THE Present Policies OF FRANCE, AND THE MAXIMS OF LEWIS XIV. Plainly laid open; DETECTING The Management of his Intrigues against the Princes and States of EUROPE.  
LONDON, Printed in the Year MDCLXXXIX.   

THE Present politics OF FRANCE, AND THE MAXIMS OF LEWIS XIV. Laid open to EUROPE.  
GReatness of Birth is not the chiefest character of distinction between Princes and other Men, but wisdom and good Conduct. How many do we see, who, being endowed with a mean portion hereof, do make no considerable figure in History, but only serve to fill up a Genealogy? Insomuch that the day of their birth and that of their death are in a manner the only remarkable circumstances to transfer their memory to Posterity. On this innate temper or disposition of the Sovereign depends the happiness or misfortune of the Subjects.  
Woe to thee, O Land!( saith the Wise-man) when thy King is a Child, and thy Princes eat in the morning. Blessed art thou, O Land! when thy King is the Son of Nobles, and thy Princes eat in due season, for strength and not for drunkenness.  
The Nation of the Jews was happy under the reigns of David, and Solomon; but Rehoboam their successor spake to them in quiter different terms, My father made your yoke heavy, and I will add to your yoke; my father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions.  
Augustus Caesar was called the Father of the Roman People, but Nero was branded with the title of a Butcher. Philip II. was born of a wise Father, who reigned with general applause; but he, thirsting after blood, did not so much as spare his own kindred, and quickly lost that which Charles the Fifth had gained with a great deal of prudence and glory. Francis I. was the admiration of the French, and the love of the Nobility; he acquired the title of a Prince merciful in peace, and victorious in war, and was styled the Father and Restorer of good Literature, and of the liberal Arts and Sciences; but Charles IX. was stigmatised as a murderer.  
Henry IV. was firnamed the Great, by reason of his glorious actions; he was the Father and the Delight of his People, and his debonair and generous temper promised an happy Reign, had he not been untimely cut off by an execrable hand.  
Lewis XIII. was surnamed the Just, without doubt according to the rule of the Gospel, that assures us, that blessed are the poor in spirit, and that theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven; however for the most part the Genius of Cardinal Richelieu was predominant over his own.  
Lewis XIV. did not show his inclinations as long as he was tutour'd by the Queen his Mother, and under the ferula of Cardinal Massarine; but as soon as this last was dead, and he was released from Guardianship, his Flatterers gave him the name of Great, in imitation of his Grand-father, though he never yet deserved that title. It is true that he is great in Ambition, and a great Usurper of his Neighbours Territories, a great enemy to the See of Rome, and of the Pope, and a great Persecutor of the Huguonots. His Reign seems but one great Monopoly, and his Couys d'ors are the surest Keys to open the Gates of his Conquests. He was born in arms, and his first nourishment was the blood that he drew himself from his Nurses; his ambitious spirit easily sacrificed a part of his people to satisfy his lust and grandeur. Woe to thee, O Land! that groanest under the burden of such a Prince, and to the People that are enslaved under his Dominion. Under the Reign of Antiochus the Illustrious, the Jews cried often to God, that he would deliver them from the oppressor: Why may not the French also make the same request, and even all Europe, to be delivered out of the hands of this Usurper.  
Lewis the Great thought already to hold the Sceptre of the Monarchy of Europe in his hand, ever since the Siege of Vienna, when he saw that City within a hair's breadth of destruction, which he looked on as inevitable, as being founded on the Prophesies of Drabicius: but finding this way stopped up, he hath had recourse to his former tricks and methods; he waits with great impatience for what may be produced from those Nets he hath laid ever since the Marriage of the Queen of Spain. Man may propose, but Heaven disposeth: Time weakens the faculties of the mind as well as those of the body, and Princes are often forced to leave the accomplishing of those Designs to their successors that they could not bring about themselves; and so much the rather in regard that Divine Providence, on which Princes depend as well as the rest of Mankind, doth not meet out things here below after the measure of their ambition. The ambitious man nevertheless often builds Castles in the air, and would fain, instead of eight or ten feet of Land that he hath occasion for, stand possessed of the whole Earth. This itch is at this day predominant in France, and this is that which entirely seizeth on the mind of Lewis XIV. as we shall see hereafter, as also the means that he makes use of to compass his ends.  

The Policy of France, and its Maxims, with respect to Europe in general.  
Spain was heretofore accused of aspiring to an universal Monarchy; if so, I am apt to believe that Philip II. began to lose those hopes, when he saw the Sea and the Winds to conspire against his Designs, and that his Fleet that he name the Invincible, in which he thought to have transported the British Isles into Spain, &c. was set all on fire, and that his best troops therein embarked served only to fight with the Waves, and to be food for the Fishes of the Sea: besides that, during the whole War with the Low Countries, a handful of Men( whom out of derision he called Beggars) had always made head against him, and also discomfited his Forces in several rencounters, till at length in the year 1609, he was obliged to demand quarter, in order to make a truce with the United Provinces, and to aclowledge them for Free States. This was a very bitter Pill, and of hard digestion for a Prince that was arrived to that height of ambition; yet he was forced to swallow it, and it wrought so violently on him, that he thereupon lost Seven Provinces, and a part of his Dominions in the Indies. Thus this covetous desire of an universal Monarchy began to abate, partly by reason of his age, that had lost its first heat and vigour, and partly through the ill success of all his enterprises. Philip III. was not more fortunate, and Philip IV. having sustained great losses on the side of France, and of the Low Countries, was glad to make a peace, and to aclowledge those that had been his own Subjects as a Free and Sovereign Common-wealth, depending on none but God.  
Charles II. now reigning, is a good Prince, who loves his ease, and without doubt would very willingly renounce all the pretensions of his Ancestors to an universal Monarchy, to obtain a Son that might succeed him in the Crown of Spain. Malherte said heretofore, that if it were true that Spain aspired to an universal Monarchy, he would advice its King to beg of God to defer the end of the World. This distemper of Spain being cured, it passed into France, but this latter being wiser, doth not aim at so much, and the Ambition of their King is bounded only within Europe; an attempt worthy so great a Prince, who having considered it so well could hardly demand less. It behoves their Neighbours to observe their motions, for it is certain that France cannot aggrandise itself without encroaching on those that are next, as we see it put in practise daily. When the House of Austria first made appear their design on the Universe, all the Princes of Christendom rose up against them, and mutually entred into League to hinder it. Charles V. after the battle of Pavia, wherein Francis I. King of France, was taken Prisoner, thought he had gained the point, but was afterwards undeceived: The Pope, the King of England, the Venetians, the Duke of Florence, and the swissers, joined in League together against him, to hinder that Emperour from subduing France, and consequently the rest of Italy. This was not out of any affection that the Pope and the King of England bore to the French King, that they united together for his relief, but because Charles V. was become too great, and would have willingly made himself Master of the whole World. Since this itch hath at present passed into France, all the Princes of Europe have for some time acted quiter contrary to those measures that their ancestors took in the Reigns of Charles V. and Philip II. and instead of opposing, have furthered, and do yet concur with the design of France, some through sloth, and others through fear. The Princes of the House of Nassaw only have always proved fatal to all those that have had a mind to aspire to this absolute Monarchy of the World. Do you not admire with me the ill Polity of most of the Princes and States of the World, to behold, without any concern, the King of France advancing so fast, and taking Luxembourg, a Town of so great importance to Europe. The Prince of Orange alone hath stood in the breach of the Low Countries; but not being able to do any thing of himself, he was obliged to retreat. The King of France could not have took it, if England and the States had jointly opposed it. That he hath nothing now to do but to boast of it, is a truth well known to all the World. He knew so well how to gain the King of Great Britain, that he gave his consent for the taking of that which did not belong to him; and he was so well skilled in amusing the others with illusory promises of an universal peace after the taking of the Town of Luxembourg, that they let him do it. And that great and valiant Captain,( a creature of his) the marquis of Grana, governor of the Low Countries, was advanced to that charge, only on account of those means he had proposed to the Court of Spain for the better maintaining that important place, so necessary to Spain for the preservation of the Low Countries, by the assistance of Germany; and although he ought to have took care of nothing so much as the security of this Town, his own honour, as well as his duty and interest to the King his Master, obliging him thereto; yet instead of that this big-belly'd Monster put but a pitiful Garrison of 12 or 1500 Men therein, when there should have been 4000, and pretended to guard with his troops the Town of Namur, and other places that were Barrier-towns, which France never durst attack. Is it not to be confessed then, that such a Man as this promoted the grandeur of France, and the design of Lewis IV? When this same King in the year 1667. had undertook the Conquest of Flanders; England, Swedeland, and the States of the United Provinces, being in a League together by the triple alliance, made him quickly change his purpose, forced him to withdraw, to make a Peace with Spain, and to restore a part of that which he had unjustly wrested from them; the same thing would have happened, if the nighbouring Princes had done so when he besieged Luxembourg Resist the Devil, and he will flee from you. But the craft and subtlety of France had sufficiently experienced how much this League was to its prejudice, insomuch that they never restend till they had drawn this thorn out of their foot, and, as opportunity served, they knew so well how to blind England, that they got it disengaged from the triple knot. Europe may thank Madam the duchess of Portsmouth for this, who like a Dalilah passed from France into England to lull a sleep the samson of that Kingdom. France hath been so well provided with pretences and fair speeches, that in the beginning of the Reign of Charles II. King of great Britain, partly by promises, and partly by money, they got into their hands the Town of Dunkirk, that was of the greatest consequence to England, since it gave an entrance to Picardy and Flanders. It is not only of late that France hath been troubled with this itch of Invading their neighbours countries, and of extending their Dominion from one end of Europe to the other: Monsieur de Rohan said heretofore, that Princes commanded the People, but that Interest commanded Princes; he would have added without doubt, if he had lived in these times, more especially Lewis XIV. King of France; every day produceth fresh examples hereof, since all times are alike for the satisfaction of his ambitious humour, whether there be War, Peace, or Truce. Interest is the evil Angel that hath been predominant for a long while in France. It is Recorded in History that Godfrey of bovillon purposing to make a Voyage to the Holy Land, and for that end having occasion for moneys, sold several of his Towns and Lands, amongst others the City of Metz, with the country of Messin, which the Citizens and Inhabitants thereof bought of him, for the sum of one hundred thousand Crowns. They have enjoyed their purchase till the year 1551. when Charles V. persecuted the Protestants of Germany. Henry II. King of France, then pretended to sand succours to the Protestants of Germany. In short, he dispatched the Constable of montmoremcy with forty thousand men, under colour of this expedition; but it was for a different design, as the sequel will make it appear. He demanded entrance into the City of Metz, that was for the most part of the same Religion with those that were molested in Germany, and kept not good correspondence with the Emperour. They granted to the King very cheerfully all that he demanded of them for the passage of his troops; and for a farther proof of their good will, these honest People had caused Tables to be spread in the streets, and furnished with victuals to make the Soldiers eat and drink as they passed along, with other testimonies of their amity and rejoicing: But, alas! their laughter was soon turned into mourning: For as soon as the Constable, who was received by the Magistrate with all the marks of honour and respect, was entred into the City, he feigned himself to be taken with a violent fit of the Gout, and to be tortured with sharp pains; he declared he had a mind to make his Will, not knowing what might befall him in the War he was a going to undertake, and desired the Magistrate of the City, and all the principal Nobility, that they would be pleased to assist as witnesses. In the mean time he had given orders to two of the chief colonels to take up their Post, one at the gate through which the troops entered, and the other at that through which they were to go out; he commanded the first to cause that part of the Army to advance that was yet behind, and the other to cause those to re-enter who were already gone out. Then the Constable looking round about his Bed on the Magistrate, and the principal Gentlemen, waiting for his orders, rose up on a sudden out of his bed, like an enraged lion, and butted his poniard in the breast of the mayor of the City. At a signal that he gave, his Guards entred and assassinated in the Chamber all the Nobility that were there present; and at the same time the Army that had broken in, cried out, The City is taken. It was pillaged, and put under the dominion of the King, and of an ally became a Subject; and this was a bloody Conquest for Henry II. Behold the Policy of France!  
Lewis XIII. not knowing how to make himself master of lorraine, by the advice of Cardinal Richleieu, a most crafty and politic Statesman, came to Lions with an Army, under pretence of some design against Savoy. The Cardinal caused notice to be given to Charles Duke of lorraine, to come and see the King, to tender him his respects, and to assure him by word of mouth of his affection towards his Person.  
The Duke was persuaded in good earnest, and departed from Nancy to go and salute his Majesty, who was at the head of the troops; after he had made his compliments, and thought of returning home again, he found himself in the Lyon's Den; for he was arrested under colour of some old pretensions. His Eminency, taking upon him the Office of a mediator, proposed to him a way to make his Peace, and have his Liberty; viz. to deliver up Nancy his capital City, and the Key of his duchy, to the King; and that he must of necessity come thither, if he would be discharged from the arrest. He accordingly surrendered Nancy, and the King entred as conqueror with his Army. Behold the Policy of France!  
The demolishing of the Castle of Orange is not of a better stamp; for upon some difference that happened between the two Royal Princesses and Dowagers, Lewis the XIV. as his ordinary way is, offered to interpose, and to bring them both to an agreement, and to avoid, for the advantage of the young Prince, who was then a Pupil, the expense of maintaining a Garrison, he caused the Bastions of the Castle to be beat down, and left nothing but the Dungeon, which he might take, when he pleased, with the City, as he did afterwards. That which the same King has done at Strasbourg, is of the like nature: This City after the Peace of Nimueguen thought itself secure, being confirmed by the pressing Letters that the King sent them from time to time, and the assurances that his Resident, who was then in the City, gave them, that his Master desired nothing more than to live amicably with the Emperour, and with the Cities of the Empire: But at length, by the Artifices of the same Resident, a Traitor was elected Burghermaster, who acted nothing without the advice of France. The Magistrates and Citizens, being amused with all those fair promises and protestations of France, sent back the swissers whom they had for their Guard; but they were no sooner out, but Monsieur de Louvois, with a powerful Army, came and invested their City, and constrained them to surrender on what conditions he thought fit to prescribe them. And at present they make no difficulty to violate those miserable Articles that they granted them, and to treat them like Slaves, as the rest of his Subjects. Behold the Policy of France, that is always in agitation!  
After the Peace of Nimueguen, how many Towns and Villages hath he taken in Flanders? How many of them hath he burnt and utterly ruined to force the people to revolt, and surrender themselves to him, to secure them from all his vexations, and from a total ruin, and to free themselves from those great contributions with which he loaded them? Behold the Temper of France!  
After the Pyrenean Treaty, that was signed by, and of which the Marriage of the King now Reigning was, as it were, the Price and Seal, notwithstanding the Oath and Promises that this King made to his Father-in-law, Philip IV. not to assist Portugal, he was no sooner returned to Paris, but he sent thither Monsieur de Schomberg with troops and Money, and all this to weaken Spain, that as yet balanced a little with him the Empire of Europe: So that neither Peace, nor Truce, nor Promises, nor Oaths, can stop him when Interest leads him on; neither is Religion itself, how zealous a catholic soever he would seem to appear, able to bind him, as we shall see hereafter. These are the politics of France that are continually in motion.  
When Lewis XIV. sent an ambassador to the King of Siam, under pretence of being desirous to convert that People, can it be believed that that Prince, did really design to extend a Mission so far? no; without doubt he works no conversion but where he can sand his Dragoons, who are his booted Apostles; his aim is to settle his jesuits as so many spies in the country, and to endeavour by means of the Sieur Constance, a Venetian, and this King's principal Agent there, to cause other Nations to be driven out thence, to establish a certain Commerce in that Kingdom; to have his Emissaries there continually at hand, who fill the head of the King of Siam full of jealou●ies of the aspiring greatness of the Hollanders in the Indies, and to make use of the affair of Bantam as a pretence, giving him a false account thereof. Behold! these are the intrigues of France; she is so great a Mistress of Policy, that she is wonderful successful therein; for this reason she never sends into all the Courts of Europe any, but such persons as are extremely enlightened and well instructed in King-craft; whom she draws indifferently out of the Army, the Bar, and even the Church itself, as occasion may serve, and the nature of their employment may require; but, above all, they must be dexterous, bold, apt to promise much; and that they be not too much troubled with certain little scruples of Conscience, that an honest man ought to retain: in a word, to speak more intelligibly, they must be down right cheats. As for Spain, they often sand Church-men thither, because they know that Persons of that character are in great repute there, and are very much regarded.  
In England, during the time that the Parliament had a little more Power than they seem to have at present, they sent thither the marquis de Ravigny, who was of the reformed Religion, as their Deputy General at that Court, and was of the same Leaven with all the other Ministers of France, and was possessed with the same Spirit.  
In the United Provinces, they ordinarily sand one that is a good orator, who is very prodigal of his Master's Promises, which the King never takes any care to redeem, but in performing nothing; who endeavours by his Addresses to insinuate himself into the favour of the Dutch Ladies, either by Play, or by liberal Presents; and since these have commonly a great ascendent over the mind of their Husbands, they use their utmost diligence to be informed by these of that which oftentimes they could never be able to get out of the Husband himself.  
But when they began to give little credit to him that resides there at present, the King, as he confesseth himself in the destiny of Princes, was obliged to sand him with all expedition, his holy spirit of France, to the end that they might think him sincere and infallible in all that he said.  
In the Court of Germany they dispatch persons that are robust and strong, that are able to bear much Wine, to the end that they may be fit companions at the Table of the Prince, to whom they are sent in Commission; and to the end( as it often happens in the middle of the banquet, when the Wine begins to work,) that they may reveal many things which they would have concealed at another time. They know how to verify the Proverb, In vino viritas.  
It is not to be believed that France will sand a Clergy-man as an Envoy to Rome, for this reason, that they are all subordinate to the Pope; and there is not a Priest so mean and contemptible, but thinks that one day or other he may be made a Cardinal, as a common Soldier may become a Captain. They often sand thither a huffing sort of bold spirited men, who talk high, and oppose the Force of the King their Master to his Holiness's Infallibility. In other Courts, where the covetousness of money prevails over their own interest, Presents are never wanting, and there is such a Prince in the World that suffers himself to be betrayed, even to his very bolster. In fine, to this conduct of France all Arms are lawful, provided they can accomplish the design. You may see Roman catholic Officers in all the Courts of Europe, and all for having fought Duels; this is a fine pretence indeed, but is not the intention of their retreat; they have other Interests, and keep private Memorials of what passeth. You shall see them at the end of a certain time return into France, to receive the recompense of their employment, and to carry away with them instructions concerning the strength and weakness of those places from whence they came, which in due time may be serviceable to France: But that which is most deplorable, is the Blindness of several Princes of Europe, to prefer such sort of People of places of Trust, and even among Protestants. Monsieur de Vanban, at present chief engineer of France, hath formerly driven this little Trade, and particularly in Holland. It must be confessed that he serves his Master's Interest, and that it behoves other Princes to beware of him, and not without reason; it were to be wished that all Potentates would do so for the repose of Europe.  
Another Maxim of the Policy of France is, that as soon as they have intelligence that any Prince or Princess is to be married, that may be any ways subservient to their Interest, they cause Propositions of Marriages to be made them, and especially use their utmost endeavours to procure French Princesses to be joined with foreign Princes, to whom they never fail to give instructions; and it is their practise when it is requisite, and as they have occasion, before their departure, to make them sensible of the obligations they owe to the King, and of the means they have to tender their acknowledgements to him: But of late the King of Portugal hath escaped this Snare; not but that the King of France by his Ministers and Emissaries hath done all that he possibly could in the Case; and he may have this consolation, that he hath left no ston unturned to bring it about. Spain hath supplanted him his time. At present the Policy of France is at work to mary the Prince Royal of Poland, with some natural Daughter of the King, without doubt, since they have had the boldness to present one to the Duke of Bavaria, who esteems himself as great, if not greater, than the Prince of Poland; and I believe it would have been already done, if they were assured of his Succession to the Crown; for if it be not so, he will not be capable of doing any great matter for the advantage of France. It is not to be thought that the King of Poland will refuse it, with a considerable Portion, for he is already very much indebted to the King of France. Two hundred thousand liures per annnm, that he hath given to one of his Sons, in bestowing on him the abbeys of St. Germain and St. Denis, deserve well to be considered: Besides the Queen hath reason to be satisfied; for they have made her Father Duke and Peer of France, and promised to receive her as Queen, in case they come into France, though she were born a Subject of the King. Whence it is not to be doubted, but that in case the Crown were settled on the young Prince, they would have done this e'er now. They have Choice of Princesses in France already for this Marriage.  
Is not this to set up himself for the chief Monarch of Europe? when he hath erected a Sovereign Court at Metz, before which the King hath caused all the Kings and Princes that possess any Land that he calls his Dependencies, to be summoned to a trial concerning Goods that do not belong to him; who not appearing thereupon, as they took no care to do, none being willing to aclowledge this universal and tyrannical Tribunal, he hath proceeded to judge them, and hath taken possession without any other form by the Canon Law. If any deny this, the King of Sweden, the Princes of Monbelliard, and of Petit Pierre, the Duke of lorraine, and several other Princes and Lords, will tell you what sort of a Monster this Chamber is, and how it swallows up all that comes before it. And that which is more astonishing is, that the King at this day durst found his right to certain Lands of Germany, upon the judgement that this Chamber of Metz hath made on his behalf, as you will see presently in a Memorial that he hath lately sent to the diet at Ratisbonne.  
France hath another great advantage to further their Pretensions, which is this; there are found in Paris persons so dexterous at writing, and who are so well skilled in imitating with a Pen the ancient Gothick Characters of five or six hundred years standing, that one would avouch, that they are certainly of that date, and with this they contrive a Dependence, which they draw so far, that the Devil himself, as cunning as he is, could not be able to contradict it. Who knows what is yet on the stocks, and that is not yet brought to light, and shall not appear, but when time, and place, and a favourable opportunity, shall require it? Is it not matter of Laughter to hear the extravagant praises that the Flatterers give to Lewis XIV. persuading him that he hath given Peace to his Enemies, and to all Europe? These Fables are fit to be related to the Kingdom of China, as the Chevalier de Chaumont, ambassador of France, hath not failed to do in his Oration to that King, as may be seen all at length in a Book entitled, A Voyage to Siam; and they will not likewise fail to proffer these same Sonnets to the King of China. These Tales may serve well enough to be dispersed in those Countries, but not here in Europe, where our eyes have seen, and our ears have heard the contrary. I know not where to find Scribes impertinent enough to commit the like absurdities to Paper. Do we not know all the steps that the King of France hath made to conclude a Peace with the States of the United Provinces? because he saw well, that Fortune began to change, he made an agreement at the City of Nimueguen, that belonged to the Hollanders; so that they went not to Versailles to beg it of him. He offered them Maestricht, which he had then in his power; and if the States had not been so hasty to grant him so readily what he demanded, and for which he made such fair Promises, the King had repaid them the charges of the War; and who knows what it hath cost him under-hand to attain this Peace that he solicited with so much earnestness? for he spared nothing in endeavouring to take off the States from their Allies, even to that degree, that he delivered up to Spain several places, to serve for bounds between his Kingdom and the United Provinces. What I said, that if the States had not precipitated the signing of the Peace, France would have paid them the charges of the War, I believe to be on good grounds: Several reasons induced him speedily to make this separate Peace; for he saw clearly that his Forces diminished every day. It is certain, that after the battle of St. Denis, which was not finished because of the Peace, the Prince of Orange would have entred with his troops into France. Moreover, the King knew very well, that if he were obliged to make a general Peace, it could not be done till he had restored to the Duke of lorraine his country, and that they could not compel the elector of Brandenbourg to tender to the Swedes what he had taken from them, as we was obliged to do in concluding a Peace in particular with him; France would that have restored to their ally, the King of Sweden, which he had lost in taking up Arms for their service. Here, you see, are very sufficient reasons for demanding a particular Peace with the States, which is very far from having given it to Europe, as they boast, and give it out every where: If any one hath given Peace to Europe, it must be the States of the United Provinces; for after they had made it in particular, at the instant request of the King, the general Peace followed, through the mediation of the States General. It is certain, that the King made this Peace by constraint: He began now to flutter but with one Wing, and the States and their Allies daily reinforced themselves. The Dutch were recovered from their stupidity; the Prince of Orange gained every day more experience; the natural courage of the Duke of Luxembourg was much abated, and began to leave him; part of the French troops were perished, and the rest very much harassed; Sweden could do no more, and was almost ruined; wherefore it was absolutely necessary to give some rest to the Army of France by a Peace. Since this Peace was in part forced, the King thereby being obliged to abandon all that he had taken, it lasted but a very little time; and in the very instant that the Emperour was engaged against the Turks, and that Spain, and the Allies thereof, had laid down their Arms, and relied on the faith of the Treaty of Nimueguen, the most Christian King, like a lion, flew impetuously on the Low Countries. It was requisite then, to stop this torrent, to grant him several Places and Territories, and to make a Truce within a full Peace, which will last no longer than his Interest will permit. It may be avouched for certain, that France makes no great difference between her Subjects and her neighbours; whereof Genoua is a clear proof; she destroys and pillages them all alike, as occasion serves, and according to her good pleasure. Who durst give assurance, that the truce will be a greater obstacle to hinder their ambition, than the two Treaties of Peace, the Pyrenean and that of Nimueguen? This prodigious quantity of troops, that amount even to 150000 Men, that are maintained in time of Peace and Truce, as well as in War, is a sufficient demonstration of the temper of France, that he hath always a Foot lifted up to be gone, having at all times sufficient Forces ready to execute their designs. They cause them to encamp often, and to make continual movements, to accustom the Nighbourhood to it, to the end that they should not have any suspicion when they have a mind to march out in good earnest, and to fall upon some place and surprise it.  
One of the Maxims of the King of France, is to hinder his neighbours from increasing their Forces, but to keep them always in a condition not to be able to molest him, when he shall think fit to break with them, as we have seen when the United Provinces were in part resolved to raise sixteen thousand Men. How many solicitations, how many illusory Promises, and how many journeys did the Count d'Avaux make to hinder it? he did nothing else but talk of the security of the Alliances, as if none but his Master alone were endowed with the quality of being faithful, and as if he had been the most religious observer of Treaties; and all this because he was sensible, that the execution of this Commission would hinder the taking the City of Luxembourg; promising that the King, his Master, would thereby put an end to all his pretensions: But he is again as ready to take another, as he was before for the taking this City, as we have seen not long ago at Mons; and then it would be the same thing if the States should oppose him; and this will last as long as the Princes of Europe shall have their eyes hoodwinked with this band of Fear, or Complaisance, which marvelously helps to advance the designs of France on Europe; no body perceiving that France is as base and cowardly as its King, and that both the one and the other are afraid of the Sword.  
All these new conversions of some, and persecution of others, that are to be seen in France, are only to dazzle the eyes of catholic Princes, and to amuse them till such time that he falls upon some City, or State, that makes profession of the Protestant Religion. The House of Austria understands well this stratagem, that they have practised themselves heretofore, when they had higher designs than they have at present; and when they had a mind to attack a Protestant Prince, their pretence on that occasion was, the Extirpation of heresy. The French King is now a carrying on the same handicraft. It was absolutely necessary for him to begin with his own Subjects; and as that must needs weaken him, he solicits others to do the like. How much hath he laboured to dis-unite the swissers, and to push on the catholic Cantons to quarrel with the Protestant, and after he hath divided them, to fall upon them? But the Pope hath applied a remedy, and accommodated their difference. France hath wrought so far, that they have obliged the Duke of Savoy to rid himself of his best Subjects of his valleys; Having gone so far, he cannot well retreat; and I believe that France would be very glad to see England do the same, to weaken it at one stroke, that it may not be able to stir, when it shall please Lewis XIV. to fall foul on the Low Countries, and to take away from the States of the United Provinces all means of making any opposition, and so step by step to make himself Master of Europe, as we shall see in the sequel of the politics of France, and its Maxims, in regard to Sovereigns in particular.   

The Policy of France, with respect to Rome, and the Pope.  
ALL the World knows the veneration and respect that all catholics have for the holy See, and for the holy Father, whom they consider as the Vicar of Jesus Christ upon Earth, the successor of St. Peter, and the Universal Bishop, and( if you will believe the Council of Trent) the most holy Lord, to whom all Kings, Princes and People do owe an entire obedience: Not to be sensible of this Duty, is to smell of heresy, and, according to the Council of Constance, deserve the faggot. Would not you say, to see Lewis XIV. persecuting the Huguonots, as he doth, that he is the most devout Son his Holiness hath, and that while others only kiss his Feet, out of profound reverence he would kiss somewhat more? But the case is quiter contrary, for he is a disobedient Son, that takes very little notice of the holy Father's Remonstrances, who wresteth his goods from him in his Dominions, and enters into Rome by his ambassadors as fierce as a tiger. It is the haughty spirit of France that attacketh the holy Father in his Patrimony, in his Authority, and in his Conduct. I say, in the first place, in the Patrimony of the Church, in taking away the Regalia of France, which is a right that the Popes have enjoyed for many ages, and which the Kings that were the predecessors of Lewis XIV. had granted to the successor of St Peter. What Instances and what Remonstrances hath not the Pope made of late, to oblige the King not to encroach on the Rights of the Church, and to represent to him that these sort of Usurpations have been of very lamentable consequence to the Families of Kings and Princes? But all this is to no effect, unless it be that the King sometimes lets fall a saying, that the Pope is a good honest Man, and that he would be loth to anger the old Gentleman; in the mean time he would not restore that which he had taken from him. Much after the same manner as when he took from Spain a part of the Low Countries in the time of peace; he protested altogether that he designed not to break the Peace, but only to take his Dependencies, and that which belonged to him. On what side soever you turn, you will find the crafty designs of France, that quickly invented a way to clip the Holy Father's Wings, in the Assembly of the Clergy of that Kingdom in the year 1682. where they caused it to be declared, as we all know, that he was not infallible; that he had no power over the temporal Estate of Kings; that he was below Councils, and could not of himself make any Article of Faith. Could they control the Pope more sensibly in his Power than they did then: And besides, all the Preaching Monks and jesuits themselves, were obliged to teach it their auditors, as good Doctrine in the Chair of Truth, and in their Colleges. The Archbishop of Paris, who was President of that Assembly, and who( as may be easily believed) was not very well beloved at Rome, thought that he ought to suspect at least, whether they would sand him a Cardinal's Cap or no. To this effect he wrote into England to be informed what methods King Henry VIII. took when he changed Religion in that Kingdom: but this wrought not at all on the mind of the Pope, who knew well his own People, and Mr. the Archbishop runs a great risk of being a long while without a Cap, though he should catch could for want of it. Since this Prelate hath seen, that by this means he hath rather gone backward, than advanced his affairs, he hath taken a quiter different course, and hath set up for a Converter after a persecuting way, in causing the Huguonots of his Diocese, and of all France, to be tormented through his wicked Counsel; hoping thereby to mollify the Pope in his favour, and that he would have some respect for his zeal and warmth for the propagation of the Faith: But the holy Father, who is a person endowed with a good judgement, and who naturally is not violent, and would have the Conversions promoted by Reason and good Examples, not by Dragoons and Torments, and by an holy Life, which is not agreeable to Mr. the Archbishop of Paris, who loveth the fair Sex too well, and is never satisfied with diverting himself in the Stews among the Courtesans. This changing of his person hath produced him nothing but scorn, he had no part in the last promotion, nor never will have any thing as long as Innocent XI. lives, and it may be after him, or there must happen great alterations at Rome. In the mean time Mr. le Camus, Bishop of Grenoble,( whose Life and Conversation may very well serve for a pattern to be copied by the Court-Bishops) hath been honoured with the Purple, without having desired it, and without having persecuted any, nor so much as permitted it in his Diocese. Since this Prelate is not after the mode of the Court, it cannot be, but that this new Dignity that is so lately conferred on him, hath proved a great mortification to the King, and a very great eye-sore to the Archbishop, to see himself excluded. Finally, could they more visibly oppose the conduct of the holy Father, than the King doth at present, in regard of the Franchise of the Ambassadour's Quarters, that served only for a retreat for Robbers, Bankrupts, and divers assassins and Murtherers; and, to speak more plainly, to fill the Exchange with ambassadors, or their Retinue, and domestics? Although the Pope is Master of his own, he hath had the prudence to stay till the death of the Count d'Estree's ambassador, and the departure of that of Spain; and yet what a noise do they make at the Court of France, concerning the measures that the Pope hath taken for the security of his Subjects, and the repose of his capital City? I would fain know if his Holiness should meddle with what the King thinks fit to do at Paris, or if he should not think it convenient, or had a mind to contradict the setting up a Statue of the King, that they have erected while he is yet living, in the place of Victory, in the middle of four lanterns, with impertinent Inscriptions, to which the Magistrate and Regiment of Guards pay the same honours and respect as they do to the King himself, even to the making of Speeches to it, how it would be resented: I would willingly be informed, how the King would take the single Remonstrances of the Pope; he would make answer, no doubt, that he ought to be concerned only in his own affairs, and that every one is Master at home. When the holy Father, disapproving of the King's familiarity with Madam de Montespan, and his little private intrigues and correspondence with Madam de Maintenon, protested to the General of the jesuits, that he was amazed that Father le Chaise should give him Absolution so easily; the King seemed to be very much dissatisfied thereat, saying, that he was not bound to give an account of his Actions to any. Why then doth he cause his new ambassador to make his entry into Rome with a Band of armed Men, and, as it were, with his Sword in his hand? All this makes appear the supercilious disposition of France, that would domineer every where, even over the Altar itself. But whatsoever dust the King raises, as if this Franchise were of no advantage to him, all things would be quickly pacified, if the Holy Father would grant a Dispensation for the Marriage of the eldest Son of the Church, with the Daughter of Rome, that is, the City of Liege; I would say, exhibit a Bull in behalf of the Cardinal of Furstemberg, in case he could cause himself to be elected Co-adjutour of Mr. the Arch-Bishop of Colen, though he could not obtain the archbishopric himself, to the end he may not fall again into the same Predicament with the said Arch-Bishop for the bishopric of Munster, for which he could never be able to obtain a Bull, with all the Instances and solicitations that the Heat of the French ambassador could make for it; but it would be sufficient for the King, if at present none might be suffered to enter that were contrary to his Interests, and if Furstemberg, the Mercury of France, should ever arrive to that dignity, it is not to be questioned, but that his zeal for his Master and benefactor would increase, and that the French politics through his means would be predominant in the Electoral Territories, and that the King who had a Garrison in the Fortresses, would become absolute Master thereof. But it is to be hoped for the good of Europe, and of the Church, that his Holiness will never commit so great a Fault, so contrary to his own Interests, and to that of all Christendom, as to grant any such Bulls to the Cardinal of Furstemberg. We all know that if the King could persuade the Pope to dispense with his going to Rome, and to establish a Patriarch in in France after the grecian manner, without doubt he would do it, after what hath been restored of late years by the Clergy of France. There would arise thence a double advantage, the Money that is carried to Rome, would not go out of France; and the Patriarch would grant him all that he should have a mind to demand;( as the Parliaments do at present) though it were a Licence for him to mary Madam the Princess of Conti. But he can by no means obtain it of the Court of Rome, and besides he would have the jesuits on his back, at least that he should make le Chaise Patriarch, or some other of their Society. On the other side, the Bishops that aspire to the Purple, would not very well like this new Project, except the Arch-Bishop of Paris, who might make some pretention to that Dignity. The true cause of the French King's temporising is, that he knows that the Popes are not as the King would fain be, Viri immortales, and that after this is gone off the Stage, another may come on, that may not be perhaps so honest a Man, and that will have more respect and complaisance for the eldest Son of the Church. But new Lords, new Councils; Death sweeps away indisposed Kings as well as decrepid Popes. It is certain that in process of time, we shall see the Arrogancy of France lord it in Avignon, and the country of Venessin, as we see it doth this day in Metz, Sedan, the Franche Compté, Burgundy, Dombes, and at last in the Principality of Orange. The King hath the same right of re-union and conveniency over Avignon and the Country of Venessin, that he hath over all the other Territories, before name: For Queen Joanna could not give the Right of the Crown to Pope Clement V. and therefore afterwards the Popes distributed thirty thousand Florins to retain it. The country of Venessin was taken by force from the Count de St. Gilles: So that although the Holy-See hath possessed these two Counties for several Ages, it is certain that the King will some time or other take an occasion, either by quarrel, or otherwise, to seize them. When this happens the Pope will have reason to cry out; but if he talks too loud, he will run the hazard of having his Son's troops sent against the Holy Father, as hath been seen not long ago. And if ever the King of France should make himself master of Spain, as he pretends to be of Right, after the death of King Charles, now reigning, the Pope cannot expect, that his Rights shall be then better preserved in Spain, than they are at present in France; and the Exarchate of Ravenna, that Pepin granted to the Holy See, would quickly change its Master; and I know not whether Rome would be exempted. As soon as the Pope should begin to talk of Excommunication, the King would talk of a Patriarch; insomuch that the Pope ought not to flatter himself, that the gentle disposition of France would be very submissive to the Holy See, nor to judge of the Catholickship of the King by the Persecution that he raises against the Reformed of his own Kingdom, and elsewhere. He hath private reasons for this, and if he persecutes them on one side, it may turn to their advantage on the other. He knows very well how to bring the Turks into Hungary, when he thinks it may serve his design and interest against the Empire, and be an help to facilitate his ascending the Throne of Europe, wherewith this Great King hath bounded his Ambition: But oftentimes Man proposeth and God disposeth. France would be thought very sincere, and she would fain have the Holy See, and all People, to make her Ambition an Article of their Faith, whatsoever she saith, or whatsoever she doth.  
Nevertheless I am not of opinion that if good Faith and Integrity were lost, they would go to seek for it with her; all her past actions sufficiently declare that she retains nothing of it, and that she could not but comply with the King's humour: So that if this be wanting in a Prince, the Holy Father ought to stand on his Guard: He is a private enemy, that counterfeits the devout Santo; he is a whited Sepulchre that dazzles the eyes of those that come near him; he is an Orpheus that enchanteth Christendom with his fair promises, and with the sound of the Louys-do'rs, but within he is a sink of falsehood, an insatiable ambition, an unparalleled covetousness, and a barbarous cruelty; against whom the Church ought to put up public and continual prayers to God Almighty, that it might please him to deliver them out of his Hands, lest the Christians should fall into the same misfortunes that the Jews did in the time of Antiochus the Illustrious.   

The Policy of France, with respect to the Emperour, and the Electoral Princes of the Empire.  
CHarles V. did apparently weaken the House of Austria, by dividing it into two branches, giving the Empire to Ferdinand his Brother, and Spain to Philip his Son. It must be confessed that they are two Twins; the affinity of whose relation is so great by blood and Alliances, and their common Interests so linked together, that it is a hard matter to strike at the one without offending the other, and to destroy one without shaking the other, and putting it into the last extremity. This House hath always made head against France; They have as it were, poised between them the Empire of the World. Spain took away from Antony of Bourbon, King of Navarre, the Kingdom that he had acquired by his Marriage with Joanna d' Albret, Heiress of Navarre. Whence it is easy to infer, that the House of Bourbon being advanced ever since Henry IV. to the Throne of France is now born an implacable Enemy to the House of Austria; and if they could dethrone both the one and the other, it is not to be doubted but that they would do it very joyfully, and if it were possible to put themselves in their Place; and by this means to join the Empire to France, and France to Spain, and the Low-Countries, and so at length very easily to attain to the Universal Monarchy of Europe. If this design succeeds not, it is at least the intention and aim of France, and the great end of Lewis XIV: And it was not far from being compassed, when Vienna was at the very brink of falling into the Ottoman slavery.  
None can be ignorant any longer of the King of France's Correspondence with the Ottoman Port, and that it was at his solicitations, that the Grand signior first broken the Truce that he had made with the Empire, to back the designs of Count Teckley, whom France assisted with Money and Counsel. The Emperour, and his Council, know better than any the occasion that obliged the Port to sand back Count Caprara, and the propositions of Peace that he brought: But the marquis de Seppeville, the French ambassador at the Emperour's Court, was extreme diligent in sending Couriers after Couriers to his Master, to give him an account thereof, who failed not with great expedition do dispatch a Person to the Grand Vizier, to oblige him to prosecute the Siege of Vienna; representing to him that his Honour was highly concerned therein; that the City was reduced to the last extremity; that he ought to take it at any rate whatsoever, for his own reputation, and the good of the Port; that this Siege having already made so much noise in the World, he could not quit it, without fixing an everlasting Infamy on the Ottoman Empire, and on himself; and that the better to facilitate his taking it, and for the dividing the Arms of the Empire, he would enter into Flanders, with a powerful Army, which would infallibly oblige the Princes of the Empire to call back their troops for their own defence. The King hath effectually performed his promise; for he hath entered within these few Years, as we have seen into Flanders, burning, pillaging, and, after the Turkish manner, taking all that came in his way, imitating his ally, whom he was so ready to serve and assist; and the King stripping himself of the name of Most Christian, took for some time that of his good Friend and ally, the Grand Sultan, since the places that are most Sacred to Christians, and even the retirements of Nuns and Religious Women, were not spared; several Virgins suffered Martyrdom by a Violence heretofore unheard of in Christendom: But all this contributed to the King's design, and the politic Genius of France, obtained its end. There were forty thousand Men, that were just ready in Alsatia to enter into Germany, where he intended to cause himself to be proclaimed Emperour at the Head of this Army. His Minifestoes were already Printed, to be dispersed every where; the tenor of which was, that for the preserving of Christendom from falling into slavery, he had been obliged to stand in the gap with a powerful Army, and being declared Emperour was willing to take the Reigns of the Empire into his hands, for the better security and defence thereof, as being the bulwark of France, and also of Europe, especially in this conjuncture, considering the weakness and incapacity of the Emperour, &c. For the King knew well when to give it out that he was not capable of defending the Empire. It is not to be doubted if Vienna had been taken, but the electors and Princes of Germany would thereupon have put themselves under his protection for their own preservation, as being the only Prince that had Forces in a readiness, and at that time was able to stop the progress of the Infidels.  
But since Vienna hath been relieved, we have seen the truth of what I affirm, and the Courage of France hath much abated. They took no care to join in the common joy of Universe, that could not tender thanks enough to God for this Victory by public Bon-fires, and by singing Te Deum, with which the Air rebounded: It was France alone that was dumb, and forbade many Church-Men to order any Thanksgiving on this occasion, under penalty of incurring the Indignation of the Most Christian King. This is the Political disposition of France towards the Emperour, that to have an opportunity to set him beside his own Throne, and to take his Place, the Most Christian King made Vows, and most passionately desired that Vienna might fall into the hands of the Mahemetans. But since our thoughts are not as God's, this King of Kings hath ordered the Matter otherwise, in giving so great Victories to the Christian Arms; wherefore France must change her Battery; and 'tis to be hoped, that the Emperour's Council will stand more on their Guard than formerly, and that they will take away from France the means of penetrating into their designs, and even into the Cabinet of their secrets; for it is well known what methods they used to alter and make voided any resolutions that were not according to the Relish and Interest of the French King; insomuch that the Emperour could not speak, advice, writ, nor so much as make the least step, without being immediately spied through, diverted, obstructed, and observed: And without offence to the Reverend Society of jesuits, they have been accused of having a grea●… hand in all those wicked affairs, they always follow the strongest side, i●… expectation of a Change. There are few that are ignorant that the mi●… understanding that happened between the elector of Brandenburg and Metecuculi, General of the Imperial Forces in the time of the Wars of Hollan● was caused by the subtlety of the jesuits, who changed the Emperour's Orders to attack Turenne jointly with brandenburg, into this, not to attack him at all, which gave an opportunity to the French Army to retreat, that would have been in danger of remaining there altogether, if it had been attacked by two so good Parties; for it was in a very bad condition through diseases, disertion, and mortality. But we may hope, that the Scene of Affairs being changed, the Reverend Fathers, the jesuits, will for the future retain better sentiments of the Empire. I can hardly forbear relating two circumstances that happened during the last rapture, between the Emperour and the King: One is that of General Capelier's chief Butler, who carried on a correspondence with the Emissaries of France, and gave them an account of what he knew and understood from his Master, whose Letters were intercepted at the Post-Office at Francfort. This traitor was quickly arrested, but the Jusuites, who at that time had taken a little too much Spirit. gull. found out a way for him to make his escape, for fear he should discover others. During the Siege of Philipsbourg by the Imperial Forces, these good Fathers procured two Merchants to convey Powder thither; but the Mine took no effect, and the jesuits hindered the punishment of the undertakers, lest farther discoveries should be made. I should not have mentioned this passage, but because one of those Persons was an acquaintance of mine, who  told me with his own mouth, that they came to find him out at Paris, where he was settled, to go and engage in this affair. You may see by this, that the Spirit of France animates many bodies, and that all those in whom his Imperial Majesty confides, are not faithful to him.  
When France dealt under-hand to persuade the Emperour to give his two Sisters to two Princes dispossessed of their Territories, it was not that he foresaw, or designed, that affairs should fall out in that manner as we see at this day; for it may be affirmed, that the Duke of lorraine is the Restorer of the Empire, the Hero of so many great and noble Victories, and the conqueror of so many Provinces, that 'twill oblige the Grand signor, not only to desire a Peace, as he doth, but to grant all that they shall demand of him to save his head from a popular Commotion, that will not fail to attend him if he do not readily make a Peace, or a Truce. But the Policy of France had its regard, in counseling the Emperour to bestow his Sisters on two Princes dispossessed of their Estates, and that had no hopes to re-enter therein, but by a Peace; thinking that they would be sure always to put the Emperour upon that which would not in the least turn to his Imperial Majesty's advantage, in hopes that there might be an Article made in their favour, and so they might return to the possession of their Lands by such a Peace. This hath indeed happened to one, and as for the other, it is to be hoped that he will himself open a passage by his victorious Sword. It is certain, that the misunderstandings that have been fomented between Prince Herman of Baden, President of the Imperial Council, and the Duke of lorraine, and between the King of Poland and the Emperour, and the like, are all Eggs hatched by France. Mr. the marquis de Bethune, knows too well the way of Poland, and his Sister hath always a French Soul, though she be Queen of that Kingdom. The benevolences of the King of France to her Children are clear Evidences, that are yet extant, and the returns, that have passed through the hands of the Bankers of Hamburg and Dantzick, are, as it were, the Beams of this great Sun of France, that disperseth his light through many Courts. The Emperour cannot be ignorant, that it is an old Distemper, and an itch of a long time standing, that the Kings of France have a mind to aspire to the Empire, because it is one of the ways to an Universal Monarchy, or at least to that of Europe. Henry II. caused a projection to be made after what manner the Romans heretofore beat out a Road for themselves through Italy; but those Countries have been always a flaming Sword to the French, and very fatal to their enterprises; insomuch that du Plessis advised Charles IX. to attack Italy no longer, but to turn his Arms to the Low Countries. Lewis XIV. is quiter of another opinion, as we shall see hereafter. After the death of Ferdinand III. did not the King of France use his utmost endeavours to remount the Throne of charlemain? he failed not to sand into all the Courts of the electors, to gain their suffrage. Those that had any influence on the minds of those Princes, certainly made good markets on't; for France is liberal enough to those whom she wants to draw to her Party. One visible mark of the King of France his design is, that he hath caused an Eagle to be stamped on his Money, over the Head of his own Effigies; and that he hath said openly, but withall very haughtily, that the Empire hath been long enough in the Austrian Family, and it was time for it to return to his; whereupon it followed that the Turks entered into Germany in the Year 1683. But all the designs and wisdom of men is but foolishness with God, who regulates not the Government of the World according to the ambition of Lewis the Great. But since this Prince is very sensible that the electors of the Empire may be a great obstacle in his way, if they should withstand him, he makes it his business to caress some of them; and to threaten others. The Marriage that France made of the Dauphin with the Princess of Bavaria, was a charm to draw the Prince of that Family into the King's Interest, and to infuse into his body the Spirit of France. The Pension that the King allowed him for some time, together with this Marriage, had so far engaged him, that all the World thought that this Prince would be absolutely devoted to his benefactor. But the indecent and unworthy matches that France propounded to this young Prince, caused the eyes of his Ministers to be opened, who took such care to disabuse him, that he changed his judgement, and turned to the right side, and gained much renown, as well by his Marriage with the Emperour's Daughter, as by the quarrels he acquired in Hungary; which he durst not so much as have thought of, if he had remained in the interests of France, by reason that the conquest of the Imperial Army are not compatible with the King's designs, as we have before shown. As soon as the Duke of Bavaria had quitted the French Party, the King, to comfort himself, entered into the Chamber of Madam the Dauphiness, and said, he had just now won 800 thousand Crowns of her Brother. It is apparent to all men, that the elector of brandenburg is encompassed with French Emissaries, and that the principal Gentlemen of his Court( whom discretion forbids me to name) have taken but too much of this Spiritus gull. and that there is nothing done by the elector, but the Envoy of France is advertised thereof, and without offence to Monsieur de Rebenac, all his Intrigues are sufficiently manifest, and the Presents that he distributes, if they had been more privately managed, perbaps they would not have been known; but since he cannot keep his own counsel, he ought not to blame others, who are not under the same obligations of interest to conceal the secret. Though the deceased Prince Lewis had been a little more involved in the Interests of France, than probable he would be, if he were yet living, yet I am very well satisfied that the French Envoy would not have effected his design, but only have suggested it; and I believe that the Electoral Prince is very sensible where the show pincheth him: He hath reason to be cautious herein, and to look about him, but I wish that it be not too late, as the saying is, when the stead is stolen, to shut the Stable door. If the elector of brandenburg knew his own interest, and his strength, and could but once get rid of these busy spirits of France that surround him, he might well 〈◇〉 called one of the most Puissant Princes of the North, and might become formidable to others; for it is certain, that wheresoever he inclineth, he carries a great weight with him. France is not ignorant hereof, and therefore she courts him; for provided he would stand neuter, and adhere to no party, she would be content. The persecution of the Protestants in France had, as it were, opened the eyes of the elector; but Mr. de Rebenec, and also Mr. Despence, are so well skilled in the arts of pretending and evading, that they are sooner believed, than so many thousand witnesses that arrive daily at Berlin. It is true, that the elector hath this advantage, that those People that fly to him for refuge, do increase and strengthen his country; but France, for her part, labours to cause the Electorate, after the death of the elector Frideric William, to fall into the hands of Princes that will be more favourable to her, than those that are descended from Princess Louisa of Nassaw and Orange; and there is great likelihood of bringing it to pass, at least, they have made a good step towards it, if God do not prevent it by preserving his Electoral Highness, and giving him Issue.  
As for the elector Palatine, when France caused the Princess to be married with the Duke of Orleans, she had a double regard; one, by it and a Pension, to entangle the late elector in her interests; and another, if that succeeded not, that she might be able always to form pretensions on the Right of Madam of Orleans. We have seen in the sequel of this Marriage how the electors Palatine, Father and Son, have been treated by Lewis XIV. and after what manner the Palatinate hath been harased by his troops, and the country ruined, and made desolate: But lastly, death having within a little time took away these two Princes, without Issuemale, and at present the Palatinate being fallen into the House of Neubourg, according to a Treaty that hath been made with the Emperour, the King of France seeth plainly, that there are no measures to be taken with the present elector, and that he is too nearly allied to the Emperour, to whom he is obliged for what he hath, ever to be able to abandon his interest, and to quit his party; therefore France doth not pretend to attack him that way; the pretensions of the Rights of Madam are at present set on foot. The Pope doth well to interpose; it is not a light matter, it is an open Gate that France keeps to enter into Germany; and all the delays obtained by the Pope, only serve to defer the mischief for a little time, but not to cure it; and we shall see next Spring( if there happen no change in Europe) the French King storming there, with Fire and Sword, after his usual manner. All that this elector can wish for, is, that the Peace may be concluded between the two Emperours this Winter; and that the death of a Prince happening, his decease may be an occasion of diverting Lewis the Great another way. These are the only means I see, through which that elector can possibly escape falling into the hands of France; and this reason ought to be a great motive to the Emperour, to make an advantageous Peace with the Turks, as it is now in his power; for he cannot but understand, that if ever the King should break the Ice, and should get footing in Germany, there would be no beating him our again. The French are insolent in prosperity, especially at the first brush; and provided Fortune smile on them at the beginning, and in the first onset, with which they venture at all things, it will be a great spur to them to push on farther; and then, the Peace with the Turks not being finished, I know not whether it will be in the Emperour's power to do it when he pleaseth, at least on the same conditions that they now offer him.  
The elector of Saxony hath never much regarded the offers of France: He is a Prince that hath not studied all the subtle Arts of Policy, with which most Courts are filled; but understanding his true Interest, followeth it without arguing, which is a good sort of politics, and is attended with better success: Wherefore France, seeing that she could not catch at the Bait, raised him troubles in his Family, and with his Neighbours. But the Emperour's Council hath provided a remedy in time, which is the cause that the turbulent Spirit of France is not very familiar at this Court, and that they love Ducats there better than Louis-d'ors. But to be informed of what passeth there, they sand thither Gentlemen that know how to svit themselves to the humour of the country, and especially to drink hard, to the end that having made themselves fit companions for the Table, and of a temper able to bear Wine, they may have an opportunity to ingratiate themselves with them, and to wheedle them till they have wormed them by the Nose when they are got a little merry: Insomuch that when the Court of France would sand an Envoy or Resident to that of Saxony, they make special enquiry, whether he can drink stoutly or no, for this is one of the qualifications he ought to be endowed with as well as that of Knavery.  
As for the electors of Treves, and Mentz, since France hath no apprehensions of fear from them, as being Princes that can do her no prejudice, she lets them alone till a more convenient time; because she knows that, upon occasion, she can draw them with the kindly influence of her golden Rays, otherwise she may proceed to threatenings, and force them that way to comply: The King hath nothing to do but to sand troops to Treves, where he hath put things into such a state, that they are not able to dispute the passage with him, so that he may make himself Master thereof when he pleaseth.  
As for the elector of Colen, we all know of what disposition he is, that he is a Prince that loves nothing but Peace, and that would end his Life in tranquillity, the better to mind his Devotion and Salvation; and this design is always commendable in a Prelate, and a Man of his character: But this quiet temper doth not in the least agree with that of France, that is boisterous, and always in fermentation. For this reason they have given the Archbishop an offspring of the spirit of France, that is, the Cardinal Bishop of Strasburg, who is as violent and as subtle as that which animates him. In the mean time their Bishop hath known so well how to take the ascendant on the mind of the Archbishop, that he governs him entirely; and through the means of the bishopric of Munster, that France hath procured for him with two millions, this Prelate cannot in honour draw back presently. I know very well, that the Pope, for good reasons, could not be persuaded to dispatch a Bull to this day; but it is sufficient for France, that by this Election, during the life of the elector, the Chapter cannot think of another, much less fill up the place; and thus France is assured that no Prelate of the contrary party shall enter, and rests satisfied therewith.  
How many Bishops are there in France without a Bull, that exercise their Functions, and enjoy the profit of their bishoprics? The Pope cannot live for ever, and the King will endeavour to keep the ways open, to the end, that after the death of the Archbishop, some other Emissary of France may enter there, through the same golden Gate, this bishopric being of great consequence to him, as he very well remembers in the year 1672. I have said, that the Archbishop of Colen can hardly be brought off from the French Interest, the King having made provision in case of a change; and all that hath passed at Liege, is nothing but a stratagem, and through the suggestion of this Prince to create a misunderstanding between them, and to give the Citizens of Liege a continual Idea of discontent by the citadel that they have repaired, whereof France is sufficiently the mistress: But this may be a cause of repentance to Mr. the Archbishop of Colen, in case he should have a mind to remove, or his successor after him; for in the doubt at that time, who should succeed him, France foresaw afar off, and thought, by the means of what hath happened, to persuade the Chapter of Liege to cause the Co-adjutourship of the Principality and bishopric of that City to fall on the Cardinal of Furstenburg, put they being better advised than the other hoped, would not swallow the bait, but laughed at it; this obliged the King to apply himself to the Chapter of Colen, where he had better success; for, notwithstanding all the opposition of the Pope and the Emperour, he hath got beyond it; and the Cardinal hath obtained that which France desired. It is a long while since they first laboured to bring all this about, and ever since it was said that the Canons began to know the value of Gold, France prophesied nothing but good luck to her self; and found the way of Colen more easy than that of Munster.  
France and the Cardinal know very well, that the Pope will not grant them a Bull for't, but they will have the same consolation as they had in the affair of Munster, they will pass well enough, no body being able to make any farther pretensions; and, as I have said, the Pope, being ancient, may die, and another more gentle may succeed him.  
Therefore by what we have seen to happen in our time, through the encroaching humours of France, have I not great reason to affirm, that the whole Empire, and the electors, Kings, Princes, and Estates thereof, are highly concerned to oppose the designs of Lewis XIV. to hinder him from attaining the Imperial Throne, for fear they should be made slaves. Instead of the present managing and caressing some, he will then treat them as a Master; he will put off the Fox's skin, and resume that of the lion; then they will talk nothing but such is my good will and pleasure. To hinder him from thus aggrandizing himself, there is nothing but a Peace with the Turks that can put the Emperour in a condition to oppose him; the King will take care to make the Limits at Ratisbonne, during these contests; this gives him occasion to advance, and to build Forts to defend that which he shall usurp, as we see he doth already but too much; there must be an Army to drive him out thence. Have we not seen in Flanders, in a full Peace, of what the temper of France is capable? It is well known, that amongst other good qualities, she is endowed with the gift of usurping to admiration, and of always giving reasons for it, which she would obtrude upon the World as Articles of Faith, as well as the King's just pretences to the Empire, declared at large in a little Book, wherein the excellent Talent of one called Aubri, Advocate of the Parliament of Paris, is exercised. But the Manifesto that the King of France hath published lately at Ratisbonne, and in other Estates of the Empire, to justify the usurping Fortification of Tarbrack, deserves well a place in this Treatise, to make appear to those that have not yet seen it, the weak reasons that he alleges to colour his infraction of the last Truce. See what his Minister hath openly published.  

The King being informed of the complaints that the Ministers of the House of Austria make, on the account of certain Works that are made at Tarbrack by his Majesty's order, which throughout the whole Empire they style a contravention to the Treaty concluded in October 1684. His Majesty finds himself obliged to order the Count de Crecy, his Envoy extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at the Imperial Diet at Ratisbon, to represent to the Ministers of the electors, Princes, and States of the Empire, assembled at the same place, the little foundation there is for such a complaint in itself, and the just occasion it gives to all those that are concerned in the preservation of the public repose, to believe, that it is a pretence that they would make use of to trouble the same.  
First, it may be averred on very good grounds, that the Treaty agreed to at *** cannot be properly called a Truce, the true definition thereof being only a toleration; by virtue of which, though War doth always subsist, yet all actions of hostility ought to cease. There there being at that time no repture between France and the Empire, this toleration may be considered, as a reciprocal promise of a mutual good correspondence and union, during the term of twenty years; in consideration whereof, the Emperour and Empire, on the one part, do suspend themselves for the said time, from their sovereignty, right, superiority, and protection, or any other pretension that they might have over the Territories, Places, and Cities, that are escheated to France, before the first of August 1681. And his Majesty likewise obligeth himself to make no farther prosecution, nor pretence on the Empire during the said time. These are the essential agreements, by which they were reciprocally assured of a long continuation of amity and good understanding, that furnished the means to the Imperial Arms to conquer all Hungary, and to put themselves, with the Empire, into a condition of undertaking a War, that otherwise could not have been carried on, but at the vast expense, and perhaps with the ruin of the electors, Princes, and States of the Empire. But to demonstrate clearly, how weak and unsupportable this pretence is of itself, it is requisite only to run through the several Articles of this Treaty: And although it should be considered as a Truce, that hath not been simply concluded, but even to assure the security of the Empire; and to procure the means to employ their Arms against the common Enemy, it cannot be from thence maintained, that it can in any wise deprive the King of a power to fortify places, where his Majesty hath right as well by the possession he hath already, as by the common consent of the Empire agreed to in the said Treaty, and that he cannot act therein with full authority. It is only needful he have recourse to the treaties of Truce that have been made heretofore, to see if the forbidding to fortify is not expressly therein contained, when the Parties were agreed. By the permission of the Truce of Bonevisi, in the year 1537. it is said that during the Cessation of Arms in the Low-Countries, King Francis I. could not put any troops into the County of St. Paul, nor make any fortification there. This exception giveth plainly enough to understand, that the King had liberty to cause places to be fortified thereabouts, and elsewhere during the said Truce: Insomuch that they were obliged to insert this Article into the Treaty, to take away from France this liberty in the County of St. Paul only.  
The general Truce that was decreed at Nice in the year 1538. confirmeth this Article, touching the County of St. Paul; but it doth not hinder the two Princes from making fortifications every where else.  
The Truce made in the year 1555. makes no mention of this point; but the Crown of Spain, and the States of the United Provinces, having made a Truce in the year 1609. being willing by the 29th. Article to take away from one another the power of making any new Fortress in the Low-Countries, they put in this clause, There shall be no Fortress made in the Low-Countries, neither by the one side nor the other, during the Truce.  
When a Peace was treated at Munster, between France and Spain, the greatest obstacle to the conclusion thereof, was, that the catholic King could not resolve to quit the right in Catalonia, which obliged them to agree to a Truce of thirty years for that Province only, during which each King preserved that which he possessed at that time. But there arose another difficulty, which was, that the Spaniards would not suffer them to fortify the places in Catalonia during the Truce, which the French would not agree to; saying, that it was not seasonable, since by it they only put themselves in a posture of defence, and not offence, which was permitted at all times; and would not receive the expedient offered by the ambassadors of the States General. The same case happens now in this present Treaty. Every one knows that the forbidding to fortify, proposed by the Emperour's Ministers in the 9th and 10th Articles of the said project of the Empire, and that was then communicated reciprocally by public Writings, was rejected by France. Moreover, though the Imperial Ministers were not willing to consent that the Emperour should yield to the King, the places whereof he was already possessed, which his Majesty would never permit that they should be so much as touched, limited, or diminished; nevertheless, not being able to obtain this demand, they were forced to abandon it. It is not to be believed that the Imperial Ministers would bring any induction, to serve as a ground for their complaint from their 8th and 9th Articles of the Truce; forasmuch as the first containeth only the re-establishment of the Lands to those proprietors that would take the Oath of Fidelity; the sovereignty whereof hath been granted to his Majesty: And the other imports that his said Majesty is obliged to leave to the Inhabitants, the free exercise of their Religion.  
Moreover the re-union of Tarbrack, having been irrevocably adjudged by the Decree of the Royal Chamber of Metz, in the month of April, 1681. one cannot apprehended what pretence the Imperial Ministers can have to accuse France of falsification of the Truce, since the King from day to day giveth visible marks of his inviolable observation of the least tittle of it, and that by his moderation he facilitates the progress of the Imperial Arms, against the Infidels; which gives just ground of suspicion of the design of the Court of Vienna, and that their Ministers make it apparent enough on all occasions, that they are desirous to keep the Truce no longer than till they shall be in a capacity to break it.  
In the mean time, since this Truce hath given to Christendom the happy repose that it at present enjoyeth, and hath afforded the means to the Circles and States of the Empire, by their assistance, to cause to fall on the Ottoman Empire the mischiefs with which the hereditary Countries were threatened, it may be truly affirmed, that the Emperour in all justice, doth owe the preservation of his Country to him, and all the advantages that he hath gained of the Infidels. And his Ministers are so much the more injurious to complain, in regard that his Majesties making use of the full power that he hath to cause his frontier places to be fortified, that have the greatest need thereof, may do it as a Sovereign, who, for the better settling the repose and prosperity of his Subjects, would cause the boundaries of his Dominions to be fortified, and would not thereby make it appear that he had any thoughts of invading his Nighbour's country, or of being willing to commence a War; even so a private person employing himself in repairing the limits of his Lands, to keep them in good condition, would thereby show no desire of encroaching on those of another. But his Majesty hopeth of the wisdom and Prudence of the States of the Empire, assembled at Ratisbon, that they will make serious reflections on the just suspicions that are the cause of these ill grounded complaints of the Imperial Ministers to his Majesty; and that they will find means that the good correspondence which his Majesty intends to keep with the Empire, be not hindered nor interrupted.  
Given at Fontain-bleau, the 22th day of October, 1687.   
Would not any one say that sees this Manifesto, that the Emperour is beholden to the King for all his Conquests over the Turks; and that without him the Empire had been lost: yet all the World knows as we have shewed, that he hath urged the Grand signior to break the Truce, and that he hath been aiding and assisting Count to Teckely. But such is the continually shamming Disposition of France.   

The Policy and Maxims of France, with respect to Spain.  
FRom the Empire I pass into Spain, that for some time hath with France divided Europe into two parts, with respect to whom all the other Princes have took Parties, according as their Interests required: But the most part agreed in this, to help the weakest, and to endeavour to keep an equality between them. The late Mr. de Sully, writing to Henry IV. concerning the quarrel with Spain, saith, that all increase of the one, is reputed a diminution of the other. Spain hath always supported herself, till the time of Philip IV. though her fall began in the Reign of Philip II. by the War of the Low Countries; but since that time, and after the death of the last King Philip IV. France hath got the upper hand of her, and Spain hath yielded at one stroke. At the Festival of one of the Kings of Spain, who hath been canonised by the name of St. Ferdinand, the Preacher in his Sermon exalting the Grandeur of his King, said, that if his God were not God, the King Don Philip would have been God. But I believe that his successor would be content with a less place, since the Face of affairs is so altered: Nevertheless Charles II. is always King of Spain, and he hath the same Indies, and his Fleet sails thither to and fro, all laden with Gold, and Silver as formerly; and yet this Spain is no more the same that she was heretofore, when she was the jealousy and terror of all the Princes of Europe, who entered into Leagues together against her, to be in a condition to defend themselves: But at present, being fleeced by one or another, she is reduced to extremity; and if she were not upheld by her Allies, Lewis XIV. King of France would be quickly at Madrid, and the Low Countries, in less than a Campaign, would fall under the Yoke of France; and with so much the more ease, in regard their lawful Prince is childless, infirm, and at the very brink of a total ruin, and of becoming a sport to the cruelty of the French troops, if they should oppose him; none being in a capacity to deliver him.  
France is not ignorant of all this, and it is certain, that she only waits for a convenient time, to put herself in possession, in the Dauphin's Name, of the Rights of the Queen, since the Kingdom of Spain falleth to Women, and that by a Woman also he is come into the House of Austria, I mean, by the Marriage of Joanna, Daughter of Ferdinand King of Spain, with a Prince of that Family.  
Since I have said that Spain hath let her self take wind by France, I shall only produce two Examples to confirm the truth of what I avouch. The King of France gave notice to the King of Spain, and to the States of the United Provinces, that if the said King should grant the Low Countries to the Duke of Bavaria, or only the Government thereof, as it was reported at the time of his Marriage with the Arch-Dutchess, he would then break the Peace without any other consideration, since that could not be done but to the prejudice of the Dauphin's Rights. It was Mr. de Feuquier that represented this to the King of Spain, and the Count d'Avaux to the States General: But let it pass; it may be said, perhaps, that Spain never thought of any such thing, and that it was only a panic fear of France, nevertheless Spain therein manifested her weakness and want of courage; for in the Ceremony of a public Entry at London, where the ambassadors of Spain and France met, the Baron de Wetteville took the Wall of Mr. d'Estrade; France failed not to make complaint thereof, but Spain was so timorous as to disown the generous action of her ambassador, and making a breach on her honour by a shameful declaration, without any necessity, yielded the upper hand to France. I see no other reason for it, but the fear of the French King's Cannon-Law, and the apprehension of the troops that he maintains to cause himself to be obeied, and that are all in a readiness, if the death of the King of Spain should happen suddenly. Whatsoever precaution Charles II. may take for his successor, if he pitch on one in his own Family, and according to the Testament and Intention of Philip IV. this successor will have a great deal of trouble and a fierce War to undergo. The Queen, who is always on the French side by birth and inclination, hath her Party in the Kingdom, and after the King's death, will choose much rather to cast herself into the arms of her Cousin German than of a foreign Prince; at least, it may be done by a Marriage, that would be a great re-enforcement to her party. The Marriages of the Infantas of Spain with the Kings of France, have always made a great noise between the two Princes, and have been of lamentable consequence to the Spaniards; but that of Mary Theresia with Lewis XIV. is the top of all those misfortunes wherein Spain is on the very brink of being involved, whatsoever renunciation the King of France hath pretended to make; for his intention hath never been to keep what he then promised and swore. We see it apparent enough, by his hindering the Parliament from registering the Pyrenean Treaty, and by the Manifestoes that have been since dispersed through the World, concerning the just pretensions of the Queen of France. Spain reapeth no profit from the Marriages and Alliances with the King of France; on the contrary it turns to her great disadvantage, for by virtue of the last Marriage all these pretensions are formed: Philip II. was now wary, and preferred the Arch-Duke Earnest, and afterwards Albert. The Truce that France hath lately made, is only to amuse and to cast Spain and her Allies into a sleep, in obliging them thereby to disarm, whilst he keeps more than 150 thousand men on foot, and flutters up and down, sometimes in Alsatia, sometimes on the side of Colen, and often towards the Low Countries; all this is only an amusement to take away any mistrust or suspicion: But when time shall serve, you will see him fall on his Prey, which he will take away when they are not armed to resist him, and before the Allies can put themselves in a condition, the King of France will have done his business. So that this Truce being made only to divert the Princes of Europe from making a War with him; and that he may be in a capacity, immediately after the death of the King of Spain, to put himself in possession of the Rights of the Dauphin, without any other form of Process than that of his Cannon-Law; the Spaniards will find themselves deceived in relying on this Truce, it is a broken Reed that will pierce through their hands: And if to their misfortune the Emperour is still engaged in a War with the Turk, Who shall hinder the two French Armies, one in Catalonia, and the other in the Low Countries, from making themselves Masters of whatsoever stands in their way? I know very well, that it is the Interest of England, and of the States of the United Provinces, to defend the Low Countries, as we shall see hereafter: But one is so good a Friend, and hath so many affairs at home, that he will think no more of the Low Countries than his predecessor hath done of Luxembourg: As for the States, they have only Forces that may serve to defend their own country, and the King will then set Colen and Munster on their backs, to whom he will sand troops, as he hath done heretofore. I find, that it is a great error in Spain, to sand ordinarily Governours into the Low Countries, that go only to fill their Purses, as they say, and then return; and the better to effect this, they must rob the King and the country, and neither pay Citizens nor Troupers; which causeth many to desert; insomuch that very often instead of a thousand Men in a Regiment there have been found but fifty; and I have seen once a whole Regiment, that changed Garrison, carried in one wagon. In fine, it is but being in Flanders, and what I here relate will be seen: The Soldiers pull off their Hats to you, as they mount the Guard, to beg an alms, and the Officers are forced to live with the Capuchins on the charity that these poor Fathers receive: The three last Irish Regiments that the King of England had granted to the King of Spain, for the Service of the Low Countries, and that have been effectually raised, are melted away as Snow before the Sun, and at present there can scarce be found fifty Men. Spain committeth another great fault, in my opinion, in trusting her Allies with the Guard of the Low Countries, and in neglecting, on this account, the means of maintaining a sufficient number of troops that she ought to keep in continual pay for the preservation of those Countries. Moreover, we may be assured that France, knowing so well as she doth the distemper of the Governours of the Spanish Low Countries, doth often feel their pulse, and take advantage of their weakness. Most enlightened persons will never be dissuaded from the suspicion they have, that the marquis of Grana gave a helping hand, by the means of a certain Spring, to the taking of Luxemburg; the thing is as clear as the Sun at Noon, four or five millions that he hath left behind him are a great evidence. I would not tell you any thing impossible, or that doth not happen daily; there are few persons in these times wherein we now live that are proof against a million; there are some, I confess, but be assured they are but rare. The Low Countries not being a Patrimony to the Governours, they often draw out thence as much as they can, as from Lands let out to farm: I would not say, that all those that come thither are of the same stamp,( God forbid:) it would be very hard if there were no good and faithful Subjects left in Spain; but it is certain, that for some Ages France hath been always coveting the Low Countries, she believes that they belong to her jurisdiction and dependence; there is no trick nor wile that the subtle Spirit of France doth not invent to bring this to pass, because this little country hath been a hard Bone for them to know, and the King, of late years, hath begun to bite at it very furiously. France is very sensible also, that if he could become Master thereof, he might employ all his Forces on the side of Catalonia and Roussillon, and having no more occasion of fear or disturbance in these Countries, might march in a little time to Madrid, where I see no great obstacle, having once got some of the frontier places into his hands, to give him free ingress and egress. Wherefore the Council of Spain, considering the strength of the French, ought to take other measures than they do for the defence of the Low Countries; and I can see but one way, in the state wherein the affairs of Spain are at present, to apply a speedy remedy thereto, at least, if they are not willing that these Countries should fall into the hand of the King of France, as will undoubtedly happen, if they do not, without farther delay, take care to prevent it. It is certain that there is nothing but an Army, and a good General, that can be able to put a stop to those mischiefs that are just ready to fall on their head. We see after what manner the troops that are there at present are managed and paid, and the small number that there is of them, it would be requisite to provide twenty thousand effective Men more, besides those that are for the Garrisons of Places, and ten thousand more in case of a rapture. But since Spain is not able to furnish these, they ought to be levied and paid by the Cities and Towns, who will not refuse to do it for their own preservation, and to keep themselves from falling into the cruel slavery of the French, and from being ruined before they have time so much as to think on't; as several Towns and Villages have been, and the plain country, within these few years, where the most sacred places have not been spared. I know that this proposition hath been set on foot a great while ago, and that the Council of Spain hath always rejected it, for reasons of no great weight. Although there were( as there is indeed at present) a vigilant and faithful governor, yet it would be much better if the Duke of lorraine were there, that great and valiant General, laden with Victories; who, being at the head of forty thousand Men, would make France tremble, especially if he were backed by the Prince of Orange. France hath her Emissaries at Madrid in the Council, as well as elsewhere, to oppose all that may obstruct her design; and it is apparently better for the King of Spain to secure his Low Countries by a Militia maintained by the Towns, that will not be capable of being abused, than to see the said Countries lost for want of Forces sufficient to defend it: The last is at hand without remedy, but that which may hinder the first is only an apprehesion that may be ill grounded, and that might have been good heretofore, but is not so in this conjuncture; for it seems best always to have regard to the most pressing necessity, since one is inevitable, and the other may not happen. I affirm again once more, that France can never compass her grand design without, in the first place, making herself Mistress of the Low Countries; for this reason du Plessis advised his Master to use his utmost efforts that way; and this is the only breach that Spain and her Allies ought most necessary and diligently to stop up, as the overflowing of a Dike in a Tempest; as we shall see hereafter.  
The Ambition and Interest of the King of France is a Torrent, whose impetuosity neither the affinity of Kindred, nor Alliances, nor Peace, nor Treaties, nor Truces, nor mutual Oaths and Promises, are able to stop; nay, I will add farther, nor even the very limits that God himself, by his wise Providence, hath set to every Monarchy, that seem to cry to every particular Monarch, Non plus ultrà.  
But Lewis XIV. hath sworn not to be content with the portion that the supreme Monarch of the Universe hath allotted him. Who knows if he had conquered the whole World, whether he would not begin to build a second Tower of Babel, to scale Heaven? Ambition knows no bounds, but Destruction followeth Pride.  
Let not the Council of Spain dream of a deceitful Truce, it is a Dalilah that will one day cry to the Spaniards, The hand of the philistines be upon thee; but I fear lest the same may not happen as did to samson, who awaking, and finding himself tied and bound, could not then avoid falling as a prey and conquest to his enemies.  
The Grandees of Spain, are a great help to the King of France, and do much promote, without thinking thereof, the advancement of his design, and the maintenance of his ambition, because they enrich themselves at their Master's cost; and take away the means of being able to keep Soldiers in constant pay, for their own defence: but if they were well advised, they would seriously reflect on their present condition, and on that wherein they would be, if they should fall under the Dominion of France: that by drawing such a Parallel, they may thence gather good advice for the future; for they ought to consider, that if a French-man should come to the Throne, the Spaniards would then be but very little regarded, and despised as miserable wretches. The Antipathy that there is between these two Nations, would not permit this new King to put any confidence in them, and all their Grandeur would serve only for a laughing-stock, and mockery, to the Court of France: For the Spaniards cannot promise themselves, if this should happen, that the Dauphin being alone, would leave France, to go and live in Spain: the Kings of France would always esteem Versailles beyond the fairest City of Spain. They would sand thither Vice-Roys, French-men by birth and inclination, and enemies to the Spaniards; that they might not entertain any correspondence with them: and these Governours, or Vice-Roys, would carry behind them, for their better baggage, an Excise-Office, that would soon beget a multitude of Imposts next the Taille, the Taillon, the aid, the Octroit, the Preciput, the Equivalent. Free-gifts, and extraordinary Gratuities: Imposition upon Wine, Gabelle upon Salt, Corn, and Meal, Tobacco, and Perukes, and all sorts of Stuffs, and Linen: Imposts on Meat, stamping of Paper, Silver, Tin, and Pewter; on Shoes, and silk Stockings: Impositions on Ice, proving of Deeds, &c. Taxes on Fanes, Fiefs, and new Acquisitions, Quint, and Requint, extinctions of all sorts of Offices, the price of Evaluation, two Sot's in every Livre the right of the Seal, Comptrolling, registering, and administering Oaths, Diminution of Wages, custom, Garnison, Mortepaie, charges of recovering the Imposition of the eighth Penny, and the reuniting to the Crown all that hath been given or sold. Finally, the Spaniards would be often haunted with these great Devils of Farmers, and Excisemen, who would continually fall upon them as a conquered country; and would moreover, put an excise on the Sun, since they know that the Spaniards make use of it instead of a fire.  
Therefore I affirm, that Spain ought to endeavour to procure the Emperour to accept of a Peace, or Truce, with the Grand signior, and to cast her eyes, during the life of the King now Reigning, on a Prince that may succeed him; and that this Prince ought to go before the time to Madrid, there to make his residence in the heart of the Kingdom to defend it; to cause himself to be crowned immediately after the death of the King, to seize on the Seals and Papers belonging to the Crown; and to hinder the Grandees of Spain from taking part with any but himself, as their lawful Sovereign and Master.  
Lastly, Spain ought in due time to provide for the preservation of the Low-Countries, and at once to lay aside an ill opinion that their Council hath conceived, that England and the United Provinces ought to defend them, for their own Interest. It is true, I confess, that they ought to do it; but if France can take off England from her true Interest, and divert her from these sentiments; I say, if this should happen, the United Provinces, whatsoever good intentions or interest they may have for the prevseration of the Low Countries, will not be able alone to put a stop to the French fury; that like an impetuous torrent will carry before it the best part of Flanders: Therefore it behoves Spain to take care thereof, in good earnest, and not to slumber whilst the Spirit of France is on the wing, and prepareth with a long Arm to reach so great an affair; and would not return again, if this opportunity should be lost, of becoming Master thereof. Spain ought to do the same, and be as active, if she intends to preserve her self, and not to fall under the French Tyranny, which is the greatest misfortune that can possibly happen to her; the ruin and desolation of her People, and the scorning and abasing of all the Spanish Nobility who would be forced to give place to every pitiful ordinary French Gentleman: Therefore if the Spaniards are well advised, after the death of their King they ought not to deliver the Monarchy to Lewis XIV. but with their lives; nor in the least to trust the violent and haughty Spirit of France.   

The Policy of France, and its Maxims, with respect to England.  
HEnry VIII. King of England, caused in his time a Medal of gold to be made, whereon was engraven a hand issuing out of the clouds, and poising a balance, the two scales whereof represented Spain, and France, with this motto; Let him take me for whom I am. It seems this Prince was sensible of his own power; but now I may compare England to an Ox, that, not knowing his own strength, tamely submits his neck to the yoke. This Kingdom hath this advantage, that it is its own protector; and that the enemies thereof cannot, without a great deal of difficulty, attack it by Land. They would be obliged for the effecting this to pass the Sea often; to fight with the Waves and the Winds, and a powerful Fleet, before they could be able to set foot on land. Insomuch, that it is apparent that the King of Great Britain, being at Peace with the United Provinces, is able to inspire a vigorous motion into the Party he is joined with. France knows this truth so well, that though there is a natural hatred and antipathy between these two Nations, yet she hath spared nothing, and hath left no ston unturned to take him off from his true Interests, and to draw him to her Party; or at least, to cause him to stand neuter, and to behold, with his arms folded, the King of France acting his Tragedy on the Theatre of Europe. And it is certain, that England alone is in a better capacity than any other Kingdom or State, to rescue this same Europe, from falling into the slavery of France.  
If the King of Great Britain did but know his own strength, and proper Interest, he might not only be the mediator, and arbitrator, of the Universe, but also be able to give peace, when he should think fit, to all the Christian Princes. To attain to this there are but two things requisite, that are very easy to be done, and even in the King's power whensoever he pleaseth: The first is, that it is necessary that the King of Great Britain should so act, as to be always well beloved by his People, and in a good union with his Parliament: the second is to make a League with the States of the United Provinces, and to live with them in a perfect and sincere amity, union, and correspondence, for the defence of the common cause. The first is most easy to be done, and the King will soon obtain it, if he take care to require nothing of his Parliament but what is agreeable to the Laws of the Kingdom; and the second shall be done as soon as the King of Great Britain shall cease to harken to the Emissaries of France, and will lay aside all those jealousies and suspicions with which they endeavour, daily to prepossess him; since there is nothing to be feared from the States, who do not desire to aggrandise themselves, and to usurp their neighbours Territories, as France doth; but only to preserve that which God hath given them, and to protect their People in the liberty that they now enjoy.  
France, that knoweth what I have alleged, loseth no opportunity of opposing this; she continually letteth loose some of her deceitful and turbulent Spirits to sow the Tares of misunderstanding between the King and his Parliament. In the time when the Kings of England seemed to be Protestants, the Catholicum wrought its effect, and the Spirit of France especially laboured to stir up the Episcopal Party against the Presbyterian, and to make the latter believe that the Bishops were inclining to the catholic Religion; and that the most part of them were jesuits in Bishop's clothing, that would not fail by degrees to seduce the People, and to turn their coat as soon as they thought the times convenient for the discovery of their opinion; and that the King himself was of the same mind: These and a thousand other things of the like nature they spread abroad, that exasperated the People against the King, and cast just suspicions into the Parliament, who would often grant nothing, or very little of what the King demanded, so that having so much business at home, he could not observe what was done abroad. In the Reign of Charles I. it was France that lighted the first sparks of those Civil Wars, that have cost the King and the People so much blood: For when the French ambassador was about returning from England, he boasted that he had kindled a fire, that would not be extinguished in a long time, and that for more than twenty years the English would not be in a condition to demand any thing of France. One Father Joseph a Capuchin, and an Agent for the catholics, contributed very much under-hand to the inflaming this division; and I assure you that of these very same catholics, there were a great number in the Parliament Army: King Charles hath complained thereof himself, saying that this Rebellion in them, proceeded from his refusing to admit them into Offices and places of Trust; and after the War was declared between the King and his Parliament, the King of France sent six hundred thousand liures to cronwell to pay his Soldiers in the beginning; it is a notorious thing, and well known to all that lived in those times. But now since the King of Great Britain hath changed the opinion in Religion, France hath also turned her battery, and planted her great Cannon against the Church of England; and the Spirits are so heated one against another, that for a long time his Majesty could not think of any thing elsewhere; and will find so many affairs and troubles in his Kingdom to encounter with, in gaining his design, even though he should have a Parliament to his mind, that if he should live twenty years longer, he would not see the end, but would be forced to leave the Matter to his successor: So that during all these misunderstandings the King had need to stand on his Guard; especially not being able to disband his Forces, and not having any fond of money to maintain them. In the mean time France will do what she pleases, and will seize on the Low Countries, and all Spain, if the King of Spain should happen to die, which France expecteth with great impatience.  
As for the second, that is the League with the United Provinces, and a good harmony and correspondence between these two Powers; for the opposing all Kings and Princes who shall have a mind to break the Peace of Christendom; it is certain that the States would desire it, provided they might see a possibility of engaging with certainty, and of being assisted as occasion serves: but there is very little appearance of this, as long as affairs shall remain in the same state as they are at present in England. This is what France would willingly see, because the conjunction of these two Powers would be able to divert her from many enterprises, and make her afraid to undertake any thing contrary to the last Treaties of Peace at Nimueguen, and the Truce. But France takes a great deal of care to hinder it; and that distrust that she creates, is a pair of Spectacles for England, that thicken the objects of the least affair that happens; whether it were caused by private persons or otherwise, it hath been made Treason. It is but reflecting a little on the matter of Bantam, that would have been accommodated a great while ago; but France thinks it more for her advantage, that it should remain as it is, and never be finished, lest they should come to a good agreement. The Union of England with the United Provinces, would not further the design of France on the Spanish Low Countries, for if England would stir, the French King could never accomplish it. If the late King had only made a show of moving, the French could never have taken Luxemburg; but he knew how to take him by the blind side, and to dazzle the eyes of that good Prince, that he saw not the mischief till after the City was lost. England hath transgressed against her own Interest in surrendering Dunkirk, a Town that opened a gate for her to enter into France and the Low Countries: But it would be quiter another thing if these Countries should fall into the power of Lewis the Great, and if he should join by this conquest Newport and Ostend to Dunkirk, Flushing would at length be under his jurisdiction: He might then justly dispute the dominion of the Sea with the King of England, and interrupt his Commerce. And if at length the King of France should make himself Master of the United Provinces, since they are misfortunes that may happen, the Low Countries being lost, England may fairly reckon herself one of the number. Wherefore, Queen Elizabeth said heretofore to Monsieur de Sully, ambassador of the most Christian King, that neither France, nor England, nor the other Princes, had any right to pretend to the Low Countries; and that she would never suffer the King to think thereof.  
The same Sully, writing to Henry IV. tells him, That notwithstanding the saying of the Queen, he might, by the help of a great Army, find out a way to keep his friends within their duty, and seize on the Territories and Towns of the Low Countries, when he should think convenient, entirely and inseparably to join France to the United Provinces, which is the only means( said he) to re-establish France in her ancient splendour, and to make her predominant over all the rest of Christendom; for if once the Provinces of Luxemburg, Juliers, Mark, Mons, Limburg, Aix, and Cleves, were any ways united to France, there is no doubt but that the rest of the country would be forced to follow their example, being separated from all communication with the other. France hath always inclined to that side, since she hath seen that she could not gain her design by Italy, as the Romans did heretofore: Although all the Princes of Europe have an apparent Interest to hinder this conquest, yet these two Powers only that are nearest can do it best, and are most concerned to stop the Progress of France in the Low Countries, that would occasion, as I have said, most lamentable consequences. As for Spain of herself, she is as it were a Body excluded from its Members, and that hath nothing left but the Tongue. England can do much for the preservation of the Low Countries, and if her King had not promised to stand still, Luxemburg had remained in its former state, and would have been a bone for France to pick. His most Christian Majesty knows this very well, and therefore he takes so much pains to keep the King of England in his interests; and if he will not declare for him, at least to cause him to stand neuter: for this end he spares nothing, neither Presents, nor Pensions, nor Artifices; and it may be avouched for certain, that this money that France gives, is a Snake lurking under the leaves of the Rose; they are lips that flatter for the present, but will deceive in the end; they are Iron Chains lacquer'd over with Gold, fair in appearance to draw and cheat the English: but they will one day feel the weight of them, if they do not in time discover the snare, and the design of him that offers them, who will at last enslave them that cannot subsist but by the equal poise of the two Monarchies of France and Spain. I conclude then that the King of England hath a remarkable Interest, for his own preservation and the benefit of Trade, to oppose the conquests of the King of France in the Low Counories; but if he neglect to do it, and if after the loss of these Countries, the latter should unfortunately become Master of all the seventeen Provinces, which is his great aim, and may happen if the States are left destitute of succour, in what a condition will England be? France would be stronger at Sea and in the Indies than she, would intercept her commerce every moment, and would constantly keep a good Fleet at Sea, that would not suffer so much as a Cat to go out of the Ports of England without their permission, and upon the least motion, her destruction would be certain, and without redress; since none could or durst so much as stir in her own defence.  
Moreover the true Policy of England is to keep France low, as well for the preservation of the dominion of the Sea, as to lay hold on a favourable opportunity of recovering her ancient jurisdiction that France detains from her, viz. britain, Normandy, Poitou, L'anguedoc, and even France itsself, by the Marriage of the King of England with Margaret, Daughter to Philip the Fair; for of this Marriage was born Henry V. King of England, who had the same right to France that the Dauphin hath to Spain. The three Sons of King Philip the Fair, Lewis Hutin, Philip the Long, and Charles the Fair, all dyed without Male Issue, and then it was when the King of England claimed his Right to the Kingdom of France; that they made the salic Law, on occasion of a Sermon Preached by the Bishop of Beauvais before the Assembly of the States, proving by the Gospel, that the lilies spin not, and consequently that the Flowre-deluce, that represents France, ought not fall into the hands of a Woman. But this Law can only serve for the future, and not for the time past. At length Henry V. King of England, who went into France with a Puissant Army, and won several Battels, married Katharine, the Daughter of Charles VI. and in the year 1421. it was concluded and agreed, that Henry should be King of France, and Isabella Queen, who was the Mother of Katharine Queen of England, and made her Will in favour of her Son in Law, declaring him Heir of all her Goods, and of the Crown; which is a farther augmentation of the Right of the Kings of England to the Kingdom of France.  
If the King of France had but half as much Right to England as the King of England hath to France, we should see abundance of Manifestoes, and Writings, dispersed abroad to prove his just pretensions, as he calls all that he makes.  
Therefore on whatsoever side the King of England regards France, she ought always to be suspected by him; he ought to beware of her as of a private Enemy, knowing her to be such; he ought to believe that she flatters, only that she may play her pranks the better, and because he alone is able in a great measure to frustrate her designs: so that it is no wonder that King Lewis XIV. hath spread nothing to satisfy the Necessities and Pleasure of the late King Charles II. Mr. Barrillon, and Madam the duchess of Portsmouth, are witnesses thereof: But I can assure you that the King of France regards Princes and private Persons no farther than they are useful to him; nay, I may add, that virtue itself is not esteemed by him, but only so far as it may be serviceable to his Interest. You have seen what respect he hath shown to the Princes and Princesses of England during the Government of cronwell: Were they not obliged to go out of France, not to say that they were driven out thence? What entertainment, or what subsistence have these banished Princes received from France? It is to the House of Orange that they have been indebted, that hath furnished them with considerable sums: but France on the contrary, was the c●●se of the first troubles in England, would not receive the Princes, and hath never contributed in the least to the Restauraton of the late King.  
All things being considered, neither the Resentments of the Royal Family, nor the Interest of England, will permit the King to make any strict Alliances with France, that may be capable of blinding him, whilst Lewis XIV. takes the Low Countries; on the contrary, he ought to be always ready to hinder the least motion towards it, at the same time, making use of six Regiments that he hath in Holland, which the States will not refuse him on such an occasion, till he can transport other Forces into Flanders. I am of opinion, that these six Regiments will be able to make head against double the number of French; and then, if England do but only show her Teeth, Europe will be in safety. Resist the Devil and he will flee from you, but if you are afraid of him he will master you.  
France hath cut out work for King James, now reigning; the affair that he hath undertaken is so great, that very many fear, and others hope, that he will never he able to dispatch it as long as he lives. It is not a time to alter the Laws when the Enemies are at the Gates; it is not always a time to act the Missionary; there is often occasion to fight, and to make it appear that he is both a Soldier, and a Statesman. All the World was in a great expectation of what the King would do; his great Courage caused all Europe to hope for an universal consolation, and some relief for Spain: but what can his Allies, or Spain, look for, as long as he is amused, and lead aside by the jesuits, and kindles a fire in his own Kingdom that perhaps he will not be able to quench when he would, and as long as he durst not call a lawful and free Parliament. Spain hath been ruined by the departure of the Moors, and France hath weakened herself by her conversions, and by the expulsion of the Huguonots; and she would fain have the King of England do the like. We ought not to rob God of his right; the Office of a Converter belongs to him, and it is in his power alone to cause the whole World to be of one mind; so that leaving this care to God, the King of England ought to take that upon him of preserving his Kingdom, and to hinder it from being cheated by the King of France, and to compel him to stay at home, and not break through his Nighbour's Land-mark. In so doing the King will show his great Courage, and satisfy the expectation all the People of Europe.   

The Policy of France, and its Maxims, with respect to the United Provinces.  
THE States of the United Provinces after they had, by the force of their Arms, compelled Spain to aclowledge them as Free States, Sovereign, and depending on none but God alone, were for some time the admiration of their neighbours, and every one striven to procure an Alliance with them; and it might be said without flattery, that they were looked upon as the Arbitratours of Europe: but since the War in the year 1672. this high reputation hath been a little diminished, and France hath played her part so well, that they were almost brought to the very brink of Destruction, till, by a sudden change the People entrusted the Command into the hands of his Highness the Prince of Orange, and punished some ill-affected Persons. But God, who was willing by his Providence to preserve this little country, after the taking of Naerden, struck their Enemies with a panic fear, insomuch that they decamped in greater hast than when they came. That which contributed much to these misfortunes was, that beside the Treachery and Intelligence that France kept there, they were unprovided of good Soldiers, and of a General. These Provinces relied on the Peace, and on the deceitful Promises of France, that in the mean time privately carried on her designs against them. We see by experience, that in the time of a profound peace the Militia becomes slothful, an effeminate luxury reigns for a while, and the People laying aside the care of Arms, give themselves up to the prosecution of things more profitable and gainful; and, when the Enemy approacheth, they easily betake themselves to a shameful flight, very far from that Glory which was heretofore the predominant passion, as we have seen in these last Wars. France was very sensible, that as long as the United Provinces wanted a Captain General, their Militia would be but in a very bad condition, and without defence; therefore she hath taken so much pains by her wil●ss, and false insinuations, and by abetting and poisoning the minds of the contrary Party, to hinder the Prince of Orange from coming to the Government, and to that Dignity wherewith he is now invested. By this means the States were weakened daily, their Soldiers were dispersed, their Fortifications were neglected, their strongest Places fell to ruin, and their Megazines were ill provided with Ammunition; whilst France levied troops privately without any noise, and made secret Alliances with England, the Archbishop of Colen, and the Bishop of Munster. Du Plessis said very well, that all States are not to be accounted strong or weak, but in comparison with the strength or weakness of their neighbours; that for this cause wise Princes endeavour to keep the Balance even, as much as they can, to the end that they may remain in peace and amity together, and that as soon as this is wanting, peace and amity is dissolved, as being founded only on a mutual fear or esteem one of another. This is so true, that a wise Prince is always suspicious of the least rising or motion of his Nighbour, though it be in the middle of a Peace or Truce; he hath a watchful eye upon it continually, and strives to be informed of his Enemy's or his Nighbour's design, even before it comes to light, for he is thereby enabled to break their measures; and it is in this point that Princes and States who act sparing are deficient, it is a sort of covetousness that costs its Master very dear, and in the end is the cause of a War that might have been prevented with a little precaution. France is so well assured of this truth, that she neglects nothing in affairs of this nature; her ambassadors in all the Courts of Europe have money for this purpose, and they cannot please their Master any way better, than by corrupting one or more of the Council of that Prince, or State, where they reside; they study this day and night, and spare nothing: When they cannot catch the Master of a Family, they try to gain his Wife, to the end that she may pump her Husband as occasion serves; for want of this they apply themselves to one of the Children; and if this fails, they tamper even with the domestic Servants, whom they gratify proportionably to the services they perform. These Maxims have proved successful to admiration in States where there are many Heads, as also in the United Provinces, who are a great obstacle to the King of France in his conquest of the Spanish Low Countries; for he knows well that having obtained the one, the other will follow; wherefore his great business is, to deceive the States of the United Provinces with a Truce, that he will break when he pleaseth, hoping, that during that time they will neglect their Militia, as they have done formerly, and will give themselves up wholly to traffic. For the King is not ignorant, that the States being awakened, and on their guard, will never consent to the taking of the Spanish Netherlands; at least, they ought not to do it, since it is the only bar between France and them, which they ought to be as careful to maintain, as they would be to preserve their Nighbour's house from being burnt. For the better attaining this end, what hath not the Count d'Avaux done to divide the Provinces against one another, and even the Cities and Towns of Holland, and especially Amsterdam? What offers and what promises hath he not made in order to bring this to pass? It is not a secret matter, the very Children may see it plainly, by the frequent journeys that this ambassador continually makes to this great City. It is not to be believed, that Mombas is alone; for in retiring into France he hath left many Disciples behind him, who walk abroad in the night but disappear in the day. But it is so much the better, in regard that the Count d'Avaux begins to be known, and his Doctrine is no longer believed; he hath abused the credulity and good nature of many, but they have discovered his frauds, and are got clear from his illusions. Moreover, the malignant Spirit of France delights to foment divisions between England and the United Provinces, understanding well that these two Powers joined together, are able to give it a mortal wound: how jocund do they appear when they can see them at variance, and unawares promoting their designs? The last War that these two Sovereigns waged one against another, was caused by an affair of Trade. Whilst the King of England prepared to arm, the King of France offered under-hand to make a Treaty with the States, on purpose to delude them, as they saw when they desired to come to a conclusion; they were surprised when of a sudden France took part with England, and whilst one fell upon them by Sea, the other attacked them by Land; insomuch that thinking the Conquest of the United Provinces already certain, they had divided the country betwixt them, one was to have the maritime Places, and the other those on the Land; but Amsterdam caused a difference, by reason that each Prince pretended that it belonged to his share; however, there was no need for them to cast lots, since God did not suffer it to fall into their hands; for every one went home again, by the means of a Peace that the English first made. Afterwards France used her utmost diligence to draw off the States from their Allies; and when the King saw that Fortune began to change, that the Hollanders were come to themselves, and that their Forces began to be mustered in good order, having a good General at their head, he promoted the Peace of Nimueguen with all his might, and surrendered Maestricht( as I have said) that was yet in his hand. Since that time he hath only barked afar off, and he hath very much feared lest the States should raise the last sixteen thousand men, for the Count d'Avaux hath spared nothing to hinder it, and will continue to do so as often as the States shall have a mind to arm, because it obstructs his Conquests and Design. In the mean time, I will once more urge it, that it is the Interest of the States not to permit this Bar to be taken, for it is most certain that they would be ruined, and would in a few years become a prey to the Usurper, on the least quarrel the King should raise. He would declare his Intentions, his Pretensions, and his established Right, that these Provinces did heretofore belong to Mary of Bourgogne, to Charles V. and at length to Philip II. that the said Provinces did undoubtedly appertain to them, that they were the lawful possessors thereof, against whom they had rebelled, and had caused themselves to be acknowledged free by force. He will offer to maintain them in their Privileges, and in the exercise of their Religion, provided they will submit voluntatily: In case they do willingly yield, he will by little and little invade their Privileges, and will take away Offices and Employments from all those that are of the Reformed Religion, as he hath done to his own Subjects in France; but if they resist, he will attack them by force of Arms, as he did in the year 1672. being assured, that all the catholic Princes will not oppose him, because he hath blinded them with the false pretence of Religion. But if the House of Austria shall be so far amused as to suffer herself to be caught in the Trap with such false Baits, she is utterly ruined, notwithstanding all her Catholickship. But I find that the States of the United Provinces, under God, ought to rely on nothing but their own Strength, and having no ground of fear from any but France, to defend and fortify themselves only against this Power, that hath for a long time aimed at their destruction; which if it cannot accomplish, it may at least reduce them to so low a condition as wholly to depend thereon. The King would willingly make such a sort of an agreement with them as the Wolf in the Fable would with the Sheep, Let but your shepherd and your Dog withdraw, said the Wolf to these silly Creatures, and we shall be in perfect Amity and Alliance together, and shall live in peace one with another: In like manner, Disband your General, and all your old Soldiers, saith Messire the King, it will be so much Money spared in a time of Peace, you may be assured of my Friendship, and safely rely on the Truce, and we shall live together in a good union and correspondence. But the Italian Proverb saith, Trust not, and thou shalt not be deceived. So that their best way is, as I have said, to trust only and solely in their own Forces, to have always a good Fleet of Ships out at Sea, both to be for Convoys, and to cruse about, and to have another in a readiness to sand to France, if there should be occasion. Maritime Forces are the right hand of the State, and serve to disperse many fogs of evil thoughts that France often raiseth against her neighbours. And if ever the States could resolve to entertain a certain number of Sea-men, to be ready to embark in their Men of War, on all occasions when it should be requisite, they would thence reap a double advantage: for first, the States would always have a competent number of People at hand, capable, and in a readiness to defend them, without going to seek for, or levying any, and such who would have, as it were, a Sea-fort, by the continual business they have therein: and secondly, It would draw an abundance of Mariners of the nighbouring Ports, who would come and offer themselves to be listed, and especially the Subjects of the States that are now in foreign service, who would choose rather to return into their own country, and enjoy the benefit of a constant employment throughout the whole year, whether it were on Sea or Land: It would only be necessary by a Plachart somewhat strict, to recall those that are abroad. It is certain France could not then hire any of them; for I can assure you, that they never set out any Men of War without Hollanders in them, and especially Pilots, being much more willing to trust to the skill and experience of the Dutch Seamen, than to those of their own Nation, that are altogether ignorant in a long Voyage. If ever the States should come to so profitable and good a resolution, you would immediately see the Mercurial Spirit of France on the wing, and the Count d'Avaux running like an Hare from Town to Town to distribute his just oppositions. But we may hope, since he begins to despair of Credit, by reason of the little effect that all his promises have produced of late, for want of being seasoned with the salt of Truth, and of good Faith, which are essential ingredients for preserving the reputation of a Minister in foreign Countries, that he will do nothing but wear out his own Lungs. The obligation that the King hath to this great Minister is, that he hath put France into the Belly of many of the Subjects of their High and Mightinesses, who have no reason to thank him for't. France hath another great help in the United Provinces by the means of the jesuits, and some other foreign Priests, who are employed to spy, and to endeavour to divert the good intentions of several; they are in the Court of the Prince of Orange, and have Friends there, who serve them on occasion, they are so bold as to brag, that they are informed of the very secrets of his privy Chamber, and forget nothing to play their Game well; how many are the troops in the Garrisons? and all this calculated for the Meridian of the Hague, where the Council is kept, as being the receptacle of all the other Provinces and Cities; and they ought to have a little more particular regard to this, for all this sort of cattle is only animated by the Spirit of France, that is always in action, and spares nothing when it thinks any one fit for the purpose. I remember, that not long ago four Ducatoons by the week were offered to a Servant of one of the Deputies of the States, only to relate what he heard his Master say, either at Table or in conversation with the other Deputies; but he rejected these offers with scorn, and some hard words, as he had good reason to do.  
This may be sufficient to make it appear, that the violent Spirit of France attacks every where, and there is always need of circumspection to ward off the blows. I have observed also certain little spies, that run to and fro through the principal Cities, especially the Hague, and change their Ordinaries and Table every day, at least when they find any thing to fasten upon, and that there is a good harvest for them; and therefore they that are obliged to frequent Ordinaries, had need be cautious: Others run into the country, and some to Court, at the time when the Prince and Princess are at Dinner, or at Supper, but all for the same end; to hear what is said, to learn what passeth, and what wheel is in motion. As soon as these Hawkers have heard or seen any thing of moment, you shall see them flock like Bees to the Lodgings of the French ambassador, who rewards their diligence with a morsel of bread and a few hot suppings, his Table at present being at most seasons filled with such sort of vermin; I could name a dozen that drive this petty Trade, whom I know, besides those that do it more privately, and come not to the offering till night, through the Stable-gate. The Count de Caravas, one of these Spies of the higher rank, though in my opinion of very little use, when he came from Court, never took care to observe such measures, but went to give an account in the middle of the day, and at the Fore-door. Two jesuits, that I know to be such, come every day to Court, clothed like Officers, at the rising, dining, and supping of the Prince, and during the whole day, where they have so many Intrigues and Friends, that they know well how to find means to procure Offices for their catholic Friends, and all these are Emissaries of France, sold to her service. There are others that creep into service, even to the very kitchen, where the Genius of this sort of People is very dangerous. I conclude then, that care ought to be taken on all sides, and in all times, in peace, and war, to intercept this Spirit of France, and its pernicious and antichristian Maxims; since the King is as deceitful as he is perjured, in pretending to establish every where the catholic Religion, that he denieth in his Life and breach of Faith, when he hath no other end but to set up an universal Dominion over all Europe; first to subdue the Protestant Princes, if he can, and afterwards the catholics, and to cause himself to be declared, not Roman Emperour, but Emperour of Europe; and the only plank to be passed over in order to this, is the United Provinces, whom he looks upon from Versailles with a coveting eye; insomuch that one may advice the States and People of these Provinces to practise that which the Saviour of the World said heretofore to the Jews, Watch, for ye know not what hour the Thief will come. I say moreover, be ready to oppose him when he shall appear to break through the House, and to invade the Land of his Nighbour, and at last, that which God hath committed to the wise government of the States, and consider France now as an Enemy to Common-wealths, and as the scourge of all that will not submit to her Tyranny. It is true that she fears the States of the United Provinces more than she loves them, therefore it behoves them to put themselves into such a condition, as to be able to keep her in this fear, and to bring her back if she should go astray, and advance where she hath nothing to do. They ought not to stop their proceeding upon any deceitful Remonstrances that the Count d'Avaux can make, when they shall be in a posture fit to defend themselves; for if they were not conformable to his Master's designs, he would say nothing; of this they ought to be persuaded and assured.  
The States have so much the more reason to stand on their guard, and to neglect nothing that may serve for their defence, in regard that they are at the point of seing themselves too near neighbours to the Cardinal of Furstembourg, lately elected Coadjutour of Colen; this dangerous man is restless, possessed with the Devil of France, whom the King with the force of his Money hath raised to what he is, and uses his utmost endeavours to make him Master of the Territories that encompass the Provinces, to the end that he may be at all times the engine of France, to begin the quarrel at the first whistle that the King shall give; in every step that he makes, the Spirit of France is visible, and in all his overtures; so that to have the King, or him, for a Nighbour, is the same thing; he hath too great an obligation to his Master not to refuse to concur with his designs, but to help to advance him, if he can, to the Throne of the Monarchy of Europe, and to swallow up his neighbours to attain to it, as we shall see in time, if he be not prevented.   

The Policy of France, and its Maxims with respect to the Northern Kings and Princes.  
AMongst the Chief Princes of the North, I reckon the Kings of sweden and Denmark: they are two Sovereign Powers, and two Nations that have no manner of amity nor sympathy between them; though they are neighbours and Kindred, being linked together by divers Alliances: on the contrary they hate one another, and almost to the same degree as France and Spain; and although their Interest, their Commerce, and the little Revenue they have, should oblige them to live at peace one with another, nevertheless there ceaseth not to be an antipathy between these two People. It is necessary for France to make an Alliance with one of these Sovereigns, and to have him at her back to create employment for the other, in case he should come to the assistance of the Low Countries, or the United Provinces, when she hath a mind to attack them. sweden, as being the most powerful, seemed proper for his purpose; therefore a League was soon made on that side, but the Pension that was promised not being paid, and the perfidious indignities offered to the King of sweden, with respect to the duchy of Deux-Ponts, that belongeth to this King after the decease of the Duke of that name, whom the King of France hath deprived before his death, are matters that have so disgusted this Prince, that he will not in hast be brought to forgive the King of France; and if he saith nothing at present, it is for want of a more favourable opportunity, that may happen hereafter. He would do well to sand him some Louis-d'ors in a barrel of Olives to Pichionili, as he formerly did to his ambassador who was at the Treaty of Nimueguen, to oblige him to incline to the conclusion of that Peace, as France hath since boasted; but all this would not make up the business. sweden hath tasted the Spirit of France; it is a bitter Pill, only gilded over, which she hath been forced to vomit up again, and it is resolved never to have any thing to do with it. Wherefore France hath applied herself to the King of Denmark, who hath been very glad in his turn, to see how the Louis-d'ors are made; and hath not refused to take her part: she hath moreover sent thither the Count de Roié in quality of Generalissimo, with abundance of French Officers. But the Spirit of France appeared at their arrival, for Mr. the Count de Roié was no sooner come, but he demanded of the King of Denmark, in the Name of the King his Master, that part of the Subsidies that they received should be paid to him; persuading him that they were not well distributed. They made almost the same Compliment to his Highness the elector of Brandenburg. Kings and Princes ought not only to study how to promote their present Glory, but also that of their Posterity, and of future Ages. What Figure will a mercenary Prince, and one that is hired by France, make in History; who suffers himself to be lead by the nose like a Bear, and by this means obscures the Lustre of all the renowned Actions he hath done during his Reign? It is not to be believed, that this baseness of Spirit will be butted with him: There are yet left some Champions for truth, all Pens are not as Mercenary as those of Varillas and Pellison.  
As soon as the King of France hath done what he pleaseth with Denmark, if he can find another Party that may be more useful to him, he will cast her off as an interested Friend, and will seek for a German quarrel with her, or a Turkish Avenie, for not paying him his Subsidies, as he hath done to sweden: And if the House of Lunenburg would have swallowed the Bait, Denmark would have been disgraced long since; and would not have partaked any more of the liberality of France.  
Moreover, it ought to be considered how ignominious and mean a thing it is for a King, that hath dependence on none but God, who is the King of Kings, to make himself a Slave to his equal; France being able to say as the Centurion did in the Gospel. I say to my Servant, do this, and he doth it; and to another go, and he goeth; and to another come, and he cometh. Besides this baseness, there is a very ill sort of politics,( I know not whether the Danes are inclined to it,) viz. in consideration of a miserable sum of Money, that the extraordinary troops that must be maintained will easily consume, to make themselves Enemies to all Europe, and the Nighbouring Potentates, without whom the Kingdoms of Denmark and Norway can never subsist. I dare avouch, that the States of the United Provinces can do more damage to these two Kingdoms in a year's time with one Plachart, than the French King can do them good in ten years with his Subsidies and Pensions: I confess the King of Denmark, under the Wing of France, hath made himself Master of Holstein, without much difficulty; but doth he think in good earnest to remain there? It is to be hoped that such People will interpose, who will oblige him to depart thence, as fast as his Master the King of France went out of the United Provinces. If a Peace be concluded between the two Emperours, the victorious Arms of the Christians may serve perhaps to reduce the Usurpers to reason, and to make them empty their Maw; oftentimes nothing is lost by waiting: If he had not trusted to his Alliance, it is certain he would never have attempted the City of Hamburg, that hath served for a Burying Place for the Stoutest Danes and French that were in that Service: one poor Fort of the Star stopped his carrier and killed him more than two thousand Men, insomuch that he was compelled at last to treat with shane, and to serve as a common tale and laughing-stock to all Europe.  
The King of Denmark, as many others, doth not know his true Interest, and suffers himself to be dazzled with this golden Sun, that the King of France presents to the eyes of those whom he would corrupt. He hath more of those Olives that he gave at Nimueguen; of which he often makes a present to his Allies, when he stands in need of them. It were to be wished that His Majesty of Denmark would open his eyes, as well as sweden, and that having thrown off this Subjection, wherein he is at present involved, he would unite and join himself wholly to his other Allies, who would cause the Commerce of his States to flourish, and his Revenues to increase, without being obliged to keep on Foot a great number of Soldiers to no purpose, as he now doth. But it is absolutely necessary for France, to have one of the Northern Kings at her Devotion, lest they should unite by a streight Alliance, and should enter into League with her Enemies, in case of a rapture; this Alliance that she makes, is the Apple of discord; and since she could not obtain so much as one ally in the North, if the King of Denmark had thought fit, she would have bought his friendship at double the rate that she gives him at present.  
As for the Princes of the House of Lunenburg; they are observed and surrounded with the Emissaries of France, who continually represent to them the advantages that they may reap, in taking a Pension of the King, or rather, in making themselves Slaves to Lewis the Great, after the example of some of their neighbours. The Minister, of these Princes do often dirty the ends of their fingers. Bois-David, and his Kinsman St. Pouange, are able to give more certain intelligence, and to produce good Memorials relating to the affairs of that Court. If Bois-David had not been useful to the King, he never would have presumed to return into France, as he hath done, being criminal by reason of a Duel that he fought with d'Aubijou; but there is no Crime so heinous but the King can pardon it, if the Delinquent be judged a necessary Agent for his Interest and Ambition. We all know that the King hath offered considerable sums, to divert the Princes of the House of Lunenburg from their true Interests, and put them under the French Yoke. But let them be disabused, it redounds very little to the honour of Free and Sovereign Princes to render themselves mercenary to France; and it is certain that all these offers are only to separate them from their good and true Allies, Sweden, the elector of Brandenburg, and the States of the United Provinces, with whom the Interest of these Princes obliges them to remain united and associated, as well by the Nighbourhood of their States, as by the Commerce and good Correspondence that hath always passed between them, so that it may be said that they are serviceable one to another in a mutual preservation.  
But France hath an aim in the being desirous to oblige the Princes of Lunenburg, to enter into her Interests; if the King of England, or of Spain, should happen to die suddenly, there would be occasion for these Princes to cut out work for one or other of those three Powers above-mentioned, and to oppose them with French troops joined to theirs, in case any should stir.  
It is evident that Lewis XIV. hath reason to labour as he doth, to strengthen himself with Alliances on the same foot as that of Denmark, to assist him either to hinder the passage of the Prince of Orange into England, or to attack the Low Countries in good earnest. These two affairs stick close to him; to which you may add the great conquests of the Emperour, who having made a Peace with the Turk, may gull him with his Victorious Army, and perhaps, may make him lose his longing desire to execute some of his Grand designs, for which he now sweats and takes so much pains, to the end that he may order Matters so as to find no obstacle, at least that he may employ those another way that would oppose him.  
I may affirm, without deceiving myself, that the Prince of Orange is the only Person, whom the King of France fears; and that the thought of the Succession of the Royal Princess to the Crown of England gives him mortal apprehensions that often purge him without a Pill, being very sensible that this Prince, who is as great a Politician as a Captain, and hath never been corrupted, understandeth perfectly well the interest of Europe, will say, as Queen Elizabeth did, that no body hath Right to pretend to the Low Countries; and will never suffer His Most christian Majesty, nor any others, to make themselves Masters thereof, which will be very easy for him to do, when he shall be arrived to this Dignity. Therefore the Spirit of Lewis the Great runs to and fro through the earth, and would enter into Leagues with as many Princes as possibly it can, to get a shelter from the approaching Storm and Tempest, and from the Thunder that is ready to break over his Head.  
Poland is far distant from France, and cannot hurt her directly neither by Sea nor Land, but is capable of doing her service indirectly, either to obstruct the designs of the Emperour, or to attack sweden, when the King shall think it convenient, especially the latter; for a pretence is never wanting when a Prince hath a mind to Invade. Casimir, the Son of sigismond, had a lawful one, for this sigismond, King of sweden, was elected King of Poland, nevertheless he kept his first Kingdom, till such time as Prince Charles, his Uncle, was declared King in the absense of his Nephew, King sigismond, who sent a Council, or Senate, composed of forty jesuits, to reside at Stockholm, chosen sovereignly to determine all affairs of State, and empowered by a Patent that gave them Royal Authority. But as soon as the Senate was arrived in the Ports of Stockholm, Prince Charles, and all the Nobility, went before with 25 or 30 Vessels to pay homage to this new Senate; this Squadron having encompassed the Ship wherein those venerable senators were, they gave them a Broad-side instead of a Salute; so that their Ship being shot through and through, took water on all sides: and the jesuits went to hold their first Assembly in Quality of senators at the bottom of the Sea, for they would not so much as let one of them escape. Finally Prince Charles was elected King, and the Arch-Bishop discharged the Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance that they had taken to sigismond, and his Uncle was Proclaimed King.  
The King of France hath an interest at the Election of the King of Poland, he sends thither ordinarily an ambassador with Louis-d'ors, to endeavour to cause the Election to be carried in favour of some Prince of his faction, and especially that he be not addicted to the House of Austria. King John at present reigning, his Wife being a French Woman, had a fair prospect that the Bishop of Beauvais, ambassador of France, would solicit in his behalf, because the Most Christian King hath always thought, that by means of the Queen he might engage the King to enter into his Interests, and he hath not altogether deceived himself. It is true that the denial that the King of France had given to bestow the Quality of Duke and Peer on the marquis d' Arquier, the Queens Father, and that of acknowledging her and rendering to her the Honours due to a Queen, if she should have a mind to go into France, had caused some coldness; but when it only costs a little Parchment to content a Prince, they are very liberal at the Court of France, and especially when they stand in need of him. And by way of acknowledgement you see that the King of Poland doth all that his benefactor would have him, and that of St. Lewis, hath a great deal of power in that Kingdom. Nevertheless it is not the true Interest of His Majesty of Poland to stop in so fair a way, after the deliverance of Vienna, the following these great exploits would not only have eternised his memory, by the means of a Peace that he might have given to the Grand signior, very advantageous to Poland, but above all, he would have fixed the Crown on his Son's head; for certainly they could not in justice have refused it by way of retribution for all his victories. I know very well that the Spirit of France, prodigal in promises, and pregnant in subtlety, assures the King and Queen, that the Crown shall not fail to fall to the Prince their Son, and that his Louis d'ors will work miracles. But who hath promised Lewis XIV. that he shall live to see that time? I confess that he hath caused it to be engraven under his Statue Viro immortali, but I shall make bold to add, cum fistula in ano. Thus he may die before the King of Poland, and if he dies, it may happen that his successor will have so much business at home, that he will not care to seek for any elsewhere. But France offers to the Young Prince Royal of Poland, as a pledge of her kindness and amity, Madam the Princess de Conti la Valliere, whom they had also formerly offered to the Duke of Bavaria, as if there were never a Legitimate Princess to be found in Europe: I am persuaded, that the King of France thinks that he confers a great deal of honour on the Polanders in presenting them with one of his Bastards for their Queen; this would be to make work for such Rogues as Pasquin and Marforio. It is certain that if the King of Poland should consent to this sinister Alliance, that it would be plainly to declare, that he pretends not any longer to the Crown of Poland for his Son, and that this Marriage would be an act of renunciation: Rather let him follow the example of the King of Portugal, who hath been so wise as to get rid of the importunities of France, and to strengthen himself in an Alliance with the House of Austria, and the Emperour, by his Marriage with the Princess Palatine of Newburg. He hath prudently foreseen, that if ever Lewis XIV. should set foot into Spain, his Kingdom would be of his dependence. The two Teeth with which this same Lewis was born, are called, one the Usurping, and the other the Cruel; from the first proceeds Dependence and Jurisdiction, and from the latter breach of Faith and Persecution. It is not to be doubted, but that the King of France, if he should become Master of Spain, would be first invested with Portugall; for the Spaniards have enjoyed this Kingdom from Philip II. to Philip IV. and it was about the year 1640. when the Portugueses shook off the Yoke of Spain. Sixty years of Possession are more than sufficient to found a right of dependence; there needs but thirty to a private Person, besides that of Jurisdiction, for Portugal is joined with the Kingdom of Castile, arragon, and Grenado. He had not so great a pretence to the Kingdom of Austrasia, and yet he hath deposed the Princes that possessed a part of the Territories of that Kingdom for more than six hundred years. Fear guards the Vineyard, and Distrust is often the Mother of Safety.  
If I were to speak to Savages, or the Kings of Siam and China, since they are ignorant of what happens in our part of the World, it would be necessary to give them an Historical Account of all the Tricks that France hath played in this Age, and of all the Frauds, Illusions, Usurpations, Injustice, and Cruelty, that the King now reigning there hath made use of, to make himself Master of the Goods and Lands of his neighbours. But I speak to Europeans, to Christians, who have seen with their Eyes and heard with their Ears, and have continually before them Princes robbed of their Dominions, so many People ruined, so many Cities and Towns taken, and so many Houses that are no more than the Monuments of thousands of Christians reduced to beggary, and the blood of his own Subjects, that yet blows like a strong Stream on all sides; these are I say speaking Books, wherein you may red throughout in great Characters, LEWIS THE GREAT, SACRIFICETH ALL THINGS TO HIS AMBITION AND INTEREST. And although all the World knows it, and there is not a Prince that hath not been deceived by him; nevertheless he is so well skilled in stupefying them, with a sweet shower of Gold, that many cry out, Lord, what wouldst thou have us to do, and run insensibly with delight to their own Destruction, and to the ruin of their Posterity.  
Europe hath need of a good Operatour to cause the seals to fall from the Eyes of many Princes, and at length to open them, to the end that every one clearly seeing his own Interest, may forsake that of France, and that they may endeavour to find him a competitor, that may be able to counterpoise him, to keep him within bounds, and to put him out of a capacity of troubling the Earth with his Ambition. There needs but one stroke for this, which nevertheless I shall not mention, for all Europe seeth it, and it may happen whensoever it shall please the Divine wisdom of the true Universal Monarch, and King of Kings, to order it. We may wish Lewis XIV. a long life, to the end that he may be a witness of these things, and that he may see another Joshua ready to stop the course of his Sun, after whom the Nations of the Earth do groan and make fervent Prayers.   

The Policy and Maxims of France, with respect to its Allies, the Cantons of Switzerland, and Savoy.  
THE Cantons of Switzerland, being Free and Sovereign States, are governed by themselves, and depend only on God and their own valour. They are in part Reformed, and in part roman-catholics; and it is this diversity of Religion that often causeth a dispute amongst them, and gives great advantages to the King of France, who makes use of the easiness of the latter, to fling the apple of discord in the middle of them. Heretofore, by good fortune to the Cantons, no part of them was in the confines of France, but since the Peace of Henry IV. with the Duke of Savoy, the country of Gex was granted to that King. Afterwards France, that always advanceth, hath usurped in Alsatia, the Franche Comté, and Bourgogne, and is now become a Nighbour to the swissers on three or four sides; but Lewis XIV. hot being content with this, hath had a mind to approach nearer than his Fore-fathers, by the Fortress of Huninghen, that is, as we all know, within a canonshot of Basil, the governor having not long since made trial thereof. Switzerland hath committed an error in this point, viz. in making herself a little too familiar with the Kings of France, who have thereby discovered their strength and their weakness, and after what manner they manage their affairs, insomuch that whensoever they shall have any contest with this Prince, it will always happen, as is said in the Fable of the Iron Pot and the Earthen Pot. Secondly, In sending so great a quantity of Soldiers into the French service; these are so many men lost as to the Cantons, and who knows but one day they may, like Vipours, eat through the Bowels of their own native country, and common Mother? There are few swissers, Officers in France, that do not suffer themselves to be corrupted by Marriages, and to be blinded with Preferments, and Louy-d'ors, and several of them abjure their Religion and their country both together, and would sacrifice, as Lieutenant-General Stoupa did, thirteen Cantons twice to the Interest of France; he is not the only person of the cabal left, he hath by mishap many Disciples. There are few that will imitate the Sr. Dasselouer of Bern, formerly a Captain in the King's Service, who choose rather to break his Pike, and to quit his employment, than to break the Treaty that his Sovereigns had made, by passing over the Rhine against the Hollanders. They have failed also another way, and that is, in tying their Arms so as not to be able to give the same number of troops to Spain as they do to France; this restriction maketh more for the French than they are ware of. They cannot disagree in the least, without suffering themselves to be bridled by the Fort of Huninghen, that sufficiently discovers the King's design, all the Clefts whereof are so many Mouths that cry to them, Awake, ye drowsy People, and look towards me, that am as it were the Emblem of the Usurper, and a pyramid adorned in token of your Liberty.  
But if this be not sufficient for the Cantons to make a serious reflection on the proceedings of Lewis XIV. with respect to them, at least the canonshot that the governor of Huningher discharged against the City of Basil ought to open their eyes; for the Usurper advanceth very fast, and it is to be no longer doubted, but this Prince, when he shall see a fair opportunity, will raise a german quarrel with them; pretences are never wanting to Princes, and he will begin to order in good earnest, that the Bishop of Basil, and others, be restored, and that their arrearages be paid them, from the time that they were compelled to leave the City; but if he were obliged to come by force, and he should gain the least advantage, since the People of the Cantons are lovers of Peace, to obtain it he would demand every year a Medal, for a mark of Tribute, as he did to the Hollanders, and a certain number of Soldiers that the swissers should be obliged to furnish him with, on the first Summons, and he would place Bishops as so many Emissaries in all the best Cities.  
I say, that the Kingof France makes use of the diversity of the Religion of the Cantons, to foment a disunion between them, as we have seen of late in the affair of Glaris; wherein, if the Pope's Nuncio had not been mediator, he had kindled the first Sparks of a great Fire and Division among them; and this is that which Lewis XIV. aims at, the better to promote his affairs, and his pretended Reign over Europe. The Roman catholics of this Nation are for the most part ignorant in their Religion, and stupid, cleaving to the Shell thereof, without penetrating any farther; the very Name of a catholic transports them, and sets them in motion, without inquiring to what end; but let them dis-abuse themselves once for all, and let them not suffer themselves to be deceived under the name of catholic; 'tis a false Mask that this Prince puts on the better to delude, and bring them to the lure, to the end that he may divide them; and when he hath set them together by the ears, to fall upon Basil, or Geneva, or it may be, on both together; these are limits that ought to be in a manner sacred, which all the Cantons ought never to let him touch, but to defend them stoutly with their Arms in their hands, to the last drop of their blood; for when once this passage is open, and the Fire of Discord lighted amongst them, they are utterly lost, without remedy, and of Free swissers they will become French Slaves. But if the swissers in general take care to preserve a good union among themselves, and do but show their Teeth to the Usurper, testifying that they are resolved to maintain and defend that which belongs to them, they may be assured, that the King of France will do nothing but bark at them at a distance. On the contrary, if they do not show more heat, and are not more solicitous for these two Cities than they were for the Franche Comté, it is certain, that making no more resistance, they run apace to their Destruction and total ruin. I know very well, that France will not absolutely subdue them, but will make them Tributaries. They are at present Free and Sovereign, but let them take heed, that the yoke be not put over their Neck, and let them remember their ancient courage, and that their country hath often served as a burying place for the French, whom they have put to a shameful flight. The City of Geneva is a morsel that France hath longed for a great while ago, ever since she hath appropriated to herself the country of Gex; it seems that republic belongs to that Jurisdiction. They have long since muttered in the Court of France, that they would re-establish the Bishop who is a Savoyard, whom the Duke of Savoy should name, and should cause him to reside at his Court, there to claim his right. If it were as easy for the Most Christian King to re-establish the Bishop in Geneva, as it hath been to settle a Resident there, it would have been done long before this time. Since this Resident is fallen in our way, it may not be amiss to speak a word or two concerning his Residence: You must know that he is as necessary as a fifth Wheel in a Chariot, since his Office is there only to receive the Packets of Letters from Switzerland for the Court, that was formerly done by a a Merchant; so that the Wages and Employment of such a Minister would be very useless if there were not other regards: I believe also, that he could afford himself but a very spare diet, if he had no other income but that which France allows him; and if he were not in fee with the better part of the Clergy. I remember, that one name Chavigni, the first that filled this honourable Place, was a miserable wretch, whom Mr. de pompion, had often taken out of Fort l'Eveque, where he was a Prisoner for Debt, and sent him thither to disengage himself, where he made a Trade of the catholic Religion; every Sunday, or Festival, was to him a day of receipt; for every Savoyard that came to hear Mass, came also to the Offering, and gave four or five Sous under pretence of maintenance for the Church, and the Priest, or rather, for Mr. the Resident, who besides set up a sort of an Inn, to entertain them at Dinner; the poor Fellow was forced to make a Fire with any sort of Fuel, for he had lived on charity at Paris, being formerly compelled to leave Provence, by reason of certain false five-penny Pieces that he had exposed, where he hath been reduced to the last extremity; and all this noise that he made at Geneva, was only to oblige the Magistrate to grease him in the fist, and privately to make him some present. But since his Secretary had changed Religion, and he gave his Almoner a Box on the ear for speaking in favour of the Protestants, after a Sermon that they were come from hearing; since that time, I say, his folly hath been made apparent, and he was countermanded, and another, more rational and wise, took his place. On account of the design that the King hath on this City, it is necessary for him, at present, to keep a Resident there, to be informed of what happens, and of their strength and weakness, and to corrupt some Magistrate, if he can, as at Strasbourg. The Attempt heretofore of the Duke of Savoy ought to be continually before their eyes; for it is certain that the King of France, howsoever he may amuse them, waits but for a time convenient to spring his Mine, and to play such another prank as he did at Strasbourg. Therefore the People of Geneva ought to be always on their guard, and to dispose their. Allies to sand them auxiliary Forces, as soon as the grand Usurper shall advance, for at present he delays the blow; and he hath ordered the matter so well, that the Duke of Savoy is become his lackey, and durst not so much as blow on the side of France. Heretofore the Dukes, his ancestors, defended the City of Geneva against France, as much as the Inhabitants themselves, they had greater reasons than France hath at this day, by the pretensions they had, and the rights that the Counts of Geneva, have demised to the Duke of Savoy. The Emperour Charles IV. proclaimed this Duke Prince of Geneva, and of all the adjacent country, and they have enjoyed it till the year 1532. But the Duke at present reigning, being very far from opposing France, is rather willing to yield up his Rights and Pretensions, and suffers himself to be alured by the pretence of re-establishing the Bishop. And when this Prelate shall be there, and France shall be Mistress of the Place, what will the Duke of Savoy do, if the King will not restore him? will he make use of threatenings or rakehells? If he should do it, the King of France would whip him as a little Child, and would make him kiss the Rod. Therefore let not the City of Geneva flatter herself with the deceitful Promises of the King of France, nor with the assistance that Policy or good reason may oblige the Duke of Savoy to afford her; but let her trust on her Allies, the Cantons of Switzerland, on her own Forces though few, and on so many French Officers that have took sanctuary there, who will not fail speedily to go to her relief, or they must have lost all sense of honour and acknowledgement. And if the Emperour makes a Peace with the Turks, they may cause the Duke of lorraine to come to their Succour, who is a great Captain, and laden with laurels, whose very name alone will make France tremble; and this may serve him for a Door to enter into his own duchy of lorraine, where his Subjects, wearied with the tyrannical slavery of France, do attend him as their Moses and deliverer.  
The King is a Fox clothed in a Lyon's skin; he is not so terrible as he he is thought to be, he aims at nothing so much as to make himself feared, and by his threatenings he obtains whatsoever he pleaseth. But lay aside this panic fear, look on France near, and with a sedate mind, consider the continual flight of her Inhabitants, the Miseries and Imprisonments of another party; it is so much blood that runs out of her Veins, and hath weakened her by little and little. Join to this the just discontents of catholics, and the diminution of her Revenues, and what is most deplorable for her, the death and departure of her greatest Generals, within these few years, and very soon one after another; doth it not seem, to see this scene, that Heaven designs to humble her? for she is lower than can be imagined, and I dare say that this France so proud, is as sick as her King, and that they are both smitten, even to the very root.  
The first Enemy that shall attack her will not be long alone, but will be quickly seconded; and it is much the same case, as in the Fable of the Council of the Rats, who deliberated how to tie a little Bell about the Neck of the Cat, their sworn Enemy, but none of them would venture to go first. Who would ever have thought that the Pope should have contributed to the union of the Swisses? nevertheless this is very true, as appears by the affair of Glaris, that I have already related, and his Nuncio doth at this time labour to open the eyes of the catholic Cantons; for these good People, provided the King do but talk a little about settling the Bishop, without any more to do, are ready to get into the Net, but they do not perceive what is behind the Mountain, and that under the Bishop's Mitre the Usurper lies hide.  
I have but one word more to add by way of advice to the worshipful Cantons of Switzerland, and that is, that the King hath no esteem nor good will towards them, but that he looks upon them as Asses to make use of when he hath occasion, and when that is over, he scorns them as the very refuse of Mankind. I need no other proof of what I say, than that which hath very lately happened to the ambassadors that the Cantons sent to the King of France, who, after they had been trifled with, and not admitted to audience, under pretence that their Commission was not general, and this difficulty being removed by a second Commission that was sent them, were nevertheless obliged to return, without being able so much as to see the King, or to obtain one single Audience. This is the greatest Scorn, and the most sensible Affront that ever a Sovereign could receive, and if the Cantons let this pass, without testifying their Resentment, they will be despised by all the Princes of Europe, and this will not be the the last abuse that will be put upon them in the like nature. But for the better certification of the truth of what I now relate, I have annexed the Speech or Compliment, word for word, that these Gentlemen left at their parting with Colbert Croissi, Minister of foreign affairs.  
Sir,  
Our Lords and superiors have sent us hither to use all means, and to make all instances to endeavour to gain the good will of the King, to the end that he may be induced to maintain their Allies, the City of Geneva, in the possession of what they have enjoyed for above an hundred and eighty years, founded on good Treaties.  
But his Majesty being resolved to refer to his Parliament of Dijon, an affair that is clearly owned as a matter of State, depending on Treaties of Peace and Alliances, which Parliament our Lords will never aclowledge as just, nor will advice their Allies, the City of Geneva, to submit their Cause to it, which is also their own; and besides, His Majesty having given us to understand by Your Excellency, that He would not have You any longer enter into Conference with us on this affair; we fear lest our stay here may be as displeasing to Him as our coming, and we cannot make a better choice, than to return, to give a faithful account to our Lords and superiors of what hath passed.  
We are come hither to take leave of your Excellency, to thank you for the patience you have had in several Conferences, and to tell you according to the reiterated Orders wherewith we are charged on the part of our Lords and superiors, though most sensibly touched with the ill success of this Embassy, since the solicitation of twenty five Canons is more regarded, than the fidelity of many thousands of better and more firm Allies of this Crown, who have spilled their blood, and sacrificed so many brave People, for the service, grandeur, and defence of this State; that nevertheless they will continue in their Treaty of Peace, and in their Alliance, in the hopes that they have always had, and yet have; that his Majesty, to whom, with all the Royal Family, they wish an entire prosperity, will answer it on his side. As to us( Sir) in particular, though we have not had the happiness to see his Majesty, we cannot but wish him a continuation of Health to his Person, and assure your Excellency of the esteem and respect that we have, and always shall have, for his merits, and excellent virtue, protesting that we are in particular his most humble Servants.  
After so sensible an affront ought these ambassadors to be mocked? and durst they be so bold as to offer them in the Persons of their Sovereigns a Present of a Chain of Gold of 500 Crowns? this were to believe them interested and covetous of Presents: If after such an abuse an ambassador had accepted it, he would have deserved to be hanged with this golden Halter. By this denial of Audience the Cantons may see the Temper and design of France; who hath ever heard of or seen the like, that they should sand a free and Sovereign republic to a Parliament, depending on their own Party, as the King sends Geneva to the Parliament of Dijon? they might with more reason and justice be referred to the Parliament of Turin.  
Behold the equity of this great King of France, that would be a Judge and a Party every where, and would have all Europe depend on his Judges, some at Metz, and others at Dijon, and Aix in Provence, as he at present hath obliged the People of Orange! But it is to be hoped that the Gentlemen of Geneva will not submit themselves to these unjust Judges; for if they do, they will not fail to lose their cause, and after that, they will make a new pretention, till they have put the Chain on their Feet; and thus losing their Liberty and their City, they will become the Slaves of France, a Victim Sacrificed to the jesuits, and the conquest of Lewis the Great. They will certainly fall into this condition, if they do not fortify themselves in time, and prepare for his coming, for he will come and visit them, as he did Genoa: They ought not to flatter themselves with the contrary, but when he approacheth, to resolve to sacrifice their Lives and Fortunes to their Liberty, rather than to the Ambition of a Prince that would be their Antiochus and bloody Master, that would snatch their Children out of their arms, to put them into the hands of jesuits, to cause them to abandon their Parents Religion, and all the Duties of Christians; if they will not obey, he will drag them to the Scaffold, and fling their carcases to the Dogs; but if he should, out of a particular favour, treat them more mildly, he would sand them to be companions with his own Subjects in the Prisons, and Galleys, in America. This is the cruel and violent Spirit of France, and take heed thereof.   

That Lewis XIV. King of France, is nothing less than a catholic.  
I Shall finish this little Treatise with this Chapter, wherein I design to show that the King of France is not in the least a catholic, and that it is only a Cloak, with which he covers himself, to play his game the better, and to obtain his ambitious designs. And although he makes a great noise with that Name at Rome, and every where among Princes of that Profession, yet I find that he is far from it, and I shall allege nothing here, for the proof thereof but truths that are known to all the World.  
All those that call themselves catholics, and go to Mass, are no more to be accounted so for that, than all those that are Baptized are true Christians, otherwise it would follow that Julian the Apostate, Arins, and many others were so, notwithstanding they are reckoned among the Impostors and Antichrists. He is a catholic that doth the Works, and and leads the Life of a catholic. Take off the Mask of hypocrisy, and you shall sinned nothing but antichristianism, and if you make a strict enquiry, you will not see the least trace that is catholic. I am persuaded that the marquis de Montespan will be a Witness of what I say: You must not look for him in Italy, but at Versailles. The catholic Church doth not permit Perjury, nor the breaking of the most Solemn Oaths, made at the foot of the Altar at a Communion, as was that which the King made at the Pyranean Peace, and at his Marriage with the Infanta of Spain, since that time Queen of France. The Sacred Oath that this Prince took, for the observation of the Edicts of Pacification, in favour of a part of his People, are they not violated every day, and absolutely retracted under frivolous pretences, quiter contrary to what he had sworn and promised so solemnly? Pope Gregory spake very much like a Christian when he maintained, that we are truly catholics, and faithful when we fulfil that by our actions which we have promised by our own words, and St. Jerome; that we ought to keep faith, even with an Enemy. That we ought not to regard to whom, but by whom we swear. Thus you see the duty of a catholic; but I would know if Lewis XIV. doth practise it, and if he do not, according to the Opinion of this very Pope, he is not a catholic.  
But can this Prince be called a catholic, after that which he hath commanded to be done by his troops in the last Troubles of Flanders, where in a full Peace he burnt and pillaged the poor People, not so much as sparing the most sacred places, ravishing the Virgins dedicated to the Service of God, and carrying away the very Ornaments of the Altar.  
The catholic Church doth not aclowledge as a Member a Prince that persecuteth his own People, that would be to dishonour her, for the true Church may be persecuted, but she never persecuteth; she preys for those that are separated from her, and would not that the Fire of Heaven should fall upon them. The present Pope writing to the King of France, on occasion of his Conversions, being far from congratulating him, and rejoicing thereat, disapproves them, showing him that they ought to be carried on with solid reasons and good example, and not with violence and oppression.  
The Roman catholic Church doth not aclowledge any for her Members, but those that submit to her, and her Head as the infallible Vicar of Jesus Christ. Lewis XIV. being far from this, hath snatched out of his hands the Patrimony of the Church, the Regalia in France and part of his Authority, in the Assembly of the Clergy of his Kingdom held at Paris in the year 1682. doth not he still usurp his right every day, and promote a Schism in his Kingdom, and if the Pope testifies the least resentment, they will talk of a Patriarch, and they will seize on Avignon? what a noise hath the King made, and still makes, concerning the Franchise of his Ambassadour's Quarters in Rome, which, to say the truth, hath served only for a retreat and place of refuge for Bankrupts, Robbers, and Murtherers.  
The marquis de Lavardin, in making his Entry into Rome, has choose rather to Act the Fox than the lion, as hath appeared since, having determined nothing positively when he was asked the meaning of his Entry; so that being engaged in nothing on the one side nor other, it will be always reasonable hereafter to set up his Master's will, as we shall see in time, when the Fleet of Provence shall be before Civita Vecchia, and the other part of the Pope's Dominions; besides it is convenient to spin a fine Thread in the beginning, to endeavour to obtain the Bull for the Cardinal of Farstemburg, for France was assured of his nomination to the Co-adjutorship of Colen; the Chapter, as 'tis said, had fingered the King's Money, and were enrolled and their Votes sold, there was no way for them to go back. Insomuch that when the marquis de Lavardin entred into Rome, the Affair was as good as done, and the King looked upon it as certain; but he was deceived as to the Bull, for he thought that the Pope, who is wise, naturally mildred, and that loveth not a noise, would have yielded at the Arrival of his ambassador, and that the spiritual would have complied with the temporal; but he was mistaken in his reckoning, and he hath found the firmness of resolution and vigour in an old man, that he could not have expected in a young; for if the Pope should submit, it would give an advantage to the Gallican Church, or her Clergy, and would confirm their Decree in 1682. That the Pope is not infallible. In the mean time behold the marquis de Lavardin in Rome keeping guard day and night, and surrounding the Farnetian Palace, as if it were a Fort evironed with Enemies, in sight of the Pope and the whole Conclave. After all these outrageous insolences offered to the most eminent Person in the Church, the reputed Vicar of Jesus Christ, and successor of St. Peter, what can be more? what reproaches are these that Talon the King's Advocate, hath not belched out against his Holiness, and the Cardinals his Counsellors, accusing the former of being a favourer of heresy, Jansenism and Quietism, and a thousand other impertinences, as may be seen more at large, in the demand of the said Sir Talon, in the Parliament of Paris, and by the Protestation of the ambassador, that he hath posted up at Rome, the expressions whereof are so opprobrious, that they deserve to be burnt, though they were reflections only on a private Person: But when they have power in their hand, they think they have a right to do and to say what they please: But the Holy Father who is wise and sagacious will let him alone to act, and it may be, his great Modesty and prudent Conduct may oblige the King to come to himself, and to aclowledge the injury he hath done, and that the Pope is Master at home, and can abolish and take away the Franchise of the Quarters, when he shall judge it expedient for the quiet of his City, his People, and his own Conscience.  
After all that I have now related concerning Lewis XIV. surely there are none, no not a jesuit himself, that durst affirm that he is a good catholic, for going to Mass, is not a certain Mark; the new Converts of France go thither, and nevertheless are very bad catholics. I have seen Turks there, and on the Festival of St. Eloi, abundance of cattle that they blessed on that day.  
Neither is the being a good friend of the jesuits an infallible mark; the King of Siam, as great an Idolater as he is, is so, according to the report of the jesuits that come from thence. There are perhaps particular reasons for this, and fear causeth the King to manage them, for he knows very well that they are Spaniards by inclination, as their General is by birth, and that Father Cotton wrote in Spain all the Confessions of Henry IV. and that after the death of that King, the same Father presenting himself to Lewis XIII. his Son, to be his confessor, this Prince, as young as he was, had the wit to answer, either of himself or by instigation, No, for he will writ in Spain, as he hath done concerning my Father.  
I have said that fear often createth circumspection; Henry the IV. was not free, when he had a mind to recall them into France, for when the Duke de Sully dissuaded him from it, he  told him in a heat, Assure me there of my Life: this was a sign that they had possessed him with fear, and that those that solicited for their favour and return, had assured the King, that if he did not do it, he would run the risk of being assassinated by these good Fathers, or their Scholars. The King also knoweth, that notwithstanding their being called back, it hath cost this good Prince his Grand-Father his life, and that John Chastel, and Francis Ravaillae, had been two of their Scholars, whom they had stirred up to do this, ad majorem Dei Gloriam. It is not to be doubted, but that the King is not ignorant, that among the Records of the Parliament of Paris, there is a Book wrote with their Father Guignard's own hand, where these Clauses are inserted, in speaking of Henry III. That the cruel Nero hath been killed by a Clement, and the counterfeit Monk by a true Monk; that the heroical Act done by James Clement, as a Gift of the Holy Ghost, called by this name by our Divines, hath been justly praised by the late Prior of the Jacobin's confessor and Martyr, for several reasons.  
The man of Bearn, at present converted to the catholic Faith, would be treated more favourably than he deserved, if they should give him the Monarchall Crown; that if they could not depose him without War, they should wage War; and if they could not make a War, they should kill him.  
Thus, when life lies at stake, every thing lies at stake, and men will do much for their own preservation; who knows but these good Fathers have  told the King now reigning, that if he do not extirpate the Huguonots out of his Kingdom, always ad majorem Dei Gloriam, he is in jeopardy of his life. But besides fear, there are other probable reasons that oblige him to entertain and make use of them; one is that they are very indulgent at Confession, and great Crimes before them, are no more than peccadilloes; this is that which cannot be hoped for from an humble Capuchin, who would be often scandalised at the very hearing of them name.  
Another reason is, that I find a great Sympathy between the disposition and temper of the King and that of the jesuits, a true parallel might be drawn thereof, these last being bloodthirsty, crafty, intriguing, spying into all Courts, and proud, sacrificing all to their own Interests. Morever, the jesuits have some credit at Rome, where the King must necessary keep Emissaries. Thus on all these considerations, it is not to be wondered at, that the most Christian King is a Friend of the Society, since he makes use of them as occasion serves, having found them altogether disposed to stick to the strongest side, as agreeing best with their Policy, as well as that of France; these Fathers concurring also on their part, to deceive and stupefy the catholic Princes, under pretence of conversion, and expiating heresy. The jesuits being called the Pillars of the Church, their testimony is of great weight. To delude the jesuits themselves the better, the King only follows their Counsel, to persecute the Huguonots in his Kingdom; besides, do you reckon for nothing the hopes that he gives them to settle them, in a little time, in the Territories of Protestant Princes, and States? they have already begun in England, they declare that they will not stop there, but will go farther, and that the year 1672. will return again. They had already shared their Houses or Colleges; they were to have two in Amsterdam, because of its greatness, and in the other Cities proportionably; their new conquest over the Prorestants being of great consequence to them, as a Land newly purged. Thus if the King be a friend of the jesuits, it is not through a motive of Religion, but of Interest and Fear.  
What mark of Catholickship had the King of France when he made a League with cronwell to take the Low Countries, and to drive Charles II. the lawful successor to the Crown of England, out of this Kingdom, who in his heart was a good catholic, though afterwards for public reasons, he was obliged to seem otherwise?  
Again, what mark of Catholickship is there in a Prince that assists Count Teckeley, and that is in League with the Turks against the Emperour, in a King that forbis, throughout his Kingdom, the Bishops and Curates to cause Te Deum laudamus to be sung for the Victories of the Christians over the Turks, and that hinders, by the witchcraft of his money, the King of Poland from prosecuting the War, on his, side against the same Infidels, to give them means to employ all the Ottoman Forces against the Emperour, and to compel him to abandon those Countries that he hath acquired at the price of so much Christian Blood?  
What Catholickship can you find in the King's proceedings against the Cities of Genoua, and Orange, where he hath no Right? Hence it appears, by all that I have how alleged, that this Name of Most Christian, and of a zealous catholic, that the King affects, is only a deceitful Mask of Hypocrasie to delude the catholic Princes, to the end he may play his pranks the better, and make himself Master of them, one after another. And if the King of England should have a mind to hinder him, he alone being best able to do it, and should cause the People of the Church of England to be raised against him, he would sand them Money and Officers, as he did to cronwell. Insomuch that it may be said of the King of France, that he makes himself all things to all; when his Interest is concerned, he enters in League with the Turks, Huguonots, Gentiles, or Pagans, even against the catholics themselves, if it be requisite for the promoting his grandeur, and for the attaining to the Universal Monarchy of Europe. Behold the true Religion of the King, and the present politic Constitution of France.  
FINIS.