost; whence we read of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Ships with two Sterns; when there were four Rudders, one seems to have been fixed to each Side of the V●ssel. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Anchor, the first Invention of which some ascribe to the Tyrrh●nians (a) ●lin. lib. VIII. cap. ul●. ; other● to Midas, the Son of Gordius, whose Anchor, Pau●an●ias tells us, was preserved in one of Jupiter's Temples till his Days: Since there were divers sorts of Anchors, it is not improbable that both the●e may justly lay claim to Part of the Invention. Th● most ancient Anchors are said to have been of Stone (b) A 〈…〉 in Periplo Ponti Euxine. , and sometimes of Wood, to which a great Quantity of Lead was usually fixed: In some Places Banquets full of Stones (c) 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 v 〈◊〉. , and Sack, filled with Sand wer● employed to the sam● U●e: All the●● w●r● let down by Cords into the Sea, and by th●ir W●ight s●ay'd ●h● Course of the Ship. Afterwards Anchors 〈◊〉 composed of Iron, and furnished with Teeth, ●hich, being fa●●●n'd to the Bottom of the Sea, preserved the V●ss●l immov●abl●; whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and denies are frequently taken for Anchors in th● Gre●k, and Latin Poets. At first there was only one Tooth, wh●nc● Anchors w●re called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Pollux. ; but in a short Time a second was added by Eupalamus (e) Tim. lib. VII. cap. ulc. , or Anacha●si● the Scythian Philosopher (f) 〈◊〉 lib. X. ex E●l●oro. : The 〈◊〉 upon Apoll●nius (g) Argon. I. v. 1271. confidently affirms, that this sort of Anchors was used by the Argonauts, yet h●r●in h● seems to deserve no great Credit, for that he runs contrary to the T●timonies of other Writers, and his own Author A●plio●●●s mak●● mention of none but those of Stone. The Anchors with two Teeth were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and from ancient Monuments appear ●o have been much what the sam● with those used in our Days, only the transverse Pi●ce of Wood upon th●i● Handles is wanting in all of them. Every Ship had several Anchors, one of which, surpassing all the ●est in Bigness, and Strength, was peculiarly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin sacra, and was never used, but in extreme Danger; whence sacram anch●ram so●●er● is proverbially applied to such as are forced to their last Refuge. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saburra, Ballast, wherewith Ships were poised, whence it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: It was usually of Sand, but sometimes of any other ponderous Matter: Diomede●, in his Voyage from Troy, is said to have employed the Stones of that City's Walls to this Use (a) Lycophroni● Cassan●r. v. 618. . It is sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Hesy●hiu●. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, called by Herodotus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Eute●●e. , by Lucilius catapirates (d) Lib XIX. cap IU. , was an Instrument, wherewith they sounded the Depth of the Sea, and discovered whether the Bottom was firm and commodious for anchoring, or dangerous by reason of Quicksands, or other Obstructions. It was commonly of Lead, or Brass, or other ponderous Metals, and let down by a Chain into the Deep (e) Glossa in Act. Apost. cap. XXVII. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, called by Sophocles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) Pollux. , in Latin conti, long Poles, used to sound the Depth of shallower Waters, to thrust the Ship from Rocks and Shelves, and force her forwards in Fords and Shallows, where the Waters had not Strength enough to carry her. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were little Bridges, or Stairs joining the Land to Ships, or one Ship to another. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin haustrum, t●ll●no, or tollena, etc. a Swipe, or Engine to draw up Water. To some of the abovementioned Instruments certain Ropes were required, and distinguished according to their several Uses; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ancoralia, or ancorarii, the Cables, wherewith Anchors were cast into the Sea, called sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (g) Aristophanu Schol●astes. , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (h) Thavorinus. : whence in the Place of Saint Matthew, where Christ, speaking of the Difficulty of a rich Man's entering into Heaven, tells his Disciples, it is harder than for a Camel to pass through the Eye of a Needle, Th●ophylact, and some others interpret the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not of the Animal called a Camel, but a Cable (i) Matthas' Evangel. c●p. XIX. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, parolcones, remulci, Ropes, by which Ships were towed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, retinacula, Cords, wherewith Ships were tied to the Shore. In most Harbours Stones were erected for this purpose, being bored through like Rings, and thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to these the Cords, cast out of the Stern, were bound: This Custom was always observed, when Ships came into Port; and therefore, when they put to Sea, it is usually said they did solvere sunes, lose their Cords; Instances of this are every where frequent, but I shall only give you one out of Ovid (a) Metam. lib XV. v. 695. , who speaks thus of Aencas' Followers, Aeneadae gaudent, caesoque in littore tauro, Torta coronatae solvunt retinacula navis. A Bull the joyful Trojans sacrificed Upon the Shore, then loosed the Rope that tied The Ship all crowned with Garlands.— The End of doing this was, that the Ships might be secured from the Violence of the Winds, and Waves; for which reason, in those commodious Harbours, that lay not exposed to them, we find that Ships remained loose, and untied; whence Homer (b) Od●ss. ●. v. 136. Vide Annotationes nostras in Lycophronis Cassand●. v. 20. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So still the Port, there was no need of Ropes. I proceed to the Instruments, which were only necessary to some sort of Navigation; where I shall first treat of those required in Rowing, which were as follow: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, remi, Oars, so called from one Copas, by whom 'tis said they were first invented. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin palmula, or tonsa, was the Blade, or broad Part of the Oar, which was usually covered with Brass, that it might with greater Strength, and Force repel the Waves, and endure the longer. There were several Banks of Oars placed gradually above one another; the Oars of the lowest Bank were shorter than the rest, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Those of the middle Banks were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Those of the uppermost 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and were the longest, being at the greatest Distance from the Water; wherefore, that the Rowers might be the better able to wield, and manage them, it was customary to put Lead upon their Handles (c) Athenaus' lib. V. , that the Bottom might not out-poise the Top. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were round Pieces of Wood, whereon the Rowers hung their Oars, when they rested from their Labours: Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. a Ship with three Rows of Scalmi, or a Trireme. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. in Latin transtra, and juga, were the Seats of the Rowers. The Instruments used in Sailing were as follow: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vela, Sails, which are by some thought to have been first invented by Daedalus, and to have given Original to the Fable of his using Wings: Others refer this Invention to Icarus, making Daedalus the Contriver of Masts and Sail-yards (b) Plin. lib. VII. cap. LVI. : At first, there was only one Sail in a Ship, but afterwards a greater Number was sound convenient, the Names of which were these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by some taken for supparum, or the Topsail, which hung on the Top of the Master 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the great Sails (c) Hesy●l●●●. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Trinket, or small Sail in the Fore-deck (d) Suidas v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Isidor●s. : Others make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Misen-sail, which was larger than the former, and hung in the Hind-deck (e) Hesy●bias, Isido●us. . Sails were commonly of Linen, sometimes of any other Materials fit for receiving, and repelling the Winds: in Dio (f) Lib. XXXIX. we have mention of leathern Sails; it was likewise usual for want of other Sails to hang up their Garments; whence came the Fable of Hercules, who is feigned to have sailed with the Back of a Lion, because he used no other Sail, but his Garment, which was a Lion's Skin (g) 〈◊〉 Aen. VIII. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, antennae, the Sail-yards, Pieces of Wood fixed upon the Mast, to which the Sails were tied (h) Hom●ri Scholiastes Iliad. ●. : The Name signifies an Horn, whence its Extremities are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, its Arms inclining to an orbicular Figure are termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Latin Poet hath used cornua in the same Sense (i) Silius Italicus lib. 〈◊〉 . — Veloque superba capaci Cum rapidum hauriret Boream, & cornibus 〈◊〉 Colligeret flatus.— Other Parts it had close to the Mast called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being those, by which it was moved. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, malus, the Mast. Every Ship had several Masts, but we are told by Aristotle, that at first there was only one Mast, which being fixed in the Middle of the Ship, the Hole, into which the Foot of it was inserted, was named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) 〈◊〉 ●i Scholiastes Od●ss. ●. , in Latin modius. When they landed, the Mast was taken down, as appears every where in Homer, and placed on a Thing called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which, according to Suidas, was a Case, wherein the Mast was reposited, but Eustathius will have it to be nothing, but a Piece of Wood, against which it was reared. The Parts of the Mast were these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Foot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, according to Athenaeus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to which the Sail was fixed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Pulley, by which the Ropes were turned round. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, built in the manner of a Turret, for Soldiers to stand upon, and cast Darts: Above this was a Piece of Wood called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Extremity of which was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, on which hung a Ribbon called, from its continual Motion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, turning round with the Wind. The Names of the Ropes required to the Use of the abovementioned Parts, were these that follow, as enumerated by Scheffer: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the Ropes called in Latin anquinae, wherewith the Sail-yards were bound to the main Mast (b) Suidas. : Others will have them to be the same with the Latin rudentes, which were those that governed the Sail-yards, so as one Part of the Sails might be hoist, the other lowered (c) Phavorinus. , according to the Pleasure of the Pilot. Others will have the Cord, wherewith the Sail-yards were tied to the Mast, to be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ceruchus, anchonis, and rudens; that whereby they were contracted, or dilated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Suidas. , in Latin opifera (e) I 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin pedes, were Cords at the Corners of the Sails (f) Aristophanu Scholar Equit. Act I. Scene I. Apollonii Scholia●●er. Vide 〈…〉 & Meursii comment in Lycop●ronis Cassandr v. 1015. , whereby they were managed as Occasion required. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were small Cords below the pedes, which were so contrived, a● to be loosed, and contracted by them: The Use of both these was in taking the Winds, for by them the Sails were contracted, dilated, or changed from one Side to another, as there was Occasion. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were those, whereby the Mast was erected, or let down (g) Apollonii 〈◊〉. ; others will have them to belong to the Sails. The Materials, of which these and other Cords were composed, were at first seldom 〈…〉: but leathern Thongs; afterwards they used Hemp, Flax, Broom, Palm-leaves, Philyry, the Bark of Trees, as the Cherry, Teil-tree, Vine, Maple, Carpine, etc. CHA●●●●●●●I. Of ●he Instruments of War in Ships. WHAT I have hitherto delivered concerning the Parts and Construction of Ships, has been spoken in general without Respect to any particular sort of them; it remains therefore, that in the next Place I give you a brief Account of what was farther necessary to equip a Man of War. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rostrum, was a Beak of Wood, fortified with Brass, whence it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Diodorus (a) Lib. XX. , and S●ips have sometimes the Epithet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: One, or more of these was always fastened to the Prow to annoy the Enemy's Ships, and the whole Prow was sometimes covered with Brass to guard it from Rocks and Assaults. The Person that first used these Beaks is said to have been one Piscus an Italian (b) Plin. lib. VII. cap. LVI. ; for it will not be allowed that the primitive Greeks had any Knowledge of them, since no such Thing is mentioned in Home● which could scarce have happened, had they been invented at the Time of the Trojan Wa●●. Yet Aeschylus (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gives Nestor's Ship the Epithet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or armed with ten Beaks, and I●higenia● Euripides speaks of Braze● Beaks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— O! that these Ships with brazen Beaks Had never entered Aulis Ports. But it may justly be questioned, whether these Poets take their Descriptions from the Practice of their own Times, ●●●ing frequent enough with Men of that Profession. These Beaks were at first long and high, but afterwards it was found more convenient to have them short and firm, and ●ac'd so low as to pierce the Enemy's Ships under Water; this was an Invention of one Aristo a Corinthian, who communicated it to 〈◊〉 Syracusians in their War with the Athenians, against whom it proved a considerable Advantage, fo● by these new Beaks several of the Athenian Men of War were overturned, or torn in Pieces at the 〈◊〉 Shock (a) Diodorus Siculus lib. XIII. . Above the Beak was another Instrument 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and it appears from ancient 〈◊〉 that 〈…〉 were usually adorned with various 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were Pieces of 〈◊〉 placed on each S●de of the Prow (b) Thueydidis Scho●●astes lib. VII. to guard it from the Enemy's Beaks: Because Prows are usually compared to Faces, these were thought to resemble Ears, whence their Name seems to have been derived: for those are mistaken that would have them belong to the Hind-deck (c) Ety●●logici Auctor. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Hatches, sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence we meet with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and tectae, covered Ships, or Men of War; which are frequently opposed to Ships of Passage, or Burden, which were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and apertae, uncovered, or without Hatches: This Covering was of Wood, and erected on purpose for the Soldiers, that they, standing as it were upon an Eminence, might levelly their missive Weapons with greater Force and Certainty against their Enemies. In the primitive Ages, particularly about the Time of the Trojan War, we are told by Thucydides, that the Soldiers used only to fight upon the foremost, and hindermost Decks (d) Lib. I , and therefore whenever we find Ho●er speak of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which his Scholi●sts interpret Hatches, we are only to understand him of these Parts, which alone used to be covered in those Days. Thus he tells us of A●●x defending ●he Graecian Ships against the Attack of the Trojans (e) Iliads ●. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He marched upon the Hatches with long Strides. And of Ulysses preparing himself for the Encounter with Scylla he speaks thus (f) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Upon the Hatches of the foremost Decks He went.— The other Parts of the Ship are said to have been first covered by the Thasians (a) Plin. lib. VII. cap. LVII. . Beside the Cover of Ships already mentioned, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, there were other Cover to guard the Soldiers from their Enemies, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin plurei, and sometimes propugnacula: These were commonly Hides, or such like Materials, hung on both Sides of the Ship, as well to hinder the Waves from falling into it, as to receive the Darts cast from the adverse Ships, that under these, as Walls on both Sides, the Soldiers might without Danger annoy their Enemies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a certain Machine, which, being usually a Part of these Ships, cannot be omitted in this Place: It was a vast and massy Piece of Lead, or Iron, cast into the Form of a Dolphin, and hung with Cords and Pulleys to the Sail-yards, or Mast, which, being thrown with great Violence into the adverse Ships, either penetrated them, and so opened a Passage for the rising Floods, or by its Weight and Force sunk them to the Bottom of the Sea (b) Aristophanu Scholiastes, Suidas. . Another Difference betwixt Men of War and other Ships was, that the former commonly had an Helmet engraven on the Top of their Masts (c) Gyraldus de Navigat. cap. XII. . CHAPTER XVIII. Of the Mariners, and Soldiers. WE are told by Thucydides, that amongst the Ancients there were no different Ranks of Seamen, but the same Persons were employed in those Duties, whi●h were in later Ages executed by divers, to whom they gave the several Names of Rowers, Mariners, and Soldiers; whereas at first all these were the same Men, who laid down their Arms to labour at the Oar, and perform what was farther necessary to the Government of their Ships, but, as oft as Occasion required, resumed them to assault their Enemies: This appears every where in Homer, out of whom I shall observe this one Instance, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Each Ship had fifty Rowers, that were skilled Well in the shooting Art.— These were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Suidas, Pollux lib. I. cap. IX. Th●●ydides. . This was the Practice of those Times, wherein no great Care was taken, no extraordinary Preparations made for equipping Men of War, but the same Vessels were thought sufficient for Transportation and Fight: Afterwards, when the Art of naval War began to be improved, it was presently understood, that any one of the forementioned Occupations was enough to require the whole Time, and Application of the Persons employed therein; whence it became customary to furnish their Ships of War with the three following sorts of Men: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, called by Polybius (b) Histor. lib X. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and by the same Author (c) Lib I , with Xenophon (d) Histor. lib. I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tho' we are told by the Scholiast upon Thucydides, that this is a Name of very large extent, comprehending not only those that rowed, but all other Persons in the Ship, and sometimes applied to any Thing else contained therein. When Ships had several Banks of Oars, the uppermost Rowers were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and their Bank 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) P●ll●●, A●●st●ph●●● Scholiastes, Suidas, Etymologici Auctor. : The lowest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and their Bank 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Those in the Middle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and all their Banks, how many soever in Number, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Every one had a different Oar, for except in Cases of Necessity one Oar was never managed by above one Person, as Scheffer hath proved at large; Yet their Labour, and Pay were not the same, for such as were placed in the uppermost Banks, by reason of their Distance from the Water, and the Length of their Oars, underwent a great deal of Toil and Labour, which those in the inferior Banks had no Sense of, and therefore were rewarded with greater Wages. The Rowers in Ships of Burden were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) Pollux lib. VII. , those in Triremes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the rest seem to have had different Appellations from the Names of the Ships they laboured in. Those, that were foremost in their respective Banks, and sat nearest the Prow, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and, on the other Side, those, who were placed next the Stern, were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being behind their Fellows. Their Work was esteemed one of the worst and most wretched Drudgeries, and therefore the most notorious Malefactors were frequently condemned to it; For, beside their incessant Toil in rowing, their very Rest was uneasy, there being no Place to repose their wearied Bodies, beside the Seats, whereon they had laboured all the Day; therefore, whenever the Poets speak of their ceasing from Labour, there is mention of their lying down upon them: Thus Seneca (a) Agamenon. v. 437. , — credita est vento ratis, Fususque transtris miles.— Unto the Wind the Ship was lest, The Soldiers lay along the Seats. To the same purpose Virgil (b) Aen●i●. V. v. 8; ●. ; — placida laxarant membra quiet Sub remis fusi per dura sedilia nautae. And now along their Seats the Rowers laid Had eased their wearied Limbs with Sleep. The rest of the Ship's Crew usually took their Rest in the same manner, only the Masters (c) Theophrastus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , or great Persons were permitted to have clothes spread under them; so we read of Ulysses in Homer (d) Odyss. ●. v. 74. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— But clothes the Men for great Ulysses spread, And placed an easy Pillow for his Head, On these he undisturbed securely slept, Lying upon the Stern.— Such, as would not be contented with this Provision, were looked upon as soft and delicate, and unfit to endure the Toil and Hardships of War; which Censure the Athenians passed upon Alcibiades, because he had a Bed hung on Cords, as we read in Plutarch (e) Alci●iad●. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mariners, were exempt from drudging at the Oar, but performed all other Duties in the Ship; to which end, that all Things might be carried on without Tumult and Confusion, every one had his proper Office, as appears from Apollonius, and Flaccus' Argonauticks, where one is employed in rearing the Mast, another in fitting the Sail-yards, a third in hoising the Sails, and the rest are bestowed up and down the Ship, every one in his proper Place: Hence they had different Titles, as from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sails, the Persons appointed to govern them were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those, that climbed up the Ropes to descry distant Countries, or Ships, were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the rest in like manner: There were a sort of Men inferior to the former, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were not confined to any certain Place, or Duty, but were ready on all Occasions to attend on the rest of the Seamen, and supply them with whatever they wanted (a) C●●lius Rhodigin●● lib. XXV. cap. XL. . The whole Ship's Crew were usually wicked and profligate Fellows, without any Sense of Religion or Humanity, and therefore reckoned by juvenal (b) Satir. VIII. amongst the vilest Rogues, Invenies aliquo cum percussore jacentem, Permixtum nautis, aut suribus, aut fugitivis. You'll surely find his Company, some Tarrs, Cutthroats, or roguy Vagabonds.— The Soldiers that served at Sea, were in Latin termed classiarii, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, either because they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ascend into Ships; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from ascending the Hatches, where they fought. They were armed after the same manner with those designed for Land-service, only there seems always to have been a greater Number of heavy-armed Men than was thought necessary by Land; for we find in Plutarch (c) Themisto●● , that of eighteen Men employed to fight upon the Hatches in every one of Themistocles' Ships, only four were light-armed: Indeed it highly imported them to fortify themselves in the best manner they could, since there was no Possibility of retiring, or changing Places, but every Man was obliged to fight hand to hand, and maintain his Ground till the Battle was ended; wherefore their whole Armour, tho' in Form usually the same with that employed in Land-service, yet exceeded it in Strength and Firmness: Beside this we find also some few Instruments of War never used on Land, the principal of which are these that follow: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Herodotus. , Spears of an unusual Length, sometimes exceeding twenty Cubits, whence they are called in Livy (e) Histor. lib. XXVIII. cap. XLV. , hastae longae, and by Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) Iliad. ●. v. ●87. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— With Spears, that in the Vessels ready lay, These strove to make the Enemy give way, Long Spears, for Sea-fights only made, composed Of several Pieces.— Again in another Place (a) Iliad. ●. v. 6●7. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Spear with Nails compacted and made strong, That was full two and twenty Cubits long, He brandished.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Pollux , called by Appian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Diodorus (c) lib. XXII. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was an Engine of Iron, crooked like a Sickte (d) 〈◊〉 lib. IU. cap. ult. , and fixed to the Top of a long Pole, wherewith they cut in sunder the Cords of the Sail-yards, and thereby letting the Sails fall down, disabled the light Ships. Not unlike this was another Instrument armed at the End with a broad Iron Head edged on both Sides, wherewith they used to cut the Cords that tied the Rudder to the Ship. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Diodorus Seculus lib XII Athenaeus were Engines to cast Stones into the Enemy's Ships. We find another Engine mentioned by Vegetius, which hung upon the main Mast, and resembled a Battering Ram, for it consisted of a long Beam, and an Head of Iron, and was with great Violence pushed against the Sides of adverse Ships. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin manus ferrea, was a Grappling Iron, which they cast out of an Engine into the Enemy's Ship: It is said to have been first used in Greece by Pericles the Athenian (f) 〈◊〉 lib. VII. c LVI. , at Rome by Duilius (g) julius Frontinus lib. II. cap. III. . Different from these were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, h●pagines, said to be invented by Anacharsis (h) Plin. lib. VII cap. LVI. the Scythian Philosopher; which, as Scheffer collects out of Athenaeus, were Hooks of Iron hanging on the Top of a Pole, which, being secured with Chains to the Mast, or some other lofty Part of the Ship, and then cast with great Force into the Enemy's Vessel, caught it up into the Air. The Means, used to defeat these Engines, was to cover their Ships with Hides, which cast off, or blunted the Stroke of the Iron (a) Thucydides lib. VIII. Follux. . The Dominion of the Seas was not confined to any one of the Graecian States; they were continually contending for Empire, and by various Turns of Fortune sometimes possessed, and again in a few Months, or Years were dispossessed of it: The Persons that enjoyed it longest, and maintained it with the greatest Fleet after Greece had arrived to the Height of its Glory, were the Athenians, who first began seriously to apply themselves to naval Affairs about the Time of Xerxes' Invasion: The first that engaged them in this Enterprise was Themistocles, who, considering their Inability to oppose the Persians by Land, and the Commodiousness of their Situation for naval Affairs, interpreted the Oracle that advised to defend themselves within Walls of Wood to this purpose, and prevailed upon them to convert their whole Time and Treasure to the building and sitting out a Fleet. The Money employed on this Design was the Revenue of the Silver-mines at Laurcotis, which had formerly been distributed amongst the People, who by Themistocles' Persuasion were induced to part with their Income, that Provision might be made for the public Security: With this an hundred Triremes were rigged out against Xerxes' numerous Fleet, over which by the Assistance of their Allies they obtained an entire Victory. Afterwards the Number of their Ships was increased by the Management of Lycurgus the Orator to four hundred (b) Plutarch. ; and we are told by Isocrates (c) Pan●gyrica. , that the Athenian Navy consisted of twice as many Ships, as all the rest of the Grecians were Masters of: It was made up of two Parts, one being furnished out by the Athenians themselves, the other by their Confederates. The Fleet equipped at Athens was maintained after the manner prescribed by Themistocles till the Time of Demosthenes, who, to ingratiate himself with the Commonalty, restored to them their ancient Revenues, and devised a new Method to procure Money for the Payment of Seamen, and the Construction of new Men of War: This he effected by dividing the richer sort of Citizens into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Companies, which were obliged, according to their several Abilities, to contribute largely out of their own Substance; and in Times of Necessity it was frequent for Men of Estates to rig out Ships at their own Expense over and above what was required of them, there being a generous Contention between the leading Men in that Commonwealth, which should outdo the rest in serving his Country. The remaining Part of the Fleet was composed of Allies; for the Athenians, understanding how necessary it was to their Affair● to maintain their Dominion of the Seas, would enter into no Leagues, or Confederacies with any of their Neighbours, but such as engaged themselves to augment their Navy with a Propotion of Ships; which became a double Advantage to the Athenians, whose Fleet was strengthened by such Accessions, whilst their Allies were held in Obedience, as it were, by so many Hostages, all which upon any Revolt must needs fall into the Hands of the Athenians: Those States that were remote from Sea, or unable to fit out Vessels of War, were obliged to send their Proportion in Money (a) Xenothon Histor. Grae lib. VI . These Customs were first brought up after the second Persian War, when it was agreed by the common Consent of all the Grecians, that they should retaliate the Injuries received from the Barbarians, by carrying the War into their own Country, and invading them with the whole Strength of Greece, under the Conduct of the Athenians, who had at that Time raised themselves a very high Reputation by their mighty naval Preparations, and the singular Courage, Wisdom, and Humanity of their two Generals Themistocles and Aristides. Afterwards, being grown great in Power, and aiming at nothing lesle than the Sovereignty of all Greece, they won some by Favours, and specious Pretences, others by Force of Arms to comply with their Desires; for their manner of treating the Cities they conquered, was to oblige them either to furnish Money, paying what Tribute they exacted, or to supply them with Vessels of War, as Thucydides reports of the Chians, when subdued by the Athenians (b) Lib. VII. ; Xenophon also (c) Histor. lib. I , and Diodorus (d) Lib. XIII. & aliis in locis. mention the same Custom; Thus by one means or other, the greatest Part of the Graecian Cities were draw n in to augment the Athenian Greatness. CHAPTER XIX. Of Naval Officers. THERE were two sorts of Officers in all Fleets, one governed the Ships, and Mariners; the other were entrusted with the Command of the Soldiers, but had likewise Power over the Ship-masters, and their Crew; these were, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, praefectus classis, the Admiral, whose Commission was different according to the Exigency of Times and Circumstances, being sometimes to be executed by one alone, sometimes in Conjunction with other Persons, as happened to Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lamachus, who were sent with equal Power to command the Athenian Fleet in Sicily: Their Time of Continuance in Command was likewise limited by the People, and, as they pleased, prolonged, or shortened. We read of 〈◊〉 (a) Cornelius Netos in Epaeminonda. , that finding his Country like to be brought into great Danger upon the Resignation of his Office, he held it four Months longer than he was commissioned to do, in which Time he put a new Face upon the Theban Affairs, and by his wife Management dispelled the Fears they lay under; which done, he voluntarily laid down his Power, but was no sooner divested thereof, when he was called to accounted for holding it so long, and narrowly escaped being condemned to Death; for it was feared that such a Precedent might some Time or other be a Pretence to ambitious Spirits, having so great Power entrusted in their Hands, to enslave the Commonwealth. The same reason seems to have been the Cause of the Lacedaemonian Law, whereby it was forbidden, that any Person should be Admiral above once (b) Plutarch Lysandro, Xenophon Histor. lib. II. , which nevertheless stood them in no good st●ad, it thereby often happening that they were forced to commit their Fleet to raw and unexperienced Commanders. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Xenophon Histor. lib. TWO & V. Tollux lib. I. cap. IX. , sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was Vice-admiral, or Commander in chief under the Admiral. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Captain of a Trireme, who commanded all the other Soldiers therein. The Captains of other Men of War were dignifyed with Titles taken from the Vessels they commanded, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The Officers, that had Care of the Ships, were the following: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those, who were entrusted with the Care and Management of all marine Affairs, to provide commodious Harbours, to direct the Course of the Fleet, and order all other Things concerning it, except those which related to War. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Master, or Pilot had the Care of the Ship, and Government of the Seamen therein, and sat at the Stern to steer: All Things were managed according to his Direction, 'twas therefore necessary that he should have obtained an exact Knowledge of the Art of Navigation, which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and chiefly consisted in these three Things: 1. In the right Management of the Rudder, Sails, and all the Engines used in Navigation. 2. In the Knowledge of the Winds and celestial Bodies, their Motions and Influences. 3. In the Knowledge of commodious Harbours, of Rocks, Quicklands, and other Occurrences on the Sea: All these Acoetes in Ovid tells us he furnished himself with in order to become an accomplished Pilot (a) Metamorphos. lib. III in Fab. Bacchi. , Mox ego, ne scopulis haerem semper in iisdem, Addidici regimen, dextra moderante carinam Flectere; & Oleniae sidus pluviale capellae, Taygetemque, Hyadasque oculis, Arctumque notavi, Ventorumque demo●, & portus puppibus aptos. Left struck against a Rock, I there should stay, Of steering well I learned the useful Way, Observed the Arctos, and the Hyais too, The Stars that round Tayg'tes glittering Show, Have marked th' Olenian Goat that Rain portends, And how a noisy Wind each Quarter sends, I learned the safest Ports, and best Retreats For tattered Vessels.— Mr. Dechair. As to the heavenly Bodies, they were observed by Sailors upon a twofold Account, being of use to them in prognosticating the Seasons, and Guides which way to shape their Course. The principal of those used in foretelling were Arcturus, the Dog-star, Arae, Orion, Hyades, Hoedi, Castor and Pollux, Helena, etc. It was likewise customary to take notice of various Omens offered by Seafowl, Fishes, and divers other Things, as the Murmuring of the Floods, the shaking, and buzzing Noise of Trees in the neighbouring Woods, the dashing of the Billows against the Shoar, and many more, in all which good Pilots were nicely skilled. As to the Direction in their Voyage, the first Practitioners in the Art of Navigation, being unacquainted with the rest of the celestial Motions, steered all the Day by the Course of the Sun, at Night betaking themselves to some safe Harbour, or resting on the Shoar, and not daring to adventure to Sea till their Guide was risen to discover their Way: That this was their constant Custom may be observed from the ancient Descriptions of those Times, whereof I shall only observe this Instance (b) Virgil. Aeneid. III. v. ●08. , Sol ruit interca, & montes umbrantur opaci, Sternimur optatae gremino telluris ad undam, Sortiti remos, passimque in littore sicco Corpora curamus, fessos sopor irrigat artus. The hastening Sun had reached his wat'ry Bed, And Night the gloomy Mountains had overspread, When, Lots resolving who should Rowers be, Upon the Shore we lie just by the Sea, With Sleep our drooping Eyes we quickly close, And give our wearied Bodies sweet Repose. Mr. Dechair. Afterwards, the Phanicians, whom some will have to be the first Inventors of Navigation, discovered the Motions of some other Stars, as may be observed in Pliny (a) Lib. VII. , and Propertius (b) Lib. II. v. 990. , Quaeritis & coelo Phoenicum inventa sereno, Quae sit stella homini commoda, quaeque mala. — led by the Art, The wise Phoenicians found, and did impart, You mind what Stars are Signs of Good, or Harm. The Phoenicians we find to have been directed by Cynosura, or the lesser Bear-star (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iliads ● A●●ianus Exped. lib VI. , which was first observed (as some are of opinion) by Thales the Milesian, who was originally a Phoenician (d) Hyginus lib. TWO Poet. Astron. Eustathius TWO ● Theon. in A●atum. ; whereas the Mariners of Greece, as well as other Nations, steered by the greater Bear, called Helice; whence Aratus, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Helice always is the Grecians Guide, When e'er they take a Voyage.— For the first Observation of this they were obliged to Nauplius, if you will believe Theon, or, according to the Report of Flaccus (e) Argon● 1. , to Tiphys, the Pilot of the famous Ship Argo. But of these, we are told by Theon, the former was the securer Guide, and therefore was followed by the Phoenicians, who for Skill in marine Affairs outstriped not only all the rest of the World, but even the Grecians themselves. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was next under the Master, and had his Place in the Head of the Ships, as his Name imports; To his Care was committed the Tackling of the Ship (f) Xenophon Admin. dom. lib. V. , and the Rowers, who had their Places assigned by him, as appears of Phaeax, who performed this Office in Theseus' Ships (g) Athena●●s lib. XV. : We find him every where assisting the Master at Consultations concerning the Seasons, Places, and other Things (a) Suidas, Plutarch Agile, Xenephon Administ. dom. lib. V. Pollux. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, portisculus, ageator, or hortator remigum, is by some interpreted the Boatswain; his Office was to signify the Word of Command to the Rowers (b) 〈◊〉 Exped. Alex. lib. VI , and to distribute to all the Crew their daily Portion of Food (c) Suidas. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a Musician, who by the Harmony of his Voice, and Instrument raised the Spirits of the Rowers, when weary with Labour (d) Censorinus cap. XII. , and ready to saint, as we read in Statius (e) Theb●●d. V. v. 343. ; Acclivis malo mediis intersona● Orpheus Remigiis, ta●▪ tosque jubet neseire labores. Against the Mast the tuneful Orpheus stands, Plays to the wearied Rowers, and commands The Thought of Toil away.— Another, it may be the chief, Use of this Music was to direct the Rowers, that they, keeping Time therewith, might proceed in a regular and constant Motion, left by an uncertain Impulse of their Oars the Course of the Ship should be retarded (f) Maximus Tyrius Dissert. XXIII. : Hence Flaccus in his Argonautics; — carmine tonsas Ire docet, summo passim ne gurgite pugnent. His Notes direct how every Oar should strike, How they should Order keep.— ●ilius also speaks to the same purpose (g) Lib. VI v. 361. ; — mediae stat margine puppis, Qui voce alternos nautarum temperet ictus, Et remis dictet sonitum, pariterque relatis Ad numerion plaudat resonantia caerula tonsis. One ready stands to sing a charming Song Unto the Seamen as they row along, Whose lively Strains a constant Movement keep, And show when every Oar should brush the Deep, Who, as the beaten Water still resounds, Applauds their Labour with his Voice.— Mr. Dechair. This Music was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (h) Aristophanes, ejusque Scholis Ran. Act. II. sc. V. Pollux. , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (h) Aristophanes, ejusque Scholis Ran. Act. II. sc. V. Pollux. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, custodes navis, were obliged to take care that the Ship received no Damage by bulging upon Rocks, or other ways (a) Ulpian. lib. LIII. cap. VI & VII Pollux lib. VII. cap. XXXI Eustathius Iliad. 〈◊〉. ; whence, in the Night especially, we find them employed in sounding, and directing the Ship with long Poles; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Sophocles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. . As those who in the Nighttime mind the Ship, Direct and guide it with long Poles.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were either those that had the charge of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Sides of the Ship, according to Turnebus (c) Advers. lib. XXVIII. c. XLIII ; or of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. the Banks of Rowers. Several other Names of Officers occur in Authors; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who distributed to every Man his Share of Victuals, being usually the same with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but sometimes, it may be, distinct from him. Homer mentions this Officer (d) Iliad. ●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Officers embarked, whose Care it was To give each Man his Victuals.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Pollux. was a Person, whose Business lay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, about the Fire, and therefore is by some thought to have been the Cook; by others the Priest, who offered Sacrifices. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was the Bursar, who kept the Accounts, and registered all the Receipts and Expenses of the Ship. CHAPTER XX. Of their Voyages, Harbours, etc. WHEN it was designed the Fleet should put to Sea, the Signal being given by the Admiral, the Mariners haled the Ships into the Water, for it was customary, when they came into Harbour, to draw the Sterns to dry Land to prevent their being tossed and dissipated by the Waves; whence Virgil; — start littore puppes. The Sterns stand on the Shore. It was frequent also for the Seamen, underproping their Ship; with their Shoulders, to thrust them forwards into the Sea; so we read of the Argonauts in Valerius Fla●cus (a) Argon. I. , At du●is imperiis Minyae monituque frequentes Puppem sumeris sub●●unt, & t●nto poplite proni Decurrunt.— The Prince commands that they no longer stay, His Orders straight the Minyae obey, And kneeling down, their Shoulders heave the Ship Into the Main.— This was sometimes performed by Levers and Spars of Wood, over which Ships were rolled into the Deep; these were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (b) Hes●chius, Pollux. , and according to Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Ody●●. ● ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The heavy Ship into the Sea they thrust With Levers.— But, to remedy the great Trouble and Difficulty of these Methods, Archimedes the Syracusan obliged his Countrymen with the ingemo●s Contrivance of an Engine called helix, whereby the Ships were with great Facility removed from the Shore (d) Plutarch Marce●o, Athenaus. ; to do this they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Before they embarked the Ships were adorned with Flowers, and Garlands, which were Tokens of Joy and Mirth (e) A●stophan●●●● 〈◊〉 Ach●. Act. II. Sc. V. , and Omens of future Prosperity: Hence Virgil, — vocat jam carbasus auras, Puppibùs & laeti nau●ae imposuere coronas. Now's a fair Wind, and all the Seamen crown The Ship with Garlands.— Because no Success could be expected in any Enterprise without the Divine Blessing and Assistance, they never forgot to invoke the Protection of the Gods by solemn Prayers and Sacrifices, which as they offered to other Deities, so more especially to those, who had any Concern, or Command in the Sea, to the Winds and Tempests, to the whole Train of marine Gods and Goddesses, but above all to Neptune, the great Emperor of the Sea: Thus Anchises in Virgil (a) Aeneid. III. v. 118. dares not adventure himself to Sea, till he has first addressed himself to Neptune, and Apollo; — meritos aris mactavit honores, Taurum Neptuno, taurum tibi, pulcher Apollo. A Pull to Neptune, and a Bull to you He sacrificed, Apollo, as your due. A great Number of Instances to the same purpose may be met with in all ancient Writers: Nor was it enough for themselves alone to petition the Gods for Safety and Success; but all the Multitudes that thronged on such Occasions to the Shore, earnestly recommended them to the Divine Protection, and joined their servant Prayers for their Deliverance from all the Dangers, they were going to encounter (b) Diodo●us Siculus lib. XIII. . This done, we are told by the Scholiast upon Apollonius, that it was usual to let fly a Dove; which no doubt was looked on as an Omen of safe Return, because that Bird is not easily forced to relinquish its Habitation, but, when driven away, delights to return: Then they put to Sea, the Signal being given by a Shout, by Sound of Trumpet, and several other ways; in the Night it was usually given by Torches lighted in the Admiral Galley, an Instance whereof, we have in Seneca's Agamemnon (c) V. 427. ; Signum recursus regia ut fulfit rate, Et clara lentum remigem emovit tuba, Aurata primas prora secavit vias. The Torches being lighted, which, to guide Us home more safely, in the King's Ship stood, And summoned by the Trumpet's noisy Sound, When every Man his proper Oar had took, The Admiral marched first, and cut the Waves. Mr. Dechair. The Ships were usually ranged in this Order: In the Front went the lighter Vessels, after these followed the Men of War led on by the Admiral, which was commonly distinguished from the rest by the Richness of her Ornaments; thus we find Agamemnon's Ship in the fore mentioned Place of Seneca, going before the rest; Aurasa primas prora secavit vias, Aperitque cursus, mille quos puppes secent. The Admiral went first, and cut the Waves, Prepared the yielding Deep, which afterwards A thousand Vessels cleared.— Last of all the Vessels of Burden came up. If the Winds were high, or Seas dangerous, they were extended out at length, sailing one by one; but at other Times they went three, or more in a breast. When they arrived at any Port, where they designed to land, the first Thing they did was to run their Ships backwards upon their Hind-decks in order to tack about, this they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Aristoph. Scholar Vesp. p 457. , which Phrase is by Thucydides elegantly applied to those that retreat fight, and still facing their Enemies: Then they tacked about, which they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) 〈…〉. , turning the Heads of their Ships to the Sea, according to Virgil; Obvertunt pelago provas.— To the Sea they turned their Pro● Now the Rowers ceased from their Labour and rested their Oars, which the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins inhibere remos, these they hung upon Pins, as we find in Statius (c) Thebay. V. 3●4. ; Quinquaginta illi trabibus de more revinctis Eminus abrupto qu●tiunt nova littora salin. Their fifty Oars hung up, they rudely leapt Upon the newfound Shore.— For fear their Oars should be in Danger of being broken by the Floods, they hung them not so as to reach the Water, but upon the Sides of their Ships; whence Ovid (d) Metamorph. XI. 25. ; Obvertit lateri pendentes navita remos. To the Ship's Sides the Seamen hung their Oars. Being safely landed, they discharged whatever Vows they had made to the Gods, beside which they usually offered a Sacrifice called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to jupiter, surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from enabling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to quit their Ships, and recover the Land. Their Devotions were sometimes paid to other Deities, especially to Neptune, who was thought to have a peculiar Care of all that travelled within the Compass of his Dominions: Thus the Heroes in Homer (a) 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Landed at Pylus, where King Neleus reigned, With blackest Bulls they several Altars Stained, A Sacrifice to Neptune.— Harbours were Places rendered either by Nature, or Art commodious for the Entertainment of Ships, and to defend them against the Insults of Winds and Waves: The former sort were usually at the Mouth of a River, or in a Creek of the Sea under the Covert of some lofty Promontory: The latter were vast Piles, or Heaps of Earth, and other Materials, cast up in the Form of a Semicircle, with Arms of a vast Length extended into the Sea; These were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) 〈…〉 XII. 〈…〉 from their Resemblance to Crabs Claws; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) 〈…〉 V. ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in Homer, who speaks thus of the Phorcynian Harbour (d) 〈…〉 ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — There two great Piles stood out, Which made an Haven.— Cicero terms them cornua (e) 〈…〉 lib. IX ●p. XIX. : For the Security of the Ships enclosed therein, we find it usual to fix to the two Ends vast Chains, or Booms, as appears of the Syracusian Harbour mentioned in Frontinus (f) 〈…〉 : Nor was it unfrequent to guard them with great Pales fortified against the Water with Pitch: Hence Havens are sometimes termed in Latin claustra, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (g) 〈…〉. . On both Sides of the Mole were strong Towers erected (h) 〈◊〉 lib. V cap. II. , which were defended, in the Night, and all Times of Danger by Garrisons of Soldiers (i) 〈…〉. : Not far distant hence was a Watchtower with Lights to direct Mariners; this was called Pharos, which Name originally belonged to a little Island in the Mouth of the River Nile, where the first of these Towers was built, but afterwards was naturalised both in Greece, and at Rome. The second Part of the Harbour was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin ostium, and jauces, being the Mouth, or Entry between the Arms of the Semicircle. M●●●s, was the inmost Part of the Harbour, nearest to the Shoar, and most secure from the Waves, insomuch that there Ships were often suffered to lie loose, whereas in other Parts of the Harbour they were usually either chained to the Land, or lay at Anchor: It was distinguished into several Partitions by Walls, erected for the most part of Stone, under the Covert of which the Vessels had Protection; these Places were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) 〈…〉. , whence Homer (b) 〈◊〉. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Ships that far within the Harbour lodge, Without a Chain are safe.— They were also termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and all together composed what was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Here were likewise the Docks, in which Ships were built, or careened, and dragged to Land; these were named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Diotorus S●●ulus lib. XIV. S●●das. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Home●, Od●●s. 〈◊〉. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) D●●●es●●en. Sc●●l. Orat. de corona, Sa●●●, Homer's Sc●●l. , etc. The adjacent Places were usually filled with Inns, and Stews (f) Pole-axe lib. IX. cap. V. well stocked with Females that prostituted themselves to the Mariners, Merchants, and Artificers of all sorts, who flocked thither in great Numbers: Most Harbours were adorned with Temples, or Altars, where Sacrifices were offered to the Tutelar Deities of the Place, and Precedents of the Sea; mention of which we find as in other Places, to particularly in Homer (g) 〈◊〉 V. v 1●3. , who speaks of a Cave in the Haven of Ithaca dedicated to the Naiads. Scheffer will have stationes narvium to differ from the former in this, that here Ships were not laid up for any considerable Time, but remained only till they were supplied with Water, or other Necessaries, or on some other short Occasions: They had several Names, being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (h) Hes●●●●s. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) 〈◊〉 lib VIII. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (k) 〈◊〉 lib. V. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (l) P●●●b. lib. I , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (m) 〈◊〉. lib IV. esusque 〈◊〉. ; and were frequently at some distance from the Shore, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Plutarch (n) P●ope●o is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which imports their being among the Waves; and by Thucydides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which answers in some measure to the Latin Phrase in Livy in anchoris stare, to ride at Anchor. In Times of War they defended themselves with Fortifications on both Sides, but which were made after a different manner; towards the Land they fortified themselves with a Ditch and Parapet, or Wall, built in the Form of a Semicircle, and extended from one Point of the Sea to another: This was sometimes defended with Towers, and beautified with Gates, through which they issued forth to attack their Enemies: Homer hath left us a remarkable Description of the Graecian Fortifications in the Trojan War (a) Iliad. ●. v. 4; 6 ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A bulky Wall, and losty towers to shield Their Navy and themselves, the Trojans build, On these great Gates for Passages they make, Convenient Ways that all their Horse should take, And all around they dug a spacious Ditch, Fixing great Pales of Wood— Mr. Dechair. Towards the Sea, or within it, they fixed great Pales Wood like those in Harbours; before these the Vessels of Burden were placed in such Order, as they might be instead of a Wall, and give Protection to those within; in which manner Nicias is reported by Thucydides to have encamped himself: But this seems only to have been practised, when the Enemy was thought superior in Strength, and raised in them great Apprehensions of Danger: At other Times all they used to do, was to appoint a few of their Ships to observe their Enemy's Motions; these were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Th●cy●. lib. I , and the Soldier's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Torch, wherewith they signified the Approach of their Enemies (c) P●●a●●us lib. III . When their Fortifications were thought strong enough to secure them from the Assault of Enemies, it was frequent to drag their Ships to Shore, which the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Romans subducere (d) Li●tar lib. XXII. cap. XXVIII. Cice●o de Offi●. lib. III. . Around the Ships the● Soldiers placed their Tents, as appears every where in Homer, Thucydides (a) Lib. VI , and others; but this seems only to have been practised in Winter, when their Enemy's Fleet was laid up, and could not assault them; or in long Sieges, and when they lay in no Danger from their Enemies by Sea, as in the Trojan War, where the Defenders of Troy never once attempted to encounter the Grecians in a Sea-fight; at other Times the Ships only lay at Anchor, or were tied to the Shore, that upon any Alarm they might be ready to receive the Enemy. CHAPTER XXI. Of their Engagements, etc. by Sea. IN preparing for an Engagement at Sea, the first Business was to disburden their Ships of War of all Provisions, and other Lumber not necessary in the Action, lest by too heavy a Lead they should be rendered unwieldly, and unfit for Service, being neither able with Force and Vigour to assail their Enemies, nor by lightly tacking about to avoid their Onsets: This done, and the Enemy appearing in View, they took down their Sails, lowered their Masts, and secured whatever might expose them to the Winds, choosing rather to be governed by Oars, which they could manage at their Pleasure: On this account we read that Hanno the Carthaginian, being pursued by a Fleet of Dionysius the Sicilian, to which he was much inferior in Strength and Number, and having no Way to make his Escape, took down his Sails as preparing to fight; whereby decoying the Sicilians to do the like, whilst they were busy and observed him not, he unexpectedly hoist again his Sails, and made away (b) Polyanus lib▪ V. . As to their▪ Order of Battle, that was varied as Time, Place, and other Circumstances required; being sometimes formed like an Halfmoon, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Horns jutting out towards the Enemy, and containing the ablest Men and Ships; sometimes, on the contrary, having its Belly nearest the Enemy, and its Horns turned backwards, when it was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Nor was it unusual to range them in the Form of a Circle, which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or (to mention no more) in the Figure of the Letter V (c) Vegetius. , with the Horns extended in a direct Line, and meeting at the End; which Order was named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin forceps, and was usually encountered by the Enemies ranged into the same Order inver●●d, whereby they resembled the Figure of a Wedge, or Beak, whence it was called cuneus, or rostrum; this enabled them to pe●●●a●● into the Body of the adverse Battle. Before they joined Battle, both Parties invoked the Gods to their Assistance by Prayers, and Sacrifices; and the Admirals, going from Ship to Ship in some of the lighter Vessels, exhorted they Soldiers in a set Oration to behave themselves like Men: Then, all Things being in Readiness, the Signal was given by hanging out of the Admiral's Galley a gilded Shield, as we read in Pluta●●h; or a red Garment, or Banner (a) Pro●●rus 〈◊〉 lib. XIII. Polyanus lib. I ; which was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: During the Elevation of this the Fight continued, and by its Depression, or Inclination towards the right or left, the rest of the Ships were directed in what manner to attack their Enemies, or retreat from them (b) Leo Tact. . To this was added the Sound of Trumpets, which was begun in the Admiral's Galley (c) Plu●●●chus 〈◊〉 , and continued round the whole Navy (d) 〈◊〉 lib XI II. ; it was likewise usual for the Soldiers before the Fight to sing a Paean, or Hymn, to Mars (e) S●t●●r. ; and after it, to Apollo. The Fight was usually begun by the Admiral-galley, as we find done at the Battle of Salamis (f) Deodorus lib. III. , and another Time by Attalus' Ship (g) Poly●eus lib XVI. : It was carried on in two different manners, for not only the Ships engaged one another, and by their Beaks and Prows, and sometimes their Sterns endeavoured to dash in Pieces, or overset and sink their Opposers; but the Soldiers also annoyed their Enemies with Darts and Slings, and upon their nearer Approach with Swords and Spears: Thus Lucan (h) Lib III. ; Ut primum restris crepucrunt obvia restra; In puppim redicre rates, emissaque tela Aera texerunt, vacuumque cadentia pontum. The Ships first meeting show their fiercest Rage, And furiously with clashing Beaks engage; These turn about, and then the Javelins fly, And Showers of Arrows darken all the Sky, The Sea is covered over.— Mr. Dechair. Afterwards he goes on in this manner, jam non excussis torquentur tela lacertis, Nec longinqua ●●●lum ●a●ulato vulnera serro; Miscenturque m●●●●; navali plurima bello Ensis agit; stat quisque sue de robore puppis Pronus in adversos ictus.— They throw no longer Darts, no longer try With missive Arms to kill the Enemy, Both close together come, their Swords they draw, Each stoutly keeps his Post.— Nor can it be wondered how they approached so near one another, when we find it usual to link their Vessels together with Chains, or Grappling-irons, of which I have spoken in one of the foregoing Chapters; whence Silius (a) Lib. XIV. , — Injecta ligant hinc vincula ferri Atque illin● naves, steteruntque ad praelia nexae; Nec jaculo, aut longe certatur arundine fusa, Cominus & gladio terrestria praelia miscent. Chained fast with Irons both the Navies stand, No Blood the Darts and flying Weapons spill, With Swords they closely joined begin to kill. Sometimes, for want of Irons, they so fixed their Oars, as thereby to hinder their Enemies from retreating: So we read in Lucan (b) Lib. III. ; Seque tenent remis, toto stetit aequore bellum. The Ships they hold with Oars, and all around The Face of horrid War appears.— This sort of Combat was not unlike a Siege, where the stronger Party prevailing over their Enemies, entered their Vessels by laying Bridges between them, and, having killed, or taken Prisoners all they found in Arms, seized and dragged away their Ships. When a Town was besieged by Sea, they used to environ its Walls and Harbour with Ships ranged in Order from one Side of the Shoar to the other, and so closely joined together by Chains and Bridges on which armed Men were placed, that without breaking their Order, there could be no Passage from the Town to the Sea; this Leaguer Diodorus calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Lib. XIII. . The better to prevent any Attempts of the Besieged, Demetrius is said to have invented a sort of Boom armed with Spikes of Iron, which swum upon the Waters; this he placed at the Mouth of the Harbour of Rhodos, when he besieged that City (d) Di●dorus lib. XX. : Sometimes they blocked up the Harbour, or made a Passage to the Town by railing a vast Mole before it, as we read of Alexander in the Siege of Tyre (a) Curtius' lib. IU. ; or by sinking Ships filled with Stones and Sand, as we find practised by the Romans. The Attacks were usually carried on by Men standing upon Bridges between the Ships, and thence with Darts and Stone, forcing the Belieged from their Walls: Thus Alexander in the Siege of Tyre so ordered his Galleys, that, two of them being joined at the Heads, and the Sterns somewhat distant, Board's and Planks were laid over in the Fashion of Bridges, for Soldiers to stand upon, who were in this manner rowed close to the Wall, where without any Danger they threw Darts at their Enemies, being sheltered behind the Fore-decks of th●ir own Galleys (b) Idem ibidera. . Here also, that they might throw their missive Weapons with greater Advantage, and batter the Walls with their Rams, and other ●ngines, they erected Towers so high as to command the City-walls, from which having repelled the Defenders, they by this means had Opportunity to descend by Ladders. The Besieged were not at a loss for ways of defeating these Stratagems; the Ships linked together they pulled asunder with Iron-hooks, the Passage to the Town they blocked up in the same manner the Enemies had done that of the Harbour, or other ways (c) Thucydides lib. VII. ; if they could not hinder their Approach, they failed not to gall them with Darts, Stones, Fire-balls, melted Pitch, or Metals, and many other Things; and lastly, to trouble you no farther, it was frequent for those in the Town to destroy the Vessels and Works of the Besiegers by Fireships, as we find done by the Tyrians (d) Curtiu● lib. IU. ; for, taking a large Vessel, they put a great Quantity of Ballast into the Stern, covered the Head with Pitch, Tar, and Brimstone, then by the Help of Sails and Oars brought her close to the Macedonian Fortress, where having set the combustible Matter on Fire, they retreated into Boats prepared for that Purpose; the Fire immediately seized the Towers of the Fortification, and, by the Help of Torches and Firebrands cast by those in the Boats, the Work itself took Fire, and that vast Pile, on which so much Time and Labour had been bestowed, was in a few Moment's quite demolished: The Use of Fireships we likewise meet with amongst the Rhodians in Diodorus the Sicilian (e) Lib. XX. . CHAPTER XXII. Of the Spoils, Military Rewards, Punishments, etc. VICTORY being obtained, the conquerors road Home triumphant, laden with the Spoils of their Enemies, and dragging after them the captive Ships, as appears from the Instances of Alcibiades in Plutarch, and Lysander in Xenophon (a) Histor. lib. II. : the later of them we find to have had Crowns, or Garlands presented him by all the confederate Cities of Sparta, as he passed by them, which Custom was constantly practised by the Grecians, from whom it seems to have been derived to Rome: Nor was the Admiral, or the Soldiers, and Mariners (b) Polyanus lib IU. only adorned with Garlands, but their Ships were likewise bedecked with them (c) Diodorus lib. XIII. ; whereby the Rhodians were once reduced to extreme Danger, for their Enemies having made themselves Masters of their Ships, crowned them with Laurel, and entering them, were received with great Joy into Rhodes (d) Vitravius lib. II. cap. VIII. ; which Strategem we find to have been commonly practised in Greece (e) Polyanus. . Nor were they beautified with Garlands only, but hung likewise about with Wrecks and broken Pieces of the Ships destroyed in Battle, especially the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and other ornamental Parts, which the conquerors were very industrious in procuring to grace their Triumphs; whence of Hector threatening the Graecian Fleet with Destruction Homer says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to deprive a Ship of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) Xenophon Hist. lib. VI . In this manner the Victors returned Home, filling the Sea with their Shouts, Acclamations, and Hymns, which were sweetened by the Harmony of Musical Instruments, as appears from the Example of Lysander in Plutarch. Being received into the City, they went straightway to the Temples of the Gods, where they dedicated the choicest of their Spoils: Thus we read, that the Syracusians having defeated the Athenians, and the Rhodians after a Victory over Demetrius, filled the Temples of their Gods with Wrecks of Ships. Nor was it unusual to present entire Vessels to them; for we find that Phormio, having overcome the Lacedæmonians, consecrated a Ship to Neptune (g) Diodorus lib. XII. and the Grecians after their great Victory over the Persians at Salamis are reported to have dedicated three Phanician Tritemes (a) 〈◊〉 lib. VIII. Having paid their Compliment to the Gods, the Remainder of their Spoils they bestowed in the Porti●os, and other public Places of their City, to preserve the Memory of their Victory: To which End they were likewise honoured with Statues, Inscriptions, and Trophies, the last of which were sometimes erected in their own Country, but more frequently near the Place where they had overthrown their Enemies, and were adorned with Arms, and broken Wrecks of Ships, which for that reason were looked on as a Sign and Testimony of Victory; thus we are told by Thucydides (b) Lib. VII. , that in a Fight between the Athenians and Corinthians, where both Parties made Pretensions to Victory, the former were by most esteemed to have the justest Title to it, as having possessed themselves of their Enemy's Wrecks; and King Philip, though? worsted by Att●lus, yet, because he made a shift to keep his Fleet amongst the adverse Party's Wrecks, would have persuaded the World that the Day was his own (c) Polybius Hist. lib XVI. cap. VII. These were the principal of the Rewards peculiar to those who had ●erv'd their Country by Sea; others they seem also to have been frequently honoured with, which being such as were common to them with those, who had been useful in other Stations, may be more properly referred to other Places, where I have already treated of them. The chief of their Punishments was Whipping with Cords; which was sometimes inflicted on Criminals having their lower Parts within the Ship, and their Heads thrust out at Portholes, and hanging into the Sea: Thus we find one Scylax, Master of a Myndian Vessel, to have been treated by Megab●●es, for not being careful to keep watch and ward (d) Hero●●tus 〈◊〉. . There seems to have been a Punishment, by which Offenders were tied with Cords to a Ship, and dragged in the Waters till they were drowned; in which manner Scylla was treated by Mino●, after she had betrayed to him her Father and Kingdom. Others were thrown alive into the Sea, as we read of jonas the Prophet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or such as refused to serve at Sea after a lawful Summons, were at Athens themselves and their Posterity condemned to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ignominy, or Dissranchisment (e) Suidas. , of which Punishment I have spoken in one of the former Books. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Desertors, were not only bound with Cords, and whipped, as Demosthenes reports; but had their Hands likewise cut off, as we are informed by Suidas. Archaeologiae Graecae: OR, THE ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE. BOOK IU. CHAPTER I. Of the Care the Grecians had of Funerals, and of Persons destitute thereof. PLUTO was the first who instructed the Grecians (a) Diodorus Siculus lib V. cap. XV. in the manner of performing their last Offices to the Deceased, which gave occasion to the Inventors of Fables to assign him a vast and unbounded Empire in the Shades below, and constitute him supreme Monarch of all the Dead: And, since there is scarce any useful Art, the Inventor whereof was not reckoned amongst the Gods, and believed to patronise and preside over those Artificers he had at first instructed, no Wonder if He, who? taught the rude and uncivilised Ages, what Respect, what Ceremonies were due to the Dead, had the Honour to be numbered amongst the Deities of first Quality, since the Duties belonging to the Dead were thought of far greater Importance, and the Neglect of them a Crime of a blacker Character than of those required by the Living: For the Dead were ever held sacred and inviolable even amongst the most barbarous Nations; to defraud them of any due Respect was a greater and more unpardonable Sacrilege, than to spoil the Temples of the Gods; their Memories were preserved with a religious Care and Reverence, and all their Remains hono●●● with Worship and Adoration; Hatred and Envy themselves wer●●●● to silence, for it was thought a Sign of a cruel and inhuman ●●●●fition to speak evil of the Dead, and prosecute Revenge beyond the Grave; no Provocation was thought sufficient to warrant to soul an Action, the highest Affronts from themselves whilst alive, or afterwards from their Children, were esteemed weak Pretences to disturb their Peace, and such Offenders were not only branded with Disgrace and Infamy, but by Solon's Laws incurred a severe Penalty (a) Demosthen. orat. in Le●tin Plutarch So●one. . But of all the Honours paid to the Dead, the Care of their Funeral Rites was the greatest and most necessary; for these were looked upon as a Debt so sacred, that such as neglected to discharge it, were thought accursed; hence the Romans called them justa, the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. all which Words imply the inviolable Obligations, which Nature has laid upon the Living to take care of the Obequys of the Dead: And no Wonder if they were thus solicitous about the Interment of the Dead, since they were strongly possessed with an Opinion, that their Souls could not be admitted into the Elysian Shades, but were forced to wander desolate and without Company till their Bodies were committed to the Earth (b) H●merus Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; and if they had never the good Fortune to obtain human Burial, the Time of their Exclusion from the common Receptacle of the Ghosts was no lesle than an hundred Years; whence in most of the Poets we meet with passionate Requests of dying Men, or their Ghosts after Death for this Favour; I will only give you one out of Homer (c) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 66, 72. , who introduces the Soul of Elpenor earnestly beseeching Ulysses to perform his Funeral Rites; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When homewards bound th' infernal Shades you quit, Don't me unhappy Wretch, my Friend, forget, If aught of dear Concern you've left behind, With Zeal towered me let that affect your Mind, If aged Sire, your Wife, or hopeful Heir can bind, Let Dirge and Burial solemnize my Fate, Lest I should prove to th' Gods a Reprobate; This, this I beg, This earnestly implore, Thus will my Soul to Bliss be wasted over. Mr. Abel. This was the reason, why of all Imprecations the greatest was to wish that a Person might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. die destitute of Burial; and of all the Forms of Death the most terrible and affrighting was that by Shipwreck, as wherein the Body was swallowed up by the Deep; whence Ovid, tho' willing to resign his miserable Life, yet prays against this Death; Demite naufragium, mors mihi munus eris. Death would my Soul from anxious Troubles ease, But that I fear to perish by the Seas. Wherefore, when they were in Danger of being cast away, it was customary to fasten to some Part of their Body the most precious of all their Stores, with a Direction to the first that found their dead Corpses, if the Waves chanced to roll them to the Shore, entreating of him the Favour of an human Burial, and proffering what they carried about them as a Reward, or desiring him to expend some Part of it upon their Funeral (a) Synesius Epist. Interpretes Historiz Apollonii Tyrii, Mearsius in Lycopliro●is Cassandram v. 367. Rites, and accept the rest himself: But tho' the Carcase brought no Reward along with it, yet was it not therefore lawful to pass it by neglected, and to deny it what was looked on as a Debt to all Mankind; for not only the Athenian Laws forbade so great a Piece of Inhumanity (b) Aelianus Var. Hist. lib. V. c. XIV. , but in all Parts of Greece it was looked upon as a great Provocation to the Infernal Gods, and a Crime that would call up certain Vengeance from the Regions below (c) Sophoclis Sch●liasles Antig●n●. ; nor could the guilty Person be freed from the Punishment of his Offence, or admitted to converse with Men, or worship the Gods, but was looked upon as profane and polluted, till he had undergone the accustomed Purifications, and appeased the incensed Deities. Yet it was not always required tha● all the Funeral Solemnities should be nicely performned, which the Hast of Travellers, that should light upon the Carcase, might oftentimes not permit, but it was sufficient to cast Dust, or soft Earth upon it three Times together, according to Horace (a) Lib. I. Od. XXVIII. v. 36. Quintilianus Declam. V. VI Caelius Rhodiginus lib. XVIII. cap. XX. ; Quamquam sestinas, non est mora longa, liccbit Injecto ter pulvere curras. — Over the Corpse thrice sprinkle Sand, Th' officious Deed will not retard your Hast. Of these three Handfuls one at least was thrown upon the Head. This indeed in Cases of Necessity was looked upon as enough to gain the Ghosts Admission into Pluto's Dominions, and to free such as happened upon their Bodies from the Fear of being haunted, yet was far from affording them entire Satisfaction; wherefore such as had been interred clandestinely, or in haste and without the customary Solemnities, if afterwards good Fortune discovered them to any of their Friends, were honoured with a second Funeral, as appears from the Story of Polydorus in Virgil, who being murdered and interred by Polymnestor, does yet make his complaint to Aeneas at his Arrival in Thrace, that his Soul could not rest, till his Obsequies were celebrated according to Custom, wherefore the pious Hero — Instaurat sunus, animamque sepulcro Conduit (b) Aineid. III. v. 62, & 67. .— Attends the Rites, and gives the Soul Repose Within a wished for Tomb.— Nor was it sufficient to be honoured with the solemn Performance of their Funeral Rites, except their Bodies were prepared for Burial by their Relations, and interred in the sepulchers of their Fathers; the Want of which was looked upon by themselves, and their surviving Friends, as a very great Misfortune, and not much inferior to Death itself, as appears from innumerable Testimonies, of which I shall only trouble you with the following; the first taken from the Epitaph of Leonidas the Tarentine, which runs thus (c) Antholog. Epigram. lib. III. cap. XXV. ep. LXXV. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I from Tarentum far remote do lie, My native Soil, than Death o! worse Anxiety. And Electra in Sophocles, having preserved Orestes from the Fury of C●ytemnestra by sending him into a foreign Country, and a great many Years after hearing he had ended his Days there, wishes he had rather perished at first, than after so many Years Continuance of Life to have died from Home, and been destitute of the last Offices of his Friends; her Words are these (a) V. 1134. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Oh! could I wish thou hadst, unhappy Youth, Been slain, before I sent thee thus away, Then thou hadst ne'er these doleful miseries felt, But died in th' Innocence of Infancy; Then thou hadst had one common Sepulture With thy dear Father, than thy Sister's Love And Pity ne'er would thus have heaped up Woe: Now thou art in a foreign Land deprived Of those blessed Rites thy Friends could once bestow, And as thy Life unhappy was, so is alike thy Death. Mr. Abel. For this reason, such as died in foreign Countries, had usually their Ashes brought Home, and interred in the sepulchers of their Ancestors, or, at least, in some Part of their native Country; it being thought that the same Mother, which gave them Life and Birth, was only fit to receive their Remains, and afford them a peaceful Habitation after Death: Whence it is, that all ancient Authors afford us innumerable Instances of Bodies conveyed sometimes by the Command of Oracles, sometimes out of the good Will of their Friends, from foreign Countries to the sepulchers of their Fathers, and with great Solemnity deposited there: Thus Theseus was removed from Scyrus to Athens, Orestes from Tegea, and his Son Tisamenus from Helice to Sparta, and Aristomenes (to mention no more) from Rhodes to Messene. How far this Custom extended to Soldiers, and by whom it was first introduced into Greece has been discoursed in the precedent Book. Nor was this pious Care limited to Persons of free Condition, but Slaves also had some Share therein; for we find the Athenian Lawgiver commanding the Magistrates called Demarchi under a severe Penalty to solemnize the Funerals not so much of Citizens, whose Friends seldom failed of paying the last Honours; but of Slaves, who frequently were destitute of decent Burial (a) Demosthen. Orat. in Macart. . But if any Person was backward in paying his dead Friends due Respect, or but sparing in his Expenses about their Obsequies and Monuments, the Government looked upon him as voided of Humanity and natural Affection, and thereupon excluded him from bearing any Office of Trust and Honour; for one special Enquiry concerning the Lives and Behaviour of such as appeared Candidates for the Magistracy at Athens was, whether they had taken due care in celebrating the Funerals, and adorning the Monuments of their Relations (b) Xenophon de dictis Socratis lib. II. : Farther, to appear gay and pleasant before the ordinary Time of Mourning expired, was Matter of no small Scandal; for we find it objected by Aeschines to Demosthenes as a Crime of a very heinous Nature, that after the Death of his only Daughter he sacrificed to the Gods in white Apparel, and adorned with Garlands, before due Respect was paid to the Memory of such a Relation. The great Concern they had about Funerals may farther appear from the Respect paid to Persons officiating therein: For we find the Cretan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who had the Care of Funerals, to have been reverenced equally with their Priests; and when their Laws permitted to steal from others, as was likewise customary at Sparta, those Men were exempted from the common Calamity, to convey away any Part of their Goods being looked on as a kind of Sacrilege (c) Plutarch Grac. Quaest XXI. . Notwithstanding all this, there were some so unhappy, as by their Actions whilst alive, or the aggravating Circumstances of their Death, to be unworthy of all Title to the common Funeral Rites, and some to any Funeral at all: Such were these that follow; 1. Public, or private Enemies; for tho' it was looked upon as inhuman to deny an Enemy the common Privilege of Nature; yet upon extraordinary Provocations we find it frequently practised by the ancient Grecians: Homer has introduced Ulysses threatening Socus therewith (d) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; Hector likewise promising the same Treatment to Patroclus (e) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , and Achilles revenging his Cruelty by the like Usage of him (a) Iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. : The same Poet hath furnished us with several Instances of Heroes made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Prey to Birds and Beasts: No better Treatment had the Bones of Pyrrhus, Achilles' Son, treacherously murdered by Orestes (b) Ovid. in Ibin v. 3●4. , Sparsa per Ambracias quae jacuere vias. Which lay dispersed about th' Ambracian Roads. And however this may be thought the Practice of those primitive and uncivilised Mortals, yet there want not Instances hereof in more refined and polished Ages; For Lysander the Spartan Admiral, having routed the Athenian Fleet, caused Philocles one of their Commanders, and to the Number of four thousand Athenian Prisoners to be put to death, and refused to give them human Burial (c) Pausanias' 〈◊〉 p. 59●. Edit. Hanou. 2. Such as betrayed, or conspired against their Country (d) Deodo●us Siculu● lib. XVI. cap. VI : Wherefore Aristocrates, being convicted of Treason against the Arcadians, was stoned to Death, and cast out of the Bounds of their Country unburied (e) P●●●●●●as Messenicis. ; for it was thought but reasonable, that Villains conspiring the Ruin of their Country, should be deptived of all Privilege in it: Pausanias likewise, after he had delivered Greece from the Persians, being found upon some Discontent to maintain a Correspondence with them, was pined to Death, and denied Burial (f) Plutarch Pausania. ; and the famous Photion, being unjustly condemned by the Athenians, as conspiring to deliver the Piraeeus into their Enemy's Hands, had his Body cast out of Attica, and a severe Penalty was decreed against any that should honour it with Interment (g) Plutarch, Cornesius Nepo● P●n●ione, Valerius Maxim● lib. V. cap. III. : So punctual were they in the Observation of this Custom, that when the Pestilence raged at Athens, and the Oracle gave out, that the only Remedy was to fetch Themistocles' Bones from Magnesia, they refused to do it publicly, but, conveying them privately and as it were by stealth, hid them in the Ground. Amongst the Betrayers of their Country we may reckon those who were not active in defending it, for they were likewise frequently denied human Burial; whence Hector is introduced by the Poet, threatening this Punishment to all that would not help him in destroying the Graecian Fleet (h) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. ●4●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He, that for Spoil and Plunder of the War Dares lag behind, and not in haste repair To th' Argive Fleet, as soon as known, shall die; His Carcase denied Funeral Rites shall lie A Prey for ravenous Curs, a Mark of Infamy. Mr. Abel. Some Schol●asts would have this the first Example of the Practice I am speaking of; but Homer sufficiently refutes this Opinion by making Agamemnon threaten the same Punishment to his Grecians in the second Iliad (a) V. 391. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When to the Fight brisk Cornets sound Alarms, That sneaking Soul, who then lays down his Arms, And skulks about the Navy out of Fear Of any Danger from th' impending War, Shall be an Outcast for the Birds of Prey, And hungry Dogs as merciless as they. Mr. Abel. Before this Instance, Palamedes, being condemned as a Traitor by the Treachery of Ulysses, had wanted Burial, had not Achilles and Ajax adventured to pay him that Office in Opposition to Agamemnon's Commands: Nor was the Custom begun here, for in the former Age we find Antigone buried alive by Creon for interring her Brother Polynices, by whose means the famous War against Thebes was carried on, which is the Subject of Sophocles' Antigone. 3. To these we may subjoin Tyrants, who were always looked on as Enemies of their Country, and used in the same manner with those that endeavoured to betray it to foreign Powers, there being no great Difference between a Domestic and foreign Slavery: So the Pheraeans, having ' slain Alexander, who had cruelly oppressed them, threw his Carcase to the Dogs; and Plutarch observes that this was not a late and modern Custom, but practised in the most early Ages, speaking of the Passage of Homer (b) Lib. de Homero. , where Nestor tells Telemachus, that had Menelaus found Aegisthus alive after his Murder of Agamemnon, and Tyranny over the Myceneans, he would not have vouchsafed him Burial (c) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 256. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— If the bold Murderer had his Fate survived, When Menelaus from Troy's Siege arrived, What Ills would then attend his Ghost and Name, When Menelaus swollen with Vengeance came? None e'er his Fall should mourn, his Fate lament; But, left his Body should the City taint, Remote on some wide Plain it should be cast For Dogs and Praetors to regale and feast. Mr. Abel. The Myceneans were also sensible of the Wrongs they had suffered by him, and, thinking him unworthy of an honourable Funeral, cast him with the Adulteress Clytaemnestra out of the City, and there interred them (a) Pausanias' Corinthiacis. . 4. On the same account, such as were guilty of Self-murder forfeited their Right to decent Burial, and were clancularly deposited in the Ground without the accustomed Solemnities; for they were looked on as Enemies to their Country, whose Service they cowardly deserted (b) Aristoteles Ethic. Nic●mach. lib V. cap. II. : For which reason Ajax the Son of Telamonius was not reduced to Ashes, as the Custom was, but privately interred; it being declared by Calchas to be a Profanation of the holy Element to consume in it the Bodies of such as had occasioned their own Death (c) Philostratus Hercicu. ; and after the Battle of Plataeae, when the Bodies of the Slain were honoured with the accustomed Solemnities, Aristodemus alone, who was generally confessed to have acquitted himself in the Fight with the greatest Valour of any Man in the Army, lay unregarded, because he seemed resolved to sacrifice his Life, as an Atonement for the Disgrace he had contracted by surviving his Fellow-soldiers at Thermopylae (d) Heredotus Calliope cap. LXX. . Yet, to put a Period to their Lives on just Occasions seems rather to have been reputed the Effect of a necessary and laudable Courage than any way criminal, or blame-worthy; Demosthenes and Hannibal are said to have been constantly provided of an effectual Poison, to dispatch themselves with before they should fall into their Enemy's Hands; Cato, Cleopatra, Brutus, Otho, and several others have not at all lessened their Esteem and Character in the Heathen World by becoming their own Executioners: Plato himself, w●en he commands those only, who out of Cowardice and unmanly Fear butchered themselves, to be interred in lonesome and desolate Places without the ordidinary Solemnities, seems to excuse those he thought compelled to it by great and unsufferable Disgrace, or any unavoidable and incurable Misfortune (a) De Legib. lib. IX. ; and 'tis no Wonder if Epicureans, who expected no future State, and Stoics, who thought all Things to lie under an irresistible Necessity, pursuant to their Principles, abandoned themselves over to such fatal Courses. Many other Instances may be produced not only from the Grecians and Romans, but the Indian Philosophers, and almost the whole Heathen World. 5. To these we may add Villains guilty of Sacrilege (b) Dial●●● S●●●lus Biblioth. lib. XVI. cap. VI , to inte●● whom was an Affront to the Deities they had robbed. The Gods were sometimes thought to inflict this Punishment on such Malefactors; wherefore Archidamus the Spartan King being slain in Italy, and deprived of Burial, Pausanias (c) Laconicis p. 178. Edit. H●n. concludes, it was a Judgement upon him for assisting the Phocians in pillaging the City and Temple of the Delphians. 6. Persons killed with Lightning, or Thunder; who, being thought hateful to the Gods, were buried apart by themselves, lest the rest of the Ashes should receive Pollution from them; therefore Adrastus in Euripides, speaking of Capaneus, saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shall he apart be buried, as accursed? Some will have them to be interred in the Place, where they died (d) Artemidorus lib. II. cap. VIII. ; others collect out of Plutarch's Symposiacks, that they had no Interment, but were suffered to rot in the Place, where they fell, to which it was unlawful for any Man to approach; whence Persius (e) Sat. II. v. 27. , Triste jaces lucis, evitandumque bidental, A direful Instance of Jove's Wrath you lie, And whom, being thunderstruck, none dare come nigh. For this reason the Ground was hedged in, lest any Person should unawares contract Pollution from it. It may be observed in general, that all Places struck with Thunder were avoided (f) Plutarch Py●ri●●. , and fenced round, out of a Fancy, that jupiter, having taken some Offence, fixed upon them a Mark of his Displeasure. 7. Those, that wasted their Patrimony, forfeited their Right of being buried in the sepulchers of their Fathers; and therefore we find Democritus to have been in Danger of wanting a Burial-place for spending his paternal Inheritance in Travel to foreign Countries, and searching after the Mysteries of Nature (a) Diogenes Laertius. Democrito. . 8. To these we may subjoin such as died in Debt, whose Bodies belonged at Athens to their Creditors, and could not claim any Right to human Burial, till Satisfaction was made to them: Whence 'tis reported, that Cimon had no other Method to redeem his Father Miltiades' Body, but by taking his Debt and Fetters upon himself. 9 Some Offenders, who suffered capital Punishment, were likewise deprived of Burial; those especially that died upon the Cross, or were impaled, whom they frequently permitted to be devoured by the Beasts and Birds of Prey: To which Custom there is an Allusion in Horace (b) Lib. I. epist. XVI. , Non hominem occidi; none pasees in cruse corvos. With impious Hands I ne'er slew th' innocent, Therefore to feed the Crows is not your Punishment. juvenal also mentioneth the same Custom (c) Sat. XIV. 77. , Vultur jumento, & canibus, crucibusque relictis, Ad satus properat, partemque cadaveris assert. Where Crosses and contagious Murrain are Vultures in Flocks most greedily repair, And to their craving Young thence Food they bear. The Interpreters of Fables will have Prometheus' Punishment to be an Emblem of this: If the Carcase was spared by the Beasts, it commonly remained upon the Cross, or Pale, till the Wether consumed and putrified it: Thus Silius reports of the Scythians (d) Lib. XIII. , At gente in Scythica sussixa cadavera truncis Lenta dies sepelit, putri liquentia tabo. Delinquents Carcases in Scythia were Impaled, until corrupted by the Air The putrid Flesh did drop and shrink away, And the Bones mouldered by a long Decay. Mr. Abel. Nor was this inhuman Custom practised in that barbarous Nation only, but by those who made greater Pretensions to Civility and good Manners; as may appear from the Dream of Polycrates' Daughter, who phansyed she saw her Father's Face washed by jupiter, and anointed by the Sun; which was accomplished not long after, when he was hung upon the Cross, and exposed to the Rain, and Sunbeams (a) Herodot. Thalia. : Hither also may be referred the Answer of Theodorus the Philosopher, who, being threatened Crucifixion by King Lysimachus, replied, that it was all one to him to putrify above, or beneath the Ground (b) Cicero Tusc. Quaest lib. I . 10. At some Places it was customary to inter the Bodies of Infants that had no Teeth, without consuming them to Ashes (c) Phoins Nat. Hist. lib. VII. : To which Custom juvenal has this Allusion (d) Satir. XV. v. 139. , Naturae imperio gemimus, cum funus adultae Virgins occurrit, vel terra clauditur infans, Et minor ign● rogi.— When a young Lady brisk and gay is dead As soon as ripe she seems for th' nuptial Bed, And when an Infant not yet fit to burn, Is buried, who relents not, who forbears to mourn? Mr. Abel. If Persons that incurred public Hatred, had the good Fortune to obtain human Burial, it was customary to leap upon their Tombs, and cast Stones at them, in token of Detestation and Abhorrence: Which Practice is mentioned by Euripides (e) Electra. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — He leaps upon his Parent's Tomb, And in Derision batters it with Stones. Nor was it unfrequent to punish notorious Offenders by dragging their Remains out of their Retirements, and depriving them of the Graves, to which they had no just Pretention, as may appear from several Instances: Sacrilegious Persons were commonly thus treated; a remarkable Instance hereof we find at Athens, where Cylo, an ambitious Nobleman, having seized the Citadel, and being there straight besieged, found means to escape with his Brother, leaving his Accomplices to the Mercy of the Besiegers; they fled therefore for Protection to the Altars, whence there was no Method to draw them, but by promising them Pardon: But no sooner had they left their Sanctuaries, when the Magistrates, contrary to their Covenant, put them to death; upon which Fact themselves were afterwards arraigned, and banished, the Deities so commanding; Nor was this alone satisfactory to Divine Vengeance, till their Graves were rifted, and their Remains, which had been conveyed into Attica, cast out of the Country (a) Plutarch de sera Numinis vindicta. Traitors were condemned to the same Punishment; which appears as from several other Instances, so from Phrynicus the Athenian, who being arraigned, and condemned for Treason some Time after his Funeral, his Tomb was opened, and his Relics thrown out of Attica (b) Locargus orat. in Leocralem. . The same was sometimes practised upon Enemies, when their Malice and Fury were extended beyond the ordinary Bounds of Martial Law, and hurried them on to despoil the sacred Temples, and commit unsufferable Villainies; otherwise, thus to treat a lawful and honourable Enemy was always censured as barbarous and inhuman. But above all it seems to have been th● Fate of Tyrants, who were esteemed of all other savage Beasts the most hurtful and pernicious to Mankind: Wherefore we are told by Plutarch (c) Dione. , that Dio was extremely censured for hindering the Syracusians from breaking up the Tomb of the elder Dionysius, and scattering his Bones: Periander the Corinthian Tyrant (by some reckoned amongst the seven Wise Men) to prevent his incensed Subjects from venting their Fury upon his Relics, contrived this Method; he commanded two young Men to walk in the Depth of the Night in a certain Path, and killing the first Man they met, to bury him privately; to dispatch and inter these he commissioned four, after whom he sent others, and after these a greater Force to treat the former in the same manner; whereby it came to pass, that the Tyrant himself, meeting the first Pair, was interred in a Place unknown to any Man (d) Diogenes Laertius Pertandro. . Other Methods were likewise used to secure Peace to their Ashes; the Disturbance whereof was looked on as the highest Affront, and the greatest Misfortune in the World: To instance, we find Medea in Euripides resolving to bury her Sons in juno Acraea's Temple, hoping that the Holiness of the Place would protect them from the Malice of her Enemies (e) Mediae ●. 1378. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Affronts and Contumelies to prevent, And that their sepulchers mayn't be defaced, I will myself give Burial to my Sons In Juno's Temple at th' Acropolis She presides over.— Mr. Abel. CHAPTER II. Of the Ceremonies in Sickness, and Death. WHEN any Person was seized with a dangerous Distemper, it was usual to fix over their Doors a Branch of Rhamn, and Lawrel-trees: Which Custom is mentioned by Laërtius in his Life of Bion the Boristhenise; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bion the Post of's Door doth grace With Rhamn and Daphne's Plant; For Fear of Death in his sad Case He nothing now will want. Mr. Abel. The former of these Plants seems designed to keep off evil Spirits, against which it was reputed a sovereign Amulet; and on that account sometimes joined with the Epithet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as in this Fragment of Euphorio, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Produced the Rhamn, against mischievous Ills An Antidote.— The Laurel was joined to it to render the God of Physic propitious, who, they thought, could design no Harm to any Place, where he found the Monument of his beloved Daphne; these Boughs they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) E●ymclogici Auctor. . It may not be improper to observe in this Place, that all sudden Deaths of Men were imputed to Apollo; wherefore, Hector having lain unburied twelve Days, and being by the especial Favour of Heaven preserved fresh and free from Corruption, Hecuba resembles him to one dead not of a lingering and wearing Distemper, but by a sudden Death; the former being thin and consumed away, the latter fat and fleshy (a) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 757. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now fresh and glowing even in Death thou art, And fair as he, who falls by Phoebus Dart. The sudden Death of Women was attributed to Diana; whence Glaucus in the same Poet, speaking of Hippodamia (b) Iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v 225. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Incensed Diana her deprived of Life. Again, Achilles' wishes that Briseis had been snatched away by a sudden Death, rather than have been the occasion of Dissension between him and Agamemnon (c) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 59 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oh! that Diana her had killed, on Board When first I carried her, Lyrnessus overthrowed. The Poet has explained his own Meaning in another Place (d) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v 406. ; where Eumaeus reports, that in the Isle of Syria the Inhabitants never die of lingering Distempers, but, being arrived to a good old Age, drop into their Graves without any previous Torment; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 No Plague, no Famine does their Lives impair, No poisonous Ills those happy Mortals fear, Healthy and strong they see the Verge of Age, Then venerably old they quit the Stage; Apollo and Diana stop their Breath, Shooting unerring Shafts well fraught with Death. Mr. Abel. Again, Ulysses inquires of his Mother in the Regions below, whether she resigned her Life under a tedious Disease, or Diana's Hand (a) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 170. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This I desire, dear Mother, you'd relate, By what unhappy Destiny, what Fate You posted hither to this gloomy Coast, And all th' Endearments of the World have lost; Whether Diana with relentless Dart, (That sportful Deity) transfixed your Heart, Or if you did your vital Breath expire By lingering Pain, or pestilential Fire? Mr. Abel. Other Instances may be produced to the same purpose: The Ground of this Opinion was Apollo's being usually taken for the Sun, and Diana for the Moon; which Planets were believed to have a great Influence upon human Life (b) Heraclides (vel potius Herachtus) Ponticus de Allegor. Homer, Eustathius Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 205. & Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 59 etc. . All dead Persons were thought to be under the Jurisdiction of the Infernal Deities, and therefore no Man could resign his Life, till some of his Hairs were cut to consecrate him to them: Hence Euripides introduces Death with a Sword, going to cut off some of the Hair of Alcestis, whom the Fates had adjudged to die instead of her Husband Admetus (c) A●cestid. v. 74. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I'm come to lose the brittle Tie of Life, And send her to th' Infernal Mansions hence; This Sword is to initiate the Rites By cutting off the fatal Lock, on which Lies the last Struggle of her panting Breath. Mr. Abel. Which Passage is imitated by Virgi● (a) Macrobius Saturnal. lib. V. cap. XIX , where he tells, us that Dido, ridding herself out of the World before her Time, had not her Hair cut off by Proserpina, and therefore struggled some Time, as unable to resign her Life, till Iris was commissioned from juno to do her that kind Office (b) Aeneid. IV. v. 694. ; Tum juno ommipotens, longum miserata dolorem, Difficilesque obitus, Irin demisit Olympo, Quae luctantem animum, nexosque resolveret artus; Nam, quia nec fato, merita nee morte peribat, Sed misera ante diem, subitoque accensa jurore, Nondum illi starvum Proserpina vertice crinem Abstulerat, Stygioque caput damnaverat Orco: Ergb Iris croceis per caelum roscida pennis, Mille trahens varios adverso sole colores, Devolat, & supra caput astitit;" Hunc ego Diti " Sacrum jussa fero, teque isto corpore solvo:" Sic ait, & dextra crinem secat; omnis & und Dilapsus calor, atque in ventos vita recessit. Then juno, grieving that she should sustain A Death so lingering, and so full of Pain, Sent Iris down to free her from the Strife Of labouring Nature, and dissolve her Life; For, since she died, not doomed by Heavens' Decree, Or her own Crime, but human Casualty, And Rage of Love, that plunged her in Despair, The Sisters had not cut the topmost Hair, (Which Proserpina and they can only know) Nor made her sacred to the Shades below; Downward the various Goddess took her flight, And drew a thousand Colours from the Light, Then stood above the dying Lover's Head, And said," I thus devote thee to the Dead; " This Offering to th' Infernal Gods I bear," Thus while she spoke, she cut the fatal Hair, The struggling Soul was loosed, and Life dissolved in Air. Mr. Dryden. What was the Ground of this Opinion cannot be certainly defined; but it seems not improbable that it proceeded from a Ceremony at Sacrifices, wherein they cut some of the Hairs from the Victim's Forehead, and offered them to the Gods as First-fruits of the Sacrifice; whence some imagine the same was thought to be done by Death upon Men sent as Victims to the Infernal Gods. When they perceived the Pangs of Death coming upon them, they made supplication to Mercury, whose Office it was to convey the Ghosts to the Regions below: An Instance hereof we have in a Cean Matron, who being about to rid herself of Life by a Draught of Poison, first called upon Mercury to grant her a pleasant Journey, and convey her to a commodious Habitation in Pluto's Dominions (a) Valerius Maximus lib. II. cap. VI . Their Friends and Relations, perceiving them at the Point of resigning their Lives, came close to the Bed where they lay, to bid them Farewell, and catch their dying Words, which they never repeated without Reverence: The want of Opportunity to pay this Compliment to Hector furnishes Andromache with Matter of Lamentation, which she thus expresses (b) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 743. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I saw him not when in the Pangs of Death, Nor did my Lips receive his latest Breath, Why held he not to me his dying Hand? And why received not I his last Command? Something he would have said had I been there, Which I should still in sad Remembrance bear; For I could never, never Words forget, Which Night and Day I would with Tears repeat. Mr. Congreve. They kissed and embraced the dying Person, so taking their last Farewell; which Custom was very ancient, being derived from the Eastern Nations; for we find in the Holy Writings, that Joseph fell upon his Father Jacob's Neck, when he lay upon his Deathbed, and kissed him (c) Genes cap. L. . They endeavoured likewise to receive in their Mouth his last Breath, as phansying his Soul to expire with it, and enter into their Bodies: And at the Time of his Departure, it was customary to beaten brazen Kettles, which was thought an excellent Method to drive away evil Spirits, and Phantasms, whose airy Forms were not able to endure so harsh a Noise (d) Theocriti Schaisastes. ; thus they imagined the dead Man's Ghost secured from Furies, and quietly conveyed to a peaceful Habitation in the Elysian Fields: For 'twas an old Opinion, that, there being two Mansions in the Infernal Regions, one on the Right-hand pleasant and delightful, the other on the Left appointed for the Souls of wicked Wretches, the Furies were always ready to hurry departed Souls to the Place of Torment: Virgil has an Allusion to this Fancy (a) Aen. Vlu. 540. , Hic locus est, parts ubi se via sindit in ambas, Dextera, quae Ditis magni sub mania tendit, Hac iter Elysium nobis; at loeva malorum Exercet paenas, & ad impia Tartara mittit. 'Tis here in different Paths the Way divides, The Right to Pluto's golden Palace guides, The Left to that unhappy Region tends, Which to the Depth of Tartarus descends, The Seat of Night profound, and punished Fiends. Mr. Dryden. Death and all Things concerning it were ominous and illboding, and are therefore frequently expressed in softening Terms: To di● is commonly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to which the Latin denasci answers: Sometimes 'tis called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to depart; and the Dead, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: So also Chio in an Epistle to Plato saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I will depart out of the World: In the same Sense we find the Latin Word abitio, which is a synonymous Term for Death (b) Festus. ; and abiit; as when Pliny writes, that Virginius Rufus plenus annis abiit, plenus honoribus (c) Lib. TWO Epist I , departed full of Years, and Honours: Thus also the Greeks use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. he once lived; and the Romans vixit, and fuit; thus Virgil, — Fuit Ilium, & ingens Gloria Teucrorum.— Glory did once attend the Dardan State, It's Spires then glittered, and its Chiefs were great. Tibullus, with several others, hath used the same Expression (d) Lib. III Eleg. V. ; Vivite falices, memores & vivite nostri, Sive erimus, seu not fata suisse velint. In a blessed Series may your Lives glide on, If while I live, or when I'm dead and gone, One tranhent Glance you'll on my Memory cast, And in soft Accents say, He's gone and passed. Mr. Abel. Sometimes they use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Thus Homer (a) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ye dire Avengers of all perjured Slaves, When once they're dead, and covered in their Graves. Again (b) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — The Ghosts of th' Dead. But the most frequent are Names taken from Sleep, to which Death bears a near Resemblance; whence the Poets seign them to be Brothers, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are commonly used for dying; thus Callimachus (c) Epigram. XV. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Saon th' Acanthian, Dicon's Son, hard by In everlasting Sleep wrapped up doth lie. In another Place (d) Epigram. XXII. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The common Debt of all Mankind she sleeps. Orpheus hath used the same Metaphor in his Argonauticks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Agniades, thou art in soft Repose Locked up.— Many other like Passages occur both in profane and inspired Writers; and so common was this Way of speaking with the primitive Christians, that their Burying-places were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is a Term of the same Sense with Lycophron's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Cassandr. v. 583. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To th' sleeping Place of Sithon's Daughter. CHAPTER III. Of the Ceremonies before the Funeral. NO sooner had any Person expired, when they closed his Eyes, which they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Which Custom was so universally practised, that no Person, who has the least Acquaintance with ancient Writers, can be ignorant of it: Hence it came, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was used for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This done, his Face was covered: Whence Hippolytus in Euripides, being at the Point to expire, calls upon his Father Theseus to do him that Office (a) Euripid. Hippolyt. v. 1458. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Veil my Face over quickly with a Sheet. Indeed almost all the Offices about the Dead were performed by their nearest Relations; nor could a greater Misfortune befall any Person, than to want these last Respects; Electra in Sophocles seems to prefer Death itself before it; infinite Numbers of Instances might be produced to the same purpose, were it not too commonly known to need any farther Confirmation. All the Charges expended on Funerals, and the whole Care and Management of them belonged also to Relations; saving that Persons of extraordinary Worth were frequently honoured with public Funerals, the Expenses whereof were defrayed out of the Exchequer; thus we find Democritus at Abdera, Zeno and Aristides at Athens, Epaminondas at Thebes, Gryllus Xenophon's Son at Mantinaea, with many others, to have had their Funerals celebrated at the public Expense. To return, before the Body was cold, they composed all the Members, stretching them out to their due Length; this they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Whence the Maid in Euripides' Hippolytus, as soon as Phaedra had expired her last, cries out to some of her own Sex to perform this Office (b) V. 786. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thou 'tis a Service that will bitter prove, And grieve the Souls of my most wretched Masters, Yet lay the Corpse of the dead Lady out. Not long after the Chorus saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As it is usual, they lay her out. After this the dead Body was washed; hence Alcestis in Euripides (a) V. 156. upon the Approach of the fatal Day, wherein she was to lay down her Life for her Husband Admetus, washed herself in the River, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— The pious Dame did in the River wash Her beauteous Body, when the fatal Day Of her own Exit did approach.— Plato tells us, that Socrates washed himself before his Execution, to save the Women a Trouble (b) Phae●one ; for this Office was commonly performed by Women related to the Party deceased; only in Cases of Necessity others were employed therein; so we find that poor Theagenes, having neither Wife, nor Child, nor any near Relation of his own, was washed by the Cynics (c) Galenus de methodo medendi lib. XIII cap. XV. . At some Places there were Vessels in the Temples designed for this Use; these were called in Latin labra, whence some derive the Word delubrum (d) Ascontus de divinatione. . This done, the Body was anointed; Pliny reports, that the Grecians never used Ointment till the Time of Alexander the Great, when they had it conveyed out of Persia (e) Nat. Hist. lib. XIII. cap. I ; and Homer, tho' frequently mentioning the Custom of anointing the Dead, yet useth no other Material beside Oil: Thus they anointed Patroclus (f) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 350. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As soon as washed, they anointed him with Oil. But Athenaeus will by no means allow Homer's Oil to have been distinguished from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Ointment properly so called (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. XV. ; and we find that Solon allowed his Citizens the Use of Ointments, forbidding only Slaves to perfume themselves therewith (a) Plutarch Solone. : Whence it seems probable, that however the Grecians might not have any Knowledge of those costly Ointments the Persians furnished them with, yet they were not unacquainted with the Use of another sort. After the Body was washed and anointed, they wrapped it in a Garment, which seems to have been no other than the common pallium, or Cloak, they wore at other Times (b) A●●alcius Florid I , as we find the Romans made use of their toga: Thus Misenus in Virgil, being first washed and anointed, then (as the Custom was) laid upon a Bed, was wrapped in the Garments he had usually worn (c) Aeneid VI v. 218. ; Pars calidos Luices, & ahena undantia flammis Expediunt, corpusque lavant srigentis, & ungunt: Fit gemitus: Tum membra toro defleta reponunt, Purpure asque super vestes, velamina nota, Conjiciunt.— Some, being moved with Pity towards their Friend, Water to boil in Caldrons do attend, Then wash his cold and stiffened Limbs all over To try if quick'ning Heat they can restore: With Essences and Oils they scent the dead, And then repose him on his funeral Bed; Their glowing Passion in deep Sighs they vent, And full of Sorrow dolefully lament; On him the Robes they cast he used to wear, Which having done, they heave him on the Bier. Mr. Abel. After this, the Body was adorned with a rich and splendid Garment; hence we find that before Socrates took the fatal Draught, Apollodorus brought him a Cloak, with a Garment of great Value (d) Laertius Socrate, Ae●●●●● Var. Hist. lib. ay cap. XVI. , it being the Philosopher's Desire to prepare himself for his Funeral before he died: 'Tis reported also, that Philocles the Athenian Admiral, being overcome, and sentenced to Death by Lysander the Spartan, washed himself, and put on his best Apparel, before he was executed (e) Plutarch ●●sandro. ; the same we read of Alcestis in Euripides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The pious Dame, before the fatal Day Of her own Exit, bathed her beauteous Limbs In gentle Rivulets, than she put on A splendid Vest, and decent Ornaments Of rich Attire.— Mr. Abel. The whole Body was covered with this Garment; it's Colour was commonly white, as we find in Homer speaking of Patroclus (a) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 352. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In a white linen Shroud from Head to Foot They put the Corpse, when on a Bed laid out. Whence Artemidorus reckons it an unlucky Omen, and presaging Death, for a sick Person to have white Apparel (b) O●e●●os●it. lib. TWO cap III. : This Colour seems to have been used to denote the Simplicity and Harmlesness of the Dead (c) Plutarch Quaest 〈◊〉. . So concerned were they about this Garment, that, as some think, they frequently prepared it for themselves, and Friends during Life: Thus Penelope is introduced by Homer speaking to her Courtiers (d) Odyss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v 9●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Since my Ulysses, as 'tis said, is slain, And clotted Gore won't circulate again, Gentlemen, you that vigorous Rivals are In courting me, your hot Pursuit forbear, Till I have spun this Web against grim Death With his cold Hands shall stop Laertes' Breath. Mr. Abel. Thus likewise Euryalus being slain, his Mother is brought in complaining (e) Virgil Aeneid IX v 486. , — Nec te tua funera mater Produxi, pressive ceulos, aut vulnera lavi, Veste tegens, tibi quam noctes festina diesque Urgebam, & tela curas solabar aniles. What Pangs of Grief my throbbing Breast invade To think thy mangled Carcase was not laid Forth on its Pile by me; o! sad Surprise, That I wasn't by to close thy beauteous Eyes, Just as th' expiring Soul did take her flight Into the Regions of Infernal Night; Oh! had I washed each Wound, each severed Vein, When thou scarce could laidst weltering on the Plain, And had the Vest spread o'er thee, Day and Night Which I have spun my Dotage to Delight. Mr. Abel. But it may be disputed whether these were made on purpose for Funeral-garments, or only designed to be worn, and applied to the former Use in case the Person should dye; it being usual (as hath been already observed) to wrap dead Bodies in the Garments, they had used when alive: The later Opinion seems more probable from the Words which Penelope adds, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lest, if my Sire without a Coat should lie, Shame and Reproach I might incur thereby From Graecian Ladies, since this Duty he, Having such large Revenues, claims of me. Mr. Abel. And it bears no great Show of Reason, that a Mother should comfort herself by weaving a Winding-Sheet for her young Son, who at that Time was likely to have lived many Years: However that be, it is observable that the Lacedæmonians, as in most other Things, so here also ran counter to the rest of the Grecians; For whereas in other Places the Dead were clothed with costly Apparel, which none, except the poorer sort, ever wanted, the Spartan Lawgiver ordered, that Persons of the greatest Valour and Merit should be buried in nothing but a red Coat, which was the common Habit of Soldiers; to the rest even this was denied (a) Aelianus Var. Hist. lib V cap VI ; for he thought it wholly absurd and unreasonable, that those, who through the whole Course of their Lives had been accustomed to contemn Riches, and superfluous Ornaments, should be decked therewith when dead: Nor were any Ointments, or costly Perfumes used there, being looked on as conducing nothing to the Felicity of the Dead, and unworthy of the Lacedaemonian Gravity. The next Ceremony was the bedecking the dead Body with Chaplets of Flowers, and green Boughs: Thus Talthybius puts 〈◊〉 Hecuba to adorn her Grandson Aslyanax (a) Euripid 〈◊〉 v. 1143. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That you adorn the Corpse with costly'st Robes, With Chaplets, and what other Pomp you can. When Persons of Worth and Character died in foreign Countries, their Remains, being brought Home in Urns, were honoured with the Ceremonies customary at other Funerals, but more especially with this I am speaking of; Plutarch reports, that all the Cities, through which Demetrius' Ashes were conveyed, sent Mourners to meet the sacred Urn, with others to perform the Rites usual on such Occasions, or at least they crowned it with Garlands (b) ●●em●●●●. : The same Author reports, that Philopamen's Relics were attended by Captives in Chains, and his Urn so covered with Ribbons and Chaplets, that scarce any Part of it was to be seen (c) Ph●●●●me●e. : This Ceremony was either taken from the Games, wherein the Conquerors were rewarded with Crowns of Leaves, as signifying that the Dead had finished their Course (d) 〈◊〉. ; or was designed to express the unmixed and everlasting Pleasures the Dead were to enjoy upon their removal out of this painful and troublesome World (e) 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib II. cap. VIII. ; for Garlands were an Emblem of Mirth and Joyfulness, and therefore usually worn at Banquets and Festivals: The same may be observed of Ointments and Perfumes, the constant Attendants of Gaiety and Pleasantness: To both these Ceremonies we have an ingenious Allusion of an old Poet in Stobaeus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Not that we lesle compassionate are grown, Do we at Funerals our Temples crown, Or with sweet Essences adorn our Hair, And all the Marks of pleasing Transport wear; But 'cause we're sure of that more happy State, To which kind Death doth every Soul translate, Which here by drinking we anticipate; For soon as Death his fatal Shaft has hurled, And us transmitted to the other World, We drinking sign th' immortal Beverage, And in sweet Joys Eternity engage; Hence they by every one are only said To be right happy, that are truly dead. Mr. Hutchin. This done they proceeded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, collocare, to lay out the dead Body; sometimes they placed it upon the Ground, sometimes upon a Bier, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which they bedecked with various sorts of Flowers: Some are of opinion the Corpse was first laid out upon the Ground, afterwards lifted upon a Bier. This Office, as most of the former, was performed by the nearest Relations; whence Lysias (a) Orat. De caede Eratost●●●is. amongst other aggravating Circumstances, that attended the Death of Eratosthenes, who was condemned by the Thirty Tyrants of Athens, reckons this as none of the least, that they laid him out, assuming thereby an Office belonging of right only to the nearest and most tender Relations: Tiberius Caesar is likewise censured by Dio, not only as neglecting to visit Livia when sick, but because he laid her not out with his own Hands, when she was dead (b) Lib. LVIII. The Place, where the Bodies were laid out, was near the Entrance of the House; which being sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it came to pass that dead Men were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; whence Euripides (c) Alcestide. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reason of this Ceremony was, that all Persons might have Opportunity to search, whether the Party deceased had any Wounds, or other Marks of an untimely and violent Death (d) Pollux lib. VIII. cap. VII. . It may be farther observed, that the Feet were always turned toward the Gate: Hence Persius (e) S●t. III. v. 103. , — Tandemque bea●●lus alto Compositus lecto, crassilque lutatus amomis, In portam rigidos calces extendis.— Our dear departed Brother lies in State; His Heels stretched out and pointing to the Gate. Achilles in Homer speaks of Patroclus as laid out in the same manner (a) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 211. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Slain at the Entrance of the Tent he lies. Where we are told by the Scholiast, that by this Ceremony they signified, that they were never to return after their being carried out. Whilst the Body lay in this Place, 'twas customary to give it constant Attendance, to defend it from any Violence, or Affronted, that might be offered: Whence Achilles adds in the forecited Place, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Round the dead Corpse his sad Companions mourn. And a little before we find him so passionately concerned left Flies and Vermin should pollute the Corpse, that he could not be drawn from it to the Battle, till Thetis had promised to guard it (b) Ibid. v. 23. . When any Person died in Debt at Athens, there was something more to be feared, for the Laws of that City gave leave to Creditors to seize the dead Body, and deprive it of Burial till Payment was made; wherefore the Corpse of Miltiades, who deceased in Prison, being like to want the Honour of Burial, his Son Cimon had no other means to release it, but by taking upon himself his Father's Debt and Fetters. Some Time before Interment, a Piece of Money was put into the Corps' Mouth, which was thought to be Charon's Fare for wasting the departed Soul over the Infernal River: This was by some termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Suidas. , by others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Hesychius. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Price; or because it was given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to dead Men so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or dry Sticks (e) Etymologici Auctor. : It was only a single 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Aristophanes indeed introduces Hercules telling Bacchus he must pay two oboli (f) Ranu p. 217. Edit. Aurel. Allo●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Th' old Ferryman of Hell will waste you over In his small Skiff for poor two oboli. But the Comedian seems to speak this only by way of jeer to the Judges in some of the Athenian Courts, who were presented with two oboli at the End of their Session; whence Bacchus presently subjoins, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I find two oboli can much prevail In either World.— Meursius therefore, interpreting this Place of the common Custom towards the Dead, and adding out of the Scholiast that the Price was afterwards raised to three oboli, seems not to have dived into the Author's Meaning; for nothing can be more plain, than that the Scholiast is to be understood of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Reward allowed the Judges, which was two oboli, and afterwards increased to three. This Ceremony was not used in those Places, which they phansyed situate in the Vicinity of the Infernal Regions, and to lead thither by a ready and direct Road (a) Etymologici Auctor v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Strabo particularly mentions that the Hermionians pleaded Exemption (b) Geogr lib. VIII. . Beside this, the Corps' Mouth was furnished with a certain Cake, composed of Flower, Honey, etc. and therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Suidas. etc. . This was designed to appease the Fury of Cerberus the Infernal Doorkeeper, and to procure of him a safe and quiet Entrance; we have an Allusion to this in the Comedian (d) Lysistrate. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Coffin he shall buy, and I'll prepare A Cake for Cerberus.— Virgil has obliged us with a larger Account of this Custom, when he describes the Sibyl and Aeneas' Journey to the Infernal Shades (e) Ae●eid VI v. 417. ; Cerberus haec ingens latratu regna trisauci Personat, adverso recubans immanis in antro: Cui vates, horrere videns jam colla colubris, Melle soporatam & medicatis frugibus ossam Objicit; ille, same rabida tria guttura pandens, Corripit objectam, atque immania terga resolvit Fusus humi, totoque ingens extenditur antro: Occupat Aeneas aeditum, custode sepulto, Evaditque celer ripam irremeabilis undae. — In his Den they found The triple Porter of the Stygian Sound, Grim Cerberus, who soon began to rear His crested Snakes, and armed his bristling Hair; The prudent Sibyl had before prepared A Sop in Honey steeped to charm the Guard, Which, mixed with powerful Drugs, she cast before His greedy grinning Jaws, just opened to roar; With three enormous Mouths he gapes; and straight, With Hunger pressed, devours the pleasing Bait; Long Draughts of Sleep his monstrous Limbs enslave, He reels, and falling fills the spacious Cave: The Keeper charmed, the Chief without Delay Passed on, and took th' irremeable Way. Mr. Dryden. Before we conclude this Chapter, it may be observed that the whole Ceremony of laying out, and clothing the Dead, and sometimes the Interment itself, was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Aeschyli Scholiastes. : In the same Sense ancient Writers use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with its Derivatives; thus Sophocles (b) Ajac. v. 1067. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Do not presume th' accursed Corpse t' inter, But let it lie exposed to open View. It may farther be observed, that during this Time the Hair of the deceased Person was hung upon the Door, to signify the Family was in Mourning: And, till the House was delivered of the Corpse, there stood before the Door a Vessel of Water called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Suidas, Pollux lib. VIII. cap VII. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Hesychius. , and, from the Matter it was frequently made of, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in Aristophanes (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An earthen Vessel full of Water place Before the Door.— Part of a Chorus in Euripides, seeing neither of these Signs, could scarce be induced to believe Alcestis dead (a) Alcestid. 99 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I see no purifying Water placed Before the Doors, a Custom used of old; Nor Lock of Hair is in the Entrance fixed To show the House in Mourning.— Mr. Hutchin. The Design of this was, that such as had been concerned about the Corpse, might purifyings themselves by washing, which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: For not the jew: only (b) Numer. cap XIX. 11. Ecclut cap. XXXIV, 25. , but the greatest Part of the Heathen World thought themselves polluted by the Contact of a dead Body, Death being contrary to Nature, and therefore abhorred by every Thing endued with Life. Hence the Celestial Gods, those especially who were thought to give, or preserve Light or Life, would not endure the Sight of a Corpse, Diana in Euripides professes it unlawful for her to see Hippolytus her Favourite when dead; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Farewell, for 'twere in me a sinful Act To view the Dead, or to defile mine Eyes With the sad Sight of an expiring Soul. Nor was the House, where the Corpse lay, free from Pollution, as appears from the Words of Helena in Euripides (c) Helena v. 1446. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— For sacred are our Houses, not defiled By th' Death of Menelaus.— Whence 'twas customary to have it purified, as soon as the Funeral Solemnities were over; of which Ceremony I shall have occasion to discourse in one of the following Chapters. CHAPTER IV. Of their Funeral Processions. THE next Thing to be observed is their Carrying the Corpse forth, which is in Greek termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin elatio, or exportatio; whence the Latin e●erre, exportare, and the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Words appropriated to Funerals: Kirchman would have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be used in the same Sense; but the Place he produces out of Eunapius (a) 〈◊〉. to that purpose, seems rather to denote the Praetervection of the Body by some Place, than its Elation from the House wherein it was prepared for Burial; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is usually spoken with respect to a Place in the middle Way of any Motion; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belongs to the End, or Place where the Motion ceases; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are only proper, when we speak of the Place, whence the Motion begins, being the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, carrying forth, which Words are taken by Theocritus in the Sense I have been speaking of (b) Idyll. XV. 137. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I'th' Morn, when pearly Dew has overspread The bending Grass, we will bring forth our Dead Down to the River's Side.— Plautus likewise for effere hath foras far (c) 〈◊〉. , Quae ●ras veniat perendie foras feratur soror. To morrow's Sun shall see my Sister carried forth. The Time of Burial seems not to have been limited: The Author of the Geniales d●es (d) Lib. III. cap. VII. tell us, that Bodies were usually kept seventeen Days, and seventeen Nights before they were interred; which he seems to have out of Homer, who reports that Achilles' Body after seventeen Days and as many Nights of Mourning was committed to the Flames (a) 〈◊〉 v. 63. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Seventeen long Days were in sad Mourning spent As many Nights did Gods and Men lament, But on the eighteenth laid you on the Pile. Ser●ius was of opinion that the Time of burning Bodies was the eighth Day after Death, the Time of burying the ninth (b) Ae●eil. V. ; but this must only be understood of the Funerals of great Persons, which could not be duly solemnised without extraordinary Preparations; Men of inferior Rank were committed to the Ground without so much Noise and Pomp: The ancient Burials seem to have been upon the third, or fourth Day after Death; thus the Author of the Arg●nauticks (c) Lib. II. ; At vero ornantes supremo funus honore, Tres totos condun● lugubri murmur soles, Magnifice tumulant quarto.— With three Days Mourning they the Funeral gra●'d, (The last good Office due to the Deceased) But on the fourth, they o'er his Body reared A stately Tomb.— Mr. Hutchin. Nor was it unusual to perform the Solemnities, especially of poor Persons, upon the Day after their Death; which appears from an Epigram of Callimachus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Who knows what Fortunes on to morrow wait, Since Charmis one Day well to us appeared, And on the next was mournfully interred? Pherecydes alludes to this Custom in his Epistle to Thales preserved by Laertius (a) Vita Pherecydu● sub fin. , telling him he expected every Minute to breathe his last, and had invited his Friends to his Funeral the Day following. The Ceremony was performed in the Day; for Night was looked on as a very improper Time; because then Furies and evil Spirits, which could not endure the Light, ventured abroad: Hence Cassandra in a Quarrel with Talthybius foretells, as one of the greatest Mischiefs that could befall him, that it should be his Fortune to be buried in the Night (b) Ex●i●id. Tread. v 446. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An evil Fate attends thy Obsequies, Thy Funeral Rites shall be performed at Night. Young Men only, that died in the Flower of their Age, were buried in the morning Twilight; for so dreadful a Calamity was this accounted, that they thought it undecent, if not impious, to reveal it in the Face of the Sun: Whence (as the Expounders of Fables tell us) came the Stories of Youths stolen into Aurora's Embraces; for when beauteous and hopeful young Men suffered an untimely Death, it was customary to alleviate the Disaster by giving it a more pleasant and agreeable Name; hence instead of calling their Departure Death, they termed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Heraclides Po●ti●us de Allegor. H●n●ri●. sub. fin. Eustathius. . Because these Funerals were celebrated by Torchlight, it became customary to carry Torches at all other Burials, tho' performed in the Day; whence came that proverbial Speech, whereby old Men are said to approach 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the Torch of their Life (d) Plu●archus lib An seni capess. sit Resp. . The Athenians went counter to the rest of the Grecians, for their Laws enjoined them to celebrate their Funerals before Sun-rise: Which Command Cicero (e) De. Leg. lib II. will have to be no ancien●●● than Demetrius the Phalerean: but Demosthenes makes Solon the Author thereof (f) Orat. in Macar●a●um. ; 'tis not improbable, that it might be first instituted by Solon, and afterwards revived by Demetrius: The Design seems to have been to moderate the expensive Extravagance in Funerals, which a more open and public Celebration seemed to require. The Bearers usually mounted the Corpse upon their Shoulders, which Euripides calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, speaking of Alcestis (g) A●●est. v. 607. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Servants to the Grave the Corpse do bear Upon their Shoulders.— The Body was sometimes placed upon a Bier, instead of which the Lacedæmonians commonly used their Bucklers; whence that remarkable Command of one of their Matrons to her Son, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. either bring this (pointing to his Buckler) back, or be brought upon it. Nor was this Custom unknown in other Places; Virgil hath mentioned it in his tenth Aeneid (a) V. 506. ; — Socii multo gemitu lacrymisque Impostum scuto referunt Pallanta frequentes. In doleful Plaints his dear Companions mourn Their dead Friend Pallas on his Target born. But the most ancient Grecians seem to have conveyed their dead Bodies to their Funerals without any Support; whence (as Eustathius observes) Patroclus being carried forth by the Myrmidons, Achilles went behind to support his Head (b) Iliad. ●. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Behind Achilles did bear up his Head. This seems to be the Meaning of Euripides' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when, speaking of Rhesus' Funeral, he introduces the Chorus uttering these Words (c) Rheso v 896. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;— What God, O King, moved with becoming Care, Shall with his Hand behind support thy Head. The Persons present at Funerals were the dead Man's Friends and Relations, who thought themselves under an Obligation to pay this last Respect to their Deceased Friend. Beside these, others were frequently invited to increase the Solemnity, where the Laws restrained them not from it; which they did at some Places, either to prevent the Disorders which often happened at such promiscuous Meetings, or to mitigate the excessive Charges of Funerals: Thus we find, that Pittacus established a Law at Mitylene, that none but Relations of the Deceased should appear at Funerals; Solon alio laid some restraint upon his Athenians, wholly excluding all Women under threescore Years of Age from these Solemnities; yet Relations were admitted whilst under that Age, as appears from L●sias's Oration in defence of Eratosthenes, who had murdered his Wife's Gallant, whose first Acquaintance with her, he tells us, proceeded from seeing her at a Funeral; yet they seem not to have gone promiscuously among the Men, but in a Body by themselves; as may be collected from these Words in Terence's Andria; ●ssertur, imus: interea inter mulieres, Qu●e ibi aderant, forte unam adspicio adolescentulam. The Corpse is carried forward, and we follow, But amongst the Women 'twas my chance to see A beautiful young Creature.— The Habit of these Persons was not always the same; for, tho' they might sometimes, put on Mourning, and in common Funerals as frequently retained their ordinary Apparel; yet the Exequys of great Men were commonly celebrated with Expressions of Joy for their Reception into Heaven. Thus Timolcon's Hearse was followed by many thousands of Men and Women in white Garments, and bedecked with Garlands, as in festival Solemnities (a) 〈…〉. ; Aratus' Funeral was likewise celebrated with Paeans, or Songs of Triumph, and Dances (b) Idem A●●to. . When the Body was conveyed out of the House, they took their last farewell, saluting it in a certain Form of Words; as appears from Ad●●tus's Speech to the Pheraeans present at the Funeral of his Wife (c) 〈…〉. v. 6●8. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Do you, since ancient Custom so requires, Salute the Corpse, and take your last farewell. The Procession was commonly made on Horseback, or in Coaches; but at the Funerals of Persons, to whom a more than ordinary Reverence was thought due, all went on foot: Which Respect the Athenians paid to the Memory of Theophrastus, as an Acknowledgement of his excellent Virtues (d) 〈…〉. . The Relations went next the Corpse, the rest walked some distance off: Sometimes the Men went before it with their Heads uncovered, the Women following it. Patroclus was carried to his Funeral, surrounded by the Graecian Soldiers, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Homer Iliad. ● . The sad Procession was by Horsemen l●●, The thronging Foot-m●n in the 〈…〉, And in the M●●●t his Friend's 〈◊〉 b●●r. But the ordinary way was for the Body to 〈…〉 rest to follow; which appears as from many oth●● 〈◊〉 ●o from that of Tere●e (b) 〈◊〉. , — 〈◊〉 interim Procedit, sequimur.— The Funeral marches first, we follow it. Whereby the Survivors were put in mind of their Mortality, and bid to remember they were all following in the Way the dead Person was gone before (c) 〈◊〉 in lo●um 〈◊〉. Alexand. ab Alex. lib. III. cap. VIII. . At the Funerals of Soldiers, their Fellow-soldiers attended with their Spears 〈◊〉 towards the Ground, and the uppermost Part of their Bucklers turned downwards, as has been formerly observed (d) Lib. III. cap. XI. . This was not done to much (as some phan●y) because the Gods were ca●●'d upon their Bucklers, whose Faces would have been polluted by the Sight of a dead Body, as that they might recede from their common Custom; the Method of Mourning being to act quite contrary to what was usual at other Times: wherefore not only their Bucklers were inverted, but their Spears, and the rest of their Weapons. Nor was this only a Martial Custom, but practised likewise in Peace; for at the Funerals of Magistrates, their Ensigns of Honour were inverted, as appears from the Poet (e) ●edo Alb●n●van. Eleg. ad Li●●am. ; Quos primum vidi falces, in funere vidi, Et vidi versos, indiciumque mali. The Fa●ces first I at a Funeral saw With Heads turned downwards, the sad Badge of Woe. To perform this Ceremony they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the first with respect to the House, out of which the Body was carried forth; the second with respect to the Places, by which it passed; and the last to the Place, whither it was conveyed. CHAPTER V. Of their Mourning for the Dead. THE Ceremonies, by which they used to express their Sorrow upon the D●ath of Friends, and on other occasions, were various and uncertain: But it seems to have been a constant Rule amongst them, to recede as much as possible in Habit, and all their Behaviour, from their ordinary Customs; whereby they thought it appeared, that some extraordinary Calamity had befallen them, nothing else being able to effect so great a Change. Hence it is, that Mourners in some Cities demeaned themselves in the very same manner with Persons that in other Places designed to express Joy: For, the Customs of one City being contrary to those of another, it sometimes happened that what in one Place passed for an Expression of Mirth, was in others a Token of Sorrow. The most ordinary ways of expressing Sorrow were these that follow. 1. They abstained from Banquets and Entertainments, and banished from their Houses all musical Instruments, and whatever was proper to excite Pleasure, or bore an Air of Mirth and Gaiety. Thus Admetus in Euripides upon the Death of Alcestis (a) Al●est. v. 343. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 No more to pleasing Banquets will I run, All Conversation with my Friends I'll eat; No more my Brow shall fragrant Chaplets wear, But all the Marks of Joy shall disappear; No more I'll Music hear too weak to save My dear Alcestis from the conquering Grave. Mr. Hutchin. They frequented no public Solemnities, nor appeared in Places of Concourse; but sequestered themselves from Company, and refrained even from the Comforts and Conveniencies of Life. Wine was too great a Friend to Cheerfulness to gain Admission into so melancholy Society; the Light itself was odious, and nothing courted but dark Shades, and lonesome Retirements, which they thought bore some resemblance to their Misfortunes (a) Glo●●, vett. Plutarcous' Consolat. ad uxorem. : Whence Artemidorus lays it down as a certain Forerunner of Death, for any one to dream of a Fire's being extinguished, during the Sickness of any in the same Family (b) Lib II. cap. IX. . 2. They divested themselves of all Ornaments, and laid aside their Jewels, Gold, and whatever was rich and precious in their Apparel. Thus Lycophron describes the Women that mourned for Achilles' Death (c) Cassandr. v. 859. nostrumque ibi Commenta●ium consul. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— This to the Women shall a Custom be To mourn Achilles' third from Aeacus, Grandchild to Doris, and of largest Size; To mourn Achilles' frightful in the War, Not clothed with rich Attire of Gems and Gold, With glittering Silks or Purple.— This Custom is frequently mentioned in the Poets, but was not peculiar to Mourners for the Dead; being likewise, with several other Ceremonies noted in this Chapter, practised by all that lamented for any great Calamity: Whence H●●uba had no sooner heard the Fortune assigned to herself and Cassandra, when she cried out, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Eur●pid. Tr●ad, v. 256. . Throw off these rich, these consecrated Robes, And hallowed Crowns.— Their mourning Garments were always black, whence Progne, having notice of Philome●ae's Death, is thus described by Ovid (e) Met●m. VI F●b. VIII. ; — velamina Progne Diripit ex humeris auro fulgentia ●uo, Induiturque atras vestes.— From off her back th' embroidered Robe● she tears, And 〈◊〉 now in mournful Blacks appears. Thus like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when her Brethren were slun by Meleager (a) Metam. VIII fab IU. , — . She fills with 〈…〉 to the spacious Town, And ' ●●ad of glitt'ri●g Robes p●ts Sable on. To which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had respect, when he boasted▪ That 〈…〉 given my Citizen came to put on Black (b) Pl●t●rchus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence 〈◊〉 ●ill 〈…〉 to be a Pr●●g● of Recovery for a 〈…〉 of black Clotheses, since not 〈◊〉 that die, 〈…〉 who 〈…〉, were apparelled in Black (c) 〈◊〉 l●b III cap. III. . The 〈◊〉 are reported by Servius to have introduced thi● Custom, wh●● they mourned for the Death of Liber, otherwise called Osiris, who was treacherously circumvented and murdered by his B●other T●pho. Farther, Mourning Garments mitered not from their ordinary Apparel in Colour only, but likewise in Value, as being of cheap and course Stuff which may be observed from this Example of T●●ence (d) Hea●tontimor. Act. II. Sc. III. , amongst many others; Te●entem ●elam studi●se ipsam offendimus, Med●o●riter V●stitam vestitam veste lugubri, 〈…〉 causa, opin●r, quae erat mortua. We found h●r busy at the Loom, a●●●'d In a ch●●p Mourning Habit, which she wore For the old Woman's Death, as I suppose. 3. They tore, cut off, and sometimes shaved their Hair; nor was it sufficient to deprive themselves of a Par● only, for we find Euctra in Euripides fin●ing 〈◊〉 with Hei●na for sparing her Lo●ks, and thereby 〈…〉 the Dead (e) Orest. 128. : This Custom is too well known to need any Confirmation by Examples. They had several ways of disposing of their H●ir: It was sometimes thrown upon ●he dead Body; as we learn from Patrochis' Funeral, where the Grecians, to show their Affection and Respect to him, covered his Body with their H●ir (f) 〈◊〉. ●. v. 135. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— They shaved their Heads, and covered with their Hair The Body.— Statius hath likewise observed the same Practice (a) Thebay. VI ; — ●ergoque & pectore fulam Cesariem ●erro minuit, ●ecti●que ●acentis Obnubu tenuia ora comis.— He cut off all the Hair that from the Head Down to the Back and Breast was comely spread, And covered with it the dead Face.— It was likewise frequent to cast it into the Funeral Pile, to be consumed with the Body of their Friend; as Achilles appears to have done at Patroclus' Funeral (b) Iliad. ●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Standing hard by the Pile the comely Hair, Which for Sperchius' was before preserved, He now cut off, and cast into the Flames. Sometimes it was laid upon the Grave; as we find in Aeschylus (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I see this Hair upon the Grave. Canace in Ovid bewails her Misfortune, because she was debarred from performing this Ceremony to her beloved Macareus, Non mihi te licuit lacrymis perfundere justis, In tua non tonsas ferre sepulcra comas. 'Twas not permitted me with briny Tears To bathe thy lifeless Corpse, or bring my Hairs Unto thy Sepulchre.— Some restrain this Practice to Sons, or very near Relations; but it appears by many Instances to have been common to all that thought themselves obliged to express their Respect, or Love to the Dead; insomuch that upon the Death of great Men, whole Cities and Countries were commonly shaved. This Practice may be accounted for two ways; for the Scholiast upon Sophocles observes, that it was used, partly to render the Ghost of the deceased Person propitious, which seems to be the Reason why they threw Hair into the Fire to burn with him, or laid it on his Body; partly, that they might appear disfigured, and careless of their Beauty; for long Hair was looked on as very becoming, and the Greeks prided themselves in it, whence they are so frequently honoured by Homer with the Epithet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It may be farther observed that in solemn and public Mournings▪ it was common to extend this Practice to their Beasts, that all Things might appear as deformed and ugly as might be. Thus Admetus upon the Death of Alcestis commands his Chariot-horses to be shorn (a) Euripides, Alcestide v. 428. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 My Chariot-horses too my Grief shall share, Let them be shorn, cut off their comely Mains. Thus likewise the Thessalians cut off their own Hair, and their Horses Mains at the Death of Pelopidas (b) Plutarch Pelopida. ; when Masistius was slain in a Skirmish with the Athenians, the Persians shaved themselves, their Horses, and their Mules (c) Idem Aristide. : But Alexander, as in the rest of his Actions, so herein went beyond the rest of Mankind; for at the Death of Hephaestion, he did not only cut off the Mains of his Horses and Mules, but took down the Battlements from the City-walls, that even Towns might seem Mourners, and instead of their former beauteous Appearance look bald at the Funeral (d) Idem Pelopida. . It may be objected indeed to what I have been speaking, that Shaving was a Sign of Joy; whereas to let their Hair grow long was the Practice of Persons in Affliction: Hence joseph is said to have been shaved, when he was delivered out of Prison; and Mephibosheth, during the Time King David was banished from jerusalem, let his Hair grow, but on his Return shaved himself: Thus likewise Mariners upon their Deliverance from Shipwreck used to shave themselves: To which Practice juvenal hath this Allusion (e) Sat XII. v. 82. ; — gaudent ibi vertice raso Garrula securi narrare pericula nautae. And there shorn Sailors boast what they endured. Whence Artemidorus will have Mariners, that dream of having their whole Heads shaved, to be forewarned by the Gods, they are to undergo very great Hazards, but to escape with Life (a) Lib. I. cap. XXIII. ; Pliny also in one of his Epistles interprets his Dream of cutting off his Hair, to be a Token of his Deliverance from some eminent Danger; and the Poets furnish us with several Examples to our purpose: Lycophron for instance thus describes a general Lamentation (b) Cassandr. v. 973. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In mournful Blacks shall every Soul appear, Each shall with loathsome Dirt his Face besmeat; Neglected Hair shall now luxuriant grow, And by its Length their bitter Passion show; Incessantly they shall their Loss complain, And all their Life be one sad, mournful Scene; Thus▪ they the neverdying Names shall save Of ancient Patriots from the conquered Grave. Mr. Hutchin. Plutarch, undertaking to resolve this Difficulty, reports that the Men let their Hair grow, but the Women were shaved; it being the Fashion for Men to wear their Hair short at other Times, and for Women to suffer theirs to grow (c) Romania Quaest : But on the contrary it plainly appears from the Instances already produced, and many others, that the Men frequently wore long Hair, which they cut off upon any great Calamity; nor can it be doubted that the Women frequently wore long Hair in Sorrow, since 'tis remarked as a Badge of a Woman in Mourning, that she has her Hair dishevelled, and carelessly flowing about: Thus Ariadne bespeaks Theseus; Aspice deinissos bugentis more capillos, Et tunicas lacrymis suut ab imbre graves. See, like a Mourner's, my dishevelled Hair, Wet, as with Rain, with Tears my Robes appear. Terence likewise, the Scene of whose Fable is laid in Greece, has thus described a Woman in Mourning (d) Hean●ent. Act. II. Sc. III. ; Teventem telam studiose ipsam offendimus, Mediocriter ve●litam veste lugubri, E●us anus causa, opinur, quae erat mortua, S●ne auro tum ornatam, i●a uti quae ornantur sibi, Nulla mala re e●le expolitam muliebri, Capillus passus, proli●us, circum caput Re●ectus ●egligenter.— We found her at the painful Loom employed, Dressed in a Mourning Habit, which the wore For the old Woman's Death, as I suppose: She was not tricked up in a gaudy Suit, Nor dressed in Robes of Velvet, or of Gold, Nor patched or painted to attract the Eyes Of her Gallants, but with dishevelled Hair Carelessly o'er her Shoulders thrown.— Wherefore two Things may be observed for the solution of this Difficulty: First, the manner of being shaved: For tho' to be shaved, or trimmed by Barbers, was a Token of Cheerfulness; yet those that cut off their own Hair, and that in a negligent and careless manner, were looked on as Mourners: Whence, tho' Artemidorus reports, that no Man under the Pressure of Misfortunes was ever shaved (a) Lib I cap. XXIII. ; yet he adds in the same Chapter, that for a Man to dream of shaving himself was a Prelage of some great Calamity; because Men in such Circumstances were wont to be shaved. Secondly, the different Fashions of several Nations are to be considered: For where it was customary to wear short Hair, there the Length of Hair was a Token of Mourning; but where long Hair was in Fashion, there Mourners shaved themselves. 'Tis reported by Herodotus (b) Lib. ay cap. LXXXII. and others (c) Plutarch Lysandre, Alex. ab Alex. Gen. Dier. lib. V. etc. , that the Argian●, having lost Thyrea to the Spartans', made a Decree that their whole City should cut their Hair, and never permit it to grow again to its accustomed Length, till they recovered that Place; the Spartans', on the contrary, using to wear their Hair short, put forth a Decree, that from that Time they should nourish their Hair, in reproach to their Enemies. Now in these Cities, when the Fashion was to wear short Hair, than Mourners were distinguished by long Hair; but long Hair coming into Fashion, Mourners were shaved. 4. 'Twas frequent for Persons overwhelmed with Grief, and unable to bear up under it, to throw themselves upon the Earth, and roll in the Dust; and the more dirty the Ground was, the better it served to defile them, and to express their Sorrow and Dejection. Thus Oen●us behaves himself upon the Death of his Son Meleager (a) Ovid Metam. lib. VIII. v. ●28. ; Pulvere canitiem genitor, vultusque seniles Foedat humi susos, spatiosumque increpat aevum. His hoary Head, and furrowed Cheeks besmears With noisome Dirt, and chides the tedious Years. Priam in Homer represents his lamenting of Hector in the same Posture (b) 〈◊〉 v. 637. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Soft Sleep has never closed these watchful Eyes Since my dear Son became your fatal Prize; But Day and Night I mourn my wretched Fate, And on my countless Sufferings ruminate, weltering in every filthy Place.— Mr. Hutchin. 5. They covered their Heads with Ashes. Thus Achilles upon the News of Patroclus' Death (c) Iliad. e '. v. 23. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Then taking Ashes up with both his Hands He threw them on his Head.— These Customs were likewise practised ●n the Eastern Countries, whence we find so frequent mention of Penitents lying upon the Ground, and putting on Sackcloth and Ashes. 6. When any Occasion required their Attendance abroad, their Heads were muffled up; as appears from these Verses in the Epigram (d) Antholog. lib. V. c. XXXIII. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Her Face wrapped in a Veil declared her Woes. Whence Orestes, when he persuades Electra to leave off Mourning, bids her be unveiled, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Pull off your Veil, dear Sister, and forbear This Grief.— Nor was this the Fashion of Women only; for Adrastus came to Thaseus after his Loss at Thebes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherefore Theseus speaks thus to him (a) Euripid. Supplic. 110. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Speak out, unfold your Head, refrain from Tears. Thus likewise Haman, upon the Defeat of his Plot against Mordecai, is said to have hasted to his House mourning, and having his Head covered (b) Esther, cap. VI, 12. ; and the jews are represented by jeremy as being ashamed, and confounded, and covering their Heads, in the Time of a grievous Famine (c) Cap. XIV, 3.4. . 7. Another Token of Dejection was to lean their Heads upon their Hands. Whence Helen speaks thus of the calamitous Trojans (d) Euripid. Helen. 377. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They with their Hands support their drooping Head. 8. They went softly, to express their Faintness, and Loss of Strength and Spirits. Thus Ahab King of Israel, being terrified by the Judgement Elias denounced against him, fasted, and lay in Sackcloth, and went softly (e) I. Reg. XXI, 27. ; and Hezekiah King of judah, being told by the Prophet, that he was never to recover of a Distemper he then lay under, amongst other Expressions of Sorrow hath this, I shall go softly all my Years in the Bitterness of my Soul (f) Isaia cap. XXXVIII, 15. . 9 They beaten their Breasts and Thighs, and tore their Flesh, making Furrows in their Faces with their Nails; which Actions, tho' practised sometimes by Men, were more frequent among Women, whose Passions are more violent and ungovernable. Thus Nonnus represents them (g) Dionys. lib. IX, 18. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Women with Nails their Breasts and Faces tear, And thus their boundless headstrong Grief declare. In the same Manner Anna, bewails her Sister Dido's unexpected Death (a) Virgil. Aei●. IV, 672. , Audiit exanimis, trepidoque exterrita cursu, Unguibus ora soror faedans & pectora pa●mis. Her Sister hearing, speeds with frightful Hast, Tears her soft Cheeks, and beats her panting Breast. Many Instances of this nature occur in both Languages, the Custom being generally practised both in Greece and at Rome. Solon thought fit amongst other Extravagancies at Funerals to forbid this (b) Plutarch Solone, Cicero de Legib. . The Lacedæmonians bore the Death of their private Relations with great Constancy and Moderation; but when their Kings died, had a barbarous Custom of meeting in vast Numbers, where Men, Women, and Slaves all mixed together, tore the Flesh from their Foreheads with Pins, and Needles. 10. They accused and cursed their Gods: Hence Statius (c) Sylu. lib. V. , — injustos rabidis pulsare querelis Coelicolas solamen erit.— T' inveigh against the Gods with justest Rage, And call them envious, may our Grief assuage. Nor was this the Effect of extravagant Passion, or practised only by Persons of weaker Understandings in the Extremity of their Sorrow; but frequently done by Men of all Qualities, and that in the most grave and solemn manner that could be, as appears from the same Poet (d) Theb III. ; — primaevique senes, & longo examine matres Invidiam pl●nxere This.— The aged Sires, and Dames in numerous Crowds Bewail, and curse the Envy of the Gods. For the Gods being thought subject to human Passions, 'twas very easy and natural for Men under Misfortunes to impeach them of Cruelty, or Envy. Thus, when Hylas, Herculeses Darling, perished in the Waters, the Deities residing there were said to have been enamoured with him, and to have stolen him; and, when any great and public Blessing was taken away, the immortal Being's were said to envy Mankind so great Felicity. Many Instances might be produced to this purpose, whereof I will only set down that remarkable one of Marcellus in Virgil (a) 〈◊〉 VI, 869. , Ostendem terris hunc tantum Fata, neque ultra Es●e sinent: Nimium vobis Romana propago Visa potens, superi, propria haec si dona suissent. This Wonder of the World the Gods but show, Heaven were improv'rished should he stay below: Blessed to excess had been the Roman State, Had Heaven these Gifts as lasting made as great. Mr. Hutchin. Sometimes their impious Rage against the Gods proceeded to the pulling down their Altars, and sacking their Temples; an Example whereof we have in Neoptolemus, who, being informed that Apollo was accessary to his Father's Death, took up a Resolution to demolish the Delphian Temple, and perished in the Attempt (b) 〈…〉. . 11. Another Custom they had of drawling out their Words, and with Tears repeating the Interjection 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hence (if we may credit the Scholiast (c) 〈…〉. upon Aristophanes) Funeral Lamentations were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Elegies. 12. When public Magistrates, or Persons of Note died, or any public Calamity happened, all public Meetings were intermitted, the Schools of Exercise, Baths, Shops, Temples, and all Places of Concourse were shut up, and the whole City put on a Face of Sorrow: Thus we find the Athenians bewailing their Loss of Socrates, not long after they had sentenced him to Death (d) Di●genes 〈◊〉 Socrate. . 13. They had Mourners and Musicians to increase the Solemnity: Which Custom seems to have been practised in most Parts of the World. The Roman praeficae are remarkable, enough; and th● Eastern Countries appear to have observed the same Practice; whence we find mention of Mourners going about the Streets, and Mourning Women in several Places of the sacred Writings. jeremy, having foretold the Calamity of the jews, advises to consider, and call for the mourning Women, that they may make haste, and take up a ma●●ing for us, that our Eyes may run down with Tears, and our Eyelids gush out with Waters (e) 〈…〉. . There Homer calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they endeavoured to excite Sorrow in all the Company by beating their Breasts, and counterfeiting all the Actions of the most real and passionate Grief. They are likewise termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. from the Songs they sung at Funerals; of these there seem to have been three, one in the Procession, another at the Funeral Pile, a third at the Grave; these were commonly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tho' the two last seem not peculiar to Funeral-Songs, but applicable to any others: We find them sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from jalemus, one of Clio's Sons, and the first Author of these Compositions; for the same reason Songs at Marriages were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from his Brother Hymenaeus: Funeral Dirges were also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is expounded in Hesychius by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to mourn; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is another Name for mourning Women: Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify empty and worthless Things, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is proverbially applied to inlipid and senseless Compositions (a) Suidas, Zenodotus. ; for the Songs used on these Occasions were usually very mean and trifting; whence that Saying of Plautus (b) Asin●ria. , Hae non sunt nugae, non enim mortuaria. These are no Trifles, since they're not composed For th' hideous Chanting of a Funeral. What the Design of their Musical Instruments was, is not agreed; some will have them intended to affright the Ghosts and Furies from the Soul of the deceased Person; others, agreeably to Plato and Pythagoras' Notions, would have them to signify the Soul's Departure into Heaven, where they phansyed the Motion of the Spheres made a divine and eternal Harmony; others say they were designed to divert the Sorrow of the dead Man's surviving Relations; lastly, the most probable Opinion seems to be, that they were intended to excite Sorrow; which was the reason that the Lyra was never used at such Solemnities, as being consecrated to Apollo, and fit only for Paeans, and cheerful Songs. Admetus indeed commands the Flute likewise to be banished out of his City upon the Death of Alcestis (c) Euri●id. Alcost v. 430. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Let not the pleasing Flute, nor sprightly Lyre, Till Phoebe twelve Times has repaired her Horns, Be in the mournful City heard, for I A Corpse more dear than this shall ne'er inter. Mr. Hutchin. But hence we are only to collect, that the Ancients had different sorts of Flutes, some of which were proper in Times of Mirth, others in Times of Mourning; for it appears by many Examples, that some of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or tibiae, were of all other Instruments the most common at Funerals. Hence Statius in his Description of young Archemorus' Funeral (a) Theb lib. VI v. 120. , Tum signum luctus cornu grave mugit adunco Tibia, cui teneros suetum traducere manes Lege Phrygum moesta: Pelopem monstrasse ferebant Exequiale sacrum, carmenque minoribus umbris Utile.— In doleful Notes the Phrygian Flute complains, And moves our Pity with its mournful Strains, The Phrygian Flute of old used to convey The Infant-souls on their unerring Way, Which Custom into th' World first Pelops brought, And th' unknown Use of Funeral Dirges taught, Dirges, whose powerful Sounds were thought to speed And smooth the Passage of the younger Dead. Mr. Hutchin. Some indeed will have the Lydian Flutes more suitable to Funerals, the Phrygian, of which Statius speaks, to agree better with Mirth and Cheerfulness, and to be used only at Funerals of Infants, or Youths, which were ordinarily solemnised in a manner quite different from those of grown Persons, which they think confirmed by Statius' Words; but, as these may bear a quite different Sense, not the Instrument, but the Song whereof he there speaks, being proper for the Funerals of Persons under Age; so it appears farther that the most common Flutes used at these Solemnities were of the Phrygian Fashion, tho' perhaps neither the Lydian, nor some others might be wholly excluded; Hence naenia, which is the Latin Word for Funeral Dirges, seems to have been derived from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is used by Hipponax, and (however Scaliger deduces it from the Hebrew) affirmed by Pollux to be of Phrygian Original; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of the same Descent, and expounded by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Carian Flute was likewise used on these Occasions, whence the Musicians and Mourners were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Hesychius. , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Funeral Song; now this was the very same with that used by the Phrygians, from whom, Pollux tells us, it was first conveyed into Caria (b) Lib. III. . I shall only mention two more; the first is the Mysian Flute, an Instrument likewise fit for Sorrow: Hence Aeschylus (c) Persis, ejusque Scholiaster ibid. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He beats his Breast, and sounds the Mysian Flute. The last is the Lydian Flute, which, as Plutarch reports out of Aristoxenus, was first applied to this Use by Olympus at Python's Death (d) De Musica. . CHAPTER VI Of their manner of Interring and Burning the Dead. IT would be needless to prove that both Interring and Burning were practised by the Grecians; yet whether of these Customs has the best Claim to Antiquity, may perhaps admit of a Dispute. But it seems probable, that however the later Grecians were better affected to the way of Burning, yet the Custom of the most primitive Ages was to inter their Dead. 'Tis plain the Athenians, however afterwards addicted to Burning, used Interment in Cecrop's Reign, if any Credit may be allowed to Cicero (e) De Legib. lib. II. ; and the Scholiast upon Homer (f) Iliad. ●. positively affirms, that Interring was more ancient than Burning, which he reports to have been first introduced by Hercules. However, it appears that the Custom of Burning was received in the Trojan War, and both then and afterwards generally practised by the Grecians; insomuch that when Lucian enumerates the various Methods used by different Nations in disposing of their Dead, he expressly assigns Burning to Greece, and Interment to the Persians (g) De juctu. . But this is not so to be understood, as if the Grecians in the Ages he speaks of, never interred their Dead, or thought it unlawful so to do; but only that the other Custom was more generally received by them. Socrates in Plato's Phaedon speaks expressly of both Customs; and it appears that some of them looked on the Custom of Burning as cruel and inhuman; whence a Poet cited by Eustathius (h) Iliad. ●. p. 32. introduces a Person exclaiming against it, and calling out upon Prometheus to hast to his Assistance, and steal, if possible, from Mortals the Fire he had given them. The Philosophers were divided in their Opinions about it; those, who thought human Bodies were compounded of Water, Earth, or the four Elements, inclined to have them committed to the Earth: but Heraclitus with his Followers, imagining Fire to be the first Principle of all Things, affected Burning. For every one thought it the most reasonable Method, and most agreeable to Nature, so to dispose of Bodies, as they might soon be reduced to their first Principles. Eustathius (a) Loco citato assigns two Reasons why Burning came to be of so general Use in Greece: The first is, because Bodies were thought to be unclean after the Soul's Departure, and therefore were purified by Fire; whence Euripides speaks of Clytaemnestra, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The body's purified by Fire—. The second reason is, that the Soul, being separated from the gross and unactive Matter, might be at Liberty to take its Flight to the Heavenly Mansions (b) Qui●tilianus Declam. X. . Wherefore the Indian Philosophers, out of Impatience to expect the Time appointed by Nature, used to consume themselves in a Pile erected for that purpose, and so loose their Souls from their Confinements: A remarkable Example hereof we have in Calanus, who followed Alexander out of India, and, finding himself indisposed, obtained that King's Leave to prevent the Growth of his Distemper by committing himself to the Flames (c) Q. Cu●ti●s. . Hercules was purified from the Dregss of Earth by the same means before his Reception into Heaven. And it seems to have been the common Opinion, that Fire was an admirable Expedient to refine the Celestial Part of Man by separating from it all gross and corruptible Matter, with the impure Qualities that attended it. Thus Scylla, being slain by Hercules, was raised from the Dead, and rendered immortal by her Father Phorcys (d) L●●●phron Cass●●●. v 44. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — into whose stiffened Limbs Phorcys by quick'ning Flames new Life inspired, And raised her high above the Fears of Death. The Piles, whereon they burned dead Bodies, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They seem not to have been erected in any constant Form, or to have consisted of the same Materials; these being varied as Time and Place, and other Circumstances required. The Body was placed upon the Top of the Pile; but was rarely burned without Company, for, besides the various Animals they threw upon the Pile, we seldom find a Man of Quality consumed without a Number of Slaves, or Captives: Besides these, all sorts of precious Ointments and Perfumes were poured into the Flames. Many Instances of this nature might be produced out of the ancient Poets, but I shall only set down the following out of Homer's Description of Patroclus' Funeral (a) Iliads ●. v. 166. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— A spacious Pile the mournful Grecians made, And on the Top his comely Body laid; Next stripped the Sheep and Oxen, there that stood In solemn Ranks before the flaming Wood But brave Achill●s, as above the rest Concerned, more Signs of Care and Love expressed: Strait off the Victims all the Fat he flayed, And over all the much loved Corpse it spread; Then placed their Carcases around the Pile, And Vessels filled with Honey, and with Oil; Next deeply groaning, with becoming Hast Four sprightly Coursers on the Pile he cast; Nine lovely Dogs he at his Table fed, And two of these upon the Pile he laid; Twelve valiant Trojan Captives next he slew, And on the Pile their mangled Bodies threw. Mr. Hutchin. The reason why the Body was covered with the Fat of Beasts was, that it might consume the sooner (a) Eustathius. ; for it was looked on as a singular Blessing to be quickly reduced to Ashes: Wherefore in Funerals, where Numbers of Bodies were burned on the same Pile, they were so disposed, that those of moist Constitutions and easy to be inflamed, being proportioned to Bodies of contrary Tempers, might increase the Vehemence of the Fire; whence Plutarch (b) Sympos. lib. III. Quaest IV. and Macrobius (c) Saturn. lib VII. cap VII. have observed, that for ten Men it was the the Custom to put in one Woman. Soldiers usually had their Arms burned with them: Wherefore Elpenor in Homer begs this Favour of Ulysses (d) Odyss. ● v. ●●. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let all the Arms I have be with me burned. It seems likewise to have been the Custom for the Garments they had worn in the Time of their Lives, to be thrown into the Pile; Some were so solicitous about this, that they gave orders in their last Wills to have it done: And the Athenians were, as in all other Observances that related any way to Religion, so in this the most profuse of all the Grecians, insomuch that some of their Lawgivers were forced to restrain them by severe Penalties from defrauding the Living by their Liberality to the Dead. Lycurgus would have nothing buried with Bodies beside one red Garment, or, at the most, a few Branches of Olive (e) P●●ta●●hus ●●●●go ; nor these neither, except the Person had been eminent for Virtue and Fortitude. Solon allowed three Garments and one Ox (f) Idem 〈◊〉 . At Chaeronea those that were convicted of Extravagance at Funerals, were punished as soft and effeminate by the Censors of Women (g) Idem ibidem. . The Pile was lighted by some of the dead Person's nearest Relations, or Friends; who made Prayers and Vows to the Winds to assist the Flames, that the Body might quickly be reduced to Ashes. Thus Achilles, having fired Patroclus' Pile, intercedes with Boreas and Zephyrus to fly to his Assistance with their Joynt-forces (h) Iliads ● v. 194. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— When he perceived the Flames t' abate their Force, Unable to consume th' unhappy Corpse, Some Distance from the Pile the Hero stands, The golden Calais fills his royal Hands, And there to Boreas, and to Zeph'rus prayed, And with each Deity solemn Covenants made, That grateful Victims should their Altars slain And choicest Offerings load the joyful Fane, If with their kinder Blasts they'd fan the Fire, And with new Force the languid Flames inspire, That they to Earth the Corpse might soon reduce. Mr. Hutchin. At the Funerals of Generals and great Officers, the Soldiers, with the rest of the Company, made a solemn Procession three Times round the Pile, to express their Respect to the Dead. Thus Homer's Grecians (a) Iliad. ●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— They drive their Horses thrice about the Dead Lamenting.— This Action was called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin de●●rsio; we find frequent mention of it in the Poets. Statius has elegantly described it in his Poem on the Theban War (b) Lib. VI v 213. , Tunc septem numero turbas (centenus ubique Surgit eques) versis ducunt insignibus ipsi Grajugenae reges, lustrantque ex more sinistro Orb rogum, & stantes inclinant pulvere flammas: Ter curvos ●gere sinus, illisaque telis Tela sonant; quater horrendum pepulere fragorem Arma, quater mollem samularum brachia planctum. Seven goodly Troops the sad Decursion made, In each of which a hundred Horse appeared, And these (a Posture fitting those that mourned) The Captains led with Ensigns downwards turned: Towards the left they march; on'th ' Pile they gaze, Whilst Clouds of Dust the thronging Horses raise, Whose much-prevailing Force depress the rising Blaze: Three Times they all the burning Pile surround, Whilst Darts strike Darts, and make a frightful Sound; Four Times the Din of clashing Arms invades The suffering Air; four Times the mournful Maids Loudly lament, each strikes her panting Breast, And Pity in us moves for the Deceased. Mr. Hutchin. Where it may be observed, that in this Decursion the Motion was towards the Lefthand, for by this they expressed Sorrow; as, on the contrary, Motion to the Right was a Sign of Joy, thus the same Author (a) Ibid. v. 221. , — Hic luctus abolere, novique Funeris auspicium vates, quamquam omina sentit Vera, jubet, dextro gyro, & vibrantibus hastis Huc redeunt.— The Priest, tho' by the boding Signs he knew Some dire Calamity would sure ensue, Bids them their anxious Thoughts a while forbear, Their pompous Grief, and bitter Passion spare, And moving towards the Right with brandished Arms, Back to return.— Mr. Hutchin. These Motions were accompanied with Shouts and Sound of Trumpet, as we learn from Valerius Flaccus (b) Argos. lib. III. ; Ind ter armatos Minyis referentibus orbs Cone●ssi tremuere rogi, ter inhorruit aether Luctificum clangente tuba, jecere supremo Tum clamore faces.— Three Marches round the Pile the Minyae make, Their weighty Strides the well-piled Structure shake, Thrice doleful Sounds from hollow Tubes are sent, The Clangor wounds the troubled Firmament; With Torches next accompanied with Shouts They light the Pile.— Mr. Hutchin. Which last Words seem to intimate the Decursion's being made before the Pile was lighted, whereas it appears from other Authors to have been made whilst the Pile was burning: Thus Virgil tells us in express Words (a) Aeneid. XI. v. 1ST. , Ter circum accensos cincti fulgentibus armis Decurrêre rogos, ter maestum fwneris ignem Lustravere in equis, ululatusque ore dedere. Well-armed thrice round the Pile they marched on foot, Thrice round it road, and with a dismal Shout Surveyed the rolling Flames.— During the Time the Pile was burning, the dead Person's Friends stood by it pouring forth Libations of Wine, and calling upon the Deceased. Thus Achilles attended all Night at Patroclus' Funeral (b) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. All Night divine Achilles does attend At the sad Funeral of his much-loved Friend: A golden Cup he bore, that Wine contained, Which pouring out the glutted Pavement stained; His pious Offering thus the Hero paid, Calling upon the Manes of the Dead. Mr. Hutchin. When the Pile was burned down, and the Flames had ceased, they extinguished the Remains of the Fire with Wine, then collected the Bones and Ashes. Thus Homer relates of the Trojans at Hector's Funeral (c) Iliad. ● v. 791. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. About the Pile the thronging People came, And with black Wine quenched the remaining Flame, His Brothers then, and Friends searched every where, And gathered up hi● snowy Bones with Care. Mr. Congreve. From which Words it appears, that this Office was performed by near Relations. To which Practice Tibullus likewise alludes; — Non hic mihi mater Quae legat in mastos ossa perusta sinus. Nor was my dear indulgent Mother by, Who to her Breast my mold'ring Bones would lay. The Bones were sometimes washed with Wine, and (which commonly followed Washing) anointed with Oil. Agamemnon ● introduced by Homer informing Achilles how this Ceremony had been performed to him (a) O●yss ● v. 71. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— But when the Flame your Body had consumed With Oils, and Odours we your Bones perfumed, And washed with unmixed Wine.— Patroclus' Remains were enclosed in Fat (b) Iliads ● v. 252. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. His mournful Friends in Fat his Bones enclosed, Then in a golden Urn they them reposed. It may here be demanded, how the Relics were distinguished from those of the Beasts and Men burned with him; in answer to this Enquiry (omitting those groundless Stories of the Stone Amiantus, and Indian Hemp, which could not be consumed by Fire) I shall produce two Instances, whereby it appears the Method they took to effect this, was by placing the Body in the Middle of the Pile, whereas the Men and Beasts burned with it lay on the Sides. Thus Achilles tells the Grecians, it would be easy to discover the Remains of Patroclus (c) Loc. cit. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. First with black Wine extinguish all the Flames, Quench every glowing Cinder that remains, Then let us gather up, 'tis easily done, The unmixed Bones of brave Menatius Son, Your nicer Care needs not be here expressed, You'll soon distinguish his from all the rest; For in the Midst o'th' Pile his Corpse was placed, Whilst Men and Beasts promiscuously cast, Lay frying on the outward Parts.— Mr. Hutchin. Achilles' Bones are said to have been distinguished the same way (a) Quintus Smyrnaeus lib. III. v. 720. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When the remaining Flames they'd quenched with Wine, Which were the Hero's Bones was plainly seen; Not like the rest, that fell his Sacrifice, But of a larger and gigantic Size; Nor could his Bones be with the vulgar mixed, Since his rich Corpse remote from them was fixed; The captive Trojans, Beasts, and Horses slain Upon the Outworks of the Pile were lain, There burned some distance from the nobler Dead, Who in the Midst o'th' Pile alone was laid. Mr. Hutchin. The Bones thus discovered, they seem to have gathered the Ashes that lay close to them; nor does it appear, there was any way to distinguish the Remains of the Men from common Ashes. The Bones and Ashes thus collected were reposited in Urns, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The Matter they consisted of was different, either Wood, Stone, Earth, Silver, or Gold, according to the Quality of the Deceased. When Persons of eminent Virtue died, their Urns were frequently adorned with Flowers, and Garlands; otherwise the general Custom seems to have been, to cover them with clothes till they were deposited in the Earth, that the Light might not approach them. This is particularly remarked in Homer's Funerals; as when he speaks of Hector's Bones (a) Iliad. ● fine. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — An Urn of Gold was brought, Wrapped in soft purple Palls, and richly wrought, In this the sacred Ashes were interred. The same Ceremony was performed towards Patroclus' Urn in the precedent Iliad, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Within the Tent his costly Urn was laid, And over it a Linnen-cloth was spread. Concerning their Interment it may be observed, that the Bodies lay in their Coffins with Faces upwards; it being thought more proper, and perhaps more conducive to the Welfare of the Deceased, to have their Faces towards Heaven, the Abode of Celestial Gods, and Fountain of Light, than the dark Mansions of the Infernal Deities: Whence Diogenes the Cynic, being asked in what Posture he would be interred, answered, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with my Face downwards; the reason of which being demanded of him; he replied, that in a short Time the World would be turned upside down (b) Lae●tiu● Di●ge●e. ; which Answer seems designed to ridicule the Graecian Superstition in this Point. It may be observed farther, that the Heads of deceased Persons were so placed in the Grave, that they might look towards the rising Sun (c) Th●●ydidis Sch●●●●●●. . Plutarch informs us indeed, that the Megarensians placed their Dead towards the East, and the Athenians, whose Custom seems herein to be the same with the rest of the Greeks, towards the West (d) Solone. ; and Aelian, as far as concerns the Athenians, agrees with him (e) Var. Hist. lib. VII. cap. XIX. : But it must be considered, that to situate the Face so as it should look towards the rising Sun, 'twas necessary the Head should lie towards the West; whence also the Head, or uppermost Part of the Sepulchre, being to face the rising Sun, was likewise placed at the West-end. Before I conclude this Chapter, it will not be improper to add, that the Megarensians commonly put two, three, or four Carcases into the same Sepulchre; but at Athens one Sepulchre, much lesle one Coffin, or Urn, seldom contained above one Carcase (a) Plutarch So●one ; which seems to have been commonly observed by the rest of the Greeks; only those that were joined by near Relation, or Affection were usually buried together; it being thought inhuman to part those in Death, whom no Accidents of Life could separate. Many Examples of this nature occur in ancient Writers; hence Agathias' Epigram concerning two Twins; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Two Brothers lie interred within this Urn, Both died together, as together born. Lovers thought this no small Accession to their Happiness: Thi●●e's last Request was, that she might be interred with Pyramus (b) Ovid. Met●m. IV. v. 154. ; Hoc tamen amborum verbis estote rogati, O mulium mis●ri meus illiusque parents; Ut, quos certus amor, quos hora novissima jun●it, Componi tumulo non invid●atis codem. At length, our thrice unhappy Parents, hear, And grant us this our last most earnest Prayer; That we, whom Love and Death together joined, As both one Fate, one common Tomb may find. Mr. Hutchin. Admetus in Euripides declares his Resolution to lie in the same Coffin with his Wife Alcestis (c) Alcestid. v. 365. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Close by thy Side I'll in thy Urn be laid. 〈◊〉, appearing after Death to Achilles, begs of him, that he would reposite his Bones in the same Urn he designed for his own (d) Iliad. ● : And when Achilles was dead, we find the Grecians put the Ashes of his Friend Antilochus into the same Urn with his, but those of Patroclus they not only reposited in the same Vessel, but mingled them together: Thus the Ghost of Agamemnon tells him at their Meeting in the Shades below (e) Od●ss ● v. 76. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Within this Urn your sad Remains are laid Mixed with the Bones of your Patroclus dead: In the same Urn Antilochus doth lie, His Bones not mixed with yours, but placed hand by; For much you did that worthy Chief esteem, Only Patroclus was preferred to him. Mr. Hutchin. Halcyone's Love carries her farther yet, for, her Husband Cey● having perished in a Tempest at Sea, she comforts herself in this, that, tho' his Body could not be found, yet their Names should be inscribed upon the same Monument, and, as it were, embrace each other (a) Ovides Met. lib. XI. v. 7●. ; — Crudelior ipso Sit mihi mens pelago, si vitam ducere nitar Longius, & tanto pugnem superesse dolori. Sed neque pugnabo, nec te, miserande, relinquam; En tibi nunc saltem veniam comes, inque sepulcro Si non urna, tamen junget nos litera, si non Ossibus ossa meis, at nomen nomine tangam. But I more cruel than the Sea should be, Could I have Thoughts to live deprived of thee, Could I but dare to struggle with my Pain, And fond hope behind thee to remain: Ah! no, dear Ceyx, I'll not leave thee so, I'll not contend with my too pressing Woe, Where e'er you lead Halcyone will go: And now at length, my dearest Lord, I come, And, tho' we are denied one common Tomb, Thou in one Urn our Ashes be not laid, On the same Marble shall our Names be read; In amorous Folds the circling Words shall join, And show how much I loved, how you was only mine. Mr. Hutchin. CHAPTER VII. Of their sepulchers, Monuments, Cenotaphia, etc. THE primitive Grecians were buried in Places prepared for that purpose in their own Houses (a) Pl●to Min●c ; the Thebans had once a Law, that no Person should build a House without providing a Repository for his Dead. It seems to have been very frequent even in later Ages to bury within their Cities; the most public and frequented Places whereof seem to have been best stored with Monuments: But this was a Favour not ordinarily granted, except to Men of great Worth, and public Benefactors; to such a● had raised themselves above the common Level, and were Examples of Virtue to succeeding Ages, or had deserved by some eminent Service to have their Memories honoured by Posterity. The Magnesians raised a Sepulchre for Themisto●les in the Midst of their F●ct●m (b) Plutarch Theo●●cie ; Eupl●on had the same Honour at Corinth (c) Xenophon 〈◊〉 lib. VII ; and it appears to have been common for Colonies to bury their Leaders, under whose Conduct they possessed themselves of new Habitations, in the Midst of their Cities (d) ●●ndars ●ci●●●as●es. . Temples were sometimes made Repositories for the Dead; whereof the primitive Ages afford us many Instances; insomuch that some have been of opinion, that the Honours paid to the Dead were the first Cause of erecting Temples (e) Vide Arch●eolog. ●ostr. lib II. cap. II. Nor are later Times wholly void of such Examples, for the Plataeans are said to have buried Euclides in the Temple of Diana Euclea, for his pious Labour in going a thousand Stadia in one Day to fetch some of the hallowed Fire from Delphi (f) Plutarch A●is●●de. : From which, with many other Instances, it appears, that this was looked on as a very great Favour, and granted as a Reward to public Services. Sometimes it was desired for Protection, as we learn from Medea's Case, who interred her two Sons in juno Acraea's Temple to secure them from the Malice of her Enemies (g) E●ripi● M●● v 1●78. , as has been already observed. But the Custom of most of the Grecians, in later Ages especially, was to bury their Dead out of their Cities, and chiefly by the Highways: Which seems to be done, either to preserve themselves from the noisome Smells, wherewith Graves might infect their Cities; or to prevent the Danger their Houses were exposed to, when Funeral Piles were set on Fire: Or, it may be, to fill the Minds of Travellers with Thoughts of Mortality; or to excite themselves to encounter any Dangers, rather than permit an Enemy to approach their Walls, and despoil the Monuments, or disturb the Peace of the Dead; Lastly, (to trouble you with no more different Opinions) others think it most probable, that this Custom was first introduced by a Fear of contracting Pollution from the Dead, of which I have already treated in a foregoing Chapter. But Lycurgus, as in most of his Institutions, so herein too differed from the rest of the Graecian Lawgivers; for, to cut off the Superstition of Burying-places, he allowed his Lacedæmonians to bury their Dead within their City, and even round about their Temples; to the end, their Youth by being used to such Spectacles might not be afraid to see a dead Body; and withal to rid them of the Conceit, that to touch a Corpse, or to tread upon a Grave, would defile a Man (a) Plutarch Lycurgo. . Every Family was wont to have their proper Buryingplace, to be deprived whereof was reputed one of the greatest Calamities that could befall them: Wherefore when the Lacedæmonians were resolved to conquer the Messenians, or lose all their Lives in the Attempt, we read that they bound Tickets to their right Arms containing their own and their Father's Names; that, if all should perish in the Battle, and their Bodies be so mangled, as not to be distinguished, those Notes might certify what Family they belonged to, that so they might be carried to the sepulchers of their Ancestors (b) justinus lib III. . The rest of the Grecians had the same Custom; whence (to trouble you with only one Instance more) there being a Law, that such as preserved not their Inheritance, should be deprived of the Sepulchre of their Fathers, Democritus, having spent his Estate in the Study of Philosophy, was in Danger of incurring that Penalty (c) I●●tius Democrito. . The common Graves of primitive Greece were nothing but Caverns dug in the Earth (d) Etymologies Auctor v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: But those of later Ages were more curiously wrought, they were commonly paved with Stone, had Arches built over them, and were adorned with no lesle Art and Care than the Houses of the Living; insomuch that Mourners commonly retired themselves into the Vaults of the Dead, and there lamented over their Relations for many Days and Nights together, as appears from Petronius' Story of the Ephesian Matron. Kings and great Men were anciently buried in Mountains, or at the Feet of them (e) Servius Ae●. XI. . Thus Aventinus Silvius was interred in the Hill, that received its Name from him (f) A●●●pus de orig. Gent. Roman. . Virgil reports the same of King Dercennus (g) Loc. cit. ; — Fuit ingens monte sub alto Regis Dercenni terreno ex aggere bustum. A Tomb beneath a mighty Mount they reared For King Dercennus.— Whence likewise appears the Custom of raising a Mount upon the Graves of great Persons, which Lucan has thus expressed, speaking of the Egyptians (a) Lib. VIII. , Et regum cineres exstructo monte quiescunt. Beneath a Mount their Monarch's Ashes rest. This consisted sometimes of Stone; whence Theseus in Euripides tells Hercules, the Athenians would honour his Corpse — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. With high-built Monuments of Stone.— But the common Materials were nothing but Earth, whence 'tis usually called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thus Euripides (b) Hecuba. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Mount, which o'er Achilles' Tomb was raised. To cast it up Homer calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, speaking of Hector's Tomb (c) Iliad. ●. fine. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Having a Tomb of Earth raised o'er his Grave They all departed.— The same Words he had used before in the Description of Patroclus' Funeral (d) Iliad. ●. : Antipater terms it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Antholog Epigr. lib. IU. tit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. . Under this fordid Tomb does Priam rest, Not that his Worth did not deserve the best, But 'cause his Enemies it raised.— 'Tis sometimes expressed by the more general Names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Thus Euripides, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. O'er my dead Mother's Corpse a Tomb I raised. The Author of the following Epigram has such another Expression (a) Antholog. lib. III tit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— What Care and Love the Nymphs to Hesiod showed, At their own Fountains in the Locrian Wood They bathed his life-less Corpse, and o'er't a Tomb they reared. Whence the Latin tumulus, which in its proper Sense imports no more than a Hillock, came to signify a Grave. Whatever the Materials were, they were usually laid together with Care and Art: Thus Homer witnesseth of Patroclus' Tomb (b) Iliad. ●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They enclosed th' Ground wherein the Grave was made, And cast in Earth upon it.— Where by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some understand the lorica, or enclosed Ground round the Grave, sometimes termed by the metaphorical Names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. and called by Pausanias' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. For the ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were composed of two Parts, one was the Grave, or Tomb, which was likewise termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a strict Sense of the Word, and is known by several other Names, mostly taken from its Form, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The second Part was the Ground surrounding the Grave, and fenced about with Pales, or Walls, but usually open at the Top, and therefore sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tombs of Stone were polished and adorned with greater Art; whence there is so frequent mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Euripid Alces●. v 8●6. .— And see the polished Tomb.— And again (a) Idem He●e●. v 9●2. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — Upon the polished Tomb. The Ornaments, wherewith sepulchers were beautified, were numerous. Pillars of Stone were very ancient, as appears from the Story of Idas' striking Pollux with a Pillar broken from his Grandfather Amyclas' Monument (b) ●●●●hron Cassan●●. v. 557. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Next with a Pillar Idas him shall strike, A Pillar plucked from th' hallowed Sepulchre Of Amycias.— Pindar calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Neruon. Odd X. , and Theocritus takes notice of the same Accident (d) Disec●rn. . These Pillars were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and frequently contained Inscriptions declaring the Family, Virtues, and whatever was remarkable in the Deceased, which were commonly described in Verses. The Sicyonians had no such Inscriptions (e) Pausani●● Cart●●●tacit. ; Lycurgus also would by no means allow of Talkotive Grave-stones, nor suffer so much as the Names to be inscribed, but only of such Men who died in the Wars, or Women in Childbed (f) Pluta●chus Lycurgo . Nor was it unusual at other Places to omit the Names of the Deceased, writing instead of them some moral Aphorism, or short Exhortation to the Living, such as this, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Virtuous and the Dead aught to be respected. Beside this, especially where there was no Inscription, they commonly added the dead Man's Essigies, or some other Resemblance pertinent to the Occasion, and signifying his Temper, Studies, Employment, or Condition. Virgins had commonly the Image of a Maid with a Vessel of Water upon their Tombs (g) Pollux lib. VIII. cap. VII. ; the former to represent the Deceased, the later to denote a Custom the young Men had of carrying Water to the sepulchers of unmarried Maids. A careful Housekeeper was represented by such Figures, as are mentioned in the following Epigram of Antipater upon Lysidice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I've often sought, tell me, Lysidice, What is the meaning of this Imagery, What mean these curious Figures round thy Tomb, What are they all designed for, and by whom? " I'll tell you, Sir, and first that Bird of Night " Shows how I used to spin by Candle-light; " That well-carved Bridle on the Side is meant " My well-ruled Family to represent; " My peaceful Temper next the Muzzle shows, " That I no Scold, or busy Tatler was. Mr. Hutchin. Diogenes the Cynic had a Dog engraven upon his Monument to denote the Temper of his Sect, or his own. Isocrates' Tomb was adorned with the Image of a Siren, Archimedes' with a Sphere, and Cylinder; whereby the charming Eloquence of the former, the Mathematical Studies of the later were signified. Nor was it unusual to fix upon Graves the Instruments which the Deceased had used: The Graves of Soldiers were distinguished by their Weapons, of Mariners by their Oars; and, in short, the Tools of every Art and Profession accompanied their Masters, and remained as Monuments to preserve their Memory. Hence Elpenor is introduced by Homer (a) Odyss ●. v. 75. begging of Ulysses to fix the Oar he used to row with, upon his Tomb, as ha● been already observed (b) Lib. III. c. XI p. 114. : Aeneas in Virgil performs the like Office to his Trumpeter Misenus (c) Aeneid. VI . These, with many other Ceremonies, were designed to perpetuate the Memory of the Deceased; whence their Graves were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Agamemnon reckons it a great Happiness to Achilles, that he was honoured with a Monument, that would continue his Name to Posterity (d) Odyss. ●. v. 35. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.— You are thrice happy, Godlike Peleus' Son, Who did at Troy resign your Breath.— And afterwards, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To thy great Name did warlike Grecians rear A large and never-fading Sepulchre, And this they placed upon a rising Mount Impending o'er the spacious Hellespont, That so both Ages present and to come From distant Shores might see thy sacred Tomb. Mr. Hutchin. But later Ages grew so extravagant in these Structures, that their Lawgivers were forced to keep them within Bounds, by inflicting severe Penalties upon such as exceeded their Prescriptions: Solon in particular is reported to have ordered that no Statues of Mercury (as had been customary, because Mercury was an Internal God) or arched Roofs should be made in the Athenian Monuments, and that they should never be greater than ten Men were able to erect in three Days; and Demetrius the Phalerean enacted a Law, that not above one Pillar, and that not exceeding three Cubits in Height, should be placed upon any Monument. It may not be improper to mention their Custom of praying for their Friends, and Men of Piety and Virtue, that the Earth might lie light upon them; for their Enemies, and all wicked Men, that it might press heavy upon them; for they thought the Ghosts, that still haunted their Shrowds, and were in love with their former Habitations, had a very acute Sense of all the Accidents that befell their Bodies. Hence the Chorus prays for Alcestis (a) Euripid. Alcestis. v. 462. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I wish the Earth may fall upon you light. Menelaus is introduced by the same Poet (b) Helen v. 857. arming himself against Death by this Consideration, that the Gods took care that such who died with Honour should have no Sense of any Pressure from the Earth, whereas Cowards should be crushed under it; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For if the Gods (and sure they all Things know) Have due regard for Mortals here below, They will not, cannot suffer those that die By the too powerful Force o'th' Enemy, If they with Courage have maintained their Post, And for the public Good their Lives have lost, To be o'erburthened with the heavy Weight Of Earth; but such as stand aghast at Fate, Base dastard Souls that shrink at every Blow, Nor dare to look on a prevailing Foe, These shall (nor is the Punishment unjust) Be crushed and tortured by avenging Dust. Mr. Hutchin. Theseus prays this Punishment may be inflicted upon wicked Phaedra (a) Senec. Hippolyt. fine. ; — Istam terra defossam premat Gravisque tellus impio capiti incubet. And may the Earth that is upon her laid, Lie heavy on her Corpse, and crush her cursed Head. Ammianus has ingeniously inverted this Order in this Epigram (b) Antholog. lib. II. tit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which Martial translates thus (c) Lib. IX. Epitaph. Philaen. ; Sat tibi terra levis, mollique tegaris arena, Ne tua non possint cruere ossa canes. Let there be one, who lighter Dust, or Sand Shall sprinkle o'er your Corpse with sparing Hand, So to the Dogs you'll be an easier Prey. Pass we now to the Monuments erected in honour of the Dead, but not containing any of their Remains, and thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of these there were two sorts: One was erected to such Persons, as had been honoured with Funeral Rites in another Place; of which we find frequent mention in Pausanias (a) Articis, Messentcis, Eliac. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Baeoticit. , who speaks of such honorary Tombs dedicated to Euripides, Aristomenes, Achilles, Dameon, Tiresias, etc. The second sort was erected for those that had never obtained a ●ust Funeral▪ for the Ancients were possessed with an Opinion, that the Ghosts of Men unburied could have no Admittance into the blessed Regions, but were forced to wander in Misery an hundred Years: Now when any Man had perished in the Sea, or any other Place where his Carcase could not be found, the only Method of giving him Repose was to erect a Sepulchre, and by repeating three Times with a loud Voice the Name of the Deceased ●call his Ghost to the Habitation prepared for it, which Action was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This Practice seems to be very ancient: Pelias is introduced in Pindar (b) Pythionic. Od. IU. telling jason he must recall the Soul of Phryx●●, who died in Colchis, into his native Country; Aeneas in Virgil performs the same Office to Deïphobus (c) Aeneid. VI v. 505. , Tunc egomet tumulum Rhoeteo in litore inanem Constitui, & magna manes ter voce vocavi. Thy Tomb I reared on the Rhoetean Coast, And thrice aloud called back thy wandering Ghost. Ausonius has elegantly described, and assigned the reason of this Custom (d) Praesat. Parentalium. ; Hoc satis & tumulis, satis & telluris egenis; Voce ciere animas funeris instar habet: Gaudent compositi cineres sua nomina dici; Frontibu● hoc scriptis & monumenta jubent: Ille etiam moesti cui defuit urna sepulcri, Nomine ter dicto pene sepulius crit. Small is the Prîv'lege that th' unburied crave, No Grave, or decent Burial they have, We only 'stead of pompous Funeral Aloud upon their wandering Manes call; This they command, with this they most are pleased And empty Monuments with Inscriptions raised: For he, whose Manes have been so recalled, Thou his dead Corpse of fit Interment failed, Is nigh as happy, and as fully blest As he, whose Bones beneath a Tombstone rest. Mr. Hutchin. Many Instances of this nature may be met with in all the Poets. The Sign, whereby Honorary sepulchers were distinguished from others, was commonly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a Wreck of a Ship (a) Th●●c●it. Idyll 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v 207. , to signify the Decease of that Person in some foreign Country. It may be expected, that I should add something concerning the Sacredness of sepulchers. These, with all other Things belonging to the Dead, were had in so great Esteem, that to deface, or any way violate them, was a Crime no lesle than Sacrilege, and thought to entail certain Ruin upon all Person● guilty of it. Examples of this nature are too common to be enumerated in this Place; wherefore I shall only set down that of Idas, who upon breaking one of the Pillars in Aphareus' Sepulchre was immediately thunderstruck by jupiter (a) Th●●c●it. Idyll 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v 207. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For, to revenge fallen ●ynceus's hasty Doom, He tore a Pillar from the sacred Tomb, To dart at Castor, dreadfully he stood, The fierce Revenger of his Brother's Blood; jove interposed, and by his strict Command Swift lightning struck the Marble from his Hand; He strove to reach it, but his Soul was fired, He fell, and in no common Destiny expired. Mr. Creech It has been a Question, whether the Cenotaphia had the same religious Regard, that was paid to sepulchers where the Remains of the Deceased were reposited: For the Resolution hereof it may be observed, that such of them, as were only erected for the Honour of the Dead, were not held so sacred as to call for any Judgement upon such as profaned them; but the rest, wherein Ghosts were thought to reside, seem to have been in the same Condition with sepulchers, the Want whereof they were designed to supply. CHAPTER VIII. Of their Funeral Orations, Games, Lustrations, Entertainments, Consecrations, and other Honours of the Dead, etc. BEFORE the Company departed from the Sepulchre, they were sometimes entertained with a Panegyric upon the dead Person. Such of the Athenians as died in War, had an Oration solemnly pronounced by a Person appointed by the public Magistrate: Nor was this thought a Recompense equal to their Deserts, except it was repeated constantly upon an anniversary Day (a) Cicero de Orat. . These Customs were not very ancient, being first introduced by Solon, or (as some say) by Pericles; but were generally received not in Greece only, but at Rome; and it was thought no small Accession to the Happiness of the Deceased to be eloquently commended; for we find Pliny completing his Account of Virginius Rufus' Felicity in this, that his Funeral Oration was pronounced by one of the most eloquent Tongues of that Age (b) Lib. II. Ep. I . It was farther customary for Persons of Quality to institute Games with all sorts of Exercises, to render the Death of their Friends more remarkable. This Practice was generally received, and is frequently mentioned by ancient Writers; Miltiades' Funeral in Herodotus, Brasulas' in Thucydides, Timoleon's in Plutarch, with many others, afford Examples hereof: Nor was it a Custom of later Ages, but very common in the primitive Times; Pa●rodus's Funeral Games take up the greatest Part of one of Homer's Iliads (c) Iliad. ●. , and Agamemnon's Ghost is introduced by the same Poet telling the Ghost of Achilles that he had been a Spectator at great Numbers of such Solemnities (d) Odyss. ●. v 85. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Your Mother full of Piety and Love Craves first a Blessing from the Powers above, Then she doth rich Rewards and Prizes state, While sprightly Youths the Games do celebrate; I've been at many Games, great Piles surveyed, Which eternize heroic Chiefs when dead, But none can equal Wonders seem to be, As those the pious Thetis made for thee. Mr. Abe● In the Age before, we find Oedipus' Funeral solemnised with Sports, and Hercules is said to have celebrated Games at the Death of Pelops (a) Dionysius Halicarnass. lib. V. . The first that had this Honour was Azan the Son of Arcas the Father of the Arcadians, whose Funeral, as Pausani●s reports (b) Arcadi●is. , was celebrated with Horse-races. The Prizes were of different sorts and Value, according to the Quality and Magnificence of the Per●on that instituted them. The Garlands given to Victors were usually of Parsley, which was thought to have some particular Relation to the Dead, as being feigned to spring out of Archemorus' Blood, whence it became the Crown of Conquerors in the Nemean Games, which were first instituted at his Funeral (c) Vide Archaeolog. nostr lib II. cap. penult. & ult. . 'Twas a general Opinion that dead Bodies polluted all Things about them; this occasioned Purifying after Funerals, which Virgil has thus described (d) Aeneid. lib. VI v. 229. ; Idem ter socios pura circumtulit unda, Spargens rore levi, & ramo felicis olivae, Lustravitque viros.— Then, carry'ng Water thrice about his Mates, And sprinkling with an Olive-twig, their Fates Good Chorinaeus wisely expiates. Several other ways of Purification may be met with, but these, containing nothing peculiar to Funerals, and being described in one of the precedent Books, have no claim to any Mention in this Place. Till this Purification was accomplished, the polluted Person could not enter into the Temples, or communicate at the Worship of the Gods; whence Iphigenia speaks the following Words concerning Diana (e) 〈◊〉. Iphigeneia. Tauric. ●80. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The superstitious Tricks and Niceties Of strict Diana's Worship I dislike, Since of departed Friends the farewell Touch, All Murder done in Passion, or elsewise, And Acts of Venery she doth reject, As great Pollutions of her sacred Rites, Actors herein proscribing from her Gifts. Mr. Abel. Nor was it Diana alone, of whom the Poet speaks, that had such an Aversion to these Pollutions; but the rest of the Gods and Goddesses were of the same Temper. Lucian, in hi● Treatise concerning the Syrian Goddess, tells us, that, when any Person had seen a Corpse, he was not admitted into her Temple till the Day following, and not then except he had first purified himself; and the general U●e of this Custom (a) Suid●●, v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A●istophan. Scholiast. Nubt●us. shows, that the rest of the Celestial Being's were equally afraid of Defilement. This may farther appear from its being unlawful for those Persons to enter into the Temples, who were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (b) Hes●chius in utraque voce. , i e. such as were thought Dead, but after the Performance of their Funeral Rites recovered; or such who were reported to be Dead in some foreign Country, and unexpectedly returned: These Men were prohibited from worshipping any of the Gods; Hesychius mentions only the Eumenideses, but others speak of the Gods in general: Whence Aristinus was forced to send Messengers to consult the Delphian Oracle what Method he should use to be freed from Pollution, where he received this Answer; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. All Forms and Customs which Childbirth attend, The same must you to th' angry Gods commend. Whereupon he was washed, swaddled, and treated in all other respects as newborn Infants, and then received into Communion. But, as my Author (c) Plutarch Q●●est. R●man. haud long ab initio. proceeds, others make this Custom much ancienter than Aristinus, carrying it up as high as the primitive Ages. The House too was purified; an Instance whereof we have in Homer (d) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 481. , where Ulysses, having slain Penelope's Courtiers, and carried them out of his House, thus bespeaks his old Nurse; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Fetch Brimstone hither, Nurse, and Fire, that I My tainted Dwellinghouse may purifyings. Afterwards the Poet adds (a) V. 492. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strait trusty Eurycle performed his Will, Then he with sulphurous Smoke the House doth fill, And chased th' Infection from polluted Rooms. But the Lacedæmonians were taught by their Lawgiver to contemn these superstitious Follies, and think it unreasonable to fancy, that such as lived a virtuous Life, and conformably to their Discipline, should contract any Pollution by Death: On the contrary, they were more inclined to esteem their Remains worthy of all Respect and Honour, and therefore no Places so fit to reposit them in, as those adjoining to the T●mples of their Gods (b) Plutarch Lycurgo. . After the Funeral was over, the Company met together at the House of the deceased Person's nearest Relations, to divert them from Sorrow. Here there was an Entertainment provided (c) Dem●sthenes Orat. de Corona, Lu●ia●●s Dialog. de luctu. , which was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Thus (to omit other Instances) the Trojans, having celebrated Hector's Funeral, were splendidly entertained at King Priam's Palace (d) I●iad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. fine. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Tomb being raised, they orderly resort In pensive Crowds unto King Priam's Court, Where a rich Banquet cheerful Mirth invites, And sparkling Wine whets their palled Appetites. Mr. Abel. The same Custom may be observed in the Graecian Camp with this Difference, that Achilles entertained them before Patroclus' Funeral (e) I●iad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 28. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 While great Achilles doth prepare the Meat For th' Funeral Banquet, thronging Grecians sit About the Hero's Ship; whole Herds he kills Of huge, fat Oxen roaring while he spills Their Lives, that issue from their reeking Wounds; Whole Flocks of Sheep he kills; the Air resounds, While Goats and fatted Swine make hideous roar, When purple Streams from their gashed Throats do pour, These having killed he roasts: the while the Blood. Around the Corpse in a great Current flowed. Mr. Abel. By which last Words it appears, the dead Person had some Interest in these Entertainments; and as the Blood of the Beasts was designed for Patroclus' Ghost, so, even in later Ages, we are told the broken Morsels that fell from the Tables were looked on as sacred to the departed Souls, and not lawful to be eaten (a) Athenai 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. X. . To this Fancy Pythagoras' Aphorism, tho' perhaps containing a more mystical Sense, was an undoubted Allusion (b) ●actius ●●t●ag●ra , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. Take not up Things fallen down; or, as others express it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. Do not ●o much as taste Things fallen under the Table: These Fragments were ●●rry'd to the Tomb, and there left for the Ghost to feast upon; whence to denote extreme Poverty, it was usual to say that a Person stole his Meat from the Graves: To this T●bullus's Curse alludes, ●psa same stimularte surens, es●asque sepulcro Quaerat, & à savis ossa relicta lupis. May she want Bread so much as even to crave The Scraps and musty Morsels of a Grave; May she be glad to pick a Carcase Bone, Which Wolves and Vultures once have said upon. Mr. Abel. The Entertainments of later Ages consisted not, like Homer's, 〈◊〉 Flesh only, but all sorts of Pulse (a) Plutarch Problemat. , Beans, Pease, with Lettuces, Parsley, Eggs, and many other Things. The chief Subject of Discourse at these Meetings were the Praises of the Dead, especially if they had been eminent for any Virtue, or commendable Quality: Otherwise, so great was the Simplicity of primitive Ages that they looked upon it most expedient to say nothing; when by speaking they must unavoidably offend the dead Man, or transgress the Rules of Truth, both which were thought equally criminal. But afterwards they grew more lavish of their Commendations, distributing to all Persons without Distinction; whence came the Proverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was only applied to Villains of the first Rate, and such as had not the least Shadow of a good Quality to recommend them. There was a Custom at Argos obliging those that had lo●● any of their Kindred, or Acquaintance, to sacrifice to 〈◊〉 presently after Mourning, and thirty Days after to Mercury o● of an opinion that, as the Earth received their Bodies, so their Soul● fell into Mercury's Hands: The Barley of the Sacrifice they gave to Apollo's Minister; the Flesh they took themselves, and having extinguished the sacrificial Fire, which they accounted polluted, kindled another, whereon they boiled the Flesh, calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) 〈◊〉 Q●●st. C●●● p. 2●6, 297. ed●● Paris. , from the Fumes ascending from the burned Sacrifice, and termed i● Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Honours paid to the sepulchers and Memories of the Deceased were of divers sorts: It was frequent to place Lamps in the subterraneous Vaults of the Dead; whither such, as would express an extraordinary Affection for their Relations, retired, and cloistered themselves up; an Example whereof we have in Petronius' Ephesian Matron. They had a Custom of bedecking Tombs with Herbs and Flowers, amongst which Parsley was chiefly in use, as appears from Plutarch's Story of Timol●on, who, marching up an Ascent from th● Top of which he might take a View of the Army, and Strength of the Carthaginians, was met by a Company of Mules loaden with Parsly; which (saith my Author) his Soldiers conceived to be a very illboding and fatal Occurrence, that being the very Herb, wherewith we adorn the sepulchers of the Dead; this Custom gave Birth to that despairing Proverb, when we pronounce 〈◊〉 one dangerously sick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he has need of nothing but Parsley; which is in effect to say, He's a dead Man and ready for his Grave. All sorts of purple and white Flowers were acceptable to the Dead, as amaranthus, which was first used by the Thessalians to adorn Achilles' Grave (a) Phil str●●s Heroicis. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) 〈◊〉 lib VI 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athen●u● lib. XIV. , which some will have to be the Jasmin, with Lilies, and several others: Hence Virgil (c) Ae●eid V. v. ●●. , Purpurcosque jacit flores, ac talia fatur. He, having purple Flowers strawed, thus spoke. In the subsequent Book he alludes to the same Custom (d) A●●●l. VI v. 88●. ; Heu, miserande puer, siqua fata aspera rumpas, Tu Marcelius cris, manibus date lilia plenis, Purpurcos spargam flores, animamque ne●●tis His saltem accumulem donis.— Ah! couldst thou break through Fate's severe Decree, A new Marcellus shall arise in thee: Full Canisters of fragrant Lilies bring And all the curious Drap'ry of the Spring; Let me with purple Flowers his Body strew, This Gift, which Parents to their Children owe, This unavailing Gift at least I may bestow. The Rose too was very grateful; whence Anacreon has these Verses in his Ode upon that Flower; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When Age and Vigour do decay, The Rose their Strength repairs, It drives ●ll Maladies away, And can prolong our Years; The Dead too in their Graves do lie With peaceful Slumbers blest, This is the Amulet, hereby No Ills their Tombs molest. Mr. Abel. Nor was the Use of Myrtle lesle common; whence Furipides introduces Electra complaining that Agamemnon's Tomb had never been adorned with Boughs of that Plant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Ne'er with Libations and Myrtle-boughs Were my dear Father's Manes gratified. In short, Graves were bedecked with Garlands of all sorts of Flowers, as appears from Agamemnon's Daughter in Sophocles (a) 〈◊〉 v 286. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. No sooner came I to my Father's Tomb, But Milk fresh poured in copious Streams did flow, And Flowers of every sort around were strawed. These were commonly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) 〈…〉, Auctor. , either from their Design to express Love and Respect to the deceased Person; or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they were usually composed of a Collection of several sorts of Flowers; or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being laid upon the Earth; tho' neither of these last Reasons are constant, for the Garlands were sometimes composed of only one sort of Flowers, and frequently hung upon the Pillars, and not laid upon the Grave-stone. Several other Things were frequently placed upon Graves; as Ribbons, whence 'tis said that Epaminondas' Soldiers being disanimated at seeing the Ribbon that hung upon his Spear carried by the Wind to a certain Lacedaemonian Sepulchre, he bid them take courage, for that it portended Destruction to the Lacedæmonians, it being customary to deck the sepulchers of their Dead with Ribbons (c) ●ro●tinus, lib I. cap ●II. . Another Thing dedicated to the Dead, was their Hair; Electra in Sophocles says that Agamemnon had commanded her and Chrysothemis to pay him this Honour, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— With Drink-off●rings, and Locks of Hair we must, According to his Will, his Tomb adorn. Canace in Ovid (d) 〈◊〉 Ca●as. ad Maca●. bewails her Calamity in that she was not permitted to adorn her Lover's Tomb with her Locks, as has been already observed. It was likewise customary to presume the Grave-stones with sweet Ointments; to which Practice Anacreon has this Allusion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Why do we precious Ointments shower, Nobler Wines why do we pour, Beauteous Flowers why do we spread Upon the Monuments of the Dead? Nothing they but Dust can show, Or Bones that hasten to be so, Crown me with Roses while I live. Mr. Cowley. Whence Leonidas seems to have borrowed the Sense of this Epigram, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When cold and lifeless in my Grave I'm laid, No fragrant Oil then pour, no Chaplets spread: All explatory Fires, all Rites are vain, Wine only can my fruitless Ashes slain: Come, let's carouse, let's revel while we live, 'Twill elevate our Souls, 'twill Ease to Troubles give. Mr. Abel. To these Practices we find another added, viz. running naked about sepulchers; for Plutarch (a) Alexandro. tells us, that Alexander, arriving at Troy, honoured the Memories of the Heroes buried there with solemn Libations, anointed Achilles' Grave-stone, and (according to ancient Custom) together with his Friends ran naked about his Sepulchre, and crowned it with Garlands. Beside the foremention'd Ceremonies, there remain several others, especially their Sacrifices, and Libations to the Dead: The Victims were black and barren Heifers, or black Sheep, as being of the same sort with those offered to the Infernal Gods to denote the Contrariety of those Regions to Light and Fruitfulness; Whence Homer introduces Ulysses making a vow to the Ghosts after this manner (a) Odyss ● v 29. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A barren Cow to all the Powers below I did with solemn Protestation vow, If e'er I should again my Lordship see After the perilous Wand'ring on the Sea, Their Altars then I likewise swore to load With Fruits and other Offerings as were good But the best of our black Rams I could choose Tiresias I promised with chaste Vows. Mr. Abel. Beside their offering these Sacrifices in Ditches, and some other Customs spoken of in one of the former Books (b) Lib. II. cap IV , it may be observed farther, that the first Thing they offered was the Hair upon the Victim's Forehead, which for that reason was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to offer it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: But however these Terms are sometimes used for the Sacrifices of the Ghosts, yet the Custom of offering these First-fruits was common to the Sacrifices of the Celestial and other Deities, as appears from several Instances: Homer mentions it at one of Minerva's Sacrifices (c) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Having invoked Minerva with his Prayers, He on the Altar threw the Forehead Hairs. In another Place he speaks of it as acceptable to all the Gods (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of a Sow's Forehead having burned the Hairs, To all the Gods He offers fervent Prayers. But their ordinary Offerings were nothing but Libations of Blood, Honey, Wine, Milk, Water, etc. Upon which they commonly sprinkled Barly-flower. Some of these are mentioned in Homer (a) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 26. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. We did with Reverence the Shades adore, We first did Honey mixed with Water pour, Then Wine, then simple Water, and next Barly-Flow'r. They were designed to render the Ghosts kind and propitious, and therefore termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Iphigenia in Euripides thus describes them (b) Iphigeneia Tauric. v 159 , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— To whom I in this sacred Chalice bear These solemn Liquids as an Offering, This Blood in crimson Streams shall slain the Ground, With Wine, and th' Product of the sed'lous Bee The common Peace-atonement for the Dead. Mr. Abel. These were sometimes offered upon Altars, which were commonly placed near the ancient sepulchers, with Tables for the sacrificial Feasts; sometimes they were poured forth upon the Ground, or Grave-stone, and, together with a certain Form of Words, offered to the Deceased. Thus Helena desires Hermione to address Clytaemnestra in her Name (c) 〈…〉 v. 112. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Daughter Hermione, come forth and take These Offerings to thy dear Aunt's Sepulchre, These Looks of my Hair, and this Honey mixed With Milk, and this Wine to pour o'er her Grave, Which having done, stand on its Top, and say, " Thy Sister Helen to declare her Love " Offers these Rites to thy dear Memory. Mr. Abel. The Water thus employed was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and at Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Eustathius Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. . When Persons died that had been married, there was a Custom for certain Women to carry Water to their Graves, who from pouring it forth were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Etymolo●ici Auctor. . When a young Man, or Maid died, the Water was carried by a Boy (c) Idem. , or (which to some may appear more probable) by a Boy to the sepulchers of young Men, by a Maid to the sepulchers of Maids, whence came the Custom of erecting Images representing Maids with Vessels of Water upon the sepulchers of such as died in their Virginity, as was observed in the foregoing Chapter, tho' I have there interpreted this Custom so as to agree with the former Opinion. As for those that died in their Infancy, they were honoured with no Libations, nor had any right to the rest of the Funeral Solemnities (d) Plutarch liber consola●. ad uxorem. . These Honours were paid the Dead the ninth and thirtieth Days after Burial (e) P●ll●x lib. III. cap. X. , and repeated when any of their Friends arrived, that had been absent at the Solemnity, and upon all other Occasions that required their surviving Relations to have them in memory. But some Part of the Month Anthesterion seems to have been especially set apart for these Ceremonies in several of the Graecian Cities. Athen●us reports in particular of the Apolloni●●ae (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. VIII. , that they paid the Dead the customary Honours in this Month: Hesychius (g) Voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. likewise reports, that the same Custom was observed at Athens, and that they termed the Days appointed for these Solemnities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were by others called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (h) Suidas. , as being polluted by their Dedication to the Dead, whose Ghosts were thought to ascend from their subterraneous Habitations, to enjoy th● kind Entertainment of their Friends (i) Luctanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ; the want hereof was thought a great Calamity, and therefore is reckoned by Cassandra amongst the manifold Misfortunes of the Trojans, that they should have no surviving Friends to offer Sacrifices at their Tombs, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — Nor shall one Friend remain To slain their desert sepulchers with Blood. Upon these public Days they called over the Names of all their dead Relations one by one, excepting such as died under Age, or forfeited their Title to these Honours by dissipating their paternal Inheritances, or other Crimes. There was likewise another Time, when they called over the Names of the Dead, which, being omitted in the foregoing Chapters, I shall speak of in this Place: It was when they lost their Friends in foreign Countries, whence before they departed they called the Names of all that were missing out of their Company three times: Thus Ulysses in Homer declares he did, when he lost some of his Men in a Battle with the Coones (a) Odyss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v 64. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. My high-built Ships I launched not from the Shore, A better Fate and Voyage to explore, Till I had singly thrice called o'er my Friends, Who by Ciconians came t' untimely Ends. Mr. Abel. Hercules in Theocritus calls Hylas three times (b) Idyll 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v 58 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. His much loved Hylas perished in the Flood He called on thrice as loud as e'er he could. The Reasons of this Custom were, according to john Tzetzes (c) Chiliad V. H●st XIV , partly, that such as were left behind might upon hearing the Noise repair to their Ships; and partly to testify their Unwillingness to depart without their Companions; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was a Custom amongst all ancient Greeks, That He, who, traveling into foreign Parts, Did die, should by surviving Friends be called Thrice, as a Token of their mutual Love, Hence all that were alive then joined their Voice, As Homer in his Odyssey attests. Mr. Abel. To return, they had anniversary Days, on which they paid their Devotions to the Dead: These were sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being celebrated upon the Festival of Nemesis, who was thought to have especial Care for the Honours of the Dead (a) Mosch●pula●, Sallas ; sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Hesychius, 〈◊〉. , as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Su●●●, etc. , the reason of which Name seems to be, that it signifies the anniversary Day of a Man's Nativity, which after his Death was solemnised with the same Ceremonies, that were used upon the Anniversary of his Death (d) ●uda●, Hesychius, Thav●●●u●, 〈◊〉, etc. , which was properly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Hence it is, that these two Words are commonly thought to signify the same Solemnity. The Honours of the Dead were distinguished according to the Quality and Worth of the Person, they were conferred on. Such as by their Virtues, and public Services had raised themselves above the common Level, had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Honours of Heroes; the Participation hereof was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Others, that had distinguished themselves from the former, were raised a Degree higher, and reckoned among the Gods, which Consecration was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and was very different from the former; to worship the former Persons being only termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the later 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The later Honour was very rare in the Heroic Times▪ but in subsequent Ages, when great Examples of Virtue were not so frequent, and Men more addicted to Flattery, it became more cheap; insomuch that those Persons, whom former Ages had only worshipped as Heroes, were afterwards accounted Gods; an Instance whereof we have (to omit several others) in Lampsace, one of Plutarch's Her oines (e) Lib. de Mul●erem claris fact● . The Athenians are especially remarkable for immoderate and profuse Distributions of these Honours, and it is generally observed that that Nation exceeded all the rest of the Grecians in the Arts of Flattery and Superstition, as appears from several Instances in the precedent Books. I shall observe in the last Place, that these and the rest of the Honours of the Dead were thought most acceptable, when offered by their nearest Friends; when by their Enemies, were rejected with Indignation: Whence Sophocles introduces Electra advising her Sister Chrysothemis, that she should by no means offer Clytaemnestra's Gifts to Agamemnon (a) Elect●a v 432. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dear Sister, don't attempt his Tomb t' approach With a Design of offering those Gifts; Since the Infernal Manes do detest, As heinous, Rites paid by an Enemy. Mr. Abel. For Men were thought to retain the same Affections after Death, which they had entertained when alive. This appears farther from the Story of Ete●●les and Polynices, Oedipus' Sons; who having killed each other in single Combat, and being burned in the same Pile, the Flames of their Bodies would not unite, but by parting from each other demonstrated the irreconcilable and immortal Hatred of the Brethren, as we are informed by Bianor's following Epigram; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Within thy Walls, O Thebes, two Brothers lie, Who, tho' deceased, cease not their Enmity; For from their Bodies on the Pile do fly, Enraged Corpuscles justling in the Sky, With pointed Fury eagerly they meet, Then in Aversion scornfully retreat, Unhappy Youths, by th' Fates denied to have The peaceful Slumbers of a quiet Grave. Mr. Abel. Lycophron has furnished us with the parallel Example of Mopsus and Amphilochus, who, having slain each other, were buried in the opposite Sides of an Hill, left their Ghosts should be disturbed by having their sepulchers within sight of one another (a) Cassandr. v. 443. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. An high and craggy Mount Megarsus named Shall stand amidst the sacred Monuments, Left the grieved Manes should offended be To see each other's Tomb by Slaughter stained. Mr. Abel. CHAPTER IX. Of their Love of Boys. WHO it was that first introduced the Custom of loving Boys into Greece, is uncertain: However (to omit the infamous Amours of jupiter, Orpheus, Lajus of Thebes, and others) we find it generally practised by the ancient Grecians, and that not only in private, but by the public Allowance and Encouragement of their Laws: For they thought there could be no means more effectual to excite their Youth to noble Undertake, nor any greater Security to their Commonwealths, than this generous Passion. This the Invaders of their Liberties so often experienced, that it became a received Maxim in the Politics of Tyrants, to use all their Endeavours to extirpate it out of their Dominions; some Instances whereof we have in Athenaeus (b) Lib. XIII . On the contrary, free Commonwealths, and all those States, that consulted the Advancement of their own Honour, seem to have been unanimous in establishing Laws to encourage and reward it. Let us take a view of some few of them. First we shall find it to have been so generally practised, so highly esteemed in Crete, that such of their wellborn and beautiful Youths as never had any Lovers, incurred the public Censure, as Persons some way or other faulty in their Morals; as if nothing else could hinder, but that some one's Affections would be placed upon them. But those that were more happy in being admired, were honoured with the first Seats at public Exercises, and wore, for a distinguishing Badge of Honour, a sort of Garment richly adorned; this they still retained after they had arrived to Man's estate, in memory they had once been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eminent (a) Strabo lib. X. , for that was the Name the Cretans gave to Youths that had Lovers, the Lovers themselves were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One Thing was remarkable in this Place, that the Lovers always took their Boys by force; for having placed their Affections upon any one, they gave notice of it to his Relations, and withal certified them what Day they designed to take him: If the Lover was unworthy of the Boy, they refused to yield him up; but if his Quality and Virtues were answerable, they made some slight Opposition to satisfy the Law, and pursued him to his Lodgings, but then gave their consent: After this the Lover carried the Boy whither he pleased, the Persons that were present at the Rape, bearing him company; he entertained him some time, two Months at the farthest, with Hunting, and such Diversions, than returned him home: At his Departure, 'twas ordered by Law, that the Boy should receive a Suit of Armour, an Ox and a Cup, to which the Lover usually added out of his own Bounty several other Presents of value. The Boy, being returned home, sacrificed the Ox to jupiter, made an Entertainment for those that had accompanied him in his Flight, and gave an account of the Usage he had from his Lover, for in case he was rudely treated, the Law allowed him Satisfaction (b) Idem. . 'Tis farther affirmed by Maximus the Tyrian, that during all the Time of their Converse together, nothing unseemly, nothing repugnant to the strictest Laws of Virtue passed between them (c) Dissert. X. ; and however some Authors are inclined to have hard Thoughts of this Custom, yet the Testimonies of many others, with the high Characters given by the Ancients of the old Cretan Constitutions, by which it was approved, are sufficient to vindicate it from all false Imputations: The same is put beyond Dispute by what Strabo tells us (d) Loc. cit. , that 'twas not so much the external Beauty of a Boy, as his virtuous Disposition, his Modesty, and Courage, that recommended him. From the Cretans pass we to the Lacedæmonians, several of whose Constitutions were derived from Crete. Their Love of Boys was remarkable all over Greece, and for the whole Conduct and excellent Consequences of it every where admired. There was no such Thing as Presents passed between the Lovers, no foul Arts were used to insinuate themselves into one another's Affections▪ their Love was generous and worthy the Spartan Education; ●● was first entertained from a mutual Esteem of one another's Virtue, and the same Cause, that first inspired the Flame, did alon● serve to nourish and continue it. It was not tainted with so much as a Suspicion of Immodesty; Agesilaus is said to have refused so much as to kiss the Boy he loved (a) Plutarch Apophthegm. , for fear of Censure: And if a Person attempted any Thing upon a Youth beside what consisted with the strictest Rules of Modesty, the Laws (however encouraging a virtuous Love) condemned him to Disgrace (b) Xenoph●● de Rep. Laced. Plutarch Institut. ●●te●●●. , whereby he was deprived of almost all the Privileges of free Denizens. The same Practice was allowed the Women towards their own Sex, and was so much in Fashion among them, that the most stayed and virtuous Matrons would publicly own their Passion for a modest and beautiful Virgin (c) Plutarch ●●curgo. , which is a farther Confirmation of the Innocency of this Custom. Maximus the Tyrian (d) Dissert. X. assures us the Spartans' loved their Boys no otherwise than a Man may be enamoured with a beautiful Statue, which he proves from what Plutarch (e) L●curgo. likewise reports, that tho' several men's Fancy▪ met in one Person, yet did not that cause any Strangeness, ●● Jealousy among them, but was rather the Beginning of a very intimate Friendship, whilst they all jointly conspired to render the belov'd Boy the most accomplished in the World: For the End of this Love was, that the young Men might be improved in all virtuous and commendable Qualities, by conversing with Men of Probity and Experience; whence the Lover and the Beloved shared the Honour and Disgrace of each oath r; the Lover especially was blamed if the Boy offended, and suffered what Punishment was due to his Fault (f) Ae●●● Var. Hist. lib. XIII. ; Plutarch has a Story of a Spartan fined by the Magistrates, because the Lad, whom he loved, cried out esteminately, whilst he was fight (g) Lycurgo. . The same Love continued, when the Boy was come to Man's estate; he still preserved his former Intimacy with his Lover, imparted to him all his Designs, and was directed by his Counsels, as appears from another of Plutarch's Relations concerning Cleomenes, who, before his Advancement to the Kingdom, was beloved by one Xenares, with whom he ever after maintained a most intimate Friendship, till he went about his Project of new modelling the Commonwealth, which Xenares not approving departed from him, but still remained faithful to him, and concealed his Designs (h) Plutarch swor d●. . If we pass from Sparta to Athens we shall find that there Solon forbade Slaves to love Boys, making that an honourable Action, and as it were inviting (these are Plutarch's (i) Solone. Words) the worthy to practice, what he commanded the unworthy to forbear. That Lawgiver himself is said to have loved Pisistratus (a) Idem loc. cit , and the most eminent Men in that Commonwealth submitted to the same Passion. Socrates, who died a Martyr for disowning the Pagan Idolatry, is very remarkable for such Amours, yet seems not whilst alive to have incurred the least Suspicion of Dishonesty; for what else could be the Cause, that, when Callias, Thrasymachus, Aristophanes, Anytus and Melitus, with the rest of his Enemies, accused him for teaching Critias to tyrannize, for Sophistry, for contempt of the Gods, and other Crimes, yet never so much as upbraided him with impure Love, or for writing, or discoursing upon that Subject. And tho' some Persons, especially in later Ages, and perhaps unacquainted with the Practice of the old Grecians, have called in question the Philosopher's Virtue in this Point, yet both he, and his Scholar Plato are sufficiently vindicated from that Imputation by Maximus the Tyrian (b) Dissert. VIII, IX. X, XI. , to whom I refer the Reader. The Innocency of this Love may farther appear from their severe Laws enacted against immodest Love, whereby the Youths, that entertained such Lovers, were declared infamous, and rendered inca●●pable of public Employments, and the Persons that prostituted them condemned to die; several other Penalties were likewise ordered to deter all Men from so heinous and detestable a Crime, as appears from the Laws of Athens described in one of the foregoing Books (c) Lib. I. p. 161, 162. . Many other Examples of this nature might be produced, but I shall only instance in one more: It shall be taken from the Thebans, whose Lawgivers, Plutarch tells us (d) Pe●opida. , encouraged this excellent Passion to temper the Manners of their Youth. Nor were they disappointed of their Expectation, a pregnant Evidence whereof (to omit others) we have in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or sacred Band; it was a Party of three hundred chosen Men, composed of Lovers and their Beloved, and therefore called sacred; it gained many important Victories, was the first that ever overcame the Spartans' (whose Courage till then seemed irresistible) upon equal Terms, and was never beaten till the Battle at Chaeronea; after which King Philip taking a view of the Slain, and coming to the Place, where these three hundred, who had fought his whole Phalanx, lay dead together, he was struck with Wonder, and understanding that 'twas the Band of Lovers, he said weeping, Let them perish, who suspect that these Men either did, or suffered any Thing base. Before I conclude this Chapter, it may be necessary to observe, that the Lover was called by the Spartans' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, as others write it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the Beloved was termed by the Thessalians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thus Theocritus (a) Idyll. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 12. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Greek Scholiast derives both the Names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the Lover's being inspired with Affection by his Beloved, and other ancient Grammarians agree with him herein. CHAPTER X. Of their Customs in expressing their Love, their Love-potions, Incantations, etc. LOVERS had several ways of discovering their Passion, and expressing the Respect they had for their Beloved. Every Tree in the Walks they frequented, every Wall of their Houses, every Book they used, had inscribed upon it the belov'd Name with the Epither of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whence Lucian (b) Amator , relating a Story of one desperately in Love with Venus Cnidia, after other Expressions of his Passion, adds that there was never a Wall, or Tree, but what proclaimed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, VENUS FAIR. Callimachus' Lover has the same Fancy, only that he wishes his Mistress' Name written on Leaves, if we may credit the Scholiast upon Aristophanes (c) Acba●u● , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. May the kind Trees on Leaves such Letters bear As shall proclaim my dear Cydippe FAIR. 'Twas in Allusion to this Practice, that one in Euripides declared he should never entertain a good Opinion of the Female-sex, tho' the Pines in Mount Ida were filled with their Names (d) Eustath●●● Iliad. ● p 490. Edit. Basil. . Aristophanes had an Eye to the same Custom, when, jesting upon an old Athenian, that was mightily in love with deciding Causes, he says that upon every Place he writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Word signifies the Cover of the judiciary Urn (a) Ves●i●. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lovers usually decked the Doors of their Beloved with ●●o●er● and Garlands; for thinking the Persons their A●●●ctions were placed on, to be the very Image of the Deity of Love, their House could be no lesle than Cupid's Temple (b) Athen●us lib. XV. , which was accustomed to receive those Honours. From the same Original they seem to have derived that other Custom of making Libations before their Mistress' Doors, and sprinkling them with Wine; of which we have mention in the Scholiast upon Aristophanes (c) Plut● Act. I. Sc. I , where he reports that many of the Thessalian Gentlemen were in love with the beautiful Nais, and publicly owned their Passion by sprinkling the Doors of her House with Wine. When a Person's Garland was ●nty'd, it was taken for a Sign of being in love (d) At●en●us lib. cit. ; and for a Woman to compose a Garland was another Indication of her Passion (e) Aristophanes Thesm●●● , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The wreathing Garlands in a Woman is The usual Symptom of a Lovesick Mind. They had several Methods of discovering whether their Love would prove successful, that of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was very frequent at Entertainments, and may perhaps be described in a following Book. Two other ways we have in The●critus (f) Idyll. III. v. 2●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. All this I knew, when I designed to prove, Whether I should be happy in my Love; I pressed the Long-live, but in vain did press, It gave no lucky Sound of good Success: To Agrio too I made the same demand, A cunning Woman she, I crossed her Hand; She turned the Sieve and Shears, and told me true, That I should love, but not be loved by you. Mr. Creech. Both these Customs I have already described in one of the precedent Books (a) Lib. II. cap. XVIII. p. 319. , which the Reader may consult. When their Love was without Success, they had several Arts to procure the Affections of their Beloved. The Thessalian Women were famous for their Skill in this as well as other Magical Practices. The means, whereby it was effected, were of divers sorts: It was sometimes done by Potions called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which are frequently mentioned in Authors of both Languages. juvenal speaks thus (b) Satir. VI v ●●9 , Hic magicos assert cantus, hic Thessala vendit Philtra, quibus valeant mentem vexare mariti. This Pedlar offers Magic Charms, the next Philtre●, by which the Husband's Mind's perplexed. Their Operations were violent and dangerous, and commonly deprived such as drunk them of their Reason. Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos report, that Lucullus the Roman General first lost his Reason, and afterwards his Life by one of them; Lucretius the Po●t ended his Life the same way, and Caius Caligula (as Suetonius reports) was driven into a Fit of Madness by a Philtre given him by his Wife Caesonia; which Story is mentioned by the same Poet (c) Loc. cit. , — Tamen hoc tolerabile, si non Et furere incipias, ut aevunculus ille Neronis, Cui totam tremuli frontem Caesonia pulli Infudit.— Some nimbler Juice would make him foam and rave, Like that Caesonia to her Ca●●s gave, Who, plucking from the Forehead of the Foal His Mother's Love, infused it in the Bowl. Mr. Dryden. Ovid likewise assures us, that this was the usual Effect of these Potions, Nec data profuerint pallentia philtra puellis, Philtra nocent animis, vimque furoris habent. All poisonous Drugs, and Necromantic Arts Ne'er move the scornful Maids relentless Hearts, They but distract the Senses, seize the Brain, And Venus' Rites and Mysteries prosane. Mr. Abel. The Ingredients they were made up of were of several sorts, divers of which applied by themselves were thought effectual. Some of the most remarkable were these that follow: Hippomanes, a Piece of Flesh upon the Forehead of Colts newsoaled, of a black or brown Colour, in Bigness and Shape like a Fig, which th● Mares by't off as soon as they have foaled, but, if they be prevented, forsake their Offspring: Whence it was thought a prevalent Medicine to conciliate Love, especially when reduced to Powder, and swallowed with some Drops of the Lover's Blood. 'Tis frequently mentioned by the Writers of Natural History; Aristotle, Pli●y, Solinus, Columella, with many others have thought it worth their Notice: The Poets are full of its Effects; whence Di●● in Virgil (to omit other Instances) has recourse to it, when pretending to recall Aeneas to her Affection (a) Aeneid. IV. v. 515. , Quaeritur & nascentis equi de fronte revulsus Et matri praereptus amor.— She from the Forehead of a new-foaled Colt Th' excrescent Lump doth seek.— The same Word is frequently taken in another Sense, and is described by Pliny to be virus distillans ab inguine equae coitu● maris appetentis, & in furorem agens. This was no lesle powerful than the former, as appears from Pausanias' Story of a Horse's Statue dedicated by one Phormis an Arcadian, which, being infected by a Magician with the Hippomanes I am speaking of, so enraged all the Stone-horses that passed that Way, that they would break their Bridles in Pieces, and throw their Riders, to come at it (b) 〈◊〉 pro●e finem. , and could not without great Difficulty and many Stripes be forced from it. Several of the Poets speak of its Effects; Ovid (c) Lib. I. Eleg. VIII. , S●it bene quid gramen, quid torto concita rhombo Licia, quid valeat virus amantis equae. She knows the Virtue of each Herb to move The latent Seeds of a coy Lady's Love, She knows the Rhomb, what Feats in Magic are From th' poisonous Issue of a lustful Mare. Mr. Abel. Virgil will have it to proceed from Lusitanian Mares impregnated by the Wind (a) G●orgi●. III. 271. , Continuoque avidis ubi subdita flamma medullis Vere magis (quia vere calor redit ossibus, illae, o'er omnes versae in Zephyrum, ●●ant ●●pibus altis, Exceptamque lev●● auras; & saepe si●e ull●● Conjugiis, vento gravidae (mirabile dictu) Sa●a pe●, & scopulos, & depre●las convalles Diffugiunt; non, Fure, tuo●, neque solis ad ortus, In Borcam, Caurumque, aut unde rigerrimus Auster Nascitur, & pluvio contr●stat frigore coelum. Hin● demum, Hippomanes vero quod nomine dicunt Pastorss, lentum distillat ab inguine virus, Hippomanes, quo● saepe malae legere novercae, Asiscueruntque herbas, & non innoxia verba. When at the Spring's approach their Marrow burns, (For with the Spring their genial Heat returns) The Mares to Cliffs of rugged Rocks repair, And with wide Nostrils snuff the western Air: When (wondrous to relate) the parent Wind Without the Stallion propagates the Kind: Then fired with amorous Rage they take their flight Through Plains, and mount the Hills unequal Height; Nor to the North, nor to the rising Sun, Nor Southward to the rainy Regions run, But boring to the West, and hovering there, With gaping Mouths they draw prolific Air, With which Impregnate from their Groins they shed A slimy Juice by false Conception bred; The Shepherds know it well, and called by Name Hippomanes, to note the Mother's Flame: This, gathered in the planetary Hour With noxious Weeds, and spelled with Words of Power Dire Stepdame's in the magic Bowl infuse, And mix for deadly Draughts the poisonous Juice. Mr. Dryden. The same Story is attested by Aristotle. Others make Hippomanes ●o be a Plant in Arcadia, but very powerful in producing the forementioned Effects (b) Idyll. C. v 48. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hippomanes, a Plant Arcadia bears, This m●kes Steeds mad, and this excites the Mares; And o! that I could see my D●lphid come From th' oily Fencing-house so raving home. Mr. Creech 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the Name of a small Bird, the Latin of which is not agreed on; some translate it passer●ulus, others will have it the same with torquilla, frutilla, or with regulus. This Bird the Writers of Fables tell us (a) Suidas, Isacius Tzetzes in Lyco●●ronem v 310. ubi Commentarius noster ●d●undus. was once the Daughter of Pan and Pitho, or Echo, and, having inveigled jupiter into Io's Love, was transformed by juno; Upon this she became the Darling of Venus, and, retaining the same Inclinations she had formerly, still served to promote the Affairs of Love: The first Time the Goddess made use of her was in the Argonautick Expedition, when she invented Love-magick, with Charms, and Potions, a chief Ingredient whereof was this Bird, which she communicated to jason to gain him Access to Medea's Affections: Hence Pindar (b) Pythion. Odd IV , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— The Goddess Venus first disclosed the Use, To jason first the magic Charm displayed, Told how the Bird would fire the Maid, And glowing Love into her Breast infuse; Nor Duty, nor parental Love should bind, Too weak and seeble is that Force; When jynx steers the Lover's Course, A safe Admittance he is sure to find. Mr. Hutchin. The Part most valued by Enchanters, was the Tongue, which they looked on as having a sovereign Virtue in Love-potions: Sometimes they fastened the whole Bird to a Wheel of Wax, which they turned over the Fire till both were consumed, thus inflaming the Party, in whom they had a mind to create Love. Others there are, that will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signify nothing but a musical Instrument, and some take it for all sorts of Allurements. To these may be added several Herbs, and Infects bred out ●● putrid Matter, with other Animals, such as the Fish called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or remora; the Lizard, with another not much unlike it called stellio and stincus, the Brains of a Calf, the Hair upon the Extremity of a Wolf's Tail, with some of his secret Parts, the Bones of the left Side of a Toad eaten by Ants, for these were thought to generate Love, whereas those on the right Side caused Hatred. Others took the same Bones, when the Flesh was devoured by Ants, and cast them into a Vessel of Water, wherein those that sunk, being wound up in a white linen Cloth, and hung about any Person, inflamed him with Love, the others with Hatred. Other Parts of the Toad were used in poisonous Compositions; whence juvenal (a) Sat. VI v. 65●. , At nunc res agitur tenui pulmone rubetae. But now with poisonous Entrails of a Toad They urge their Husband's Fate. To these others add the Blood of Doves, the Bones of Snakes, Scritch-owls Feathers, Bands of Wool twisted upon a Wheel (which were very much used on these Occasions, for their Resemblance to the soft Ties of Love) especially such as had been bound about one that hanged himself; some of these are mentioned by Propertius (b) Lib. III. Eleg. V. , Improba non vicit me moribus illa, sed herbis, Stamine & à rhombi ducitur ille rota; Illum turgentis r●ne portenta rubetae, Et lecia e sectis anguibus ossa trabunt, Et strigis inventae per busta jacentia plumae, Cinctaque funesto lanea vitta viro. Were there to Merits but a due Regard, I should not fear my Rival's being preferred; But she, too conscious of my powerful Charms, By Spells, and Magic tears him from my Arms: The poisonous Bones of swelling Toads she takes, And mingles them with those of crested Snakes; Then straight where Owls frequent she doth repair, And picks their scattered Feathers up with Care; Next she procures some fatal woollen Band, That late bound him that died by his own Hand: Thus, what her Merits can't, her magic Charms His frozen Breast with amorous Fire warms. Mr. Hutchin. Several other of the Ingredients of Love-potions are mentioned in Laelius' Verses cited by Apulcius (a) Apolog. , Philtra omnia undique eruunt, Antipathes illud quaeritur, Trochisci, ●ynges, taeniae, Radiculae, herbae, surculi, Aureae i●●ces, bichordilae, Hinnientium dulcedines. From every Part they magic Draughts procure, For that much-famed A●tiphates they seek, Pills, Fillets, and those love-enforcing Birds, Roots too, and baneful Herbs, and sappy Sprigs, With scarlet Oaks, and the Hippomanes. Other sorts of Ingredients were Rags, Torches, and, in short, all Relics, and whatever had any relation to dead Corpses, or Funerals. Sometimes a Nest of young Swallows was placed in a convenient Vessel, and buried in the Earth, till they were sa●●i●h'd; then they opened the Grave, and such of them, as were sound with Mouths shut, were thought conducive to allay the Passion of Love, but the rest, which perished with Mouths gaping for Food, were thought to excite it. To the same end they used ●ones snatched from hungry and ravenous Bitch's, which were believed to derive some Part of the eager Desire of those Animals into the Potion●: Hence Horace gives us this elegant Description of an Enchantress' Practices (b) Epod. V. v. 14. , Canidia brevibus implicata viperis Crines & incomtum capus, jubet sepulcris caprificos erutas, jubet cupressos funebres, Et uncta turpis ova ranae sanguine, Plumamque nocturnae strigis, Herbasque, quas & jolchos, atque Iberia Mittit ven●norum ferax, Et ossa ab ore rapta jejunae canis, Flammis aduri Colchicis. Canidia then does for the Charm prepare, And binds with Snakes her uncombed Hair: Maid, speed she cries, and pillage every Tomb, Bring Cypress, and wild Figtree home; Let Eggs first steeped in Blood of Toads be sought; And Feathers from the Scritch-owl brought; Bring ven'mous Drugs such as Iol●hos yields, And Poison from Iberian Fields; Bring Bones from Jaws of hungry Bitch's torn, And those I'll seethe, and those I'll burn, As first Medea did inform. Mr. Hutchin. To these they added another Ingredient more powerful than any of the rest, which the Poet has thus described in the same Ode (a) V. 29. , Abacta nulla Veja conscientia, Ligonibus duris humum Exhauriebat ingemens laboribus; Quo posset infossus puer Longo die bis terve mutatae dapis Inemori spectaculo, Cum promineret ore, quantum exstant aquae Suspensa mento corpora; Exsucta uti medulla, & aridum jecur Amoris esset poculum, Interminato cum semel fixae cibo Intabuissent pupulae. Veja, who ne'er Remorse of Conscience felt, Nor blushed at her own horrid Gild, Toils at the Spade, and digs the fatal Pit, In which th' unhappy Lad she set; Where choicest Dainties long as Life should last Oft feast his Eyes, denied his Taste, Just o'er the B●im appears his sickly Head, As theirs, who in the Rivers wade: That there his Marrow drained and Liver dry Might with Love-potions her supply; As soon as e'er his fainting Eyeballs showed Approaching Fate for want of Food. Mr. Hutchin Let us pass now to some other Arts they had of exciting Love Some thought the Udder of an Hyaena tied about their left Arm a good Expedient to entice to their Affections 〈◊〉 Woman they fixed their Eyes on: Others took 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a sort of small and hard Olives, or (as others interpret it) Barley-bran, which either by itself, or made up in Past, they cast into the Fire, hoping thereby to inspire the Flames of Love: Hence Simaetha in Theocritus (a) V. 33. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Now I strew the Barley-bran. Sometimes they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Flower, which the Scholiast upon Theocritus will have termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That Poet has described this Custom, when he introduces his Enchantress thus calling out to her Maid (b) Ibid. v. 18. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 First burn the Flower, then strew the other on, Strew it; how? where's your Sense and Duty gone? Base Thestylis, and am I so forlorn, And grown so low, that I'm become your Scorn? But strew the Salt, and say in angry Tones I scatter Delphid's, perjured Delphid's Bones. Mr. Creech. Instead of Bran, or Flower, 'twas usual to burn Laurel, as we learn from the same Enchantress, who proceeds thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 First Delphid injured me, he raised my Flame, And now I burn this Bough in Delphid's Name; As this doth blaze, and break away in Fume, How soon it takes! let Delphid's Flesh consume. Mr. Creech. 'Twas likewise frequent to melt Wax, thereby to mollify the Person's Heart, whom they desired: Hence she goes on, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As this devoted Wax melts o'er the Fire, Let Myndian Delphis melt with soft Desire. Sometimes they placed Clay before the Fire together with Wax, that, as one melted whilst the other hardened, so the Person that then rejected them might have his Heart mollified with Affection, and inflamed with Desire, whilst their own became hard and unrelenting; or that his Heart might be rendered uncapable of any Impression from other Beauties, but easy of Access to themselves: This seems to be Virgil's meaning in the first of the following Verses, the later two contain some of the Customs before described out of Theocritus, Lincus ut hic durescit, & haec ut cera liquescit, Uno eodemque igni; sic nostro Daphnis amore: Sparge molam, & fragiles incende bitumine lauros; Daphnis me malus urit, ego hanc in Daphnide laurum (a) Eclog. VIII. 80. As Fire this Figure hardens made of Clay, And this of Wax with Fire consumes away, Such let the Soul of cruel Daphnis be Hard to the rest of Women, soft to me. Crumble the sacred Mole of Salt and Corn, Next in the Fire the Bays with Brimstone burn, And, whilst it crackles in the Sulphur, say, This I for Daphnis burn, thus Daphnis burn away. Mr. Dryde● It was customary to imitate all those Actions, they had a min● the Person they loved should perform: They turned a Wheel roun● praying he might fall down before their Doors, and roll himself on the Ground. Thus Theocritus' Enchantress, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And, Venus, as I whirl this brazen Wheel, Before my Doors let perjured Delphid roll. We are told that it has been usual to compose an Image of Wa●, and, calling it by the Name of the Person to be inflamed with Love, to place it near the Fire, the Heat whereof affected the Image, and the Person represented by it at the same Time (a) Wierus lib. V. c. XI. . Virgil's Enchantress speaks of drawing it three Times round the Altar, — Terque haec altaria circum Efligiem duco.— Thrice round this Altar I the Image draw. She had before taken care to have it bound, thereby to intimate the tying his Affections, Terna tibi haec primum triplici diversa colore Licia circumdo.— Three Threads I of three different Colours bound About your Image.— It was not unfrequent to sprinkle enchanted Medicaments upon some Part of the House where the Person resided: Thus Th●ocritus's Enchantress commands, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now take these Poisons I procure you more, And strew them at the Threshold of his Door, That Door where vi'lent Love hath fixed thy Mind, Thou he regards not, cruel and unkind! Strew them, and spitting say in angry Tones, I scatter Delphid's, perjured Delphid's Bones. Mr. Creech. If they could get into their Hands any Thing that belonged to the Person, whose Love they desired, it was of singular Use: The same Enchantress burns the Border of Delphis' Garment, that the Owner might be tortured with the same Flame, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Piece from dear false Delphid's Garment torn I tear again, and am resolved to burn. Virgil's Enchantress deposits her Lover's Pledges in the Ground underneath her Threshold, Has olim exuvias mihi perfidus ille reliquit, Pignora cara sui; quae nunc ego limine in ipso, Terra, tibi mando; debent haec pignora Daphnin. These Garments once were his, and left to me, The Pledges of his promised Loyalty; Which underneath my Threshold I bestow, These Pawns, O sacred Earth, to me my Daphnis owe. Mr. Dryden. The Design of which Action seems to be the retaining her Lover, and securing his Affection from wandering. Virgil has thus described another Method in the Nymph's Command to her Woman, Fer cineres, Amarylli, foras, rivoque fluenti, Transque caput jace; ne respexeris: His ego Daphnin Aggrediar, nihil ille Deos, nil carmina curate. Bear out these Ashes, cast them in the Brook; Cast backwards o'er your Head, nor turn your look; Since neither Gods, nor Godlike Verse can move, Break out, ye smothered Fires, and kindle smothered Love. Mr. Dryden. I shall only trouble you with one expedient more, which was their tying Venereal Knots to unite the belov'd Persons Affection with their own, Necte tribus nodis ternos, Amarylli, colores; Necte, Amarylli, modo; & Veneris, dic, vincula necto. Knit with three Knots the Fillets, knit them straight; And say, These Knots to Love I consecrate. Her Caution about the Number of Knots is observable, for most of their Actions in these Rites were confined to the Number three; Theocritus' Enchantress is no lesle exact in this Circumstance, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thrice, thrice I pour, and thrice repeat my Charms. Virgil has assigned the Reason hereof to be the Pleasure the Gods were thought to take in that Number, — Numero Deus impare gaudet. Unequal Numbers please the Gods. Whether this Fancy owe its Original to the supposed Perfection of the Number three, because, containing a Beginning, Middle, and End, it seems natural to signify all Things in the World; whether to the Esteem the Pythagoreans, and some other Philosophers had for it, on the account of their Trinity; or, last (to mention no more Opinions) to its Aptness to signify the Power of all the Gods, who were divided into three Classes, Celestial, Terrestrial, and Infernal, I shall leave to be determined by others: Thus much is certain, that the Ancients thought there was no small Force and Efficacy in unequal Numbers; whence we find Vegetius advising, that the Ditches round Encampments should be at the least nine Feet in breadth, at the most seventeen, but always of an unequal Number (a) Lib. III. cap. VIII. ; Shepherds are likewise advised to take care that the Number of their Sheep be not even (b) Geoponic. lib. XVIII. ; but the Number three was acceptable to the Gods above all others, whence we find three Fatal Sisters, three Furies, three Names and Appearances of Diana according to the Poet, — Tria virginis ora Dianae. Three different Forms does chaste Diana bear. The Sons of Sa●●●n, among whom the Empire of the World was divided, were three; and for the same reason we read of Jupiter's fulmen trifidum, Neptune's Trident, with several other Tokens of the Veneration they had for this Number. Many of their other Practices were the same with those used at common Incantations: The Charm, or Form of Verses, had little Difference beside the proper Application to the present Occasion; Virgil's Nymph speaks of her Verses as of the same sort, and endowed with the same Efficacy as Circe's; — Nihil hic nisi carmina des●●●: Ducite ab urbe domum, mea carmina, ducite Daphnin; Carmina vel caelo possunt deducere Lunam, Carminibus Circe socios mutavit Ulyssei, Frigidus in pratis cantando rumpitur anguis. — We want but Verse, restore, my Charms, My lingering Daphmis to my longing Arms; Pale Phoebe drawn by Verse from Heaven descends, And Circe changed with Charms Ulysses' Friends, Verse breaks the Ground, and penetrates the Brake, And in the winding Cavern splits the Snake. Mr. Dryden. And the Herbs and Minerals used in other magical Operations, were no lesle sought for in this, there being in them (as 'twas thought) some wonderful Powers, which were equally prevalent in all supernatural and miraculous Effects: Whence we find Virgil's Nymph alluring Daphnis to her Love by the very same Medicaments, which Maris had found effectual in performing other magical Feats, Has larvas, atque haec Ponto mihi lecta venena Ipse dedit Moeris; nascuntur plurima Ponto; His ego 〈◊〉 lupum fieri, & se condere silvis Moeri● 〈◊〉 animas imis excire sepulcris, Atque satas alio vidi traducere messes. These poisonous Plants for magic Use designed (The noblest, and the best of all the baneful Kind) Old Moeris brought me from the Pomick Strand, And culled the Mischief of a bounteous Land: Smeared with the powerful Juices on the Plain He howls a Wolf among the hungry Train; And oft the mighty Necromancer boasts, With these to call from Tombs the stalking Ghosts: And from the Roots to tear the standing Corn, Which, whirled aloft, to distant Fields is born. Mr. Dryden. The Gods likewise (to mention no more Instances of their Agreement) were the same that superintended all magical Arts, as we learn from Theocritus' Sim●●tha, who is introduced invoking the Moon and Hecate to her Assistance, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Moon, shine bright and clear, To thee I will direct my secret Prayer; To thee and Hecate, whom Dogs do dread When stained with Gore she stalks amidst the Dead: Hail, frightful Hecate, assist me still, Make mine as great as famed Medea's Skill. Mr. Creech. Thus far concerning their Arts in exciting Love. It may be enquired in the next place, whether they had any means to allay the Passion, when once raised: Now it appears, that it was common to set the Patient at liberty by the Help of more powerful Medicaments, or Daemons superior to those that had bound him; whence we find Canidia in Horace complaining, that all her Enchantments were rendered ineffectual by Art superior to her own, Quid accidit? cur di●a ba●barae minus Venena Medeae valent, Quibus superba fugit ulta pellicem, Magni Creontis filiam, Cum palla, tabo munus imbutum, novan: Incendio nuptam abslulit? Atqui nec herba, nec latens in asperis Radix sefellit me locis. Indormis unctis omnium cubiiibus Oblivione pellicum: Ah, ah, solutus ambulat veneficae Scientioris carmine. Am I so served? my base degrading Charms, Shall Colchos softer greater Harms? What! shall the Present spelled with magic Rage, Med●a's vengeful Breast assuage; Since the fallacious Gift to Flames is turned, And her unhappy Rival burned? Then what am I? there's not an Herb doth grow, Nor Root, but I their Virtues know And can the craggy Places show: Yet Varus slights my Love, above my Power, And sleeps on Rosy Beds secure; Ah! much I fear some Rival's greater Skill Defends him from my weaker Spell. Mr. Hutchin. But Love inspired without the Assistance of Magic scarce yielded to any Cure: Apollo himself could find no Remedy against it, but is introduced lamenting in these Words (a) Ovid. Metam. I. v. 521. , Inventum medicina meum est, opiferque per orbem Dicor, & herbarum est subjecta potentia nobis; Hei mihi! quod nullis amor est medicabilis herbis, Nec prosunt domino, quae prosunt omnibus, arts. Medicine is mine, what Herbs, and Simples grow In Fields and Forests, all their Powers I know, And am the great Physician called below; Alas! that Fields and Forests can afford No Remedies to heal their lovesick Lord! To cure the Pains of Love no Plant avails, And his own Physic the Physician fails. Mr. Dryden The same Poet professes in another Place, that no Art was ever able to set a Lover at Liberty (a) De remedio amoris. ; Nulla recantatas deponeni pectora curas Nec fugiet vivo sulphure victus amor. Quid te Phasiacae juverunt gramina terrae, Cum cuperes patria, Colchi, manere domo? Quid tibi profuerunt, Circe, Perseïdes herbae, Cum tibi Neritias abstulit aura rates. Not all the Power of Verse with Magic joined Can heal the Torture of a lovesick Mind; Altars may smoak with expiatory Fire, Too weak to make a well-fixed Love retire, Love by Repulse still works the Passion higher. What help, Medea, did thy Potions yield? Not all the Drugs that stocked the Colchian Field, Could Ease to your distracted Breast afford, When forced from home you loved the foreign Lord: Nor greater the Relief that Circe found, When left by her Ulysses homewards bound, Nor Herbs, nor Poisons could her Grief allay, When envious Blasts had stolen her Dear away. Mr. Hutchin But notwithstanding the Difficulty of of this Cure, there is not wanting Variety of Prescriptions adapted to the several Causes and Occasions of the Malady; as appears from the old Nurse's Words to Myrrah desperately in Love (b) Metam. X. v. 397. , Seu furor est, habeo quae carmine sanet, & herbis: Sive aliquis nocuit, magico lustrabere ritu: Ira Deum sive est, sacris placabilis ira. Madness by sacred Numbers is expelled, And Magic will to stronger Magic yield: If the dire Wrath of Heaven this Fury raised, Heaven is with Sacrifice, and Prayer appeased. Mr. Hopkins. The Antidotes may be reduced to two sorts; they were either such as had some natural Virtue to produce the designed Effect; such are agnus castus, and all the Herbs reputed Enemies to Generation (a) Vide Archaeolog. hujus lib II. cap. III. : Or, secondly, such as wrought the Cure by some occult and mystical Power, and the Assistance of Daemons; such are the sprinkling of Dust wherein a Mule had rolled herself (b) 〈◊〉 not Hist. lib XXX. cap. XVI , the tying Toads in the Hide of a Beast lately slain (c) Idem lib. XXXII cap X. , with several others mentioned by Pliny; amongst which we may reckon all the Minerals and Herbs, that were looked on as Annulets against other Feats of Magic, for those were likewise proper on such Occasions: Whence the Poets usually mention Caucasus, Colchis, and other Places famous for Magical Plants, as those which alone could furnish Remedies and Antidotes against Love: I shall only set down one Instance, wherein the Poet, enquiring what should be the Cause his Mistress had forsaken him, puts this Question among others (d) 〈◊〉 lib I Eleg ●II , — An quae Lecta Prometheis dividit herba jugis. What! do those odious Herbs, the Lover's Bane, Growing on Caucasus produce this Pain? By Prometheus' Mountain he means Caucasus, which was remarkable for Herbs of sovereign Power, that sprung out of Prometheus' Blood. The Infernal Gods were called upon for Assistance, as may be learned from Virgil's Dido, who signifies her pretended Design to dispel the Remains of her Love for Aeneas in these Word, (e) Aeneid. IV. v. 638. , Sacra Jovi Stygio, quae rite incepta paravi, Perficere esi animus, finemque imponere curis, Dardaniique regum capitis permi●ere flammae. Thus will I pay my Vows to Stygian jove, And end the Cares of my disastrous Love, Then cast the Trojan Image on the Fire, And, as that burns, my Passion shall expire. Mr. Dryden Silius introduces Anna, Dido's Sister, telling how she had endeavoured to render the same Gods propitious (a) Lib. VIII. , Nigro forte Jovi, cui tertia regna laborant, Atque atri sociae thalami nova sacra parabam, Queis aegram mentem, & trepidantia corda levaret Infelix germana tori.— To grisly jove of Hell I Offerings paid, And to the swarthy Consort of his Bed, In pity of my lovesick Sister's Grief, And in Assurance of a blessed Relief, To charm her Cares to sleep, her Fears to rest, And still the Tumults of her troubled Breast. Mr. Abel. Not long before the same Person, relating how the Diviners assayed to restore Dido to her right Mind, says, they invoked the God● of Night (whereby she means the Shades below) to aid them, Heu! sacri vatum errores, dum numina Noctis Eliciunt, spondentque novis medicamina curis. O soothing Priest-craft! O the close Disguise Of Cheat, Imposture, and well-varnished Lies! With a pretended Zeal the Shades they implore, The Gods of Night demurely they adore, With promised Cures they gull our easy Minds, A solemn Vow their holy Knav'ry binds. Mr. Abel. I shall only mention one Expedient more, whereby they cured themselves of Love: 'Tis the Water of Selemnus, a River that falls into the Sea near Argyra in Achaia: The Story is thus; Selenmus, a beautiful young Shepherd in those Parts, was beloved by Argyra, the Nymph, from whom the Town and Fountain of that Name were called; but, the Flower of his Age being over, the Nymph deserted him, upon which he pined away, and was transformed into a River by Venus; after this he still retained his former Passion, and (as the Patrensians report) for some time conveyed his Waters through a subterraneous Passage to Argyra's Fountain, in the same manner that Alpheus was said to join himself with Arethusa, till by Venus' Favour the Remembrance of her was caused to vanish quite out of his Mind: Hence it came to pass, that as many as washed themselves in this River, were made to forget their Passion: Thus Pausanias (a) Achaic●● p. 442. & 445. Edit Hanou. . Thus much concerning their Love. I am not ignorant, that Enlargements might be made in every Part of this Chapter; but what has been said will (I hope) be sufficient to satisfy the Reader's Curiosity without trespassing too far upon his Patience. CHAPTER XI. Of their Marriages. THE first Inhabitants of Greece lived without Laws and Government, no Bounds were prescribed to their Passions, their Love (like the test of their Desires) was unconfined, and promiscuous Mixtures, because forbidden by no human Authority, were publicly allowed. The first that restrained this Liberty was Cecrops, who, having raised himself to be King over the People afterwards called Athenians, amongst many other useful Constitutions, introduced that of Marriage (b) Vide Archaelog. hujus lib. I cap. II. . Others refer the Honour of this Institution, together with the Invention of Dancing, to Erato one of the Muses; but some rather understand that Story of the Marriage-solemnity, the regular Conduct whereof, they say, was first ordered by Erato. However that be, it was in some time received by all the Grecians, for no sooner did they begin to reform their savage and barbarous Course of Life, and join themselves in Towns and Societies, but they found it necessary to confine the unruly Lusts of Men by establishing lawful Marriage, with other Rules of good Manners. Marriage was very honourable in several of the Graecian Commonwealths, being very much encouraged by their Laws, as though abstaining from it was discountenanced, and in some Places punished: For the Strength of States consisting in their Number of People, those that refused to contribute to their Increase, were thought very cold in their Affections to their Country. The Lacedæmonians are very remarkable for their Severity against those that differred Marrying, as well as those who wholly abstained from it (c) Sto●●● LXV. de laude Nuptiarum. : No Man among them could live without a Wife beyond the Time limited by their Lawgiver without incurring several Penalties; as first, the Magistrates commanded such once every Winter to run round the public Forum naked; and to increase their Shame they sung a certain Song, the Words whereof aggravated their Crime, and exposed them to Ridicule. Another of their Punishments was to be excluded from the Exercises, wherein (according to the Spartan Custom) young Virgins contended naked (a) Plutarch L●curgo. . A third Penalty was inflicted upon a certain Solemnity, wherein the Women dragged them round an Altar, beating them all the Time with their Fists (b) Athe●●us lib. XIII. . Lastly, they were deprived of that Respect and Observance, which the younger sort were obliged to pay to their Elders; and therefore, saith Plutarch (c) Loc. citat. , no Man found fault with whatwas said to Dercyllidas, a great Captain, and one that had commanded Armies, who coming into the Place of Assembly, a young Man, instead of rising and making room, told him, Sir, you must not expect that Honour from me being young, which cannot be returned to me by a Child of yours when I am old. To these we may add the Athenian Law (d) Di●a●cu●● in Demesthenem. , whereby all that were Commanders, Orators, or entrusted with any public Affair, were to be married, and have Children, and Estates in Land; for these were looked on as so many Pledges for their good Behaviour, without which they thought it dangerous to commit to them the Management of public Trusts. Polygamy was not commonly tolerated in Greece, for Marriage was thought to be a Conjunction of one Man with one Woman, whence some will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from two's becoming one. When Herodotus reports that Anaxandridas the Spartan had two Wives, he remarks that it was contrary to the Custom of Sparta (e) Lib. V. : The rest of the Grencian Cities did, for the most part, agree herein with the Lacedæmonians; only upon some emergent Occasions, when their Men had been destroyed by War, or other Calamities, Toleration was granted for Marrying more Wives; an Instance whereof we have at Athens in Euripides' Time, who, as some say, conceived an hatred against the whole Sex, for which he is famous in Story, by being harassed with two Wives at once (f) Gellius Noct. Attic. lib. XV cap. XX. ; Socrates is said to have been married to Xantippe and Myrto at the same time (g) Di●genes La●rtius Socrate. , and Atheneus concludes it was then reputed no Scandal, because we never find any of his Enemies casting it in his Teeth (h) Lib. XIII. ; but some think the Matter of Fact may be justly called in question. The Time of Marriage was not the same in all Places, the Spartans' were not permitted to marry till arrived at their full Strength (a) Xenophon de Repub. Lacedem. ; and tho' I do not find what was the exact Number of Years they were confined to, yet it appears from one of Lycurgus' Sayings, that both Men and Women were limited in this Affair, which that Lawgiver being asked the reason of it, said his Design was that the Spartan Children might be strong and vigorous. The Athenian Laws are said once to have required that Men should not marry before thirtyfive Years of Age. But this depended upon the Humour of every Lawgiver, nothing being generally agreed to in the Matter; Aristotle thought thirty-seven a good Age, Plato thirty, and Hesiod was much-what of the same Judgement, for thus he advises his Friend, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 313. . The Time to enter on a married Life Is about Thirty, then bring home your Wife; But don't delay too late, or wed too young, Since Strength and Prudence to this State belong. Mr. Abel. Women married sooner than Men; some of the old Athenian Laws permitted them to marry at twenty-six, Aristotle at eighteen, Hesiod at fifteen, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Ibid. 316. . A Wife when fifteen choose, then let her wed I'th' Prime for Hymen's Rites, for th' Joys of th' marriage Bed. Where the Poet advises that Women be permitted to grow to Maturity in four Years, i e. four after ten, and marry in the fifth, i. e. the fifteenth: Others think he means they must continue unmarried four Years after their Arrival at Woman's estate, i e. at fourteen Years, and marry in the fifth, i. e. the nineteenth. But as the Women were sooner marriageable than Men, so their Time was far shorter, it being common for Men to marry much older than Women could expect to do, as Lysistrate complains in Aristophanes (d) L●●strate. , ΛY. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ΠP. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LY. It's some Concern to me, when I reflect On the poor Girls, that must despair of Man, And keep a stale and loathed Coelibacy. PR. What? ha'ned the Men the same hard Measures then? LY. Oh! no, they have a more propitious Fate, Since they at sixty, when their Vigor's past, Can wed a young and tender Spouse to warm Their aged Limbs, and to repair their Years: But Woman's Joys are short and transient, For, if we once the golden Minutes miss, There's no recalling, so severe's our Doom; We must then long in vain, in vain expect, And by our Ills forewarn Posterity. Mr. Abel. The Times or Seasons of the Year most proper of Marriage were, according to the Athenians, some of the Winter-months, especially january, which for that reason is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Olympiodorus in Meteora A●istotelu, Eustath●us in Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. . Hence the Person in Terence, the Scene of whose Fable is laid in Greece, affirms the Soothsayerss had forbidden to enter upon Matrimony till Winter (b) ●i●●mione. , Aruspex vetuit ante brumam a●em quid novi Negotii incipere.— Until the seasonable Time of Year, When frosty Wether binds all Things, the Priest Counselled us by all means to put off Marriage. The most convenient Season was when there happened a Conjunction of the Sun and Moon, than they celebrated their Festival called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Marriage of the Gods (c) Hesiodi 〈◊〉 Hoip. . Clytaemnestra in Euripides, having asked Agamemnon when he designed to give Iphigenia in Marriage to Achilles, he answers, that the full Moon was the fittest Time, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Ipingen. in A●lid v. 717. . When the full Moon darts forth her lucky Rays. Themis in Pindar advises that Thesis be martyed to Peleus in the same Season (a) Isth●. Od. ●. p. 751 Edit. Benedict , for by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means the full Moon, which happens in the Middle of Lunar Months, which were used in the old Graecian Computations: The Poet's Words run thus, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When crescent Phoebe is about to shine In a full Orb with radiant Light, Then may he marry, then may she invite The Hero both their Loves to join, Then let them blend, and tie, their Joys, their all combine. Mr. Abel. This Custom seems to have proceeded from an Opinion they had of the Moon's Power in Generation. Some prescribe other Days; Hesiod thinks the fourth most convenient, because (as one of the Sch●liasts observ●●) it was dedicated to Venus and Mercury (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 36. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 On the fourth Day of the Moon's Age your Wife Bring home to enter on the Cares of Life, But first take heed yourself to certify In the respective Signs of Augury. Mr. Abel. The sixteenth, or, as some, the eighteenth, is mentioned as most unfit of all others (c) V. 18. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What ever Trees you plant the sixteenth Day, They'll never thrive, but whither and decay, But if your Wife's delivered of a Son, His Life with lucky Prospects is begun; But Girls, if born, or married now, will see Their Years annoyed with Woe and Misery. Mr. Abel. Several other Days were looked on as favourable, or otherwise, in this and all other Affairs, which it would be too tedious to enumerate in this Place. Most of the Greeks looked on it as scandalous to contract within certain Degrees of Consanguinity: Hermione in Euripides speaks of the Custom of Brethren's marrying their Sisters with no lesle Detestation than of Sons marrying their Mothers, or Fathers their Daughters (a) A●dromach. v. 173. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such Things Barbarians act, such Villainies Are the Result of Lust, or perverse Will, Where no Laws cement, and no Right confines, Fathers their Daughters, Sons their Mother's force To an incestuous Bed, and hurried on By boiling Lust Brothers with Sisters join; All Things are free, the most exalted Love Can't against incentive Lust secure your Life. Mr. Abel. Several of the barbarous Nations seem to have overlooked the Rules of Decency, and allowed unnatural and incestuous Mixtures; the Persians are especially remarkable for such Practices, for their Magis, the most sacred Persons among them, were the Offspring of Mothers and their Sons: Hence Catullus (b) Epigram XCI. , Nascatur Magus ex Gelli marrisque nefando Conjugio, & discat Persicum aruspicium: Nam Magus ex matre & gnato gignatur oportet, Si vera est Persarum impia religio. Gellius hath Issue by his Mother got, Nor is it in his Heraldry a Blot; The Boy must straight be made profoundly wise In all the magic Trumpery and Lies, What must the Persian Religion be, Where such an Act is no Impiety? Mr. Abel. The Lacedæmonians were forbidden to marry any of their Kindred, whether in the direct Degrees of Ascent, or Descent, but a collateral Relation hindered them not, for Nephews married their Aunts, and Uncles their Nieces, an Instance whereof Herodotus gives us in An●xandridas, who married his Sister's Daughter (a) Lib. V. . The Marriages of Brothers and Sisters were utterly unlawful, tho' countenanced by several Examples of their Gods: An ample Account hereof may be seen in Byblis' Words, when in love with her Brother Caunus, where, notwithstanding the Greatness of her Passion, she confesses that no Examples were sufficient to licence her incestuous Desires (b) Ovid. Metam. lib. IX. 4●8. , Dii melius! Dii nempe suas habuere sorores: Sic Saturnus Opim junctam sibi sanguine duxit, Oceanus Tethyn, Junonem Rector Olympi, Sunt superis sua jura: Quid ad coelestia ritus Exigere humanos, diversaque foedera tento? Aut nostro vetitus de corde fugabitur ardour; Aut, hoc si nequeo, peream precor ante, toroqu● Mortua componar, positaeque det oscula frater: Et tamen arbitrium quaerit res ista duorum, Finge placere mihi, scelus esse videbitur illi; At non Aeolidae thalamos timuere sororum: Unde sed hos novi? Cur haec exempla paravi? Quo feror? obsc●nae procul hin● discedite flammae. The Gods forbid; yet those, whom I invoke, Have loved like me, have their own Sisters took, Great Sa●urn and his greater Offspring jove, Both stocked their Heaven with incestuous Love: Gods have their Privilege; why do I strive To strain my Hopes to their Prerogative? No, let me banish this forbidden Fire, Or quench it with my Blood, or with 't expire, Unstained in Honour, and unhurt in Fame, Let the Grave bury both my Love and Shame; But, when at my last Hour I gasping lie, Let only my kind Murderer be by, Let him, while I breathe out my Soul in Sighs, Or gazeed away, look on with pitying Eyes, Let him (for sure he ca'ned deny me this) Seal my cold Lips with one kind parting Kiss: Besides 'twere vain should I alone agree To what fewer Will must ratify; Could I be so abandoned to consent, What I have passed for good and innocent, He may perhaps as worst of Crimes resent: Yet we amongst our Race Examples find Of Brothers, who have been to Sister's kind; Famed Canace could thus successful prove, Could crown her Wishes in a Brother's Love. But whence could I these Instances produce? How came I witty to my Ruin thus? Whither will this mad Frenzy hurry on? Hence, hence, you naughty Flames, far hence be gone, Nor let me e'er the shameful Passion own. Mr. Oldham. Yet 'twas not reputed unlawful in several Places for Brothers to marry their Half-sisters; and sometimes their Relation by the Father, sometimes by the Mother was within the Law: The Lacedaemonian Lawgiver allowed Marriages between those that had only the same Mother, and different Fathers (a) Phil● judaus lib. de specialibus legibus ad prae●eptum VII. contra moechos. : The Athenians were forbidden to ma●ry Sisters by the same Mother, but not those by the same Father; an Instance whereof we have in Archepto●● Themistocles' Son, who married his Sister Mnesiptolema (b) Plutar●hus Themistocle. ; as likewise in Cimon, who, being unable through his extreme Poverty to provide a suitable Match for his Sister Elpinice, married her himself: Nor was this contrary to the Laws, or Customs of Athens, as Athenaeus (c) Lib. XII. is of opinion, for, according to Plutarch's (d) Limo●e. Account, it was done publicly, and without any Fear of the Laws; Cornelius Nepos likewise (e) Cimone. assures us, it was nothing but what the Custom of their Country allowed; we find indeed that Cimon is sometimes taxed for his Familiarity with Elpinice, but this is only to be understood of his taking her after she had been married to Callias; for it appears from the forecited Authors, that Cimon first married her himself, than gave her to Callias a rich Athenian, after which he again became familiar with her, which indeed was looked on as Adultery, she being then another Man's Wife. Most of the Graecian States, especially those that made any Figure, required their Citizens should match with none but Citizens; for they looked upon the Freedom of their Citie● as too great a Privilege to be granted upon easy terms to Foreigners, or their Children: And therefore we find the Athenian Laws sentencing the Children of such Matches to perpetual Slavery, an Account whereof has been given in one of the foregoing Books (f) Lib. I. cap IX. : This was not all, for they had a Law, that if a Foreigner married a Freewoman of Athens, it should be lawful for any Person to call him to accounted before the Magistrates called Thesmo●hetae, where if he was convicted, they sold him for a Slave, and all his Goods were confiscated, and one third Part of them given to his Accuser: The same Penalty was inflicted upon such Citizens as gave foreign Women in Marriage to Men of Athens pretending they were their own Daughters, save that the Sentence of Slavery was changed into Ignominy, whereby they were deprived of their Voices in all public Assemblies, and most other Privileges belonging to them as Citizens. Lastly, if any Man of Athens married a Woman that was not free of that City, he was fined a thousand Drachms (a) Demosthe●e● Orat. in N●●ram. . Virgin's wer● not allowed to marry without the Consent of their Parents; whence Hero in Musaeus (b) V. 179. tells Leander, they could not be honourably joined in Marriage, because her Parents were against it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— My Parents to the Match will not consent, Therefore desist, it is not pertinent. Hermione in Euripides (c) Andromache. professes she had no Concern about her Marriage, but left that wholly to her Father, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I'm not concerned, my Father will take care Of all Things that respect my Nuptials. The Mother's Consent was necessary as well as the Father's, and therefore Iphigenia in Euripides was not to be given in Marriage to Achilles till Clytaemnestra approved the Match (d) Iph●g●●. in Au●de. . Nor were Men permitted to marry without consulting their Parents; for the most early and ignorant Ages were too well acquainted with the Right which Parents have by Nature over their Children, to think these had Power to dispose of themselves without their Parents Consent. Achilles in Homer refuses Agamemnon's Daughter, and leaves it to his Father Peleus to choose him a Wife (e) 〈◊〉 v. 393. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If by Heavens' Blessing I return, a Bride My careful Father will for me provide. When Virgins had no Fathers, their Brothers disposed of them: Thus we find Creon promising his Sister jocasta to any Person that should destroy the Sphinx, that insested Thebes; and Orestes gave his Sister Electra to his Friend Pylades. When they had neither Parents, nor Brethren, they were disposed of by these Grandfathers, those especially by the Father's Side; when these failed, they were committed to the Care of Guardians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was likewise frequent for Husbands to betrothe their Wives to other Persons upon their Deathbeds; as appears from the Story of Demosthenes' Father, who gave his Wife Cleobule to one Aphobus with a considerable Portion; when he was dead, Aphobus took the Portion, but refused to marry the Woman, whereupon Demosthenes made his complaint to the Magistrates, and accused him in an elegant Oration (a) Orat. in Aphobum. : And that this Custom was very usual, appears from the same Orator's Defence of Phormio, who being a Slave, and faithful in his Business, his Master gave him both his Liberty, and his Wife. They had several Forms of betrothing, such as this cited by Clemens the Alexandrian (b) Stromat. lib. II. out of Menander, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. I give you this my Daughter to make you Father of Children lawfully begotten. The Dowry was sometimes mentioned, as we find in Xenophon (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. VIII. , where Cyaxares betrothes his Daughter to Cyrus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. I give you, Cyrus, this Woman, who is my Daughter, with all Media for her Dowry. The Persons to be married plighted their Faith to one another, or to their Relations; Thus Clitophon and Leucippe swear to each other (d) Achilles. Tat. lib. V. , the former to be constant and sincere in his Love, the later to marry him, and make him Master of all she had: Ovid makes the next Ceremony after betrothing to be the Virgin's Oath to her Lover, Promisit pater hanc, haec & juravit amanti. Her Father promised, she an Oath did take Her faithful Lover never to forsake. The Ceremony in promising Fidelity was kissing each other, or giving their right Hands, which was the usual Form of ratifying all Agreements: Hence Clytaemnestra in Euripides calls for Achilles' right Hand to assure her of his sincere Intention to marry her Daughter (a) I●higen. in A●lid v 8●1. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Join your right Hand to mine, a sacred Tie Of this our Compact.— The Thebans had a Custom ●or Lovers to plight their Faith at the Monument of jolaus, who was a Lover of Hercules, and assisted him in his Labours (b) Plutarch Pe●opida. , and was therefore believed to take care of Love-affairs, when advanced into Heaven. In the primitive Ages Women were married without Portions from their Relations, being purchased by their Husbands, whose Presents to the Woman's Relations were called her Dowry: Thus we find Shechem bargaining with jacob and his Sons for Dinah; Let me find grace in your Eyes, (saith he) and what ye shall say unto me I will give: Ask me never so much Dowry and Gift, and I will give according as ye shall say unto me; but give me the Damsel to Wife (c) Genes. XXXIV. 2. . Several Instances may be produced to the same purpose, were not this Custom too well known to need farther Confirmation; only thus much would be observed, that when Civility and good Manners came to be established in any Place, it was usually laid aside, for Aristotle makes it one Argument to prove that the ancient Grecians were an uncivilised People, because they used to buy their Wives (d) Politic. lib. II. cap. VIII. . No sooner therefore do we find them beginning to lay aside their barbarous Manners, but this Practice was left off, insomuch that Medea in Euripides complains that Women were the most miserable of all Creatures endowed with Understanding, because lying under a Necessity of purchasing their own Masters at a dear Rate (e) Euripides Med. 230. . So frequent became the Custom for Women to bring Portions to their Husbands, that some make the most essential Difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. Wife and Concubine, to consist in this, that Wives had Dowries, whereas Concubines were usually without: Whence one in Plautus, the Scene of whose Action is laid in Greece, speaks thus (f) Trinummo. , — Sed ut inops Infamis ne sim, ne mihi hanc famam differant, ne Germanam meam sororem in concubinatum tibi Sic sine dote dedisse magis, quam in matrimonium. Thou I am low i'th' World, and am but mean, I'll offer some small Matter for her Dowry, Lest this Aspersion should be thrown abroad, That she as Mistress, not as Wife, is to you. The rest of their Distinction was chiefly founded upon this, for she, that had a Dowry, thought it a just Title to a greater Freedom with her Husband, and more Respect from him than such as owed their Maintenance to him: Hence Hermione in Euripides is enraged that the Captive Andromache should pretend to be her Rival in Pyrrhus' Affections, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Euripid. Andromach. 147. ;— This rich Attire, these costly Ornaments, My various Change of clothes, and all my Jewels Ne'er did Achilles, or old Peleus give; No, they are only kind, indulgent Tokens Of my dear Father's Blessing; these I brought From Sparta with a Fortune great and noble To show my Quality, and that I might Speak freely without any slavish Awe; And dost thou think, thou dirty, servile Woman, To paramount, to cast me out, and gain Th' Ascendant o'er my Lord's Affections? Mr. Abel. So sensible was Lycurgus of this, and some other Inconveniences attending this Custom, that, what for fear Wives should domineer over their Husbands, what out of a Desire that Men should choose Wives more for the sake of their Persons than their Money, and that no Woman's Poverty should hinder her of an Husband, he quite banished it out of Sparta (a) justin. lib. III. Plutarch Apophthegm. La●oni●. Ae●tan. Var. Hist. lib. VI cap. VI . Solon agreed herein with Lycurgus, for all the Dowry he permitted the Athenian Wives to have, was a little inconsiderable Householdstuff, and three Suits of clothes: For (says Plutarch) he would not have Marriages for Gain, or an Estate, but for pure Love, kind Affection, and to get Children (b) Plutarch Solone. . But this was not without its Exceptions, for Men that had no Sons were allowed to entail their Estates upon Daughters; and every Heiress (the Athenians called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) was obliged to marry her nearest Relation, left her Estate should go out of the Family; but in Consideration of her Dowry she had the Privilege, when her Husband was impotent, to lie with his nearest Kinsman; which Law was contrived against those, who, conscious of their own Inability, would match with Heiresses for the Portion's sake, and make use of Law to put a Violence upon Nature; yet (saith my Author) 'twas wisely done to confine her to her Husband's nearest Kinsman, that the Children might be of the same Family: A farther Privilege Heiresses had above other Women was, that their Husbands were obliged to lie with them thrice a Mouth (c) Idem loc. citato. . Another Exception from the Law against Dowries was that which concerned Orphans; he, that was next in Blood to an orphan Virgin that had no Inheritance, was obliged to marry her himself, or settle a Portion: on her according to his Quality; if he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one of the first Rank, five minae, or five hundred Drachms; if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the second Rank, three hundred; if 〈◊〉, of the third Rank, one hundred and fifty: But if she had many Relations equally allied, all of them contributed their Proportions to make up the Sum: If there were more than one Virgin, their nearest Kinsman was only obliged to marry, or give a Portion to one of them; and, upon his Refusal to do this, any Person was allowed to indict him before the Archon, who was obliged to compel him to his Duty, and, if he refused to put the Law in Execution, was fined a thousand Drachms, which were consecrated to juno the Goddess of Marriage (d) Demosthen●● Orat. ad Macar●atum de Hagniana h●redi●ate. . Terence has several Hints at these Customs, for his Scenes being laid in Athens, he frequently describes the Usages of that City; thus in Phormio (e) Act. I. Sc. II. , Lex est, ut orbae, qui sint genere proximi, Eyes n●bant, & illos ducere eadem haec lex jubet. It's an established Form in Attic Laws, That the next male Kinsman without Demur Must be t' an Orphan Girl in Wedlock joined. In the same Comedy (a) Act. II. Sc. III. he expressly mentions the five Minae given by Men of the first Quality, Etsi mihi facta injuria est, verumtamen Potius quam li●e● secter, aut quam te audiam Itidem ut cognata si si●, id quod lex ●ubet Dotem dare, abduce hanc, minas quinque accipe. Thou I've been herein bubbled, here's the Sum, Five minae, as the Law enjoins, and take her As my Kinswoman; this I'll rather do Than sacrifice my Patience to your Talk, Or enter once the Clutches of the Law. Mr. Abel. It may be observed farther, that afterwards, when Money became more plentiful, the Relations of these Virgins increased their Dowries, for we are told by Eustathius (b) Iliad. ●. , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gave ●en minae, and Men of inferior Quality without doubt raised their Contributions proportionably. When Virgins had no Relations to provide for them, and were descended from Men that had been serviceable to their Country, it was common for the State to take care of them: A remarkable Instance hereof we have in Aristides' two Daughters, to each of which the City gave three hundred Drachms for her Portion (c) Plutarch Aristide. : Nor is it to be wondered (saith my Author) that the Athenians should make Provision for those that lived in their City, when hearing that the Granddaughter of Aristogiton (a famous Patriot that opposed Pisistratus' Sons) was in a low Condition in the Isle of Lemnos, and like to want an Husband, because without a Portion, they sent for her to Athens, married her to a Person of great Quality, and gave her a Farm belonging to the City for a Dowry. Indeed however generous the Love of the more ancient Athenians was, their Successors commonly made Money the chief Tie of their Affections; and the later Spartans were of the same Humour even whilst the Laws of Lycurgus were still in being; for we find that, whilst Lysander was in a flourishing Condition, and passed for a wealth Man, several Persons engaged themselves to his Daughters, who, seeing afterwards how poor and honest he died, broke off their Contract: 'Tis true the Spartans' punished them severely for their Persidiousness, but that seems done rather out of respect to Lysander's Memory (a) Plutarch L●jandro , than to their ancient Constitution, which, as soon as Riches began to be possessed and admired at Sparta, seems to have been laid asleep. The Grecians indeed, notwithstanding the Prohibition of some of their Laws, were generally Lovers of Money, and seem to have matched rather for the sake of that, than other more commendable Qualifications: Nor was this a late Corruption, but entertained even in the primitive Times; for we find Andromache called by Homer (b) Iliads ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. according to Eustathius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, possessed of a large Dowry; and before the Use of Money was common, Virgins increased their Husband's Estates by adding Sheep and Oxen to their Flocks add Herds, wherein the Riches of those Ages chiefly consisted, whence (as the same Author observes) they are sometimes honoured with the Epithe● of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: And from the Expenses Fathers were at on this account came the Proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which is nothing but a Father's Wish, that his Children might rather be Boys than Girls. As to the Quantity of Dowries nothing can be determined, the Humours of Persons, and their particular Exigences being the Laws they were usually directed by in such Cases; only it may be observed, that i● Crete Sisters were put off with half the Share of their Brothers (c) Alexander ab Alex. Ge●. D●●●. lib. IU. cap. VIII. . The Dowry was named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, q. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as designed to procure the Favour and good Will of the Person they were given to, sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because brought by the Wife to her Husband: Some of the same Names are used for the Man's Dowry, or Portion, as Eustathius has observed. When the Wife had a Dowry, it was commonly expected her Husband should make her a Settlement to be a Maintenance for her, in case he should happen to be parted from her by Death, or Divorce. This was usually an House, or Land, and was anciently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Hes●●●●, Hatpoc●at●●n▪ Suidas, Pollux. , being a Return equivalent to the Dowry; afterwards it was frequently termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. a Recompense for her Dowry, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, given instead of her Dowry: But where no such Security was given, Husbands that divorced their Wives were obliged to return their Dowry: The same Obligation reached their Heirs upon refusal to maintain th● Wives of those, whose Estates they inherited: Hence Telemachus in Homer, having suffered many Affronts, and sustained great Losses by his Mother Penelope's Gallants, yet thinks it not prudent to dismiss her to her Father Icarius, because that could not be done without returning her Portion (a) Odyss. ●. v. 132. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I could not now repay so great a Sum To the old Man, should I dismiss her Home Against her Will.— Which Words seem to intimate farther, that if the Woman departed of her own accord, the forementioned Obligation became void. What other Things Wives brought to their Husbands above their Portions, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and by later Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Before Men married, 'twas customary to provide themselves an House to settle in; to which Practice Hesiod's Advice is an Allusion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (b) Ep●. ●. 23. vide Turne●. Adu. lib. XXI. .— First see you have a Settlement, and Wife. The Woman in Theocritus asks her Lover, whether he was making an House ready for her, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What? are you furnishing an House! have you Provided Beds?— To which he replies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Beds I procure, don't fear.— Protesilaus in Homer, being called to the Trojan War soon after his Marriage, is said to have left 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his House half-finished (c) Iliad. ●. v. 700. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— At Phylace he left behind his Spouse There to lament in an half-finished House. Some, indeed, will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be meant of his Family, which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he left it before he had any Children (a) Scholiastes vetus in loc cit. : The same Ambiguity is found in Valerius Flaccus, who has thus imitated Homer (b) Lib. VI , — Conju● miseranda Caï●o Linquitur, & primo domus imperfecta cubili. Nigh where Caïcus in clear Streams doth glide His solitary House and Wife abide, Unblessed with th' Offspring of the bridal Night, Who might solaco the Thoughts, the pensive Mind delight. Mr. Abel. Catullus has expressed the same Thought thus (c) Epigram. ad Mallium. , Conjugis ut quondam flagrans adveni● amore Prote●ilaëam Laodamia domum Inceptam frustra, nondum cum sanguine sacro Hostia c●lestes pacificasset heros. As fair Laodamia once did come, Inflamed with Passion, to th' unfinished Home Of her dear Lord, before the Sacrifice Had e'er appeased the heavenly Deities. Mr. Abel. The Athenian Virgins were presented to Diana before it was lawful for them to marry: This Ceremony was performed at Brauron an Athenian Borough; it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Virgins themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Action 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Custom being instituted to appease the Goddess, who had been incensed against some of the Athenians for killing a Bear, the Story whereof is described at large in one of the precedent Books (d) Vol. I. p. 338, 339. . Another Custom there was for Virgins, when they became marriageable, to present certain Baskets full of little Curiosities to Diana, to gain Leave to depart out of her Train (Virgins being looked on as that Goddess' Peculiar) and change their State of Life: To which Custom Theoc●●tus has this Allusion (a) idyll. ●. v. 66. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Anaxo Eubul's Daughter full of Love Came to me with a Basket for Diana's Grove. The Action was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Virgins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the Baskets they carried. The Baeotians and Locrians had a Custom for Persons of both Sexes before their Nuptials to offer Sacrifice to Euclia, who had an Image and Altar in their Market-places: This Euclia some will have to be the Daughter of Menaetius, and Sister of Patroclus; others rather think her the same with Diana (b) Plutarch A●istede. ; 'tis not improbable that Diana received this Surname from Patroclus' Sister, or that she was worshipped by the Name of Diana Euclia; for, Diana being the Goddess of Virginity, 'tis not to be wondered, that one honoured for the Preservation of her Virginity, should be worshipped under her Name; since 'twas common to attribute to those, that were first eminent for any sort of Virtue, or excellent Quality, the Actions of all that afterwards imitated them; hence we have several Iupiter●, Minerva's, Bacchus', Herculeses, etc. the famous Exploits of many Persons distant as well in Time, as Place, being ascribed to one Hero. To return, we find Diana concerned in the preparatory Solemnities before all Marriages, for a married Life being her Aversion, 'twas thought requisite for all that entered upon it to ask her Pardon for dissenting from her; this was done by Prayers, and several sorts of Sacrifices, whence Agamemnon in Euripides, pretending he was going to match Iphigenia with Achilles, speaks thus to Clytaemnestra (c) Iphigeneia. in Aulid. 1110. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Send Iphigenia quickly forth with me, Hymen is now propitious, all things wait To grace the solemn Gladness of this Day, The Holy-water's ready, with the Cakes To cast upon the Fire, the Calves are brought, Whose Blood in grateful Vapours must arise T' atone the Breach of chaste Diana's Rites. Mr. Abel. These were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Terms of the same Signification, the former denoting Marriage either as a general Name for all sorts of Rites and Ceremonies; or (as some say) because the longing Expectations of married Persons are there by consummated, and brought to an End; or because Persons, that are married, become complete and perfect Men, and renounce all the Customs and Desires of Childhood, whence they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Gisetus in Aristoph. Thesmophor. , and are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: The same Epithet is commonly given to the Gods that had the Care of Marriage, whence we read of jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, juno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Suidas, aliique complures. , etc. These Gods were likewise rendered propitious before the Nuptials, and the Sacrifices with other Devotions offered to them were all known by the same Names with those offered to Diana; Juno's were called (beside their general Name) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from her own Name, which in Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Several other Deities had their Share in these Honours, Minerva surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Virgin, had a peculiar Title to them at Athens upon the same account they were paid to Diana, and 'twas not permitted a Virgin to marry, till she had paid her Devotion to this Goddess' Temple in the Citadel (c) Suid●●, etc. . Venus likewise, and all the rest of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Gods superintending Marriage, were invoked (d) Etym●logici Auctor, &c ; the Lacedæmonians had a very ancient Statue of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. Venus juno, to which all Mothers sacrificed, when their Daughters were married (e) Pausing Lac●●●●u. . The most ancient Athenians paid the same Honour to Heaven and Earth, which were believed to have a particular Concern in Marriages, the later of these being rendered fruitful by the benign Influences of the former, and therefore a fit Emblem of Marriage (f) Pr●●les in ●●maum Plato●● Comment V. . The Fates, and Graces, being thought first to join, and then preserve the Tie of Love, were Partakers of the like Respect (g) Pollux lib III. cap. III. Etymol●gici Auctor v 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and 'tis probable that several other Deities at different Places, and for different Reasons claimed a Share therein. The Day, wherein this Ceremony was performed, was usually that which immediately went before the Marriage (h) He●ychius. ; 'tis commonly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) E●●ol●gici Auctor. from the Custom they had of shaving themselves on this Occasion (k) Poll●x loc. cit &c , and presenting their Hair to some of the foremention'd Deities, or other Gods, to whom they had particular Obligations: The Megarensian Virgins offered their Hair with Libations at the Monument of Iphinoe, Daughter of Alcathous, who died a Virgin; the Delians to Hecaerge and Opis (a) Paus●nias Atticis. ; the Argians and Athenians (to trouble you with no more Instances) to Minerva: Statius has mentioned this Ceremony (b) Thebay. II. , speaking of that Goddess' Temple, — Hic more parentum jasides, thalamis ubi casta adolesceret aetas, Virgineas libare comas, primosque solebant Excusare toros.— When maiden Blushes could claim no Pretence, And vigorous Age had sullied Innocence, As anciently, the Argives hither came To vent their Passion, and their Love proclaim, They paid Diana then their Virgin Hair T' excuse the first Embraces of their Dear. Mr. Abel. But these Names (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) were at Athens peculiar to one Day of the Solemnity called Apaturia, wherein Fathers had their Children entered into the public Register, at which Time they offered Sacrifices for their Prosperity, with a particular Respect to their Marriages, and commonly shaved off some of their Hair to be dedicated to some of the Deities, especially her to whose Honour that Festival was celebrated. But tho' the Time of presenting their Hair might not be constantly the same, yet the Custom itself seems to have been universally observed not only by Women, but M●n, who rarely failed of performing this Ceremony upon their Arrival to Years of Maturity: Some of their Locks were carefully preserved for this Use, and therefore when Pentheus in Euripides threatens Bacchus to shave his Hair, the young God tells him it would be an impious Action, because he designed it for an Offering to some Deity (c) Bacch. v. 594. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Lock is sacred, this I do preserve As some choice votive Offering for the God. The Hair was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because presented to a God, as an Acknowledgement of his Care in their Education. The Deity thus honoured was commonly Apollo, as Plutarch reports, when he tells us, that Theseus, according to the Custom of the Graecian Youths, took a Journey to Delphi to offer the First-fruits of his Hair to the God of that Place (a) Theseo. . But this could not concern the poorer sort, to whom such Journeys would have been too expensive, nor were those of better Quality under any strict Obligation to pay this Honour to Apollo, it being not unusual to do it to other Gods, such especially as were thought to have protected their Infancy from Danger, and preserved them to Manhood: Instances are needless in a Thing so well known, only it may be necessary to observe, that the Deities of Rivers were commonly thought to have Title to this Respect, which Conceit seems to have proceeded from the Opinion of some Philosophers, who thought all Things were first produced out of Water, and still nourished, and rendered fruitful by it, whence the Poets took Occasion to give the Epithet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to watery Deities, as well as Apollo, those being no les● instrumental in the Growth and Increase of living Creatures than the Sun, whose Influences without Moisture can contribute nothing to the Production, or Preservation of Life: Hence both were looked on as deserving their Returns of Gratitude for the first Gift, as well as Continuance of Life (b) Eustath●us Iliads ● ubi hanc rem fosius e●●rrat. . I shall only trouble you with the following Example of Hair presented to Rivers, whereby what I have said concerning the Reason of this Custom will be confirmed; for Achilles' preserving his Hair as a Present to Sperchius' on Condition he should return home in safety, and afterwards shaving it when he found the Fates had decreed that he should be slain before Troy, plainly show that they used to preserve their Hair to the Gods, as a grateful Acknowledgement of their Care in preserving them: Homer's Words run thus, when he speaks of Patroclus' Funeral (c) Iliad. ●. v. 140. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Than did Achilles, that brave Prince, prepare For other Rites, he Shaved his golden Hair, While at a distance from the Pile he stood, That Hair, he'd nourished, Sperchius', for thy Flood; Then, as he looked upon the Stream, he said, (While Grief and Anguish did his Soul invade) " My loving Father made a vow (in vain) " That, when I see my native Soil again, " I should my Hair in pious Duty shave " To thee, and thou an Hecatomb shouldst have; " That fifty Rams I to thy Source should bring, " And pay them at thy Shrine a thankful Offering: " Thus, thus old Peleus vowed, but since I can't " Return, and you'll his Wish by no means grant, " My dear Patroclus I'm resolved shall have " These Locks, it is for him I do 'em I.. Mr. Abel. To return: Before the Marriage could be solemnised, the other Gods were consulted, and their Assistance implored by Prayers and Sacrifices, which were usually offered to some of the Deities that superintended these Affairs by the Parents, or other Relations of the Persons to be married: Nor can these Offerings be thought the same with those already mentioned, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, since we find them plainly distinguished by Euripides in a Dialogue between Agamemnon, and Clytaemnestra concerning the Marriage of their Daughter Iphigenia, KΛY. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 AΓA. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 KΛY. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 AΓA. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) E●ri●id. iphigen▪ in Aulid. v. 718 . CLY. Well, have you killed the Victims for the Goddess, My Daughter's Wedding to initiate? AGA. I'll see that done, for that is my Design. CLY. And then the Wedding-dinner? AGA. That we'll have, When to the Gods the Victims offered are. Mr. Abel. When the Victim was opened, the Gall was taken out, and thrown behind the Altar (a) Calius Rhodiginus lib XXVIII. cap. XXI. , as being the Seat of Anger and Malice, and therefore the Aversion of all the Deities that had the Care of Love, as well as those who became their Votaries: The Entrails were carefully inspected by Soothsayerss, and if any unlucky Omen presented itself, the former Contract was dissolved as displeasing to the Gods, and the Nuptials prevented: The same happened upon the appearing of any illboding Omen without the Victim; thus we find in Achil●es Tatius that Cli●ophon's designed Marriage with Calligone was hindered by, an Eagle, that snatched a Piece of the Sacrifice from the Altar (b) Lib. II. . The most fortunate Omen that could appear was a Pair of Turtles, because of the inviolable Affection those Birds are said to have for each other: The same may be observed o●▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were thought to promise long Life, or Happiness, by reason of the Length of their Lives, which is proverbially remarkable, and the Perpetuity of their Love, for, when one of the Mates is dead, the other remains solitary ever after (c) Alexand. ●b. Alex. ; for which reason, the Appearance of those Birds single boded Separation, or Sorrow to the married Couple, whence (as we are told by Horapollo) it was customary at Nuptials to sing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereby the Maids were put in mind to watch that none of these Birds coming single should disturb the Solemnity; o●, perhaps, it might be done to avert the pernicious Influences of so unlucky an Omen, if it happened to appear. Another Remedy against evil Omens was this, they wrote over their House-doors, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, KAKON, LET NO EVIL ENTER, which Sentence was thought a prevailing Amulet against Illboding Appearances, and was sometimes joined with the Master of the House's Name, as appears from a newmarryed Person, who wrote thus upon his House, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I. e. Here dwells Hercules, the victorious Son of Jupiter, Let no evil enter. This gave occasion to Diogenes' Jest, for seeing upon the Door of a vicious Fellow the forementioned Prayer, Then (said he) les not the Master of the House enter (d) Dioge●e● La●●tius in Diogene . The Bride-groom's Garments were all died, as Suidas (e) V. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. has observed out of Aristophanes. However that be, both the married Persons, and all their Attendants were richly adorned, according to their Quality; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The ●ime was nigh completed, when a Bride You was to be, and richly dre●t in clothes, With your Attendants on that solemn Time. They were likewise decked with Garlands of various Herbs and Flowers; whence Clytaemnestra in Euripides speaks thus to Achilles about her Daughter Iphigenia (a) Iphigeneia. in Aulid. v. 903 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thou darling Offspring of a Goddess, help, Pity, redress, avenge my woeful Loss In my dear Child, thy Wife, but o! in vain, Thou I had cro●n'd her to be wedded to thee. Mr. Abel. The Herbs were usually such as some way or other signified the Affairs of Marriage, as those sacred to Venus, or (which are mentioned by the Scholiast (b) P●ce. upon Aristopha●●s), 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Cakes made of Sesame were likewise given at Marriages, that Herb being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, remarkable for its Fruitfulness, according to the same Author. The Boeotians used Garlands of wild Asparagus, which is full of Prickles, but bears excellent Fruit, and therefore was thought to resemble the Bride, who had given her Lover some trouble in courting her, and gaining her Affections, which she recompensed afterwards by the Pleasantness of her Conversation. The House, where the Nuptials were celebrated, was likewise decked with Garlands: A Pestle was tied upon the Door, and a Maid carried a Sieve (c) Pollux lib. III. cap. III. , the Bride herself bearing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Idem lib. ay cap. XII. an earthen Vessel, wherein Barley was parched, to signify her Obligation to attend the Business of her Family. The Bride was usually conducted in a Chariot from her Father's House to her Husband's about Evening (e) Suid●● v 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eustathius Ili●d. ●. p. 765. Ed. Bas. : She was placed in the Middle, her Husband sitting on one Side, and one of his most intimate Friends on the other, whom we therefore find called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; this Custom was so frequent, that, when the Bride went to her Husband's House on foot, the Person, who accompanied her, retained the same Name: The same was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Hesychius v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , tho' this is more commonly used in the feminine Gender, and signifies the Woman that waited upon the Bride, sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When the Bridegroom had been married before, he was not permitted to fetch the Bride from her Father's House, but that Care was committed to one of his Friends, who was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Hes●●hius, vide Tolluci● Onomast. lib III. it●m Suidam, Phavorinum, caeterosque Lexicographos. , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Words are likewise taken for the Persons that assisted in making up the Match, and managing all Concerns about the Marriage, who (if Women) were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. One Thing may be observed in the Bride's Passage to her Husband's House, viz. that Torches were carried before her, as appears from the Messenger in Euripides, who says he called to mind the Time when he bore Torches before Menelaus and Helena; his Words are thus addressed to Helena (c) Helen, v. 728. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I call to mind as yesterday the Pomp Of your Procession on the wedding Day; How you was carried in a Coach and Four, While I with Torches blazing in the Air Drove sore-most on from your dear Parent's Ho●se, That happy Nurs'ry of your tender Years. Mr. Abel. For these Torches were usually carried by Servants, as appears from the following Words of Hesiod (d) Scut. Hercul. v 275. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— The Servants than did flaming Torches bear, Which darted forth a quivering Light from f●●. They were sometimes attended with Singers and Dancers, as Homer acquaints us in his Description of Achilles' Shield (a) Il●ad. ●. ●. 49●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 With nice and curious Touches next appear Two stately Cities; in one Nuptials are, Here polished Art with Nature doth agree In framing Figures of Festivity, Feasts, Revels, Balls the Sculpture represents With various sorts of Musick-instruments, Lamps shine with Brightness on the solemn State, While the brisk Bridegroom leads his charming Ma●e, Measures young Men observe with active Feet, While the Pomp does advance along the Street, The Music plays, Hymen, Hymen, they cry, While aged Matrons stand admiring by. Mr. Abel●. The Song they were entertained with in their Passage, was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Coach they road in, the Axletree whereof they burned, when arrived at their Journey's End, thereby signifying, that the Bride was never to return to her Father's House. The Rhodians had a peculiar Custom of sending for the Bride by a public Cryer. When the Bridegroom entered the House with his Bride, it was customary to pour upon their Heads Figgs, and divers other sorts of Fruits, as an Omen of the Plenty they were to enjoy (b) 〈◊〉 Scholiastes in P●atum p. 78. . The Day of the Bride's Departure from her Father was celebrated in the Manner of a Festival, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) H●●●●●● 〈◊〉 : It seems to have been observed at her Father's House before she departed, it being distinct from the nuptial Solemnity, which was kept at the Bride-groom's House, and began at Evening, the usual Time of the Bride's Arrival there. The Bride, being come to the Bridegroom's House, was entertained with a sumptuous Banquet, called by the same Name with the Marriage, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Pollux hath observed from the following Verse in Homer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A shot-free Banquet, or a Marriage-feast, Not such as is by Contribution made. Whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to make a nuptial Entertainment, as in Homer (a) Iliad. ●. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To make a Marriage-feast for th' Myrmidons. The same Poet has this Expression in other Places (b) Odyss. ●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Making a nuptial Banquet for his Friends. What was the design of this Entertainment we learn from Athenaeus, who (to pass by the Joy and Mirth it was intended to promote) tells us, there were two Reasons for it; the first was the Respect due to the Gods of Marriage, who were invoked before the Feast, and had no small Share in it, and 'tis thought by some that most of the Graecian Festivals were first observed on this Ground: The second End of this Entertainment was, that the Marriage might be made public (c) Athenaus' lib. V. cap. 1. initio. , for all the Relations of the married Couple were invited as Witnesses of their Marriage, and to rejoice with them: Whence the young Man in Terence concludes, the Marriage he there speaks of could not be presently consummated, because Time was required to invite Friends, and make necessary Preparations (d) Phorm. Act. IU. Sc. IU. , Ducenda est uxor, ut ais; concedo tibi: Spatium quid●m apparandis nuptiis, Vocandi, sacrificandi dabitur pautulum. That he's obliged to marry her I grant, But then some Time before must be allowed For the procuring of all Requisites; His Friends must be invited to the Wedding, And he address the Gods with Sacrifice. Mr. Hutchin. During the Solemnity, the Company diverted themselves, and honoured the Gods of Marriage with Music and Dances; we seldom read of a Marriage without them: All the Songs were call'● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; thus both Homer and Hefiod, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Many Hymen's sung.— The Romans used the same Term (a) T●rentius Adelph. , Hymenaeum, turbas, lampadas, tibicines. Your Hymen's, Hubbubs, Flambeaus, and Scrapers. The reason of this Name was from the frequent Invocations of Hymen, or Hymenaeus, the God of Marriage, always made in these Songs; as in this Verse of Catullus, Io Hymen, Hymenaee Hymen ade●, o Hymenaee. This Hymenaeus, we are told, was an Argian, whom (b) H●m●ri Scholia●tes Iliad. ●. v. 593. they received into the Number of their Gods, and thus remembered for a generous Action in delivering certain Athenian Virgins from the Lust and Cruelty of some Pelasgians: Others derive the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the married Couple's inhabiting together; others, lastly, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies the membrana virginalis. About the Time of their Entertainment there were several significant Ceremonies relating some way, or other to the State of Marriage; one at Athens was this, there came in a Boy covered with Thorn-boughs and Acorns, carrying a Basket full of Bread, and singing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. I have left the worse, and found the better: Which Saying was used at one of their Festivals, when they commemorated their Change of Diet from Acorns to Corn, but seems at this time to have signified also the Happiness the married Persons were entering upon, and that Marriage was preferable to a single Life. The Lacedæmonians had a Custom of carrying about a sort of Cakes made in various Figures, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whilst they danced, and commended the Bride in their Songs (c) Athenaus' lib. X. , When the Dances were at an end, the married Couple were conducted to the Marriagebed, which was called in Latin lectus genialis, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or (when the Persons were first married, and in their youth) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: It was rich●y adorned as the Quality of the Person would bear; the Covering was usually of Purple, whence the Poet (a) De nuptiis Pele● & Thetid● v. 1402 , Purpureu●●e 〈◊〉 consternens veste cubile. Spreading a Garment o'er thy purple Bed. Apollonius speaks of the same Colour, and of Flowers wherewith they used to straw it (b) Arg●●. IV. v. 1141. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Then richly they adorned the Marriagebed, A costly purple Skin they o'er it spread, And that the Nuptials they might celebrate With more magnificent and pompous State, The beauteous Nymphs brought in their snowy Breasts Flowers of various Colours.— Mr. Hutchin. in the same Room there was commonly placed a Side-bed called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Hesychius. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Pollux accounts for the Custom (d) Lib. III. cap. III. . But, before they went to Bed, the Bride bathed her Feet, whence Trygeus in Aristophanes (e) Pace. , intending to marry Opora, no sooner brings her to his House, but commands his Servants to provide a Vessel of Water, then to make ready the Bed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bring home my Bride as soon as possible, Then wash the Vessel, and the Water warm, And next prepare for us the nuptial Bed. This Water the Athenians always fetched from the Fountain Calli●hoe, afterwards called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from nine Cisterns supplied by it with Water; the Person that brought it was a Boy nearly allied to one of the married Couple, whom they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from his Office (a) Suidas, Pollux loc. cit. : This being done, the Bride was lighted to Be● with several Torches, for a single Torch was not enough, as may be observed from the Miser in Libanius (b) Declamat. XXXVII. , that complains he could not light the Bride to Bed with one Torch: Round one of the Torches the married Person's Mother tied her Hair-lace, which she took off for this Use, and made up her Hair with another, S●neca alludes to this Custom (c) Theb. v. 505. , — Non te duxit in thelamos parens Comitata primos, nec sua sestas manu Ornavit ●des, nec sua laetas faces Vitta revinxit.— Your Mother did not at the Wedding wait, Nor you into your Chamber introduce, Nor with her Hand the bridal House adorned, Nor with her Hair-lace tied the joyful Torch. Mr. Hutchin The Relations of the married Persons assisted in the Solemnity, and it was looked on as no small Misfortune to be absent; th● Mothers especially were assiduous in lighting Torches, when their Son's Wives entered the House: jocasta in Euripides severely chider Polynices for marrying in a foreign Country, because she, with th● rest of his Relations and Friends, were deprived of their Offices at his Nuptials (d) Ph●●i●. v. 339. in quem locum vide Scholiast●m , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But, you, my Son, not without Grief I hear, Are joined in Wedlock in a foreign Land, There taste the Pleasures of the genial Bed, And on a Stranger propagate your Kind; This, this is Matter of most kill Grief To me, and your good Grandsire Laïus, When we reflect upon those coming Ills, That must undoubtedly attend the Match: For neither I, as well becomes the Care Of happy Mothers, lighted up the Torch, And blest the Nuptials by that pious Act; Nor old Ismenus, rich in rolling. Streams, Furnished out Water for your nuptial Washings, Nor was the Entrance of your Bride proclaimed Through Theban Streets, but all as unconcerned, As when no Native does bring home his Bride. Mr. Hutchin. The Bride's Mother had no lesle a Right to this Office, for we find Clytaemnestra, tho' professing all due Submission to Agam●●non, when desired by him to absent herself from Iphigenia's Marriage, steadfastly refusing it as a Thing against all Justice, notwithstanding his Promise to perform her Part of the Ceremony (a) Iphigeneia, in A●lid. v. 731. , KΛ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 AΓ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 KΛ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 AΓ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 KΛ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 CL. Whither, mean time, shall wretched I repair? AG. To Arg●●, let those Maids employ your Care. CL. And leave my Child? who than the Torch will light? AG. That be my Care, I will perform that Rite. CL. And is that fit, let Aganemnon judge. Mr. Hutchin. After a little disputing, they proceed thus, AΓ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 AG. Without more Reas'ning my Demands obey. CL. By juno, that o'er Argos bears the Sway, Sooner would wretched Clytaemnestra bleed Than give consent to so unjust a Deed; Affairs abroad better my Lord become, 'Tis fit that I should manage Things at home. Mr. Hutchin The married Couple being shut together in the Chamber, the Laws of Athens obliged them to eat a Quince, whereby was intimated that their first Discourse ought to be pleasing and agreeable (a) Plutarch Solone, & in Conjugal. precept. . The Husband then loosed his Wife's Girdle, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to deflower, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Woman who has lost her Virginity: This Girdle was not (as some seem to fancy) worn by Maids only, but used as well after Marriage as before, being designed to secure the weaker Sex from the sudden Attempts of Men inflamed with Lust, whence Nonnus calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and, when he introduces the Satyrs endeavouring to embrace certain Virgins, we find their Honour secured by it (b) Lib. XII. circa finem. : The same appears farther from the Mention Authors make of untying Woman's Girdles in Childbirth, and from calling such Girls only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. not having a Girdle, as were not arrived to Maturity. At this Timethe young Men and Maids stood without the Door, dancing and singing Songs called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bride-chamber, and making a great Noise by shouting and stamping with their Feet, which was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) H●sychius. , and designed to drown the Maid's Cries; lest the Women should go to her Assistance, one of the Bridegroom's Friends stood Sentinel at the Chamber-door, and from his Office was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (d) Pollux lib. III. cap. III. . This Song, as likewise all the rest was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and consisted of the Praises of the Bridegroom and Bride, with Wishes for their Happiness, as may appear (to pass by other Instances) from Theocritus' Epithalamium of Helena, which begins thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At Sparta's Palace twenty beauteous Maids, The Pride of Greece, fresh Garlands crowned their Heads With Hyacinth and twining Parsley dressed, Graced joyful Menelaus' Marriage-feast, When lovely Helen, great in conquering Charms, Resigned her willing Beauty to his Arms: They danced around, Joy flowed from every Tongue, And the vast Palace sounded with the Song. Mr. Creech. They returned again in the Morning, saluted the married Couple, and sung 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for that was the Name of the morning Songs, which were designed to awake and raise the Bridegroom and Bride; as those sung the Night before were intended to dispose them to sleep, and are on that account termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: This Custom appears from Theocritus' Chorus of Virgins, who conclude the forecited Epithalamium with a Promise to return early in the Morning, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sleep in each other's Arms, and raise Desire, Let ardent Breathe fan your mutual Fire, But rise betimes, forget not, we'll return When first the crowing Cock shall wake the Morn, When through his feathered Throat he sends his Voice: O Hymen, Hymen, at this Feast rejoice. Mr. Creech. The Solemnity lasted several Days; the Day before the Marriage was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as preceding that whereon the Bride did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lodge with the Bridegroom: The Marriage Day was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the Day following, according to Pindar, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Word signifies a Day added to any Solemnity; Hesychius (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which may, perhaps, be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the former Day's Mirth was, as it were, repeated, whence the Romans called it repotia; unless for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we might be allowed to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and then it would be the same with Athenaeus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Lib. III. cap. XV. , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes any Thing that has ceased to be new, whence Tully calls a Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when Man's first and eager Enquiry after it is cooled, and Athenaeus in another Place has opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Lib. IU. ; others call the second Day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The third Day was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the Bride, returning to her Father's House, did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lodge apart from the Bridegroom, tho' some place this upon the seventh Day after Marriage; others will have it so called, because the Bridegroom lodged apart from his Bride at his Father in Law's House; 'tis possible both may be in the right, and that both Bridegroom and Bride might lie at her Father's House, but in different Beds: Others make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence a seeming Difficulty arises, since those two Words import Contraries, one seeming to denote the Bride's Lodging apart from the Bridegroom, the other with him; but this may be easily solved by applying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to her lodging with her Husband, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to her Departure from her Father's House (d) Vide Pollucem lib. III. cap. III. Hesychiam, Sutdam, Etymologiti Auctorem, Phavorinum, etc. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . On the Day called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (whenever that was) the Bride presented her Bridegroom with a Garment called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Gifts were likewise made to the Bride from her Husband, Relations, and Friends, called sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: These consisted of golden Vessels, Beds, Couches, Plates, Ointment-boxes, Combs, Sandals, and all sorts of Necessaries for house-keeping, which were carried in great State to the House by Women, who followed a Person called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from carrying a Basket in the manner usual at Processions before whom went a Boy in white Apparel with a Torch in his Hand: These Presents were likewise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Suidas. , and Hesychius will have the third Day to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if the Bride than first appeared in public: Suidas tells us the Gifts were so called, because she was then first shown to her Bridegroom: For the same reason they are sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the Bridegroom had then Leave to converse freely with her; for Virgins before Marriage were under straight Confinement, being rarely permitted to appear in public, or converse with Men; and, when allowed that Liberty, wore a Veil over their Faces; this was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and was not left off in the Presence of Men till this Time, whence some think the Bride was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that being the first Time she appeared in a public Company unveiled (a) Pharnutus de Natura Deorum in Neptuno. : Hence the Poets speak of Pluto's Gifts to Proserpina, when she unveiled herself, as in those Verses of Euphorion cited by the Scholiast upon Euripides (b) Thoenissis. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pluto to Proserpina a Present gave When first she laid aside her maiden Veil, And at the Marriage showed herself uncovered. There is a Story of the Sophister Hermocrates relating to this Custom that, having a Woman not very agreeable imposed upon him by Severus the Roman Emperor, and being asked his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when she took off her Veil, he replied 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, It would be more proper to make her a Present to keep her Veil on, unless her Face was more acceptable. The Ceremonies of the Spartan Marriages being different from all others, I have reserved them for this Place, and shall set them down in Plutarch's own Words (c) Lycurgo p. 48. Edit. Paris. , When the Spartans' had a mind to marry, their Courtship was a sort of Rape upon the Persons they had a Fancy for, and those they chose not tender and half Children, but in the Flower of their Age, and full ripe for an Husband: Matters being agreed between them, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Woman that contrived and managed the Plot, shaved off the Bride's Hair close to her Skin, dressed her up in Man's clothes, and left her upon a Mattress: This done, in comes the Bridegroom in his everyday clothes, sober and composed, as having supped at his Ordinary in the common Hall, and steals as privately as he can into the Room where the Bride lay, unties her Virgin Girdle, and takes her into his Embraces; thus having stayed a short time with her, he returns to the rest of his Comrades, with whom he continues to spend his Life, remaining with them as well by Night as by Day, unless he steals a short Visit to his Bride, and that could not be done without a great deal of Circumspection and Fear of being discovered: Nor was she wanting (as may be supposed) on her Part, to use her Woman's Wit in watching the most favourable Opportunities for their meeting, and making Appointments when Company was out of the way. In this Manner they lived a long time, insomuch that they frequently had Children by their Wives before they saw their Faces by Daylight: The Interview, being thus difficult and rare, served not only for a continual Exercise of their Temperance, and furthered very much the Ends and Intentions of Marriage, but was a means to keep their Passion still alive, which flags, and decays, and dies at last by two easy Access and long Continuance with the beloved Object. CHAPTER XII. Of their Divorces, Adulteries, Concubines, and Harlots. THE Graecian Laws concerning Divorces were different; some permitted Men to put away their Wives on slight Occasions; the Cretans allowed it any Man that was afraid of having too great a Number of Children; the Athenians likewise did it upon very small Grounds, but not without giving a Bill, wherein was contained the Reason of their Divorce, to be approved (if the Party divorced made an Appeal) by the chief Magistrate (a) Genial. Diet. lib IV. cap. VIII. . The Spartans', tho' marrying without much Nicety in Choice, seldom divorced their Wives, for we read that Lysander was fined by the Magistrates called Ephori on that account; and tho' Aristo, one of their Kings, put away his Wife with the Approbation of the City, yet that seems to have been done rather out of an earnest Desire to have a Son to succeed in his Kingdom, which he could not expect by that Woman, than according to the Custom of his Country (b) Herodotus lib. VI cap. LXIII. . But, whatever Liberty the Men took, their Wives were under a greater Restraint, for it was extremely scandalous for a Woman to depart from her Husband, whence we find Medea in Eur●pides complaining of the hard Fate of her Sex, who had no Remedy against the Man's Unkindness, but were first under a Necessity of buying their Husbands with large Portions, and then to submit to their ill Usage without Hopes of Redress (a) Medea v. 230. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of all those Creatures, to whom kinder Heaven Has Life and more exalted Reason given, We Women the most wretched Fate endure; First Husbands we at highest Rates procure, Then yield ourselves submissive to their Power: But o! the Curse, the Hazard lies in this, If he's unkind I choose there's no Redress, But good, or bad, I am for ever his; Divorces are too scandalous to name, And no Law suffers us to throw off them. Mr. Hutchin. The Athenians were somewhat more favourable to Women, allowing them to leave their Husbands upon just Occasions; only they could not do it without making Appeal to the Arch●● and presenting him a Bill of their Grievances with their own Hand●: Plutarch (b) Alci●iad●. has a Story of Hipp●rete Alcibiades' Wife, who (he tells us) was a virtuous Lady, and fond of her Husband▪ but at last, growing impatient of the Injuries done to her Bed by his continual entertaining of Courtesans, as well Strangers as Athenians, she departed from him, and retired to her Brother Callias' House▪ Alcibiades seemed not at all concerned a● it, living on still in his former lewd Course of Life; but the Law requiring that she should deliver to the Arch●n in Person, and not by a Pro●y, the Instr●● whereby she sued for a Divorce, when in Obedience to it she presented herself before him, Alcibiades came in, took her away by Force, and carried her home through the Forum, no Man dating to oppose him, or take her from him, and she continued with him till her Death: Nor was this Violence to be thought a Crime, for the Law, in making her, who desires a Divorce, appear in public, seems to design her Husband should have an Opportunity of discoursing with her, and endeavouring to retain her. Persons that divorced their Wives were obliged to return their Portions, as has been observed in the foregoing Chapter; if they failed to do that, the Athenian Laws obliged them to pay her nine obo● a Month for Alimony, which the Woman's Guardian was impower'd to sue for at the Court kept in the Odeum (a) Demosti●nes Orat. in Ne●r●m. . It may be observed, lastly, that the Terms expressing Men and Woman's Separation from each other were different; Men were said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dimittere, to dismiss their Wives, or lose them from their Obligation; but Wives, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, divortere, discedere, to leave, or depart from their Husbands. It was not unusual to dissolve the Marriage-tye by Consent of both Parties, and, that done, they were at liberty to dispose of themselves how they pleased in a second Ma●ch: An Instance hereof we have in Plutarch, who reports that, when pericles and his Wife could not agree, and became weary of one another's Company, he parted with her, willing and consenting to it, to another Man (b) Pericle. . There is somewhat more remarkable in the Story of Antiochus the Son of Seleucus, who falling desperately in love with Stratonice his Mother in Law, married her with his Father's Consent (c) Plutarch Demetrio, Valerius Maximus lib. V. cap. VII. . The Romans had the same Custom, as appears from Cato's parting with his Wife Martia to Hortensius, which, as Strabo assures us, was a Thing not unusual, but agreeable to the Practice of the old Romans (d) Geograph. lib. VII. , and some other Countries. What may appear more strange, is, that it was frequent in some Parts of Greece to borrow one 〈◊〉 's Wives: We need not go to Athens for the Example of Socrates, who, we are told, lent his Wife Xantippe to Alcibiades (e) Tertullia●u● Apolog. cap. XXXIX. , or for their Law which permitted Heiresses to make use of their Husband's nearest Relation, when they found him deficient; since we have so frequent Instances in Sparta, which was the least addicted to Debauchery, or Looseness of any of the Graecian Commonwealths, as being governed by the severest Laws, and kept under the most rigid Discipline: We have the following Account of their Practice in this Affair from Plutarch (f) Lycurgo. , Lycurgus the Spartan Lawgiver (he tells us) thought the best Expedient against Jealousy was to allow Men the Freedom of imparting the Use of their Wives to whom they should think fit, that so they might have Children by them; this he made a very commendable Piece of Liberality, laughing at those, who thought the Violation of their Bed such an insupportable Affront as to revenge it by Murders, and cruel Wars: He had a good opinion of that Man, who, being grown old, and having a young Wife, should recommend some virtuous, handsome young Man, that she might have a Child by him to inherit the good Qualities of such a Father, and should love this Child as tenderly, as if begotten by himself: On the other Side, an honest Man, who had love for a married Woman upon the account of her Modesty, and the Well-favour'dness of her Children, might with good Grace beg of her Husband his Wife's Conversation, that he might have a Cyon of so goodly a Tree to transplant into his own Garden; for Lycurgus was persuaded that Children were not so much the Property of their Parents, as of the whole Commonwealth, and therefore, would not have them begotten by the first Comers, but by the best Men that could be ●ound: Thus much (proceeds my Author) is certain, that, so long as these Ordinances were observed, the Women were so far from that scandalous Liberty, which hath since been objected to them, that they knew not what the Name of Adultery meant. We are farther told by others, that Strangers, as well as Citizens of Sparta, were allowed the same Freedom with their Wives, provided they were handsome Men, and likely to beget lusty and vigorous Children (a) Nicolaus de moribus apud 〈◊〉 ; yet we find their Kings were exempt from this Law, that the Royal Blood might be preserved unmixed, and the Government remain in the same lineal Descent. Notwithstanding this Liberty, which was founded upon mutual Consent, they accounted all other Adulteries the most heinous Crimes in the World, and, whilst they kept to their ancient Laws, were wholly Strangers to them; for we are told by Plutarch (b) Loco citat● , That Geradas, a primitive Spartan, being asked by a Stranger, What Punishment their Law had appointed for Adulterers? replied; There were no Adulterers in his Country: But, returned the Stranger, suppose there were one, and the Crime were proved against him, how would you punish him? He answered, That the Offender must pay to the Plaintiff a Bull with a Neck so long as that he might reach over the Mountain Taygetus, and drink of the River Eurotas that runs on the other Side: The Man, surprised at this, said, Why, 'tis impossible to find such a Bull: Geradas smilingly replied, 'Tis just as possible to find an Adulterer in Sparta. The Punishments inflicted upon Adulterers in Greece were of divers sorts, some of which are these that follow. To begin with the Heroic Ages: If the Rapes of Women may be allowed Room in this Place, we shall find they were revenged by many cruel and bloody Wars: Herodotus makes them to have given the first Occasion to that constant Enmity that was kept up for many Ages between Greece and Asia, and never allayed till the later was conquered, and become subject to the former (a) Lib I. initio. ; Lycophron agrees with Herodotus, and makes the Rape of Io by the Phoenicians to have incensed the Grecians against the Inhabitants of Asia, and after frequent Injuries committed, and War, waged on both Sides, to have reduced the Asian Empire under th● Dominion of the Europeans under Alexander of Maccaon; the Poof Words run thus (b) Cassand●a v. 1291. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 May those Phoenician Sailors be accursed, That Io did convey from Lerna first, Those savage Mariners, that forced the Maid To be the partner of Osiris' Bed, And the two Empires thus embroiled in War. Mr. Hutchin. He goes on to enumerate the continual Quarrels between the 〈◊〉 Continents till Alexander's Time. But however the Truth of this may be questioned, there being in those early Ages no Distinction of the World into Gree● and Barbarians, nor any common Association of those amongst themselves, or against the others; yet we have a remarkable Instance (to omit several others) of a long and bloody War occasioned by Paris' Rape of Helen. But to bring some Instances, which may seem more pertinent to our present D●●sign; what Sentence the Heroic Ages passed upon Adultery may appear, as from the Revenge of Atreus upon his Brother Thyestes, who was entertained at a Banquet with the Flesh of his own Son for defiling Aerope Atreus' Wife, and other Examples of the Cruelty of the Men of those Times against such as committed Adultery with their Wives, or other near Relations; so more clearly from the Punishments inflicted by Laws, or Magistrates upon such Offenders, who were usually stoned to Death; whence Hector in Homer tells Paris his Crime in stealing another Man's Wife deserved no lesle a Punishment than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a stone Coat, which, if he had received his Demerits, he should have put on; meaning that nothing but this Death could expiate so black an Action▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. . For these your Crimes you had been stoned to Death. The same Punishment seems to have been frequent in more Eastern Countries, th● jews were particularly obliged to inflict it both on Men and Women, as appears from the express Words of their Law (a) Deuteronom cap XXII. . Rich Adulterers were sometimes allowed to redeem themselves with Money, which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and paid to the Adulteress' Husband; whence, Mars being taken with Venus, Homer's Gods all agree that he must pay his Fine to Vulcan (b) Odyss. ● v. 329. ubi Gracu● Scholiastes consulendus. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An ill Event does still on Ills attend, Not Mars' Swiftness could the God defend From limping Vulcan's most unerring Snare, But in it he surprised th' adulterous Pair, Therefore a greater Fine Mars ought to pay. Mr. Hutchin. Nor could Vulcan consent to set his Prisoner at liberty, till Neptune engaged for the Payment of it (c) Ibid. v. 354. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Than Neptune, who the well-fixed Earth doth shake In answer to distrusting Vulcan spoke; " If you're afraid that Mars will play the Cheat, " That he'll abscond and never pay the Debt, " I'll it discharge.— Mr. Hutchin. It appears from the same Place to have been customary for the Woman's Father to return all the Dowry he had received of her Husband, for Vulcan is introduced threatening to secure both Mars and Venus in Chains till that was done (d) V. 317. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I'll not release them from the binding Chain Till I that Dowry have received again, Which I for Venus to her Father paid 'Cause she was handsome, tho' a Jilt.— Mr. Hutchin. Some think this Sum was refunded by the Adulterer, because 'twas reasonable he should bear the Woman's Father harmless; since it appears not that Mars' Mulct was a distinct Sum, for upon Neptune's becoming Surety for it, Vulcan loosed him from his Bonds without farther Scruple. Another Punishment was putting out the Eyes of Adulterers, which seems to have been no lesle ancient than the former, and may be thought just and reasonable, as depriving the Offender of that Member, which first admits the Incentives of Lust. Fabulous Writers tell us, that Orion, having defiled Candiope, or Me●ope, had his Eyes put out by Oenopion, whom some will have to be the Lady's Husband, others her Father (a) Na●alu Comes M●tholog. Servius in Aenei●. : Phoenix Achilles' Guardian suffered the same Punishment for defiling Cl●tia his Father's Concubine (b) Apollod●rus lib. III. , which is thus expressed by Lycophron (c) ●assand●a v. 421. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Object of Amyntor's greatest Hate, And whom, since he his Clytia had defiled, He most inhumanly deprived of Sight. Homer indeed has no mention of this Punishment, but only informs us, that his Father, having discovered him, prayed that he might never have any Children (d) iliad. ●. v. 455. , which Tzetzes (e) In Lycophr●n. loc. citat. thinks is meant by losing his Eyes, because Children are dearer to Parents, and afford them greater Comfort than their most necessary Members; but this Interpretation is forced, and contrary to the Sense of Mythologists ancient as well as modern, who relate the Story agreeably to the literal Meaning of Lycophron's Words. The Locrians observed this Custom in later Ages, being obliged thereto by Zaleucus their Lawgiver, whose Rigour in executing this Law is very remarkable; for having caught his Son in Adultery, he resolved to deprive him of Sight, and remained a long time inexorable, notwithstanding the whole City was willing to remit the Punishment, and requested him to spare the Youth; at length, unable to resist the People's Importunity, he mitigated the Sentence, and redeemed one of his Son's Eyes by another of his own (a) Valerius Ma●imus lib. VI cap. V. ; ●o at once becoming a memorable Example of Justice and Mercy. At Gortyn in C●●te there was another Method of punishing Adulterers: They were covered with Wool, an Emblem of the Softness and Effeminacy of their Tempers, and in that Dress carried through the City to the Magistrate's House, who sentenced them ●o Ignominy, whereby they were deprived in a manner of all their Privileges, and their Share in managing public Business (b) C●●●tus Rho●i●●nus lib XXI. c●p. XLV. . It would be endless to enumerate all the Penalties ordered for these Offenders, I shall therefore pass to the Athenian Laws, when I have first acquainted you, that, if credit may be given to Pausanias (c) B●●●t●●● p. 597▪ 598. Ed. Ha●●●. ▪ the first, who made a Law, and constituted Punishments against Adulterers, was Hy●ttus an Inhabitant of Argos; who having caught Molurus, the Son of Arisbas', too familiar with his Wife, slew him, and fled to Orchomenus the Son of Minyas, than King of that City of B●●otia, which bore his Name; the King received him kindly, and gave him Part of his Territories, where he called a Village Hye●tus after his own Name, and established severe Laws against Adultery. The Athenian Punishments seem to have been arbitrary, and left to their supreme Magistrate's Discretion; whence we find Hippomenes, one of Codrus' Posterity, and Archon of Athens, pronouncing a very odd Sentence upon his own Daughter Limone, and the Man caught in Adultery with her; he yoked them to a Chariot, till the Man died; and afterwards shut up his Daughter with an Horse, and so star●'d her to Death (d) Hera●●ides de Polit. Athen. . Some time after, Draco, being invested with Power to enact Laws, left Adulterers at the Mercy of any Man that caught them in the Act, who had free Licence to dismember, murder, or treat them in what other manner he pleased without being called to accounted for it; which Punishment was the same that had been before appointed for this Crime by Hyettus (e) P●usan●as lo●. cit. Demosthenes in Arist●●cratem. , and was continued afterwards by Solon (f) Plutar●●●s Solone, Lysias Orat. . Several other Punishments were ordered by Solon against the same Crime when proved by Evidence in lawful Judicature: A Man that ravished a free Woman was fined an hundred Drachms; one that enticed her, twenty (g) Pl●t●rchu● loc. cit. , or (as some say) two hundred; it being a greater Crime to violate a Woman's Mind, than her Body: But he that forced a free Virgin was to pay a thousand; and whoever deflowered one, was obliged to marry her; whence Plautus introduces one, who had corrupted a Man's Daughter, speaking to her Father thus (a) Au●●●a●ia. , Siquid ego erga te imprudens peccavi, aut gnatam tuam, Ut mihi ignos●as, eamque uxorem des, ut leges jubent. If, Sir, I've injured you I crave your Pardon, And if I've wronged your Daughter's Chastity, The Laws command it, and I'll marry her. But if the Virgin, or her Mother had accepted any Present from her Gallant, he was not obliged to make her his Wife, but she was looked on as a common Strumpet; whence Sostrata in Tere●●e has these Words after her Daughter had been defiled (b) Ade●ph. Act III. Sc. II. , Pejore res loco non potis est esse, quam in hoc, quo nunc sua est; Primum indotata est; tum praeterea, quae secunda ei dos erat, Periit, pro virgine dari nuptum non potest: Hoc relliquom est, Si inficias ibit, testis mecum est annulus, quem amiserat: Postremo, quando ego conscia mi sum, à me culpam esse hanc procul, Neque pretium, neque rem ullam intercessisse illa, aut me indignam; Geta, Experiar.— Matters were never worse than now they are; For first she has no Portion; and for That, Which might have been instead of one, she's lost; So that she can't pass for a Virgin now: I have but this one Thing that gives me Hopes, If he deny't, the Ring he lost will prove it: And Geta, since I know my Conscience clear, Since I no By-ends had in this Mishap, Nor took a Bribe, that I might blush to own, I'll stand a Trial with him at the Law. Mr. Hutchin. The Athenians had another Law, which seems enacted afterwards, obliging Persons that committed Rapes to pay a Mulct twice as great as was required for Adultery acted with the Woman's Consent. When a Man was clapped up on Suspicion of Adultery, he was allowed to prefer his Appeal to the Magistrates called Thesmothetae, who acquitted him, if he was able to purge himself; but if the Crime was proved against him, they had Power to lay on him, Death only excepted, what Punishment they pleased; nor could he be discharged till he had given Bail for his good Behaviour for the future. There was another remarkable Punishment for Adulterers, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the part being put for the whole; for, having plucked off the Hair from their Privities, ●●●y threw hot As●es upon the Place, and thrust up a Radish, Mul●●●, or some such Thing into their Fundament, whence they were 〈◊〉 after termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: juvenal mentions this Usage (a) Sat. X. 317. , — Qu●●sdam machoes & mugilis intrat. And some Adulterers a Mullet boreas. 〈◊〉 poor Men only were thus dealt with, the Rich being allowed 〈◊〉 bring themselves off with paying their Fine (b) A●ist●●h●r ●is 〈◊〉 N●bibus . Women were treated with no l●ss Severity than Men, for Plutarch tells u●, that, if any Person discovered his Sister, or Daughter, whilst unmarried, in this Crime, he was allowed by Solon's Laws to ●●ll her for a Slave: Adulteresses were never after permitted to adorn themselves with fine clothes; and, in case they appeared to do so, were liable to have them torn off by any that met them, and likewise to be beaten, tho' not so as to be killed, or disabled; the same Liberty was permitted any that found them in the Temple's, which were thought polluted by the Admission of Per●●ns so infamous and detestable: Lastly, their Husbands, tho' ●illing to do it, were forbidden to cohabit any longer with them ●pon pain of Ignominy, or Disfranchisment (c) Demosthe●e● Orat. sword. ; But Persons that prostituted Women, were adjudged to dye (d) Vide Leges Atticas fine lib ●● 161, 162 . We have seen what the Greeks thought of Adultery, but they appear to have had a more favourable Opinion of Concubinage, it being permitted every where, and that without Scandal, to keep as many Concubines as they pleased; these they styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they were usually Women taken Captives, or bought with Money, and always inferior to lawful Wives, whole Dowry, or noble Parentage, or some other Excellency gave them Preeminence: There is continual Mention of them in Homer▪ Achilles had his Brise●s, and in her absence Diomedes, Patroclus his Iphis, Menelaus and Agamemnon, and (to mention no more) the wisest, gravest and eldest of them all, such as Phoenix and Nestor, had their Women: N●r is it to be wondered that Heathens should run out into such Excesses, when the jews, and those the most renowned for Piety, such as Abraham and David, allowed themselves the same Liberty. Yet the Graecian Wives always envied their Husbands this Freedom, looking on it as an Encroachment upon their Privileges; whence we find in Homer, that Laertes, tho' having a great Respect for his Slave Euryclea, never took her to his Bed for fear of his Wife's Displeasure (e) Od●ss●●●. v 433. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Not his own Wife he loved above the Maid, Yet never her admitted to his Bed, The better to prevent domestic Strife. Phoenix's Mother persuaded him to defile his Father's Concubine to free her of so troublesome a Rival, as himself relates the Story (a) Iliad. ●. v. 447. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— helas I left to eat my Father's Hate, Who for his violated Miss contrived my Fate: For I moved with my Mother's earnest Prayer, (Who grieved to see a Jilt preferred to her) Debauched, to make him loath, his Clytia. Mr. Hut●●●● More Instances may be collected, but it will suffice to add that of Clytaemnestra, who, having slain her Husband Agamemnon, wreaked her Malice upon Cassandra his Concubine; whence Seneca has introduced her speaking these Words (b) Agamem●. v 995▪ , At ista panas capite persolvat suo Captiva conjux, regii pellex tori; Trahite, ut sequatur conjugem ereptum mihi. My Rival too, his Concubine, shall share, The sad Effects of Rage for injured Love; Drag out the captive Harlot, she that dared Lewdly to violate the Royal Bed, That she may follow him to th' Shades below. Mr. Hutchi●. Harlots were no lesle common than Concubines, being tolerated in most of the Graecian, and other Commonwealths: nor was the Use of them thought repugnant to good Manners; whence th● Latin Comedian, speaking of Athens, saith Non es●e flagitium scortari hominem adolescentulum. For Youth to wench and whore is not a Sin. The wisest of the Heathen Sages were of the same Mind, for Sol●n allowed common Whores to go publicly to those that hired them (a) Plutarch S●lon●. , and encouraged the Athenian Youth to empty their Lust upon those, to hinder them from making Attempts upon the Wives and Daughters of his Citizens; Philemon has elegantly expressed that Law-giver's Design in the following Fragment (b) D●l●hi●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cato the Roman Censor was of the same Opinion, as appears from the known Story, that, meeting a young Nobleman of Rome coming out of a common Stews, he commended him for diverting himself in that Place, as we read in Horace ● (d) Lib. I. Sa●. II. v. 31. , Quidam notus homo, cum e●iret fornice, mact● Virtute esto, inquit, sententia dia Catonis, Na● simul ac venas inflavit tetra libido, Huc ●●venes aequum est descendere.— When from the Stews a certain Noble came, This, says he, was the Heavenly Cato's Theme, " Go on brave Youth, and may you e'er succeed, " And never be abashed to own the Deed; " When Lust and burning Love ●well every Vein " 'Tis lawful to come here, and quench the generous Flame. Mr. Hutchin. I forbear to mention other Instances, the Testimony of Cicero being sufficient to consume what I have said, when he challenges all P●rsons to name any Time, wherein Men were either reproved for this Practice, or not countenanced in it (a) Orat. pro M. Coelio. : Nor can it be wondered, that Heathens allowed themselves this Liberty, when the jews looked on it as lawful; they were indeed forbidden to commit Adultery, and Fornication also was prohibited under severe Penalties, but these (as Grotius (b) In Matth●i cap. V. 27. observes) were thought to concern only Wom●n of their own Nation, their Law not extending to Foreigners; and we find accordingly that public Stews were openly tolerated amongst them, and Women residing there taken into the Protection of the Government, as appears from the two Harlots, that contended about a Child, and were heard in open Court by King Solomon (c) I Reg. III. 16 : But the jewish Women were not permitted to prostitute their Bodies, and therefore strange, or foreign, Women, are sometimes taken for Harlots, as when Solomon advises his Son to embrace Wisdom and Understanding, that they may keep him from the STRANGE Woman, from the STRANGER, which flattereth with her Words (d) Proverb. VII. 4, 5. ; and to arm him against the Allurements of Harlots, He tells him, The Lips of a STRANGE Woman drop as an Honeycomb, and her Mouth is smother than O●l, but her End is bitter as Wormwood, sharp as a two-edged Sword (e) Proverb. V, 3▪ 4. . The Athenians, as in many other Things, so here had the same Custom with the jews; for tho' severe Penalties were laid on such as defiled Women that were Citizens of Athens, yet Foreigners had the Liberty of keeping public Stews, and their Harlots were for that Reason, like those amongst the jews, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, strange Women. The Harlots of primitive Ages were not so wholly divested of all Modesty as afterwards; for they never went abroad barefaced, but, as was the Custom of other Women, covered themselves with Veils, or Masks: Nor were they allowed (as some think) to prostitute themselves within the Cities (f) Chrysippus cit●nte Gr●●● in Matthai cap. V▪ 27. ; which Custom seems to have been derived from the Eastern Nations, for we find Tamar in Genesis (g) Cap XXXVIII▪ 15. , when she had a mind to appear like an Harlot, covering herself with a Veil, and sitting in an open Place by the Way ● Timnath: But, it may be, her Design in placing herself there was only that she might meet with judah, or his Son, whom she desired to entice to her Embraces: We find however, that in After-ages, when Harlots were certainly permitted to reside in Cities, they used to post themselves in the Highways, as Places of Resort; in Solomon's Reign they frequented the Cities, for, speaking of an Harlot, he saith, She is loud and stubborn, her Feet abide not in her House; now is she without, now in the STREETS, and lieth in wait at every Corner (a) Proverb. VII, 11. ; yet some Ages after, when 'tis certain they were no more restrained from abiding in Cities than in Solomon's Days, they resorted to Places of general Concourse out of them, such as Highways, especially where several Ways met, and had Tents erected to wait in for Custom; hence (to omit other Instances) those Words of Ezechiel, Thou hast built thy high Place at every Head of the Way, and hast made thy Beauty to be abhorred, and hast opened thy Feet to every one that passed by, and multiplied thy Whoredoms (b) Cap. XVI, 25. . Again, Thou buildest thine eminent Place in the Head of every Way, and makest thy high Place in every Street (c) Ibid. come. 31. . In some Place● Harlots were distinguished from other Women by their Apparel; whence those Words of Solomon (d) Prov●●●. VII▪ 10. , There me● him a Woman with the Attire of an Harlot, and subtle of Heart. What sort of Habit this was, is not certain; but if the Athenian Custom was in this, as in many other Things, taken from the jews, we may conclude that their Whores wore flowered Garments; for the Athenian Lawgiver, thinking it necessary to distinguish Women of innocent Conversation from Harlots by some open and visible Mark, ordered that those should never appear abroad but in grave and modest Apparel, and the rest should always wear flowered Garments. Corinth is remarkable for being a Nursery of Harlots; there being in that City a Temple of Venus, where the readyest Method of gaining the Goddess' Favour was to present her with beautiful Damsels, who from that Time were maintained in the Temple, and prostituted themselves for Hire; we are told by Scrabo (e) Lib. VIII. , that there were no lesle than a thousand there at a Time: These were a gentiler sort of Harlots, and admitted none to their Embraces, but such as were able to deposit a considerable Sum, as we learn from Aristophanes (f) Plut. Act. I. Sc. II. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This gave occasion to the proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which Horace has thus translated, Non cuivis hominum contingit adire Corinthum. To Corinth every Person cannot sail. Some rather refer it to the famous Corinthian Strumpet Laïs', and others assign other Reasons. Their Occupation indeed was very gainful, insomuch that those, whom Beauty and Parts recommended, frequently raised great Estates; a remarkable Instance hereof we have in Phryne, who offered the Thebans to rebuild the Walls of their City, when demolished by Alexander, on condition they would engrave on them this Inscription, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I. e. These Walls were demolished by Alexander, but raised by Phryne the Harlot. To render their Conversation more acceptable to Men of Parts and Quality they frequently employed their vacant Hours in the Study of Mathematics and other Sciences, frequenting the Schools and Company of Philosophers; Aspasia, Pericles' belov'd Mistress, used to converse with Socrates, and arrived to such a Pitch in Learning, that many of the Athenians resorted to her on account of her Rhetoric and Abilities of Discourse; the most grave and serious amogst them frequently went to visit her, and carried their Wives with them, as it were, to Lecture, to be instructed by her Conversation; Pericles himself used her Advice in the Management of public Affairs; and after his Death one Lysicles, a silly and obscure Clown, by keeping her Company came to be a chief Man at Athens (a) Pl●tarchus Pedicle. : Several other Examples of this sort occur in Authors, as of Archianassa the Colophonian, who was Plato's Mistress; Herpyllis, who conversed with Aristotle till his Death, and bore him a Son called Nicomachus; lastly (to mention no more) Leontium, who frequented Epicurus' Gardens, there prostituting herself to the Philosophers, especially Epicurus (b) Athen●us lib. XIII. . CHAPTER XIII. Of the Confinement, and Employments of their Women. THE barbarous Nations, and amongst them the Persians especially (saith (a) Themistocl●. Plutarch) were naturally jealous, clownish and morose towards their Women, not only their Wives, but their Slaves and Concubines; whom they kept so strictly that never any one saw them beside their own Family: When at home, they were cloistered up; when they took a Journey, they were carried in Coaches, or Wagons, close covered at the Top and on all Sides: Such a Carriage, my Author tells us, was prepared for Themistocles, when he fled into Persia, to keep him secret; so that the Men who conveyed him, told all they met and discoursed with upon the Road, that they were carrying a young Graecian Lady out of jonia to a Nobleman at Court. By the manner of Plutarch's relating this Story it may be perceived that neither he, nor his Countrymen the Greeks approved of the Severity used by barbarous Nations toward their Women; yet themselves, tho' remitting something of the Persian Rigour, kept their Women under strict Discipline, and were no lesle excelled by the Romans in their Behaviour to them, than themselves surpassed the Barbarians; for whereas the Roman Women were allowed to be present at public Entertainments, and to converse with the Guests, and were complemented by their Husbands with the best Rooms in their Houses; those of Greece rarely, or never appeared in strange Company, but were confined to the most remote Parts of the House (b) Cornelius Nepo●. Praefat. in vitas excellent. Imperatorum. . To this end the Graecian Houses were usually divided into two Parts, in which the Men and Women had distinct Mansions assigned: The Part, wherein the Men lodged, was towards the Gate, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the Part assigned for the Women was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it was the farthest Part of the House, and behind the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, before which there were also other Parts called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: The Sons of Priam in Homer are all placed by themselves and separate from his Daughters, who were in more remote Places (c) Iliad. ●. v. 242. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— At Priam's Royal Palace he arrived, In which were fifty beauteous Rooms contrived Of polished Stones, by one another joined, And these were for his married Sons designed; Twelve gaudy Rooms were built with equal Art O'th' other Side, but these were set apart For Priam's Daughters. Mr. Hutchin. Where it may be observed, that the Woman's Chambers are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being placed at the Top of the House; for the Woman's Lodgings were usually in the uppermost Rooms, as Eustathius remarks upon this Passage (a) P. 40● Ed. B●sil. , which was another Means to keep them from Company: Hence Helen is said to have had her Chamber in the loftiest Part of the House (b) Ili●d. ●. v. 423. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Into the upper Chamber Helen went. Penelope appears to have lodged in such another Place, to which she ascended by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence the same Poet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By a long Ladder came down from her Room. This signifies a Staircase, but in this Place may as well denote a Ladder, which seems to have been used in those Days, when Architecture was not much understood; whence Antigone in Euripides calls out to her Guardian to help her up (c) Phoe●iss. v. 103. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Reach out your Hand, and help me up the Ladder. These upper Rooms were sometimes, especially at Lacedaemon, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Words being distinguished only by Accent (the Use whereof seems not to have been known by the ancient Grecians) from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eggs, are thought by some to have ministered occasion to the Inventors of Fables to feign that Castor, Pollux, He●●ra, and Clytaemnestra were hatched out of Eggs, when they were born in one of these Lofts, or upper Chambers. The Women were straight confined within their Lodgings, such especially as had no Husbands, whether Virgins, or Widows (a) Ha●pocration. , whereof the former were most severely looked to, as having lesle Experience in the World; their Apartment, which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was usually well guarded with Locks and Bolts, whence Agamenmon in Euripides desiring Clytaemnestra to go home, and look after the Virgins, which, he tells her, were by no means to be left in the House alone, receives this Answer (b) Iphigeneia in Aulid v. 738. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They're close kept up in their well-guarded Lodgings. Sometimes they were so straight confined, that they could not pass from one Part of the House to another without Leave; whence Antigone in Euripides obtains her Mother's Leave to go to the Top of the House to view the Argian Army that besieged Thebes; notwithstanding which her Guardian searches the Passage, for fear any Person should have a sight of her, which, he says, would be a Reflection upon her Honour, and his own Fidelity; the old Man's Words are thus addressed to the young Princess (c) Euripid. P●●nis●. v. 8●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— But you, Antigone, my royal Charge, The blooming Glory of your Father's House, Stir not, tho' suffered by your Mother's Leave Some time from your Apartment to withdraw, And to ascend the House's lofty Top, From thence the Argian Forces to surveyed, But stay till first I see the Way be clear, That by a Citizen you be not seen; For that would much reflect upon my Care, And from your royal Honour derogate. Newmarryed Women were almost under as strict a Confinement as Virgins: Hermione is severely reproved by the old Woman that waited on her, for appearing out of Doors, which was a Freedom (she tells her) like to endanger her Reputation (a) Andromache v. 876. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Go in, nor stand thus gazing at the Doors, Lest you lament the Scandal you'll procure, Should you be seen before the Hall t' appear. Menander, as cited by Stobaeus (b) Serm. LXXII. , says expressly that the Door of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the farthest a married Woman ought to go, and reproves one for exceeding those Limits, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 You go beyond the married Woman's Bounds, And stand before the Hall, which is unfit; The Laws do not permit a freeborn Bride Farther than to the Doors o'th' House to go. But when they had once brought a Child into the World, they were no longer under so strict Confinement, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Mother, is by some derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from her being no longer under Keepers (a) Etymologici Auctor. : Yet what Freedom they then enjoyed, was owing wholly to the Kindness of their Husbands, for such as were jealous kept their Wives in perpetual Imprisonment; whence a Woman in Aristophanes makes this complaint of the severe Treatment the Athenian Wives met with (b) Thesm●p●or. p. 774. Ed. Ams●el●●. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But strictly us poor Women they confine Within our Chambers under Lock and Key, Make use of Mastiffs, Goblins, any Thing, That may Adulterers affright.— Mr. Hutchin. However Husbands might be of a better Temper, yet it was looked on as very undecent for Women to gad abroad; whence we find several proverbial Speeches and Allusions, intimating the Duty of Wives to stay at home: such is that cited by Eustathius out of Euripides (c) Iliad. p. 429. Ed. Bas. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Women should keep within Doors, and there talk. To the same purpose was Phidias' Emblem representing Venus treading upon a Tortoise (d) 〈◊〉 de precept. Co●●ub , which carries its House upon its Back. When they went abroad, or appeared in public, they covered their Faces with Veils; as we find of Penelope, when she descended from her Apartment to converse with the young Gentlemen that courted her (e) Od●ss ● v. 20●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then from her Lodging went the beauteous Dame, And to her much expecting Courtiers came, There veiled before the Door she stood. The Veil was so thin, as that they might see through it; which appears from these Words of Iphigenia (a) Euripid. I●●●gen. Taur. v. 372. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Seeing my Brother through my thinnest Veil, I took him by the Hand, who now is dead. The Athenians had a Law, that Women should not go abroad in the Night, except in a Chariot, and with a Lamp, or Torch carried before them: This was designed as a Remedy against private Assignations. It was likewise customary for them to have Attendants; whence Penelope has two Maids with her (b) Odyss. loc. cit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 She said, and from her Chamber straight descends, Two Maids upon her Person wait.— These seem to have been Women of some Age and Gravity, whence Homer presently subjoins, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Maid whose Years a riper Judgement showed On either Side t' attend the Lady stood. Nor did these Women attend their Ladies when they went abroad only, but kept them company at home, had the care of their Education, when young, and are therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nor were Women only appointed to this Charge, for Antigone in the forecited Tragedy of Euripides has an old Man for her Governors It was likewise frequent to commit Women to Eunuches, who performed all the Offices of Maids, and were usually entertained by Persons of Quality; whence Phaedria speaks thus to his Mistress (c) Te●e●●● 〈◊〉 Act I. S● II. ● — Eunuchum porro dixti velle te, Quia solae utuntur his reginae. An Eunuch Boy was your peculiar Choice, Since on great Ladies they do chiefly wait. The first that made Eunuches, was Semiramis (a) Ammianu● Mar●e●●inus Hist. lib. XIV. : The barbarous Nations were ordinarily much fonder of them than Greeks (b) Philo●tratus Vit. Apollonii Tyanei lib. 1. cap. XXI. , who looked on it as an inhuman Piece of Cruelty to use Men after that Manner; Phocylides has left a particular Caution against it (c) V. 175. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor ever castrate a brisk, vigorous Youth. The primitive Ages used their Women agreeably to the Simplicity of their Manners, they accustomed them to draw Water, to keep Sheep, and feed Cows, or Horses: The rich and noble were taken up with such Employments as well as those of inferior Quality; Rebecca the Daughter of Bethuel, Abraham's Brother, carried a Pitcher, and drew Water (d) Genes. XXIV, 15. ; Rachel, the Daughter of Laban, kept her Father's Sheep (e) Ibid. XXIX, 6. ; Zipporah likewise with her six Sisters had the care of their Father Iethroes Flocks, who was a Prince, or (which in those Times was an Honour scarce inferior) Priest of Midian (f) Exod. 11. 16. : The like may be observed of Andromache, Hector's Lady, in Homer (g) Iliads ●. v. 185. , where that Hero thus bespeaks his Horses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (h) Vide Commentarium nostrum in Lycophro●. ●▪ 91. . My mettled Steeds, Xanthus with yellow Main, Podargus, you, who fleetly beaten the Plain, Aethon, who furiously sustainest the Fight, And Lampus, thou, whose Flanks are slick and bright, Now see my Corn you carefully repay, With Courage bear the Labour of the Day, Since my dear Wife, when you inclined to eat, Hath mingled strengthening Liquor with your Meat. Mr. Abel. The most common Employments of Women were spinning, weaving, and making all sorts of Embroidery, or Needlework; Instances of this nature are too numerous to be recited in this Place, for so constantly were they taken up in these Businesses, that most Houses, where there was any Number of Women, had Rooms set apart for these Uses, which seem to have been near the Woman's Apartments, if not the same; for Pollux enumerating the different Rooms in Houses, after he has mentioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, presently adds, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Women had likewise several other Employments, the Provision of all Necessaries within Doors being usually committed to them: I shall not insist on Particulars, only shall observe in the last Place, that their Usage was very different according to the Temper of their Husbands or Guardians, the Value of their Fortunes, and the Humour of the Place, or Age they lived in. The Lacedaemonian Women observed Fashions quite differing from all their Neighbours; their Virgins went abroad barefaced, the married Women were covered with Veils; the former designing (as Charilus replied to one that enquired the Reason of that Custom) to get themselves Husbands, whereas the later aimed at nothing more than keeping those they already had (a) Plutarch Apo●●●●●gmat. Lacon●●●. . We have a large Account of the Spartan Woman's Behaviour in the following Words of Plutarch (b) 〈◊〉 , In order to the good Education of their Youth (which is the most important Work of a Lawgiver) Lycurgus went so far back as to take into consideration their very Conception and Birth, by regulating their Marriages: For Aristotle wrongs the Memory of this excellent Person, by bearing us in hand, that, after he had tried all manner of Ways to reduce the Women to more Modesty, and Subjection to their Husbands, he was at last forced to leave them as they were; because that in the Absence of their Husbands, who spent a great Part of their Lives in the Wars, their Wives made themselves absolute Mistresses at home, and would be treated with as much Respect as if they had been so many Queens: But by his good Leave it is a Mistake; for Lycurgus took for that Sex all the care that was possible: For an Instance of it, he ordered the Maidens to exercise themselves with Running, Wrestling, throwing Quoits, and casting Darts, to the end that the Fruit they conceived might take deeper Root, grow strong, and spread itself in healthy and vigorous Bodies, and withal that they might be more able to undergo the Pains of Childbearing: And to the end he might take away their overgreat Tenderness and Nicety, he ordered they should appear naked as well as the Men, and dance too in that Condition at their solemn Feasts and Sacrifices, singing certain Songs, whilst the young Men stood in a Ring about them, seeing and hearing them: In these Songs they now and then gave a Satirical Glance upon those who had misbehaved themselves in the Wars; sometimes sung Encomiums upon those who had done any gallant Action, and by these means inflamed young Men with an Emulation of their Glory: For those that were thus commended went away brave and well satisfied with themselves; and those that were rallied, were as sensibly touched with it, as if they had been formally and severely reprimanded; and so much the more because the Kings, and whole Senate saw and heard all that passed. Now tho' it may seem strange that Women should appear thus naked in public, yet was true Modesty observed, and Wantonness excluded; and it tended to render their Conversation free and unreserved, and to beget in them a Desire of being vigorous and active, and filled them with Courage and generous Thoughts, as being allowed their Share in the Rewards of Virtue as well as Men: Hence came that Sense of Honour and Nobleness of Spirit, of which we have an Instance in Gorgo, the Wife of King Leonidas, who, being told in Discourse with some foreign Ladies, That the Women of Lacedaemon were They only of the World, who had an Empire over the Men, briskly reparteeed, that there was good Reason, For they were the only Women that brought forth Men. Lastly, these public Processions of the Maidens, and their appearing naked in their Exercises and Dance, were Provocations and Baits to stir up and allure the young Men to Marriage, and that not upon Geometrical Reasons, as Plato calls them (such are Interest, and Equality of Fortune) but from the Engagements of true Love and Affection. Afterwards, when Lycurgus' Laws were neglected, and the Spartans' had degenerated from the strict Virtue of their Forefathers, their Women also were ill spoken of, and made use of the Freedom, which their Lawgiver allowed them, to no good Purposes; insomuch that they are censured by ancient Writers for their Wantonness, and excessive Desire of unlawful Pleasures, and branded by Euripides, as cited by Plutarch (a) Numa. , with the Epithet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. possessed with furious Love of, and, as it were, running mad after Men. CHAPTER XIV. Of their Customs in Childbearing, and managing Infants. THOSE, who desired to have Children, were usually very liberal in making Presents and Offerings to the Gods, especially to such as were thought to have the care of Generation: I shall not trouble the Reader with a particular Account of the Names of these Deities, and the Manner they were worshipped in; but it may be requisite to observe, that the Athenians invoked on this account certain Gods called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Who these were, or what the Origination of their Name, is not easy to determine; Orpheus, as cited by Phanodemus in Suidas, makes their proper Names to be Amaclides, Protocles, and Protocleon, and will have them to preside over the Winds; Demo make● them to be Wind● themselves; but what Business the Winds, or their Governors have in Generation, is difficult to imagine: Another Author in the same Lexicographer tells us, their Names were Cottus, Briarcus, and Gyges, and that they were the Sons of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. Heaven and Earth; Philochorus likewise makes Earth their Mother, but, instead of Heaven, substitutes the Sun, or Apollo, for their Father; whence he seems to accounted as well for their being looked on as Superintendents of Generation, as for the Name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for being immediately descended from two immortal Gods, themselves (saith he) were thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the third Fathers, and therefore might well b● esteemed the common Parents of Mankind, and from that Opinion derive those Honours, which the Athenians paid them a● the Authors and Precedents of human Generation (a) Vide Suid●m, Etym●●●ici Auctorem. Phavorinum, Hesych●um, etc. . The Goddess, who had the care of Women in Childbed, was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in the Epigram — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— You're passed the Pang●, o'er which E●eut●● reigns. She is called in Latin Lucina: Both have the same Respects paid by Women, and the same Titles and Epithets: Elithyia is called by Nonnus (b) Dionysiaci●. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The succouring Deity in Childbirth. Ovid speaks in the same manner of the Latin Goddess (c) Fast. lib. II. , — Gravidis facilis Lucina puellis. Lucina kind to teeming Ladies. The Woman in Theocritus invokes Elithyia (a) Idyll ●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For there thy Mother t' Elithyia prays To ease her Throws.— The Roman Women called for Lucina's Assistance; whence Ovid, — Tu v●io parturientis ades. You kindly Women in their Travail hear. Several other Things are common to both, for as Elithyia is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. so likewise Lucina was graced with various Appellations denoting her Care of Women. Their Names indeed appear to have distinct Originals, yet both have Relation to the same Action; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from coming; either because she came to assist Women in Labour, or rather from her being invoked to help the Infant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to come into the Light, or the World; Lucina is taken from lux, Light, for the same Reason, according to Ovid, — Tu nobis lucem, Lucina, dedisti. Lucina, you first brought us into Light. The Greek Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes attributed to this Goddess, is of the same Import with the Latin Lucina; being derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from bringing Light, because 'twas by her Assistance, that Infants were safely delivered out of their dark Mansions, to enjoy the Light of this World: In Allusion to this, the Greek and Latin Goddesses were both represented with lighted Torches in their Hands; which Reason seems far more natural than that which some assign, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that the Pain of bearing Children is no lesle exquisite than of Burning (b) Pausan●as A●cad●●, p. 443. Edit Ha●ov. . Who this Elithyia is, Authors are not well agreed; some will have her to be an Hyperborean, who came from her own Country to Delos, and there assisted Latona in her Labour; they add, that this Name was first used at Delos, and thence derived to other Parts of the World (c) Idem At●● p. 31. . Olen, the first Writer of Divine Hymns in Greece, makes her the Mother of Cupid; whence it might be inferred, she was the same with Venus, were not Pausanias, who citys this Passage of Olen, against it, when he brings this as a different Account of Cupid's Descent from that received one of his being Venus' Son (a) ●aeoticis p. 581. : The same Poet, cited by the same Author (b) Arcadicis p. 487. , will have her to be more ancient than Sation, and the selfsame with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is the Graecian Name for Fate: Others make her the same with juno, Diana, the Moon, etc. What appears most probable, is, That all the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. those Deities that were thought to have any Concern for Women in Childbed, were called Elithyiae, and Lucina; for these are general Names, and sometimes given to one Deity, sometimes to another. juno was one of these Goddesses; whence the Woman thus in vokes her, Juno Lucina, for opem.— juno Lucina, help, assist the Labour. There are several remarkable Stories concerning Juno's Power in this Affair, whereof I shall only mention that about Alcmene, who having incurred this Goddess' Displeasure by being Jupiter's Mistress, and being with Child by him, Sihenclus' Wise being likewise with Child at the same time, but not so forward as the other; juno first obtained that he, who should be first born, should rule over the other, then altered the Course of Nature, caused Eurysiheus to be born of Sihenelus' Wise, and afterwards Hercules of Alcmene; whence it was that Hercules was always subject to Euristeus, and undertook his famous Labours in Obedience to his Commands. The Daughters of this Goddess were employed in the same Office, and dignifyed with the same Title, as we find in Homer (c) Iliad. ● v. 269. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such racking Smart Atrides felt, such Pain, As pregnant Wives in Labour do sustain, Which Juno's Daughters th' Elithyiae give, As both to Child and Mother a Relief. The Moon was another of these Deities, insomuch that Cicero will have Luna, the Moon's Name in Latin, to be the same with Lucina: Nor was it without Reason, that the Moon was thought one of the Deities, that had the care of Childbearing, since, as several Philosophers are of opinion, her Influences were very efficacious in carrying on the Work of Generation (a) Cicero de Nat. D●or. lib. II. . Diana, being commonly reputed the same with the Moon, was likewise thought to bear the same Office, as we find in Horace, who, having before invoked celestial Diana, proceeds thus (b) Carmine seculari. , Rite maturos aperire partus Lenis Ilithyia, tuere matres, Sive tu Lucina probas vocari, Seu Genitalis: Diva, Producas sobolem; patrumque Prosperes decreta super jugandis Faminis, prolisque novae feraci Lege marita. Propitious Ilithyia, thou, whose Care Presides o'er Childbirth, lend a pitying Ear, Prolific Wombs defend and bless, May they conceive, and in their Issue have Success; Let Laws and Statutes of the Wife Promote, enjoin, encourage Marriage-tyes, And may our Senators agree T'enact good, wholesome Rules for bridal Sympathy: Whether we thee Lucina name, Or whether Luna, still the same W'invoke, we humbly crave thy Influence and Aid With blooming Joys to crown the Rites of th' nuptial Bed. Mr. Abel. The same Poet in another Place has attributed the same Care to this Goddess, not in her celestial Capacity, and as bearing the same Character with the Moon, but as frequenting these lower Regions, and traversing the Woods (c) Lib. III. Od. XXII. , Montium custos nemorumque Virgo, Quae laborantes utero puellas Ter vocata audis, adimisque letho, Diva triformis. Goddess, to whom belongs each Hill, each Brake, Where frighted Dear their Covert make, Triple Diana, who dost hear, And help Childbearing Women after the third Prayer. Hence she is called in Theocritus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the common Epither of Elithyia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orph●us gives her divers other Titles relating to this Affair (a) Hymno in Dianam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. The Epithets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. which denote the giving of Life and Light, being likewise attributed to Proserpina, m●●● it seem that she was also thought to be concerned for Wom●n in Labour; which cannot appear strange, if we consider her a● the same Goddess with Diana, who, being in three different Capacities as conversant in Heaven, Earth and Hell, has three distin● Names; in Heaven she is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Moon; upon Earth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diana; in Hell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Proserpina; whence are those vario●● Epithets, whereby the Poets denote her threefold Character, ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, triformis, tergemina, with several others. One End of invoking these Goddesses was, that the Women might be delivered without Pain, which was thought an infallible Token of the Divine Favour; whence Theocritus, in his Encomium of Ptolemy, reckons it as an extraordinary Blessing, that his Mother Berenice brought him into the World without Pain (b) Idyll ● v. 56. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— But Berenice hath these Births outdone, She brought great Ptolemy as great a Son; First Coos danced thee, thou, Mankind's Delight, She took thee at thy first Approach to Light; For there thy Mother to Lucina prayed To ease her Throws, and found a speedy Aid, She came, stood by, and gently loosed her Pain, Thy very Birth was easy as thy Reign. Mr. Creech. Nay, so great an Opinion had they of this Favour, that the Gods were believed to vouchsafe it to none but the chaste and Virtuous; whence it came to be looked on as a convincing Proof of a Woman's Honesty: Thus we find in Plautus (a) Amphit●one Act. V. Sc. 1 , that, when Amphitryon expresses his jealous Thoughts concerning Alcmene, this Argument is offered to allay his Passion, BR. — Uxorem tuam Neque gementem, neque plorantem nostrûm quisquam audivimus, Ita profecto sin dolore peperit.— Your Wise is brought to Bed with Ease, since none Hath heard so much as Groan or Sigh come from her. Another Token of Divine Favour was thought to be conferred, when they brought forth Twins; which, happening to Alcmene, was urged as another Proof of her Innocence (b) Ibidem. , BR. — Ego saciam, tu idem ut ali●er praedices, Amphitruo, piam & pudicam esse tuam uxorem ut scias; De et re signa atque argumenta paucis verbis eloquar: Omnium primum, Alcumena geminos peperit filios. AM. A●n tugemunov? BR. Geminos. AM. D●me servant! BR. Sine me dicere, Ut 〈◊〉 tibi, tuaeque uxori Deos esse omnes propitios. BR. I'll wipe away Aspersions, and declare By a sure Token, Sir, my Lady's chaste, You'll not then fal●ly in the least suspect, That she hath injured, or defiled your Bed: Sir, she hath brought forth Twins. AM. Twins say you? BR. Yes. AM. Bles● me? BR. I'll this protest to show that You And my good Mistress are the Care of Heaven. Mr. Abel. They had likewise other Means to procure an easy Delivery; one of which was to hold in their Hands Palm-branches, Tokens of Joy and Conquest, and used as Emblems of Persons raised from great Afflictions to Prosperity; it being observed of that Tree, that the hanging of heavy Weights upon it is a means to cause it to branch out to a greater Height: Latona, when brought to Bed of Apollo, made use of this Expedient to ease her Pain; whence Theognis thus bespeaks that God (a) Gnem. v. 5. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When handling Palm Latona brought you forth. Homer likewise mentions Latona's travelling near a Palmtree (b) Hymn. in Apollin. v. 14. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What Tides of Bliss do sport about thy Throne What Joys do in eternal Circles run, Latona, who hast such a Daughter, such a Son? Diana, Queen of Woods, she there bears Sway, Apollo's Reign great Empires do obey: Her Birth Ortygia boasts, the God was born Under a Palmtree Delos to adorn, Inopus nigh peeped up with swelling Tide, And in curled Surges smilingly did glide. Mr. Abel. It is observable that the ancient Athenians used none but Men-midwives; it being forbidden by one of their Laws, that Women, or Slaves should have any Concern in the Study, or Practice of Physic: This proving very fatal to many Women, whose Modesty suffered them not to entrust themselves in the Hands of Men, one Agnodice disguised herself in Man's clothes and studied Physic under a certain Professor called Herophilus; where having attained to a competent Skill in that Art, she revealed herself to her own Sex, who agreed with one Consent to employ none beside her: Hereupon the rest of the Physicians, enraged at their want of Business, indicted her before the Court of Areopagus, as one that corrupted Man's Wives; to obviate this Accusation she discovered what Sex she was of; upon this the Physicians prosecuted her with greater Eagerness, as violating the Laws, and encroaching upon the Man's Prerogative; when, to prevent her Ruin, the principal Matrons of the City came into Court and addressed themselves to the Judges, telling them, That they were not Husbands, but Enemies, who were going to condemn the Person, to whom they owed their Lives: Upon this the Athenians repealed the old Law, and permitted free Women to undertake this Employ (a) Hyginu● Fab CCLXXIV. . No sooner was the Child brought into the World, when they washed it in Water; whence Callimachus, speaking of Jupiter's Nativity, has these Words (b) Hymno in jovem. v. 14. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As soon as you was born, and saw the Light, Your Mother's grateful Burden and Delight, She sought for some clear Brook to purifyings The Body of so dear a Progeny. Lycophron also, designing to express the Murder of Cilla and her Son Munitus, which was effected as soon as the Child was born, says they died before the Boy was washed, or suckled (c) Cassandra v. 319. ubi consulendus ●earsi● Commentarius. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A stolen Embrace sent Cilla to the Fates With her Munitus, the young Bastard-brat, Who both were killed nigh unto Ilus' Tomb, Her Grandfather, before the Child had been Cleansed from the Issue of the spurious Birth. The Lacedæmonians bathed their newborn Infants, not in Water, as was the Custom in all other Countries (saith Plutarch in his Life of Lycurgus) but Wine, to prove the Temper and Complexion of their Bodies; for they had a Conceit, that weakly Children would fall into Convulsions, or immediately saint upon their being thus bathed; on the contrary, those, who were of a strong and vigorous Constitution, would acquire a greater Degree of Firmness by it, and get a Temper in Proportion like Steel in the quenching. The next Action observable is cutting the Child's Navel, which was done by the Nurses, and called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) Suidas in 〈◊〉 voce. , whence arose the proverbial Saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. Thy Navel is not cut, which is as much as if we say, You are an Infant, and scarce separated from your Mother. There was a Place in C●●te called Ompha●ium from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Navel, because Jupiter's Navil-seeing was cut there; whence Callimachus speaks to him thus (b) Hymno in jovem. v. 44. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then the Nurse wrapped the Child in Swaddling bands, lest its Limbs, being then tender and flexible, should happen to be distorted: only the Spartan Nurses were so careful and experienced, th●t, without using Swadling-band, their Children were all straight and well proportioned: Their Management of Children differed likewise from all the rest of the Grecians in several other Instances, for they used them to any sort of Meat, and sometimes to bear the Want of it, not to be afraid in the Dark, or to be alone, nor to be froward, peevish, and crying, as they are generally in other Countries through the impertinent Care and Fondness of those, who look to them: Upon this account Spartan Nurses were frequently hired by People of other Countries; and it is reported, that she, who suckled Alcibiades, was a Spartan (c) Plutarch Ly●●tg. . To return, newborn Infants were at Athens commonly wrapped in a Cloth, wherein was represented the Gorgon's Head, because that was described in the Shield of Minerva, the Protectress of that City; whereby, it may be, Infants were committed to the Goddess' Care; another End of it might be, to put them in mind, when arrived at Man's Estate, that they were to imitate such noble and generous Examples as were there represented; or to be an happy Omen of their future Valour; for which reasons it was likewise customary to lay them upon Bucklers; thus Hercules and his Brother Iphiclus were placed by Alcmene (d) 〈◊〉 idyl. ●. initio. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A●cides ten Months old, a vigorous Child, Alcmena ●ed, and laid him on a Shield, (The Shield from Pterilus Amphitryo won, A great, auspicious Cradle for his Son) With younger Iphiclus of human Race, No Part of him was drawn from Jove's Embrace. Mr. Creech. The Lacedæmonians religiously observed this Ceremony; whence 〈◊〉 (a) Dionysiacu lib. XLI. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 On a round Buckler the Laconian Dames Lay down their Burden of Childbirth.— In other Place, they placed their Infants in a Thing bearing some Resemblance to whatever sort of Life they designed them for Nothing was more common than to put them in Vans, or Conveniencies to winnow Corn, in Greck 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were designed as Omens of their future Riches and Affluence (b) 〈◊〉 Auctor 〈◊〉 in versum sequentem. : This was not always a real Van, but commonly an Instrument bearing the ●igute of it, but composed of Gold, or other Materials; for th●●, Callimachus tells us, Nemesis placed young jupiter in a golden Van (c) Hymno in Io●●. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— In a gold Van Nemesis laid you to sleep. One Thing more is to be observed concerning the Athenians before we dismiss this Head, viz That it was a common Practice among them, especially in Families of Quality, to place their Infants on Dragons of Gold; which Custom was instituted by Minerva in Memory of Eri●thonius, one of their Kings, who had Feet like those of Serpents, and, being exposed to the wide World when an Infant, was committed by that God●ess to the Custody of two vigilant Dragons: Eu●ipid●s has largely accounted for this Ceremony, when he speaks of Cr●usa's Son, whom she bore to Apollo (d) jon. v. 15. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— The Time, she reckoned, being out, a Boy She was delivered of, the which she exposed In the same close, convenient Recess, Where the brisk God her Maiden-fruits had cropped; In a round Box here she the Infant lest To perish; as the ancient Custom was, Experienced by old Ericthonius: Since him Minerva to Aglauros gave, That she might with her Sisters bring him up, Two Dragons being Guards; the Custom hence Is by Erectheus' Daughters thus observed To nurse up carefully and Children tend Entwined within the Folds of golden Serpents. Mr. Abel. The Poet has likewise given us the same Account of this Custom towards the later End of this Tragedy (a) V. 1427. . On the fifth Day after the Birth the Midwives, having first purified themselves by washing their Hands, ran round the Fire-hearth with the Infant in their Arms; thereby, as it were, entering it into the Family, and putting it under the Protection of the Household Gods, to whom the Hearth served instead of an Altar; hence the Day was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or (which was the more usual Name) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: It was celebrated as a Festival with a great many Expressions of Joy; they received Gifts from their Friends; if the Child was a Male, their Doors were decked with an Olive-garland; if a Female, with Wool, in token of the Work Women were to be employed about: The Cheer consisted of divers sorts of Things, among which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Colewort, always was one, which the Athenian Midwives used to administer to Women in Childbed as conducing to create Milk: The whole Ceremony is described in the following Verses of Ephippus cited by Athenaeus (a) Lib. IX. cap. II. p. 370. Edit. Casa●b. , most of which, some Varieties in the Reading excepted, the same Author citys in another Place out of Eubulus (b) Lib. II. cap. XXIV. p. 65. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But what's the Reason that no Crown is placed Before the Doors, nor grateful Victim slain, Whose frying Fat delights the smelling Sense; When th' joyful Amphidromia are kept; In which is toasted Chersonesian Chief, And Colewort tied in Bundles seethed in Oil, And Linnets, Doves, Thrushes, and Cuttlefish, And Calamary dressed, and eat in common, And Polypus' Claws with Care procured To drink 'em down amidst their less-mixed Cups. The seventh Day was likewise honoured with Festival Solemnities, that being the Time the Child was named: To celebrate this Day was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Others named their Children upon the tenth Day after their Birth, on which also they invited their Friends to an Entertainment, and offered Sacrifices to the Gods; Aristophanes mentions this Custom, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What Mother on the tenth Day named you? Again, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 On the tenth Day I offered Sacrifice, And, as a Child's, her Name imposed. Some will have the Tenth to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but (however some Persons might join the two Solemnities) they were commonly distinct: To celebrate this Day was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (a) De his diebus videndi P●llux lib. I. cap. I. Aristote●es Hist. An●m●l lib. VII. cap. XII. Hes●chius, Suidas, Harpocrat●on, Etymologi●● Auctor, P●●● ri●● in W . It may be observed, that, when the Child received its Name, whether upon the tenth, or any other Day, a considerable Number of Friends were present: This Custom was not only observed by the Grecians, but at Rome, and most other Parts of the World; the chief End whereof seems to have been to prevent Controversies, that might afterwards arise, when the Child came into Business, and was under several civil Relations, if his Name were not certainly known. The Child's Father usually imposed the Name, in which there was no constant Rule observed; yet it was common to choose some of their most eminent Ancestors, whose Name they desired should be continued to Posterity, as an Honour to themselves and their Family, and a perpetual Remembrancer to stir up their Children to the Imitation of great Examples: Thus we find the Nam●s of Pyrrhus, Philip, Ptolen●y, etc. preserved in several of their Successors; Ulpian speaks of Proxenus descended from one Harmodiu●, and the Father of another (b) S●hol. in Demosthenes' Orat. de male obita legation● ; Plutarch says, Thucydides was the Son of Olorus, who derived his Name from one of his Ancestors (c) Cimone. ; Aristophanes makes Callias both the Father and Son of Hipponicus (d) Avibus. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lastly (to trouble you with no more Instances) we are assured by Eustathius, that this was a Custom of very great Antiquity (e) ●●ad. ● p. 441. Edit. B●sil. : The same seems to have been frequent in most other Nations; few of the Roman Families but what afford continual Instances of this nature, Hannibal the Carthaginian bore his Grandfather's Name, and we find Zachary's Friends in St. Luke's Gospel strangely surprised, when his Son the Baptist was called john, because none of his Relations were known by that Name. The Actions of Parents were frequently declared by the Name; of their Children, as Eust●hius observes (f) Iliad. ● p. 51● : So Cleopatra, or rather Marpissa (for Eustathius and the old Scholiast are of different Opinions herein) was called Halcyone, because, when she was ravished by Apollo, her Mother was no lesle afflicted than the Halcyon is wont to be for the Loss of her Young (a) Iliad. ●. 557. ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Halcyone the Maid her Parents called, 'Cause Halcyon like her Mother much bewailed Her wretched Fate, when by Apollo ravished. Hector's Son Scamandrius was named by the Trojans Astyanax, because his Father was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Defender of the City Troy; for the original Signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no more than a Saviour, or Defender, whence the Gods are commonly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: The Story is in Homer (b) Iliad. ●. 39● , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The royal Babe upon her Breast was laid; Who like the Morning Star his Beams displayed; Scamandrius was his Name, which Hector gave From that fair Flood, which Ilion's Wall did lave; But him Astyanax the Trojans call, From his great Father, who defends the Wall. Mr. Dryden. Ulysses was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the Anger of his Grandfather Autolycus, as Homer reports, when he introduces Autolycus thus speaking to Ulysses' Parents (c) Odyss. ●. v. 406. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Son, 'tis my Pleasure that my Grandchild be, (And, Daughter, you observe too what I say) Ulysses called, 'tis that I'd have his Name, Because when much enraged I hither came. Man's own Actions, Complexions, or Condition frequently gave occasion to their Names: Thus Oedipus was named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; whence S●n●ca introduces an old Man thus speaking to him (a) Oedi●. v. 812. , Forata ferro gesseras vestigia, Tumore nactus nomen ac vitio pedum. Your Feet were bored with Iron, from which Sore And swelling Tumour you received your Name. Achilles' Son was first called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from his ruddy Complexion, or the Colour of his Hair; afterwards 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from undertaking the Management of the Trojan War when very young: To mention other Instances is needless; wherefore I shall conclude this Head with Plutarch's Words, wherein we have an Account of the Roman, as well as Graecian Method in imposing Names (b) M●●cio C●ri●la●o. : Hence (i e. from the taking of Corioii the chief City of the Volscians) Caius Marcius had his third Name of Coriolanus: Whence it is manifest, that Caius was a personal proper Name; that the second, or Surname of Marcius, was a Name in common to his Family; and that the third Roman Appellative was a peculiar Note of Distinction drawn afterwards and imposed for some particular Action, Fortune, Shape, Feature, or Virtue of him that bore it: For thus also the Grecians in old Time were wont to fix an additional Character on their great Men for any famous Achievement, such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. Saviour; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Renowned for Victory; or to express something remarkable in their Shape, or Features, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Gorge-belly; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eagle-nosed; as likewise upon account of their Virtue and Kindness, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Benefactor; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Lover of his Brethren; or from their unusual Felicity and good Fortune, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Happy, a Name given to the second Prince of Battus' Family: Several Kings had Names appropriated to them in Reproach and Mockery, as Antigonus that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i e. one liberal only in the future, since he was always promising▪ but never came to Performance; and Ptolemy, who was styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the fond Opinion he had of his own Wit and Pleasantness: This later kind of Denomination by way of Raillery the Romans did very much delight in; for one of the Metelli was surnamed by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he had for a long time together walked about with his Head bound up by reason of an Ulcer in his Forehead: There are some, who even at this Day derive Names from certain casual Incidents at their Nativity; One, for instance, who happens to be born when his Father is abroad in a foreign Country, they term Proculus; another born after his Father's Decease they style Posthumus; and when Twins come into the World, whereof one dies at the Birth, the Survivor is called Vopiscus: Nay they use to denominate not only their Sulla's and Nigers, i e. Men of a pimpled Visage, or swarthy Complexion, but their Coeci and Claudii, i e. the Blind and Lame, from such corporal Blemishes and Defects; thus wisely accustoming their People not to reckon the Loss of Sight, or any other bodily Misfortune, as a Matter of Ignominy and Disgrace, but that they should answer to such Names without Shame, or Confusion, no otherwise than to the most familiar Compellations. Sometimes they took a more compendious Way of disposing of their Children, either killing them outright, or exposing them in some desert Place, or elsewhere, to the Mercy of Fortune, or Providence: The later of these they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nor was it accounted a criminal, or blame-worthy Action, but permitted by some Lawgivers, and expressly encouraged and commanded by others: The Lacedæmonians are remarkable for their Behaviour in this Matter, for they allowed not Fathers; to nourish their Children when disposed to do it, b●t obliged them to carry all their newborn Infants to certain Tryers, who were some of the gravest Men in their own Tribe, and kept their Court at a Place called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where they carefully viewed such as were brought to them; if they found them lusty and well-favoured, they gave order for their Education, and allotted a certain Proportion of Land for their Maintenance; but if weakly, or deformed, they ordered them to be cast into a deep Cavern in the Earth near the Mountain Taygetus, as thinking it neither for the Good of the Children themselves, nor for the public Interest, that they should be brought up, since Nature had both denied them the Means of Happiness in their own Particular, and of being serviceable to the Public, by not enduing them with a sufficient Measure of Health and Strength: On this account it was, that newborn Infants were bathed in Wine (a) Plutarch Lycurgo. , as has been already observed. The Place, into which the Lacedæmonians cast their Infants was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is usually taken for exposing with a Design to destroy, whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commonly bears a milder Sense, for many Persons exposed their Children, when they were not willing they should perish, only because they were unable to maintain them; Daughters especially were thus treated, at requiring more Charges to educate and settle them in the World than Sons; whence the Saying cited out of Posidippus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Man tho' poor will not expose his Son, But if he's rich will scarce preserve his Daughter. The Thebans disliked this barbarous Custom, having a Law, whereby the Practice of it was made capital; such as were not of ability to provide for their Children, were ordered to carry them as soon as born to the Magistrates, who were obliged to take care for their Maintenance, and when they were grown up, used them as Slaves, taking their Service as a Recompense for the Charges and Trouble they had been put to (b) Aelian. Var. Hist. lib. II. cap. VII .. Children were usually exposed in their Swadling-cloaths, and laid in a Vessel; thus jon was exposed by Crëusa (c) Euripides jone v. 16 ., 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Infant first she in a Vessel put, Then in that Den, where with the God before Herself had laid, she it exposed to die. Aristophanes calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, speaking of Oedipus (d) Ranu ., — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 'Tis sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) Hesychius. . The Parents frequently tied Jewels and Rings to the Children they exposed, or any other Thing whereby they might afterwards discover them, if Providence took care for their Safety: Another Design in thus adorning these Infants was, either to encourage such as found them, to nourish and educate them, if alive; or to give them human Burial, if dead; the last of these Reasons seems assigned by Euripides speaking of Creusa (a) Loc. cit. v. 26. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Her costly Robe she o'er the Infant cast, And left it to expire.— Terence introduces Sostrata assigning another Reason for this Practice, when she relates how she had caused her Daughter to be exposed to save her from her Husband Chremes, who had straight charged to put her to Death (b) Heauton. Act IU. Sc. I , — Ut stult●● & miserae omnes sumus Religiosae, cum exponendam do illi, de digito annulum Detraho, & eum dico ut una cum puella exponeret, Si moreretur, ne expers partis esset de nostris bonis. We all are tender, superstitious Fools, So when I first delivered up my Child To be exposed, I straight pulled off my Ring, And bade the Man to leave it with the Girl, So had she there deceased, she still had kept Some Pledge that would denote my former Love. Before the Conclusion of this Chapter, it will be necessary to add something concerning the Purification of Women coming out of Childbed, for during their lying there they were looked on as polluted; whence the Athenians enacted a Law that no Woman should bring forth in Delos, an Island consecrated to Apollo, because the Gods were believed to have an Aversion to all sorts of Pollution: Iphigenia in Euripides tells us, that no Person, who was guilty of Murder, or had touched a Woman in Childbed, or a dead Corpse could be admitted to Diana's Altar (c) I●higen. Taur. v. 280. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They, who by these Pollutions are defiled By Murder, Childbed, or but touched the Dead, Let them as Things unhallowed, be denied T' approach Diana's Altar.— When the fortyeth Day came, the Danger of Childbirth being then over, they kept a Festival, called from the Number of the Day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: At this Time the Woman, having been before purified by Washing, entered into some of the Temples, most commonly Diana's, which from her Labour till that Time she was not allowed to do (a) Censorinus de Natal. cap. XI. ; Here she returned Thanks for her safe Delivery, and offered Sacrifices; it was likewise the Custom to present her Garments to Diana, who acquired hence the Surname of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Callimachi Scholiastic Hymn. I. ; and Women after their first Child did farther offer their Zonae to the same Goddess, on that Accounted called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and had a Temple at Athens dedicated to her under that Title (c) Apollonii Scholiaster. . CHAPTER XV. Of their different sorts of Children, Wills, Inheritances, the Duties of Children to their Parents etc. THE Scholiast on Homer makes four different sorts of Children: 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Children born in lawful Marriage. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those born of Concubines, or Harlots. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose Fathers were not known, wherein they were distinguished from the former. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as were born of Women, who, tho' vitiated before Marriage, were still taken for Virgins. This and other Divisions of Children I shall pass by, only taking notice of three sorts: 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lawfully begotten. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, born of Harlots, which Word in a large Sense may comprehend the three later sorts of Children beforementioned. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, adopted. It will be necessary to add something more concerning every one of these. First, those were reputed lawfully begotten, who were begotten in lawful Marriage, which was measured by different Rules, as the Affairs of every State required: In some Places, whoever had a Citizen for his Father, tho' his Mother was a Foreigner; in others, those also, who were born of free Women, when their Fathers were Foreigners, passed for Legitimate, and inherited the Freedom of the City they were born in, and all Privileges consequent thereto: Most Commonwealths at their first Constitution, and after great Losses of Inhabitants by War, Plagues, or other Ways, seem to have taken this Course to replenish and strengthen their Country with People; but, when that Exigence ceased, and it became necessary to restrain the too great Increase of free Citizens, they commonly enacted, that none should be esteemed legitimate, but such as were descended from Parents both Citizens (a) Aristoteles Politic. lib. III. cap. V. ; which Order was dispensed with, or abrogated as oft as fresh Occasions required: This may be observed at Athens in Pericles' Time, for when Pericles was in a flourishing Condition, and had Sons lawfully begotten, he proposed, that Solon's old Law should be revived, whereby 'twas ordered that they only should be reputed true Citizens of Athens, whose Parents were both Athenians; hereupon almost five thousand lost their Freedom, and were sold for Slaves; but Pericles himself afterwards, having lost all his legitimate Sons, so far prevailed with the Athenians, that they cancelled the Law, and yielded that he might enrol his natural Son in the Register of his own Ward by his paternal Name; which was a Thing the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, natural Children, were uncapable of, as having nothing to do with the Name, Family (b) Aristophanis Scholiastes A●ibus. , or Estate of their Father; as neither were they allowed to intermeddle in sacred, or civil Affairs. For fear any Person should insinuate such Children into the Cityregister, wherein all the Citizen's Names were kept, they made severe Scrutinies in every Burrow, which were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) Harpocration. , whereby all Persons not duly qualified were ejected the City; there was likewise a Court of Justice in the Cynosarges, a Place in the Suburbs of Athens, where Examination was made concerning such Persons. Nor were such as had only one Parent an Athenian, tho' allowed the Freedom of Athens, reputed equal to such as were Athenians of the whole Blood; for, we find in Plutarch (d) The●tstocle. , that when these performed their Exercises at the Schools within the City, those of the half Blood, wi●h the Foreigners, were only allowed to exercise at Cynosarges, where was a Gymnasium dedicated to Hercules, who himself was illegitimate, as not being descended from two immortal Gods, but having a mortal Woman for his Mother; Themistocles, my Author tells us, offended at this Reproach, persuaded divers of the young Noblemen to accompany him to anoint and exercise themselves at Cynosarges, whereby he seemed (saith he) with some Ingenuity to take away the Distinction between the truly Noble and the Stranger, and between those of the whole and those of the half Blood of Athens. There was never any Time that I know of (whatever some may pretend to the contrary) when Illegitimacy was not reputed a Disgrace; unless in those Ages, wherein Men lived without Laws and Government, allowing promiscuous Mixtures, and all other sorts of Uncleanness. Eustathius will have Concubines and their Sons to have been as honourable as Wives and Sons begotten in lawful Marriage about the Time of the Trojan War (a) Iliads ●. p. 599. Edit. Basil. ; but the whole Course of Antiquity seems to be clearly against him, for I do not find a single Instance in any ancient Author, which can countenance so unreasonable an Opinion: 'Tis possible indeed, that Concubines might sometimes have greater Respect than lawful Wives, Bastards than legitimate Children; but that was owing to the partial Affection of Husbands, which Women by their superior Beauty and Arts of Insinuation might gain, but can by no means be attributed to the Practice of those Times: The chief reason Eustathius alleges, is, that Agamemnon calls Teucer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when encouraging him to fight, at which Time it would have been very improper to have given him opprobrious Language The Hero's Words run thus (b) Iliad. ●. v. 281. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teucer, you much-loved Graecian Chief, advance If you'd your Sire's, or Country's Fame enhance; Without Delay let some Exploit be done Worthy your Country, worthy Telamonius, Who in your Nonage showed his generous Care, For, tho' of spurious Birth, he held you dear, At his own Table brought you up.— Mr. Hutchin. In which Words Agamemnon excites Teucer, the natural Son of Telamonius, to behave himself with Courage by two Reasons; First, That so doing he would be instrumental in delivering the Grecians from their Enemies, who daily got Ground of them: The other, That such an Action would be a Credit to his Father, whose Honour he ought to have a more tender Concern for, since he had received such extraordinary Benefits from him; as having, notwithstanding his Illegitimacy, been carefully educated, and that not in any remote Place, where he might have been neglected, but under Telamon's own Eye, and in his own House: This is so far from establishing an Equality between legitimate Children and Bastards, that it evidently shows the contrary, the Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plainly implying that such Care of Bastards was something more than common in those Days: Nor can the Poet be blamed for making Agamemnon call him by such a Name, since the Thing was no secret, but known to all the Grecians, and which (no doubt) appeared every Day from Teucer's submissive Behaviour to Ajax, his half Brother and lawful Son of Telamonius: As a Confirmation of what I have said, I shall add the Words of Agamemnon in Sophocles spoken likewise to Teucer, whence it will appear what Difference there was between the Sons of lawful Wives and those of Concubines; and in particular concerning Teucer, how great a Disgrace it was to him to be the Son of a Captive, and Concubine, tho' his Mother was of the Race of Kings (a) Ajace v. 1250. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I am informed that with opprobrious Speech You, Vassal, you born of a Slave of War, Have dared bespatter Agamemnon's Fame, And yet thy heinous Crime is unrevenged: How hadst thou swelled, if come of nobler Birth, Who arrogantly now defends the Cause Of one that is no more, a life-less Corpse; Dares to deny our dread Authority. Whilst Ajax truly must be owned a Chief, Gods! do such Words become a servile Mouth? Mr. Hutchin. Some will have only the natural Children of Kings and Persons of Quality to have been equal to those, who were lawfully begotten: It may be true, that such Children were above the legitimate ones of private Persons; but, that they were of the same Dignity with the legitimate Issue of Princes, does not appear; nay, the contrary is manifest from the forementioned Example of Teucer, both whose Parents were Princes: The same might be proved by other Instances, whereof I shall only mention one: 'Tis that of jon, who had Apollo for his Father, and Crëusa, the Wife of an Athenian King, for his Mother, and yet is introduced by Euripides complaining of his hard Fortune in being illegitimate (a) jone v. 589. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'Tis rumoured that the famous Athen's Sons Were there produced, and there have ever lived; Then where shall wretched I intrude myself, Who am on two Accounts most desperate, A Bastard-son and of a Stranger too; And to complete my most opprobrious Fate, Am most infirm, on these Accounts shall I Be there despised, and made a public Scorn. Mr. Hutchin. It may indeed be objected, that (as Servius observes) natural Children sometimes succeeded in their Father's Kingdoms; but that only happened (as the same Author tells us) for want of legitimate Issue; nor was it always allowed in such Cases: In some Places the Bastards of private Persons likewise inherited the Estates of their Fathers having no lawful Children or Relations, as appears from an Athenian Law cited by Demosthenes (b) Orat. in Macartatum. : But where there were Relations, Bastards had no Share, as is plain from a Dialogue between Pisthetaerus and Hercules in Aristophanes; where Hercules, having been persuaded by Neptune that he was Heir apparent to jupiter, is undeceived by Pisthetaerus, who tells him, that, being illegitimate, he had no Right of Inheritance, and to confirm what he said repeats Solon's Law concerning this Affair; the Passage is long, but, being pertinent to this Place, and containing a true Account of the Athenian Practice, must not be omitted (c) Avibus haud longe à fine. , ΠΕ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ΗΡ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ΠΕ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ΗΡ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ΠΕ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 " 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 PI. Alas! how strangely he comes over you? But hark you in your Ear; thus much I'll say, Your Uncle, tho' you know it not, would trick you; And, truly if the Tenor of the Laws Were now consulted, you'd not have an Ace Of that Estate your Father leaves behind; For you're a B●stard, not Legitimate. HERALD How's this you say? am I a Bastard then? PI. jove of a Stranger by a stolen▪ Embrace Begot you; but why do you suspect it, Since if but any of his Sons were born Of lawful Birth, Pallas were not an Heiress. HERALD What if he leave all to his Bastard-son? PI. The Law won't suffer that; but Neptune first, Who now so much extols you, all will seize, Being his lawful Brother; but the Law Which Solon made I'll willingly recite: " Bastards shall not be numbered in the Roll " Of Kindred, whilst the lawful Children live, " And for defect of such, the next a Kin " Shall then enjoy the Goods of the Deceased. (Mr. Hutchin.) Where, tho' Pisthetaerus tells Hercules, that the Law would not permit him to have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yet that must be interpreted of an equal Portion of the Inheritance, which he could not have whilst his Father had Relations, who were Heirs by Law; for even Bastards were allowed some Share in their Father's Estate: Abraham is said to have given Portions to the Sons of his Concubines, reserving the Inheritance for his legitimate Son Isaac (a) Genes. cap XXV▪ ●. ; and the Athenian Lawgiver allowed them a thousand Drachms, or five Attic Pounds, which were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Bastard's Portion (b) Aristophanic Scholiastes in locum citat. 〈◊〉 v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. : This was varied in different Times and Places; we are told that sometimes, even in Commonwealths, where a settled Platform of Laws was established, the Fortune of Bastards depended on their Father's Pleasure, who had Liberty to take them into their own Family, and make them equal Sharers with their legitimate Children, the Privilege of dividing the● Estate only reserved to the later; an Example whereof we have in two Sons, one of which being begotten in lawful Marriage, the other of a Slave, the Division of their common Inheritance belonged to the former, who placed on one side the whole Estate, on the other his Half-brother's Mother, so reducing him to a Necessity of letting his Mother continue in Slavery, or depriving himself of his whole Portion (c) Sop●ter. . Those, who had no legitimate Sons, were obliged by the Athenian Laws to leave their Estates to their Daughters, who were confined to marry their nearest Relations, otherwise to forfeit their Inheritance, as we find to have been practised likewise by the jews, many of whose Laws seem to have been transcribed by Solon: These Virgins, whether sole Heiresses, or only Coheiresses, were called by Solon himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or (which is the most common Name of all) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sometimes, as Eusta●hius reports (d) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 545. Ed. Basil. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: These and their nearest Relations were impower'd to claim Marriage from one another, which if either Party refused, the other preferred an Action against him, which was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Word was applied to all sorts of Lawsuits, whence Inheritances, about which they went to Law, were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; those, which they had a quiet Possession of, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Others report, that, whether there was any Dispute or not▪ the nearest Relation was obliged to claim his Wife with her Inheriritance in the Archon's Court, if he were a Citizen; in the Polemarchus's, if only a Sojo●●er, and that this was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and might be done any Month in the Year, except Scirrophorion, the Magistrates being then busy in making up and returning their Accounts (a) ●etitus in Leges Att●●●, qui & alibi consulendus. . The forementioned Law concerning the Marriages of Heiresses gave occasion to one of Apollodorus' Comedies entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Donatus reads, understanding it of the Virgin's suing for an Husband: This was translated into Latin by Terence, and called Ph●rmio, wherein we have these Verses mentioning the Law I have been speaking of, Lex est, ut orbae, qui sint genere proximi, ●is nubant, & illos ducere ●adem haec lex jubet. The Law commands that Orphans marry those, That nearest are allied, and that the Men Consent to join with these.— Farther, we find it ordered, that when Men had given a Daughter in Marriage, and after that died without Sons to heir their Estates, their nearest Relation had Power to claim the Inheritance, and take the Woman from her Husband, which Isaeus (b) Orat. de Pyr●h● haered. reports to have been a common Practice. Persons, who had no lawful Issue, were allowed to adopt whom they pleased, whether their own natural Sons, or (by Consent of their Parents) the Sons of other Men: Whoever was thus adopted, was at Athens first made free of the City, and then had his Name enroled in the Tribe and Ward of his new Father; this was not done at the same Time their own Children were registered, but on the Festival called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Month Thargelion. The Lacedæmonians were very cautious and wary in this Affair, and, for the Prevention of rash and inconsiderate Adoptions, had a Law that they should all be confirmed in the Presence of their Kings. Children thus adopted were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and were invested in all the Privileges and Rights of, and obliged to perform all the Duties belonging to such as were begotten by their Fathers: If they desired to return into their own Family, the Athenian Laws allowed them not to do it, except they had first begotten Children to bear the Name of the Person who had adopted them; if they refused to do this, their Adoption became void, and their Claim, to inherit the Estate consequent thereto, perished (c) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 2●●. : If they died without Children, the Inheritance could not be alienated from the Family, into which they were adopted, but returned to the Relations of the Person that adopted them. When it happened that any Person, after Adoption made, begot legitimate Children, hi● Estate was equally shared between those begotten and adopted: It may be observed in this Place, tha● it was an ancient Custom for legitimate Sons to divide their Father's Estate by Lots, all having equal Shares without Respect to Priority of Birth, but allowing a small Pittance to such as were unlawfully begotten: Thus Ulysses in Homer tells Eumaeus, that the Sons of Castor the Cretan, of whom he feigns himself one, divided what he left (a) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 200. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crete claims my Birth is readily confessed, My wealth Father vast Estates possessed; Many his Sons, and they legitimate, But I his Bastard fared ne'er worse for that; Castor Hylacides was his worthy Name, And for his Children by his lawful Dame, And Wealth in Crete he had obtained great Fame: But, when impartial Fate dispatched his Doom, And sent him down to his eternal Home, The Lots were by my haughty Brothers thrown, All they divide, supposing all their own, And some small Legacy to me bequeath. Mr. Hutchin. Such as had neither legitimate nor adopted Children were succeeded by their nearest Relations, as appears from the forecited Dialogue between Hercules and Pisthetaerus: This Custom was as ancient as the Trojan War, being mentioned in Homer, when he relates how Diomedes slew the two only Sons of Phaenops (b) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 155. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then both he slew, then both deprived of Life, And thus increased their ancient Father's Grief, Since he not safe received them from the War; Thus childless his next Friends his Goods did share. Mr. Hutchin. Where indeed Eustathius with the old Scholiast will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify certain Magistrates, who had Right to the Estates of such as died 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without lawful Heirs; but it may as well be interpreted of Relations; for that these, succeeding to the Estates of Persons without Children, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is plain from ancient Grammarians (a) Hesychius v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pollux : Hesiod has used the same Word, but in which of these Senses is equally ambiguous (b) Theogony. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Averse to all the Troubles of a Wife, Wedlock he loathed, and led a single Life, But now, when bowing Age his Limbs had seized, Justly he wants, whom he before despised: He dies at length, and his remoter Friends Share his Possessions.— Mr. Hutchin. 'Tis not worth disputing whether Signification is more pertinent in these Passages, since 'tis certain that both are agreeable enough to the Practice of Antiquity: For as Persons having Relations were usually succeeded in their Estates by them; so when any died without lawful Heirs, their Possessions belonged to the Prince, the Commonwealth, or supreme Magistrates, as the Laws of every State directed. The Graecian Practice concerning Wills was not the same in all Places; some States permitted Men to dispose of their Estates, others wholly deprived them of that Privilege. We are told by Plutarch (c) Solone. , that Solon is much commended for his Law concerning Wills, for before no Man was allowed to make any, but all the Wealth of deceased Persons belonged to their Families: But he permitted them to bestow it on whom they pleased, esteeming Friendship a strands Tie than Kindred, and Affection than Necessity; and thus made every Man's Estate in the Disposal of the Possessor: Yet he allowed not all sorts of Wills, but required the following Conditions in all Persons that made them: 1. That they must be Citizens of Athens, not Slaves, or Foreigners; for than their Estates were confiscated to the public Use. 2. That they must not be adopted; for, when adopted Persons died without Issue, the Estates, they received by Adoption, returned to the Relations of the Man, who adopted them. 3. That they should have no male Children of their own, for then their Estates belonged to these: If they had only Daughters, the Persons, to whom the Inheritance was bequeathed, were obliged to marry them (a) Isaus Orat. de Pyrr●● haered . 4. That they should be in their right Minds, because Testaments extorted through the Frenzy of a Disease, or Dotage of old Age were not in Reality the Wills of the Person that made them. 5. That they should not be under Imprisonment, or other Constraint; their Consent being then only forced, nor in Justice to be reputed voluntary. 6. That they should not be induced to it by the Charms and Insinuations of a Wife; for (says Plutarch) the wise Lawgiver with good Reason thought that no Difference was to be put between Deceit and Necessity, Flattery and Compulsion, since both are equally powerful to persuade a Man from Reason. Wills were usually signed before several Witnesses, who put their Seals to them for Confirmation; then placed in the Hands of trusties called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were obliged to see them performed. There are several Copies of Wills in Diogenes Laërtius, as those of Aristotle, Lycon, and Theophrastus; whence it appears, they had a common Form, beginning with a Wish for Life and Health; afterwards adding, that, in case it happened otherwise, their Will was, as followed, in this Manner's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. We have seen how Children enjoyed the Estates of their Parents, let us now pass to their virtuous and noble Actions, the Rewards of which we find frequently inherited by their Posterity: These consisted not only in fruitless Commendations and empty. Titles of Honour, or Expressions of Respect, which yet were liberally bestowed upon the whole Families of Persons eminent for serving their Country; but in more substantial Acknowlegements thought due to the Memory and Relations of such Men. Their Children were in many Places provided for, and educated suitably to their Birth at the public Expense, when left destitute of Estates: What Regard the Athenians had of those Man's Children, who lost their Lives in fight for their Country, has been showed in a former Book; how they treated the Posterity of others, who had deserved well of their Commonwealth, shall now appear from one or two Instances: The first is that of Aristides, who dying poor, the Athenian People bestowed upon his Son Lysimachus an hundred Attic Pounds of Silver, with a Plantation of as many Acres of Ground; and, upon the Motion of Alcibiades, ordered farther that four Drachms a Day should be paid him; furthermore, Lysimachus leaving a Daughter named Policrite, the People voted her the same Provision of Corn with those who obtain Victory in the Olympian Games: The same Aristides two Daughters had each of them three hundred Drachms out of the public Treasury for their Portions: Nor is it to be wondered (proceeds my Author) that the People of Athens should take care of those, who resided in their City; since hearing the Granddaughter of Aristogiton was in so low a Condition in the Isle of Lemnos, that she was like to want a Husband, they sent for her to Athens, married her to a Person of great Quality, and gave with her a Farm for her Dowry; of which Bounty and Humanity the City of Athens (saith he) in this our Age has given divers Demonstrations, for which she is deservedly celebrated and had in Admiration (a) Plutarch Aristide. . Man's Vices and dishonourable Actions were likewise participated by their Children; for it was thought no more than reasonable, that those, who share in the Prosperity and good Fortune of their Parents, should partake likewise of their Losses and Miscarriages. Agamemnon in Homer could be prevailed on by no Arguments to spare Antimachus' Sons, their Father having endeavoured to procure Menelaus and Ulysses to be murdered, when they were sent on an Embassy to Troy (b) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 138. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If from the Loins of stout Antimachus Ye are descended, I'll bespeak you thus; Since, when the Trojans did in Council sit, He gravely gave advice, He thought it fit That my dear Brother, as an Enemy, With sage Ulysses sacrificed should be To their inveterate Malice, tho' they were Envoys, whose Lives the worst of Nations spare; I'll on the Sons avenge the Father's Hate, These Hands shall you dispatch, and Justice vindicate. Mr. Abel. There are many other Instances to the same purpose, whence it appears this Practice was not owing to the Passion and Prejudices of particular Persons, but thought agreeable to Justice and Reason; it may be sufficient in this Place to mention the famous Macedonian Law, whereby it was ordered, that Men guilty of conspiring against their King should not only suffer Death with their Children, but all those, who were near allied to them, should share in the same Punishment; whence we find in Curtius (a) Lib. VI haud procul a fine. , that, when Philotas was found guilty of Treason against Alexander, of the Noblemen and others related to him some stabbed themselves, others fled into Wildernesses and Deserts, till the King issued out his Pardon for them. It remains that I add something concerning the Returns of Gratitude due from Children to their Parents, which appear from their assiduous Attendance on them in the lowest Offices; whence one in Aristophanes relates how his Daughter washed and anointed his Feet, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 First my dear Child did wash her Father's Feet, Then she anointed 'em, and bending down Gave them a sweet endearing Kiss.— They were zealous in vindicating the Honour, and revenging the Injuries of their Parents; whence Telemachus in Homer says, Orestes had gained the Applause of all Greece, and recommended his Name to succeeding Ages by taking revenge of his Father's Murdere●s (b) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 208. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He a brave noble Soul did then put forth, A Soul of Prowess and heroic Worth, When He his Father's bold Assassins' killed, And both his Duty and the Law fulfilled; This Act for ever shall in Records live, And to his sacred Name Eternity shall give. Mr. Abel. Several other Instances might be produced, wherein Children showed their Gratitude to their Parents, whereof I shall only mention their Care in providing a comfortable Subsistence for their old Age termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and performing their Funeral Rites when dead; this Happiness Med●a in Euripides expresses her earnest Desire of (a) Medea v. 1032. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ah! wretched me, ah, my unhappy Fate! What blooming Comforts did I once presage In your young tender Years, I thought, alas! What blessed Support I should receive when old, From you the Prop of my declining Age, How you would give me decent Obsequies, When I should leave the World, and be no more. Mr. Abel. Admetus introduced by the same Poet tells his Father that, he being delivered over to Death by him, there would be no Man to take care of him whilst alive, or pay him due Respect after Death (b) Alc●sti●●. v. 662. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— You with more Offspring never will be blest To give Refreshment to your aged Limbs, To keep you when disabled, and when dead To mourn your Loss, and give you decent Burial; For I, alas! am doomed to lose my Life As much as in you lies; I ne'er will see Your Body carried to the Grave, or be A sad Attendant at the Funeral. Mr. Abel. So concerned were they about these Things, that when they undertook any hazardous Enterprise, it was customary to engage some of their Friends to maintain and protect their aged Parents: Thus when the Thebans living in Exile at Athens conspired to free their native Country from the Tyrants, which the Lacedæmonians had imposed on it, they divided themselves into two Companies, and agreed that one should endeavour to get into the City, and surprise their Enemies, whilst the other, remaining behind in Attica, should expect the Issue, and provide for the Parents, and Children of their Associates, if they perished in the Attempt (a) Plutarch Pelopida. : Euryalus in Virgil, when going to expose his Life to Danger, passionately entreats Ascanius in an elegant Oration to comfort and make Provision for his Mother (b) Aeneid. IX. v. 283. , — Sed te super omnia dona Unum oro: Genitrix Priami de gente vetusta Est mihi, quam miseram tenuit non Ilia tellus Mecum excedentem, non moenia regis Acestae; Hanc ego nunc ignaram hujus quodcunque pericli est, Inque salutatam linquo; nox & tua testis Dextera, quod nequeam lacrymas perferre parentis; At tu, oro, solare inopem, & succurre re●ctae; Hanc sine me spem ferre tui; audentior ibo In casus omnes.— This chiefly from your Goodness let me gain (For this ungranted all Rewards are vain) Of Priam's royal Race my Mother came, And sure the best that ever bore the Name; Whom neither Troy, nor Sicily could hold From me departing, but o'erspent and old My Fate she followed; ignorant of this Whatever Danger, neither parting Kiss, Nor pious Blessing taken, Her I leave, And in this only Act of all my Life deceive; By this Right-hand and conscious Night I swear, My Soul so sad a Farewell could not bear: Be you her Comfort, fill my vacant Place, (Permit me to presume so great a Grace) Support her Age forsaken and distressed, That Hope alone will fortify my Breast Against the worst of Fortunes and of Fears. Mr. Dryden. The Provision made by Children for their Parents was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the Poets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we find in Homer (c) Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 478 . To be negligent in this Matter was accounted one of the greatest Impieties, and most worthy of Divine Vengeance; whence Hesiod, enumerating the Evils of the last and iron Age, mentions the Disobedience and disrespectful Behaviour of Children to their Parents, as one of the greatest, and which called to Heaven for Vengeance (d) Oper. & Dier. lib. I. v. 183. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When drooping Parents in a painful State Have toiled▪ oppressed with Miseries and Fate, Then their young Debauchees shall them despise, Taunt at their Years, and give them base Replies, Call them the Dregss of Life, and not allow, Not one poor Cross to keep them will bestow. Mr. Abel. No Crime was thought to be followed with more certain and inevitable Judgements than this; for the Furies and other infernal Deities were believed always ready to execute the Curses of Parents injured by their Children; Telemachus in Homer refuses to force his Mother Penelope from his House for Fear of being haunted by the Furies, and reproached by Men (a) Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 134. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— The Gods this Act with Vengeance will repay, Furies will haunt this House, and I no Day Shall live at ease, but scouted and forlorn To all my Neighbours a Byword and Scorn. Phoenix was remarkably punished, when his Father invoked the Furies Assistance against him (b) Iliad. l. v. 454. , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 My Father, having me discovered, prayed To all th' infernal Furies for their Aid, He wished I never might beget a Boy To dandle on my Knee, and give me Joy; My Father's Prayers are heard, mine are denied, Both Pluto and his Queen are in the Curse allied. Mr. Abel. Many other Instances occur in Authors, as those of Oedipus, Theseus, and others produced by Plato (c) De legibus lib. XI. , where he endeavours to make out, that the Gods were always prepared to hear the Prayers, and revenge the Injuries of Parents. Nor was the Punishment of this Crime only left to be executed by the Gods, but frequently inflicted by human Appointment; Solon's Laws were very severe against it, for they ordered all Persons, who refused to make due Provision for their Parents, to be disfranchised; and when Persons admitted to appear for the Office of Archon were examined concerning their Life and Behaviour, one of the first Questions enquired was, Whether they had honoured their Parents, wherein if they were found faulty, their Suit was rejected. Yet there were some Cases, wherein that Lawgiver excused Children from maintaining their Parents, as when they had been bred up to no Calling, or Profession, whereby they might be enabled to subsist in the World; for the Care and Trouble of Parents in educating their Children being the main Foundation of those Duties they were to expect from them, their Default herein was thought to absolve the Children from their Allegiance: In like manner such as were prostituted by their Parents, were not compelled to maintain them (a) Aeschines Orat. in Tim●rch. : The Sons of Harlots were also declared to lie under no Obligation of relieving their Fathers, because they, who keep company with Harlots, are not supposed to design the Procreation of Children, but their own Pleasure; and therefore have no Pretence to upbraid them with Ingratitude, whose very Birth they made a Scandal and Reproach to them (b) Plutarch Solone. . As the Unkindness of Parents was made a sufficient Excuse for Children to deny them Relief in their old Age, so the Disobedience, or Extravagance of Children frequently deprived them of the Care and Estate of their Parents: Yet the Athenian Lawgiver allowed not Fathers to disinherit their Children out of Passion, or slight Prejudices, but required their Appearance before certain Judges appointed to have Cognizance of such Matters, where if the Children were found to deserve so severe a Sentence, the public Cryer was ordered to proclaim, That such a Person rejected the Criminal, whose Name was then repeated, from being his Son; whence to disinherit a Son is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Person so disinherited 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; to be disinherited was likewise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be received again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: It may be here observed, that Parents were allowed to be reconciled to their Children, but after that could never abdicate them again. INDEX. A. ABdication of Children Pag. 378. Achaean Slings 53. Admiral 155, 156. of the Lacedaemonian Fleet 59, 60. adopted Children 369. Adultery, how reputed of, and punished 323, 324, etc. Aegeon invented Ships of war 133. Aeginensians invented Ships 131. Egyptian Trumpet 90. Aetolians used not to declare War 72. looked on as Robbers ibid. Agnus cactus an Antidote against Love 283, etc. Alarms sounded on various Instruments 91, 92. Altars, instead of Trophies 124. placed near Graves 257. Anchors 142. anointing of the Dead 196. Antidotes against Love 283, etc. Apollo, invented Bows 44. honoured at Argos with Sacrifices after mourning 252. with Offerings of Hair 303. reputed the Cause of sudden Death 189. Apparel of Mourners 213, 214. of Soldiers 55, 56. Archers 18. Arches of Triumph 124. Argian Bucklers 37. Argians sacrificed to Apollo after mourning 252. Aries the Constellation whence called 132. Armies how divided 61, etc. how marshaled 83. Arms, by whom invented 20, 21. composed of Brass, etc. 21, 22, 23. how adorned 23. always worn by the primitive Greeks, and barbarous Nations 23, 24. of what sorts ●5, 26, 27, etc. 152, 153, etc. turned down at Funerals 112, 113. dedicated in Temples 119, 120. burned with Soldiers 228. Armour of Horsemen and Horses 19 Arrows 47, 48, 49. Ashes cast on the Heads of Mourners 219. Ashes of the Dead carried home 177, etc. Athenians, Sovereigns of Greece 5. most successful at Sea 6. their Cavalry 18. Archers ibid. Commanders 57, 58, 59 Heralds 74. Marches 77. Ensigns 85. Treatment of the Slain in Battle 115. Punishment of Deserters 125. Provision for the Children of Soldiers slain in War 128, 129. for those of other Patriots 373. Sovereignty of the Seas 154. their Fleet 154, 155. Marriages 285. Love of Boys 264, 265. Divorces 318, etc. Punishments for Adultery 327. Midwives 350. Custom in abdicating Children 378. Atlas' invented Ships 130. B. Balearian Slingers 52, 53. Ballast of Ships 143. Banks of Oars in Ships 134. Banquet's not frequented by Mourners 212. Barley-bran used to excite Love 275. Bastards how treated 363, 364. not obliged to maintain Parents 378. Battalias of several Forms 61, etc. Battering-rams 100, 103, 104. how defeated 106. Battles 81, 82, etc. at Sea 167, etc. Beaks of Ships 147▪ 148. Bear-star, the Guide of Mariners 158. Belly of Ships 136. Belts 30, 31, 42. Betrayers of their Country how treated after Death 179, 187. Black worn by Mourners 213.214. Blood offered to the Dead 257. Blood of Doves used in Philtres 272. Boatswain 159. Baeotian Helmets 29. Bones of Bodies consumed to Ashes how distinguished 232. washed and anointed ibid. reposited in Urns etc. 233. Bones of Snakes and Toads used to excite Love 272. Bones snatched from hungry Bitch's used in Philtres 273. Booty in War 116, 117. Bosses of Bucklers 35. Bows 44, 45, etc. Boys how loved 262, 263, etc. Brains of Calves used to excite Love 272. Bran used to excite Love 275. Brass used instead in Iron 21, 22, etc. Breastplates 31, 32, 33, 34. Brick, a Form of Battle 65. Brides how conducted to their Bridegrooms 309. Bridges 143. Bridles by whom invented 12. Brigandines 31, 32, etc. Bucklers 34, 35, etc. carefully preserved 126. used to place slain Soldiers on ibid. to lay Infants on 352, 353. Burial, earnestly desired 174, 175, etc. denied to some Persons 178, 179, etc. it's Time 206, 207, etc. Place 237, 238, etc. burning dead Bodies why and when used 225, 226, etc. how performed ibid. Bursars' of Ships 160. C. Cables of Ships 1ST. Cakes put into Corpses Mouth● 203. Calve's Brains excited Love 27●. Camels 20. Camps 77, 78, etc. Carians, the first Mercenaries 8. invented Crests for Helmets 26. invented Handles of Bucklers 36. their Flutes used at Funerals 224, 225. Carthaginians entertained Greek Soldiers 3. Castor why said to be hatched out of an Egg 337. Cavalry, how esteemed 11. how numerous 17, 18. their Probation 18. different sorts 19 Armour 19, 20. Cecrops first instituted Marriage 285. Cenotaphia 245, 246. Centauris whence so called 14. Cerberus how appeased 203, 204. Chariot's whether used before single Horses 14. how composed ibid. how managed 15, 16. made with Scyths 17. laid aside ibid. Charms 279, 280. Charon's Wages 202, 203. Childbirth, with what Ceremonies attended 343. a Pollution 361, 362. Children of Soldiers slain how provided for 128, 129. those of other Patriots 373. Children, how buried 184. of what Gods procured 343. how managed 351, 352, etc. exposed 359, 360, etc. of different sorts 362, etc. partook of their Parents good and bad Actions 372, 373, etc. concerned to vindicate their Parents 374. to provide for them 375, 376, etc. when excused from maintaining Parents 378. how abdicated ibid. Chorean Countermarch 70. Cities, anciently without Fortifications 97, 98. how besieged 97, 98, etc. how defended 106. how treated when taken ibid. Citadel of Athens graced with Arms of the Valiant 128. Clubs used instead of Arms 39 Clytaemnestra why hatched out of an Egg 337. Coats of Mail 31, 32, etc. Coffins 234, 235. Colophonian Horsemen 17. Combats of a few Persons used to decide Wars 56, 96, 97. Commanders in the Athenian and Spartan Armies 56, 57, etc. Concubines, how differenced from Wives 295, 296. how reputed 329, 330. Conduct of the ancient Greeks 2. Consecration of dead Men 260. Cords which tied Ships to the Shore 143. Corinth a Nursery of Harlots 333, 334. Corpses, polluted Things about them 205, 206. how carried forth 208, 209. how burned 225, 226. interred 234. Countermarches 69, 70. Countermines 106. Creditors had the Bodies of Debtors 183. Crests of Helmets 26, 2●, 28. Cretan Countermarch 70. they sounded Alarms on Flutes 91. Crowns presented to the Valiant 128. crucified Persons not buried 183. Criers of Armies 62. Curassiers 19 Curses on the Rebuilders of demolished Cities 106, 107. of Parents very fatal 377, 378. Cynosarges 363. D. Daedalus' Fable interpreted 145. Daggers 43. Danaus' invented Ships 130. Darts 50. Daughters, expensive 299. exposed 360. shared their Parents Estates 368. dead Enemies how treated 107, 108, etc. 178, 179, 187. dead Men, how reverenced 174. when admitted into the Elysian Fields ibid. under the Power of infernal Gods 190. first consecrated to Proserpinae 191. had their Eyes closed 195. their Limbs composed 195, 196. their Bodies washed 196. anointed 196, 197. wrapped in Garments 197, 198. laid out 201. attended 202. their Mouths filled with Money 202, 203. with Cakes 203, 204. their Hair hung on the House-doors 204. commended 252. honoured with Sacrifices 255, 256, etc. and other ways 259, 260, etc. retained the Affections they had when alive 261. Death, when sudden caused by Apollo or Diana 189. expressed by softening Terms 193, 194. Debtors Bodies delivered to Creditors 183. Declaration of War necessary 71, 72. its Form 76. defensive Arms 25. more prized than offensive ibid. defensive Stratagems against Besiegers 106. Deserters punished 125, 172. Diana, worshipped before Marriage 301, 302. the Cause of sudden Death 189. concerned in Childbirth 347, etc. Dirges at Funerals 223. Discourse at Entertainments after Funerals 252. Divorces 320, 321, etc. Dominion of the Seas by whom possessed 154. Dove's Blood used in Philtres 272. Dowries 294, 295. Dragoons 19 dying Men, how treated by their Friends 193. prayed to Mercury ibid. E. Elephants, when first used in Battles 20. when laid aside ibid. Elithyia 344, 345, etc. Elysian Fields when open to departed Souls 174. Ambassadors 71. their Sacredness 73, 74. their Injuries punished 73. Enemies, their Approach signified by Torches 105. how treated after Death 107, 108, 109, 110, 178, 179, 187. Engagement at Sea 167, 168, etc. Engines, in Sieges 99, 100, etc. to cast Stones 105, 153. how eluded 106. Ensign, an Officer 62. Ensigns 85. Entertainments after Funerals 250, 251, 252. Epicureans allowed Self-murder 182. Epithalamium 316, 317. Erato instituted Marriage-ceremonies 285. Erythraeus invented Ships 130, 131. Euclia worshipped before Marriage 302. Execrations against Rebuilders of Cities 106, 107. of Parents fatal 377, 378. Exposition of Infants 359, 360, etc. Eyes of dead Men closed 195. F. Fables of Triptolemus, Perseus, Pegasus, Europa's Bull, etc. explained 132, 141. of Daedalus 145. of Castor, Pollux, etc. 337. Falchions 43. Feathers of Scritch-owls used in Philtres 272. Fights 81, 82, etc. at Sea 167, 168, etc. Fire used in Purification 226. Fire-balls 54, 55. Flags in Battles 85. in Ships 139. Flowers laid on Tombs 252, 253, etc. Flower of Meal used to excite Love 275. Flutes, used in sounding Alarms 91. at Funerals 223, 224, 225. Fore-deck 137. Fortifications by Sea 166. Fragments of Meat laid on Tombs 251. Friends approaching signified by Torches 105. Funeral Rites, invented by Pluto 173. their Manner 195, etc. Processions 206, 207, etc. Piles 227, 228, etc. Orations 247. Games 247, 248. Lustrations 248, 249, 250. Entertainments 250, 251, 252. Funerals, necessary to the Happiness of the Dead 174, 175, etc. solemnised by Relations 176. denied to some Persons 178, 179, etc. who invited to them 209, 210. Full-moon, favourable to Sparta 77. the Time of Marriage 289. G. Games at Funerals 247, 248. Garments of Mourners 213, 214. at Marriages 307, 308. Gauls invented Trumpets 90. Generals of the Athenian Army 57, 58. of the Spartan Army 59, 60. harangued their Soldiers before Battle 83. fought at the Head of their Armies 95. disposed of the Booty 117, 118. Ghosts propitiated by Libations 257. Gods, had Part of the Spoils taken in War 118, 119, 171, etc. invoked before Voyages 161. before Battles 84. cursed by Men in Affliction 221, 222. of Childbirth 344, 345, etc. of Marriage 302, etc. of Heralds 73. Granados 54, 55. grappling Irons 153. Graves 237, 238. Greaveses 33, 34. Guards 80, 81. H. Hair, of dying Men cut off by Proserpina 191, 192. of dead Men hung on the House-doors 204. laid on Tombs 254. of Mourners how disposed 214, 215, 216, etc. offered before Marriage 313, 314. cut off the Victims Heads 256. Harbours 164, 165, 166. Harlots 330, 331, etc. Harness for Horses, by whom invented 12. how composed 13. Harps used in sounding Alarms 91. Hatches of Ships 148. Heirs and Heiresses 366, 367, etc. Helena why said to be hatched out of an Egg 337. Hell divided into two Mansions 193. Helmets 25, 26, etc. Helots' 3. Heralds 73, 74. of Athens 74. of Sparta 74. sacred 73. Hercules' invented Ships 130. his Gymnasium 363. Heroes how honoured 260. Hind-deck 138. Hippocentaurs whence called 14. Hippomanes used in Love-potions 269, 270, etc. Honey offered to the Dead 257. Horsemen, how esteemed 11. their Number 11, 17. how tried 18. of how many sorts 19 Horsemanship by whom invented 11. Horses, how managed 12. their Harness etc. 12, 13, 14. when first backed 14. how used in Chariots 15, 16. how tried 18. how armed 19, 20. Houses, polluted by dead Bodies 205. purified 206, 249, 250. how divided into Rooms 335, 336. Hurdles used in Sieges 102. Hymen 312. I. janus' invented Ships 130. jasmin laid on Tombs 253. jason invented Ships 130. javelins 50. Ignorance of the ancient Greeks 1, 2. Images used in Incantations 276. Impaled Persons not buried 183. Incantations 275, 276, etc. Incest 290, 291, etc. Infants, how managed 351, 352, etc. exposed 359, 360, etc. infernal Gods invoked in Love-magick 283, 284. Inscriptions on Monuments 241. Intelligence how conveyed 129. Interment used in Greece 225. juno, honoured with Spoils of War 119. worshipped before Marriage 303. concerned in Childbirth 346. jupiter, honoured with Spoils of War 119. with Trophies 121. with Statues after Victory 124. worshipped by Sailors 163, 164. before Marriage 303. jynx used to excite Love 271, 272. K. Keels of Ships 136. Kings, Generals of Armies 56, 59, 60. their Concern for their People 56. Kings of Athens deposed 56. L. Lacedaemonian Valour and Conduct 3, 4, 5, 6, 55. they were averse from Trades 3. Commanders of the Graecian Armies 4, 5, 6. more successful at Land than Sea 6. degenerate from their Ancestors 6. forbidden to meddle with naval Affairs ibid. their Cavalry 17. how apparelled in Battles 55, 56. how affected with Victory 56. their Commanders 59, 60. Division of Armies 66, 67. Countermarch 69. Heralds 74, 75. never marched till full Moon 77. their Camps 77, 78. manner of Life in Camps 80. Watch 80, 81. they began Battles with Sound of Flutes 91, 92. pursued not flying Enemies 96. unskilful in managing Sieges 98. how buried their Slain 113, 114. meddled not with Spoils 117. maintained Equality ibid. what they consecrated to the Gods ibid. what Sacrifices offered after Victory 121. how punished Runagates 125, 126. their manner of conveying Intelligence 129. of honouring the Dead 250. of loving Boys 263, 264. their Law against old Bachelors 285, 286. against Dowries 296, 297. Ceremonies in Marriage 319, 320. Divorces 320. Wife's ●ent 322, 323. they had no Adulterers 323. their Women how educated and employed 342, 343. Infants how managed 351. Infants exposed 359, 360. Nurses 352. Lacedaemonian Matron's Command to her Son 115. Ladders to scale Walls 100 Laurel, fixed on sick Man's Doors 188. used to excite Love 275. Leagues, how made 75, 76. of how many sorts ibid. Lemnians invented A●ms 21. Levies of Soldiers 6, 7. Libations to the Dead 255, 256, etc. Libyan Trumpet 91. Lieutenant 62. Lightning 182. Lilies laid on Tombs 253. Lizard used to excite Love 272. Love, how expressed 266, 267. discovered 267, 268. excited 268, 269, etc. allayed 281, 282, etc. of Boys 262, 263, etc. Love-potions 268, 269, etc. Lovers interred together 235. Lucina 344, 345, etc. Lustrations at Funerals 248, 249, 250. Lydian Flutes used at Funerals 224, 225. M. Macedonians, erected no Trophies 124. their Helmet 29. Phalanx 63. military Apparel 55, 56. Countermarch 69. Law against Treason 374. Magis of Persia how begotten 290. Marches, when made 76, 77. made with Silence 93, 94. with Tumult by Barbarians 93. Mariners 149, 151, 152. Marriage, instituted by Ce●●●ps 285. strictly enjoined 285, 286. at what time made● 288, etc. not mad● w●●h lations 290, 291, etc. 〈◊〉 consent of Friends 293. Ceremonies 293. Songs 316, 317. Mars, invented Arms 20, 21. honoured with Spoils 119. Mast 145. Master of a Ship 156, 157. Men at what Age allowed to marry 287. Mercenary Troops how esteemed 7, 8. Mercury, God of Heralds 73. why invoked by dying Persons 192. honoured with Sacrifices after mourning ended 252. Messenian Cavalry 17. Midwives 350. Military, Glory of the Greeks 2, 3, 4. Rewards and Punishments 125, 126, 127, 128, 171, 172. Milk offered to the Dead 257. Minerva, invented Trumpets 8●. honoured with Spoils taken in War 119. invented Ships 131. Mi●en-sail 145 Money put into Corpses Mouths 202. Monuments of the Dead 237, 238, etc. Moon, when full, favourable to Sparta 77. Guide to Mariners 157. kind to married Persons 289. concerned in Childbirth 347. movable Towers 103. how defeated 106. Mounts in Sieges 102. how defeated 106. Mourning, with what Ceremonies performed 212, 213, 214, etc. for dead Soldiers 112, 113. 〈◊〉 in sailing 159, 160. in 〈…〉 ●22, 223, etc. 〈…〉 Tombs 253. N. Name's when, and on what Accounts imposed 255, 256, etc. Naval, Officers 155, 156, etc. Fights 167, 168, etc. Navigation how, and by whom invented 129, 130, etc. Instruments used therein 141, 142, etc. Neptune, concerned in Horsemanship 11. invented Ships 131. O. Oars, in different Banks 134, 144. how disposed when out of use 163. offensive Arms most prized by barbarous Nations 25. Officers in the Athenian and Spartan Armies 56, 57, 58, etc. in Ships 155, 156, etc. Ointments, whether used by ancient Grecians 196▪ 197. laid on Tombs 255. Ornaments laid aside by Mourners 213. Ovation 121. Owls in the Athenian Ensigns 85. P. Palm-branches used by Women in Labour 349, 350. Pan the Author of shouting before Battles 92. Panic Fears 92. Paphlagonian Trumpet 90. Parents Consent necessary before Marriage 293, etc. their Curses fatal 377, 378. Parsly laid on Tombs 252. Passengers where placed in Ships ●37. Pay of Soldiers 6, 7, 8, 9 Peace how made 71, 75, 76. Pegasus' story interpreted 132, 141. Perseus, invented Bows 45. his Story interpreted 132. Persian, defeat 3. Countermarch 70. Magis begotten of Incest 299. womans how treated 335. Phalanx 63. Philtres 268, 269, etc. Phoenicians, invented Ships 131. steered by the lesser Bear 158. Phrygian Flutes at Funerals 224, 225. Phryxus' Story interpreted 132. Piles at Funerals 227. Pillars, erected by Victor's 128. erected upon Graves 241. Pilot 156, 157. plenipotentiary Ambassadors 75. Pluto invented funeral Rites 173. Pole-axe 43. Polluxes Story interpreted 337. Pollution contracted from Corpses 205, 206. from Childbirth 361. Polygamy how esteemed 286. Portions in Marriage 294, 295, etc. primitive Simplicity 1, 2, 252. Prisoners of War how treated 106, 116. Procession at Funerals 206, 207, etc. Prodigals wanted Burial 128. Prometheus' invented Ships 130. Proserpina, cut off a Lock of dying Persons Hair 191, 192. concerned in Childbirth 348. Prows of Ships 137. Purification after Funerals 248, 249, etc. R. Rags used in Philtres 273. Ra● to batter Walls 100, 103, 104. how defeated 106. Relics used in Philtres 273. Remora used to excite Love 272. Retreat how sounded 96. Rewards of Valour 126, 127, 128, 171, 172. Rhamn fixed on sick Persons Doors 188. Ribbons to adorn Tombs 254. Ribs of Ships 136. Rivers honoured with Offerings of Hair 305. Romans erected Towers after Victory 124. their triumphal Arches ibid. Ropes of Ships 143, 146, 147. Roses laid on Tombs 253. Rowers, how placed 137, 149, 150, 151. directed by Music 159, 160. Rudders 141, 142. Runagates how punished 125, 172. S. Sacred Band of Lovers 265. Sacrifices, before Battles 84. after Victory 121. to the Dead 255, 256. Sacrilegious Persons how treated after Death 182, 184, 187. Saddles not used 13. Sails 145. Sail-yards 145. Samyres' invented Ships of War 133. Scaling Ladders 100 Scimeters 43. Scritch-owls Feathers used in Philtres 272. Scylla's Story interpreted 141. Scythians, their Bows 45, 46. instructed the Greeks in the Use of Bows 45. Sea-fights 167, 168, etc. Seas in whose Dominion 154. Seats of Rowers 145▪ Selemnus' Waters cured Love 284, 285. Self-murder how esteemed of 181, 182. Semiramis invented Ships of War 133. sepulchers 237, 238, etc. how honoured 253, 254, etc. Shields 34, 35, etc. turned downwards at Funerals 112, 113. Shell-trumpets 86, 87, etc. Ships, how and by whom invented 129, 130, etc. how first built 131. of several sorts 133, 134. their Parts 135, 136, etc. Names 140. consecrated to the Gods 141. their Instruments of War 147, 148, 149. Officers 155, 156, etc. adorned with Garlands 161. pulled to Shore 160, 161. Shipwreck why feared 175. Shouting before Engagements 92. Sides of Ships 137. Sieges how managed 97, etc. at Sea 169, etc. Signals 84, 85, 86, etc. at Sea-fights 168. Simplicity of primitive Times 1, 2, 252. Skins of wild Beasts worn by ancient Heroes 29, 30. Slain in War how treated 107, 108, 109, etc. Slaves carefully interred 178. Sleep an Emblem of Death 194. Slings 52, 53, 54, 105. Smoke to signify approaching Enemies 105. Snake's Bones used to excite Love 272. Solemnity of Marriage ordered by Erato 285. Songs, of Triumph 128. of Marriage 316, 317. Sorrow with what Ceremonies expressed 212, 213, 214, etc. Soldiers, of Greece how esteemed 3, 4. paid and levied 6, 7, 8. when admitted to War 6. when discharged 7. their different sorts 10, 11. Apparel 55, 56. Treatment after Death 107, 108, 109, etc. Punishments and Rewards 125, 126, 127, 171, etc. Children how provided for 128. Soldiers in Ships 152. Souls purified by Fire 226. Spears 39, 40, 41. at Sea 152. turned down at Funerals 112. Sphinx in Theban Ensigns 85. Spoils how taken and disposed 116, 117, etc. 171. Statues, dedicated to Gods after Victory 124. to Victor's 128. Sterns 138. pulled to Shore 160, 161. Stews, tolerated 331, etc. numerous in Harbours 165. Stirrups when first used 13. Stoics allowed Self-murder 182. Stones anciently used for Weapons 50, 51, 52. cast out of Engines 105. Strange Women for Harlots 332. sudden Death caused by Apollo or Diana 189. Sun guided the first Sailors 157, 158. Swallows used in Philtres 273. Swipes 143. Swords 41. T. Tackling of Ships 141. Tarentine Horsemen 67. Taurus the Constellation whence called 132. Temples, adorned with Arms 119. made burying Places 185, 237. Tenders 135. Thebans Sovereigns of Greece 5. their Ensigns 85. Lovers 268. Care of Infants 366. Thessalian Cavalry 17. Three a Number in all magical Actions 278, 279. Thunderstruck Persons and Places how treated 182. Thymaetes King of Athens deposed 56. Toads used in Philtres 272. Tombs, how honoured and adorned 252, 253, etc. those of Soldiers how beautified 113, 114. Tombstones filled with Fragments of Meat 251. Topsail 145. Torches, instead of Signals 86. signified the Approach of Enemies 105. of Friends ibid. used in Philtres 273. at Marriages 308, 309, 314, etc. Tortoises in Sieges 102. Towers in Sieges 103. instead of Trophies 124. Traitors how used after Death 179, 187. Treason how punished in Macedonia 374. Trinket 145. Triptolemus' Story interpreted 132. Triumphs 121. triumphal Arches 124. Trophies 121, 122, etc. Trumpets 86▪ 87, etc. Trumpeter 62. Twins a Token of Chastity 349. Tyle a Form of Battle 65. Tyrants how treated after Death 180, 181, etc. Tyrrhenian Trumpet 90. Tyrrhenus invented Trumpets 89, 90. Tyrtaeus' Story 83, 84. U. Vans used to lay Infants on 353. Veils used by Women 319, 339, 340. Venus' Temple a Nursery of Harlots 333. Vice-admiral 156. Voice very strong required in Warriors 95. Vows before Battles 76, 84. Voyages how begun 160, 161, 162. Vulcan invented Arms 21. W. Walls not anciently used 97, 98. War, by what occasioned 1, 2. how maintained 9 ended by single Combat 56, 96, 97. how declared 71, 72, 76. warlike Conduct of the ancient Greeks 2. washing the Dead 186. Watches how ordered 80, 81. Water placed before Houses where Corpses lay 204, 205. offered to the Dead 257. Wax used to excite Love 275, 276. Weapons, see Arms. white Garments▪ used to wrap the Dead 198. Wills how and by whom made 371, 372. Wine offered to the Dead 257. Winter seasonable for Marriage 287. Wives, how distinguished from Concubines, 295, 296. when allowed to divorce Husbands 320, 321, etc. lent to Friends 322, 323. womans when present at Funerals 210. when ripe for Marriage 287. how confined and employed 335, 336, etc. 343 344, etc. not allowed to study Physic 350. polluted in Childbirth 361, 362. Wool used to excite Love 272. Word in Battles 85. INDEX Dictionum, Locutionum & Proverbiorum Latinorum, quae in hac Archaeologia explicantur. Prior numerus Paginam, posterior Lineam indicat. A. Abiie 193, 23. abitio ib. 22. acies recta 64, 10▪ acies obliqua ib. 15. Aetnae dictae naves 135, 10. ageator remigum 159, 2. agger 102, 32. agis 59, 17. agnus castus 283, 10. amarantus 252, 43. amentum jaculi 50, 17. anchonis 146, 26. in ancoris stare 166, 3. ancoralia, vel ancoraril 143, 24. anquinae 146, 20. antennae 145, 28. Anthesteria 8, 16. Apati●ia 304, 10. apertae naves 148, 19 Arae 157, 19 Arcturus ib. ib arcus aurei 46, 18. Argo 134, 20. aries 103, 36. arictaria testudo 102, 23. asparagus 308, 24. B. Ballista 105, 12. Caeci & Claudii cur dicti 359, 18. C. Caius Coriolanus cur dictus Marcius 358, 22. carina 136, 11. castus agnus 283, 10. catapirates 143, 7. catapulta 32, 19 Caucasus & Colchis venenorum feraces 283, 18. Cecropidae 128, 27. celeres 60, 32. cenotaphia 246, 29. Ceramicus 115, 23. ceruchus, anchonis, & rudens 146, 26. Ceryx 73, 26. cespites 99, 15. chori 70, 7. citharae 91, 11. classiarii 152, 18. classis praesectus 155, 33. claustra 164, 31. clypei orbis 37, 29. cohertes, manipuli, ordines 67, 30. Colchis venenorum ferax 283, 18. Colophonem imponere 17, 27. collocare cadaver 201, 12. conti 143, 13. conus 27, 4. cornua 145, 32. corona cingere urbem 99, 4. coronae naevium 139, 3. corymbae navium ib. ib. corymbi 138, 29. costae naevium 136, 37. cuneus 65, 16. 136, 20. vel rostrum 168, 3. currus falcatus 17, 6. custodes navis 160, 1. Cycladeses, vel Aetnae dictae naves 135, 9 Cynosura 158, 13. D. Decursio 229, 24. denasci 193, 18. dentes pro ancora 142, 23. dimittere uxorem 22, 9 divortere, discedere ib. 11. E. Efferre, exportare cadaver 206, 6. ensis falcatus 43, 16. Ephori 60, 10. epithalamium 316, 32. Equites Romani 11, 22. exportatio 206, 6. F. falcati currus 17, 6. falcatus ensis 42, 16. fauces 165, 5. ferrea manus 153, 27. forceps 167, 35. forfex 65, 20. fori & transtra 137, 7. fraena lupata 12, 12. frutilla 271, 9 fuit 193, 26. fulmen trifidum 279, 23. funes solvere 143, 39 G. Genialis lectus 312, 36. gubernaculum 141, 32. H. Hastae longae 152, 36. hastati Principes & Triarii 83, 5. haustrum 143, 20. Heliasta 125, 9 Helice 158, 17. helix 161, 23. hippagines 133, 17. hippomanes 269, 8. Hoedi 157, 20. hortator remigum 159, 2. I. In ancoris stare 166, 3. inductio 68, 14. inhibere remos 163, 20. juga 145, 5. justa 174, 23. iynx 271, 7. L. Labra 196, 24. latera 137, 1. laterculus 65, 23. lectus genialis 312, 35. legiones 67, 27. litnus 89, 8. longae hastae 152, 36. lorica 31, 19 240, 21. unde dicta 32, 27. Lucina 344, 28. lupata fraena 12, 12. lupi fraenorum ib. 13. lyra 91, 12. 223, 31. M. Magis 290, 26. malus 145, 38. manipuli 67, 30. manus ferrea 153, 27. modius 146, 3. N. Naenia 224, 34. naves apertae & tectae 148, 17. naucrariae 18, 5. O. Obliqua acies 64, 15. obolus pretium militare 9, 1. ocrcae 33, 4. Oedipus unde dictus 358, 8. opifera 146, 28. orbis clypei 37, 29. ordines 67, 30. ostium 165, 4. P. Paliium 197, 9 palmula, vel tonsa 144, 18. papyrus 131, 31. parolcones 143, 31. passerculus 271, 8. pedancus subex 13, 18. pedes 146, 29. phalanges 39, 23. phalanx 63, 21. phalerae 20, 4. Pharos 164, 35. Phormio, Terentii fabula 169, 4. pictura navis 139, 19 plutei 149, 6. portisculus 159, 2. Posthumus unde 359, 13. praefectus clasiis 155, 33. praeficae 222, 32. principes 83, 5. Proculus unde dictus 359, 13. propugnacula 149, 7. R. Regulus avis 271, 9 remi 144, 17. remora 272, 5. remulci 143, 31. repotia 318, 4. retinacula 143, 33. rostrum vel cuneus 65, 16. 147, 11. 168, 3. rudentes 146, 22. S. Saburra 143, 1. sacra ancora 142, 38. sacram ancoram solvere, proverb. 142, 39 Scamandrius cur vocatus Astyanax 357, 12. solvere funes. 143, 39 solutiles scalae 105, 2. stapia 113, 18. stationes navium 165, 30. stellio & stincus 272, 6. strophi, vel struppis 144, 33. subducere naves 166, 37. supparum 45, 15. T. Tectae naves 148, 17. terebrae ●01, 26. tergemina Proserpinae epitheton 348, 17. tessera 85, 6. testudo 102, 21. 136, 33. militaris 102, 4. arietaria 102, 9 Thesmothetae, magistratus Athenienses 328, 33. thoraces 31, 32. bilices, trilices 31, 35. tibiae 2●4. 8. toga 197, 10. tolleno, vel ●ollena 143, 20. tonsa 144, 18. torquilla 271, 9 transtra 145, 5. 137, 7. triarii 83, 5. trifidum fulmen Jovis 279, 24. tumulus 240, 13. turres 103, 9 65, 26. tutela 139, 24. V. Vela 145, 8. Venus' genitrix 85, 12. Venus Juno 303, 12. vineae 102, 25. vixit & fuit 193, 26. umbo 35, 20. Vopiscus unde dictus 359, 16. INDEX Vocum, Locutionum & Proverbiorum Graecorum, quae in hac Archaeologia explicantur. Α. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 95, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 166, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 319, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 223, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 168, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 266, 2, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 40, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 164, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 118, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, corymbi 138, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 171, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 164, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 92, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 188, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 virgins dictae 299, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 275, 8. dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 virgins quae 316, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 354, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, per errorem vocati 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 7. interdum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 14, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 318, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 378, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 172, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mulieres dictae 343, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 335, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 368, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 260, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 188, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 399, 55. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lat. haustrum, tolleno, vel rollena 143, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 223, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 256. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 318, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 318, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 164, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 163, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jupiter ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, retinacula 143, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, denafci 193, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 360, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 356, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 378, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 322, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 322, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 258, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 322, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 359, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 299, 33. postea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 258, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apollo 44, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 204, 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 208, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 301, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictae virgins ib. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 310, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 8. 152, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 152, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 153, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 208, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 156, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 139, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 172, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 338, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 317, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 224, 8. 91, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 95, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 57, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 75, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 171, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 266, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 303, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53, 23. Β. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 59, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, interdum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 193, 25. Lat. vixit, & fuit ib. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 48, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 104, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proverb. 9, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 47, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 95, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 90, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & catapirates 143, 7. Γ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 303, 36. dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 303, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 3, & 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 288, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 312, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 311, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 317, 36. 286, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 204, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38, 1. Romans vineis simile 102, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26, 26. 240, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 346, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 375, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 362, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 160, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50, 14. apud Homerum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 358, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 56, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 342, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 335, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 295, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 316, 11. Δ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 202, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proverb. 252, 40 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 12.59, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 356, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 149, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 131, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 249, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, epitheton Nestoriae navis 147, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cujusdam Metellorum cognomen 359, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, solutiles scalae 100, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 363, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicatum trophaeum 122, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 174, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 203, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 160, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 45. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 71, 3● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 25, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33.17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 2●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 3●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 131, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 289, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 300, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 152, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 40, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dictum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 153, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, falcati curus 17, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 354, 31. feu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Antigoni nomen 359, 2. Ε. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 355, 2●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 317, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, costae navis 136, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 252, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 258, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 299, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, transtra, & juga 145, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 174, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, interdum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 344, 24. Lat. Lucina ib. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 74, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 75, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 206, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 266, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 265, 42. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 369, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 59, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 134, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Apollin●s epitheta 44, 32, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 206, 5. ib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 211, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 378, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 195, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 359, 27● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20●●●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 222, ●3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 104, ●5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 84, 1●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 103, 97. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●ostrum 65, 16.147, 11. dictum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 260, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 313, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 77, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lat. subducere 166, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 60, 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67, 17▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 19.70, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70●●●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lucina 345, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 318, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 163, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 152, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 318, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 122, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 368, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Apollonii fabula 369, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 168, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 316, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 317, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 317, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 167, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 297, 11.368, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 35.133, 35. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 14, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proverb. 208, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 75, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37●, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 84, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 300, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 163, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 15.138, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 156, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 156, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 163, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 33.63, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 294.9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dicti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saburra 143, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 254, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 160, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 358, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 194, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ptolemaei cognomen 358, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicta sepuler. 194, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 329, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 303, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 13, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 312, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, remora 272, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 318, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 7. Ζ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 169, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 122, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 19.137, 9.145, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 297, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31, 13.316, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 4. Η. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 257, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 354, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 258, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 208, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 129, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 135, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 300, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17, 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 303, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37, 23.115▪ 9.209, 5. Θ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 9.150, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 21.137, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 342, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 369, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 257, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 23, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 288, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 303, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 346, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 260, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 362, 27.369, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 319, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lucina 345, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 195, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 8. 150.19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 304.36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 223.13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, praeticae 222, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 260, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 356, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 316, 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 321, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1b. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32, 24. Ι. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 223, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26●, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 362, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 246, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 58, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 47, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 297, 20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 60, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Neptuni epitheta 11, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 27, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 27, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 123, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vela 145, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, malus 145, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 342, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 271, 7. Κ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 195, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, amasiorum epitheta 266, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 358, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, urnae 233, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 319, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ceruchus, anchonis, & rudens 146, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 194, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 302, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 36, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 216, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 202, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 225, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 225, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 90, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 92, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 178, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 195, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 104,37. catapirates ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 104, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 104, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 9, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148, 16. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 194, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, portisculus, ageator, hortator remigum 159, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, minorum navium genus 134, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 244, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 28.153, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 153, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28, 21.47, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c 64, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 103, 37. 64, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 267, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 73, 23.74, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 74, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amati dicti 263, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 368, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 336, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 313, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ocreae 33, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, forfex 65, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 31. dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 32. Latin testudo ib. 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 194, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sepulcra 194, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 194, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 317, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Colophonem imponere, proverbium 17, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocantur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ensis falcatus 43, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 307, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 44, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 307, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 47, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 303, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 313, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 305, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 354, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aries 103, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 100, 9 quas alii volunt esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 233, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 316, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 156, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 156, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 167, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 294, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 167, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18, 34.80, 29. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 13. Λ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 324, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 233, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 172, 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 359, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 253, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 313, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 54, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 353, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ajacis epith. 32.5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 223, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 160, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, obliqua acies 64, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 205, 44. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 258, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 314, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26, 28, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 27.25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 59, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 60, 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67, 3.61, 13. dickus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31, 13.316, 11, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lupi fraenorum 12, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 316, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31, 20. Μ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105, 4.99, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 368, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 95, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 299, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 141, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 203, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 92, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 110, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, interdum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à quibusdam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ab aliis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicta 63, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, modius 146, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 203, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. dictum 61, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 307, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 34. idem quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ●6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30●. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 338, 32.339, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 242, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 242, 32.240, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diana 348, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 325, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 54, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, naves minores 134, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 131, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 225, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 161, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 196, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 7. Ν. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, praefectus classis 155, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 152, 35. hastae longae dictae Livio ib. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 163, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 135, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 17. vide 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 151, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 160, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 250, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 260, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 260, 11. aliq. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unde dictus 358.16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 165, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 161, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 134, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148, 16. tectae ib. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 18. apertae ib. 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 134, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 135, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 224, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 224, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 159, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 368, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 362.18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, costae navis 136, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 174, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 309, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 309, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 309, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lectus genialis. 312, 36. Ξ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 32, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 332, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 241, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 152, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 4. Ο. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 202, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dentes ancorae 142, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 301, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 342, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 193, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 223, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 352, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, umbo. 35, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prov. ib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dictae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 104, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 319, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, acies recta 64, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 195, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 102, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 174, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 233, 32, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 204, 31.360, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prov. 252, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 36, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26, 17. Π 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 84, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 369, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, prov. 299, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 318, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 295, 32, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 329, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 149, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 313, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 206, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 9, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42, 30. dictum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 309, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 211, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 149, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 139, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 167, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 329, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 300, 15. à recentioribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 149, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lat. platei ib. 6. interdum propugnacula 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 362, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Minervae cognomen 303, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 337, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 309, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 368, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ancoralia, ancorarii, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 44▪ 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 59, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 297, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 22. dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 134, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 60, 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 134, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elithyia dicta 346, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 250, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, decursio 229, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25, 13. 138, 36. dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, à nonnullis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 368, 28. vulgo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 29. aliquando 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 249, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & à quibusdam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Proserpina 348, 15. dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, triformis, tergemma ib. 17. tria illius nomina ib. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 241, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, gubernaculum 141, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, plicatiles sealae 100, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91, 9 interdum dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 275, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lat. palmula, vel tonsa 144, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, latera navis 137, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lat. cespites 99, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 131, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 304, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pedes 146, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 253, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 41. 57, 3. 60, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Demetrii cognomen 104, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 308, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Andromache quare 299, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & hippagines ib. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 317, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 335, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 129, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 299, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 25. interdum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 309, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 201, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 211, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 319, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 310, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 223, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 303, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, collocare 201, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 166, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 161, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 163, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, interdum dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, retinacula 143, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 23. interdum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 158, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 2. 63, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 140, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 227, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, turres 103, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 103, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unde dictus 358, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 166, 33. Ρ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 329, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 125, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, parolcones, remulci 143, 31. Σ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, corona cingere urbem 99, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Minerva 69, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 90, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 316, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 40, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, proverb. 252, 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 242, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 168, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 308, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 153, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lemnos 21, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lemnii dicti 21, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 308, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 131, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 36●, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116, 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 129, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 54, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 75, 19, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 40, 3, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 241, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 15, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, praefectus classis 155, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138, 34. dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 167, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ostium, fauces 165, 48, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 57, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 102, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 13, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 195, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 204, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 19 dictus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 75, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 154, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 195, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lat. tessera 85. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 62, 29. aliquibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 54, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 52, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 154, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elithyia 145, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 358, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 12. Τ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 71, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 342, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, proverb. 223, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 224, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 160, 12. dictus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 58, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 251, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16●, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 250, 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 336, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 juno 303, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 303, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jupiter ib. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 1. 66, 31. 303, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 362, ●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 48, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 134, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 9, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prov. 9, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 156, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 223, 12. ab Hesychio exponitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lat. fori, & transtra 137, 6. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4●, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 44, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apollo 44, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 156, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 159, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 134, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 135, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, triformis, tergemina 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 348, 1●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 344, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 344, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28, 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16, 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121, 27. recentioribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, junonis cognomen ib. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 123, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, jovis cognomen 121, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 122, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 122, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, carina 136, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, strophi, vel struppis 144, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, à poetis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 376, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 340, 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, terebrae 101, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 90, 18. Υ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 223, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 316, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 312, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 240, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146, 27. Lat. opifera ib. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 337, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, interdum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 135, 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 299, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 238, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 249, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165, 34 Φ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Proserpina, vel Elithyia 348, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 4. à veteribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 7, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39, 21. Homero 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 161, 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 265, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel obliqua acies ib. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, phalerae 20, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26, 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 208, 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 299, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 201, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 233, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ptolemaei cognomen 358, 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 263, 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 268, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 209, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 308, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 81, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 58, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 95, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 358, 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85, 3, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145, 8. Χ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136, 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 239, 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, manus ferrea 153, 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lat. cunei 136, 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, testudo 102, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, testudo militaris, interdum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 164, 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 139, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 371, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 258, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 59, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62, 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 324, 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dianae cognomen 362, 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 220, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 90, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 257, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 368, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 47, 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apollo 44, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 360, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, agger 102, 32. 239, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 239, 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 102, 18. Ψ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10, 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 6●, 34 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18, 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 245, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, proverb. 223, 15. Ω. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 337, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 337, 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elithyia dicta 345, 9 ERRATA. P. 43. l. 12. read Posidomius. p. 61. l. 5. ●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 251. l. 27. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.