THE Present Condition OF FRANCE, In reference to Her REVENUES, COMPARING Them with the Infinite expenses She is forced to be at.  
Demonstrating thereby, That it is impossible for Her to support Her Self, if the War with the CONFEDERATES continues.  
Done out of French.  
LONDON, Printed for Henry Rhodes near Bride-lane in Fleet-street, and John Harris at the Harrow in the Poultry, 1692.   

licenced,  
December 2d. 1691. J. Fraser.   

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THE Present Condition OF FRANCE, In Reference to Her REVENUES, &c.  
THere are few Persons that suffer not their Eyes to be daz'ld at at the first Sight, with the great Power of France, and the appearing Riches of that Kingdom. The Repose, which one would think she enjoys within her self; her Progresses abroad, her Naval Strength, her prodigious Armies, and the great Number of Towns and Fortresses which she has won within her Enemies Countries, and upon their Frontiers, which render her own Provinces as it were inaccessible; all these things joined together, are enough to deceive the Eye. But prie into her more narrowly, and you will find, that if on the one side this great Power appears invincible, and these immense Riches inexhaustible, the first cannot support itself, but must inevitably sink under the burden of its own Weight; if the second, which is the Revenue, the principal Sinews of the other, and the main Spring that moves that mighty fabric, comes once to fail, or but to abate considerably, which has already come to pass. The People who supplied these Revenues, but are now tumbled into utmost Misery, are an evident Proof of what we assert, altho' we wanted others much certain. But the Display which we are about to make is without any Reply. Tis true, that a Crew of Anonymous scribblers and others, by setting forth a prodigious Number of Pamphlets, have used their utmost Endeavours to make it out, that if the Grandeur of France: draws to a Period, she her self has procured her own Misfortune. They have set forth, with great care, the Violences which she has perpetrated both Abroad and at Home within ●er own P●ovinces, her Ra●ishings, her F●lshood, her Breac● of ●ll h●r P●●mis●s Contracts, and Treaties; ●he● Usurpations, Burnings, sacrileges, her Persecutions and Extortions.  
They have prognosticated that all these Proceedings were as so many avaunt Curriers and Occasions of her approaching Downfall. I must confess at the same time, that all this is not without good Grounds. For if we look upon the thing, in respect of Providence, it is impossible that Divine Vengeance should suffer a Domination so long to prosper, that has had no Regard to any Laws, either Divine or human, when the Contest was for Grandeur and Dominion, and many times committed many Mischiefs merely to pleasure a haughty Fancy, when there was no Advantage to be reaped by the Crime. If we consider her Conduct, in respect of the Princes that are become her Enemies, it is impossible but all these lawless Actions must have provoked 'em to that Degree, as never to hope for any Reconciliation. Her Allies may also judge by that, what they do expect from her, if once they should happen to kindle her Anger, or if it should only come into her Head, that their ruin might be serviceable to exalt her Grandeur. And ●astly, it cannot be, but that even her own Subjects must be highly disgusted at her Government, in regard that though these Rigorous Tyrannies did not directly concern themselves, as it has many times happened upon several Occasions, yet it is always an unhappy thing to serve such violent Masters; as well for that the Hatred which foreigners conceive against a sovereign, rebounds upon the Subjects, as for that they ought to expect the same Usage, should it happen by Misfortune that the War should come home to their own Doors; and that he, to whom they yield Obedience, should be constrained to abandon their Defence. In a Word, I am persuaded, that if the Confederates, for Example, should come to penetrate into the Dauphinate, the French would deal by that Province, as they did by the Pala●inate. So that those Writers that have made the Violences of France an Argument of her approaching ruin, have not been altogether in the Wrong. But however it be, all these Reasons cannot pass for any other than Reasons of Plausibility, not sufficient to satisfy and convince certain People, who being accustomend to more solid Arguments, submit to nothing but Demonstration.  
I ●●all therefore quit these sort of Reasons in this little Treatise, or if I make use of 'em, it shall only be as Accessories, upon which I shall not put any great Stress. My principal Aim is to show, that by comparing the Revenues of France with her expenses, and examining the Nature of these Revenues, we shall find that the expenses vastly exceed the Income, I shall also show by undeniable Proofs, that the Revenues of France are very much abated, and that it is impossible but they must fall every Day more and more. So that if the War continues, she must of necessity sink under the Weight, without any possibility of being able to support her self. But it is time to conclude this long Proem, least the impatient Reader cry out with Horace, Quid dignum tanto feret hic promissor hiatu? Let us come then to Matter of Fact. 'Tis certainly true, that before the War which blazes now all over Europe, the Crown of France might reckon upon Rents and Revenues which were appropriated and annexed to it, to the Value of about a hundred threescore and two Millions; besides Casualties, which formerly, and before the War in 1672. the French had mounted up to threescore Millions. 'Tis also as true, that since the Year 1685. that open Hostility was absolutely proclaimed against all the Reformed in the Kingdom, the Rents have fallen near ten Millions, by reason of the Interruption and Disorder which it caused in Trade. Which was the reason that they began to grant considerable Indemnities to the Farmers, though they had taken the Farms at a fixed and certain Rent: and of this the Contradictory Decrees and Declarations that ensued, are Testimonies so notoriously public, that they are no way to be called in question. 'Tis also certain, that the Reformed were they who had the principal and the greatest interest in these Farms, considering their Trade both within and without the Kingdom. The Duties for Entrance, Passage, and carrying out of merchandise which they paid, amounted to a vast sum in the Receipts of the Farms, Customs, 
(a) An Imposition of Trelupence Tournois, or the tenth part of an English Shilling upon all Goods Imported.  Foraines, 
(b) An Imposition of the twentieth part of the Value of all Goods Imported and Exported.  Traittes Estrangeres, and 
(c) The Books of Rates upon all Spiceries and Custom-house Gouds.  Tariffes. There are also some French Merchants in Holland, and in other Places, of which the Meanest Dealer paid before the Persecution above 25000 Livers( or 3125 l. Sterling) every Year in Duties to the King, and who the next three Years after that of 1685. never paid above 1500 liures a Years, which is not above 177 l. odd money. And therefore it was that the deceased Monsieur Colbert, who foresaw the damage that would accrue to the Crown by the Edict prohibiting the Reformed to be admitted into public Offices and Management of the Kings Affairs, and lamented their being persecuted as they were every Day, could not forbear to oppose it with all his Might. But all his Remonstrances could not prevail against the Jesuitical Counsels and Resolutions which were then taken utterly to extirpate the Reformed out of the Kingdom, whatever it cost.  
It is therefore evident, that before the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the Persecution had caused a considerable Abatement in the King's Farms.  
Now if we compare this Time with that which followed after, when several rich Merchants who still driven a considerable Trade, though much abated, were forced to fly the Kingdom, and carried along with 'em almost all their Effects, which was for the most part in ready Money, and settled their Manufactures and traffic abroad; when several Families also, that raised the King's Duties by the Consumption of several Commodities, were likewise withdrawn, and that the Manufactures were almost utterly laid aside in all the Cities of the Kingdom, as well because they had not Vent, as for that the Workmen were haled away to the Wars; there is no doubt but all this caused a far more considerable Abatement in the King's Duties.  
Nevertheless, the French make it their Business to spread it abroad, that the Farms of all the Grand Demesnes that were let in the Years 1689. and 1690. received no Diminution by this present Conjuncture, and yet that the Price of 'em was raised too. But this is such a wonderful thing, that it may well be questioned, whether they who presumed to divulge so idle a Story, had not a purpose to make themselves merry, by ridiculing the Prince, in whose Favour they forged a Fable so incredible. For from whence should such an Enhancement proceed? Could it be from the Increase of Trade? With whom should this mighty traffic be? Certainly it must be with the People of the antarctic Regions, which the Ships of the French had lately discovered. For as for any Trade which they pretend to with the known Parts of the World, we see but little they have. But quiter the contrary, excepting Switzerland, a Country very improper to augment the King's Farms, and some parts of Italy, all other Commerce is forbidden ' em. But perhaps the preceding Farmers got too much, and the new ones are contented with a meaner Profit. But had it been so, we should infallibly have seen some Tax imposed upon ' em. Besides, that though there is something to be gained, they are too sharp sighted in France to let the Farmers gain so considerably by the Bargains which they make.  
Then again, all France is sensible that the new Farmers are so far from acting independent in the Management of the Farms, that they only act as Overseers, for the better ordering and receiving of the King's Duties and Demesnes. The Labour which they take, and the Conduct which they observe in all the Places where the Kings Duties are demanded, evidently prove this to be a Truth. 'Tis well known that these Overseers had for their expenses, as also for their Advancing Money beforehand, and for their good Management, two Sous in a Livre, and were obliged to give an Account for no more then they received. Nor is this the first time that the Farmers have been at this Lock. Le Gendre, Fauconet, Saunier, du Frenti, 'bout, and some other General Farmers, before the Year 1689. though they had taken the Farms at a set Rate, were admitted, at least they who desired it, to account for no more then they received, because it was clearly seen they had been Losers by the Abatements that had happened in their Farms, by reason of those Accidents and Casualties already mentioned. Others there are, who have only obtained considerable Abatements; which is so well known over all the Kingdom, that there are few People who know any thing of Business that can be ignorant of it. The Declarations and Decrees that have been published upon these Occasions, and the great Failings of the principal Farmers, have been too public, for any Body to deny what a ticklish Undertaking it is to meddle with those great Farms.  
Now if in time of Peace, and in the flourishing State of France, they were constrain d to allow the General Farmers considerable Abatements and Indemnities; what may be thought of it now, that the best Cities of the Kingdom are ruined, that the Nation is deprived of all foreign Trade, and that the King is forced to hurry his Militia's, his Bans, and Arrier-Bans, from Province to Province, and Frontier to Frontier, equally tiring out both Gentry and Peasant, and exhausting all his Subjects with Marches and Counter-Marches, and lying up and down the Country remote from their Homes and Habitations. All this shows, that whatever Care is taken to publish the contrary, the Revenues of France amount not to above the half of what the Adorers of the gallic Monarch would make the World believe. The particular Examination will make this out more clearly to be true.  
I shall begin with the Taxes Real and Personal, which the Crown levies over all the Extent of the Kingdom, excepting in some Provinces which are governed by States. These Taxes were enhanced before the War, 1672. and three Years after, to fifty one Millions a Year. But then the Poverty of the People, and the Interruption of Trade was such, that in the Year 1676. they were reduced to forty Millions; and in the Year 1678. to thirty Six Millions, and so they continued sometimes more, sometimes less, till the Year 1690.  
But in that Year it was, that the Receivers of the Taxes, having made it out, that it was impossible to collect 'em any longer according to that Rate, by reason of the Poverty of the People, and the Decay of Trade, the Desertions of the Protestants, and the Waste of the younger sort in the Wars, the Taxes were reduced to thirty Millions. Maugre this Abatement, in regard the same Inability still continued, there was a Decree of the Grand Council, by which all Cities, with their Dependencies, should in the Body of their Corporation be answerable for themselves, the Solvent for the Insolvent, to make good the sum that was imposed upon the Corporation, which put those that were taxable to unimaginable Confusions and Disorders, and contributes not a little to augment the Miseries of the People.  
The 
(a) The Taillon is a Tax that was raised by Henry II. An. 1549. toward the Increase of the Pay of the Gens d' arms, that were billeted in Towns and Villages, to enable 'em to pay for what they call d for, and prevent Disorders.  Taillon, 
(b) Subvention, is a Duty of the 20th penny, or one Sous in a Livre, laid upon all merchandises, to supply the Necessities of the State.  Subvention and 
(c) subsistence, an Impost laid upon the People for the Maintenance of the Soldiers in their Quarters.  subsistence, which is received as a Tax by the extraordinary Treasurers at War, before the War 1672 was enhanced to three Millions and five hundred thousand liures, since which time it has varied in rising and falling, till it fell to thirteen hundred thousand liures, that is to say, till it fell to two Millions, two hundred thousand liures.  
Before the War in 1672 there were great Variations in the Price of the General Farm of the gabels, or Imposts upon Salt; but it never exceeded nine Millions, one hundred and thirty thousand liures. During the first War, it fell above six Millions; and at length the Farmers who desired greater Abatements, were admitted to account for what they received. After the Peace in 1678, this Farm could not be enhanced again any higher then twenty seven Millions, two hundred thousand liures, though the gabels of the conquered Countries were comprised therein; and at another time it was let at twenty six Millions, with Conditions of Abatement in Case of War; which shows, that though the General gabels had been considerably augmented by the Addition of those of the conquered Countries, by the Duties imposed upon tobacco, Tin, and by a Sous in a Livre imposed upon dried, fresh, and salt Fish, in the Provinces of Normandy and Picardy, Nevertheless, there was an Abatement of above three Millions, now if this happened during the preceding War, and in a time of Peace at home, may we not believe what Persons of Credit and Fidelity writ from all Parts, that in the present Condition of France, the gabels for the Year 1690. did not amount to above sixteen Millions. This Truth will be easily believed, if we do but never so little consider what has been said of the Heart of France; and when we call to mind that the Product of this Farm chiefly proceeds from the abundance of Trade. But in regard there are few People that understand what is meant by gabels, and what Duties they include, I thought it necessary to give a short Explication of the Word. Under the Name of General gabels, are comprehended the three bishoprics of Metz, Toul and verdon, the Demesnes and Salt-pits of lorraine, the Salt-pits and Demesnes of Franche connte. They are the principal Product that swell the five great Farms, which consist in the Duties that are laid upon merchandise, Provisions, drugs and Spices, Imported and Exported out of the Kingdom. They are called the Five Great Farms, by reason of their being joined to those of the same Nature in the Frontier Provinces, as Normandy, Picardy, champaign, Burgundy and Lionnois, comprehending also the Provostship of Nantes, Convoy and Comptably of Bourdeaux, Exportations from Charente, Customs of lion and valemce, Patent of Languedoc, Provence and Arzat, the Transportations from Rousillon, Duties of fifty Sous per Tun upon Fraights of foreign Vessels, Duties upon tobacco and Tin, and the Sous in every Livre upon Fish in the Provinces of Normandy and Picardy.  
If there were any part of this Grand Demesne, of which the price ought to be fixed, that would be Seignioral Demesne, and in Funds of Land, as Rents, Fines for Alienation under the Names of Lods and Ventes, of which the first are more chargeable than the second 
* The whole years profit of the Land, due to the Lord upon every Redemption, Collateral Descent, or change of the tenant.  Reliefs, Fifth Penny, and fifth part of the fifth Penny, Quit-rents, Escheats, Bastardies, together with other Duty and Redevances, or Duties annually payable to the Lord of the Fee, in Money, Corn, or Day-Labour, and annexed to Seiguloral and Demesne Duties: besides all this, Houses, Castles, Cultivated Lands, Mills, Meadows, pounds, Woods, and other Estates, in the nature of Funds; nevertheless it has been known that these Demesnes before the Wars in 1672. have been taken by the Farmers at 43 Millions: but during the first War, they suffered two Abatements, and were reduced to 36 Millions, 300 thousand liures; but after that War, these Abatements fell so considerably, that no body would take the Farm at a set Rent, without great Abatements, so that at present it is managed by persons under the name of Commissioners, who for their Advances, their Pains and expenses, which are very great, have two Sous in a Livre; which is notoriously known in France: and what is more to be admired is this, That all these Demesnes have never been let higher, before the year 1663. then at three Millions, which makes many believe, that the excessive Rates to which they were afterwards raised, was the occasion of those Acquittances, by virtue of which the Farmers saved themselves harmless.  
There are another kind of Duties which are called aids, which seem to be Fief-Rights, and almost of the same nature with those before-going; which nevertheless have suffered a very considerable Diminution. But to make a better judgement of this, it will be requisite to enumerate the parts that comp se the Body of these Rights: these Duties therefore called aids, comprehend several Impositions upon Wine, sold over the whole Kingdom, either by Whole-sale, or Re-tail, Brandies, Strong-waters, Cider, Beer, and other Drinks, Vinegar, the Entries of Paris and roven; upon Wood to burn, and Timber, wrought and unwrought; Duties of 
(a) A Duty Collected at the Gates of some Cities, upon all cattle that are driven in to be spent.  Pic Fourche, the Fief-Duty for the mark of Iron, the Duties of Nine liures, Ten Sous per Tun, and a Sous, for every Pot of Picardy, and passage over the Som●s, the ●mposts and 
* An Impost upon Wine, of the twentieth, fourteenth and fifteenth Deneere, at the pleasure of the King.  Billio's of the Province of Br●tagne; Duties upon Weights to the Duke of the said Province; the demesne Toll for the Stalls and ●urateries of Rennes: the one half of the Tolls and Assessments granted for Corporations of Towns and Cities to lay upon themselves: a third part of the Alienated Duties allowed to certain Officers, except those of the Civil Government of Paris. The Duties of Subvention and subsistence in the Cities of orleans, Rennes, Troyes, Diep, Caen, Chalons, Bourges, Havre de Grace, Amiens, and other Cities, as they are settled in the Book of Rates of the City of alencon: the Duties of the Ancient Pied-Fourche of roven; five Sous upon every Bale of Wood, thirty Sous upon every Pack of Madder, four new Deneers upon every Bale of merchandise carried into the Country: ten Sous and six D●neers for every hundred of white linen Cloth, as much for a hundred of Canvas; by the Duties that arise from the privileged Assessments of the City of roven, by the doubling the mark in Gold; and lastly, by the Duty upon marked Paper and Parchment.  
All these Duties were let to Farm before the Year 1672. at 17 Millions 150 Thousand liures: during this was they suffered two diminutions, as appears by the Leases, of which the most Considerable amounted but to 4 Millions. After the Peace in 1678. they were Let at 18 Millions, and 18 hundred Thousand liures, comprehending the aids of the New Conquests. 'Tis true, that in the year 1689. the Lease was made for no more than 14 Millions, but to be raised in case that things remained in the same posture, and that Peace continued; but in case of War and Loss, to give an account only for what was received. Now if we reflect upon the nature of these Imposts that makes up the aids, upon the present State of Affairs, and the diminutions which these Duties have suffered at several times, we must conclude, that they are now more considerably abated.  
Tis true, that the Crown has received every year since the Peace in 1678. ten Millions and something more for the Farms let at a certain Rate of the Demesne of the New Conquests of the Low Countries, besides what is contained in the general Farms already mentioned: these Demesnes lie in the Cities and Castellanies of tourney, dovay, L'Ile, Cassel, cypre, Balieul, Verni, Verneton, Paperingue, Loo, and their Dependencies; the City and Verge of Menin, St. Omer and air, Valenciennes, Conde, Bouchain, Mauberge, and Bavet, Cambray, Cambresis, and all their Dependencies.  
After the Truce in 1684. all the Demesnes of the Country of Luxemburgh were augmented by the uniting of Strasburgh, and a great number of other Places and Countries, which the Royal Chamber of Metz, by an unjust Decree, without Example, adjudged to the Crown, under the name of Dependencies, encouraged and supported by the Violences of France, and by that means extended her Limits and Usurpations, I will not say beyond what the Treaties prescribe, but contrary to all manner of Treaties and Agreements. All which Countries joined together, yielded a Revenue of about six Millions, and two hundred Thousand liures; But since the War there have been considerable falls and abatements, being managed only by Intendants, that give an account for no more than they receive.  
It must be acknowledged that neither the Desertion of a great Number of Protestants, nor the present War, which has exhausted all the Provinces of the young and able People, and particularly those of Languedoc, Lyonnois, Provence, and the Dauphinate, nor the Misery with which the People are overwhelmed, could hinder the General Farm of the gables of Salt from being still fixed at 9 Millions, and 100 thousand liures, as well for that it is a Commodity which no body, tho' never so poor, can any more be without than without Bread, as for that they have raised the price to supply the abatement which the depopulation of the Kingdom has occasioned.  
Before the present War, it was looked upon as good as certain, that the Sale of Offices amounted to five Millions every year, together with the Taxes upon Officers, and the Annual Duty, called 
* A Duty which the Officers of of Judicature and the Revenue pay to the King at the beginning of the year, to preserve their Offices to their Widows and Heirs in case of death, settled at the rate of the fiftieth penny of the value of the Office, in the year 1605.  Paul●●e, but within these two years that Revenue is become casual, and was raised one time to 18 Millions, by the great number of new Taxes that were laid upon all sorts of Officers, and by the Creation of new Offices and Masterships of Corporations, for which they were to supply the King with large sums, by way o● Loan. But besides that, these are Funds which are not altogether inexhaustible, or rather are such as will suddenly be drained dry, since it is impossible to create new Officers ad infinitum, and for that they who are Created, have not presently so much knowledge of their great Business, which is, to fill the King's Coffers; and this also shows the Poverty of the Kingdom: for though these Officers have the most ready money in the Kingdom, next to those that are interress'd in the Revenues, yet there are many of them that the King has been forced to acquit, either in part, or altogether of their new Taxes, as being convinced of their inability. Tis true, that to conceal their weakness in this particular, the King has pretended to discharge 'em for some good Services done him; but these are State Devices, which only delude those who know not such pretences have been made use of more then once, to hid the Infirmities of the Pocket. It is also true, that part of these new Offices which have been Erected, have been filled up; but tis as well known by what means it has been done: they applied themselves to those who are known to have Money by 'em; and they were  told by the by, That it was better to lay out their Money in the Purchase of an Employment, which would bring in something every day, then constrain the King to lay a Tax upon their Heads: and the Financiers, who hate nothing so much as the word Taxing, had rather lay out their Money upon that bad merchandise, then having nothing at all: and yet notwithstanding all these Tricks, all the Offices are not filled up neither; another Argument of the Poverty of the Kingdom.  
The Tenths upon the Clergy of the Kingdom, amount every year to two Millions; and the Benevolences of the States of the Provinces of Languedoc, Provence, Burgundy and Bretagne, are well worth six Millions, and five hundred thousand liures. 'Tis true they are given out to be much more worth in the public Declarations; but every body knows that the King makes 'em Abatements afterwards, as it were out of Favour. All these Gifts have suffered no diminution during this War; and one would think they should have rather increased, in regard the Clergy of the Provinces afore-mention'd, have given more freely than in the preceding years; and yet it is very certain, that all these Revenues have not mounted higher than what we have already declared.  
'Tis also true, that they whose business it is to invent new ways to get Money, have procured the King of France above fifteen Millions, by Fifth Pennies, and fifths of Fifth Pennies, Collation of benefice, Mortmains, Estates and Possessions of all the Clergy, Eighth, and Tenth Pennies, by countenancing and toleration of the Goods of the Church Alienated, which has caused a strange confusion among the Clergy, as also among all private persons; in regard that to raise Money to preserve or regain 'em, both the one and the other find themselves almost ruined: besides that, 'tis a Question whether the Law svit, the Indemnities and the Protections, will not exceed the Principal; so odious, troublesome and doubtful, is the verification of these Rights, there being very few Families in the Kingdom that are not entangled in these Affairs, and forced to pay these Duties; neither is any Ecclesiastical Person that has not a Temporal Estate exempted.  
I shall here make a short Digression, to show after what manner these Imposts are raised, upon the People, and the Misfortune of those that live under such a Destructive Government.  
A little while after the Peace of Nimeghen, it was resolved, that payment should be made of the Eighth Penny, of all the Estates which the Corporations might have sold, and which were in the Hands of private Persons: the Pretence on the one side was, that the Corporations being Pupils, it was adjudged that they were always injured in the Contracts which they made, and who being also up to the Ears in Debt, were often constrained to sell their Lands dog cheap for ready Money: the Consequence which naturally flows from all this, supposing the truth of the Fact, is this, That the Eighth Penny which was demanded should be restored to the Corporations to repair their Losses: but nothing of all that, the King alone had the benefit of it, while the Corporations got not a Doit. But this was not ●all; for the Supposition was false, in respect of se●eral Corporations that had sold their Lands at a very good rate, and the Purchasers thought they could have laid out their Money much better upon private Estates. Besides, there were some who having a good Quantity of Noble Mens Lands within ●heir Jurisdiction, had purchased 'em to fell 'em again to particular Peasants, who paid the Taxes that were upon 'em, to the end the King's Money might be the more easily collected, there being a greater number of persons that were able to pay: but notwithstanding all this, no Lands were exempted from these Impositions, but the Eighth Penny was exacted with utmost rigour, not permitting private Persons to quit their Lands.  
Nor was this all, for sometimes the Corporations had sold Barren Grounds, which the labour and diligence of private persons had greatly improved; but for all that, they were forced to pay the Impost, not according to the price of the Sale, but the present value of the Land; or if by accident or otherwise the Land was gone to decay, then they never minded the value of the Land, but the rate of the Purchase: besides that, there were a thousand false expenses for marked Paper, for the two Sons in a Livre, for the King's Receivers, for the Fees of Acquittances, &c. At first they were obliged to pay no more than the half down, giving time for the rest, which seemed to be some advantage, but that was only to make the charge three times the more, for so many Payments required so many new Acquittances, so much new marked Paper, so many other new expenses: after Acquittances in part, there must be Acquittances for the whole; then they must have a Discharge from the particular Commissary, and another from the general Commissioner, and all ready Money. A Man would wonder how they could device such ways to oppress the People; for certainly such a Series of raskally Knavery was never heard of before; and I am verily persuaded, that neither the King nor his Council knew any thing of it. In the search of the public Notaries, Registers for the Deeds of Purchase and Sale, at first they took no notice of any sum that did not exceed a Crown, as thinking the eighth Penny not worth looking after; nevertheless, there were many such Sales, as well for that formerly Money was more scarce than now it is, and consequently Lands were valued at a lower rate, as also for that the Corporations many times sold Lands that were of no value in themselves, but only they lay convenient for particular Persons, who were willing to have an Estate entire within itself: the Commissioners therefore appointed for the recovery of the Eighth Penny, who very well knew what they did, neglected at first all those little sums; but when they had once skimm'd the Pot, they return'd with a new charge, and under pretence that they had been losers by their Farm, or for some other reasons, which their superiors either could not, or else had no mind to dive into, they obtained new Orders to pay in the Eighth Penny of all Lands alienated by the Corporations, at the price of a Crown, or under.  
The People were not much alarmed at it at first, imagining that they might be discharged for ten, twenty, or thirty Sous at most; but they were deceived, for the expenses of the Recovery, the Fees for marked Paper and Acquittances, amounted to four times more than the principal Money. I have heard several of the Country-men tell the Commissioners, that they had no need of an Acquittance, that the Sum was not worth the trouble, and that they would rely upon their honesty, and that it was enough if they did but set it down received in their Books: but the Commissioners would not receive their Money, if they would not take an Acquittance; and good reason, for that Acquittance came to ten times more than the sum for which it was given. Some were so obstinate as not to receive it, but they paid sauce for their refusal; for they were made to pay four times more than the Principal came to: and thus were the poor People harassed by these Scoundrels of Collectors. Nor is the Cruelty much different in the Collecting the other Imposts, which it would have been much more to the purpose to have inserted into The Sighs of France, then the pretended Project proposed to the King's Council, to make himself Master of all the Estates of his Subjects, as in turkey: a Project that was never in the Head of any person, but the Author of that Pamphlet; whereas there is nothing so true as what I have related; Cujus magna pars fui: that is to say, as being a Sufferer myself, not one that caused others to Suffer. But to return to our Subject.  
It must be acknowledged, That the Crown has gained above 18 hundred thousand liures, by the new Infeoffments, 
* Which are Rights that the Lord of the Soil claims to the tenth, thirteenth, and fifteenth Sheaf, after the Harvest is reaped.  d' Accrue, and Champaert, by the Re-union of several Sand-Hills, Islands, Eighths, and Peninsula's in the Rhine, and several other Rivers in the Kingdom, which has caused such a confusion among the Proprietors, and their Sureties, that their Indemnities and Charges have far exceeded that sum. In which respect there has been most dreadful Injustice practised, which has reduced to beggary Persons extremely rich before. There is a Gentleman of Xantoigne, who shall be nameless, who could tell much more of this by woeful experience. The Death of Monsieur Louvois has reunited the Postage of Letters to the Royal Demesne, which brings in fifteen hundred thousand liures to the Crown. They have also found a way by Loans upon the Town-House of Paris, and the Tontin to scrape together about fifteen Millions, since this War began. But these are Debts for which the King is Security, the Interest of which consumes every Year five Millions out of the Duties of Entry and gabels upon the Salt which is spent in Paris.  
There is also to be added about two Millions, arising from the Sale of Wood, and the King's Rights in the Waters and Forrests over all the Kingdom, and Estates purchased or released. And I leave out near six Millions arising from the American Plantations, in regard that Revenue is intermixed with the General Great Farms; besides that, they are extremely abated since the War. 'Tis well known that the Companies and Associations, in reference to the American Trade, of which the King is the Chief and Principal Head, are utterly exhausted, and reduced to make new Funds to keep up their Reputation; that the considerable Losses they have sustained, the Interruption of Trade, their Inability to supply the Charge of Fleets and Shipping, and their being refused their Share of the Profits and Prizes that have been taken from the Enemy by the King's Ships, has altogether disabled 'em to support their Corporation. So that 'tis said, they have resolved to give up all into the King's Hands, to do as he pleases himself.  
The two last Years, the Clergy by way of Benevolence, for the Support of this War, contributed about eight Millions, which being added to their other expenses, of which I have already spoken, has reduced a great part of that voluminous Body to the Order of Mendicants.  
Lastly, We may put to the same Account the Kings enhancing the Value of Money, and his Melting down, not only the Church Plate, but his Commanding into the Mint all the Court Cupboards of his Subjects, of what Degree or Quality soever; whereby the Crown has given a most evident Proof of her Inability, which it behoves us carefully to examine.  
'Tis certainly true, that while Monsieur Colbert lived, there was a strict and frequent Enquiry made, what Money there was, either in Gold, Silver, or Copper, that might be currant in Trade ●ver the whole Extent of the Kingdom; and it was found that before the War in 1672, it amounted to three hundred and sixty Millions of liures; and though this be not a thing generally known, however there are very few of the more curious sort, and the Officers of the Revenue, that are not well informed of it. During, and after that War, which ended in 1678, by the Treaty of Nimeghen, they were sensible of a Diminution of above forty Millions; and in all probability, one would have thought that this Diminution should have been supplied by the New Conquests, and by the great Advantages of the Treaty of Nimeghen, and afterwards by the Truce of 1684, and by the foreign Demesnes, of which the Crown had made her self Mistress by Force of Arms; yet quiter the contrary it was observed, that the Money was lessened above twenty Millions. Which Diminution proceeded from the Violences of the Collectors of the Farms, too frequently exercised upon both Clergy and Laity; from the Rashness of those that managed the Affairs of the King, Clergy and People; from the outrageous Persecution of the Protestants, who had a considerable Share of the Wealth and Riches of the Kingdom in their Hands, and highly contributed both to the Increase of the Farms, and the Trade of the Nation, from the expensive Fortifications which were raised, as well in the Enemies Country, as upon the Frontiers, which carried vast sums among the Enemies, and the prodigious Prodigality that was exercised in the Courts of foreign Princes, to corrupt their Favourites, and keep their Masters themselves in Pension. It is also requisite for confirmation of what we have said concerning this Diminution, to observe by the by, that of all the great Number of Merchants and Bankers that were in France within these twenty Years, the Richest have been forced to break, through that same most dismal Oppression of the Publicans, wherein they were invelop'd together with the People.  
As for the Merchants and Bankers that still bear up, some of 'em dealt for a hundred thousand Crowns a Year, that for some Years since would have thought themselves happy to have dealt for ten thousand. And now behold another Proof of our Matter of Fact, so clear and convincing, that it is not in the power of the most passionate Votaries to the Crown, to make any Answer to it; which is this, that the King having ordered all the Money in the Kingdom, as well Gold and Silver as Brass, to be carried into his Mints, to be there new stamped, paying the Augmentation ordained, which is almost a twelfth part: Netheless, hitherto, notwithstanding all the Decrees and Edicts that have been set forth and proclaimed, notwithstanding all the Penalties denounced, and all the Diligence it has cost 'em, there has not been carried into the Mint, together with that which the King himself sent in, above 65 Millions, of which there is no question to be made, in regard the Augmentation of the King's Duties for the Coinage hardly amounted to six Millions and five hundred thousand liures. Which is so notoriously known in France, that not one of the Officers of the Mint can deny it, especially in the Cities where the Changes have been made, but also they that never concern themselves in Business.  
'Tis true, that all the Pieces of Plate and Money that are in the Kingdom are not brought in Evidence. For in regard that the People are sensible of the Necessities of the Crown, and are justly afraid least the King should seize upon all the rest, they have taken care to hid their Talent as safe as they can, choosing rather that it should lie useless, and so suffer a kind of Indigency themselves, then to appear full of Money and great Merchants, by living splendidly, which does not a little contribute to the ruin of all Trade. Nevertheless, all that particular Persons may have concealed, cannot supply the Defect of so many Millions of coined Money as are found wanting to what has been in the Kingdom. The reason is, because the People not being very rich, were forced to bring to light more Pieces than they would have done to supply their present Necessities, though they durst not make use of 'em till they had carried 'em to the Mint.  
We are also farther to observe, that the Advantage which seems to redound from the new Coinage of the Money, and converting into coined Pieces such a considerable Quantity of Church and House Plate is not so considerable as it seems to be at first. For if on the one side, the price of Money be advanced, on the other hand, all Commodities, Provisions and merchandises are very much risen; so that the King himself, considering how many sorts of merchandises and other Commodities he is constrained to buy for the Supply of his Forces both by Sea and Land, consumes within a very little, all the Advantage he receives by the Change. More than this, we must consider, that only his own People suffer all the Loss, in regard this Augmentation of his Pieces is cur●ant no farther then within the Extent of his own Dominions, and not in foreign Countries, where the new French Money is not received but at the old Value. We are also farther to observe, that at the same time that the Value of his Pieces was raised in France, the Louidore's fell in Holland; and whereas that in the Year 1686, they went at nine Florins fourteen Sous, after the Augmentation, they were worth no more than nine Florins, eight, and sometimes nine Sous. So that at the bottom, whatever Augmentation they make in the Money, it will never be able to equal nor come near that Plenty, as there was among the People before the present War. Nay, tho' they should melt down all the Gold and Silver that remains in France, and may be found out, 'tis much to be questioned, whether it would come near that great Abundance that was in the Kingdom before the Year 1672, because that both ecclesiastics and Seculars use all their Arts to hid what they can, for fear of being afterwards deprived of it by some unexpected Tax, or by some new Squabble of the Collectors.  
By all this Display, 'Tis evident that all the Revenues of the Crown are casual, or proceed from the strength of Trade, or the Sweat of the People. And thus it was seen, that in the Year 1683, the gabels, the Five Great Farms, and Duties thereto belonging, the Aids, Entries, and Rights thereto appertaining; all the Demesnes of France, and of the conquered Countries, with the Duties thereto annexed, were set at a hundred Millions, six hundred sixty seven thousand liures, with Reserves of Conditions in Counter Deeds; I say, with Reserves of Conditions, since it is certain that the Farms were under akind of Disguise, by reason of the Augmentation of a third part. For the whole was afterwards reduced to great Abatements, or else the Farmers were allowed to account for no more then they received. In the same Year 1683, the other Revenues, viz. the Taxes and Taillons were let at 38 Millions, the gabels of the Salt of Languedoc, Lyonnois, Provence, and the Dauphinate at nine Millions; the Benevolences of the Clergy and Provinces at eight Millions; the Casualties of Offices and the Paulete at five Millions; the Sales of Wood, and Duties thereupon, at eighteen hundred thousand liures. All which amounts to an hundred si●●y two Millions, six hundred sixty seven thousand liures. After this Farm was out, and in the Year 1687, the whole was let at a hundred fifty four Millions, and four hundred thousand liures; and at present, though all these Revenues were not abated above one Third, for the Reasons, and according to the Proofs already given, the 61 Millions, three hundred thousand liures, or thereabouts, which the Court has received these three last Years, by the violent Extortions of the Collectors, and Casualties already mentioned, would not suffice by much to supply the Abatements and Diminutions beforemention'd. But to make these Truths out yet more plainly, it behoves us to give a general Idea of the Condition of France, which, as strong as it appears to be, requires a stronger Imagination to believe the Reality of it.  
They who are never so little versed in the Knowledge of History, and the intrigues of the Court of France, may have observed, that toward the end of the Reign of the clois, the Revenues of the Crown, with much ado, amounted to sixteen Millions a Year. Henry the IV. raised 'em to thirty Millions: Cardinal Richlieu, under the Reign of Lewis XIII. advanced 'em to fifteen Millions more; and after him, Cardinal Mazarine enhanced 'em to sixty Millions. The People of France at that time looked upon this Augmentation as a destructive Oppression that would ruin 'em in a short time. This was that, which encouraged the Zeal of the Advocate General Talon to make several Harangues, that are in Print, to the King, in the Years 1649, and 1650. Wherein he laid before him, with much Eloquence, the miserable Condition of his People, by that same Throng of Impositions. He compares 'em to Beasts, for that they had nothing but oats for their Bread, and Water for their Drink. After the Decease of Mazarine, Colbert being advanced to be Super-intendant of the Finances, under the Title of Controller General, put in practise all the Projects which that great Minister had left him. He began to settle the most admirable Order in the Civil Government, and in the Management of the King's, and the public Revenues. He enlarged the Trade of the Nation with a great Company of Manufactures, set up Companies and Associations for the Indies and other foreign Countries, and in a word, neglected nothing which he thought might be for the Benefit of the French Monarch or Monarchy. While things were in this Condition, his Brains and Hands were always at work to nip the Coffers and Purses of the People, without any regard either to Quality or Condition, so he might cram his Master's Treasury, and second his ambitious Desires. And it may be truly said, that he it was who contributed the most to the present Grandeur of France. And he it was that raised the Revenues of the Crown to an hundred sixty two Millions, by the Addition of the greatest Part of those Duties before-mentioned, unheard of before, for so many Ages together, under the Reigns of the preceding Princes. Nor did he stop there; the Advisers and inventors of Impositions were received by him with all the Favour Imaginable; nor did they fail of Rewards. The first Objects of his Covetousness were the Persons who had handled the public Money, the Farmers out of Employment, that had been fingring the Money of the Clergy, the public, the Hospitals, and Commanderies. Upon them he imposed round Taxes, which he made 'em pay by Force, and by the Exercise of a Thousand Violences. After that, Decrees upon Decrees flew abroad in Shoals, to establish the Duties and Impositions above specified: Besides which, behold a Catalogue of many others, which tho' seemingly not so heavy, yet were so great a burden to all particular Persons that were subject to 'em, that it has been hitherto impossible to give 'em any Ease. All Strangers residing in the Kingdom were taxed, as well as they who had been ennobl'd an Age ago; and all they, who since that time had taken upon 'em the Quality of Nobles and Esquires, without any lawful Title verified in Form, they or their Issue were fined, and there were few Families, which by that Means were not drained of their Money. Taxes upon all new Infeoffments since forty years. Taxes of the eighth Pennies upon all sorts of immediate Land Lords and Purchases; which is the Eighth Penny of the Principal of Quit-Rents and Annuities: Taxes upon Frank Feifs, Free tenors, Base Feifs, and the Eighth Penny upon all Estates alienated by Religious or Lay Communities. Taxes and Fines for Crimes committed several years before: Taxes upon Woods, Forests, Parks, Warrens, pounds, and other Royal Demesnes. Restitution, with the Profits for so long, of Usurpations made of such Estates and all other Domains, Eighths, Islands, Peninsula's, Rocks, Sand Hills, Tolls, Bridge Money, Ferry-Money, Gate-money, and across Toll. canceling of all new Leases, if the Deeds were not drawn according to the Declarations, which occasioned great Losses and much Disorder, there being hardly any dead that was not declared defective; in pursuance of which, the Proprieties were adjudged to the King, and the Possessors condemned in oppressive Restitutions of the Profits. A new Establishment of the Right of Champart upon all manner of Possessions. A Tax upon Usurpations of Seignioral, Rights and Jurisdictions; and for the receiving Warranties and Surveys Legitimated to that effect. Taxes upon Pigeon Houses, and Livery-Horses, Horse-litters, Coaches, and other Carriages. Taxes upon the Creation of Offices, and Augmentation of Wages, and the following Suppression both of the one and the other; to the end the Aspirers provided and dispossessed, might not laugh at one another. A Tax upon new Grants to the Bodies of Corporations and Masterships in all Arts and Sciences, not exceping the Church-Wardens and Bearers of the Dead; nor exempting Midwives for their Laying of Women, Sergeants, criers, Trumpeters, Sequestrators, and Commissaries of Distresses and Judicial Executions: upon Pawns which Creditors take of their Debtors till they have paid; and upon the public Wardens of every Village-Community. A Tax upon all public Notaries, Proctors, Registers, Ushers; and for a new creation of a Notary apostolic. A Tax upon registering of christenings, Marriages, and Mortuaries. The re-prying into, and Adjudging forfeit, all Rights which are called Hereditary, and Redemptions of Mortgages, looking backward for the space of an hundred and fifty years, of which the sums for which they were engaged had been swallowed up by means of the Rents received exceeding Principal and Interest. The Re-Examination, and Adjudication of all Debts and Forbearances undetermined of all Accounts, as well Royal, as of the Clergy and Lay Communities. A Tax of the eighth Denier, upon all Goods, immovable, alienated by exchange, Decrees and Sales. The Re-examination, and violent Seizure of Goods that had belonged to the Commanderies of St. Lazarus and Mount Carmel, with Restitution of the Profits. In a word, it might be said without any Aggravation, that the Advisers and inventors of Taxes and Impositions could device no way to get Money, but it was greedily embraced, and presently put in practise; so that it has been frequently seen that these Casualties have brought into the King's Coffers immense sums; and some years above sixty Millions of liures, not reckoning in the Tolls and Imposts settled in the Cities of Paris, lion, and other principal Cities. But all this while the People are so dreadfully overwhelmed with these Exactions, and by the large sums of Money which all the Cities have been constrained to give to the King, that at present they are absolutely drained, and hardly in a Condition to subsist, especially now that Trade is almost ruined. So that having lost the Use of Money, they are forced to revive the Primitive Times, when all the Trade among Men confisted only in the Barter of one Commodity for another.  
It is convenient also, that you may be the more sensible, how these People are oppressed to observe that the Collecting and clearing the Accounts of all these Taxes aforementioned, costs almost as much as comes into the King's Coffers. Besides that, the Commissioners employed for the Recovery of these sums defalk almost a third part for their Pains and Trouble. So that we may say that instead of a hundred sixty two Millions they should receive two hundred and fourteen to give the King his Due, considering the infinite Swarms of these vermin that pester the country.  
Nor is it only by these Extortions that we may discover the overwhelming Poverty of the People of France, there is yet another Proof that seems to be beyond all that has been said, and that is this.  
'Tis a Truth acknowledged by all those that understand the Fertility of France, That in regard this Fertility is not very great in Corn, it is impossible there should be enough for the subsistence of the People; and if Corn were not frequently Imported from foreign Countries, the dearness of Provision would produce considerable Calamities. In a Word, those persons that have been employed in the Sea-port Towns, to Collect the Duties of Importation and Exportation, have observed, that for one Load of Corn carried out of the Kingdom, there is imported four; and in regard the present War deprives the Kingdom of that Plenty, and that Trade, so we see by sad Experience the Loss which it causes; seeing that during the good and plentiful Harvests, in the year 1689, and 1690. 'tis well known, that a Load of Wheat weighing 360 pound, was sold for ten liures, and a Load of Oats, containing 64 Picotins( which are five pints of our Measure) for five liures: nevertheless, because that in the year 1691. there was a general drought for some Months, attended with some Blastings and Smuttings of the Corn, in most of the Provinces, we may truly say, that the Seed was hardly doubled, which enhanced the price of Wheat to five and twenty liures a Load, and that of oats to ten liures; from whence it may be justly feared, that the price of both will still rife, more especially since chestnuts, of which there wont to be great plenty, have failed above one half of what they used to be. But then again, here is another thing that has extremely augmented the Misery of the People, which is, That the Vines in most part of the Provinces were killed by the Rigour of the fore-going Winter, and the white Frosts that fell in May last, so that Wine is sold at five Sous a Pint, which formerly was not worth above one Sous a Pint, which makes out on the one side, what I have alleged, That the Fertility of the Soil of France is hardly sufficient to support the People: and if it come to fail never so little, they are exposed to great Hardships. On the other side, it must be acknowledged, That the Prohibition of Trade continuing, it is impossible that France should avoid a general Disorder and Misery; and in regard that Money grows scarcer every day than other, and for that the poor People are ignorant what that sort of Metal is, there is all the probability in the World, as we are assured from several parts, that a vast Quantity of Land must lye untilled; to which if we add, the destructive Extortions which the People suffer, through the Violence of the Maltoting Cater-Pillars, it is demonstrable, That 'tis not without reason the Court of France is afraid of the dangerous Consequences, threatened by the Despair of a provoked People, and that for the preventing of 'em, they keep such strong garrisons in all the Provinces: they who have travelled all the Provinces, have observed, and may now more sensibly observe, That there are a very great number of persons, who have no other for their daily Nourishment than Bread made of black Millet and Acorns, with which they formerly were wont to fat their Hogs and other Beasts.  
Then again, consider the loss which the Parisians in particular, and the French in general, suffer, of the Money which a great number of foreigners brought in and spent in the Kingdom before the War, which amounted to above ten Millions of liures, and which it will be no difficult thing to believe, if we but call to mind the vast number of Strangers that resorted thither; which on the one side brought in foreign Money, and on the other side occasioned a considerable vent of Provisions and merchandise, and kept up a foreign Trade, all which has ceased since the War.  
Lastly, let us but examine the Condition of the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom, from the highest to the lowest, and we shall find them generally labouring under the severe Afflictions of Want and Poverty. How many are there, whose low condition disables them from serving in the Arrier-Ban? and they that did so, left behind 'em evident marks of that Misery which is their daily Companion, tho' the King allowed them half Pay. Formerly the Nobility were as remarkable over all Europe, for their Pomp and expenses, as they are now for their Poverty, and for their woeful and cruel manner of living. There are hardly to be found at present fifty Heads of Families, that enjoy a Patrimony of fifty thousand liures of Annual Rent, the rest are maintained by their Employments, or Favours of the King, or by the means of Ecclesiastical benefice and Pensions, which the King fixes upon those benefice by virtue of his Prerogative of Collation; or lastly, by the Commandaries of St. Lazarus and Hospitals. The great Taxes and Re-examination of their Titles, which the Nobility are forced to undergo, together with the great Personal Taxes which their tenants Annually pay, and which considerably lessen their Revenue; and their willfullness to distinguish themselves by the Purchases of Military, Judicial, and politic Employments, has not a little contributed to their beggary.  
This puts me in mind of a Passage that happened in the Year 1668. at Montpellier, upon the Verification of the Nobility. The Intendant of Bezons, finding himself environed one day by a great number of Gentlemen, and perceiving coming towards him a Gentleman that made Glass, with his Habit and Cloak torn and patched, he went forward to meet him, received his Sack, and reading in the Ticket without side what it meant, he took him by the hand, and looking upon the Company, 'Tis but reasonable Sir, said he, that I should dispatch you in the first place, I know your Worth; and then turning to the Company, Look you here, said he, clapping the Glass-maker upon the Shoulder, Here's a true Gentleman, he is as the King would have him to be. The truth of the Intendant's words is now found to be verified, seeing the King has reduced almost all the Gentle men of the Kingdom to work for their Livings, like the Glass-Maker, and to fare hard.  
Matchiavil set up a Maxim, that was carried into France, by Cardinal Mazarine, and practised there by him and his Successors in the Ministry, That the People ought to be kept low, and that 'tis sufficient that they can but only live, because the sovereign thereby has 'em the better at Command, and in a case of Necessity may have what Men he pleases, with a power to gratify and raise 'em to Honours and Dignities according to their Deserts, by which means he strengtheners himself with the whole Force of his Kingdom, and becomes a Terror to those that have the Misfortune to be his Neighbours. I know not whether this Maxim be true, but this I know, That 'tis not to be practised in France, and that 'tis absolutely impossible but that the whole Monorchy must sink at last, if that Maxim be much longer made use of: that is a Maxim only for Princes to follow who have prodigious Riches of their own, vast settled Demesnes, and not for a French Monarch, whose Riches and Demesnes only consist in the Sweat, Labour, Trade, and Commerce of his Subjects: Now if the means to exercise this Sweat, this Labour, this Trade and Commerce fail, as they do at present, inevitably the Strength and Authority of the Crown must sink under the burden; not to say any more.  
Let us go on to other Proofs, to the end we may quiter overturn this machiavellian Maxim, and at the same time come to the Conclusion of our Design. We must aclowledge, That if all these vast Revenues suffered no other Diminutions then what we have already observed, there might be some reason to believe that the Crown might support her self after a fashion for some time longer: but if we penetrate a little farther into the prodigious expenses which the Necessity of the Times, and the Disorder of Affairs, constrains the King to be at, we shall find, That the expenses alone, not only swallow up these Revenues, these Casualties, and these Loans, but also consume, by way of Anticipation, the best part of these Revenues and Casualties, if it be so that they can be obtained for the future.  
Let us look back a little, as far as the War in 1672. and examine the Riches and immense sums that were scraped together, before it began, as well by the Annual Revenues, as by Casualties, and we shall find by the Accounts of the ten years, that preceded the year 1675. that they were farmed out at 150 Millions; but the expenses of that War consumed the whole, and constrained the Crown to Contract great Debts upon the Town-House of Paris, and upon several Members of the Demesnes: besides which, we have found that since that War, the Crown has always received and spent half a Years Rent before-hand, of all the Farms; which continuing so till the year 1689. it cannot be otherwise, but that both the Annual and Casual Revenues, which have been since received, must be utterly consumed, in maintaining such numerous Armies and Fleets, in the supply of such extraordinary Assistances as he is forced to give, and in defraying the general and particular Charges, which has caused the King to make so many Retrenchments, even to the Regulation of the Dauphin's Court and Equipage, from whence, as well as from his own Court, he has banished all the General and Particular Superrumeraries, and all that Profusion, that Magnificence, and that Liberality, which is so natural to the French: they have all been regulated in their household expense, and their Services of Plate; which plainly denotes that weakness of Purse, which we have observed, and the necessity which compels to a niggardly Frugality. We are also to observe the vast expenses which Lewis the XIV. is forced to be at in all the Courts of Europe, not excepting the meanest republic, in Ambassadors, Envoys, Agents, Pensioners and Spies; there not being few Courts, or Cities in Christendom of any Note, wherein he has not a great number of those sort of People; especially in those Courts, republics and Cities, which are his Enemies: nor does he maintain 'em only abroad but at home, observing the Maxim of Cardinal Richlieu. At Paris for Example, there is hardly any Cabarret or other public Place, where they are not listening; and so it is in other Cities and particular Places of the Kingdom. Now since they swarm so numerously within the Kingdom, where one would think there were no need of 'em, we may well believe what is reported from all parts, that abroad they exceed the Locust of Egypt in number, which is no small charge to the most Christian King. Then again, the vast Assistances that France affords to many Princes, if we may believe the voice of public famed; to some, for their Encouragement to continue War with his Enemies; to others, to oblige 'em to Neutrality; or else to keep their Neighbours in breath: all which are profusions of the Revenue, beyond imagination. 'Tis also known what vast Pensions he is obliged to give to his Confederates, to King James and all his Cou●t, to the English and Irish Refugees in France: I have said it, and I say it again, that the sums are prodigious which the King pays for the Rents settled at the 16th or 18th penny upon the Town-House of Paris, for the Tontin●, and to a great number of particular persons; in Wages, Pensions, and Pay, an infinite number of Governours; General and Inferior Officers, both by Sea and Land; Officers of Judicature and the Civil Policy; and Officers of the Court, through the whole Extent of the Kingdom. I refer the Reader to St. Martha's Catalogue, which, though it be defective, yet seems to exceed wonder itself. At what a charge has the King been, and still continues to be, for the raising and preserving the Lines upon the Frontiers, the Fortresses and Places in the Center of the Provinces, upon the Coasts, and within the Territories of the Enemy: What a number of Magazines are they obliged to fill with Corn, Bavins, Hay, Straw, Oats, Furniture for the Train, and Warlike Ammunition. The Charges of all these things is not to be imagined, and occasions the draining the Provinces, of all their Provisions, which has not a little augmented the scarcity and dearness of ' em. 'Tis known that France abounds not in Horses, more especially such as are proper for the Cavalry, and the Draughts of the Artillery, which constrains the French to purchase 'em at dear Rates, in foreign Countries: and if they had been so exact as they should have been both in Germany and other Countries in Hostillity with France, to hinder the carrying out of Horses, France could never have been so strong in Cavalry, as she is at present. What a vast Charge are they at for the numberless Recruits that they are forced to Levy? what Disorders have they produced in the Kingdom? what Violences have they not been forced to make use of to get Seamen? every Creature that looked like a Seaman upon the Coasts, or upon the Rivers, was hurried on Ship-Board. This affords us an occasion to observe an extraordinary defect in the Finances, in that the King has ordered all the Corporations in the Kingdom, to supply him at their own Charges with forty Thousand of the Militia for Recruits, which was never done, unless the Crown paid for ' em. No Person will question but that the keeping of Pignerol and Casal, or an Army of thirty Thousand Men in Piedmont, amounts to more than six of the greatest Garrisons in Flanders, and an Army of 80 Thousand Men in those Countries, for that there is great plenty there, and Carriages easy; but in Piedmont, they must have Muses to carry all their Ammunition and Provision. To which purpose France has been forced for these two years to keep at least two Thousand five hundred of those Creatures, besides the Hire of an infinite number of other Beasts. 'Tis known that for one Journey from Grenoble or Antiles in Provence, to Pignerol, they gave for each Mule eight and twenty liures.  
Nor is this the only Charge they are obliged to be at; for there is one greater still, which is the purchase of Provisions. For in regard that every thing is wanting at Pignerol, and for that Provence and the Dauphinate are not able to furnish 'em with Corn and Wine sufficient, having scarce enough for themselves, they were forced all the last Year to sand for Corn to Antibes, a Sea Town, at ten liures a Load, which being delivered at Pignerol, came to eight and thirty at least; oats, at five liures the sixty Picotins, or Pecks, which being delivered at Pignerol, came to eighteen liures ten Sons; and now that the price of Wheat is raised both at Antibes, and all other Places from whence they fetch it, to five and twenty liures a Load, and oats to ten liures, the Charge must of necessity be much greater, since that from lion, and the Banks of the Rhine, which is the Granary of those Parts, and of the Frontiers of Piedmont, 'tis impossible that the Travail of one Beast of Carriage can cost less than thirty six liures. As for Wine, 'tis known that the Mountains of the Dauphinate produce but very little, no more than of any other things necessary for the Support of human Life, except Pasturage; and withall, that the Wine will not keep without a world of Trouble and Hazard; the People being forced to carry it upon Beasts of burden in Goat Skins, and to fetch it from the Banks of Rhosne, where it is already very dear, and the Carriage no less chargeable. By which it may be easily guessed what a prodigious expense France is at for the keeping of Pignerol and Casal, and an Army in Piedmont, in the Dauphinate and Provence. In short, this last Province is no richer than the Dauphinate, though it have divers Ports upon the Mediterranean, in regard both the People and their Trade are utterly ruined: and if it has contributed eight hundred thousand liures as a Gratuity, 'twas an extraordinary Effort; as may be observed by the Trouble they had to raise the Money. Nor must I forget to add that many times these Carriages fall into the Hands of the Vaudois, and other Mountaneers, who make considerable prise of ' em. Now if we consider all the expenses which I have enumerated, and several others which might be added; and observe withal, that all the Revenues and Casualties before-mentioned, are spent and gone, it will be a hard thing to believe that all the Toll-Gatherers, Extortioners and Hang-men they can employ will be able to supply all the expenses, and by consequence, that all the New Springs are drained up, and that unless they can work Miracles, and lay an Impost upon Pissing, as Vespasian formerly did upon Urine, it will be impossible for France to support itself long; and we may be assured that her Sickness is much greater then she thinks it is.  
Lastly, should it so fall out, that her Enemies should penetrate into some of her Provinces, and lend a helping Hand to the malcontents, that are very numerous therein, it is absolutely impossible but an absolute Overturning of the whole fabric must ensue. Those hot-brained People, prove enough to revolt, incensed by the violent Seizures of their Estates, and the almost Insupportable Poverty and Misery to which they are reduced, will embrace the first Opportunity that presents itself, especially if they find themselves encouraged by foreign Support.  
And now we might oppose this Condition of France to the formidable Enemies that she has drawn upon her Hands; we might reflect upon the Valour of all the Chieftains of her Enemies, and more especially upon the Experience and undaunted Courage of the King of Great britain; we might enlarge upon the Armies both English, German and Dutch, so numerous, so well trained, so well disciplined, and encouraged by the Presence of the most puissant Princes of the Empire, and by the great Number of Generals and other Officers, who by their Merit and their Bravery, have always signalized themselves above the reach of Common famed; we might add to all this the vast Riches of the English and Hollanders, and the magnanimous Generosity that inclines 'em to open their Treasures with such a noble Frankness to procure that Repose and T●anquility after which all Europe sighs; but this is a Subject for a Volume by itself, nor proper to be conjoined with the Design and Intention of this Treatise.  
FINIS.