Febr. 8th. 1681.  
I Do appoint Richard Baldwin, and no other Person to Print these Depositions, and Animadversions upon Roger L' Estrange. Esq  
MILES PRANCE.   

L'Estrange A PAPIST, Proved by the DEPOSITIONS UPON OATH OF MILES PRANCE, 

Mr. LAWR. MOWBRAY,  
Mrs. JANE CURTIS,  
Mr. RICHARD FLETCHER,  
Mr. JOSEPH BENNET.    
Taken by the Right Honourable the Earl of Essex, Earl of Clarendon, and Earl of Craven.  
With several Animadversions upon the said Depositions, in Answer to Mr. L' Estrange's late Pamphlets.  
Published for the satisfaction of all true Protestants, and to Vindicate the King's Evidence in General, from his Aspersions, as well as the Author in Particular,  
By MILES PRANCE.  
LONDON, Printed for Richard Baldwin, in Ball-Court in the Old-Baily, MDCLXXXI.   

DEPOSITIONS AGAINST Roger L' Strange ESQUIRE.  


Middlesex. ss.  The Information of Miles Prance taken upon Oath the 25th. of October, 1680. Before the Right Honourable the Earl of Clarendon, and the Earl of Craven, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace, for the said County.  
THIS Deponent saith, that about three years since he saw Mr. Roger L' Strange three or four times Kneeling at Mass in the Queen's Chapel.  
MILES PRANCE.   
This may be thought to be one cause of Mr. L' STRANGE'S blessing the world with so many Dialogues, particularly that lately come forth between PHILO L' STRANGE, and PRAGMATICUS; wherein he endeavours to clear himself from being either Papist or Jesuit, by reflecting against the King's Evidence, and by picking out the most convenient Opportunities, and Occasions, that he can to render them contemptible. A way so improbable to gain belief, that they who before never thought him such, would now adjudge him rather so to be, than acquit him, for the Stir he keeps in his Defence. 'Tis not my business or Profession, to be Mr. L' STRANGE's Confessor; neither do I think it to be a thing of so much moment to the Kingdom, whether Mr. L' STTRANGE be a Papist or no. Nor do I believe every one that comes into a Popish Chapel, and knelt in complaisance to satisfy his Curiosity at a Mass, to be a Papist; However I cannot but deem myself obliged, having been so sharply handled by ZECHIEL and EPHRAIM, in vindication of myself, to show the world that I am no such dealer in Affidavits, as he would make it believe I am. For the Extent of my Affidavit is easy to be discerned. I only made Oath of his being at such a place, at such times. For which my Affidavit is not alone; here is one more.  


Middles. ss.  The Information of Laurence Mowbray, taken upon Oath the 25th. of October, 1680. Before the Right Honourable the Earl of Clarendon, and the Earl of Craven, two of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the said County.  
THis Deponent saith, that about the first or second Sunday in June 77. An acquaintance of one Anderson (which Anderson was Servant to Mr. Allabon in Greys-Inn) being with him in the Queen's Chapel, saluted immediately, after Mass, a Person, whom he told this Deponent was Mr. L' Strange, who Licenc'd Books. This Deponent saith, that he hath once since seen the said Mr. L' Strange at Mass in the Queen's Chapel, and saw him to be the same man he formerly saw there.   
Hitherto, there is nothing Sworn, but that he was seen at Mass, concerning which I have given my sense already, that all that went to the Queen's Chapel out of Curiosity were not presently to be accounted Papists. There must be something else then to make men Judges what other Inducements carried him thither; or whether any other Inducements or no? To which purpose I have inserted these Informations that follow.  


Middles. ss.  The Examination of Jane Curtiss, taken Before the Right Honourable the Earl of Clarendon, the Earl of Essex, and the Earl of Craven his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the said County of Middlesex, October, 27. 1680.  
THis Examinant saith that about the middle, or toward the Latter end of the Month of June Last, Mr. L' Strange came to her house (her Husband being out of Town) and there accused her and her Husband for Printing and Publishing divers books, which he said were very dangerous against the Government, naming several Pamphlets which she knew nothing of; and though she truly did deny herself concerned in any such thing, yet he persisted that he would prove it, and proceeded to threaten that it lay in his power to ruin her and her Husband, and then told her of his great Interest at Court, and that if she would tell him, who set her on to publish such books, he would take her off from all trouble, and promised to do great things for her Husband. But she denying that she was ever concerned in such practices, or had ever been urged or instigated thereunto by any, he said that was false, and that she had been influenced and stayed up by ill men, and that he believed it was Oats and his Gang, and, said he, you know what some of them (speaking of Oats and those he called his Gang) are come to already, and I do not question but I shall see them all hanged ere long. And he refused to Licence several books wherein there was any thing against the Papists, more particularly those two books she shown your Lordships, which he Swore by his Maker, he would not Licence for five hundred pounds; which books upon the first sight were Licenced by the Lord Bishop of London.   


Westmin. & Libert. ss.  The Information of Joseph Bennet of St. Giles' in the fields Stationer, taken upon Oath before the Lords Committees, for examination of matters relating to the late horrid Plot Sworn before the Right Honourable the Earl of Clarendon, one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the said City this 30th. of Octob. 1680.  
WHO saith, that he did become bail, and entered into Bond before one of the Clerks of the Council for one Captain Eli, that he should appear the first day of this Term at the King's Bench bar, which said Captain Eli was then a stranger to him; but Roger L' Strange Esq one of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace, being at Mr. Hintons' the Apothecaries, near this Informants House, sent for this Informant, and then told him, Captain Eli was a friend of his, and an honest man, and therefore he the said. Justice did request this Informant to become Bail for the said Captain Eli, and the said L' Strange did then promise this Informant to give him security to save him harmless, and pretended he would then have done it, had he not been in great haste. And the said Mr. L' Strange did tell this Informant he had sent for another person to bail the said Captain Eli, but he not being to be found, he therefore sent for this Informant, and said he would take it as a great kindness from this Informant.   

The Information of Richard Fletcher, of St. Vedast alias Foster, London, Physician, taken as before.  
WHO saith, that about three years ago he met Roger L' Strange Esq at the Half-Moon Tavern in Cheapside about Licensing a book entitled, The works of Geber an Arabian Prince and Philosopher, and gave Mr. L' Strange a Guiny for his Licence, and a discourse happening about Religion, Mr. L' Strange asked of what Religion this Informant was? who answered, a Catholic. L' Strange replied are you a Roman Catholic? This Informant answered that was Nonsense. Catholic being universal, and not to be circumscribed. Then L' Strange bid this Informant explain himself. I answered, that Faith that wrought the fear of God and to do righteously, doth declare those that are of the Catholic Church, which I take to be the Church of England. Mr. L' Strange then declared himself to be a Catholic of Rome, and to believe the Faith of that Church, and told this Informant that his definition was too large. This Informant then asked the said L' Strange, whether the Pope were the head of that Church, of which he acknowledged himself a Member? who answered he was, and hoped ere long, many others would return to that Church, or to that effect, and further saith not.   
As to my own Affidavit, which is the first here produced, I do find Mr. L'STRANGE triumphing in the 35. Page of his Appeal, that I had seen him no more than three or four times at Mass, at Somerset House. Whereupon, (says he,) I did with the most horrid Solemnity of Imprecation Imaginable, declare myself to be of the Religion of the Church of England, and that I had never entered into any Popish Chapel, or been present at any Mass since his Majestie's Return. Which Protestation I do here again resume, intending by these words, His Majesty's Return, the King's blessed Restauration in the year 1660. And then, as if he thought this Protestation not sufficient; he makes a note upon the great abatement of my reckoning? as being assured by report, that I had sworn in the company of Care, Curtiss and others, that I had seen him at Mass, at least, or about a hundred times.  
As for what he was assured of by report, I value it not: neither is it material to the Point; as being of little or no force against him. The difference is between his Protestation, and my Oath. Which I have here confirmed by the Oath of another Person, Mr. Mowbray by name, who likewise swears he saw him twice in the year 1677. at a Popish Chapel, that is to say at : To the great disparagement of that part of his Protestation, never since the King's Restauration, which was in the year, 1660. Now I would never have taken notice of Mr. L' Strange's solemn Declaration, had it been upon any other account but this, that either he has some particular reserves to himself, or I must be perjured, and that should he now go unanswered (which is a thing he boasts of) the sharp Twits which he has given the King's Evidence would pass for Currant, and he would come to be a quoted Author against Us. And therefore I do as publicly and as solemnly declare as he has done, that I am as tender of Swearing to the detriment of my Neighbour as any other person that aims at the Enjoyment of a future Happiness. For my part I know not to what very great purpose the latter part of his Declaration was made. For having so solemnly declared himself of the Church of England, what if he had been seen twenty times at a Popish Chapel? But that part of his Potestation was particularly levelled at my Oath, which I am obliged to uphold so far as honestly I may. And that too without any reflection upon Mr. L'Estrange's Honesty or his Loyalty, fully believing neither to be inconsistent with the Profession of the Popish Religion.  
In his Case, where he talks to himself in his own Cause, under the Persons of Zekiel and Ephraim, like one that plays at Tables with his right Hand against his left; Ephraim tells Zekiel, that he was rounded in the Ear, that Prance had Ten Witnesses in readiness to prove that L'Estrange had been Forty times at Mass here, and solemnly Worshipping according to the Profession of the Romish Communion.  
And thus I who made a Confession so remarakble, and thereby discovered that bloody deed of darkness, which enlightened the whole Nation, am here rendered as one that kept Witnesses in readiness, or rather, pickled Witnesses for present use. By this means, in a short time, the Murder of Sr. Edmunbury Godfrey, will be as little believed as the silly Story of Mr. Powel. To which purpose Mr. L'Estrange's Narrative of the Plot seems to have but oddly Coupled that foul Fact, with the ridicule of Mr. Powel's escape, which renders the Frame work very suspicious. For though it be true, that the disparagement of a juggle, no way weakens the Truth; Yet there may be that manner of speaking, and that Art made use of in the contexture of Words, that may overturn that Maxim. With submission to Mr. L'Estrange, there is in that place (Nar. P. 19) such a mixture of the meanest fourberies of Report, which the most inconsiderable Circumstance of the Discovery, that my slender Opinion is, that a more prudent Progression in Logic ought to have supported the violent Death of Sir Edmunbury Godfrey. For if the Story of Monsieur Choqueuz Fireworks, were never proved the suspicion of Tukesbury Mustard-Balls, was never yet accounted the greatest Argument of the Plot. And if the business of Sir Henry Titchbourns Arms were not made out, the Surmise of the Black-Bills lies as much at the Mercy of any man's Belief, without any prejudice to the Belief of the Plot; and thus Posterity shall Argue from Circumstances not much material, whether they are believed or no, the falsehood of the greatest Discoveries of the Grand Plot that ever was made in the World. Especially when Mr. L'Estrange shall go about to convince the World of the falsehood and Perjury of the chief Evidence of his Murder. For my part, I much wonder why Mr. L'Estrange should so much trouble himself with his Schismatical-Plot. They who discovered the Popish-Plot, produced the Conspirators, named their Names, brought their Evidence against them, and were the occasion of Sentence and Execution. If Mr. L'strange knew of any Schismatical or Fanatic Plot, He ought to have done the same. Otherwise upon no other Grounds but the wand'ring Notions of unlicens'd Books, to cry out a Phanatick-Plot, is but just, as when they cry out Thiefs at one end of the House, and at the same time to cry out Thiefs at the other end, and thereby to distract, and discompose the Defence of the whole.  
In the next place I observe, that when, in your Appeal, you have dignified Mr. Care with the meanest of Characters (though in some Sheets of Mr. Cares there are those things produced, that will take up Mr. L'Estrange a full year to Answer by way of Dialogue.  
You tell the World he wrote my Narrative. That is to say, my Narrative was a pitiful contemptible thing, and consequently little to be credited. Nevertheless. in such a Narrative as that, neither the Language as I humbly conceive, nor the person that wrote it were so much to be regarded, as the Verity of the matter of Fact. And many people perhaps see with Mr. L'estranges' Eyes, and out of a Respect to his Ingenuity, Judge with his Judgement. In which Respect I am a little induced to question Mr. L'Estranges so often by himself asserted difference and kindness to the King's Evidence, for giving such a public Advertisement of my Narrative, after he had made the Writer so miserably Ridiculous, he might have prosecuted his Revenge, without such an unseasonable Reflection. But whoever assisted as to the Form, the matter was mine, and public Justice is satisfied.  
I come now to the Information of Jane Curtis, the substance of which is, That Mr. L'Estrange speaking of Oats and his Gang, said, He did not question but to see them all hanged ere long, and that he refused to Licence 2 Books, Swearing he would not do it for 500 l. which afterwards the Lord Bishop of London Licenced at first sight.  
In the first place I must certainly conclude myself to be comprehended in Mr. L'estranges' kind wishes, as confessing myself to be one of those which he called of the Gang. As for the woman that swore the Oath the World has not been heard as yet to give her any other Character than of a Painful and Industrious Woman, very much entrusted, and a fair Dealer: Whether she have sworn true or false, I will not undertake to determine, that is to her own Conscience. But if she have sworn true, as there is little reason to misdoubt, where there is so little reason to surmise to the contrary. Then it is not his twilting her Husband with a Foolish trick he hath taken up of winding up his Nose and sheiting his Teeth, will free him from the heavy censures that will follow; But 'twas no wonder he fell so foul upon the Husband, when the Wise lay so heavy upon him.  
What will be thought of him, who in an Appeal to the Kings most excellent Majesty, and the three Estates assembled in Parliament, had produced so many Quotations from his own Writings to testify the Esteem and Honour he had for the King's Evidence? What will be thought of those Quotations themselves? and that particular Ejaculation to the Doctor, They are wonderful things, Doctor, which you have done, and I am persuaded that you are reserved for more wonderful things to come, but that they were only the Compliments of Scorn and Derision? For Derision is many times as Complimental as Friendship itself. And this is most certain, that he that wishes another man hanged, can never have an esteem for his Person. For my part until this Difference be decided, I must be convinced he has no kindness for me. And then the World must conclude him partial as to my concerns. And I will go a little farther to put it to the Vote among all those of the true Church of England, how well it became the Charity of a declared Church of England-Man, to wish out'ts and all his Gang in the Hangman's Noose? And it may be questioned, whether such a one be what he affirms himself to be, let him protest never so deeply.  
As for the latter part of this Information, I will not undertake to be a Compitent Judge of Mr. L'Estrange's Learning, or whether it be superior to that of any one of the Lord Bishop of London's Chaplains; but me thinks it seems a little odd to my weak Judgement, that there should be such a vast difference in the Opinions of two such Eminent men of the Church of England, as Mr. L'Estrange and the Bishop's Chaplain, that the one should refuse, and swear by his Maker, he would not Licence a couple of Sheets, no, not for five hundred pounds (a good smiling Temptation) which the other did Gratis, at the first sight. And yet we have as little Reason to question the Loyalty and Integrity of my Lord Bishop of London's Chaplains, as we have to question Mr. L'Estranges. So that it follows, that it must be either a very great weakness or oversight, either in the one or the other. Now you'll say, what were the Titles, or what the Subjects of those two Sheets. The one was, The Character of a Turbulent Pragmatical Jesuit, and Fastious Romish Priest. Epitomizing their Continual Disturbancies of Church and State, and particularly giving an Account of the Death of the Emperor Henry the 7th, who was Murdered by one Bernardine, a predicant Friar, that gave him Poison in the Holy Eucharist. Licenced, Oct. 15. 1678. The other, A Letter from a Catholic Gentleman to his Popish Friends, then to be exiled from London. Ironically advising them to obey their Ghostly Fathers, and not the King; and thereby taking an occasion to show how little the Papists regarded Tests or Oaths, to whom a Dispensation from the Pope was always an Infallible help at Maw, against Perjury. Licenced, 1678.  
These were the two scarecrows that so terrified Mr. L'Estrange, and which were of such dangerous consequence to the Government, and the Church of England, that he would not Licence them for 500 l. And yet it is apparent, they were Licenced, and by those who were as Chary of offending the Government, or the Church of England as he could be. It were almost madness to think that those Reverend Gentlemen who were entrusted with the Licensing of Books, at Lambeth or London-House, should be so inconsiderate, or so unfaithful to let go or connive at any thing prejudicial to the Church and State. Unless there be any that think the Art and Judgement of Licensing such a Mystery, that only Mr. L'Estrange has obtained it by long Practice. But there may be something in the Case indeed. For these wonderful Gentlemen, Dick and Tom, Citt and Bumpkin, Zekiel and Ephraim, Philo-L'Estrange and Pragmaticus, may be the wisest men in the World, and of Mr. L'estranges' Privy-Council for aught I know, and he himself may have the Spirit of Licensing, and a discerning Faculty above all the World beside, for any thing I can contradict him. All that I have to say is, that I stand still in my own Defence, and have only brought these Circumstances to make it out that if I did see a Man at Mass, there might be probably some other Reason for it then Curiosity.  
The next is the Information of Joseph Bennet, that Mr. L'strange importuned him to Bail Captain Eli at the Council-Board. What harm in all this? None at all that I know. 'Twas the part of a Gentleman and a Friend to take care of his Friend in Adversity. But we are still to consider the circumstances. Captain Eli it seems was in the same accusation with himself, but this argues that Mr. L'strange knew the person well and was acquainted with his Crime. However you'll say, Mr. L'Estrange was happily acquitted, and I am exceedingly glad of it. Nevertheless I say again, Mr. L'Estrange did know the person, & was acquainted with his Offence, and perhaps he judged it slight and trivial, or else he did ill to engage his Friend. But this Captain Eli was a Conspirator with himself, deeply engaged; a person that he know to be concerned with him, a person that had paid Tongue several sums of money toward the carrying on the Design, and therefore it became him as a Gentleman to procure Bail for his follow Conjurator: Let him make a Dialogue to clear himself of this, and then for Papist or no Papist, when he pleases he shall have more of it; in the mean time, the World is to consider upon what account this Affidavit is produced.  
There is yet behind the Examination of Mr. Richard Fletcher, who swears, that after some discourse, Mr. L'Estrange declared himself to him, to be a Catholic of Rome, and to believe the Faith of that Church, and that being asked whether the Pope were the head of that Church He answered he was; and he hoped ere long, many others would turn to that Church, or to that effect.  
As for the person that swears, he is well known both in City and Country, a person that lives handsomely & gentielely, and a great lover of that noble Science to which Mr. L'Estrange cannot be thought to bear any Spleen, though for his excellency in performance he has been too unkindly reproached; so that the world does hardly believe that Mr. Fletcher, a person by his Industry so well guarded from Necessity, would make such a Discord in Human Society, as to swear though it were for 500 l. to the prejudice of the least Hair of Mr. L'Estrang's head. Now than the Question is, which the  are to believe? Dick or Tom Zekiel or Ephraim, Citt or Bumkin, Philo-L'Estrange, or Pragmaticus, or Mr. L'Estrange himself, with his own Lips declaring himself to be a Catholic of Rome, and to believe the Faith of that Church? If Mr. L'Estrange has changed his mind since he made this Declaration, there's no more to be said, I'll yield my Affidavit lost; if not, 'tis a Riddle to me, unless he mean such a Church of England Man, as in the Reign of Henry the 7th or Queen Mary. He declares one thing, and protests another. How to judge is a hard Case, and yet me thinks there is but little Reason, that he who will not believe himself, should be believed by others. What is it to me, whe-Mr. L'Estrange be a Papist or no? And yet I cannot conceive it to be such an irrefragable Argument, that a man is no Papist because he rattles the fanatics, and exclaims with so much bitterness against the outrageous Liberty of the Press. He is the most improper person in the World to combat the freedom of Scribbling, or at least to pursue that Subject with so much virulence and bitterness of Spirit. For all the world will judge that to be Self-Interest in him, which would be thought real Sentiment in another. On the other side nothing more prevails with me to believe the Gentleman is no Papist, because I cannot conceive that any person of true Learning and Ingenuity would be of such a Mock show, Gugaw, Joynted-Baby Religion, that puts Divine worship to hold de la quenoville, and would enforce us to deify the Distaff, with as many Titles of Honour in her Liturgy, as ever the Queen of Spain had. But if self-Interest happen to dazzle the Sight, or the Prospect of preferment better improve a man's judgement, I have nothing more to say.  
But what is it to me, whether Mr. L'Estrange be a Papist or no? My design is only to maintain the Truth of my Information. I have sworn that I did see Mr. L'Estrange at Mass in the Queen's Chapel since his Majesty's happy Restauration, 1660 And that I will justify, though he resume a Protestation as long as from Charing-Cross to Milend-Green. For if he will not believe his own Lips, I must and will believe my own Eyes. He says indeed, I could not say I saw him Receive. 'Tis very right; for I saw no such thing; and therefore because I swore no more than I saw, 'tis the fairer Argument that what I swore was the Truth. But what says Ephraim my Beloved? Why Ephraim says, that I should say, that I would swear I had seen him forty times at Mass. But you see, my Beloved, that Ephraim was unkind in his Report, He was a false Brother, and strayed from the Truth.  
But what if Ephraim had heard it? 'twas only a report, and no more than what Mr. L'Estrange himself tells the world in his Appeal, only that the Number differs; viz. That I should say in company, That I would swear I had seen Him at Mass above a hundred times. By which, the world may see, that Mr. L'Estrange was more Afraid than Hurt. But I would fain know what 'tis to the purpose, what Ephraim reports, or what he by his Eeves-droppers is assured of, when the Oath itself appears, and puts all Reports and Hearsays out of doors. Why then to unfold the Mystery, they were only Attaques of Disparagement; one of the most prudent ways in the world to undermine and blow up a Testimony. To which purpose Ephraim the Cunning lays another Train, and tells Zekiel the Suttle, that he was rounded in the Ear, that I had Ten Witnesses in a readiness, to make good my proof. A Reproach, which wherever it takes fast hold, spreads itself, and eats into the Reputation of a Testimony, like Oil of Spike spilt upon Deal Board's. This Ephraim I perceive, was like all the rest of the world; nothing refined by his Baptism; easy to believe any thing that made for his Advantage. But now who can blame Harris or Gay for writing and publishing ridiculous Fables, when the person that finds fault, shall publish, upon Ephraim's being barely Rounded in the Ear, such trivial stuff as this, which only denotes the want of better Defence. For I would know, if Mr. L'Estrange were to be tried upon the single Issue, seen at Mass, or not seen at Mass, and I should come and swear, as I do, that I had seen him at Mass so many times, whether Reports and Hear-sayes, and Rounding in the Ear, that I would swear this or that which I did not hear, would acquit him? For if I thinks, and as I remembers, and as I believes, will not be admitted into an Oath, which must be absolute, as mine is, certainly Hear-sayes, and Reports, and Rounding in the Ear, will be as little admitted in the Defence. So that in my Opinion Ephraim's Intelligence was not at that time worth the Coffee he gave for it, though it were but one Dish.  
But now Ephraim comes to the particulars of the Report, and says, Ten in number; pray Gentlemen give me leave to consider a little. Well, I have done it, and I must faithfully declare to the world, that I do not know of any Store Ponds that I have for any such sort of Fish. If Ephraim know of any, he should do well to make the discovery. For I know it would be no small satisfaction to him to see me incur the penalty of such a breach of the Law. Truly there is no great probability of the Truth of the Report, because the Story itself does not hold water. For, for me to have so many Witnesses in a readiness, and not to make use of one, was a strange piece of remissness, to be so careless of a certain Victory. Upon the whole, whether Mr. L'Estrange be a Papist or no, I will not determine; but these are excellent Hints for the Papists to lay hold on; and then to quote a Churchman of England for their Author. But 'tis well, all is not Gospel that Zekiel and Ephraim say. I do find they suffer under the frailty of Fallibility, as well as others. For, as for Mr. Mowbray, he came in voluntarily, and gave in his Information without my knowledge, and consequently could be none of my number; and there was no more that appeared in the business, especially wherein I was concerned. So that the Ten being hitherto invisible, unless Mr. Ephraim can bring them to light, the Report and the Use made of it must be both equally insignificant.  
But there are other Observations to be made; For if a Writer do positively aver that for Truth, which carries another face, 'tis shrewdly suspicious he may make the same forfeiture in more circumstances than one.  
Thus Mr. L'Estrange in his Discovery upon Discovery, p. 13. Now, Doctor, saith He, I do positively aver, that there was not one Church of England-man in the Parliament Army, as they called it. When it is a thing yet fresh in memory, that the Archbishop of York, that very Metropolitan, upon whom Cleveland gins his Satirical Elegy, 
Here York's great Metropolitan is laid,  
Who God's Anointed, and his Church betrayed.   
Served in the Parliament Army, as it was then called, with a Command of Horse. Now whether an Archbishop of York, and one of the Metropolitans of the Kingdom, would have been advanced at that Time, to that Dignity, unless he had been a Church of England-man; that's the scruple. However, we may say thus much, that he ceased no more to be Archbishop of York, by siding with the Parliament, than Julius the Second ceased Pope by Joining with the Turks. And therefore Cleveland allows him his Dignity after his Death, though he embalm it indeed with Assafaetida instead of Olibanum.  
Now for any man to be so positive in the assertion of a thing, so notorionsly subject to contradiction, will give a shrewd shog to the former value that was put upon the Writings of the same Person.  
Thus Mr. L'Estrange was pleased to disown at the Council-Board that ever he knew me: And yet before that, at a certain Coffeehouse in Ludgate-street, he presently vanished up stairs with great disdain, upon my first appearance in the lower Room, murmuring out these words, The Devil sets his Imps at work.  
These things I should have been far from taking notice of, had it not been to support my own justification, verily believing that the world would blame me much, and that the public Enemy would get no small advantage thereby, should I have suffered myself to be so passively negligent, as to see myself run down with the quips and taunts of a acquaint and fluent Pen, without a just vindication. In a word, I have only Sworn that I saw him at Mass; here are other Informations, by which you must judge upon what account. I have no more to say to that particular.  
Now after all this, and a long silence, he is risen again, and as suppose, forgetting what he declared at the Half-Moon, renews the Old-Lurrey of no Papist, nor Jesuit in a Dialogue between Philo-L'Estrange & Pragmetcus. And Heaven, I say, prolong his Life, and may L'Estrange no Papist nor Jesuit be the perpetual Theme, that he may satisfy his Humour, and write as many Dialogues as ever Lucian did. But I am very much afraid that a volume of Dialogues as big as the Book of Martyrs will do him but little good. For he goes about to bury the Subject itself under the heaps of his own Quires, it being most certain that men at length will grow tired with reading his needless Apologies. For they that think him a Churchman of England, will believe him still so to be, notwithstanding all the Rumours of Accusation. And as for those that believe him a Papist, he may perhaps in time wash a Blackamoor white, but will never by that sort of Rhetoric which he uses be persuaded to change their opinions. He has so be-plotted the Generality of dissenters under the odious Name of fanatics, that he must not expect any mercy of belief from them. They not being a sort of people to be gained by Similes and bare Flourishes of Elocution, it being then to be presumed, as he may easily perceive it himself, if he pleases, that they believe not one tittle of what he says, it follows that he only writes to them that believe him already, which is a labour altogether needless. And then again, whatever belief he may pretend to have of the Plot, yet in all his discourses he speaks so ambiguously of it, gives such complimental Lashes to the Discoverers, and under the pretence of respect and honour, so jumbles the King's Evidence among the Rogues, Rascals and Buftoons, upon which he spends his Wildfire upon, that she must be a perfect Psyche that separates them again by the aid of her beloved. Cupid. Now there is either some ground to believe him a Papist or there is none. If there had been really none the business would have died of itself. If there be, not all the Milk in Cheshire will be able to master the Oil which he continually throws upon the Fire, but here's a clutter and a bustle, as if it were to be a National Concern whether Mr. L'Estrange be a Papist or not, and that the Satirical Sword were never to be sheathed till the Controversy be decided in his favour. Heavens bless us! cannot he be quiet, go to some Cathedral Church, hear the Organs and the Church Music, and openly show the world what he is, but that he must be thus continually rattling the Drums of his indignation in the ears of the people, as if he intended to die with a Dialogue in his mouth. Certainly there be men in England that have gone to School, and read Latin and Greek as well as he, and may perhaps be able to match him at one time or other. And the question maybe put, Why Men of Learning have so little hitherto troubled themselves with his Writings, whether it be not because they see him so meanly condescending to combat the very Pigmies of the Time, with whom they disdain to engage. But how if this should be a Plot among his friends; to set the Libelers on to tease and vex him, on purpose to keep him chafing and chiding for the prolongation of his Life? That's all one; there must be another Plot among his Enemies, to countermine that Plot. For if there be not two Plots going at one time, all's not worth a straw.  
But now to draw a short Sketch of his last pithy Dialogue between Philo-L'Estrange and Pragmaticus; this very Dialogue gins with a Plot; a Plot between Pragmaticus and Philo-L'Estrange, or between Himself and Himself. While the one pretends to scorn and deride him, that so the other should take an occasion to extol his Fame; a mere Combination. For otherwise it could not have been so smoothly done, without a more than Ciceronian Ostentation.  
The first Confederate calls him Goliath and Diana; singularly well coupled in truth. The other Gogmagog and Penthesilea; another excellent conjunction. And thus that he may be the more fit, they make him Male and Female. As if they intended that like Tiresias, he should have the pleasure of both Sexes in his old Age. What a happiness a young Bachelor would have to be thus married within himself, to save the Expenses of a Wife? Nay, the first of the two calls him the Idolised Diana: as if Mr. L'Estrange in his Female capacity, had ever been so much adored as Pragmaticus would insinuate. Now as for Goliath, he was slain by Little David; Diana is as well taken for the Moon; Gogmagog, who seems to be two Giants twisted together, is destined to destruction by Napier, in his Comment upon the Revelation; and for Penthesilea, she was knocked o'the head by that Effeminate Spinster Achilles. So that the choice of such ominous Names seems not to be well taken at the beginning of a Dialogue. To say truth, 'tis a very sorry Rhodomontado, the mere Fly upon the Coach-wheel. So that there is something wanting in the Title, L'Estrange no Papist nor Jesuit; Or, The solemn public Entry of Goliath and Diana, and Gogmagog and Penthesilea.  
Now one would think that these wonderful Conjunctions of Goliath with Diana, and Gogmagog with Penthesilea, being assisted by the Influences of the new Comet should produce some miraculous effects. But nothing appears, only a little Plot of his own head to make himself equal with the Duke of York. Whence you must understand, that Philo-L'Estrange, is no more in English then a Lover, and consequently an Admirer of a man's own self. Now to bring about his ends he pretends as if it were as equally criminal to speak well of L'Estrange, as to drink the Duke of Yorks Health. And thus he would insinuate (for a man may easily see the pride of his heart) that he is equally the discourse of the Nation with the Duke. And this Doctrine he would establish, before he has proved either to be criminal. For my part I believe it positive that 'tis no crime either to drink the Duke's Health: nor to speak well of Mr. Lestrange. But on the other side I as absolutely believe that thousands and ten thousands in the Nation drink the Duke's Health, without thinking it a crime, that never heard, or ever cared to hear of Mr. L'Estrange. The comparison was too extensive and general, Sic parvis componere magna— does not always hold, especially between ordinary Subjects, and great Princes; more especially where the high and eminent Dignity of the latter is concerned in the distinction. Besides, 'tis the strangest Inference that ever I met with to conclude an Individuum Vagum from a Hyperbole. Says the Confederate Pragmaticus, to the Conspirator, Philo-L'Estrange— You deserve to be called in question if you take Mr. L'estranges' part, or maintain he is no Papist. This is a palpable and feigned Hyperbole, For no man dares question another for taking Mr. L'estranges' part, without offensive words or blows. Thereupon Philo-L'Estrange replies, Then I perceive it is become now as criminal to speak well of L'Estrange, as to Drink the Duke of York's Health. Which is as much as if he had said nothing at all; in regard it is no crime to do either the one or the other. This way of inferring may be allowed in Drollery, not in Argument, as being against the Rules of Consequence, which must be syllogistically true. That which follows is scarce worth notice, looking more like the Tattle of Goliath the Dwarf, than a Dispute of Goliath the Giant; more like the Discourse of Diana the Midwise, than Diana the Goddess.  
At length you come to his Eighth Page, where he takes a very fine occasion to call the King's Evidence a Company of Rascals, as they call it, by craft.  
First he raises a false Proposition by way of Discourse. Says Prag. to Philo. I say, If they swear he is a Papist, I am bound to believe it.  
Now do I wonder to whom Mr. L'Estrange writes, whether to Fools, or Men of sense? if to Fools, 'tis time very ill spent; if to Wise men, worse; for Mr. L. Estrange can never imagine that any Wise man can think him a Papist, let a hundred Theyes swear against him, unless they can make it out by overt Acts sufficient to prove the Allegation. However, says Philo. in Answer to Pragg's false Proposition, May not any impartial person conclude, notwithstanding such Swearing, that L'Estrange is all this while an honest man, and a true Son of the Church of England? Not at all, says Prag. But I say, yes without all question. Then says Philo. to Prag. again but what if two or three malicious fellows should swear that you were in the plot, would you be such a fool to believe it? No, says Prag. the case is altered. I would say they were a Company of Rascals that should swear I was in the Plot, when I knew no more of it than the Child unborn. Upon which Philo. very smartly resorts upon Prag: Then the King's Evidence it seems maybe a Company of Rascals, if they should depose anything against you but not against another; and then proceeding, may not another man's conscience, says he, give these bold Swearers, the lie, as well as yours can do? Now I appeal to Reason itself, whether such an impertinent Question as this, might not have been discussed more calmly without reflecting so sharply upon the King's Evidence? For Mr. L'Estrange cannot imagine men so senseless, as not to discern the mark at which he directs his aim. There is no man but may palpably perceive how he frames his Story purposely to take his opportunity to besmear their Coats with his daubing brush. With which he gives them no less than three filthy touches one after another. Malicious fellows, a company of Rascals and bold Swearers. For doing of which, though perhaps he may have gratifyed his revenge, most certainly his prudence can never applaud him; for that in doing a great deal a Mischief he does himself no good; I mean; unless it spring from those who have the only reason to encourage his proceed. Otherwise to blemish the reputation of those upon whose Testimony like so many hinges of Truth, the Justice of the Kingdom has hitherto moved, in Affairs of such vast Importance, is a violation of all his protestations to the highest strain; besides that he puts the weapons of his own passion into the hands of the Enemy.  
'Twill be in vain to answer with Shifts, and Similes and Flourishes, or to cry, who can say I meant the King's Evidence; or, why should any man think I intended them? For the King's Evidence were the persons chief concerned in his grievances, and therefore men will take the liberty of their thoughts, though he writ Dialogues till doom's day. So that if the stream of opinion run so violent against him, he may thank himself for pulling up the Sluices.  
However lest men should misdoubt the business, he gives his Dear Philo-L'Estrange a Commission to bray it out to the whole world, for upon his complaint, that he should not have the same Liberty as others, Pragmaticus asks him how that should be, when his own conscience tells him he is a Papist? So that if he would but have dealt ingenuously, he should have gone to the Council, and informed against himself. How! says Philo-L'Estrange, have a care what you say, for if Dr. Oats and the rest should come to know that you should offer to advise any man, Papist or not Papist, to do any such thing, take my word for it, they would certainly fall foul on you for going about to take away their livelihood.  
Now this is not to fall foul upon the Persons, but upon substantial part of the Evidence itself; as if the Discovery of the Plot had been framed, and so many Persons had been executed, to accommodate the Necessities of them that gave the Evidence; and that they made a Trade of Informing against people, right or wrong; Than which, he could not have invented a greater Reproach, to make the Pope and all his Cardinals merry.  
And yet after all this, you shall hear him protesting himself, to be a true Protestant and a Church of England man. Believe it that will, for my part I never shall; neither shall I advise any Body so to do, but rather the Contrary: Neither is it a farthing matter what he is, whether Protestant or Papist, considering how he writes. And 'tis well the King's Evidence care not a straw for his Respect and Reverence, since he has so irreverently forfeited it all, to the Dissatisfaction, he may be sure, of the Generality of the Nation.  
For if what he says be true, all the Monthly days of Humiliation, as the long Parliament enjoined, and as many more would not serve to expiate the Injustice already committed. If it were in the power of man, these injured people ought to be recalled from their Graves, and restored to Life, to behold the worse ends of them, that made a Trade of Informing against them; and all the Homage imaginable done them to obtain their Forgiveness. What could all the Colleges of Jesuits, or all the Cells of Monkish Superstition, have uttered more virulent, or more venomous to the Protestant Religion? He boasts his Loyalty, and there is no question to be made, but he has been very Loyal. But if he hath formerly given down such good Milk, he now does very ill thus to spurn down the Pail. So dearly might the Protestant cause pay for this flashy Conceit of his, if his Credit were currant Coin. Tell the King's Evidence, that they make a Trade of informing, and protest himself a Protestant! 'Tis Impossible: For I must tell Mr. L'Estrange, 'tis the very Language, and the topping Aspersion cast upon them, by the Vindication of the English Catholics, Printed at St. Omers.  
But to proceed a little farther, here Mr. L'Estrange keeps a racket, whether Protestant or Papist, a Dispute of no value, as not concerning the Nation three pence; but in my opinion, he gins at the wrong end.  
He is suspected to be a Papist, because he is suspected to be in the latter part, at least, of the Plot, and not for any other Reason.  
'Tis true, he was acquitted from being in the Plot, at the Council-Board; and so he was from being a Papist: And yet the same Suspicions and Surmises remain in the Sentiments of the People, as well as to the one as the other.  
Why could not that Acquittal serve his turn, as well for the business of Papist or no Papist, as for the Accusation of his being in the Plot? For as to the latter, he is contented to free himself only with a silly Story of Monsieur Choqueus, and by way of Protestation, as little to be credited, as he handles the matter, as his Protestations of being a Church of England man.  
But about the Concern of Papist or no Papist, here is such a clutter, as if his Life lay upon't, and that one of Queen Mary's Bonfires were flaming to receive his Carcase, if he did not quibble out the Contrary. Dialogues upon Dialogues, as if he blew them out of his Nose. He should have begun his Dialogues, to have cleared himself from the main Accusation, and that in a more serious manner too, than he writes; and then the Dispute of Papist or no Papist, would have fallen of Course. The People of England do believe, they have reaped such a Benefit by the Discovery of the Plot, that they will never thank Mr. L'Estrange for drolling upon it. And therefore I am very sorry, that he is so much mistaken in his Dialogue-Oeconomy.  
His next Flirt at the King's Evidence is, That the Notorious Ill Manners of his Accusers is a Theme for Discourse. To which I say, that he ought to explain his Meaning; for if by Manners he intends Customs, and Conversation, he is required to make it out.  
And now as if he got a clever victory, he claps his Wings, and Crows, and Menaces all the World, with a Woe be to you Scribes and Pharisees. Nay he threatens to return with a Whip and a Bell, to lash all those barking Curs, that durst hardly snarl or grin while he shown his Face. But for my part, if I might be thought worthy of giving it, I would advise Mr. L'Estrange to take my Counsel; which is indeed no more than what he himself has resolved, and already faithfully promised to do. And the Reason is plain, for it would be much more proper and comely for a Gentleman to keep his Word, than to run a Cur-hunting up and down the Streets, with a Whip and Bell in his hand.  
Observe then, that he has fairly promised, at the end of his Appeal, to betake himself to the quietest way of making his Escape, out of an Impious and Trapanning World, into a better. No he must expect, that these bawling Curs will never leave him off, but with their yelping and yowling will be continually worrying his Brains, and tormenting his Ears in this World. And therefore I would not have him recede from his first Resolution. Besides that it will be of ill Consequence; for when people find, that a man has been untrue to his Word in one thing, especially in a matter of such Importance, as going to Heaven, they'll presently believe he may have failed, or forgot himself, in all his other Protestations.  
Thus the Reader is to consider the Informations themselves, the Nature of them, their Purport and Extent, and what may probably and rationally be concluded from them; and Mr. L'Estrange is to consider the rest.   

POSTSCRIPT.  
THAT the World may be certain, that a Churchman of England did command in the Parliament Army; Observe what has been written on this Occasion by a Famous Author, in a Book Entitled, The Profession of Several, whom these times have made and called Nonconformists. Printed 1676. Pag. 115. He puts this Question.  
If the War had been raised only by Nonconformists, yet why should a 1000, or 1400 Ministers now, that were never proved guilty of any Wars, be silenced and ruined for other men's Actions; any more than the Conformists for the Archbishop of York's, who was a Commander for the Parliament?  
And than what becomes of Mr. L'Estrange's Positive Aver?  
FINIS.