THE HISTORY of the WARS of the Emperor JUSTINIAN in VIII. Books  
Of the 

Persian. TWO  
Vandal. TWO  
Gothicke. IV    
Written in Greek by PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA. & Englished by HEN: HOLCROFT KT.    

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS Of the Emperor JUSTINIAN IN EIGHT BOOKS.  
Of the 

Persian, II.  
Vandal, II.  
Gothicke, IU.    
Written in Greek by PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA. AND Englished by Henry Holcroft, Knight.  
LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and are to be sold at his shop at the Prince's Arms in St Paul's Churchyard. 1653.   

The Preface.  
AMidst the throng of Historians, we have very few who were personally concerned in the actions they writ of: few having, like Caesar, wrote their own Commentaries: Nay, the greatest part were not then in being; and so their Reports are but Conjectures, and their Books, transmitted to Posterity, are their Divination rather than their History. And, alas, those few who were Contemporary to their own story, how biased are their Traditions! how are they commonly so factioned and sided, that their Relations are but their Interests; delivering downwards not what they knew; but what they inclined to. And if any one amongst them be so unbiased, that he have no partial bent of his own, yet the awe which Princes or Generals have upon him, makes him many times fear, that his Truth shall be his Gaol, or Exile; all which considering, the wary Author writes not a History, but his own Safety. But Procopius (as every one knows) was not only alive in the times which he wrote of, but did for many years survive not only the finishing of his History, but the publication also; and was a very material concerned Agent in all these Wars. And for his Impartial writing, take first his own word for it, where he says about the beginning of all, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. He conceived indeed that Eloquence was decent in an Orator, and that Poets might be excused for their Fables, but an Historian must vent nothing but Truth: And then he goes on; Wherefore he hath not spared his dearest friends, and be their faults committed upon what terms they will, he fails not to charge them home with them. But if his own assertion will not serve the turn, go but along with him in his History, and thou shalt see, that (while Agathias and Epiphanensis, two learned Writers, about the same time with Procopius, who if they chance to let any thing fall to the discredit of Justinian, or the Senators, they do it with exceeding great temper and caution, were yet fain to conceal their Commentaries with Mauritius the Emperor) Procopius freely lays about him, sweetens no man's vices, cloaks no man's miscarriage, but impartially discoursing of Justinian, and the great ones, doth as much arraign, as relate them to posterity. He severely indites John the Praetorian Prosect of flat impiety, Tribomanus the Quaestor of grating avarice, Arethas the General for his deceitful and faithless wit; and then he recounts the particular Bands of Soldiers, the several Garrisons and Cities, which became either a prey to the enemy, or were utterly destroyed by the base and unworthy demeanour of Bessas', Acacius, and the other Quaestor. He solemnly rebukes Verus for his intemperance, Sergius for his haughty disdain and effeminacy, Maximinus for his sloth, and his general ignorance in Martial affairs. And which is yet much more than all the rest, the gallant Belisarius, whose wise and valiant conduct (to omit his many other glorious achievements) did reduce two Kings, and brought them captives to Constantinople, and to whose fame and renown the whole History seems to be one entire Sacrifice, did but once manage his affairs amiss, and he hears sharply of it from Procopius; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Belisarius then returned to Constantinople with disrepute; for during five whole years together, he could gain no footing in Italy, but in all that time was forced to waft himself by stealth from one Port-town to another; whereupon the enemy did subdue both Rome herself, & all other places with greater security. And as for Perusia, a chief City in Tuscany, he left it straight besieged, and it was afterwards taken by the enemy, whilst he marched for Constantinople. Nor doth Justinian himself escape his chastisement; for he often inculcates his unworthy detaining the Soldiers pay, his sleepy neglect of Military preparations, and his profuse reception of the vilest Barbarian, Isdigunas the Persian Ambassador. How he handles his vices elsewhere, concerns not our present purpose; but evident it is, that all the countenance and indulgence, all the promotions and advancements (hereafter mentioned) bestowed upon him by the Emperor, were looked upon by Procopius, as encouragements to serve, not slatter his Prince; and as the rewards of his Loyalty, not the bribes of his Secrecy. And all this did Procopius publish, the parties themselves being then alive. Which severity of his, as it cannot choose but reconcile a great opinion and commendation of his veracity, so is it no emergency of hatred or calumny, but of clear dealing and integrity; not his satire against the Persons, but his just remorse for the Vices.  
But though Procopius did publish this History in his own life time, yet it hath since been the fate of this (as Nicolaus Alemannus observes, not of this only, but of all the other writings of this worthy Author) to be exposed maim, and mangled to the world. For though it was at first presented to Justinian the Roman Emperor by Procopius himself, and by him also dispersed in its native integrity, whereby it became the delight and darling of the whole Empire; Yet this happiness befell it for many hundred years before Printing was known. For the first man that committed it to the Press, was Leonardus Aretinus, who published that part of it which doth relate to the Gothick Wars; and in that also he put a trick upon the World, much misbeseeming so learned a man; for he quite suppressed the Greek copy, and concealing the right Author's name, set forth a Latin Translation of his own, pretending it to be a Collection compiled by himself out of several Writers, and styling it De Bello Italico, A Tract concerning the Wars of Italy. Now the Greek Copy of this Translation of Aretinus doth Blondus Flavius recount to have been by his industry first brought into Italy. But he for his part, since his copy wants some passages, of which we are now provided, and seeing he inveighs against some things which we find to be currant and justifiable, in those Editions which are abroad; was either deluded by the old Manuscript which he had by him, or else by the person who translated it for him. For he might very well have forborn his censure, seeing he confesses himself to be altogether ignorant in the Greek Tongue. Christophorus Persona resenting the injury done to Procopius by that Addition of Leonardus, did indeed restore him to his right again, calling the Book by his name, and translating it out of the Original Greek. And yet his Edition also is lame and infirm, being deprived of many parts. After all these, Raphael Volateranus did publish in Latin the remaining Books, namely of the Vandal and Persian Wars; but he also made use of as imperfect a Copy as Persona did. So that neither of them, though they were both Library-keepers of the Vatican in Rome, did translate out of the Vatican Copy.  
And now, Reader, since the imposture of some, and the ignorance or misfortune of others, hath till of late delivered this Author to posterity either as a spurious issue, or at best a cripple; Consider how much thou art indebted to the memory of the deceased Knight, the learned Translator; who hath been so careful to hand it over to thee, not only rendered in thy own language, that so thou mayest the better understand it; but also conferred and examined by the most Authentic Copies, that so thou mayst the safer credit it. The Greek Edition which he hath translated for thee, is that of David Hoeschelius, who being about to set forth this History, did first furnish himself with three several Manuscripts of the same Book; one out of the Duke of Bavaria's Library, the other two sent him by Joseph Scaliger, and Isaac Casaubon, both which had undergone their judicious Master's Castigations before. Hoeschelius made choice of the Bavarian Copy, finding it the most perfect and entire of the three. But so, as where ever he met with any various Readins in the other two, he hath placed them in the Margin.  
In the Translation of these Books of Procopius into English, Sir Henry Holcroft doth exercise the same judicious liberty which Alemannus takes to himself, in rendering the Arcana Historia, written by the same Author, into Latin; not confining himself to the strict words of the Author (a course taken even by St. Jerom himself) but giving faithfully his sense and meaning: Well knowing, that all Languages have their peculiar Idioms, which being rendered word by word, would make a strange confusion, and impropriety in that Language into which they are cast. And though the Learned Knight be not (as I have said) so impertinently punctual to match the Author word by word, yet the Reader may be assured, that he hath most severely pursued his intentions; so that if Procopius were now alive, and skilled in our Language, it would never repent him, that his Book speaks English. And though I shall not (with Alemannus) charge Procopius himself with the imputation of Tautologies, and too prodigal Periphrases (allowing much to the luxuriance of the Greek tongue) yet I can safely ascertain the Reader, he shall find this discourse far more contract and close, than in the Author himself; and so his expectation shall not linger so long, e'er it be satisfied with the Events: And that nevertheless, he shall perceive no Material, nor Circumstance omitted: As the Logicians confined Fist doth strike as smart, and as through a blow, as the diffused Orators expanded Palm.  
Where the injury of Time, or neglect of Transcribers hath left any breach, or Chasm in the Greek Copy (which in several places of this History doth unhappily befall) the knowing Translator hath supplied the defect out of the Latin copies. And where the Translator himself hath suffered any impair, or casually committed some mistakes, they are both relieved by the able pen of Mr. Edmund Chilmead, by his exact comparing of the English with the Greek.  
I shall now proceed to acquaint the Reader with some farther account of the Author, and this History. Procopius was born in Caesarea, a City of Palestine, and in the reign of Anastasius the Emperor came to Constaminople; where approving himself a person of excellent parts, general Learning, and exceeding great Prudence, he soon turned the eyes of the chiefest Romans upon him. Insomuch that Justine the elder, when his Empire was in very great straits (the Persians being then Victors over the Romans in War) did prefer Procopius to Belisarius the General, to be of his Counsel. Suidas styles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Secretary to Belisarius; but He himself, who best knew his own employment, tells us about the beginning of the Persian History; that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Belisarius his Assessor. What profession he was of before he arrived at this, and other places of trust and honour, is variously delivered by several Authors. Evagrius, and Agathias call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Oratorem; Suidas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To explain which words, saith Hoeschelius, Ille est Orator, qui causas in concione, in foro, in senatu agit; hic Latinis Rhetor, qui in scholis docet artem Oratoriam. Him the Latins call an Orator, who pleads at the Bar; and him a Rhetorician, who teaches the art of Rhetoric in the Schools. Blondus, and Sabellicus conceit he was a Physician: But the three former are doubtless so far in the right, as they all agree that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Orator, or Lawyer, and that by reason of his employment under Belisarius. For, as Alemannus judiciously observes, Ex eo ordine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Consiliarii, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Assessores, exercitus ducibus summisque Magistratibus dabantur. Counsellors and Assessors were preferred to the Generals of Armies, and chief Magistrates, out of that Profession. The reason why some Authors are of so different judgement in their opinions concerning the Profession of Procopius, may possibly be, because there were three of that name, Procopius Gazaeus, Procopius Sophista, and our Procopius Caesariensis: Now the truth is, the two former are both called Sophistae, Rhetoricians, and Gazaei too, being both of Gaza; and all three were likewise Countrymen; both Gaza, and Caesarea being in Palestine. The first of these, and ours, lived both in Justinians time; by whom Procopius, our Author, was not only continued in his employment under Belisarius, being never permitted upon any terms, either in the expeditions into Italy or Africa, to be removed from the General, but was prized at so high a rate, that Justinian did conceive the Roman Territories were as much established, and propagated by the integrity and advise of Procopius, as by the valour and prowess of Belisarius. And no sooner was Belisarius called out of Africa, upon his late Victories completed there, but Procopius was sent to Carthage to Solomon, the then General, to secure those parts; which being but newly subdued, were therefore capable of Revolt and Rebellion against the Roman subjection. What employments he had in Persia, Italy, Rome, Naples, and Syracuse, himself discovers in this History; which several actions of his, though he mentions very modestly, and by the by only, as if he reputed them scarce worthy the relation; yet sure we are, they purchased for him so great renown in the Commonwealth, that Justinian did thereupon advance him to the dignity of those persons who the Romans did call Illustres; & hence it is that Suidas gins his account of Procopius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Procopius Illustris of Caesarea in Palestine. After this he was preferred to be a Senator also, & at last having put forth all this History, he arrived at the highest dignity that can befall any Senator, namely ad Vrbanam Praefecturam, to be Perfect of the City; and this was about the 25. of Justinians Reign. About which time he finished that Book, which he durst not then publish, and therefore calls it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his Secret History. And now Justinian, having for (near upon) seventeen years together delighted himself in having this History of his Wars divulged, and read by all the Nations subject to the Roman Sceptre, enjoined our Author to write that Book which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Of the Buildings erected by the Emperor Justinian.  
These are the known Books of Procopius, two whereof being not to our present purpose (though Sir Henry hath (as I am informed by those that should know) translated the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Secret History (a book which none of the Ancients met with, but Suidas only, as appears by Evagrius, Agathias, Epiphanensis, Simeon Metaphrastes in vita S. Sabae, Porphyrius, and Photius in his Bibliothecâ as neither many other Learned men who wrote since Suidas, as Zonaras, Cedrenus, Anonymus in his Chronicon Vatican. & others, amongst whom was Cardinal Baronius, who could never attain the sight of it, though he much desired it & to my own knowledge, Agathias his History, who takes up the story, where Procopius leavs off: All which may see the light, kind Reader, if thy acceptation of this encourage their Impression) that is, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we shall not here render an account of. This History was by the Author divided into 8 books; 7 of them, namely those two concerning the Persian, those other two of the Vandal, & the three first of the Gothick War, as himself affirms in the fourth book, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were already divulged and known throughout all the Roman Dominions. But as to the certain time wherein they were severally published, Writers afford us no certainty. Yet this is most certain, that the books of the Persian and Vandal Wars, and a great part of the books of the Gothick, were finished before the death of Theodora the Empress, that is, before the 22 year of Justinians reign: for in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he writes, that he was enforced in this History to conceal the trains which Theodora laid to destroy Amalasuntha, Queen of the Goths, for fear of Theodora. And likewise our Author makes mention of the publication of all the first seven books, before the 26 of Justinians Reign, in his eighth book of these Wars; which book was written in the 27 of Justinians Reign.  
But this eight book is not so properly called the fourth of the Gothick Wars, because it is indeed Historia quaedam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Miscella, as Alemannus styles it; or as the Author himself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Varia, a miscellany, or History containing the Wars of Justinian with divers Nations. And this eighth book was published about the very time wherein it was written, viz. in the 27 of Justinians Reign.  
To conclude, what great profit and delight is like to arise to the Reader in perusing this History, let himself imagine, when he shall meet here with Prudent Letters & Dispatches from Princes and Generals; Wise Laws and Provisions for the public Safety; Politic Leagues and Confederacies to secure Interests; Elegant Speeches and Exhortations to animate the Soldier; Notable Examples of Vices and Virtures; Inevitable Stratagems to circumvent Adversaries: Lively Descriptions of the Situations of Countries, Cities, Buildings, Hills, Seas, Rivers, and Fountains; Various and Interchangeable Turns and Inconstancies of Wars and Fortunes; in a word, all the Treasury and Wardrobe that can enrich and beautify a History. Take one only remarkable passage concerning the last, in that City, which had been long the aim and envy of the world, Rome herself. Alaricus the Goth gains her from the Romans; Genserick the Vandal doth force her from the Goths; Theodorick the Goth regains her to the Goths; Belisarius the Roman General from the Goths: Totilas the Goth from the Romans again: Belisarius receives her sacked and forsaken by the Goths: Totilas triumphs in her second Conquest: Narses the Eunuch subdues both Tolilas and her. So that in this very History, she is eight several times lost, and recovered.   

The Contents of the Chapters of the first Book of the PERSIAN War.  

CHAP. I. THe preamble of the Author, and of the Roman Archery then.  
CHAP. II. Theodosius the second left to the protection of Isdegerdes, King of Persia. The war of Vararanes, King of Persia, accorded by Anatolius; That neither build fortifications upon the others frontier. Perozes, King of Persia, makes war upon the Ephthalite Huns, and is beaten.  
CHAP. III. Perozes breaking his oath, is destroyed in a pit with his 29. Sons by the Ephthalites. Of a strange pearl. His Son Cabades succeeds; is deposed for making women common by a Law: and imprisoned in the tower of Oblivion.  
CHAP. IU. A digression of the breach of the law of the tower of Oblivion once, and the tragical death of Arsaces' King of Armenia, in the reign of Pacurius. Cabades escapes by the means of his wife and Seoses; Recovers the Kingdom by the aid of the Ephthalites.  
CHAP. VI Captains sent by Anastasius. By their negligence and disunion, the Romans are overthrown. The plot upon Glones, Governor of Amida, and his kill. The recovery of Amida for money.  
CHAP. VII. Anastasius refuses the Caspian gates for the charge. The Persians take them, and maintain the Garrison against the Huns. Anastasius builds Datas, and fortifies Theodosiopolis, contrary to the accord with Anatolius. Justine is Emperor, whom Cabades would have to adopt Chosroes. Photius the Quaestor opposes it. A treaty of peace without effect. Stoses ungratefully ruined.  
CHAP. VIII. Cabades warring against the Iberians, Christians; Their King flies into Lazica; And some Iberians to Constantinople. Belisarius and Sittas invade Persarmenia. Justinian is Emperor alone.  
CHAP. IX. Belisarius, General of the East, is Commander of the Army, with Hermogenes. The duels of Andrew, master of a Wrestling School in Constantinople, and his victories; Letters between Belisarius and Hermogenes, and Mirranes the Persian General.  
CHAP. X. The battle of Daras, and the overthrow of the Persians, by Belisarius and Hermogenes.  
CHAP. XI. A Persian army under Mermeroes' invades Armenia. The victory of Sittas against 30000. Persians. Pharangium delivered to the Romans by Simeones, to get the Persians gold mine there; And Bolus by Isaac a Persarmenian, brother to Narses and Aratius, lately revolted to the Romans, Sittas subdues the Tzanians, a Nation by Mount Taurus and Armenia.  
CHAP. XII. Expostulation of Cabades with Rufinus the Roman Ambassador. The Persians invade the Romans by Comagena, called ●uphratesia; ever formerly having invaded by Mesopotamia. The heads and courses of the Euphrates and Tigris. The golden Comana in Cappadocia built by Orestes, and the Temple of Diana in Tauri.  
CHAP. XIII. This invasion by Comagena, is by the counsel of Alamundarus, a Saracen King, who persuades to set upon Syria and Antioch: The description of Alamundarus.  
CHAP. XIV. Belisarius in Comagena is overthrown by Azarethes, the Persian General. Cabades reviles Azarethes, for his victory. The Persian custom to know their lost men by arrows in baskets.  
CHAP. XV. Justinian would associate the Homerites, and Ethiopians against the Persians. Of the red Sea; Country of Palmtrees. The Auxomites, Blemmyes, Nobates, Ethiopian Nations.  
CHAP. XVI. A digression of some wars between the Ethiopians, Christians, and the Homerits. Aspevedes, and Mermeroes' invade the Romans. Sittas' defends. They besiege Martyropolis.  
CHAP. XVI. Cabades dies. Chosroes his youngest Son succeeds by the help of Mebodes. The siege of Martyropolis is raised. The perpetual peace is made Anno 6. Justiniani; for which Justinian gives 110. Centenaries of gold.  
CHAP. XVIII. A conspiracy against Chosroes by his brother Zames withone eye, who perishes in the plot. The saving of young Cabades by Adergudunbades, is the cause of his ruin. Mebodes, by Chosroes sent to the Tripos, and after slain.  
CHAP. XIX. The Mutiny in Constantinople of the Veneti, and Prasini, called Nica, suppressed by Belisarius. The character of John the Cappadocian, Perfect of the Palace, and Tribonianus, the Quaestor.  
CHAP. XX. John the Cappadocian is ruined by the plot of Antonina in the tenth year of his office. Is banished to Cyzicum, made Priest; them absolutely undone, and sent to Antinoë in Egypt. And about this time another John, usurping at Daras, is slain by the Soldiers.    

THE HISTORY Of the Wars of the EMPEROR JUSTINIAN, Written by Procopius of CAESAREA.  
Of the Persian Wars. The First Book.  

CHAP. I.  
PROCOPIUS of CAESAREA wrote the History of the wars that the Emperor Justinian had with the Barbarians, both Eastern and Western, and what the issue of them was; that the memory of so great Actions might not, through Tract of Time, be buried in Oblivion, and lost to the Word; The preservation whereof he conceived might be of very great use, both to those that are now living, and to those that shall come after; in case that time should again bring about the necessity of the like actions in any part of the World. For, the knowledge of a like History, suiting with that of any other Age, is of great advantage to those that shall have to do with any Wars; in that it informs, what the success in the like former Actions hath been, and intimates withal what issue the present, (supposing the best Counsels being taken) in all probability shall have. He was conscious also to himself, that He was the best able to write this History; though for no other reason, yet because He was chosen to be Assessor to Belisarius, the Emperor's General, and so was present, in a manner, at all that was done in these Wars.  
He conceived further, that as Eloquence became an Orator, & Fables were proper for Poets, so Truth was that an Historiographer ought chiefly to look at. Therefore he spared not to note the Failings even of his nearest Friends, but gave an exact Account of all their Actions, whether they were well, or ill done. Neither will the Actions of any other Age appear either of more use, or more Gallant, (to him that shall but duly consider them) than those that have passed in these Wars; for in most of them, as we have been informed, almost Miracles have been done. Unless a man will needs give the preeminence to former Ages, and will not vouchsafe to allow his own to be able to do any thing.  
And therefore as in our Armies now we have some Archers, others Sword and Bucklermen, and the like names of Soldiers that the Ancients had; yet will not some allow any of the Ancient Prowess and Valour to have descended down to our Age; showing herein how pitifully ignorant they are of the Practice of those times. For they do not at all consider, that the Archers in Homer's time (whose Profession grew to be a term of reproach) had neither Horse, nor Javelin, nor Buckler, nor any thing else to defend themselves, but went on foot into the field, and were forced to find shelter for themselves some other way, sheltering themselves (instead of a Buckler) either behind some Tombstone, or Pillar, where neither if they were put to flight, they could be safe; nor, if their Enemies fled, could they do them any harm: Neither did they ever fight in open field, but always, as it were, by stealth did, what ever they did. Besides, the way of their Archery was so lamentable, as that drawing their Bowstring to their breast, they so let their Arrow fly, which, in all probability, could not do any execution at all, wheresoever it fell. And this was the manner of the ancient Archery. But our Archers now adays go into the field, armed with Habergeons, and Greaveses that come up as high as their knees. They have besides their Quiver of Arrows on their right side, and a Sword on their left; and some of them have a Javelin also fastened about them, and a kind of short Buckler, as it were, but without any handle, made fast to their shoulders, which serves to defend their head and neck. They are also excellently well horsed; and though their horses run never so fast, they can with case shoot either way, and annoy their Enemies, either pursuing them, or flying. Besides, they draw their Bowstring toward their Forehead, up to the right Ear, which gives such force to the Arrow, that where it lights it kills, no Shield nor Corslet being able to resist the violence. Some, considering none of these things, only reverence and admire the old times, not allowing any advantage to succeeding inventions. But all can be no impediment, but that in these Wars great exploits, and most famous have been done. First therefore, beginning a little higher, shall be declared, what happened between the Romans and Persians, in reference both to their Victories and Losses in these Wars.   

CHAP. II.  
WHen the Roman Emperor Arcadius drew near his decease in Constantinople, having a Son, Theodosius, not yet weaned from the breast: He was troubled both for him, and his Empire, how to provide for both. If he should give Theodosius a companion in the Empire, he feared in effect he might prove his Son's Murderer, setting an Enemy upon him armed with sovereign power; and if he should leave him alone in it, it was likely some taking advantage of his desolate condition might usurp the Empire, and destroy him. In Constantinople he had none of his blood to be his Protector; and in Honorius the Uncle, he had no hope he could suffice for it; the Affairs of Italy being in so ill terms. The Persians no less troubled him, lest despising the Emperor's childhood, they should ruin the Roman Provinces. Arcadius in this perplexity, though none of the quickest Wits, yet lighted upon a Counsel which preserved him and his State, whether it were by communication with Wisemen, which an Emperor cannot want, or by divine Inspiration. For by his Testament he declared his Son his Successor, and Isdegerdes, K. of Persia, his Protector; whom he besought with his whole power and providence, to preserve both his Empire and Son. And thus Arcadius having disposed of the Empire, and his private Affairs, 
* Anno Domini 398.  died.  
Isdegerdes, before renowned for Nobleness, now shown it more than ever, to deserve wonder and praise: For not neglecting the Injunctions of Arcadius, he kept perfect peace with the Romans, and preserved the Empire to Theodosius: by his Letters to the Roman Senate accepting the Protectorship, and threatening War against any that should rise against Theodosius: Who grown a man, and Isdegerdes dead, 
* Vararanes begin 〈◊〉 in Anno Dom. 423.  Vararanes King of Persia invaded the Roman Territories with a great Army; but did no hurt, returning in this manner. Anatolius was sent the Emperor's Ambassador to the Persian, who being come near the Army, leapt from his Horse, and alone, and afoot, went towards Vararanes, who demanded of the company, who this was; they said, it was the Roman General. The King amazed at the excessive honour, turned his horse, and road away, and after him his Army. Being in his Country, he entertained the Ambassador with much courtesy, and yielded to the terms of peace he desired, That neither should erect any new Fortification near the others boders; which if it were done, gave either side opportunity of doing what they pleased.  
Afterwards Perozes, King of Persia, 
* Perozes began in Anno 457.  with a great Army warred against the Ephthalites (a Nation of Huns, called white Huns) about their Boundaries. These Ephthalites are a Hunnish Nation, but not mingled with other Huns, having no part of their Country bordering upon them; their dwelling being to the North of Persia, where is a City called Gorgo; and some skirmishing about bounds they have, being no 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so called because they have no fixed habitation, but move from place to place, carrying their families in wagons, and driving their flocks & herds before them, as the need of fresh pasture requires.  Creaghters, as other Huns; but are seated in a good Land; Neither make they any Inroads into the Roman Territories, but only with the Persian Armies. These only Huns have white bodies, and visages not uncomely; and their course of life is not as of the rest, brutish; being under one King in a lawful government, and dealing justly with themselves and neighbours, no less than the Romans, or any other people. Their Rich men have each twenty or more companions, to be their perpetual Comrades, and to partake in a community of their goods. When any Principals die, the Retainers use to be put into the same grave with them. Perozes invading these Ephthalites, Eusebius then Ambassador from the Emperor Zeno was with him. The Ephthalites made show to be much afraid, and betook themselves to flight, and with much haste ran into a place compassed with steep mountains, and covered with thickets; between the mountains is a broad way, reaching far, with no way out, but still continuing in the same circle. Perozes suspecting no fraud, nor considering he went in a strange Country, pursued without looking afore him; some few of them flying before him, but the most hiding themselves in the Fastnesses, who now had the back of the Enemy; and would not yet appear, that the Persians might be so far engaged within their Ambushes, and the Mountains, that they should not be able to retreat. Which the Persians apprehending (the danger now beginning to appear) were silent for fear of Perozes, but they desired Eusebius to admonish the King (who saw not the ill terms he was come to) rather to advise upon some way to escape, than to hazard thus impertinently. Eusebius told not Perozes the danger, but this tale; That a Lion once spied a Goat bleating, and tied upon a bank, and ran to make his dinner of him, but fell into a deep hole, which had in it a round narrow path without any way out, framed purposely by the owners of the Goat, which they set over it, to bait the Lion into a snare. Perozes at this tale grew afraid, lest the Persians pursued their own mischief, and so went no further, but called a Council what to do. The Huns now in sight, had guarded the entrance, that none might go out. The Persians then clearly seeing the disaster, lamented; no hope appearing to avoid the danger. The King of the Ephthalites sent to reproach Perozes for his senseless rashness, in thus foolishly ruining himself and his people; but promised the Huns should grant them their lives, if Perozes would adore him (being now his Lord) and swear his Country oath, that the Persians should no more invade the Ephthalites. Perozes consulted with the Magis, whether these conditions were to be yielded to; Who answered, that for the Oath he might do what he pleased, but in the other he should delude the Enemy by a trick: They had a custom each morning to adore the rising Sun; that he observing duly the hour, should meet the King of the Ephthalites, with his face to the rising Sun, and so adore, avoiding by this the disgrace. Perozes accordingly swore the peace, and adored his Enemy, and then went home with his Army.   

CHAP. III.  
BUt not long after Perozes, neglecting his Oath, resolved to revenge this scorn; and assembling from all his Dominions both Persians and Confederates, he went against these Huns; of his thirty Sons leaving only Cabades behind him, then grown a man. The Ephthalites hearing of it, and grieving to be so deceived, reviled their King, for betraying their Affairs to the Persians. He smiling, demanded, what Affairs he had betrayed? whether their Country, or Arms, or Goods? They replied, Nothing, but our opportunity, upon which all other things depend; urging him presently to go meet the Enemy. But the refused, the Invasion being yet not certain, and the Persians still in their own Country; and staying where he was, he did this. Upon a Plain, through which the Persians were to enter his Country, he digged in a great space of ground a deep pit, extreme broad, leaving in the middle a narrow passage, for ten Horse a breast; over the pit he laid Reeds, and upon the Reeds Turfs, which concealed the superficies: And he directed his people, running from the Enemy, to keep close, and few in rank upon the firm ground, and to beware of the pit. On his Royal Palace also he hung out his Halas, or Gods, by whom Perozes swore, and breaking his Oath, invaded now the Huns. While the Enemy were in their own Country, he stirred not, but hearing by his Scouts, they were come to Gorgo (being in the utmost border of Persia) and marching toward him; himself with most of his Army stayed short of the pit, sending out some to show themselves upon the Plain at a good distance, and no sooner seen by the Enemy, but to retreat amain, remembering the pit. They did so, and (at the pit going few in rank) came clear to the Army. The Persians not imagining the plot, pursued furiously upon full speed, it being in an open Plain, and so fell into the pit, not only the foremost of them, but the rear also; for pursuing furiously, they perceived not the mischief of those in the front, but falling on them with Horses and Lances, killed them, and were destroyed for company. Among whom was Perozes, and all his Sons. They say, being ready to fall into this pit, he took a Pearl hanging at his ear, a most fair one, and of infinite value, and cast it away, that none might hereafter wear so beautiful a Piece, as no King was ever master of the like; but to me the report seems not probable, for one in such a sudden distress to have his mind upon aught else. I rather think his car was cut off, and the Pearl conveyed away. The Roman Emperor endeavoured to buy it of the Ephthalites, but they could not find it, though they took much pains in the search. Some say, they found it, and sold another to Cabades for it. The Persians story of this Pearl is remarkable, and not altogether incredible. They report, that this Pearl lying in a Scallop-fish, not far from the Seashore in Persia, both the shells opened, and in the midst lay the Pearl, a most goodly spectacle: No where was found any thing to resemble it in bigness, or beauty, since the world was. Upon this beauty doted a huge fierce Dogfish, following without quitting it day or night: Being to seek his food he would hunt for it, and having found it, snatch it up, and hastily devour it; then to his Scallop-fish again, to fill himself with that beloved sight. Which a Fisherman once observing, but fearing the Fish, he durst not venture on it, but made the relation to King Perozes, who thereupon longed to have the Pearl, importuning the Fisherman with fair words, and great hopes; and he yielding to the requests of his Lord, is reported to have said to him; O my Liege, 'tis true, Wealth is desirable, and life more; but above all a man's children are precious; for whose sake nature forces a man to do any thing. I will venture upon this fish, and hope to make you master of this Peal. If I come off victorious, 'tis likely I shall be ranked among the happy men of the time. Doubtless you, being a King of Kings, will bestow great wealth on me. And should I get no reward, it is enough I have been my Prince's benefactor. If I be devoured, be it your part, Sir, to recompense my children for their father's death: So shall I have my reward in those nearest to me; and your glory will be greater, doing good to me in my children, for which I cannot give you thanks. That only is pure gratitude, which is shown to the dead. Having thus said, he departed. Being at the place where the Scallop used to swim, and the Dogfish to follow, he sat upon a Rock, watching to get the Pearl alone from her Lover. At last the Dogfish finding a fish for his repast, fell aboard. The Fisherman left those who attended him, and making after the Scallop, caught it, and hasted to shore; which the Dogfish perceiving, came to the rescue: The Fisherman, though not far from shore, finding he should be surprised, threw the Scallop on land, and presently was caught and devoured. His attendants ashore took the Pearl, and brought it to the King, relating what happened. Thus the Persians report of this Pearl. But to return to my former discourse.  
Perozes and his Army thus overthrown (for who escaped the pit, fell into the enemy's hand) the Persians made a Law; Not to follow the chase upon the full speed, though the enemy run away in that kind. As for the rest, that went not in this expedition, they chose for their King, 
* Cabades began in Anno Domini 486.  Cabades, the yonggest Son of Perozes, only surviving. And they were under the Ephthalites two years, and paid them tribute; until Cabades, more confirmed in his kingdom, refused it: who afterwards governed Tyrannically, and made many Alterations, and a Law; That the Persians should have their women in common: which the Commons misliked, and taking arns deposed him, and kept him in prison, and chose Blasses King, the brother of Perozes, all his other Sons being dead: For of a private race the Persians might not choose a King, if the blood Royal were not quite extinct. Blasses succeeding, assembled the chief men of Persia, and propounded in counsel touching Cabades, whom the multitude would not endure to be put to death. Many several opinions being spoken, Gusanastades, a principal man, and by Office a Chanaranges (which with them is a General) who had his government bordering upon the Ephthalites, showing his knife, such as the Persians use to pair their nails with, as long as a man's finger, and the third part of an inch thick; See this knife, said he, a very short one; yet can it do that now, which within a while twenty thousand armed men will not be able: Intimating, that if they did not kill Cabades now, he would get abroad, and trouble them again. But they thought it not fit to kill one of the blood Royal, but rather to keep him in the Tower of Oblivion; where if a man be imprisoned, it is not lawful to mention him; once to name him, is death; from whence the Persians gave it that name.   

CHAP. IU.  
THe Armenian Histories report, that once this Law of the Tower of Oblivion was broken, thus. There was a cruel War between the Persians and Armenians, for thirty two years, in the Reigns of Pacurius King of Persia, and Arsaces' King of Armenia, of the race of the Arsacides. This war continuing, both were brought low, especially the Armenians. But being both distrustful, neither sent Heralds to his adversary. In the mean time the Persians fell into a war with other Barbarians, inhabiting near the Armenians; who to make demonstration of their affections to a peace, invaded those people, acquainting the Persians therewith; and coming unexpected, slew most of their men. Pacurius pleased with the proceeding, sent to invite Arsaces, giving him his faith. And being come, he entertained him with much courtesy, and as a brother, used him with all terms of equality: and having mutually sworn amity and confederacy between the Persians and Armenians, he dismissed him. A while after, Arsaces was accused to attempt innovations, and Pacurius believing it, again sent for him, to communicate of their common affairs. He without delay went, and with him the gallantest Armenians, and Basicius his chief Captain and Counsellor, eminent for valour and wisdom. Pacurius reproached them both, for forgetting their Oath, and plotting a revolt. They denied constantly with oaths, never to have any such thought. At first Pacurius, put them in hold with disgrace; but after demanded of the Magis what was to be done. They thought it not fit to condemn men denying, and not evidently convinced; but advised him a way, to bring Arsaces' openly to accuse himself. They directed the King's Pavilion to be floored with earth, half of Persia, and the other half of Armenia; and having used some spel● upon the Pavilion, they prayed the King to walk some turns with Arsaces in their presence, to be witnesses of what passed, and to charge Arsaces with violation of the league and his oath. Accordingly Pacurius sent for Arsaces, and walked his turns with him in the pavilion, demanding, why neglecting his oath, he sought again to ruin the Persians and Armenians with a war. Arsaces (the conference being upon Persian earth) denied, and protested himself his faithful servant: But when he came upon the Armenian ground, suddenly, I know not upon what compulsion, he changes into a bolder stile, menacing Pacurius to punish this base usage. With these high terms he went, till he turned again upon the Persian ground; where recanting, he became an humble suppliant to Pacurius. But no sooner again upon Armenian ground, but he returned to his threats; and by turning thus oft both ways, he concealed not his secretest counsels. Upon this the Magis condemned him to have violated the truce, and his oath. Pacurius caused Basicius to be stripped of his skin, and the same filled with chaff to be hanged on a high tree. Arsaces he would not kill, being of Royal blood, but imprisoned him in the Tower of Oblivion. Not long after an Armenian, a favourite of Arsaces' (who followed him this last journey into Persia) accompanied the Persians in a war against some Barbarians, wherein he demeaned himself valiantly, and was a great means of the victory. Whom Pacurius bade demand what he pleased, and he should not fail of it. He demanded only to do service to Arsaces' one day he would make choice of. The King was troubled to break a Law so ancient, but to keep his word, granted his request, who by the King's permission being in the Tower, adored Arsaces; and both embracing each other, made a kind of sweet lamentation of their fortunes, with much ado untwining themselves. Having had their fill of mourning, the Armenian bathed Arsaces, dressed him, and put on him the Royal habit, and placed him upon a couch; where Arsaces feasted the company Princely, as he used before. Many discourses passed in their cups, and things happened delighting Arsaces; and the drinking lasting till night, and much joying in each others company, they parted overwhelmed with contentment. Then they report that Arsaces said; That having spent this the merriest day he ever had, with him he loved most, he would no more return to the miseries of life, and then he stabbed himself with a knife purposely taken up at the Feast. Thus the Armenian Histories relate of Arsaces', and that Law of the Tower of Oblivion so broken. But to return to my matter.  
While Cabades was in prison, his Wife attended on him, bringing him necessaries, whom the Captain of the Tower tempted, being exceeding beautiful. Which Cabades understanding from her, bade her yield to him. And the Captain getting her to his bed, became doting in love with her; giving her free access to her Husband, and to retire without impediment. There was also a Nobleman named Seoses, a great friend of Cabades, who watched near the Tower for an opportunity to get Cabades out; who by his Wife advertised him of horses and men ready for him not far from the prison, and In what place. Cabades persuaded his Wife to let him have her garments, and to put on his, and stay in his lodging. So Cabades got clear of the prison, the Keeper's seeing him, but taking him for his Wife, and so they neither stayed, nor troubled him. In the morning finding the Wife in the Husband's chamber and apparel, they took her for him; and the mistaking prevailed some days, till Cabades was got far away. What became of the Lady, (the plot being discovered) and how they punished her, I have no certainty, the Persians therein not agreeing. But Cabades secretly with Seoses went to the Ephthalite Huns, and marrying their King's daughter, brought an Army against the Persians; who finding themselves too weak, fled from the Hunns. Cabades coming where Gusanastades was Governor, said to some, that that Persian, which that day first came to offer his service, he would make Chanaranges. But he repent him of his words, remembering the Persian Law, for no Government to be conferred upon strangers in blood; but such only to have the place, to whose race it did belong; and he feared, if any presented himself not of the kindred of the Chanaranges, that to keep his word he might violate the Law. But by chance his word was kept without injury to the Law; Adergudunbades appearing first, a young man, cousin to Gusanastades, and very expert in Martial affairs; who first saluted Cabades his Lord, adored him as King, and besought him to command him as his slave. * So Cabades entering the Palace, and finding Blazes unguarded, put out his eyes, 
Cabades restored begun Anno Domini 501.  as the Persians use to malefactors (pouring into them, being kept wide open, boiling oil; or with a bodkin red hot melting an ointment into the inside of the eye) and ever after kept him in prison, after two years reigning Gusanastades he put to death, and made Adergudunbades General. Seoses he made the Adrasta-daras Salanes; that is, Superintendant over all Offices and Armies; an office first held by Seoses in Persia; None before nor after ever had it. Cabades also established and secured his Empire, being witty and valiant, no man more.   

CHAP. V.  
AFfterward Cabades became in debt to the King of the Ephthalites, which not being able to pay, he prayed the Emperor Anastasius to lend him the money. The Emperor consulting with some about him, they dissuaded him from it; showing what the inconvenience would be, if he should confirm with his money the Barbarians friendship among themselves; telling him withal. It were better for him they should ever clash with one another. * Upon this pretence only, Cabades resolved to invade the Romans; 
This War began in Anno Dom. 503.  and into Armenia he brought the first news himself with an Army, foraging the Country. Then, though in the Winter, he sat down before Amida, a City of Mesopotamia. The Amidenses, though having no Garrison (as having lived before peaceably and quietly) and wanting all manner of provision, yet stood out against the dangers and inconveniencies of the Siege. At that time one James, a Syrian, a just, and a very religious man, had for many years been a Recluse at Endielon, a Town distant from Amida a day's journey, that so he might not be interrupted in his godly contemplations: And the neighbours, to help his good intent, had pitched a pale about him, with spaces wide enough only to see, and confer with such as came to him; and a roof over him to keep off rain and snow. And there he had long continued, not yielding to heats nor colds, and feeding on roots, and on them not every day, but fasting sometimes a good while together. Some Ephthalites scouring the Country, espied this James, offered to shoot at him; but their hands suddenly benumbed, could not draw their bows. Cabades, hearing the report of it in the Camp, would be an eye-witness of the miracle; and seeing it, was astonished, and all the Persians with him: he humbly therefore besought James to remit his men's offence; which he doing at the first word, they were instantly freed of their fears. Cabades then bade him demand something, thinking he would have asked some great sum. But he prayed him only to bestow on him such men, as in this war should come to him for protection: Which Cabades granted, and left him Letters for their assurance. And it being divulged, many from all parts came, and were preserved.  
But Cabades with his Rams battered Amida on every side, the defendants avoiding the stroke of the Engine with cross beams: And he gave not over, till he found the wall that way impregnable; as not falling, nor so much as shaking at so many strokes: So strong their buildings were in ancient times. Failing therefore this way, he raised a Mount, so high that it commanded the wall. To which the defendants drew a Mine from the Town, and by carrying out the earth from within the Mount, made it hollow, the outside keeping the form it had, giving no suspicion of any thing to the Enemy. The Persians mounted it, thinking as upon firm ground to shoot into the Town; But company pressing in, the Mount sunk, and almost all perished. Cabades, at this despairing, resolved to raise the siege, commanding the Army the next day to retire. But the Townsmen now secure, flouted the Barbarians from their walls; and some common women drew up their clothes, showing Cabades the parts which should not be seen by men. Upon this the Magis forbade his retreat, assuring the King that ere long the Amidenses would show him all their secret and hidden things: So the Camp lay still. Some days after, a Persian found near one of the Turrets the mouth of an old Vault, only with a few small stones covering it. He entered it a loan in the night, and got within the wall, and when 'twas day, came and told it Cabades; who the next night went with some of his Army, and scaling ladders to the place: where he had a favourable chance. The said Turret was guarded by Monks (the strictest kind of Christians) who that day observed an Annual Feast, and at night wearied in their solemn assembly, having taken a greater proportion of meat and drink than usual, they perceived not the Enemy; who entering the Town by few at a time, ascended the Turret, and killed the Monks being fast asleep. Then Cabades set scaling ladders to the wall next the Turret; and day appearing, the Amidenses, who guarded the next Turret, perceiving their danger, came hastily to the rescue. Where after a hot conflict on both sides, at last they got the better, killed many of the men already come up, kept off those upon the ladders, and were very near quit of the danger. But Cabades drawing his Scimitar, forced his men up the ladders, threatening death to the comers down: And so having much the advantage in numbers, they got the better, and took the Town after eighty day's siege. Much slaughter was done, till Cabades riding into the Town, an old Priest of Amida came to him, and told him; That it was not Kingly to kill men that were at his mercy. Cabades yet angry, answered, Why then would they stand out against me? Because, Sir (replied the Priest) God would give you Amida, not by our wills, but your own valour. Cabades pleased with this reply, suffered no more execution to be done, but bad the Persians sack the City, and take prisoners, selecting the principal for himself. Then leaving a thousand Persians in garrison, under one Glones, and some few wretched Citizens to serve them in their necessaries, with the rest of his army and prisoners he went home. To these prisoners Cabades used a princely courtesy; he let them all go home free, and gave out they ran away. The Emperor Anastasius also dealt liberally with them, remitting the City's tribute for seven years, and destowing many benefits upon their City in public▪ and on particular men; so that they soon forgot their miseries. But this was afterwards.   

CHAP. VI  
BUt Anastasius hearing of the siege of Amida, immediately sent forth an Army against the Enemy: In which, besides the Commanders of companies, were Generals, Areobindus (who married the daughter of Olybrius, late Emperor of the West) General of the East; and Celer, Commander of the Palatine Cohorts, called by the Romans Magister; and the two Generals of the Legions in Constantinople, Patritius the Phrygian, and Hypatius the Emperor's Sisters Son. These were the four Generals; and with them went also Justine, who was Emperor after Anastasius, and Patriciolus, with Vitalianus his son, who afterward rebelled against Anastasius; & Paresmanes of Colchis, an excellent good soldier, with Godidasclus and Sbesas, Goths, who followed not Theodorick into Italy out of Thrace, both gallant men, and expert Soldiers: others followed of the best. So brave an Army went not against the Persians before it, nor since. They marched not together: Every General led his own forces. The Praefect, or Commissary of Provision for the Army, was Appion an Egyptian, a principal Patrician, and valiant, whom the Emperor declared his partner in the Empire by a Patent, that he might have absolute authority in the expense of the army: which being long in levying, & marching but slowly, found the Persians, after this cursory invasion, gone home with their spoils. The Generals would not besiege Amida, hearing it to be abundantly provided with all necessaries; but were earnest to make an impression into the Enemy's Country. And they marched not in one body, but encamped severally. Cabades being near, and knowing this, entered the Roman borders. They, not informed of his being there with his whole army, supposed it to be some small party. Areobindus' encamped in a town called Arzaméne; being distant two day's journey from the City of Constantina. And Patricius and Hypatius in a town called Siphris, about 44 miles distant from Amida. Celer was not yet come up to them. But Areobindus hea●ing Cabades came with his whole army, quitted his camp, and ran to Constantina. 
The Author reckons by furlongs; and says here 350 furlongs. An Italian mile contains 8 furlongs.  The Enemy took the camp and baggage, but no men in it; and from thence with speed marched to the other. But Patricius and Hypatius, having met eight hundred Ephthalites marching before the Persian army, had killed them all; and not dreaming of the army with Cabades, were passing their time merrily like Conquerors, laying down their arms and preparing for dinner. And they were washing their meat in the brook there, and some troubled with heat were bathing, which made the water run foul. Cabades having heard the fortune of his Ephthalites, marched apace toward the Enemy, and by the thickening of the brook guest at the matter, and that the enemy was unprepared. So commanding to drive on with full speed, suddenly he surprised them at dinner, and unarmed. The Romans not able to abide their charge, ran away without striking stroke. Some were overtaken and slain, others fled to the Mountain there, and for fear leapt down the rocks, not one of them escaping. Bat Cabades fearing his enemies, the Huns, who now invaded his country, went home with his whole Army, and had a long war with them on the Northern borders thereof. In the mean time the other Roman army came, but did nothing, having no Commander in chief, and the Generals with their equality of power ever crossing one another's opinions. Celer past the river Nymphius, and invaded Arzaméne, (This river runs by Martyropolis, and is distant from Amida thirty five miles) and having foraged the country, soon went home. Areobindus, the Emperor sent for to Constantinople, and the others sat down before Amida in the winter. Who failing in their endeavours to force the place, resolved to take it by famine: And the besieged then wanted provisions; but the Generals not knowing it, and seeing the soldier weary of a winter siege; imagining also, the Persian army would ere long come against them, they made haste in some way to rise from thence. And the Persians also doubtful in these difficulties, though they concealed their wants, and made show of plenty, yet gladly they would make a handsome retreat. In the end a capitulation was made, for the Persians to have a 
* Are ten Centenaries of gold. If there be but ten ounces and a half to t●e Roman pound; then is a Centenary 3150. l. sterling And 10 Centenaries hear 31500. l. sterling.  thousand pound weight of Gold, and so to render the City. The articles were performed, and the Son of Glones receiving the money, gave up Amida. For Glones himself was slain in this manner. The Romans being not yet set down before Amida, but not far from it, a peasant who frequented the City, and used secretly to sell to Glones at great rates, poultry, bread, and ripe fruits, promised the General Patricius for reward to put Glones and two hundred Persians into his hands. He promised him his demand, and sent him away. The man rend his garments, and came weeping into the town; went to Glones; and tearing his hair, My Lord, quoth he, I was bringing you of my best provisions; but I was met, beaten, and had all taken from me, by these rogues whose custom it is to rob the poor peasants (being old Roman soldiers) rambling in small parties; and who fly before the Persians, and rob the poor Countryman. Think Sir I how you may avenge us and the Persians. It is but hunting without the suburbs, and you will find good game: For they go prowling about not above four of five in a company. Glones asked, how many would suffice for the business; He said fifty was enough, being to meet not above five together; but whatsoever should happen, it would be good to have 100 and if it were 200. 'twere the better; Store hurts no man. Glones chose 200. horse, and bad the man guide them. But he said, 'twas better, to send him before to discover these Roman free booters, and to bring the Persians word, who then might take their best orportunity. Glones approved of his counsel; and then he went to the General Patricius, and acquainted him with all the proceed, who sent 1000 Soldiers, and two of his own Lifeguard with him. These he laid in ambush, near a village called Thialasamum, five miles from Amida, within a valley of coppices and bushes. Then he ran, and told Glones, his game was ready, and guided him and his 200. men into the enemy's ambush. Being past a good space within it, unseen by Glones or his Company, he ran and called up the Romans ambush, and shown them the enemy. The Persians seeing them, were amazed at the sudden accident; Retire they could not (the enemy having their backs) nor being in an enemy's Country knew any other way to run. As they could therefore, they put in order to receive the assailants, but overmatcht in numbers were broken, and all killed with Glones, which vexed his Son, that he could not stay to revenge his Father's death, so that he burned the Church of St. Simeon, where he lodged. Other buildings neither Glones, nor Cabades, nor any Persian, destroyed nor defaced in Amida, nor without it.  
But to return to my former discourse. Thus the Romans recovered Amida for money, two years after the taking. Being within it, their own negligence appeared, and the Persians abstemiousness, finding, by comparing the quantitity of the victual left, and the Barbarians that went out, not above seven day's provision remaining, though Glones & his son had long issued it out to the Persians more scarcely, than need could well endure; and to the Romans in the Town nothing, from the beginning of the siege; So that they were forced to eat unusual food, and abominable, and at last one another. The Generals, finding themselves thus deceived by the Barbarians, reproached the Soldier's intemperance, and disobedience, who having it in their power to take the Town with all the Persians in it at mercy, had dishonourably transported the Roman treasure to Barbarians, and gotten Amida, as a merchandise for money. Afterward the Persians (their war with the Huns growing long) made a Truce with the Romans for seven years, concluded by Celer the Roman General, and Aspevedes for the Persian. Thus I have told the beginning and conclusion of these wars with the Persians.   

CHAP. VII.  
BUt what happened concerning the Caspian Gates I will now relate. Mount Taurus of Cilicia passes first by Cappadocia; then Armenia, and Persarmenia, and then Albania and Iberia, and the other nations that way, free, or subject to the Persians, extending thus through many Countries, and the further it goes, growing to a greater breadth and height. Beyond Iberie, you come to a narrow way, reaching some six miles, and ending at a steep place unpassable; where for the way out, nature hath built a kind of Gate, anciently called the Caspian gates, or straits. Beyond which are fair champions well watered, and large plains for horse pastures; where are seated the nations of the Huns, and extend to the Lake of Maeotis, who passing by the straits in their inroads into Roman or Persian provinces, come with their horses lusty, going not about, nor nor being engaged in ragged Countries, save only those six miles into Iberia; whereas by other passages they arrive with much toil, and cannot make use of the same horses, having been forced to many circuits and craggy ways: which Ala●●nder the great considering, built Gates indeed there, and by them a Fort; which through many owners, at last came to Ambazuces a Hun, a friend of the Emperor Anastasius. This man grown old, and near his end, offered Anastasius for money to put the Romans in possession of the Caspian Gates, and the Fort. But the Emperor (who used not to do things unadvisedly) considering that it was not possible to maintain a garrison in that place, wanting all commodities, and having no nation near it subject to the Romans, he thanckt the man much for his good will, but would not meddle with the thing. Ambazuces soon after died, and Cabades forcing out his sons, possessed himself of the Gates. Anastasius also, after the truce with Cabades, at a place called Daras, built a very strong City, and named it then Anastasia, being distant from Nisibis about twelve miles, and from the Persian frontier three miles and a half at most. This building the Persian desiring to hinder, could not, having his hands full with the Huns. But having dispatched that war, he expostulated with the Romans for this building so near his confines, and contrary to the Articles of Peace. Anastasius, partly threatening, partly pretending friendship, and with large presents, put it off. Another City also this Emperor built upon the frontier of Persarmema, which had been before a village, and from Theodosius his name was called Theodosia. But Anastasius compassed it with a strong wall, which no less than the other troubled the Persians, being both as Rampires upon his Country. Not long after Anastasius deceasing, Justine succeeded in the Empire, the others kindred being rejected, though many of them very eminent men.  
Cabades was also troubled, fearing innovation upon his house after his decease; For upon his Sons he could not transfer the Kingdom, without some question. His eldest, Caoses, the law invited, but him he could not abide; the father's opinion therein overruling nature, and the ancient Laws. His second Son Zames, having lost an eye, the Law excluded, prohibiting to make a King having but one eye, or any other maim. But Chosroes, borne of the sister of Aspevedes, he chief affected. But seeing the Persians admire the valour of Zames, as being a good Soldier, and a favourer of virtue, he feared least taking arms against Chosroes, they might ruin his house, and Kingdom. Hereupon he resolved to make a peace with the Romans, by procuring his Son Chosroes to be adopted by the Emperor Justine; which he conceived the only way to preserve the security of his Empire. To this purpose he dispatched Ambassadors to Constantinople, with letters to Justine, to this purpose. Yourself know, that the Romans have done us wrongs, which I am resolved not to urge; knowing that those in reason ought to have the Victory, 
He was Son of Vigilantia, sister of Justine, by a very obscure man, one Sabatius, and Illyrian. This Quaestor, or Assessor Imperatoris diclated all Laws and Edicts, and subscribed them. Which war warrant to the Praesectus Praetorio to publish them. He judged a p●ales to the Emperor's person; and in sum had the care of the whole Empire committed to him. vid. Notitiam utriusque Imperij.  who having the right on their side, are yet willingly put to the worst, to gratify their friends. But for this I must demand a favour, which binding ourselves, and subjects by kindred, and the consequent thereof, good affection, may for ever settle to us the blessings of peace. It is that you would adopt my Son Chosroes, who is to succeed me in my Kingdom, for your Son. Justine was glad at the proposition, and so was Justinian, his sister's son, and successor designed, urging the speedy perfection, and drawing up of the adoption after the Roman form. But Proclus crossed it: who was assessor to the Emperor (the Romans call this officer, Quaestor) and a known just man, not to be bribed, nor hastily passing Edicts, or altering things settled: He opposing it, spoke thus. I use not to meddle with novelties, which of all things I fear most knowing that they cannot possibly stand with safety. But were I a very daring man, I think I should shrink and tremble at the storm that is to be expected from this Act. For I cannot conceive any thing now in consolation, but with a fair pretence to betray our State to the Persians; who in plain words, without disguising, or modeslie, pray us to let them take our Empire from us; covering their gross deceit with simplicity, and their impudent proposition with a pretended desire of quietness. But you both had need to oppose this design of the Barbarians, to the utmost of your power; you Sir I least you prove the last Roman Emperor; and you the General, lest you block up your own way to the Empire. Some tricks coverel with fair pretences, need an interpreter to the common sort. But this Ambassage bluntly, at first dash, will have this Chosroes heir to the Roman Emperor. Consider it thus, I pray. By nature is due to children their father's estates: All Laws, though differing in other things, do yet in this agree, both among Romans, and Barbarians, that children are to inherit their father's estates. So that yielding to this their first request, the rest you must consequently grant. The Emperor and his Nephew approved this speech, consulting what was to be done. In the mean time came other letters from Cabades to Justine, to send to him men of experience, for concluding of a peace, and to signify the form that was to be observed in the adoption. Upon this Proclus more eagerly opposed the Persians proposal, and urged that they should rather adopt to themselves the Roman power and dominion; declaring his opinion, that it was fit they, as speedily as might be, should conclude a peace; and withal that some chief men should be sent; who being demanded by Cabades, in what manner the adoption should be, should answer, as is fit for a Barbarian; For the Barbarians adopt sons, not by writings, but by arming them. Accordingly Ambassadors were sent by Justine, and promise of some greater men to follow, for consummating all touching the peace, and Chosroes. There were therefore shortly after sent Hypatius a patrician, Nephew to the late Emperor Anastasius, and General of the East; and Rufinus, son of Silvanus, a principal patrician, and one well known to Cabades. From the Persians came Seoses, their most powerful man, who had the chief power over all armies and offices; and with him Mebodes, who was Master of the Palace in Persia. These meeting upon the frontier, treated concerning an according of the differences, and concluding a peace. And Chosroes came down to the Tigris, two day's journey from Nisibis, that the peace being concluded, he might go to Constantinople. Many discourses passed about their differences; and Seoses alleged, that Colchis, now called Lazica, anciently belonged to the Persians, and that the Romans held it from them unjustly. The Romans took it very ill that their title to Lazica should be questioned; But when they said, that the Adoption must be performed in a form fit for a Barbarian, the Persians thought this insufferable. So both broke off, and they severally went home. And Chosroës' returned to his father, vowing to revenge this scorn upon the Romans.  
Mebodes afterward accused Seoses for mentioning Lazica without their Master direction, purposely to break the Treaty, and for communicating therein first with Hypatius, who bore the King lest affection, and crossed the conclusion of the Peace, and the Adoption. Seoses being charged by his Enemies with many other things, was called to a judicial trial before the Persian Senate, who were all displeased with his new Office, and offended at his behaviour. He was a man free from corruption, and very just; but extremely arrogant. Which, though a vice natural to the great Officers of Persia, yet in Seoses, themselves thought it to reign in extremity. His accusers charged him with the matters afore mentioned; and for not contenting himself with the ancient customs of the Persians, worshipping new Gods; and that lately he had buried his Wife; the Persian Laws prohibiting the burying of dead bodies in the earth. So the Judges condemned him to die. And Cabades seemed to grieve as for a friend, but would not pardon him; professing that he was not offended with him, but he must not infringe the Laws: And yet he owed his life Seoses, who was the chiefest cause of his living and reigning; and being thus condemned, he was put to death. His office as it began so it ended with him, none after him having ever the like General power over all offices and armies. Rufinus also accused Hypatius to the Emperor, who upon it discharged him of his Office; but after torturing some about him, he found no truth in the accusation, and so did no other harm to him.   

CHAP. VIII.  
CAbades then desired to invade the Romans, but found this impediment. The Iberians of Asia, who are seated by the Caspian Gates to the Southward, have next them to the West, Lazica, and to the East, part of Persia. This people are Christians, as devout as any, and have always been subject to the King of Persia. These Cabades would enforce to his Religion, writing to their King Gurgents to do all things as the Persians did, and not to bury their dead bodies in the earth, but to throw them out to the dogs and birds. Whereupon Gurgenes revolted to the Emperor Justine, requesting assurance of him, that he should not leave him to the mercy of the Persians. Which he granted willingly, and sent Probus, Sister's son to the late Emperor Anastasius, a Patrician, with money to raise an army of Huns for his aid, to Bosporus, a Maritime City lying on the left hand as you sail toward the Euxine Sea, 20 days journey distant from Cherson, which is the farthest Roman City that way; all between being possessed by Huns. These Bosporians were formerly a free people, but lately they submitted to the Emperor Justine. But Probus returning without doing any thing, the Emperor sent Peter General into Lazica, with some Huns to aid Gurgenes. And at t●● same time Cabades sent an army against Gurgenes and the Iberians, under Boës' a Persian, his General. But Gurgenes finding himself too weak for the Persian, and the Roman succours not competent, fled into Lazica with his wife and children, and chief men of Iberia, and his brothers, whereof Peranius was the eldest: and in the confines of Lazica stayed, fortifying in the fastnesses against the Enemy: Which hindered the Persians that pursued them, from doing any thing to purpose. Afterward some Iberians came to Constantinople, and Peter was remanded home. The Lazians also refusing to help to guard the Province, the Emperor sent an army commanded by Irenaeus. Formerly the guard of two Forts at the entrance of Lazica from Iberia was carefully maintained by the Provincials, though enduring much: For no Corn nor Wine grows near, nor other commodity; nor for the fastnesses can be brought thither, but upon men's backs; and they lived (being used to it) upon Panicum, or Mill-seed, there growing. But the Emperor taking thence those Warders, put Roman Garrisons to keep the places; whom at first the Lazians supplied with provisions, though hardly; but after refused the service, and the Romans abandoned the Forts, which the Persians seized on.  
In the mean time, the Romans led by Sittas and Belisarius, invaded Persarmenia, and having foraged much country, and taken many prisoners, they retired. They were youths then, their beards first springing, and Lanciers of the guard to Justinian the chief General, who soon after held the Empire with his Uncle Justine. In another inroad into Armenia by Sittas and Belisarius, they were suddenly met, and put to the worst by Narses and Aratius, who not long after revolted to the Romans, and served under Belisarius in Italy. Licelarius also a Thracian invaded about Nisibis with another Army of Romans, who retreated running away, and none charging them. Whereupon the Emperor discharged Licelarius, and gave Belisarius the command of the forces in Daras: And then was Procopius the Writer of this history chosen his Counsellor. 
* Anno Dom. 527. Justiniani 1. who was declared Emperor with Justine on good friday being then the first of April, Anno Dom. 527. And Justine died the first of August after. See Alemannus Historical notes pag 43.  Shortly after Justine died, having before declared Justinian his Sister's Son Emperor with him. Justinian being sole Emperor; directed Belisarius, to build a Fort at Mindon, upon the confines of Persia, on the left hand of the way to Nisibis: who having raised it to a good height, the Persians sent to forbid him, threatening to hinder it, not with words only, but deeds. The Emperor hereof informed, and how Belisarius was not able with the Forces he had, to beat off the Persians; he commanded Cutzes and Buzes, Captains of the Forces in 
* This was one of the fifteen Provinces subordinate to the Governor of the Orient: And these were there Deuces limitanei; The Country bordering with Arabia, and the Saracens.  Phoenicia Libani, to repair thither with another Army. These were Thracians, and brethren, young men, and rash in their encounters; They marched together to the building; where the Persians hindered, and the Romans assisted the workmen, all they could. In the fight the Romans had the worst, and lost many men; Cutzes and some other were taken: whom the Persians shut up in a cave perpetual prisoners; and no Forces defending the building, they cast it down. 
Anno Domini. 528.  
Justiniani 2.    

CHAP. IX.  
AFterward Justinian made Belisarius General of the East, and directed him to make an expedition against Persia: who levying an Army of good importance, came to Daras. With him was joined in the command, Hermogenes, Captain of the Emperor's Guard, and sometime Quaestor to Vitalianus, when he rebelled against the Emperor Anastasius. Rusinus also he sent his Ambassador, with direction to stay at Hierapolis upon the Euphrates, till he should signify his pleasure, there being some discourses on both sides for a peace. But Belisarius and Hermogenes had news, that a Persian invasion was feared, to take Daras. Whereupon they provided to sight, in this manner. Near to the gate toward Nisibis, a stones cast off, they drew a deep trench, with many passages through it; not digged in a right line, but thus. In the midst was a short Line: on either end whereof went out two straight horn-works, and from both ends of the horn-works, the trenches ran in right lines a great space of ground. The Persians soon after came with their army, and encamped at Amodis, a Village two miles and a half from Daras, where were Pituazes and Baresmanas with one eye, and other Commanders; the General of the whole Army being Perozes, by office a Mirranes, so called in Persia, who sent to command Belisarius, to make ready the bath, for the next day he meant to bathe in Daras. The Romans upon this provided strongly for the encounter, as being the next day to fight. The Sun up, and seeing the enemy come on, they put in order of battle, thus. The farthest point of their lefthand Line, which ran from the horn-work there, to a hillock, Buzes possessed with store of Horse, and Pharas the Herulian with three hundred of his Countrymen. To the right hand of these, on the outside of the trench, in the Angle made by the Line and the horn-work, stood Sunica●, and Augan, by birth Massagets, with 600 Horse; that if Buzes and Pharas should be routed, they wheeling about, and getting the backs of the enemy, might readily second the Romans on that side. On the other hand they were embattled in the same manner: The point of the Line that way was made good with store of Horse, commanded by John the son of Nicetas, Cyrillus, Marcellus, Germanus, and Dorotheus; & at the right hand angle were placed 600 Horse, commanded by Simas and Ascan, Massagetes; who were likewise (if John should be routed) to fall on from thence, upon the backs of the enemy. All about the trench stood the rest of the Horse, and the Infantry; behind whom toward the middle, stood Belisarius and Hermogenes. Thus were the Romans ordered, amounting to 25000; the Persian being 40000 Horse and Foot. They stood both in rank (their Fronts against each other) striving to make it as deep, as might be. Neither began the fight; but the Persians seemed to wonder at the Romans order, musing what they would do. Towards evening some Horse from their right wing charged the Troops of Buzes and Pharas; who retreating fair and softly, the Persians did not pursue them, but stood still; fearing to be compassed by the Enemy. The retiring Romans then of a sudden charged them; who stayed it not, but galloped home to the Batallion; and Buzes and Pharas put themselves into the same place and order again. Seven Persians in this encounter were slain, whose bodies the Romans carried off. As their battles stood thus, a young man, a Persian, spurred up to the Roman army, challenging any to fight with him. No man daring to undertake him; one Andrew, a follower of Buzes, no soldier, nor trained to the wars, but the master of a Wrestling school in Constantinople, and following the army to attend Buzes in the bath, being a Constantinopolitan born, without provocation by Buzes, or any other, adventured the combat. And the Barbarian looking about him which way to assault him, Andrew prevented, and with his Lance hit him on the right pap, so strong a blow, that the Persian fell from his horse, and Andrew, as he lay, with a short knife cut his throat. At which, from the Town-wall, and the Roman army was a huge shout. But the Persians being grieved at it, sent out another horseman, valiant, and very tall, no youth, but with some grey hairs. Who approaching the Romans, and slashing with his whip often, made his challenge also. None presenting themselves, Andrew, though prohibited by Hermogenes, stole into the field; and both with their Lances made a furious charge. Their Lances broke upon their Corslets; and their horses heads meeting, down they fell with their riders; both falling near each other. And striving to rise, the Persians heavy body could not so easily: But Andrew by the advantage of his practice in the Wrestling school, first got up, and struck the other as he was upon one knee, and having him down killed him. Upon which a greater shout than before was made from the town and Roman army; and the Persians losing their bataillion, retired within their trenches, it growing dark. The next day came 10000 men from Nisibis to the Persians. But Belisarius and Hermogenes wrote this Letter to Mirranes.  
All men confess peace to be the chiefest of blessings, and consequently a Peace-breaker to be guilty of his own and other men's mischiefs. So that that General is best, who is apt to end awar in a peace; whereas you bring a causeless war upon us, while all stands well between the Persians and us, and our Princes are consulting upon terms of peace, and our Ambassadors near at hand to accord all differences, if some desperate effect of this your invasion choke not our hopes. Draw home your Army therefore, and be not an obstacle to so great a blessing, lest you prove author of the mischiefs likely to fall on your own Nation. To these Letters Mirranes returned this answer.  
I should be persuaded by your letters to do what you desire, if it were not a Letter from Romans; who can easily promise, but their performance is not to be hoped; though you confirm your agreements with oath. So that tired with your deceits, we are forced to come armed; and expect nothing, my dear Romans! now, but war with us. For here will we die, or grow grey, till you have done us right. Belisarius wrote again unto him.  
Good Mirranes! you must not humour your own arrogance, nor lay false imputations upon others; we have said it, and truly, that Rufinus is coming in Ambassage, and not fare hence: Which shortly yourself will know. But since you desire war, with Gods help we shall oppose you; who will assist our peaceableness, against your arrogance; who being by us invited to peace, reject it. The Letters we have written both, we shall hang up upon our Ensigns in the battle. Mirranes to this replies again.  
Neither are we entered into this war without Gods; but with them shall come upon you; who we hope to morrow will put us in possession of Daras. Let there be made ready therefore for me the best bath in the town. Belisarius then prepared for the battle.   

CHAP. X.  
ANd the next day, Mirranes about Sun rising, calling his Soldiers, made a speech to them; That he knew Persians in dangers, not to take their courage from their Captain's orations, but from their own virtue, and awe of one another. But seeing them dispute, how the Romans, not using without tumult and disorder to come to fight, received the Persians now with an order so little belonging to them: Lest upon a false conceit they should commit error, he warned them, not to suppose the Romans upon the sudden grown more valiant, and expert Soldiers, but rather cowards more than ever; being so afraid of Persians, that they dare not embattle without making a trench to defend them; nor with it begin a fight, but are glad, and think their business sped above their hopes, if they are able to retire to their walls, the Persians not charging them: Hence were they in no disorder, not coming to the hazard of a battle. But if the fight come to handy blows, than their cowardice and want of experience will put them into their wont disorder. And for themselves he bade them have their thoughts upon the judgement of their King of Kings, expecting a base punishment, if they do not now fight as becomes the valour of Persians.  
Mirranes' having thus encouraged his Soldiers, led on against the enemy. Belisarius also and Hermogenes, drawing out their troops from their trench; exhorted them to consider by the former fight, that the Persians are not invincible, nor immortal; and that they were beaten by them formerly through their own disobedience to their commanders, not by any advantage of valour or strong bodies in the enemy. Which fault they may easily amend. Indeed the crosses of fortune no industry can cure, but of a man's faults; his own will may be the Physician. So that if they resolve to obey directions; the day will be theirs: and the enemy failing in their only confidence, (the Romans disorder) will go off, as they did in the former encounter. And for the enemy's numbers (their greatesh scarecrow) he bade them despise it:  their foot was nothing else, but a multitude of miserable peasants, who come to the war only to sap a wall, or riffle a dead body, and other things to serve the Soldier: having no arms to trouble much an enemy; and their bucklers no bigger than to ward a shot only. So that if they fight bravely this day, they will both vanquish the Persians now, and restrain their insolence from invading the Romans. Belisarius and Hermogenes having made this exhortation, and seeing the Persians coming on, ordered the Army, as before. The Persians stood opposite in front; Mirranes, not placing so the whole Army, but the one halle only, the other should behind him, to receive men from the fight, and to give on fresh, and so in their turns to come all to fight. The band only, named Immortal, he commanded to stand still, till himself gave the signal: Who stood in the front, giving the command of the right wing to Pityazes, and of the left to Baresmanas. The Armies being thus embattell'd Charas came to Belisarius and Hermogenes; and said thus: I see no great service I can do upon the enemy, staying here with my Herulians: But if covering ourselves under yonder rising ground, when the fight is begun, we shall suddenly from the hillock charge, shooting the enemy's backs, in likelihood we shall ruin them. Bel●sarius approved it, and accordingly it was done. Neither side began the fight till noon, which being passed, the Persians gave on: Who put it off to that time of the day, because themselves use to eat about evening, and the Romans at noon; and if they charged them fasting, they thought they would not endure the fight so well. At first the arrows slew from both sides, and with their multitude made a kind of duskiness a long time, and slew many. The Persians arrows came much thicker, by reason of their fresh men still renewing, which the Romans did not mark: Who notwithstanding had not the worse, a strong wind blowing upon the Persians, and not suffering their shot to do much effect. The Arrows being spent, they used their Lances, on both sides, and came up closer. The Romans left wing was in most distress, where the Cadisens', with Pityazes charging suddamely and furiously, routed them & killed many in the execution. Which Sunicas and Algas perceaving, galloped amain to them: But first the three hundred Herulians under Pharas came down from the hill upon the enemy's backs, and did wonders, specially upon the Cadisens': who when they saw Sunicas too giving on upon their flank, ran away. And there the overthrow being clear, the Romans on that side joining, made a great slaughter among the Barbarians; so that of their right wing they lost about 3000. The residue escaped hardly to the Bataillion; and the Romans chase no farther, both parts stood still in their orders; And such was the success on that side. But Mirranes sent the Immortal band, and many others closely to the left side: which Belisarius, and Hermogenes perceaving, sent Sunicas and Algas, with their six hundred horse, to the angle of their right hand line, where Simas and Ascas stood, and behind them many troupers of Belisarius. The Persians left wing commanded by Baresmanas, with the Immortals, charged the Romans with full career: who not abiding it, fled. Then from the Angle, the Romans, and those behind them gave on hotly upon the Barbarians sl●nck, as they pursued, and cut their Army in two, leaving the most to their right hand; the rest to the left, among whom was the Ensign-bearer of Baresmana, whom Sunicas with his lance wounded. The Persians, who pursued foremost, seeing their ill case, turned about, and leaving the chase, road against these; and so came to be charged both ways by the Romans; For they that fled, knowing what happened, turned head. The Immortal band, and the other Persians there, seeing the great Ensign taken down, and lying upon the ground; they with Beresmanas, presently charged the Romans; who received them; and first Sunicas kill'd Baresmanas, and threw him from his horse. Then the Barbarians struck with fear, thought no more of fight, but ran away in confusion. The Romans compassing them, as they could, killed about 5000. So the Armies moved, the Persians to their retreat, the Romans to the pursuit. The Persians foot in the overthrow threw away their bucklers, and surprised in confusion were cut in pieces! The chafe lasted not long, Belisarius and Hermogenes not suffering them to follow further, lest the Persians might turn head, and rout them pursueing without order. They thought it enough to keep the victory entire: For before that day, 'twas long since the Persians were overthrown by the Romans. Thus they parted then; nor would the Persians come to any more battles. Some skirmishings there were upon inroads, wherein the Romans had not the worst. And this was the success of the Armies in Mesopotamia.   

CHAP. XI.  
BUt Cabades sent another Army into the Roman Armenia, consisting of Persarmenians, 
Anno Domini. 529. Justiniani 3.  and Sunites (who border upon the Alans) and three thousand Sabirian Huns, a very warlike Nation. The General was Mermeroes', a Persian, who encamped in Persarmenia, three day's journey from Theodosiopolis, preparing for the invasion. Dorotheus was then General of Armenia, a wise man, and who had seen many wars; but Sittas, General of the Forces in Constantinople commanded the Armenian Army in chief. These hearing of Forces levied in P●rsarmenia, sent two Lanciers to discover the enemy's power. To whose Army they came, and having observed all, and returning, met in a village some of the enemies Huns, who took one of them named Dagaris, the other got away and brought news to the Generals. Who instantly armed their Forces, and suddenly set upon the enemy's camp; who frighted with the suddaineness, ran away without striking stroke. The Romans killed many and rifled their Camp, and then road back against. But not long after Mermeroes' with his Army entered the Roman territory, and finding the enemy near the City of Sattala, he encamped in a village called Octabe, seven miles from Sattala. Sittas' behind a hill (whereof are many about that City, though situate in a plain) with 1000 men lay close, directing Dorotheus with the rest to keep within their trenches, seeing they were not able to stand the enemy being 30000. strong, and themselves not half the number. But the next day the Barbarians came to their trenches, and were compassing them, when suddenly seeing Sittas' coming down from the hill, and not being able to judge the number, because of the dust, then great in the Summer time, they thought them more than they were, and so left compassing, and made haste to draw together into less ground; which Sittas to prevent, divided his men into two Troops, and charged them coming from the trenches. Which the Romans therein perceaving, took courage, and sallied all upon the gallop, and charged the enemy also; and having them thus in the midst of their Troops, they routed them. But the enemy exceeding them in numbers, made head; and the fight was fierce, and at handy strokes, and some short chaces upon one another, being all Horsemen. Then Florentius a Thracian, Captain of a Troop of Horse, rushed into the midst of the enemy, and took away the General's ensign, and throwing it down to the ground, galloped back, but was over-taken and cut in pieces in the place, and so was the greatest cause of the Romans victory. For the Barbarians losing sight of the chief Ensign, fell into fear and disorder, and retired within their Camp, having lost many in the fight. The next day they marched home, and none followed them; The Romans thinking it much, first to beat so many of them in their own Country; and now when they invaded them, to send them home vanquished by a less number, and with nothing done.  
The Romans then also took in some towns of the Persians in Persarmenia, and two Forts called Bolus and Pharangium, where the King hath a revenue out of gold mines. A little before also they had subdued the Tzanians, who lived formerly within the Roman land, a free people: Concerning all which thus it was. In the way out of Armenia into Persarmenia to the right hand is Mount Taurus, reaching to Iberia, and the nations before named. To the left hand the way is steep with ragged Mountains over head, covered with perpetual clouds and snow, whence the Phasis springing runs into Lasica. Here anciently have dwelled these Tzanians subject to none, formerly called Sani, using to rob the neighbouring Romans, and living hardly and upon what they could steal, their own Country bringing forth nothing good to feed on. The Emperor therefore gave them a pension in gold, not to rob those parts. For which they took their Country Oath, and broke it, coming still unlooked for, and mischieving the Armenians, and other Romans beyond them, even to the sea. They made short inroads, going quickly home; and if they met a Roman Army, were beaten, but impossible to be taken, by reason of their strong Country. But Sittas before this war overcoming them in fight, and using many allurements both by words and deeds, gained them absolutely, that they became Civil men; and were enroled in Roman bands, and marched with their Armies, and turned Christians also. Beyond these Tzanians Country, a deep rocky valley runs, as far as Mount Cau●asus; wherein are populous villages, and vines, and other fruits in abundance. For three day's journey, it is tributary to the Romans; but further begin the marches of Persarmenia, where is that mine of gold, by Cabades committed to the charge of one Simeones: Who seeing the King in the heat of a war, cozened him of the revenue thus. He yielded himself, and the Fort of Pharangium to the Romans, who demanded not the gold of the Mine, being contented, if the Persian lost the benefit; and the Persians could not force away the Romans; the Country was so fast and strong. About the same time also Narses and Aratius, who had some blows with Sittas and Belisarius, (as I said before) revolted to the Romans, with their Mother, whom Narses, the Emperor's peculiar Treasurer entertained, (being also a Persarmenian) and gave them great gifts. Which Isaac their younger brother hearing, got secret conference with the Romans, and delivered them the Fort of Bolus, standing not far from Theodosiopolis, by causing them to hid Soldiers near, whom he in the night time closely let into the Fort by a Postern; and thus he came to Constantinople too.   

CHAP. XII.  
IN the mean time the Persians overthrown by Belisarius at Daras, 
Anno Domini. 530. Justiniani 4.  kept together about those parts, till Rusinus coming to Cabades told him, That Justinian his brother, had sent him to him with a just complaint, against the Persians, for entering his Country in Arms. That it would become so great a King, and so prudent, rather to procure peace, than a troublesome war to himself and his neighbours. In which hope, he said, he was come to him, that for the future both of them might enjoy the benefit of peace. Cabades replied; O Son of Silvanus! Do not recriminate; knowing, (no man better) that you Romans are the chief cause of these troubles. We for the common benefit of us both, took the Caspian Gates, forcing thence the Barbarians. The Emperor Anastasius, (you know) might have purchased them, but would not, lest he should be put to a great expense for us both, by maintaining there forces continually. And from that time we have lodged a Garrison there, and maintained it; and you thereby have dwelled in your own Country, unspoiled by Barbarians on that side, and possessing quietly your estates. But as if this were nothing, you have fortified at Daras, and made it a great City, and a rampire against Persia; a thing expressly prohibited in the treaty with Anatolius: And hereby our affairs have been ruined with toils, ana the expense of two Armies, the one to hinder the Massagetes from foraging both our Countries, the other to restrain your incursions; we complaining hereof and demanding either your joint Forces at the Caspian Gates, or Daras to be dismantelled, you have slighted it; nay advanced your desigue with a gre●ter injury, (if I remember) your fortisieing at Mindon. So that the Romans may chase peace, and they may choose war, either by righting us, or proceeding in the contrary. For the Persians shall not lay down their arms, till the Romans (as they ought) either join in the Guard of the Caspian Gates, or dismantle Daras. Cabades having thus said, dismissed the Ambassador, intimating to him, that for a sum of money he would be content to lay aside all his quarrels to the Romans. Wherewith Rusinus acquainted the Emperor at his return to Constantinople; whither soon after came Hermogenes. And so the Winter ended, and 
* Anno Domini. 530. Justimani 5.  the fourth year of Justinians reign.  

* Anno Domini. 531. Justiniani 5.  In the beginning of the Spring, 15000. Persians all horse, under the command of Azarethes a Persian, invaded the Romans; and among them Alamundarus the Saracen, with great numbers of Saracens. In this invasion, they did not as they were wont, enter by Mesopotamia, but by Comagena, now called Euphratesia. The reason of forbearing Mesopotamia now, and why it is so called is thus. From a Mountain of Armenia not very steep, being five miles to the North of Theodosiopolis, issue two springs, presently making, the right hand spring, Euphrates, and the left, Tigris. Tigris without winding, goes straight on to Amida, taking in no waters by the way, and by the North-side of it passes into Assyria. But the Euphrates, running not far, vanishes, not sinking under ground but with a kind of miracle. Over the water lies a bog, deep and six miles long, and two miles and a half broad, wherein much reed grows, and the mud is so stiff, that to passengers it seems firm ground. Horse and Foot and Wagons pass upon it every day, and stir not the ground, nor discover it for a bog. The inhabitants every year burn off the reed, that it stop not the way: and sometime a strong wind blowing, the fire pierces to the roots, and discovers the river in a small channel: And the mud landing up again soon after, restores to the place the form it had. Hence this river runs to the Country of Ecelesa, where was the Temple of Diana in Tauri; Iphigenia, Agamemnon's daughter, with Orestes, and Pylades, flying thither with the image of Diana. The other Temple standing to this day at Comana, is not that of Tauri. But thus it was. Orestes stealing with his sister from Tauri, fell into a great sickness; and enquiring of the Oracle for cure, was answered, that he should have no help, till he had built a Temple to Diana, like that in Tauri, and there should shave off his hair, and call the City by it. Orestes hereupon travelling in these parts, saw the river Iris, springing from a steep Mountain, and supposing it to be the place designed by the Oracle, built there a fair City, and a Temple to Diana, and shaving his hair, called it Comana, which continues to this day. But this abated not the disease, which raged rather more. So that travelling, and seeking yet further, he found a place in Cappadocia, very like Tauri, and I have wondered seeing it, taking it for Tauri itself. The Mountain there is absolutely like Taurus, and so called also, and the river Sarus there very like the river Euphrates. So there Orestes built a goodly City, with two Temples in it, the one to Diana, the other to his sister Iphigenid, which the Christians have made Churches, not altering the buildings at all. This City is called the Golden Comana, where he cut off his hair, and recovered of his disease. Which some hold to be no other, but the madness he fell into, for killing his own Mother. But the Euphrates from this Tauri in Ecelesa of Armenia, runs Southward by much Country, and takes in many rivers, and among the rest Arsinus, (which comes down from Persarmenia) then grown large, passes into Leucosyria, now called the lesser Armenia, the Metropolis whereof is Melitene, a fair City. From thence it runs by Samosata, and Hierapolis, and many other towns, to Assyria; where both rivers meeting, end in one name of Tigris. The Country from Samosata beyond the river was anciently called Comagena, but now Euphratesia from the river. The Country on this side, between it and the Tigris, is called Mesopotamia: Some part of which hath several other names, as Armenia, unto Amida: Edessa also, with the towns about it: And Osrhoêne, from Osrhoês, who anciently reigned there, when they were confederates of the Persians. The Persians therefore having taken Nisibis, and other places in Mesopotamia from the Romans, when they invaded their country, ever neglected the Province beyond the Euphrates, being without water and waste, and there drew together, being their own country, & near an enemies inhabited, & from thence used to make their invasions.   

CHAP. XIII.  
MIrranes also upon his return with his Army overthrown, having lost most of his men, had a sharp punishment from the King, who took from him his Head-tire of gold and pearl, which tied up his hair; a mark of the greatest honour in Persia, next to the King: where none may wear gold, ring, nor belt, nor buckle, nor any thing of gold, but by the Kings grant. Cabades then being in doubt how to invade the Romans; for Mirranes failing thus, he could not presume upon any other; Alamundarus, King of the Saracens, advised him thus, In all things not to trust to Fortune, nor in all wars to expect the better; being neither reasonable, nor man's condition; but the conceit of it prejudicial. For men's unreasonable hopes of success, failing sometimes, (as they may) prove their vexation. That men having not ever Fortune to presume on, put not war bluntly upon hazards, though they have the advantage of their enemies, but study to deceive them with stratagems. In a danger upon equal terms is no assurance of victory. That therefore he should not grieve for the misfortunes of Mirranes, nor tempt Fortune again. If he enter by Mesopotamia and Osroëne, where the Cities were never stronger, nor better guarded with soldiers, that he will have no sure bargain of it. That the Country beyond the Euphrates, and Syria next it, hath not fortified City, nor considerable Forces; but he shall find Antioch the chief Roman City of the East for wealth, bigness, and populousness, with no soldiers in it; and a common people thinking upon nothing but Holidays, and Feasts, their perpetual quarrels with one another in the theatres. Which he may take by surprise, and return home, without meeting an Enemy, and before the Forces of Mesopotamia can have the news of him. That he should take no thought about water, or provisions: himself would guide the Army the best way. Cabades neither disputed against this advice, nor disinherited it; knowing Alamundarus a wiseman, an experienced soldier, and faithful to the Persians, and very valiant; who for fifty years, had brought the Romans into low case, from Egypt to Mesopotamia foraging their country, and driving all afore him, burning cities, and making innumerable slaves, whom he killed, or sold for a great deal of money. He made his inroads so suddenly, and advantageously, that none encountered him: The Commanders seldom hearing of him, before he was gone with his booty. And when any overtook him, he defeated them, either charging them unprepared, or pursuing disorderly. Once he took prisoners Demostratus, brother of Rufinus, and John the son of Lucas, with all their men, and got a great sum of money for their ransom. In a word, he was the sharpest enemy the Romans had. The reason was, because only Alamundarus had command of the Saracens under the Persians, with authority and title of a King; whereby he could invade the Romans when and where he pleased. Neither were the Roman Captains, called Deuces Limitanei, nor the Phylarchi, or chieftains of the Saracen-tribes in league with the Romans, able to oppose him, being too weak to fight with him single in their several countries. Whereupon the Emperor Justinian put many of those Tribes under Arethas, the son of Gabâlas, chieftain of the Saracens in Arabia, giving him the title of a King; a thing not used by the Romans. But Alamundarus rather more ruined the Romans; Arethas in the inroads or fights, either having ill fortune, or betraying the business; we have no certainty of him. And so Alamundarus (none opposing) foraged the East furthest of any, and longest, being a very old man; and Cabades liking his counsel, sent 15000 men under the command of Azarethes (as I have said) whom Alamundarus was to guide the way.   

CHAP. XIV.  
THese passing the Euphrates into Comagena unlooked for, and being the first Persians that ever invaded us that way, that we can learn, it amazed the Romans, and at first perplexed Belisarius, when he heard it. But he soon resolved upon resistance, and having left competent garrisons in the places, of Mesopotamia, that Cabades with the rest of his army might not find them unguarded; he went with speed against the Enemy, compassing the Euphrates, and having about 20000 horse and foot, 2000 of them Isaurians. The Captains of horse were the same that fought at Daras with Mirranes. Of the Infantry was Peter commander, a Lancier of the guard to Justinian; and of the Isaurians, Longinus and Stephanacius. At the City of Colchis they encamped, hearing the Enemy were at Gabbula, a place almost fourteen miles from it. Alamundarus, and Azarethes hearing thereof, stayed their journey, resolving to march homeward, fearing to hazard; and they retired, keeping the Euphrates to their left hand. The Roman army followed; and where the Enemy lodged, sat down the night after: Belisarius purposely not suffering the Army to march greater journeys, having no mind to fight, and thinking it sufficient if Alamundarus and the Persians retired home without effect. The army at this murmured at him, both Commanders and Soldiers, but not yet to his face. The Persians at last lodged upon the shore of Euphrates, opposite to the City of Callinicum, resolving from thence to march through a desert country, and so out of Roman ground, and not as before by the river's side. The Romans from the City Sura, where they lodged, rose, and overtook the Enemy trussing up their baggage. The Feast of Easter was to be the next day, which Christians observe above all others; the day before it, and much of the night abstaining from all meats and drinks. And Belisarius seeing them eager upon the enemy, and willing to withdraw them from the opinion, (Hermogenes being of the same mind, sent newly Ambassador from the Emperor) he called them together, and spoke thus; Whether are you transported fellow soldiers! to choose thus a needless danger? That only is pure victory, that comes off without damage from the Enemy: and that now fortune, and the fear of us amazing them, gives us; which advantage it is better to enjoy, having it, than to seek it when it is gone. The Persians invited with hopes, invaded us, and now failing, run away. If we force them to change their course, and fight; overcoming, we gain nothing, but to rout an enemy flying already. But having the worst, we lose our present victory (not forced from it, but giving it away) and leave the Emperor's land to the spoil of the Enemy, with none to defend it. Consider also, that God doth cooperate with men's necessary, not wilful actions; how men stopped from flying will fight, though unwillingly; and how many disadvantages there are to us for a battle, many being marched hither afoot, and all of us fasting, and some of us not yet come up: The Army reproached Belisarius for this speech, not muttering now, but with open clamour to his face, calling him faint-hearted man, and a discourager of them. And this error some Commanders ran into with the soldier, only to show their valour. Belisarius amazed at this impudence, turned his discourse to encourage them, and to order them to the encounter, saying that he knew not their alacrity before, but now he took courage, and went against the enemy with more hopes. So he set his Batallion in front, and his foot in the left wing towards the river, and to the right hand, where there was a steep piece of ground, Arethas with his Saracens: himself with the horse stood in the middle. Azarethes seeing the Romans embattell'd, and ready for the encounter, said to his men; That being Persians, certainly they will never change their honour for life, if they might have the choice. But that now, if they would, they could make no such choice. They who can by running from a danger, live dishonourable, if they can so resolve, choose yet instead of the best, the most pleasant thing. But they who must die either honourably by an enemy, or basely by a superior, dradged to execution, are mad if they choose not the best condition, instead of the basest. He bade them therefore, not thinking only upon the enemy, but upon their Lord and Master, so to fight that day. Having exhorted them, he placed his Batallion opposite to the Enemy, and gave the right wing to the Persians. and the lest to the Saracens. The battle then joined, and was stiffly fought. The arrows flew thick from both sides, and killed many. Some single encounters were between the battalions, with much valour performed. The Persians fell more by the shot, though they shot thicker, and are almost all Archers, and the most dextrous living; but from weak bows little beut, the shaft lighting upon the Romans corslet, head-piece, or shield, cracked without hurt doing. The Romans shot is slower, being from stiff bows much bend, and hardly; but coming from stronger men than Persians, they speed where they light, no armour resisting the force. Two thirds of the day were passed, and the fight yet equal. When the Persians best men combining, charged the right wing, where was Arethas and his Saracens. They opened their battalion, and not abiding the charge ran away, suspected that day to betray the Romans. The Persians thus breaking through the ranks, had the backs of the Romans horse, who weary with their journey and toil in fight, being fasting too, and pressed both ways by the enemy, gave it over, and ran into small Lands in the river near them. Some stayed and did bravely; among whom Ascas, having slain many chief Persians, was with much ado cut in pieces, leaving a noble story to his enemies; and with him eight hundred more fell, good men; and all the Isaurians, with their Commanders, using no resistance: Men unexperienced, newly taken from the plough, and who knew not what a battle meant; yet hotter than any upon the fight, they reproached Belisarius with cowardice a little before. Indeed they were not all Isaurians, but most Lycaonians. Belisarius staying with some few, while Ascas and his company stood, resisted also: But seeing them slain, he fled into the battalion of foot, where Peter their leader maintained the fight, with some with him, the most being run away. Then Belisarius quitted his horse, causing his followers to do the like, and with the rest received the enemy. Who after a short execution came back, and gave on upon Belisarius; who to prevent the enemy's compass, kept his men's backs to the river, and stood their charge; where was a fierce fight, though with unequal powers, a few footmen fight with all the Persian horse, and yet not routed by them. For standing close, and fencing with their shields, they shot the enemy to more purpose, than they were shot. And the Barbarians to break them, riding oft against them, road back again without effect; their horses being skittish upon the clashing of the shields, and the riders in confusion. And at night they retired to their camp. Belisarius also with some few got into a ship, and past into an Island, whether some came after swimming. The next day the Romans were transported to Callinicum in ships, sent from thence. The Persians having spoilt the dead bodies, went home; finding their own not fewer in number than their enemies. Azarethes at his coming home had no thanks from Cabades, though he won this battle; and upon this reason. When an Army is levied in Persia the King uses to sit upon his Throne, and by him stand baskets, and the General designed for the army; which is to pass man by man before the King, and each to throw an arrow into the baskets; and they to be sealed with the Kings own seal. When the army comes home, every soldier takes his arrow out of the panniers, and some Commissioners number the arrows remaining, and so report to the King the number of the soldiers come home; whereby it is known how many are perished in that war. This custom is ancient in Persia; and Azarethes presenting himself to the King, he asked him what place he had conquered, having invaded the Romans with Alamundarus, with design to take Antioch? Azarethes answered, that he had taken no place, but had vanquished Bellisarius in battle. Then Cabades willed the army to come in, and take out their arrows, whereof many being left in the baskets, the King reviled Azarethes, and after hold him in disgrace.   

CHAP. XV.  
THe Emperor Justinian then bethought himself of associating the Homerites, and Ethiopians against the Persians: Who, where they inhabit, and wherein the Emperor thought them useful to the Romans, I will tell you. The Homerites are to the East of Palestina, upon the red sea, which beginning from India, ends in that part of the Roman Empire; having upon the coast where it ends, in a narrow strait, the City AElas, and the mountains of Egypt to the South, and a desert country, reaching far to the North. As you sail in, the land from both fides is seen, till the Island of Jotabeé, which is from Aelas some hundred and five and twenty miles; where are seated the Hebrews, anciently free, but in Justinians reign made subject to the Romans. From hence a large sea opening, no land is to be seen to the right hand, as you sail in, but at night you cast anchor on the left hand shore, the sea being full of shelves, and in the dark not to be meddled with. There are many harbours made by the nature of the places, and safe to put in at. The coast from Palestina the Saracens possess, who are anciently seated in the country of Palm-trees, being in the midland, spacious, and having nothing growing but Date-trees. Which Abocharabus, Governor of the Saracens there, gave to Justinian, who made him Chieftain of the Saracens in Palestina, thereby preserving that Province from spoil, Abocharabus being terrible to his subjects and enemies; and very valiant. This country of Palm-trees being desert, and in the middle without water, for ten day's journey, is of no use to us. Abocharabus gave us the name of a present only, which the Emperor knowing well, yet took it of him. Next to the Saracens in Palestina, are other upon the same coast, called Maadeni, subject to the Homerites. Upon the coast nextbeyond are the Homerites, and beyond them many other nations are seated, to the Man-eating Saracens. Beyond whom are the Indians. Opposite to the Homerites on the other shore are Ethiopians; called Auxomites, of the City of Auxomis, where is their King's court. The sea between them is five days and nights sail over, with a reasonable wind, keeping there the sea all night, by reason there are no slielves. This some call the Red sea; and the rest as you sail out to AElas, the Arabian gulf. For all the country from thence to Gaza was formerly called Arabia, and their King held his Court at Petra. The Homerites haven from whence they sail into Ethiopia is called Boulicas', and they land at a haven of the Adulites, from whence, the City of Adulis is only two miles and a half, and from Auxomis twelve day's journey. The vassals of India, and on these seas, are not built like other ships, nor trimmed with pitch or such like, nor are the planks fastened with iron through them, but tied together with cords. Not because of Iron-drawing Rocks (as is vulgarly thought) the Romans ships upon that sea coming from AElas, though built with Iron, finding no such matter; but because neither Indians, nor Ethiopians have. Iron, nor other materials for that use: Nor can they buy any of the Romans; who forbidden it upon pain of death. From Auxomis aforesaid, to the Roman Frontiers in Egypt, is thirty day's journey; where are the Blemmyes, and Nobates, and other numerous people. The Blemmyes are seated in the midland, but the Nobates upon the Nile. This was not formerly the Roman frontier, which was seven day's journey beyond. But Dioclesian finding their tribute a trifle, and their country narrow, being most taken up with the rocks of Nile; and the garrisons in it (being many) burdening his Treasury with the charge: And considering how these Nobates then dwelling about the City of Oäsis, spoilt the Towns near them, he drew them to rise from that place, that they might no more trouble the country about Oästs, by giving them fair Roman Cities, and a large country, all from Elephantina on both sides the Nile, which he thought they would now guard, and beat off the Blemmyes (as being their own land) and other barbarous Nations. He gave them also, and to the Blemmyes, a pension in Gold, not to pray upon the Roman territories; which they still receive, yet overrun the Provinces. So impossible it is for Barbarians to keep, faith with Romans, but for fear of the Soldier. Yet the said Emperor, in an Island of the Nile near Elephantina, built a strong Castle, with Temples, and Altars for the Romans, and these people; appointing Priests of each Nation, and thinking by a participation in the same devotions, to make a sure amity between them. And upon this he called the place Philae, Both the Blemmyes, and the Nobates worship the Gods esteemed by the Grecians, and Isis and Osiris and Priapus too; and the Blemmyes' sacrifice men to the Sun. The Temples in Philae these Barbarians held to my time, but by direction of the Emperor Justinian, Narses the Persarmenian, who revolted to the Romans, (as I said) commanding the forces in those parts, demolished them, keeping the Priests in restraint, and sending the Images to Constantinople.   

CHAP. XVI.  
BUt during this war with Persia Hellisthaeus King of Ethiopia, a very devout Christian, hearing how the said Homerites of the opposite continent were many of them Jews, and many Heathen, and laid excessive burdens upon the Christians, he sent out a Navy and Army against them, and fight with them, routed them, and slew their King and much people. And having made Esimiphaeus King of them, a Homerite, and a Christian, and imposed a tribute upon them, he went home. In the Ethiopian Army were many, both slaves and lewd persons, that would not follow the King home, but stayed with the Homerites, being in love with the Country, as being very good land. But not long after, the people imprisoned Esimiphaeus, and made one Abramus their King, a Christian, who had been a slave to a Roman Merchant, residing for his traffic, in the Ethiopian City of Adulis. Hellisthaus, to punish Abramus, and his complices, for the wrong done to Esimiphaeus, sent against them under the command of a kinsman, 3000. men. These also desiring to remain in that good land, liad secret conference with Abramus, unknown to their Commander, and in the battle killed him, and joined with the enemies, and continued there. Hellisthaeus angry, sent another Army, which coming to a battle returned with much loss; and then afraid to meddle any more with Abramus, he forbore war. But he being dead, Abramus was content to pay the tribute to his successor, and so confirmed his government.  
These things happened afterward. But then during the reigns of Hellisthaeus, and Esimiphaeus, Justinian sent his Ambassador Julian, to desire their confederacy against the Persians (the Romans, and they consenting in one religion) and that the Ethiopians would make themselves masters of a rich trade, by dealing with the Indians for their silk, and selling it to the Romans, who should have this only advantage therein, that they should carry out their money to their enemies for it. Of this silk are made the anciently called Persian, now Serick, or silk garments. The Homerites were prayed also to make chieftain of the Maadeni Saracens, one Caisus, a banished man (who having killed a kinsman of Esimiphaeus, was fled into a wilderness, being of the race of the Phylarchi, and a very good Soldier) and that together with those Saracens, they would invade the Persians. Both dimist the Ambassador with promise to effect the Emperor's desires, but neither performed; the Ethiopians not being able to buy the silk; because the Persian Merchants ever come first to the havens, where the Indians unlade, being their next borderers, and buy up all. And the Homerites thought it hard, to travel through a desert, many day's journey, to fight with a people more warlike than themselves. Afterward Abramus having settled his Kingdom, promised oft to Justinian, but only once began the journey, and turned home again. Thus the Romans sped with these people.  
In the mean time Hermogenes came to Cabades in Ambassage after the battle of Euphrates, but could not effect the peace, finding him much enraged, and so came away. Belisarius also the Emperor sent for, discharging him of that command, to make war upon the Vandals; and Sittas was sent to guard the East. The Persian Army, led by Chanaranges, Aspevedes and Mermeroes', again entered Mesopotamia, and (none encountering them) sat down before Martyropolis, where were garrisoned Buzes, and Bessas'; It stands in the Province of Sophanene, thirty miles to the North of Amida, upon the river of Nymphius, which bounds the Roman and Persian territories. The Persians assaulted, and were valiantly received by the besieged, who could not think long to hold out, the walls being very assaultable, and easy for the Persians works, and they having neither provisions, nor engines, nor any other thing within of importance to defend. Sittas' with the Roman army came to Attachas, twelve miles from Martyropolis; where he encamped, not daring to march further: with him was Hermogenes in another Ambassage. In the mean time this happened. The Romans and Persians have anciently had spies, defrayed at the public charge, who secretly pass among the enemy; informing themselves of all occurrences, and advertising their own Princes. Many of these, as affectionate Patriots, do their best, some betray their Country's secrets to the enemy. One of the Persian spies then discovered to Justinian much of their affairs, and how a Nation of Massagetes was coming into Persia, and from thence were to invade the Romans, with the Persian army. The Emperor had experience of the man's truth, and persuades him with money, to go and report to the Persians before Martyropolis, that these Massagetes were hired by the Emperor, and instantly to come against them. Who according went to the Persian Camp, and told them that an army of Huns their enemies were coming to aid the Romans: which made them afraid, and doubtful what to do.   

CHAP. XVII.  
IN the mean time Cabades fell mortally sick, and calling to him Mebodes, a Persian, his chief favourite, opened his resolution concerning Chosroes, and the Kingdom, and that he feared, the Persians would seek to frustrate it. Mebodes prayed him to leave his resolution in writing, and to assure himself, the Persians would not disrespect it. Cabades thereupon declared Chosroes King by his testament, written by Mebodes himself, and soon after died. His usual funeral ceremonies being performed, Caoses presuming upon the Law, took upon him the dignity. Mebodes forbade him, alleging that none of himself might take the Kingdom, but by the votes of the principal Persians, Caoses referred to the great Officers the cognisance of the matter, not suspecting opposition from thence. So the principal Persians being assembled, and set down; Mebodes, by reading the testament, manifested the determination of Cabades: 
Anno Domini 531. & Justiniani 5.  whose great virtues they all remembering, forthwith declared Chosroes King of Persia. And thus Chosroes got the Kingdom.  
But Sittas and Hermogenes, having no means to relieve Martyropolis, sent to the enemy's Generals to tell them; That they were hinderanoes to the King their master, to the blessings of peace, and to both their commonwealths. That Ambassadors are sent from the Emperor to their King, to end all differences, and to make a truce; That therefore they should quit the Roman territory, and give the Ambassadors leave to negotiate for the good of both parties; and that they are ready for what they say to give good hostages, that it will shortly be effected. There chanced to be there at the same time a messenger with the news of the death of Cabades, and that Chosroes was King, and the affairs in Persia yet tottering. Which caused the Generals to hear gladly the Romans propositions, ●earing also the invasion of the Huns. So that the Romans declared for hostages Martinus and Sonecius, one of Sittas' his Lifeguard: and the Persians raised their siege, and went home. The Huns not long after entered the Roman territory, and finding no Persian army, after some few days, retired home also. And Hermogenes with his fellow Ambassadors, Rufinus, Alexander, and Thomas, repaired to the Tigris, where was the King of Persia; who upon their coming, released the hostages. The Ambassadors, to make Chosroes tractable, used flatteries little becoming Roman Ambassadors, which so pacified him, that a perpetual peace was concluded for 110. Centenaries, 
346500 l. sterl.  to be given him, and the Commanders of the Forces in Mesopotamia to reside no more at Daras, but at Constantina, as they did formerly: The forts in Lazica he denied to restore, and yet demanded of the Romans restitution of Bolus, and Pharangium. A Centenary weighs 100 pound weight, so called of Centum in Latin: and this gold he demanded to quit the Romans from demolishing Daras, and sharing in the charge of the Garrison at the Caspian Gates. The Ambassadors liked all, but the Forts; alleging they could not deliver them without the Emperor's express pleasure. So it was resolved, to send Rufinus to Constantinople, concerning these particulars, prefixing him seventy days for his journey; and the rest to stay till his return. The Emperor hearing what Chosroes stood upon, directed the peace to be concluded upon those terms. But Chosroes, upon a false rumour that Justinian, offended with Rufinus, had put him to death, being troubled, and angry at it, he invaded the Romans with his army. But Rufinus returned, and overtook him near Nisibis, where they resolved to consummate the peace, and the money was brought into the town by the Ambassadors. But Justinian repenting the quitting the two Forts in Lazica, wrote to his Ambassadors, absolutely forbidding to part with them. So Chosroes refused to conclude the treaty, and then Rufinus considered how more hastily then safely he had brought the money into the Persian dominion, and casting himself prostrate before Chosroes, besought him to safe conduct the money, and to defer the present bringing an Army upon the Romans. Chosroes bade him rise, and promised to grant all for his sake. So the Ambassadors came to Daras with the money, and the Persian Army marched back. His fellow Ambassadors were jealous of Rufinus, and accused him to the Emperor, because Chosroes yielded upon his persuasions to every thing. But the Emperor did him no hurt, sending him again shortly after, and Hermogenes to Chosroes; when they concluded the accord, That each should restore what was taken in this war; That there should be no more any Commander of Forces residing in Daras; And for the Iberians now in Constantinople, they were to have their choice, either to stay there, or return home. Upon which many of them stayed, and many went into their own Country. Thus was concluded the Perpetual Peace (as they called it) in the * sixth year of Justinians reign, 
Anno Domini 532. justiniani 6.  the Romans, delivering up the Forts of Bolus and Pharangium, and the Persians the places in Lazica: Who then also sent home Dagaris, to the Romans, for another Persian of quality. Dagaris did often after expel the Huns, and he overcame them in several battles, being an extraordinary good Soldier.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
THe peace being thus ratified by both parts, two Rebels of their own subjects fell upon both these Emperors, in this manner. Chosroes was of an unruly spirit, a great undertaker, troublesome; full of tumult himself, and an extreme troubler of others. So that the Persians being weary of his government, such of them, as were stirrers, consulted to make another King of the house of Cabades. Zames they had a mind to, but the Law excluded him, for his maim of an eye: In the end they resolved to advance to the Kingdom the son of Zames; and he, as his son's protector, to manage the affairs. This resolution they revealed to Zames, and with their many encouragements, persuaded him to the business; and a fit time was appointed to surprise the King. But the plot being discovered to the King, he prevented it, and put Zames to death, and the rest of his brother, and their male issue, and all such men of quality, as contrived, or were accessary to the conspiracy; among whom was Aspevedes, his mother's brother. Cabades, the son of Zames, (being fostered with the General Adergudunbades) he directed the said General to kill, (though his own foster child) trusting the man● neither indeed could he force him, not without him kill the child. The General much grieved at this dismal Injunction, acquainted his wife with it, and the child's nurse. The wife weeping, took him by the knees, and besought him not to kill Cabades. So they consulted together, and concluded to breed the child closely, and to write to Chosroes, that he was dead. This they did accordingly, and so concealed the young Cabades, that none had any suspicion, but his own son Varames, and one of his trustiest servants. But Cabades being come of age, the General fearing discovery, gave him money, and bade him save his life in banishment. And all this he kept from the knowledge of Chosroes: till Chosroes went with his army into Lazica (as shall be related hereafter) and Varames with him, who had waiting on him the servant privy to the business of Cabades, and revealed all to the King, producing his servant who agreed in all points. Chosroes raged, and thought it unsufferable, to bear such things from one of his own slaves; and he bethought himself of this way to get the man into his hands. When he was coming home out of Lazica he wrote to the General, that he resolved to invade the Romans, and not at one entry, but dividing his army, that he might make his invasion both on this side, and beyond the Euphrates. One part himself must lead, and he would upon no servant bestow an equality in honour with himself, but on him the General, in regard of his valour. So that he should do well, with speed to meet him in his journey, that he might communicate, and direct what should concern the expedition, leaving his train to follow fair and foftly after. The General overjoyed with this honour from the King, and far from guessing his own mischief, did as he was commanded. But spent with hard travel, (being an old man) he slipped his bridle, and fell from his Horse; wherewith his leg being broken, he was forced to stay to be cured. Chosroes arriving at the same place, he was brought to the King's presence; who told him he could not go the expedition appointed, with his leg in that case; but bade him at some Castle there get the help of Surgeons. And so he sent him the way to his death, and after him men to kill him; An invincible General, and so reputed by the Persians; having subdued twelve Nations to Cabades. Being dead, his son Varames was made General. Long afterward Cabades the son of Zames, or one usurping his name, came to Constantinople. He was in his face like King Cabades, and Justinian used him honourably, as the grandchild of that King. Mebodes also Chosroes killed upon this ground. Being upon earnest business, he bad Zaberganes call Mebodes to him: who found him training his Soldiers, and told him, the King called him in haste. He said, he would come presently, when he had dispatched the business he was about. The other hating him, reported to the King, that Mebodes would not come as yet, alleging business. The King enraged, sent one to him, to command him to the Tripos, or threefooted table. Which is thus. An iron three footed table stands ever at the Courtgate, and when any Persian understands the King to be offended with him, he may not fly to Temple, or elsewhere; but sitting by this table must expect the King's sentence, none being to guard him. Here Mebodes sat many days in a pitiful habit, till one by the command of Chosroes, took him away, and killed him. To this came the good services he had done Chosroes.   

CHAP. XIX.  
ABout the same time happened in Constantinople a sudden mutiny, which grew high, and ended in much mischief, both to the Senate, and people. The Commons of every City anciently have been divided into the Veneti and Prasini, the Blews, and the Greene's. But it is not long, since about these names and clours, (wherein they stand to see sights) they consume their estates, abandon their bodies to tortures, and refuse not the most shameful death. They run the danger of fight with their opposites, being sure, (should they get the better) to be haled to prison, and after extreme torturing, to be put to death. There grows in them a hatred without ground, and lasts undeterminable, not yielding to alliance, kindred, or any law of friendship; be it brother, or son, that dotes upon the contrary Colour. Nothing human, or divine they regard, in comparison of the victory in these, be it impiety against God, or violation of laws, or of the Commonwealth by subjects or enemies: nay themselves wanting necessaries, and their Country receiving injury in the most important things, they are not sensible of it, so this their portion may prosper: So they call their fellow Factionists. Nay the very women partake in this abomination, not only as their husband's followers, but often their opposites; though they never go to the theatres, nor have other inducements. That I know not what to say, but that it is a mere disease of the mind: and thus it is in every City, and Corporation. But at that time 
* Praefectus U●bi, next in dignity to the Perfect: Praetorio. The Author in his old age held this office.  the Governor of the Citizens of Constantinople, led some Factionists to execution. Both parties then making peace, and conspiring, first took away the men led to punishment, then let out of prison all who lay either for sedition, or any other crime; and without respect, slew the said Governors ministers. The Citizens who were of neither faction fled to the opposite continent; and the City, (as if under an enemy) was set afire. The Temple of Saint sophy, and the Bath of Zeuxippus, and the Emperor's Court from the porch to the Temple of Mars was consumed. Moreover the great Portions, reaching to Constantine's market place; and many great means houses, end much wealth. The Emperor and Empress with some Senators shut themselves up in the Palace, without stirring. The people's word to one another was, Nica, overcome; From whence to this day that Mutiny is called Nica. John the Cappadocian was then 
* Praefectus Praetorio of the Orient; There was another of Illyrium, both belonging to the Eastern Empire.  Perfect of the Court; and Tribonianus, a Pamphylian, Assessor to the Emperor, by the Romans called Quaestor. John was a man unbred in any liberal science (having learned at the Grammar School only poor letters, to write as poorly) but in natural abilities, the most powerful man we ever knew, both to discern fit things, and in doubtful to find a resolution; but the wickedest man alive: wherein he employed the strength of his nature, without respect of God or men; for gain studying the ruin of men's estates, and of whole Cities. Quickly growing to a great wealth, he fell into boundless gluttony, preying upon the subject till dinner time, and the rest of the day spending in drunkenness, and wanton abusing his body, eating till he vomited. A man ready to catch money, and more ready to lavish it. Such was John the Cappadocian. But Tribonianus, beside a great natural ability, had attained to an excellence in learning, inferior to no man of his time: But in the ways of Covetousness most industrious, and ever ready to sell right for gain; making, and repealing Edicts every day, ever selling them to any who had occasion to use them. During the people's quarrels about those names, and colours, there was little speech of these men's misgovernements. But when they consented, and were now form into a mutiny; openly in the City they railed upon them, and sought occasions to kill them. The Emperor to reconcile the people, put them both out of their places, and made Phocas a Patrician, Perfect of the Palace; a wise man, and naturally addicted to justice, and Basilides a Patrician he made Quaestor, a famous honest man. But the mutiny raged nothing less. The fift day of the same, about evening, the Emperor commanded Hypatius and Pompeius, Nephews of the late Emperor Anastasius, to retire to their houses; either suspecting some attempt of theirs upon his person, or afraid that they were driven thereto by destiny. They fearing what came to pass, that the people would force them to the Empire, said, that it was not honest to leave their Emperor in so great danger. Justinian at this was more suspicious, and bade them instantly be gone home. They went, and it being night, were quiet; but the Sun no sooner up, but it was divulged, how these Lords were retired from the palace: and all the multitude ran to them, and salute● Hypatius Emperor, and conducted him to the market place, to take the affairs upon him; Maria his wife, a wise and sober Matron, crying, and lamenting, and protesting to her friends, that the people were leading her husband to his death; and hanging upon him to stay him, till the people forced him from her. And when he was unwillingly come to Constantine's marketplace, they proclaimed him Emperor of the Romans, binding about his head a golden wreath, for Diadem they had none, nor other thing usual to invest the Emperor. The Senators, as many as were not in the Palace, joined; and the opinions of many were, to try their fortune at the Palace. But Origen a Senator admonished them; That indeed the case they were in, could not be decided without war, and that war and Empire are confessed the greatest things among men. But great actions are not managed in an instant, but with advices and labours, which must have longer time for their execution. That if they march now to the Enemy, their affairs will be upon the edge of a razor; and in a little plece of time they shall adventure all, and then for what happens, either adore or revile Fortune; into whose hands the hastiest businesses commonly fall. But that if they carry it leisurely, they shall not take Justinian in the Palace, if they would; who will think it well, if he may run away. Sovereignty despised, totters downward, the strength of it daily consuming: That there are other Palaces, Placillianae, and that of Helena, from whence this Emperor may issue, and manage the war, and other matters. The multitude embraced this advice, and Hypatius, (who was to have a mischief) bade them lead on to the Circus. Some say he went thither purposely, being well affected to the Emperor: Who held a Counsel, whether he should stay, or fly by Sea: Many discourses were; but the Empress Theodora spoke thus. I suppose this no time to inquire, whether a woman should be bold among men, or may be valiant, when they are afraid. They, whose affairs are come into extremest peril, must attend nothing, but how to settle best, that which lies before them. I hold flying (if ever, certainly now, though it would preserve us) not expedient. For a man born into this light, not to die, is impossible: But for one that hath been an Emperor, to become a Exile, is not to be endured: For let me never come to be without this purple robe, nor live that day, in which they that speak to me, call me not their Lady and Mistress. If Sir! you have a mind to escape, 'tis no hard matter. We have store of money; and there's the sea; and yonder are ships: But consider, whether you may not have cause, most willingly to exchange your safety, for death. For me, I like the old saying; How breave a Sepulchre a Kingdom is! At this speech they took courage to stand it out, and consulted of means of opposition, if any should set upon them.  
All the Soldiers, both quartered about the Emperor's Palace and elsewhere, neither affected the Emperor, nor durst openly join in this action, but expected the event. But Justinians whole hope was in Belisarius and Mundus. The first newly come from the Persian war, had brought a strong retinue with him, of Lanciers and Targeteers, and others, all old Soldiers. And Mundus, being 
* There was another called General of all of the Orient; and two Generals of the Legions in Byzantium: In Latin their name was Magistri militum.  General of Illyrium, chanced, being sent for to Constantinople, to bring with him a Troop of Herulians. But Hypatius in the Circus, went up directly, and sat him down in the Emperor's Seat, where he uses to see the horse races and other exercises. Then out of the Palace came Mundus, by the gate called Cochlea, from the round form like a shell-snaile. But Belisarius went first toward Hypatius, and the Imperial Seat, and at a hall where uses to be a guard of Soldiers, he called, willing the Soldiers to open the doors for him to go against the Usurper. The Soldiers resolving to stand for neither, till one were clearly the Conqueror, made as if they heard him not. Belisarius returning to the Emperor, affirmed they were all undone; the Soldier's revolting, who guarded the Palace. The Emperor bade him go in by the Brazen gate, and the portal there; and he passing with much danger and toil, through rubbish, and places half burnt, got to the Circus. Being come to the Gallery of the Veneti, which is to the right hand of the Emperor's Seat, he was thinking to set upon Hypatius; but the gate there was narrow, and he feared the people, seeing him pestered in a narrow passage, might cut in pieces himself and his company, and then easily set upon the Emperor. So resolving to give on upon the innumerable multitude, which stood confusedly and crowded in the Circus, he drew his sword, and bad the rest do the like, and ran upon them, with a great shout. The people being crowded together, and seeing corselets, and Soldiers of approved valour and experience, unmercifully hewing them with their swords, fell to running away. A fearful cry was made, and Mundus standing near, and desirous to have his share in the action (being a daring man) when he saw Belisarius in fight, he rushed into the Circus also at the gate called Necra. And so the Mutineers between them both were cut in pieces. And the overthrow being clear, and much slaughter of the Commons, Boraides and Justus, the Emperor's Nephews, pulled Hypatius out of his seat (none resisting) and led him with Pompeius to the Emperor; (of the common people there being slain that day more than 30000.) The Emperor commanded them to prison; and Pompeius wept, being a man little versed in business; but Hypatius chid him, saying, That none ought to lament for men perishing unjustly; forced at the first by the people, and then coming to the Circus for no hurt to the Emperor: But the next day the soldiers killed them both, and threw their bodies into the sea. The Emperor confiscated their estates, and of all the other Senators of their faction; but afterward restored to them, and to the sons of Hypatius, and Pompeius, their former dignities, and so much of their estates, as he had not 
* But he gave away all their best lands and goods first. See the Secretary Hist.  given away. And thus the mutiny ended.   

CHAP. XX.  
TRibonianus and John the Cappadocian had their Offices restored to them again. Tribonianus lived many years in the same, and died in his bed, without receiving other disgrace, being a fair spoken man, pleasant, and able to veil his Covetousness with abundance of Learning. But John was irksome to all the world, threatening the whip to all men, and sharking all kind of booty. In the tenth year of his Office he paid the just penalty of his lawless life in this manner. 
* This story gins 8 years after the Mutiny, and ends ten years after it, when john was stripped of all, and sent begging to Alexandria. As appears in the end of the Chapter.  The Empress Theodora hated him of all men; and he being fallen foul with her by some errors, sought not to gain her with flattery and good turns, but openly plotted against her, and accused her to the Emperor; neither respecting her fortune, nor the Emperor's extreme affection to her. She perceiving his do, desired to kill him, but could not, the Emperor so much esteemed him. But John knowing the Empresses mind, was terribly afraid, suspecting every night in his bed, some Barbarian should rush in to kill him; and still peeping out, and searching the entries, that he could not sleep, though he had about him some thousands of Lanciers and Targeteers; a thing never used by any Praefect. But no sooner day; but again, forgetting all fear of God, or man, he became a common destruction to all Romans, frequenting Sorcerers, and harkening to impious South-saying, vainly foretelling to him the Imperial dignity; that one might see his thoughts in the air, transported with hopes of the Empire: And in his wicked course of life he bated nothing, nor was God in any of his thoughts. If he went to Church to pray, or watch all night, he observed not the Christian Rites; but having on a course garment, like a Heathen Priest, he mumbled all the night some ungodly spells, to captivate more the Emperor's mind, and to preserve himself from mischief.  
In the mean time Belisarius, after the conquest of Italy, came to Constantinople with his wife Antonina, to manage the war against the Persian, being precious to all men, and indeed deserving much estimation. Yet this John was harsh to him, and still plotting against him; only because himself was generally hated, and Belisarius of all men the most renowned. And the hope of the Romans being upon him, again he made an expedition into Persia, leaving his wife Antonina in Constantinople, who (being the ablest woman alive to effect things hard to be effected) to gratify the Empress, devised this. John had a daughter, his only child, named Euphemia, whom he extremely loved, very modest, but young, and so easily caught. This maid, Antonina, by much soothing, and assiduity, at last gained to her lure; not disdaining to impart her secrets to her. And once having her above in a chamber, she feigned to lament her own fortune, That Belisarius (after so much enlarging the Roman Empire, and two Kings brought prisoners to Constantinople, and so vast a wealth) found Justinian ungrateful; and in other things she accused the Government, as unjust. Euphemia overjoyed at this discourse, being troubled too with the Government, and fear of the Empress; Truly, dear Lady! (quoth she) you are the causes, who having power, will not use it. We are not able, daughter (replied Antonina) to stir in the Camp, if some in the Court concur not in the action: But if your Father would, we should easily (being once in the business) effect, whatsoever it should please God. Euphemia confidently promised, that this should be done; and departing, related the matter to her father. Who pleased with it, and conceiving it to lead him the way to his Prophecies, and the Empire, without pausing upon it, consented: Willing his daughter to treat for a meeting the next day, and that he might give her his oath. Antonina knowing his mind, and desirous to draw him from suspecting the truth: To give him a meeting now (quoth she) will do hurt; it will cause suspicion, and hinder all: But she was instantly to go into the East to Belisarius; being departed from Constantinople, and in her house in the suburbs (which is called Rufinianae, a house of Belisarius) there John should come to take leave, and bring her on her way; where they might confer, and give oath, and take it. John liked this, and a day was assigned accordingly. The Empress informed of all from Antonina, commended the plot, and encouraged her in it. And at the day appointed, Antonina took leave of the Empress, and came to Rufinianae, and the next day was to begin her journey. Thither at night came John, to finish the agreement. The Empress had informed her husband of these attempts of John to usurp, and so sent to Rufinianae Narses the Eunuch, and Marcellus, Commander of the Palatine guards, with many soldiers, and direction to search out the business, and if they found John in any plot, to kill him, and come away. They say the Emperor advertised of this proceeding, sent one to John, not to meet Antonina secretly. Which advise John neglecting (it being his fate to be ruined) about midnight met Antonina near a hedge, behind which she had placed Narses, and Marcellus, to hear what was said. There did John consent in plain words to the conspiracy, and confirmed it with most terrible oaths. Then did Narses and Marcellus, break in upon him. But at the noise, John's Lanciers (who were at hand) came presently in. One of them wounded Marcellus with his sword, not knowing who it was; whereby John with them escaped, and ran to the City. If he had had the heart to go immediately to the Emperor, he had had no hurt, I verily think: But by flying to the Temple, he gave the Empress full scope to advance her design against him. So that of a Praefect made a private man, and removed from that Church, he was brought to another, standing in a suburb of Cyzicum, called Artâce, and there made a Priest, naming himself Peter. He was not made a Bishop, but a Priest: Neither would he execute the function of a Priest, lest it should hinder his promotion to greater offices. For he would not lay down his hopes. His estate being confiscate, the Emperor remitted much of it, being still inclined to spare him. There had John the means (secure from dangers, and rich, both by what he had collected himself, and what he had by the Emperor's grace) to use his pleasures without controlment, and with moderation to esteem his estate happy. At which all men repined, that being the wickedest devil in the world, he should thus live happier than he did before.  
But God would not suffer his punishment to stay there, but prepared this greater scourge for him. Eusebius, the bishop of Cyzicum, was as harsh a man as John himself. And him the Cyzicenians accused to the Emperor in a judicial way; but not prevailing (Eusebius being too strong for them) some young men laid wait, and killed him in the Marketplace of Cyzicum. With this Eusebius John had great differences, which cast a suspicion of the fact upon him. So that some Senators being sent to examine it, first put him in the common prison, setting him naked like a robber, or some pilfering rogue (one who had been so powerful a Praefect, enroled among the Patricians, and had sat in the Consul's chair, than which dignity none is greater in the Roman state) and tearing his back with many stripes, they forced him to reveal his own life. There was no great argument of his guilt of the murder; but the justice of God exacted from him a revenge, for abusing the whole world. They took then all his estate from him, and put him naked into a ship, save with one course coat, which cost not much. His conductors, wheresoever the ship put in, made him beg his bread, and small moneys for his subsistence. And so begging all the way to Egypt, he was brought to Antinoë and this is the third year of his being there a prisoner. Yet in all this affliction, he quitted not his hope of the Empire; but fell to accuse some Alexandrians: for Arrears to the Treasury.  
This just vengeance fell upon John the Cappadocian, ten years after this time. But then the Emperor made Belisarius General of the East again, and sending him into Africa, 
Anno Domini 533. & justiniani 7.  recovered the country, as shall be hereafter declared; which much vexed Chosroes and the Persians, repenting they had made a peace, when he saw the Romans power so augmented. And sending an Ambassador to Constantinople, he congratulated with the Emperor, and in merriment demanded his share of the spoils of Africa, seeing he had not vanquished the Vandals, if the Persians had not made peace with him. But Justinian sent Chosroës' a present in money, and dismissed the Ambassador.  
In the mean time at Daras one John, a soldier of the Garrison (some few of his fellow soldiers conspiring) usurped, and possessed the City. In the Palace there, as in a Citadel) he sat, confirming daily his tyranny: And had not there been peace then with the Persians, some desperate mischief had fallen out. The fourth day of this tyranny, some other soldiers, by the direction of Mamas Bishop of Daras, and Anastasius a principal Citizen, went to the Palace at noon, each having under his cassock a short sword. And first at the inner court, finding some few Lanciers of the guard, they killed them; then going into the Hall, laid hold on the usurper. Some say the soldiers did not begin with him; but that (they demurring upon it in the inner court, afraid of the danger) a pudding seller in their company rushed in suddenly upon John, and with his knife wounded him; not mortally. But flying in haste, he fell among the soldiers, and then (they say) they laid hold on him; and having set the place on fire, that it might not encourage any hereafter to rebel, they put him fettered in the common prison. Where one among them, fearing, that the soldiers knowing him to be living, might trouble the City again, killed him, and so appeased the mutiny, and the said tyranny in Daras.   
Finis Lib. 1. Bell. Pers.   

The Contents of the Chapters of the Second Book of the Persian War.  

CHAP. I. CHosroes seeks occasions of war; causes Alamundarus to pick quarrels, and invade; excepts against Justinian for seeking to gain Alamundarus, and for provoking the Huns to invade Persia. Ambassadors from Vitigis, King of the Goths, persuade him unto it.  
CHAP. II. The War in Armenia; where Sittas, a brave General, is unfortunately slain. Buzes succeeds. Upon the kill of John they revolt to Chrosroes, and persuade him to break the Perpetual Peace.  
CHAP. III. A Comet. A cruel invasion of Huns into Thrace and Illyrium. Justinian dehorts Chosroes from war. Chosroes first invasion. His cunning taking of Sura; and destroying it. He causes, Candidus Bishop of Sergiopolis to redeem their captives.  
CHAP. IU. Buzes abandons Hierapolis with a speech. Germanus is sent to Antioch: Hierapolis compounds. Berrhoea is taken: Of their Bishop Megas.  
CHAP. V. The Antiochians refuse composition. In the absence of Megas their Bishop, Berrhoea is taken. He obtains their bodies of Chosroes, who had sacked the City before.  
CHAP. VI Antiochia is assaulted; and presently takes. The Soldiers run away at another gate. Zaberganes dissuades mercy. The cruel execution. Two Ladies drown themselves. Chosroes his vaunting dissimulation; and his character.  
CHAP. VII. Chosroes having rob the Church of great treasures, and sacked the City, burned it all, save the Church, and some few buildings. He spares the walls. The Ambassadors get a promise of peace for a great sum in hand, and a yearly pension.  
CHAP. VIII. He burns the Church of St Michael the Archangel in Daphne, by a mistake: Enters Apamea, which had a piece of the true Cross; and takes all their treasures. Chosroes will be for the Prasini, Justinian being for the Veneti. Colchis redeems itself.  
CHAP. IX. Chosroes attempts Edessa. A digression of Augarus and Augustus, and Christ's Letter, that the town should never be taken. Edessa gives a little money, and is let alone.  
CHAP. X. The redemption of the Antiochian captives hindered by Buzes. A digression why Chosroes claimed Constantina. Daras besieged, and saved by a countermine. Antioch of Chosroes. A Prodigy foreshowing the destruction of Antioch. Belisarius having brought Vitigis prisoner, King of the Goths, is appointed General against Chosroes.  
CHAP. XI. Colchis, called Lazica, revolts to the Persian; and invites him thither with an army; being angered by John Tzibus, the General there. Belisarius resolves with the advice of his Captains to invade Persia.  
CHAP. XII. Chosroes his second invasion of the Romans in Lazica. Petra is taken by composition, after the kill of John Tzibus.  
CHAP. XIII. Belisarius at Nisibis fights with Nabedes, without much advantage: Sends Arethas to spoil Assyria, who returns another way. Belisarius takes Sisabranum, and 800 Persians in it; then wisely returns in safety: and Chosroes comes out of Lazica.  
CHAP. XIV. Chosroes his third Invasion. Sergiopolis escapes; but their Bishop Candidus is made a captive, Belisarius comes post into the East, and gathers the scattered forces to Europus.  
CHAP. XV. Belisarius rids away Chosroes with a bravado. A Truce is agreed, yet Cullinicum destroyed by Chosroes.  
CHAP. XVI. An universal Pestilence: And how it raged in Constantinople, where died 10000 a day.  
CHAP. XVII. The peace is not concluded, through Justinians default. His Captains invade Persarmenia disorderly, and are overthrown at Anglon, and shamefully run away.  
CHAP. XVIII. Chosroes his fourth Invasion against the God of the Christians, and Edessa. He raises a mount. Stephanus, a Physician, persuades peace, but cannot prevail.  
CHAP. XIX. The entreaties of Martinus for a peace are rejected. The Romans burn the Mount. The Persians are beaten back from their assaults. A truce for five years is accorded. Alamundarus hath a war.  
CHAP. XX. Chosroes plots: the possession of Lazica: And by his Ambassador Isdigunas the surprise of Daras; who failed in that design; but is magnificently entertained by Justinian at Constantinople.  
CHAP. XXI. Chosroes sends Fabrizus to kill Gubazes, who fails in his plot. Gubazes revolts to Justinian. Dagisthaeus besieges the Persians in Petra. The description of Phasis. Dagisthaeus by absurdly dallying, misses the taking Petra.  
CHAP. XXII. Mermeroe●, with an Army of Persians, forces his way through the passage. Whereupon Dagisthaeus runs basely from Petra, Mermeroes', having relieved Petra, retires home, leaving 5000, who are cut in pieces by Gubazes. John the Cappadocian, after Theodora's death, returns to Constantinople, a priest only; and how he wore the habit of Augustus.    

THE HISTORY Of the Wars of the EMPEROR JUSTINIAN,  
Of the Persian War. The Second Book.  

CHAP. I.  
CHosroes hearing how Belisarius was recovering Italy for the Emperor Justinian, could hold no longer, but would find some specious pretext to break the peace: Alamundarus he directed to procure causes of a war. Who charging Arethas for encroaching on him, with that colour foraged the Romans; alleging it no breach of peace between them and the Persians; neither having included him. Indeed in no treaties was any mention of the Saracens; being comprehended in the names of the Romans and Persians. The Country these Saracens disputed, is called Strata, and lies to the South of the City of Palmyra. Trees nor Corn it hath none, (being parched with Sun,) only it affoards some flocks of Sheep. Arethas claimed it for the Romans from the name it had (Strata in Latin being a paved way) and producing testimonies of ancient men: But Alamundarus would not dispute about names, alleging the owners to have anciently paid him rend for the pasturage. Justinian committed the arbitration of these differences to Strategius, a Patrician, superintendent of his treasures, a wise man, and nobly born, and to Summus late Captain of the Forces in Palestine, and brother to Julian, (who was Ambassador to the Ethiopians and Homerits) who thought it not sit the Romans should quit the Country. But Strategius prayed the Emperor, not to give the Persians, (now quarrelling,) occasion for a war, about such a poor barren Country. Who consulted about it, and much time was spent in the Arbitration. But Chosroes said the peace was broken, in that Justinian during the same had manifested a great design upon his house, by endeavouring to gain from him Alamundarus; Summus at the Arbitration having importuned him with great offers of money to revolt. Chosroes also produced the Emperor's letters written to Alamundarus; And he alleged, that he had also written to the Huns to invade and forage the Persians, and that the Huns had sent him the Letters. Chosroes with these objections, (true, or false, I know not) resolved to break the peace.  
Then also Vitigis King of the Goths, brought low with the war there, sent two Ambassadors to him, to persuade his invading the Romans; being not Goths, (for fear of spoiling the business being discovered) but Ligurian priests, won to this negotiation by large gifts. He that seemed the better man, and called himself a Bishop, went for the Ambassador, and the other for his servant. Being come into Thrace, they took in an Interpreter for the Syrian and Greek tongues; and so came into Persia undiscovered; the Romans keeping no exact guards because of the peace: And having access to Chosroes, they spoke thus; Other men, O King! employ Ambassadors for ends of their own: But Vitigis King of the Goths and Italians, having sent us to advise you concerning your Empire, think him, as present, to say thus. In a word, O King! you abandon your own Empire, and all men besides, to Justinian; who being naturally pragmatical, ambitious, and restless, hath strong desires to conquer every Land and Dominion. But finding himself unable to deal singly with the Persians, nor during their opposition, to assail others; he resolved to blind you with a Peace, and to compel others to join their powers to his, against your Dominions. The Vandals and Moors he hath already ruined, by removing us out of his way with a title of friendship: And now fully stored with money, and men, he invades us: showing, that if he can subdue the Goths; with us, and the slaves he hath already made, he will bring his Army upon the Persians, respecting no name of friendship, nor his Oath. So that while there is yet hope, do us no more hurt, nor suffer any yourself; but in our misfortunes, see what may happen to the Persians. Think the Romans never your friends, but once above you in power, that they will consummate their hatred. Use your power in the due time, lest you seek it, when 'tis gone. The point of opportunity once blunted, never recovers. 'Tis better to prevent and be safe; then coming short of the opportunity, to suffer the basest things from an Enemy. Chosroes esteemed this Counsel of Vitigis to be good; and studied more the breaking the peace; in his envy of Justinian, not considering these discourses to come from the Emperor's Enemies. He had a mind to it, and so like a willing fugitive he yielded himself: which happened also to him upon the discourses of the Armenians and Lazians afterward. They imputed to Justinian that, which is the high praise of a generous Emperor, the making his Empire greater and more glorious; which they might aswell object to Cyrus the Persian, or Alexander the Macedonian. But envious men know no right: And thus Chorsroes resolved to break the peace.   

CHAP. II.  
BUt in the mean time this happened. Simeones (who gave up Pharangium to the Romans) in the heat of the war obtained of Justinian some Armenian villages; and having them, he was slain by some of the ancient possessors; the murderers being two brothers, the sons of Perozes, fled into persia; and the Emperor Justinian gave the villages to Amazaspes, sister's son to Simeones, and made him governor of Armenia. After this a follower of Justinian, one Acacius, accused Amazaspes of confederacy, and plotting to deliver Theodosiopolis to the Persian, and other Towns, and by the Emperor's direction put him to death treacherously, and was made Governor of Amenia: He was a wicked man, and so appeared, and most cruel to the Armenians, by unreasonable rapines, 
12600 li. slerl.  and by taxing them with a new tribute of four Centenaries. The Armenians not able to endure him longer, conspired and killed him, then seized upon Pharangium: Against whom the Emperor sent Sittas from Constantinople, where he had remained ever since the peace. He at first made a slow war, striving to appease, and reduce them to their former affections; promising to get their new tribute remitted. But the Emperor, at the instigation of Adolius, the son of Acacius, reproached him for dallying. Then he prepared to give battle, endeavouring with fair promises to join some, to have the rest better cheap. The Apetians, a great and populous people, willing to submit, sent to him for assurance; that turning to the Roman Army from their own Countrymen, they should enjoy their own estates, free from grievance. He gladly made an Instrument of their assurances, and sent it them signed; and confident upon this to win the battle without striking stroke, he marched to the Oenochalaces, where the Armenians encamped. But the bearers of the Instrument could not meet the Apetians; and part of the Roman Army, not knowing of the accord, killed some few of them they met. And Sittas' finding some children and women in a cave, angry for the Apetians not joining according to promise, or not knowing them, killed them. So they stood in battle with the rest, offended with all this. The fight could not be in one place, but was scattered in ragged ground, and precipices, and bottoms of hills. So that Sittas not with many, and some few Armenians, came near each other, with a deep valley between them; being both sides horsemen: Sittas past the valley, and charged the enemy; who retiring, stood still, and Sittas stopped there too. By chance an Herulian of the Roman army came back in fury from the chase of an enemy, passing by Sittas, who had struck his lance into the ground, The Herulians horse rushing mainly against it, broke it; which much troubled Sittas. For an Armenian who knew him (having his helmet off) assured the rest it was Sittas. Who hearing what the Armenian said, and seeing his lance cracked upon the ground, drew his sword, and would have retreated over the valley. The Enemy road eagerly after him, and one overtook him in the valley with a sword, which cut off the crown of his head, not hurting the scull. Sittas' spurred on; but Artabanes, the son of John, of the race of the Arsacides, killed him with a thrust of his lance behind. Thus was Sittas lost impertinently, and not suitably to his former actions; A goodly man he was, valiant, and an excellent Commander, inferior to none of his time. Some say one Solomon killed him, an obscure fellow, and not Artabanes.  
Sittas' being dead, the Emperor sent Buzes against the Armenians. Who being near them, promised to reconcile them, desiring conference with some of their chief men. None would give credit to Buzes, nor hearken to his offers, save John, the father of Artabanes his friend, of the race of the Arsacides, who presuming upon Buzes, as his friend, came to him with his son in law Bassaces, and some others. These the next day lodged where they were to meet Buzes, and perceaved themselves compassed with the Roman army. Bassaces', when he could not persuade John to fly, road back, leaving him all alone; whom Buzes killed.  
The Armenians having no hope of reconciliation, and unable to maintain the war; under the conduct of Bassaces, a valiant man, betook themselves to the Persian King: To whom some of their Chiefs being admitted, spoke thus. There are amongst us, Sir! many Arsacides, descendants of that Arsaces, who no stranger to the Persian Empire, when it was under the Parthians, was a famous King in his time, inferior to none. But we now stand before you, become slaves and fugitives, not willingly, but forced; in appearance by the Romans, but indeed, O King! by your resolution. For who gives power to the wrong doer, justly bears the blame of the wrong. To deduce it higher, and through the several occurrents, Arsaces, our last King, quitted his Royalty, it seems, willingly to Theodosius the Roman Emperor, with condition for those of his blood, to enjoy liberty, and not to be subject to Tribute. Which we preserved till your famous Peace, or rather common calamity. For now not regarding friends nor enemies, this friend of yours, O King! in words, and enemy in deeds, hath troubled all the world. Which yourself will know ere long, when he hath subdued the Western Nations. What thing prohibited hath he not done! what well settled not stirred? Hath he not taxed us with unusual tributes? made slaves of the Tzanians our borderers, a free people? set a Governor over the King of the wretched Lazians, a thing not incident to the nature of things? not to be expressed? Hath he not with his Generals unjustly surprised the Bosporites, subjects of the Huns? made league with the Ethiopians, never heard of by the Romans? added the Homerits, red Sea, and Country of Palmtrees to the Roman Empire? not to speak of the Africans and Italians. The whole world not containing the man, he searches gulfs beyond the Ocean, and another world. Why do you delay, O King! respecting this wicked ruinous peace? Is it, after all the rest, to be his last dish? To know what man Justinian is to them that yield to him, you have us for a Precedent, and the poor Lazians: how he uses men unknown, as well as them that wrong him; consider the Vandals, Goths and Moors. But the main of all: studies he not during the peace to draw Alamundarus your servant to revolt from you? to associate the Huns against you, men unknown to him? But a shrewder act than this was never: Now he perceives his Western conquests ready for conclusion, he seeks to circumvent the East, having none now to wrestle with left, but the Persians. So that himself hath broken the Perpetual Peace. They break peace, not who arm first, but who plot against their allies in time of peace, and the crime is acted by him that goes about to do it, though the success fail. And not they who cause the war, but they who oppose them, use to conquer. Nor will the match be equal; their best Soldiers being in the utmost parts of the world; and of their two best Generals, we have lately slain Sittas; and Belisarius Justinian will not look on. Which he slighting, holds in his hands the dominion of Italy: So that you will have none to oppose your invasion; and us you shall have with our best affections, and long experience of the Country, the guides of your Army. Chosroes liked these reasons, and imparted to his trustiest subjects, what Vitigis and the Armenians had said; propounding in Counsel what was to be done; where the conclusion was, to make war on the Romans in the beginning of the spring, it being then Autumn; 
Anno Domini 539. & Anno 13. Justiniani.  and Justinian in the thirtenth year of his reign; the Romans the while not suspecting the breach of the Perpetual Peace; but hearing only that Chosroes murmured against the Emperor's successes in the West, and charged him, as I have mentioned.   

CHAP. III.  
THen also appeared a Comet, at first about the length of a tall man, afterward much longer: The tail was toward the East, and the head to the West; and being in Capricorn, kept behind the Sun in Sagittary. Some called it (being long with a sharp head) gladiata, some barbata. It was seen more than forty days. The learned in these things, made several repugnant predictions upon this star: But what hath fallen out since, I will relate. Immediately a great army of Huns passing the river Ister overran all Europe; a thing often done, but never with so much mischief to people. * From the Ionian gulf, to the suburbs of Constantinople, they spoilt all in their way; in Illyrium they took 32. Castles; destroyed Cassandria (anciently Potidaea) having never, (that we know) attempted before a walled Town; and with much booty, and some 120. thousand captives retired home, meeting no opposition: Afterward they did many mischiefs to the Romans in their inroads. 
He calls the Ionian Gulf that which is called the Adriatic Sea.  They assaulted the wall in Chersonesus, and forcing the Guards, and at full Sea (being upon the Gulf called Melas) getting over it, entered within it, fell suddenly upon the Roman inhabitants in Chersonesus, slew many, and made almost all the rest slaves. Some crossed the Straight between Sestus and Abydos, spoiled the towns of Asia Minor, and then returning to Chersonesus, went home with the rest of their army and their booty. In another inroad having spoilt Illyrium and Thessaly, they assaulted the wall at Thermopylae; where the Garrison defending stoutly, they unluckily found the path up the mountain, and so wasted all Greece, save Peloponesus; and then retired.  
Not long after the Persians breaking the peace, did much infest the Romans of the East; Belisarius having newly subdued Vitigis, and brought him to Constantinople. Before the Persian invasion, Justinian, who saw Chosroes (as I have said) quarrelling, sent a remonstrance to him by Anastasius, a prudent man, who lately had suppressed the Rebellion at Daras, and wrote letters to this effect. Wise men, who know God, strive to root up the occasions of war, especially with their best friends. But men unadvised, and rashly affecting even God for their enemy, contrive causes, which are no causes, of sights and troubles. To break a peace, and run into a war, is an easy matter. The nature of things makes the worst courses easiest to worthless men. But to finish a war to ones mind, and to get peace again, is not so easy. You complain of letters, which by me were written with no all purpose; but by you are interpreted with a sense, such as conduces to the execution of your own counsels with some pretence. But we can allege your Alamundarus his foraging our countries, and acting desperate things during the peace; sucking our Towns, ransacking, kill, enslaving our people; so that you are not to complain, but to excuse. The complaints of wrong doers are proved by actions, not discourses. And we, notwithstanding all this, resolved to observe the peace; while you seek war, and coin complaints, which concern not us. Men seriously embracing quiet, shake off complaints against friends, though they press hard: But such, whom the articles of their friendship displease, study for pretexts: A thing not becoming ordinary men, much less Kings. Lay then these things by; and consider the multitudes to perish in this war; and who shall bear the blame of what shall happen in it. Consider the oath you took when you received your money, which you slight now, but can with no sophistry evade. God is of a more excellent nature, then to be cozened by all the men living. Chosroes would not answer any thing to this Letter, nor dismiss Anastasius.  
But in the end of the Winter, and of the 
* Chosroes first Invasion.  thirteenth year of Justinians reign; Chosroes entered the Roman territories with a great army, and so clearly broke the Perpetual Peace. He marched not through the midland, 
* Justinians reign ended with the Winter almost; For he was declared Emperor with his Uncle the third day before Easter. See Secret. History. So this first Invasion of Chosroes was Anno justimani 14. Anno Dom. 540.  but with the Euphrates to his right hand. Beyond the river stands Circesium, the furthest castle the Romans have, and a very strong one. The river Aborras, being great, meets the Euphrates there, and the castle stands in the neck of land between the two rivers; and a long wall from each river, taking in the ground without the castle, makes it a triangle. Chosroes would not attempt so strong a place, nor pass the river; his design being for Syria and Cilicia; so he marched on; and being gone so much way, as would amount to about three ordinary days journey, by the banks of Euphrates, he came to Zenobia; a City built by Zenobia the wife of Odenatus; who anciently being a Prince of the Saracens, and in amity with the Romans, recovered for them the Eastern Empire, subdued by the Persians. This Zenobia Chosroes considering to be no place of importance, and the Country about it desert, and barren; not to take time from his greater affairs, he attempted to get it by composition; and not prevailing, marched on as much way more, and came to the City of the Surenians upon the Euphrates. Staying before it, the horse he road on neighed, and pawed with his foot; from which Omen the Magis pronounced the Town would be taken. So he encamped, and from his Camp drew his Army to assault: where an Armenian, one Arsaces, who was Captain of the Garrison brought his men up to the battlements, and after a brave fight, and many enemies slain, was killed by a shot; and the Persians (it being late) retired to their Camp, meaning the next day to renew the assault. But the Romans, despairing upon the death of their Commander, sent out the next day the Bishop of their City, to supplicate Chosroes for the sparing themselves & the Town. Who with some attending him, and a present of fowl, wine, and fine manchets, cast himself down before Chosroes, weeping, and beseeching h●m to spare miserable men, and a City of little estimation with the Romans, or Persians hitherto, and promising to pay reasonable ransom for their persons and city. Chosroes was offended with the Surenians; the first Roman subjects in his way, and refusing to receive him; nay taking arms and killing many principal Persians: but he hide his anger under a fair countenance, that by these men's chastisement he might terrify all in his way, and bring them to yield without fight. So he took up the Bishop very courteously, received his present, and pretended to communicate with some chief men about the ransom, and then to satisfy his request; and so sent him away without the least jealousy of his design. With him he sent a convoy of Persians, whom he instructed to go to the Town, comforting the Bishop with hopes; that himself and company might be seen by the Townsmen cheerful without fear, and when the guards opened the gate for him, to cast a stone or piece of wood between, and himder their shutting it awhile; presently his army should follow; which he presently made ready, with command to ride full speed to the town upon signal given. The Persians came close to the town, and took leave of the Bishop, whom the Surenians seeing overjoyed, and honourably conducted by the enemy, apprehended no mischief, but set their gate wide open, and caught the bishop in their arms, applauding him. Being in, the Guards thrust the gate to shut it, but the Persians having thrown a stone between, they could not get it together; and they durst not open it again, perceiving it possessed by the enemy. Some report, that it was not a stone, but a piece of wood that the Persians threw down. But before the townsmen could perceive it, Chosroës came with the army, and quickly forced open the gate, and entered the town, and being in a fury, ransacked the houses, killed most of the men, and making the rest slaves, burned the City to the ground; and then he sent away Anastasius, willing him to carry the news to Justinian, in what part of the world he left Chosroës' the son of Cabades. But either for covetousness, or kindness to Euphemia (whom, being one of these captives, and very beautiful, he made his wife, and infinitely doted on her) he was pleased to do the poor Surenians some good. He sent to Sergiopolis, a Roman City (bearing the name of Sergius, a famous Saint, and distant from this ruined City fifteen miles to the Southward, in the Barbarian plains) and directed that Candidus the bishop thereof, should ransom them, being twelve thousand captives, for two Centenaries. But he not having the money, refused it. Chosroës' willed him to send him a bond to pay it hereafter, 
6300. l. sterl. which is but 10. s. a man.  and so with a small sum to redeem a multitude of Captives. Candidus did so, promising to pay the money within a year, confirming it by oath, and upon penalty, if it were not paid by the day, to pay it double, and to be no more a Priest for breaking his oath. This was drawn up in writing, and so he had the Surenians delivered to him: of whom the most part, not enduring the misery fallen on them, perished.   

CHAP. IU.  
CHosroës, this done, marched forward. The Generalship of the East the Emperor had so divided, as that all to the Euphrates was left to Belisarius (who formerly had the whole command) and from thence to the Persian frontier, all was under Buzes, and till Belisarius should return out of Italy, he had the charge of the whole East; who first lay at Hierapolis with all the army. But understanding what happened to the Surenians, he called to him the chief men of Hierapolis, and told them; That when the match is equal, there is reason to fight quickly with an enemy invading; but to men much weaker than their enemy, it is more expedient to circumvent him with stratagems, then to run into an evident danger: What forces Chosroës' hath, they have heard. That if they make the war from the walls, the Persians will block them up; and furnish themselves with provisions out of their country (none opposing) while they want within; and that the siege lasting, their walls cannot hold out, being very assaultable, nor can the Romans but fall into some desperate estate. But that guarding the City with part of the army, and lodging the rest in the bottoms of the mountains near the City, infesting the enemy's camp, and his foragers with sudden courses, they will force him to raise his siege, unable to make his assaults at his ease, nor to provide food for so great an army. The advice of Euzes seemed pertinent, but he did nothing; but went away with the choicest men of the army; and in what part of the world he was, neither the Romans in Hierapolis, nor the enemy could learn. Justinian, hearing of the invasion, dispatched Germanus, his brother's son, in much haste with three hundred men, promising to send a great army soon after. Who came to Antioch, visited the walls, and found much of them of good strength; the plain ground was compassed by the river Orontes, and the hill was steep, craggy, and unapproachable; only at the top of mount Casius, he found the wall very assaultable, from a rock stretching far in breadth, and as high as the wall. He directed therefore, either to cut the rock from the wall, that none from it might get up, or else to join it to the wall by a tower upon it. But workmen found both these impossible, in so short time with an enemy so near, and to begin and not perfect it, would but show the enemy where to make their war. Germanus failing in this, and after long time seeing no army from the Emperor, nor likelihood of any, fearing Chosroës might make it his chief business to take Antioch, hearing the Emperor's Nephew to be within it; and the Antiochians having the same thoughts, resolved all in counsel to buy their safety with money. And to Chosroës' they sent Megas, Bishop of Berrhoea, a prudent man; who finding the Persians not far from Hierapolis, and being admitted to Chosroës, besought him to pity men who never offended him, nor were in case to resist him. That it is not fit for a King to use violence against yielding men; nor generous to give the Emperor no time to consult, either for rectifying the peace, or for preparations to war, by a mutual consent; and to invade thus without warning; their Emperor not knowing in what case they are. The rude nature of Chosroës could not be put in tune by discreet words; they rather more swelled him with pride and folly; threatening to destroy all the Syrians and Cilicians; and he bade Megas follow him. Then he encamped before Hierapolis; which finding strong, and a good garrison within, he sent Paul his interpreter to demand money of them; Paul was bred up in the Roman Territory, and went to a Grammar-school in Antioch, and was thought to be descended of Romans. The citizens fearing their walls, which embraced a great circuit to the mountain; and willing to save their country from spoiling, agreed to give two thousand pound weight of silver. 
5250. l'. sterl.  And Megas obtained of Chosroës with much entreating, 
31500. l'. sterl.  to accept * ten Centenaries of gold for all the Eastern provinces, and so to leave them. Megas returned to Antioch; and Chosroës' having his money for Hierapolis, marched to Berrhoea, standing between Antioch and Hierapolis, from either two day's journey. But the fourth day, Megas, with few in company, came to Antioch; and the Persian army to the suburbs of Berrhoea. Chosroës' urged the Berrhoeans by Paul the interpreter, for twice as much money as Hierapolis gave, because their walls were weak, nor could they trust to them. They yielded to his demand, paying down 2000 l. weight of silver, but the other 2000 l. alleging they could not pay down; and he urging them, they fled by night to the Castle in the high town. The next day, they that came from him to receive the rest of the money, found the gates shut, and could speak with none. The King understanding it, by his command they entered the City with scaling ladders, none resisting; and opening the gates let in all the army. Chosroës' in a rage would have burnt the City; but first he would take in the Castle; where some Roman soldiers defended valiantly, and killed some enemies. But the Berrhoeans flying to the castle with all their horses and cattles, by that niggardly trick were undone; for there being but one spring, and all the cattles suffered improvidently to drink up the water, the spring became dry; and in such estate they were.   

CHAP. V.  
BUt Megas could not persuade the Antiochians to the agreement he had made with Chosroës. For the Emperor had sent to him Ambassadors, who then abode at Antioch, john the son of Rufinus, and julian his Secretary; which julian forbade expressly to give money to the enemy; or to buy ●hus the Emperor's towns. They accused also Ephraim, the Bishop of Antioch, to Germanus, of attempting to betray the City to Chosroës. So Megas departed, nothing done; and the Bishop of Antioch, fearing the Persians coming, went into Cilicia, whether soon after came Germanus with some few, leaving there most of his company. But Megas arrived at Berrhoea; and much afflicted with what happened, complained to Chosroes for this perfidious usage, to send him to Antioch about truce, and in the mean time to ransack his countrymen, who never wronged him; to block them up thus in the Castle, and burn and ruin their city. Yourself, Sir (answered Chosroës) are too blame, making me lose my time here, and returning so long after the day appointed. For your countrymen; they contracted to pay money, which as yet they cannot think of performing; but presumptuous in their strong Castle, they put us, as you see, to the necessity of a siege: Whom I hope with the help of the Gods shortly to chastise for it, and for my Persians here lost. Megas replied; If all must be silent, while you, a King, accuse wretched men; then am I bound to confess without disputing; absolute power, as in all the rest, must overcome in words. But if one may (laying aside respects) stand for truth; O King! you have nothing justly to charge us with. I went the messenger of your propositions to Antioch, and returning the seventh day (than which what can be more speedy) I find my country thus used by you. Who having abandoned all that is most precious, have nothing now left, but to fight for their lives; and the advantage of not paying the rest of the money; it being impossible for men to pay what they have not. Names are anciently defined for things; Disability is one thing, and Ingratitude another. Indeed, he that wantonly refuses, is with reason hated; but one by disability driven to the same point, is to be pitied rather. Though the worst things are befallen us, yet, Sir! leave us with this comfort, not to have been authors of our own misfortunes. Think what you have received, to be the whole sum; and enough; not weighing it by your own greatness, but by the the Berrhoeans ability. Force us no further; least at last you seem to want power; seeing excessive undertake ever are rewarded with unfaisibleness. The most powerful way is to attempt not Impossibles. Let this be our apology for the present: But if I might speak with the poor men; I might say something, now not thought of. Chosroës' permitted him to go to the Castle; who finding there what happened to their spring, weeping, he came back to Chosroës, and falling flat upon the ground, protested, the Berrhoeans had no money; and besought him to bestow the bodies of the poor men upon him. Which Chosroës granted upon his lamentable crying, and gave his faith to all in the Castle. Who being so near lost, thus came out; and went whether they pleased; and among them some of the soldiers; but the most revolted to Chosroës; complaining of the state to be behind in their Pay for many years; and they went with him into Persia afterward.   

CHAP. VI  
BUt then, hearing from Megas, that the Antiochians would give no money, he marched against them, where some were fled the City with their goods, and the rest resolved the like, if Theoctistus and Molathes, Captains of the forces in Phoenicia Libani, had not with a supply of 6000 old soldiers encouraged them, and stayed their flight. Shortly after came the Persian army, and encamped near the river Orontes. Chosroës' scent Paul his Interpreter to demand money of the city, and for ten Centenaries of Gold, or less, if it were paid presently, he appeared willing to have been gone. Then came to him the Ambassadors, and after much expostulation on both sides, about the breaking the peace, returned. The next day the common people of Antioch, who are not used to serious matters, but still to merriments and debauches, put scorns upon Chosroës, and derided him from the battlements; and had almost stoned Paul, if he had not foreseen and avoided it, for exhorting them to redeem their persons and city for a little money. Chosroës' incensed herewith, resolved upon the assault; and the next day he commanded part of the army to give on by the river si●●●nd himself went against the top of the hill, where the wall is most assau●●●e. Here the Romans finding the places they were to stand and fight on, narrow, tied long beams between the turrets fast together; and enlarged the stand for more bodies to oppose the assailants. The Persians came on valiantly, and their arrows flew to the very top of the hill. The Romans, both soldiers, and many of the boldest citizens defended stoutly; the great breadth and height of the rock commanding the wall, and bringing the fight to be equal, as upon even ground. If the Romans had put out but three hundred men, and possessed the rock first, and thence kept off the assailants, I do not think the town had been endangered; for the Barbarians had no means from whence to assault, being beaten perpendicular from the rock and the walls both. But this was not thought of; the Antiochians being to perish by this army. The Persians having Chosroës' present, and crying loud unto them, strove beyond power, giving no space to the other to spy or ward their shot. But the Romans pressing up to defend, the ropes under them which tied the beams suddenly broke, and down they all fell: They who made good the next Turret, hearing the noise, thinking the wall to be thrown down there, ran away. Some young citizens only, who used to quarrel in the Circus, would run no further; being come down from the wall. But the old soldiers, with Theoctistus and Molatzes, leapt on their horses, which stood ready, and road to the gate, giving out that they went to receive in Buzes with an army with him. Thither ran also the Antiochians, men, women and children, and the place being narrow, they tumbled over one another, overborne with the horses; and the soldiers sparing none, but rather urging on faster, that there was a great slaughter made. But the Persians set their scaling ladders, and mounted, none opposing; and a while stayed upon the battlements, as if doubtful, and discovering; lest there might be ambushes in the rough waste ground, among rocks and precipices, which is within the walls, upon the descent from the hill. Some say it was upon the advice of Chosroës, who perceiving the bad ground, and the soldiers running away, feared to necessitate their turning head upon him, which might hinder him from taking the greatest, fairest, most populous, richest, and happiest Roman City in the East; than which esteeming less all things else, he resolved to give the soldiers fair leisure to run away: so that the Persians pointed with their hands to them, and bade them make haste away. And they did so, with their Commanders, going out of the gate of Daphne, a suburb of Antioch, with some few of the common people; the Persians having only not meddled with that gate, who when they saw the soldiers gone far, they descended, and from the hill fell into the midst of the City. Some young men encountered them, some armed with corslets, but most unarmed; only throwing stones, and driving them off a little, they seemed to have the better, and sung their Paeans, and cried Emperor Justinian, Callinicus, or the fair Conqueror, as it they had the victory indeed. In the mean time Chosroës' sent for the Ambassadors to speak with them, sitting upon the Turret by the top of the hill; when Zaberganes, one of his commanders, conceiving the conference would be for a composition, came to him hastily, and said: O Master! you differ from the Romans themselves, to think to preserve these men, who before the danger flout your Majesty, and being beaten, dare impossibilities and desperate acts upon the Persians; as if they feared your humanity should pity men, scorning preservation, and spare them, that will not be spared; such as lay ambushes for, and kill their Conquerors in a town taken, their own garrison having forsaken them. Chosroës' at this, sent many of his best men against them; who brought him word, that all was well; the Persians having by their numbers routed the Antiochians, with much slaughter, sparing no age. Two wives of Noblemen of Antioch are reported to have gotten without the walls, and that seeing the enemies coming towards them on all sides, and fearing to be taken, and abused, they ran to the river Orontes, and covering their faces with their veils, leapt into it, and were drowned. So every species of misery fell upon the Antiochians. Then did Chosroës' speak thus to the Ambassadors. The old saying, I see, is true; God ever gives the good mingled with the evil; so that we have not so much as laughter, which we repent not of. Good fortune is attended with some cross, and pleasure with grief, suffering no prosperity untainted. This city, the most renowned of the Roman dominion, I have taken without labour; God hath given me, (you see) a sudden victory. Yet to behold the slaughter of such multitudes, & my trophy died with so much blood, it takes away the pleasure: And hereof are the miserable Antiochians guilty; who being not able to beat off the Persians, have yet with senseless rashness sought their own deaths, struggling under the yoke against men conquering them so easily. My chief men importune me to compass the city, and destroy every man in it: But I, to preserve them, direct rather to drive them on that fly; as being impious to insult on men under my power. This Chosroes spoke in a vaunting affected way to the Ambassadors; who saw for what reasons he gave the Romans leisure to run away. He was the shrewdest man living to speak things that were not; to conceal the truth; and to lay the blame upon men he wronged, for the faults done by himself; Ever ready to agree to any thing, and swear to it; but more ready to forget both agreement and oath; skilful to abase his mind to any abomination for money, and yet in his countenance to pretend piety, and in words to detest the action. As when he so treacherously ruined the Surenians, who never wronged him. Espying a principal matron (the town being taken) dragged violently by her left hand by a Barbarian, and with the other haling after her her little child newly weaned, and fallen to the ground, which she would not let go, it being not able to keep pace; Here he shown his very humour; Groaning, and seeming to the standers by, specially Anastasius the Ambassador to weep, he prayed God to punish the Authors of those things; intimating the Emperor; though he knew well himself to be the only author. With this strange bad nature he became King of Persia, after rejection of the gallant Zames, for his one eye; and of the eldest Caoses, for his Father's reasonless hatred; and he prevailed easily against his oppugners; and to the Romans did even as much mischief, as he desired. Thus Fortune, resolving to make a man great, ever acts her resolution in the fit time (none opposing the strong current of her will,) she regards not the worth of the man, nor avoids things seeming unfit, nor cares for the world's railing for having advanced one not deserving her grace; In brief, not thinking upon any thing, but how to bring her purpose to effect.   

CHAP. VII.  
CHosroes commanded his army to make slaves of the Antiochians surviving, and to ransack their estates; and himself with the Ambassadors went down from the Hill to the Church. Here he found so great treasures of gold and silver, that had he taken no other spoil, he had gone away with a huge wealth. He took down many admirable pieces of marble, which he Commanded to lay without the walls, to be carried into Persia; and then gave order to burn the City. The Ambassadors requested him, to spare the Church only, for which he had received a sufficient ransom. This he granted, and commanded to set fire to all the rest; for which leaving some few, he retired to his camp. God had foreshewn a while before this calamity to this city. The Ensigns of the Cohorts residing there, standing to the Westward, of themselves turned to the East, and then returned where they were before, none touching them. This the Soldiers shown, among many others, 
* This Officer he calls before Praefect of the Camp.  to the Pourveyor of the expense of the army, one Tatianus, born at Mopsuestia in Cilicia, a discreet man. They seeing the prodigy, knew not then how the dominion of the city would be transferred from the Western to the Eastern Emperor, that being appointed to suffer what fell out, they might have no means to avoid it. I am astonished, recording for ages to come this great calamity, and comprehending what should be the will of God, highly thus to exalt some man or place, and then upon no reason appearing, to ruin them. It is not lawful to say, but that all things by him are done with reason; who yet endured Antioch to be laid flat with the ground by a most impious man; whose beauty and magnificence could not even then be wholly concealed. The Church only escaped this destruction, by the Persians care, who had the charge of it; Many houses also were saved in the Cerataeum, not by any man's care; but standing in the furthest end of the city, not joining to other buildings, the fire reached them not. They burned also all without the walls, but the Church of Saint Julian, and the houses about it, where the Ambassadors lodged. And the city-walls they wholly forbore. The Ambassadors came again also to Chosroes, and said thus. If we did not, Sir! speak to yourself present, we should not believe, that Chosroes the son of Cabades were entered the Roman Territories in arms, despising his Oath so lately sworn, (the strongest pawn of faith among men) and breaking Truce, the only hope left in the calamities of war. Certainly this course is to translate the life of men to that of beasts. Without Truces must be perpetual war, which will banish those from nature who use it. You wrote lately to your brother, that he is guilty of breaking the Truce: confessing thereby, that Truce-breaking is a foul mischief. If the fault be not his, you do not justly to invade us. If he have done some such thing, yet pursue your action no further, and appear the better man. He that hath the worst in the ill, aught to overcome in the better. But we know the Emperor hath not transgressed the peace; and we entreat you not to act those mischiefs upon us, which the Persians will never enjoy: and you will gain nothing, but the fortune of doing desperate injuries to the Romans, with whom you lately made Truce. But Chosroes protested, Justinian to have broken the Truce, and recited particulars, some material, others slight, or counterfeited. Especially he offered to show the Emperor's letters to Alamundarus; and the Huns, the main causes of the war: but he neither alleged nor showed, that ever any of the Romans invaded the Persians, or did any hostile act. The Ambassadors denied some things, and in others laid the blame upon Justinians Ministers. In conclusion, Chosroes demanded money; not only a present sum, being to establish a peace for ever; (For friendships gotten with money, commonly wast with the money) but a yearly pension for a firm peace, and for the Persians guarding the Caspian Gates, and no more importuning about Daras; for which they shall be their perpetual stipendiaries. What! said the Ambassadors, would you have the Romans pay them a tribute? No! quoth he, but to have the Persians their soldiers, giving them pay for their service. You give pensions to the Huns and Saracens, not as they are Tributaries, but to guard your Territories. After much debate, in the end they came to this accord; That Chosroes should presently receive fifty Centenaries of gold, 
157500. l'. 15720. l'. sterl.  and a perpetual yearly payment of five more; and so do no more mischief, but receiving hostages upon this accord to retire with his whole army into his country: whither other Ambassadors should be sent from Justinian to settle a firm peace.   

CHAP. VIII.  
CHosroes then went on to Seleucia, a maritime city, about sixteen miles from Antioch, where neither finding nor harming any Roman, he washed only in the Sea-water, did sacrifice to the Sun, and whom he pleased, with a deal of superstition, and road back again. Being come to his camp, he desired much, (as he said, only for curiosity) to see Apamea, which stood near. The Ambassadors unwillingly yielded, upon condition, that having seen the city, and received 1000 l'. weight in silver, he should retire without spoiling it. But Chosroes appeared to the Ambassadors and all men, to take that journey, only to catch at some trivial cause to sack the city, and country about it. Then he went up to Daphne, a suburb of Antioch, where he admired the Grove and the Fountains, things worth the seeing. Having sacrificed to the Nymphs, he came away, doing no mischief there, but the burning of the Temple of Michael the Archangel, upon this mistaking. An eminent Persian, well known to the King, road with some in his company by a ragged piece of ground, called Tretum, where stands the Church of the Archangel made by Evaris; where finding a young man of Antioch hidden, and alone, he quitted his company and chased him. The young man was a Butcher, named Acimachus; who ready to be caught, turned upon his pursuer suddenly, and with a stone hit him under the ear into the dura mater: and being fallen down, dispatched him with his own Scimitar, rifled his arms and apparel, got up on his horse, and road clear away by good chance, or his knowledge of the ways. Chosroes was grieved at the accident, and commanded some to burn that Church of the Archangel; who thinking he meant this in Daphne, burn it with the buildings about it.  
Then Chosroes with his army went to Apamea: where is a piece of wood of a cubit long, part of Christ's Cross, brought thither long ago by a Syrian. This the Inhabitants believing to be a great defence to them and their city, have put it in a casket set all with gold and precious stones, and committed it to three Priests to keep; and one day yearly the whole city brings it out, and adores it. The Apameans were afraid of the Persians coming, hearing too, how in Chosroes was no truth: and they entreated their Bishop Thomas, to show them the wood of the Cross that they might do it their last worship: When a miracle happened above reason and belief. The Priest carrying, and showing the wood, a bright flame hovered above it, and the roof over it shone with an extraordinary light. The Priest going round the Church, the light went along, keeping still the place of the roof directly over him. The Apameans were ravished with delight at the miracle, at once rejoicing and weeping; and now confident of their preservation. Thomas having gone round about the Church, put up the wood of the Cross into the casket, and covered it, and suddenly the shining ceased. Understanding the enemies to be near, he went to Chosroes; who ask him if the Apameans meant to oppose his army, he answered, they had no such thought. Then open your gates (quoth Chosroes) and receive me into your city with some few. I am come (replied the Bishop) for the same purpose to invite you. So the Army pitched their tents by the walls, and Chosroes with two hundred of his best men road into the city. And no sooner in, but he forgot his promise to the Ambassadors, commanding the Bishop to give him not 1000 l. weight of silver only, nor ter fold that; but all their treasures of gold and silver, being very great. I doubt not, but without scruple he had sacked, enslaved the whole city, if God had not manifestly hindered him: So did covetousness and vain glory besot him; For to lead cities into captivity he esteemed it a great renown; and thought it nothing to use the Romans thus, contrary to accords and truces. This humour of his appears by his attempt upon Daras, and the Callinicians during the truce, which I shall relate hereafter. But God, as I said, preserved the Apameans. When Chosroes had taken their treasures, and Thomas saw him drunk with abundance, he brought the wood of the Cross, and opening the casket, shown it him, saying; O Excellent King! This is all I have left; This casket beautified with gold and precious stones, I envy not unto you: Take it with all the rest. But this piece of wood is to us both preservative, and precious. I beg, and entreat you Sir to give it me. Which Chosroes granted. Then to show magnificence, he willed the people to go to the Circus; and the Charioteers to run their matches; and himself was an earnest beholder of their sports. But hearing how Justinian was long addicted to the Veneti, meaning to be contrary to him in that also, he would procure the victory for the Prasini. The Charioteers from the starting place set out; and one that wore the Blue, got the start, another wearing Green, following close at the others wheels. Chosroes supposing it done purposely, chafed, and cried out, That Caesar was foremost; which should not be; commanding the foremost Chariot to stay, and so cast behind, to get afore again if it could. His command being fulfilled, his side, the Prasini won the match. There an Apamean came, and complained to him of a Persian, for entering his house, and forcing his daughter a virgin. He in a great rage, commanded the man to be produced, and crucified in the camp; But the people clamoured to him, and begged to spare the man. Chosroes promised to pardon him, but shortly after secretly crucified him; and these things done, road back with his army.  
And at Chalcis, distant ten miles and a half from Berrhoea, He forgot the accord again; encamped before the city, and sent Paul the interpreter, threatening to force their city, unless they buy their safety, ransom themselves, and deliver him the Soldiers in their town with their Commander. The Chalcians feared both the Emperors, and swore they had no soldiers; hiding most of them, and Adonachus their Captain, in poor cottages from the enemy; And getting up hardly * two Centenaries of gold, 
6300 l'. sterl.  (their city being not rich) with it they ransomed their bodies and city. From hence Chosroes meant to make his retreat, not by the way he came, but to cross the Euphrates, and plunder Mesopotamia. Near Obbane, which stands five miles from the castle of Barbalissus, he made a bridge, and went over, signifying to the army to follow, and that the third day by such an hour, he would take up the bridge; and some of them chancing to be cast behind, at the hour, he not regarding them, sent to take up the bridge, and they got home as they could.   

CHAP. IX.  
CHosroes was then ambitious to take Edessa; induced by a confident tradition among the Christians, (which troubled him) that it was never to be taken; affirmed upon this ground. Augarus, long ago Toparch of Edessa (so they then called their national Kings) was one of the wisest men of his time, and for that cause in much savour with the Emperor Augustus. Desiring to be a Roman Confederate, he went to Rome; and conferring with Augustus, so amazed him with his wit, and enamoured him with his conversation, that he would not part with him, though he urged his dismission. At last, after long absence, longing to return to his country, but not persuading Augustus to let him go; he used this devise. He went out near Rome to hunt (being therein studious) and compassing much country, took many wild beasts alive, and from every country where he caught them, carried of the earth home with him to Rome, together with the beast. Augustus' sitting in the Circus (as his manner was) Augarus came to him, and shown him the beasts, and the earth, and which country earth belonged to every beast. The earth he caused to be laid in several parts of the Circus, and the beasts from one place to be let go: When every beast leaving one another, ran to the country earth from whence he was taken. Augustus beheld it long and earnestly, wondering to see nature untaught make even to beasts desirable their native earth. Then Augarus suddenly taking him by the knees, said, O Sir! And what mind do you think I have, who have wife and children, and a Kingdom (though a small one) in mine own country? Augustus' overcome, and forced with the truth, dismissed him, though unwillingly; and bade him ask him some thing. Augarus prayed him to build a Circus at Edessa; which being granted him, and he dismissed, he came home. His Subjects asked him; what good he had brought them from the Emperor Augustus. He answered, That he had brought a Grief without damage, and a joy without gain; intimating the fortune of the Horse-races. Augarus growing old, and vexed with a grievous gout, and the pain, and sitting still troubling him, he consulted with the skilfullest Physicians from all lands; but finding no ease, he forsook them, and absolutely despairing, bewailed his fortune. At that time Jesus, the Son of God, conversed in the body with the people of Palestine; by committing no sin, and by working miracles, manifesting himself indeed the Son of God. He raised dead men, as from sleep; to men born blind he opened their eyes, cleansed leprous bodies, lame feet he set lose, and did what ever Physicians pronounce incurable. Augarus hearing the relation from some Palestinians, residing at Edessa, took comfort, and wrote to Jesus, to leave Jury, and those ungrateful men, and to live with him. Christ wrote back again to Augarus, refusing to come, but promising health by his Letter. They say he added this, That the city should never be conquered by the Barbarians. This Postscript, the writers of the history of that time knew not of; but the Edessenians affirm to have found it with the Epistle; which Epistle they have hung for a defence, engraven upon their city gates. But shortly after it came under the Persian, not forced, but thus. Augarus upon the letter from Christ, grew well, and having lived long, deceased. But his son succeeding him, being the ungodlyest man living, wronged his subjects; for which fearing the Romans chastisement, he revolted to the Persians. But long afterwards the Edessenians killed the Barbarian Garrison, and yielded their city to the Romans. Which Chosroes knowing, studies to recover the city: and this I guess by things happened in my time, which shall be related in their seasons. And I have had a conceit, that if Christ did not write that Postscript, yet (men having that opinion) he would keep the city from taking; that he might give them no excuse of wand'ring.  
But upon this ground Chosroes much affected the taking of Edessa. At Batne, a little Town three day's journey from Edessa, he lodged his army; and by break of day was marching toward Edessa. But they went out of their way so, that the next night they lodged in the same place: and this happened twice: And when with much ado he was gotten to Edessa, they say, his chops swelled with Rheum; which so troubled him, that he resolved not to attempt the city. But he sent Paul, and demanded money of them. They said, that of their city they had no fear; but not to hurt their towns, and villages, they agreed upon two Centenaries of gold; which he received, and kept his agreement.   

CHAP. X.  
THen came letters from Justinian to Chosroes, agreeing to ratify the treaty between him and the Ambassadors; upon which he discharged the Hostages, and prepared for his retreat; being pleased to ransom the Antiochian captives: the Edessenians therein shown an incredible alacrity. Not a man, but according to his ability brought the ransoms into the Church, and some above ability. Courtesans threw in their Jewels, and the husbandman, wanting money or householdstuff, brought his ass or poor ewe to the Church, that a great quantity was gathered of gold and silver, and other goods; but none of it was given for the ransom. Buzes being there, prohibited the ransoming, expecting some great gain out of it. So Chosroes with the captives marched on. The Carrenians met him, and offered him a great sum, but being no Christians but Heathens, he would not take it. But of the Constantinians he took their money, yet claimed the city to be his from his Ancestors. For Cabades having taken Amida, would have also gotten Edessa, and Constantina. And being before Edessa, he demanded of the Magis, if it were to be won, pointing with his right hand to the place. They told him, no. For by stretching his right hand to it, he gave a symbol, not of taking, or of hurting the city, but of preservation. He was satisfied with this, and led his army against Constantina, and encamped, with purpose to besiege the town. Baradotus then Bishop of the city (an upright godly man, mighty with God in prayer, whose very countenance shown him to be indeed gracious with God) came to Cabades with a present of wine, dry ●iggs, honey, and fine manchets; and besought him, not to attempt a town of no importance, neglected by the Romans, without garrison, or other defence, but the poor miserable inhabitants. Cabades upon this, not only bestowed the city upon him, but gave him all the store-victualls of the army for the siege, and then departed out of the Roman territory. Hereupon Chosroes claimed the city to belong to him from his Father.  
Being come to Daras, he sat down before it. Within, the Romans, and the General Martinus prepared for their defence. The city hath two walls, the innermost large and fair, and sixty foot high, with turrets; all one hundred foot high: The outward wall is much less, but strong and of good importance. The ground between is about fifty foot broad; where, upon the approach of an enemy, the Darenians put their cattle. At first Chosroes with multitude of arrows forced upon the walls to the Westward, and set fire to the gates of the lesser wall; but none durst enter. Then he wrought a Mine closely on the East-side of the town, the rest of it being built upon a rock. The Persians beginning from the town ditch, being very deep, were neither seen, nor at all discovered by the enemy. And now they were under the foundation of the outer wall, and in the ground between the walls, and shortly to pass the great wall, and take the town; when from the camp of Chosroes, about noon, came a man (or more than a man) all alone to the wall, seeming to gather up the scattered arrows; and withal warding with his shield, to flout those upon the battlements. Then discovering the business, he bade them watchfully provide for their safety, and went his way. The Romans immediately digged for life in the ground between the walls; which the Persians not discerning, went on with their work, in a straight line to the wall; and the Romans, by the advice of Theodorus, a famous Engineer, traversed with their Mine very deep, that in the end the Persians in the ground between the walls, fell suddenly into the Romans cross Mine; who killed the first comers, but the rest escaped to the camp. The Romans would not pursue them in the dark. Chosroes failing in this, and seeing no hope of taking the town, capitulated for a thousand pound weight of silver, which he had from the besieged, and went home. Justinian, for this attempt of Chosroes upon Daras, during the truce, refused to ratify the Treaty. And this was the success of Chosroes first Invasion, and so the summer ended.  
In Assyria he built a City a day's journey from Ctesiphon, and named it Antioch of Chosroes, planting there the Antiochian captives. He built them a public Bath, and a Circus, and fitted it for other delights; bringing from Antioch, and other Roman Cities, Charioteers, and skilful Musicians. He kept these Antiochians at the public charge, not like captives; and termed them Basilici, as exempt from all Magistrates but the King. If a Roman captive ran from his Master, and fled to this Antioch of Chosroes, being there avowed by an inhabitant for his Kinsman, he might not be led away by his master, though a very principal Persian. The Prodigy which befell the Antiochians in the reign of Anastasius was now consummated. A strong wind then, and a sudden, blew up by the roots, the goodly tall Cypresses in Daphne, the suburb of Antioch; it being not lawful to cut them. Shortly after this prodigy, in the reign of Justine, an Earthquake shook the City so, that it overthrew most of the buildings, and destroyed three hundred thousand men. But in this last destruction the City, as I have related, was even ruined.  
And now Belisarius the Emperor sent for to Constaentinople; where having wintered, at the beginning of the spring he sent him General against Chosroes; with the Commanders who came with him out of Italy. 
Anno Dom. 541. & Justiniani 15.  Of whom Valerianus was made General of the Cohorts in Armenia; Martinus being formerly sent into the East; so that, as I said, Chosroes found him at Daras. Of the Goths, Vitigis stayed at Constantinople; the rest served with Belisarius against Chosroes. At this time the Ambassador of Vitigis, who called himself a Bishop, died in Persia. The other stayed awhile with them for an Interpreter, then retired into Roman land; where John, commander of the forces in Mesopotamia, took him near Constantina, and imprisoned him; and being questioned, he told him all his negotiation. Belisarius made haste to prevent any new Invasion of Chosroes; But   

CHAP. XI.  
IN the mean time Chosroes led an army into Lazica, 
Second Invasion of Chosroes, the said Anno Dom. 541.  upon this ground invited by the Lazians. The Lazians first inhabited Colchis, and were subject to the Romans; not to payment of tribute: Only upon decease of their King, the Roman Emperor sent to the Successor the Ensigns of Majesty; and they guarded the marches of their country; that the Huns might not by Mount Caucasus (which borders with them) pass through Lazica, and invade the Romans. Neither for this received they money, nor army from the Romans, nor served in their wars; only they trafficked in Merchandise with the Romans of Pontus; bartering skins, hides, and slaves for corn, salt, and other commodities they want. But upon the accident formerly recited by me, to Gurgenes King of Iberia, some Roman forces were lodged in Lazica; with whom the Barbarians were discontented, and chief with Peter the General, a man naturally mischievous. He was born in Arzanéne, a country beyond the river of Nymphius, subject to the Persians. Being a child, he was taken captive by Justine, invading Persia with Celers' army after the taking of Amida; who used much humanity to him, and sent him to a Grammar school. Then was he Scribe to Justine; who coming to the Empire upon the death of Anastasius, made him a General, wherein he grew infinitely covetous, and lewd to all men. Justinian afterward sent Commanders into Lazica, and at last john Tzibus; a man raised from mean condition, and advanced to this Generalship, only for being the wickedest of all men, and very sufficient to find unjust revenues. And he ruined and confounded the affairs of the Romans and Lazians. He persuaded Justinian to build a Sea-town in Lazica, called Petra: Where sitting, as in a Citadel, he made booty of Lazica. He prohibited Merchants to import Salt, or other provisions to the Lazians, nor to buy aught of them; but setting up a Monopoly at Petra, himself was both retailer, and sole master of the said trade, and sold to the Lazians, not at usual prizes, but as he list. The people also were displeased at the Roman army, lying upon their country, not formerly used; and not enduring it, resolved to revolt to the Persians. And (unknown to the Romans) they sent Ambassadors to negotiate the same with Chosroes, with instructions to take assurance from Chosroes, not to leave the Lazians to the Romans without their consent; and so to come home with an army of Persians. These Ambassadors in Persia getting private access to Chosroes, spoke thus. Great King, if ever fortune did gladly reduce men revolted foolishly from their friends to strangers, such think us the Lazians to be. We were ancient allies of the Persians, and did, and received many good turns; the monuments whereof remain to this day, both among our Records, and in your royal Palace. But in succeeding times, our ancestors either neglected by you, or upon some other ground, entered into league with the Romans. And now both we and our King present to the Persians ourselves and country, praying you to consider of us thus. If upon no hard measure from the Romans, but of mere ill nature, we come to you, reject us, as not likely to be faithful to you. The manner of breaking friendship, is a detection of that made with others. But being to the Romans friends in words only, but in effect trusty slaves, and suffering most unrighteous tyranny; receive us for your servants, formerly your friends; detest a bitter tyranny risen so near you; and do things worthy the justice natural to the Persians. He is not just who does no wrong himself, if he rescue not men oppressed by others, being able. To speak some of the things practised by these accursed Romans: To our King they have left the only outside of Royalty, themselves have usurped the authority. The King, in the condition of a minister, stands in awe of a General directing him. They have laid an army upon us, not to guard our country (for none molest us but themselves) but to lock us up in prison, while themselves are masters of what is ours. Nay, see Sir! a more expedite devise of theirs to rob us. Their own superfluities they compel us to buy, and they buy what Lazica affords for their use; but so, as the price in both is set down as our conquerors please. And thus they rob us of our necessary commodities, and our money too; under the specious name of Trade, being indeed a mere oppression. Over us is a Governor, a retailer, with his authority making a trade upon our wants. This being the cause of our revolt, it hath the justice of it in itself. But as to the commodity resulting to you by accepting the Lazians; you shall add unto the Persian Empire an ancient Kingdom, and therein enlarge your glory. Then shall you by our Country have the conveniency of using to Roman Seas. Wherein building ships, the very Palace of Constantinople will be accessible unto you, with ease, nothing being between to stop you. Add also, that it will be in your power, for the bordering Barbarians to spoil the Romans every year, Lazica, (as you know) being now their only rampire against the mountains of Caucasus. So that right leading, and profit following, not to admit our proposition, is certainly no good counsel. Chosroes was pleased with this discourse, and agreed to aid the Lazians: Demanding of the Ambassadors, if it were possible for a great army to march into Lazica, which he heard to be scarce passable for a traveller, being mountainous, and for a long way entangled with thick woods. They told him that by cutting the trees, and throwing them into the ill passages, there would be easy way for his whole army; and they promised to be his guides, and to work in the head of the army. Chosroes encouraged herewith, gathered a great army, and prepared for the voyage, not discovering his intent, but to his most secret Counsellors, and charging the Ambassadors not to reveal their negociation. His pretence was, a journey into Iberia, to settle things there; where a nation of Huns was reported to invade the Persian dominion.  
In the mean time Belisarius gathered together the army in Mesopotamia, and sent some into Persia to discover; intending to encounter the enemy there, if he invade again; and he mustered, and furnished his Soldiers; being naked, and unarmed, and afraid of the name of a Persian. The espials returning assured him, there would be no invasion; Chosroes being engaged in a war with the Huns. Belisarius upon this resolved to enter the enemy's land with his army. Arethas came up to him with an army of Saracens; And the Emperor wrote to him to invade the enemy's country immediately. So that calling to him the Commanders at Daras, he ' spoke thus. Fellow Commanders! I know you experienced in many wars; and I call you not now, by remembrances or exhortations to provoke your resolution against the enemy (I do not think you need discourses to make you valiant); but that by consulting we may choose the best for the Emperor's affairs. For the war, more than any thing affects the directions of good counsel: And those who counsel, must be free from awe and fear. For fear amazing, suffers not the judgement to make choice of the best things: And awe clouding better determinations, carries the judgement commonly to the worse. If therefore the Emperor or myself, be thought to have made any resolution already, believe it not. For he being far distant from the affairs, cannot fit proceed to new occasions; and so there is no fear; if by crossing him, you effect what is most expedient for his affairs. And me, being but a man, and after a long time come from the West, something cannot but pass unseen. So that without standing in awe of my opinion, you are to speak boldly what is best for yourselves and the Emperor. At first, we came hither to restrain the enemy from invading our country. But now, things succeeding above our hopes, we may consult concerning his country. For which purpose being now assembled, it is fit for every man to speak freely, what he holds most expedient. Belisarius spoke thus; and Peter and Buzes bad lead on the army without delay into the enemy's country, whose vote all the Assembly followed. Requithancus and Theoctistus, commanders of the forces in Phoenicia Libani, said, they approved the invasion also, but feared in their absence, Alamundarus would forage Phoenicia and Syria, and that the Emperor might be offended for their not guarding the country under their charge: So they refused to accompany the army. Belisarius said, they imagined that which was not; For being now Summer, two months of this season the Saracens consecrate to their God, and make no inroads. And so promising to dismiss them, and their troops within two months, he commanded them to go along, and with much diligence prepared for the Invasion.   

CHAP. XII.  
BUt Chosroes and the Persian army, being come through Iberia to the confines of Lazica, guided by the Ambassadors, cut the tree● which they found thick and entangled, and threw them into the steep and ragged ways, and so passed easily, none encountering them. When they were come into the midst of Lazica (where the Poets fain to have been acted the fortunes of Jason and Medea) Gubazes, King of the Lazians, came and adored Chosroes as his master; rendering himself with his Royal Palaces, and all Lazica. Petra stands in Lazica upon the Euxine Sea, formerly a mean town, but by Justinian furnished with walls, and other ornaments, and made a strong famous place. Chosroes understanding the Roman Forces with John Tzibus to be there, sent an army, and Aniavedes General thereof, to surprise it. But John knowing their coming, directed no man to sally, nor to be seen upon the battlements; and he placed his forces in arms, close to the gates, commanding them not to utter the least sound or voice. The Persian being come before the walls, and seeing no man, supposed the city waist, and abandoned by the enemy. So he approached to set up scaling ladders, expecting none to defend, because he saw nor heard no enemy, and he sent to Chosroes, to let him know, what they found. He sending the most of his army, commanded a general assault, and one of the Commanders to make use of the Ram near the gates, and from the nearest hill to the city himself was a spectator of the business. When suddenly the Romans opened the gates, and falling upon the enemy unaware, killed most of them, specially those about the Ram; The rest with their General ran away and escaped. Chosroës' in anger crucified Aniavedes, for being over-stragemed by John, a retailer, and no soldier. Some say he crucified, not Aniavedes, but the commander who attended the Ram. Then himself with his whole army encamped before the town; and perceaving upon view the fortifications not very tenable, he brought on his forces, commanding to shoot at the battlements. The Romans defending with their engines, and shot, at first the Persians (though they shot thick) hurt little; but suffered much, being shot from high. Afterward (for Petra was to be taken by Chosroës) John, being shot into the neck, died. Then the Romans became careless; and it growing dark the Barbarians retired. The next day, they drew a mine to the town: which for steep rocks about it, is not accessible, nor yet to the seaward; but by one narrow entrance only upon plain ground, with high cliffs on each side. There the bvilders of the city foreseeing the walls easy to be forced, made from each cleft a long wall, a cross the entrance, and at each end two turrets, wrought with great stones, not hollow in the middle, but whole from the ground, and very high, and the stones so joined, as not to be shaken with Ram or other engine. The Persians closely with their mine, were come under one of these turrets; whence carrying out the stones, they set up timbers, and put fire to them. Which increasing by degrees, crumbled and broke the firmeness of the stones, and so loosening the Turret, down it came suddenly. The Romans in it perceaved it just so much before, as not to fall with the Turret, and to get within the city walls. Then the Enemy could easily force their entrance upon even ground. But the Romans affrighted, came to a parley, and receiving Chosroës' oath, for their persons, and goods, yielded themselves and the city by composition. Chosroes finding in Petra much wealth belonging to John, took it; but of any other, himself nor the Persians touched nothing; And the Romans, having every man his own, mingled with the Persian army.   

CHAP. XIII.  
BElisarius heard nothing from these parts; but marched with the army toward Nisibis; and being half way thither kept his right hand way, where were store of springs, and a spacious champain to encamp. But some had no mind to go on, so that Belisarius made this speech to the Commanders. I did not mean to publish my determination: For a word vented in a camp spreads at last even to the enemy. But I see every man will be an absolute Commander; therefore I shall impart, what I thought to conceal; with this preamble, that when in an army many will be absolute, nothing can be well done. Certainly Chosroes invading others, hath not left his own country without guard, especially this City, being the first thereof and a rampire to the rest; wherein, I know, he hath lodged a garrison so strong, and of so good men, as will be able to oppose our assaults. A demonstration thereof is Nabedes their Commander, who next to Chosroes is the prime man for reputation in Persia. Who doubtless will set upon us, and we shall not be rid of him, without vanquishing him in fight. If we fight near the city, the Persians will have the advantage, backed with their fortification, to follow their execution securely, if they overcome; and if they be overcome, to be presently within their walls, which you see well defended, and inexpugnable. On the other side, if we rout them, we may enter the town pellmell with the enemy, or thrust between them, and force them to fly to some other region, and so get Nisibis, having none to defend it. Upon this speech of Belisarius, the rest obeyed, and kept within the camp: Only Peter, General of Armenia, stood still, with a good part of the army under his command, a mile and a quarter from Nisibis. Belisarius put in order of battle the troops with himself, and sent direction to Peter to stand in readiness till he gave the signal, and to observe at noon, that the Barbarians will sally, because themselves dine in the evening, and the Romans at noon. But Peter's men slighted his commands, and being faint with the sun (for that city is extremely hot) laid down their arms, and disorderly fell to gather figs, without apprehension of an enemy. Which Nabedes observing, galloped up to them with his army. They seeing them issue out of the gates (being in an open champain) sent to Belisarius to secure them; and themselves tumultuously, and in confusion encountered. Belisarius, before the messenger came, saw the enemy's motion by the dust raised, and with his troops road amain to their succour. But in the mean time the Persians charged them; which they not enduring, ran away. The enemy pursuing took Peter's Ensign, and slew fifty of them. Doubtless they had died every man, if Belisarius had not received them into his troops, much distressed. Where first the Goths presenting their long thick Lances, the Persians stood them not, but fell to running, and the Romans, and Goths pursuing killed a hundred & fifty of them. The chase was not long. So the enemy got within their walls, and the Romans returned to their camp. The next day the Persians set the Ensign of Peter for a trophy, upon one of the turrets; and laughed and bragged, but durst sally no more out of their fortifications.  
Belisarius considering Nisibis strongly situated, and having no hope to take it, urged to rise thence, and to march, where they might suddenly spoil the enemy. So after a days march he came to a castle of the Persians called Sisibranum, full of inhabitants, and eight hundred of the best Persian horsemen to guard it; commanded by Blechames, a principal man. The Romans encamped before the Castle, and assaulting were repulsed with loss of many; the walls being strong, and the Barbarians opposing obstinately. Belisarius then called his fellow Commanders, and told them; How experience of many wars taught them to foresee the event in actions doubtful, and before disasters to choose the better way. That they knew their disadvantage now, marching in an enemy's country, full of strong Garrisons. If they go on, it is likely that from Nisibis the enemy will follow them, and infest them with ambushes. And if another army meet them, they will be forced to a battle with both, and may be undone. Then if they be routed, they have no means of retreat into Roman land. They should not therefore crush themselves with inconsiderate industry, nor with ambition to win, hurt the Roman affairs. An ignorant daring brings to destruction, and a sober delaying laying preserves men. That themselves therefore should sit down before the Castle, and that Arethas with his Saracens (men unapt for assaults, but excellent plunderers) should enter Assyria, and with them some of their best soldiers. These, if no opposition appear, to take the spoil; and (the enemy opposing) to retire to this army: Which if it take the Castle, may pass the Tigris, fearing no mischief behind, and informed in what state the Assyrians are. They all approved this advice of Belisarius: Who accordingly commanded Arethas to go against the Assyrians, and sent with him 1200 soldiers, most of his own Targeteers, commanded by two of his Lanciers, Trajanus and John surnamed Phagas, and directed to be obedient to Arethas, whom he instructed to forage the countries, and coming back to the camp, to report what forces the Assyrians had. These past the Tigris into Assyria, found the country rich, and without guard, and so ransacked many towns and got much wealth. Belisarius in the mean time understood from Persian prisoners, That the Castle (not using, as Daras and Nisibis, to lay in yearly provisions, and then prevented by an enemy, and having brought in none, and many suddenly resorting thither for refuge) wanted provisions. He sent therefore George, a wise man, and trusted with his secrets, to try if the place might be had by composition. Who with his reasons, and fair words, prevailed with them to take assurances for their safety, and to render themselves and the Castle to the Romans. Belisarius did no harm to the Inhabitants, being Christians, and anciently Romans. The Persians with Blechames he sent to Constantinople, and threw down the walls of the Castle. These Persians and Blechames the Emperor sent into Italy against the Goths.  
But Arethas, fearing the Romans might take away his booty, would return no more to the camp. And he commanded some scouts sent out purposely by him, to report a great army of enemies to be at the passage of the river; upon which he advised John and Trajan to return some other way into the Roman Territories. So they went not to Belisarius, but keeping the Euphrates on their right hand, came to Theodosiopolis, standing upon the river of Aborras. The Roman army with Belisarius, hearing nothing of these forces, were troubled and afraid: And the said siege having being long in the Persian Mesopotamia, infinitely hot; the men being not used to heats, specially those of Thrace; and stirring much in them, and lodging in close cabins in the summer, the third part of them lay half dead with Fevers; and all were earnest to be gone home; specially Requithancus, and Theoctistus, Captains of Phoenicia Libani. Who importuned Belisarius (the Saracens consecrated time being passed) protesting to stay there to no purpose, and in the mean time to abandon the towns of Libanus and Syria to Alamundarus. Belisarius hereupon called a counsel, where John the son of Nicetas first risen, and spoke thus; Excellent Belisarius! I think the world hath not had, neither for time nor valour, a Captain like yourself. This opinion prevails not only with Romans, but with all Barbarians. And certainly hereby you will preserve this glory firm, if you bring us alive into the Roman dominions; as we now are, our expectations are not fair. Our Saracens, and best men are come over the Tigris, and gone into our upper Provinces, so fast, as not to send us so much as a messenger. Requithancus and Theoctistus will be instantly gone; supposing Alamundarus foraging Phoenicia: and of the rest we have more sick, then sound men, to bring them into the Roman dominions. Such, as if an enemy light on us here, or upon our retreat, not a man will be left to report our disaster to the Romans at Daras. To march up higher, I think it not possible in reason. Whilst therefore some hope is left, 'tis good counsel to make a fair retreat; and madness for men in our danger, not to advise upon safety, but designs on an enemy. All approved this speech of John; and cried out for a speedy retreat. So Belisarius put his sick into wagons, and led home the army; where he heard what Arethas had done, but could have no right of him, being not yet come to him.  
Chosroes in the mean time, having taken Petra, had the news of Belisarius invasion; of the battle by Nisibis; the taking of Sisabranum, and what the forces, which with Arethas past the Tigris, had done. So leaving a Garrison in Petra, he went into Persia with the rest of his army, and Roman captives. These were the occurrents of Chosroes' second invasion; And Belisarius was by the Emperor sent for to Constantinople, where he spent his Winter.   

CHAP. XIV.  
IN the beginning of the Spring, 
Chosroës' third Invasion in An. Dom. 542. & Justiniani 16.  Chosroes invaded the Roman territory the third time, with a great army; keeping the Euphrates to his right hand. Candidus, Bishop of Sergiopolis, having not kept his day with Chosroes, was afraid, and came to the Persian Camp; where he besought Chosroes not to be offended with him; That he never had money, nor ever thought of ransoming the Surenians himself; he had been a suitor to the Emperor, but got no good. But Chosroes put him in prison, and bitterly tortured him, and bade him procure double the sum formerly agreed. He prayed him to send to Sergiopolis, to receive the treasures of the Church; which Chosroes did, and Candidus sent some with his messengers: to whom the Sergiopolitans gave many of those treasures, protesting to have nothing left. But Chosroes said, those should not suffice; he must have more; and he sent some in pretence to make privy search for their wealth, but indeed to surprise the city: But Sergiopolis was not then to be taken. For a Saracen under Alamundarus (being a Christian) named Ambrus, came under the wall by night; revealed the plot; and bade them receive no Persians into their town. So Chosroes seeing his men return without effect, in a great rage sent six thousand men to force the town. Who assaulted, and the Sergiopolitans at first defended bravely. But grown weary and afraid, they advised to render the city; having but two hundred Soldiers within. But Ambrus came again by night, and told them that within two days the Persians would raise their siege; their water absolutely failing. Whereupon they refused to parley; and the enemy afflicted with third, rose, and returned to Chosroes. Who would not dismiss Candidus: It behoved, I think, that having broke his oath, he should no more be a Priest.  
But when Chosroes came into Comagena, called Euphratesia, he would not forage, nor take towns, as having spoiled all in Syria formerly in his way, and either sacked or ransomed them, as hath been said. But his intent was to march directly into Palestine, and there to take the spoil, especially of the Treasures at Jerusalem; hearing the Province was fertile, and richly inhabited. The Romans both Commanders and Soldiers had no mind to meet the enemy, to stay his passage; but thought it enough within their fortifications to preserve them, and themselves. Justinian advertised of this invasion, again sent Belisarius; who taking Post-horses, arrived with great speed, (having no Soldiers with him) in Comagena. Justus the Emperor's brother's son, with Buzes and some other, were gotten into Hierapolis; and hearing Belisarius to be near, wrote this letter to him. Chosroes, as yourself know, hath again invaded the Romans, with a much greater army then formerly. Wither he intends, he yet makes no show: only we hear, he is very near, and hurts no town in his way, still marching forward. Come therefore speedily unto us, if possibly you can slip by the enemy; that you may be preserved for the Emperor, and guard here Hierapolis with us. Belisarius liked not this letter, but went to Europus, a town upon the Euphrates; from whence he sent, and levied an army; which encamped there; and to the commanders he returned this answer; If Chosroes go against other people, and not Romans, you have fallen upon a most safe counsel. They who by lying still can avoid the mischief, are mad to run into a needless danger. But you being quit of the Barbarian, he will fall upon some other country, the best he can find, and without garrisons; Know then, that a valiant death is better, than such a preservation, or rather treason. Come you therefore speedily to Europus; where assembling our whole forces, we shall effect upon our enemies, what God shall grant us. The Commanders took heart at this letter; and leaving Justus with some to guard Hierapolis, the rest went to Europus.   

CHAP. XV.  
WHen Chosroes heard Belisarius to be at Europus, he marched no further; but sent to him one of his Secretaries, named Abandanes, (a very discreet man, 
This is supplied by the Latin Translation. ) to complain; that Justinian had not sent his Ambassadors to ratify the treaty. Of whose coming Belisarius understanding, he chose six thousand the goodliest of his men, as if he would send them out to hunt. He commanded also Diogenes, one of his Lanciers, and Adolius, the son of Acacius and Armenian (one of those who attend in the Emperor's Palace to keep off noise, whom the Romans call Silentarij, and now Captain of the forces in Armenia) to skirt along the shore of Euphrates, with a thousand horse, and at times to make show to pass the river to invade their country. Himself hearing the Ambassador to be at hand, retired to his pavilion, which uses to be made with boards; that he might seem to the Ambassador, to be in a poor town without provisions. His soldiers he thus disposed. On the one side of his pavilion, were the Thracians, and Illyrians; and behind them the Goths; and next the Herulians; then the Vandals and Moors. They took up much space, not standing still, but walking at distance, and looking carelessly, and confidently upon the Ambassador. None had his mantle on, but linen coats like women girt about them, and in their hands a Horsemans-whip. For arms some had swords, some battle axes, others bows only; looking like hunters, in all haste, (omitting all) to be pursueing the wild beasts. Abandanes the Ambassador, coming to Belisarius said, That it was a foul indignity, that Cesar (so the Persians call the Roman Emperor) had not sent Ambassadors about the Articles, which had constrained his master to enter the Roman territory in arms. Belisarius not fearing their great army, and without any trouble in his mind or countenance, smiled, and with a cheerful look answered him; Men do not censure the actions of Chosroes by the same reasons he does them by: other men demanding aught of their neighbours, send Ambassadors first, and if they get not right, than they make war. But he being in arms in the heart of our provinces, shamelessly now talks of peace. Having thus said, he dismissed the Ambassador. Who coming back to Chosroes, persuaded him to lay down arms, telling him; That he lighted upon a captain the stoutest, and the wisest in the world, and upon such soldiers as he never beheld the like; whose order he extremely admired. Then was the match between them unequal; He overcoming, should only vanquish a slave of Caesar's; but being overcome, should get infinite dishonour to him and his house. The Romans also being beaten, may escape into their fortresses, and in their own country. But if other then well happen to his army, there will be no messenger left to report the calamity in Persia. Chosroes upon these reasons, had a mind to go home, but was troubled, knowing the passages of the river to be guarded by the enemy: 
* Here the Greek gins again.  and march the same way again through a wilderness he could not, the provisions they brought with them failing. In conclusion he thought it best, though with hazarding a battle, to get to the land on the other side the river, and so to march through a plentiful country. Belisarius knew well, that not 100000. men could hinder his passage; the river being passable by boats, and his army stronger, then to be barred their way by few enemies. Having also, as I said, commanded Diogenes and Adolius with a considerable party to the shore, to amaze the enemy with suddainess, and to put him in disorder: Now he feared, least by frighting him, he might interrupt his quitting the Roman territory; thinking it a matter of much importance, to drive him away, without hazarding with a very small army, hearty afraid of the Persians, against so many thousands. Wherefore he bad Diogenes and Adolius stay. And Chosroes speedily making a bridge, passed with his army over the Euphrates. Which was done with ease, the Persians having in their marches, ever ready, great iron hooks, wherewith they fasten long timbers together, and make a bridge suddenly. Being upon the other side, he sent to tell Belisarius, that he had gratified the Romans with his retreat, but expected Ambassadors from them immediately. Belisarius also passed the Euphrates, and sent some to Chosroes, to commend him for retiring; to promise Ambassadors forthwith from the Emperor, to finish the articles accorded; and to desire him in his passage through the Roman subjects, to use them as friends. Which he promised, so he might have some principal man for hostage of performance of what they undertook. Belisarius hearing what he said, sent him from Edessa John, the son of Basilius, an unwilling hostage; being the chief man in the city for birth and estate. But the Romans much extolled Belisarius, who in this action seemed to gain more reputation, then when he brought Gelimer and Vitigis prisoners to Constantinople. The truth is, it deserved highly to be valued, when the Romans were terrified, and hid in their fortresses, and Chosroes with a mighty army in the midst of their country, for a General coming post from Constantinople, to encamp with a few in the face of Chosroes; to stop him; and then, either frighting him with his fortune and valour, or deceiving him with art, to make him in effect run away, and in words desire a peace.  
But Chosroes neglected his agreement, and took Callinicum, none being to guard it. Their walls, being decayed, they were ever taking down to rebuild them, and then they had opened a piece, and not made it up. When they heard the enemy to be near, the richer sort carried out their goods, and retired to other strong places. The residue, with a number of peasants flocked thither, continued in the town without any garrison. These Chosroes made slaves, and laid the town even with the ground. Shortly after he received John the hostage, and retired into his country. The Armenians also, who revolted to Chosroes, took assurances from the Romans, and went with Bassaces to Constantinople Belisarius also went to Constantinople, sent for by the Emperor, to be immediately dispatched into Italy, where things were very ill.   

CHAP. XVI.  
ABout the same time was a Plague, which almost consumed mankind. Of all blows from heaven, bold and subtle men will talk of a cause, amazing us with reasons, and physiologies above our apprehension; knowing nothing to be sound they say; but contented, if they may persuade with their cozenages, such as frequent them. But of this to find any other cause is not possible, but God himself. For it came not upon one part of the world, nor in one season of the year, from whence subtle wits might coin a cause. But it vexed the whole world, and all conditions of men, though differing often even to contrariety; sparing no constitution, nor age. Mens differing in their places of dwelling, diets, complexions, addictions, or any thing else in this disease did no good. It took some in the summer, some in the Winter, others at other seasons. So that let Sophisters, and discoursers of Meteors show their learning; I will only relate where it began to rage, and in what manner it destroyed. It began among the Egyptians of Pelusium, and spread to Alexandria, and the rest of Egypt one way, and the other, to that Palestine, which borders upon Egypt. From thence it traveled through the world, as by set journeys and stages; removing as by appointed gists; and staying in each country a certain time; and making destruction its only business; and spreading on both sides to the utmost bounds of the world, as if afraid, lest any odd hole of the earth should escape it. It spared neither Island, nor cave, nor top of mountain, which had men dwelling in it. If it skipped a country, by not touching it at all, or but here, and there; yet returning afterward, it struck no more the neighbouring people formerly visited, but from that country it removed not the sore, before it had justly made up the full measure of the dead, according to the lot of their perished neighbours. It began still at the sea-coast, and from thence went to the uplands. In the second year of it, it came to Constantinople, about the middle of the Spring; where it was my fortune then to reside. And it was in this sort. Apparitions of Spirits in all shapes humane, were seen by many; who thought the man they met, struck them in some part of the body; and so soon as they saw the Spirit, they were taken with the disease. At first men meeting such, blessed themselves; repeating the most divine names; and using other ceremonies; but did no good; For many who fled into Churches perished. Afterwards, they would not hear their friends calling, but locked up in their chambers, stopped their ears, though the doors were even broken open; fearing the Spirit called on them. Some in their dreams suffered that, which others from those that met them; or heard a voice, that they were enroled in the appointed to die. But most without warning by dreams, or waking visions, suddenly became feverish; some newly waking; some walking; others doing other things. Their body changed not colour, nor was hot, as in a fever, no inflammation being, but the fever so remiss in the beginning, and so till evening, that neither the sick, nor the physician feeling his pulse apprehended danger. But to some the same day, to some the next, or many after, there risen a Bubo, not only in the groin (which part is called Bubo) but in the armholes, under the ear, and in other parts. These things came alike to all; but the symptoms afterward, I cannot say, whether the difference of bodies made, or the only will of him, that sent the sickness. Some had a deep slumbering; others a sharp distraction; both suffering, what was proper to the disease. These slumberers forgot all they were formerly used to; seeming perpetually to sleep. If they were looked to, they would eat sometimes; and some neglected, starved. Those taken with madness, were troubled for want of sleep, and with many apparitions; thinking men assaulted them to kill them, crying out, and running away. Their keepers vexed with endless toil, were pitied as much as themselves: Not for being infected (for no Physician, nor other, caught the disease by touching sick or dead bodies; many strangely continuing free, though they buried, and tended such as were nothing to them; and many catching it, they knew not how, and dying instantly;) but they pitied their perpetual toil; in raising them tumbling upon the ground; and in struggling with them, when they would throw themselves out of windows. Such as could, leapt into the water, not for thirst, but caused by their frenzy; for many leapt into the Sea. Much toil they had also to get them to eat; and many, for want of keepers, were starved, or broke their necks. Some without slumbering, or madness, had their Bubo gangrened, and they died with extreme pain. Which doubtless happened to the rest, but being not themselves, they understood it not; the Frenzy taking away their senses. Some Physicians upon these symptoms, conceaving the head of the disease to be in those plague sores, searched the dead bodies, and opening the sores, found a huge carbuncle, growing inward. Some died forthwith, some after many days. Such, whose bodies were spotted with black pimples, the bigness of a lentile, lived not a day. Many, a voluntary vomiting of blood seizing, died. This I can say, that many famous Physicians judged some instantly would die, who unexpectedly grew well; and confidently affirmed the recovery of others, who were upon the point of death. So that no cause of this sickness was reached by man's reason; some event happening to all, whereof no reason could be rendered. Some bathing helped, others it hurt; Many died for want of cure; and many scaped without it; it proving both ways to those that used it. In a word no way was found of preservation, neither by preventing the disease, nor mastering it; no cause appearing neither of their falling sick, nor recovering. Women with child taken with it, certainly died; some miscarrying; some fairly delivered, and perishing with their children. Yet they say that three women were delivered, who grew well, their children dying; and one died, whose child had the hap to live. Such as had their sore great, and running with putrefaction, escaped; the same asswaging the violence of the carbuncle; and this was commonly a certain sign of health. But whose plague-sore stayed, as it first rose, such had the miserable accidents, I mentioned. Some had their thigh withered, the sore rising upon it, and not running. Some escaped with imperfect tongues, and lived stammering, o● speaking sounds without sense. In Constantinople this sickness lasted four months, and was three months in extremity. At first few died, more than usually. Then it grew hotter; then died five thousand every day, than 10000 and more. In the beginning, men took care to bury each his own dead, casting some into other men's Monuments, either unseen or by force. But in the end all was in confusion: Servants were without Masters; and rich men wanted servants to attend them; being sick or dead; and many houses were empty. So that divers for want of acquaintance lay long unburied. 
The Greek fails here, and it is supplied from the Latin translation.  * The Emperor (as was reason) made it his own care; and committed the oversight to Theodorus, whose office was to subscribe the Emperor's answers to Petitions (the Latins call him Referendarius.) To them that wanted, and to the poor multitude, he gave reliefs in money out of the Treasury. And now in the afflicted City were no trades, nor shops to be seen. Many for fear leaving their bad courses, consecrated themselves to God: and many, when the danger was past, fell to their old despising of God again.   

CHAP. XVII.  
BUt to return to my former discourse. Chosroes marched Northward to Ardabigara, a town in Assyria, 
Anno Domini 543. Justiniani 17.  purposing from thence to invade the Romans again. Here is a great Pyraeum, which the Persians adore above all Gods; where the Magis keep a perpetual fire, and offer much sacrifice; and in their greatest affairs use it for an Oracle; it is the fire which anciently the Romans called Vestal. Here Chosroes had news of two Ambassadors from Constantinople, about the Peace, Constantianus an Illyrian, and Sergius an Edessenian; both Orators, and able men. Chosroes expecting their coming, forbore hostility. But Constantianus fell sick upon the way; and the Plague at last came into Persia. But Nabedes, Governor of Persarmenia, by the King's command, sent Eudulius, Prelate of the Christians there, unto Valerianus, Commander of the forces in Armenia; to complain of the slowness of the Ambassadors; and to exhort the Romans to peace. He came into Armenia with his brother, and told Valerianus, that he hearty affected the Romans, being Christians as himself; and would so persuade Chosroes, that the Ambassadors should find no impediment of concluding a peace to their own desire. But the Prelate's brother getting privately to Valerianus, told him; That Chosroes in great distress desired a peace; his son conspiring against him; and his army being full of the Plague. Valerianus upon this sent away the Prelate; promising the Ambassadors should shortly come to Chosroes; and the said advertisement he wrote to Justinian. Who thereupon directed him and the Army to invade the Persians; for he saw not that any enemy would oppose them; willing all the forces to join, and enter into Persarmenia. The Captains upon these Letters road with their troops into Persarmenia. Chosroes was newly gone from Ardabigara, for fear of the Plague, with his army to a part of Assyria, where the sickness was not yet come. Valerianus with his forces encamped at Theodosiopolis, to whom joined Narses, with some Armenians and Herulians. But Martinus, General of the East, with Ildiger and Theoctistus, encamped at Citharizum, a Castle four day's journey from Theodosiopolis; whether came Peter shortly after, and Adolius, with some other Captains; Isaac also, * brother of Narses was there; 
Here gins the Greek again.  and Philemuth; and Verus, with the Herulians under their command, came to Arzanéne, not far from the camp of Martinus. Justus also the Emperor's Nephew, and Peranius, and John the son of Nicetas, with Domentiolus, and John Phagas, encamped at Phison, a Castle near unto Martyropolis. Thus were these Commanders quartered, with their several troops; amounting in the whole to thirty thousand. These joined not, nor communicated; save when the Generals sent to one another to know news of the Persians. Peter upon a sudden motion, without acquainting the rest, invaded the enemy's country. And the next day, Philemuth and Verus, with their Herulians followed. Martinus and Valerianus hearing thereof, marched likewise to the Invasion. Shortly all joined in the enemy's country, save justus, who was quartered far off; but hearing (though late) that his fellow Commanders were entered the enemy's land, he marched thither also, but could not unite his troops with theirs. Those Generals marched directly to Dubis; neither foraging, nor otherwise hurting the country. Dubis is a Territory eight day's journey from Theodosiopolis, of good land, well situated for air, and water; being fair champions, full of populous villages close together, and inhabited by Merchants, who traffic with the Indians, and neighbouring Iberians, and with all the Persian Nations, and some Romans. The Bishop of the Christians, the Greeks call Catholicus, who hath the charge of all the country. Some fifteen miles from Dubis to the right hand coming from the Roman Territories, stands a ragged mountain, hardly to be passed, and in a very narrow passage a village called Anglon, where Nabedes hearing of the enemies coming, kept fast; confident of the strength of the place. The village is at the furthest end of the mountain; where, upon a steep rock, stands a Castle of the same name. Nabedes fortified the passage to the village with stones, and wagons, and drew a trench before, and lodged his army in the said village; and in old houses without it, laid ambushes of foot. The Persians amounted in all to four thousand men. The Romans came to a place, distant a day's journey from Anglon, and took a scout of the enemies, who told them, that Nabedes was retired from Anglon. Narses at this chafed, reproaching his fellow Commanders for their tardiness. The same others did likewise; taunting one another. And now careless of fight, and fearless of dangers, they attended pillaging only. They marched confusedly, without discipline, without watchword (as is usual in such actions) or distinction by any kind of order. The soldiers were mingled with the attendants upon the baggage, and marched as to some great booty ready dressed for them. Being near Anglon, they sent out scouts, who brought them word, that the army was inbattail array. The Commanders were amazed with the suddenness; yet thought it base and cowardly to turn their backs with so great an army. So ordering the army as well as in that case they could; they marched against the enemy. Peter having the right hand wing, Valerianus the left, and Martinus the battle. Being come near the enemy, they stood still in their ranks confusedly, by reason of the ragged ground, and their being newly put in order. The Barbarians also drew close together, and stood viewing the enemy's powers; Nabedes had commanded none to strike the first blow, but the enemy giving on, to resist him. Narses with his Herulians, and some Romans, gave on upon the Persians; and them he routed, who ran away up to the Castle. Much mischief was done between them in the narrow passage; and Narses pressed upon the enemy, and encouraged his men; and the rest fell to work. But suddenly the Ambushes issuing from the old houses, into the narrow lanes, killed some Herulians, and wounded Narses in the head mortally, whom his brother Isaac carried off; but he died quickly, having in this fight done bravely. The Romans upon this growing to confusion, Nabedes drew out all his army, which in those narrow lanes shooting at a multitude, killed them at ease, and most the Herulians; being the most part unarmed, and in fight never using head-piece, corslet, or other defensive armour, save a shield, and a thick coat girt about them. Their slaves fight without shields, which their masters permit them to wear, when they have showed themselves good soldiers. But the Romans not enduring the enemy longer, fled amain, remembering neither valour, shame, nor ought that good is. The Persians suspecting, that they could not fall to so shameless a running away, but had some ambushes; drove them out of the fastnesses, and then turned bridle, not daring with a few to encounter so many in a plain. But the Romans (specially the Commanders) thinking the enemy still pursuing, ran without intermission; urging their horses with whip and voice; throwing away their arms in haste; as having no courage to fight with a Persian overtaking, but all their hope of safety in their horses feet. In a word, it was such a running away, as scarce a horse over-lived it, but instantly died, the course ended. So great a disaster the Romans have not formerly had. Many were slain, more made slaves to the enemy, who took so great a quantity of arms and baggage, that the rich state of Persia appeared much richer by this victory. Adolius in this retreat, passing by a Castle in Persarmenia, was slain by a wound in his head of a stone thrown by one of the Inhabitants. Justus and Peranius, having a little plundered the country of Taraunia, returned home.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
BUt the next year Chosroes invaded the Romans the fourth time, 
Chosroës' 4th. Invasion in An. Dom. 544. & Justiniani 18.  with his army into Mesopotamia. And this expedition he made not against the Emperor Justinian, nor any mortal man indeed, but even against God, whom only the Christians adore. For in his first Invasion, missing Edessa, and retiring so; he and his Magis were much discontented to be overcome by the Christians God. Wherefore he threatened to make the Edessenians slaves, and to turn their City to a Sheep-pasture. Being come before Edessa with his army, he sent some Huns to the walls over against the Circus to steal the sheep, kept near the walls by shepherds, presuming upon the strength, and steepness of the place. But the Barbarians got to the sheep, and the shepherds stoutly resisted; but with the aid of some Persians they got away one flock; which ran back again, while some Romans sallying fought with them: Where a Hun fight in the front, and most troubling the Romans, a country fellow hit him with a sling-stone on his right knee, and down he fell headlong; which encouraged the Romans. The fight lasted from morning till noon, and both thinking they had the better, parted, the Romans to their walls, and the Barbarians to pitch their tents a mile from the City, where they encamped. Chosroes, either upon some dream, or the apprehension of disgrace to miss Edissa twice, thought of selling his retreat to the Edessenians for money. Paul the Interpreter therefore the next day, under the town-walls, advised the Romans to send men of quality to Chosroes. They chose four eminent men; whom Zaberganes met in the camp, by the King's direction; and with threatening words asked them; which they would rather have, a Peace, or a War. They confessing to choose peace before dangers: Then must you buy it, quoth Zaberganes, with a great sum. They said they would give as much as formerly; when he came thither after the sack of Antioch. Zaberganes laughed; and bade them consult seriously for their lives; and come back again. Shortly after Chosroes sent for them, and recited the Roman towns he had led into captivity; threatening to them also the terriblest usage, if they gave him not all their money within their walls; upon which only he would raise his siege. The Ambassadors acknowledged, that they would buy their peace, if he enjoined possibilites. But the conclusion of a danger, they said, no living man could know before the combat; war being not upon articles of agreement between the parties. Upon this Chosroes commanded them in anger to get them gone.  
The eighth day of the Siege, he began to raise a mount against the walls; making, without arrow-shot, a square work of trees cut down with leaves on, spreading over them much earth, and over all, a quantity of rude unwrought stones (his only care being to raise the Mount speedily) putting between the earth and stones long timbers, which fastened the work; that growing high, it should not be weak. But Peter the Roman General being in the town, with Martinus and Peranius, sent out Huns against the workmen, who falling on suddenly, killed many. One of his Lanciers, named Arger, killed above seven and twenty. But the Barbarians kept better guard afterward, and none sallied on the workmen: Who being come within arrow-shot, the Romans from the walls stoutly employed their slings and bows. Before their labourers in this Aggestus (so is it called in Latin) the Barbarians hung upon long poles hair-cloths of Goat's hair, thick and long, that no fiery darts nor arrows could pierce through, but there fell dead. Then the Romans afraid, sent Ambassadors to Chosroes, and with them Stephanus a famous Physician, who had cured King Cabades of a disease, and got a great estate by him. He with the rest coming to Chosroës, spoke thus. Men have ever held humanity the mark of a good King. So that, mighty Sir! if you kill and lead into captivity, you may perchance obtain some other titles, but shall never be thought a good man. And of all cities, Edessa should lest have a misfortune from you; Where I was borne; who not foreseeing what would come to pass, fostered you; and by counselling your father to appoint you his successor, have been to you a principal cause of the Empire of Persia, and to my country of these miseries. Thus men are themselves the authors of most of their own misfortunes. But if you have any remembrance of this service, you will do us no more hurt; bestowing this retribution on me; by which, O King! you will have the fortune not to be esteemed a most cruel man. But Chosroës professed not to rise from thence, till the Romans delivered him Peter, and Peranius his father's slaves, presuming to bear arms against him. If they refused this, they must either pay 
* 1575000. l'. sterl.  five hundred Centenaries of gold, or admit his ministers to search the city, and to bring him all the gold and silver within it, and upon this they might keep the rest of their goods. This Chosroës spoke at random, expecting with ease to take the city. And the Ambassadors finding his propositions impossible, returned much troubled; And reporting the demands, filled the city with noise and lamentations.   

CHAP. XIX.  
BUt the mount risen to a great height, and went on apace. The Romans in perplexity, sent again Ambassadors; who were suitors for the same things, but were not regarded, but driven out of the Persian camp, with scorn & houting. Then they began to raise their walls higher, toward the mount; But the Persians work far overtopping that also, they gave it over; And desired Martinus to procure a capitulation, as he would himself. He got as near as he could to the camp, and spoke with some Persian commanders; who to amuse him said, Their King desired peace, but could not persuade the Emperor to leave quarrelling. He could not deny Belisarius to be above Martinus in power, and place; who persuaded the King to retire from the midst of the Roman Provinces, with promises of Ambassadors to perfect the Treaty of peace; but he could not perform, being not able to force the Emperors will. In the mean time the Romans drew a mine to the enemy's work; and commanded not to leave working, till they were under the middle of the Mount. Where being, the Persians above heard the noise; and finding what they did, cross-mined on both sides, to catch them in the middle. They perceaving it, stopped up their mine there with earth; and from underneath the part of the Mount next the town, carried out the timber, stones, and earth, and made a little hollow room; where they laid dry logs steeped in Cedar oil, and Assyrian pitch. During this preparation the Persian commanders in many meetings with Martinus discoursed to the effect aforesaid, seeming to entertain a parley for Peace. But their mount being brought to perfection, and raised far above the walls, they sent away Martinus; refusing any composition; and fell to work. 
* Here again the Latin translation fills up a great gap.  The Romans than set the dry logs a fire: which burned part of the Mount; but not spreading to the whole, and being burnt out, they brought more into the hollow room. Then appeared the smoke from the Mount at night: and the Romans to prevent the discovery, shot small vessels filled with burning coals, and fire darts, thick over the mount: and the Persians thinking the smoke came from them, ran to quench them. But the fire prevailed, and the Barbarians pitifully crying, were shot and killed from the walls. At Sunrising, Chosroes came with some of his army; went upon the Mount; and first found the mischief, showing, how the smoke came not from that darted from the enemy, but from fire below; and he willed the army to shout. The Romans grew confident, and flouted them: They all cast on, some earth, others water, which abated the smoke there, but presently it burst out in another part more vehemently; The water also added force to the sulphur, and Assyrian pitch, and spread the fire more; and within, the fire prevailed above the water; and about evening the smoke was so high, that it was seen at Carr●, and other neighbouring parts. There were fights also upon the Mount, wherein the Romans overcame. And now the flame risen clearly; when the Persians abandoned the work. Six days after they assaulted something before daylight, (the Romans being dead asleep): And they set to their ladders, and were mounting: But a peasant awaking, called up the Romans. They fought; and the Persians were beaten to their camp; leaving their ladders, which the Romans drew up. About midnight Chosroës' sent a great part of his army to force the great Gate. The Romans (not only Soldiers, but peasants and people) stood them, had the better, and routed them. As they were running, Paul the Interpreter put himself among the Romans, and told them, that Recimer was newly come from Constantinople an Ambassador about peace. So they parted. Recimer came to the Barbarians camp some days before; which they concealed from the Romans; expecting the event of their works; if those prospered, they resolved to come to no treaty; if they were beaten (as they now are) they might come to it fairly; the Romans having invited them. When Recimer was near the city gate, the Persians demanded some to be sent out to treat an accord with Chosroës. They answered, they would within three days send Martinus, who now was sick. Chosroës' suspecting the answer not to be sincere, prepared for war; commanding store of bricks to be laid upon the Mount. Two days after he approached the walls with his whole army, and applied his ladders and engines; and begird the town; placing squadrons at every gate, & Saracens behind them; who when the town was taken, were to lay hold on runaways. The fight began in the morning, and at first the Persians had the better; being many against few; for the Romans were not ware of the assault. The fight proceeding, the city was full of tumult; the women and little children went to the walls; and the men resisted valiantly; Many peasants did bravely. The women and children with the old men brought stones to the combatants. Some threw down boiling oil. Then the Persians refused to fight any longer; telling the King plainly, they would not give on: Chosroës in a rage, threatening and urging them, brought them all on. And again with shouts they applied their ladders, and engines, as if they would instantly enter. But the Romans defending in great numbers, the enemy fled; and the Romans hissed at Chosroes; daring him to the assault. Only Azarethes with his troops continued fight about the gate of Soëna; and from a place called Tripugia, the valiantest of the Romans sallied. Other Persians assaulting an outwork, pressed hard upon the defendants, till Peranius with many soldiers, and some Edessenians, having routed Azarethes, road up to these. So that Chosroes beginning the assault in the morning, gave it over late at night: Both passed the night unquietly; the Persians afraid of their trenches; the Romans providing stones and other things against another assault the next morning; when the Barbarians came not on. But the day after, a part of the army animated by Chosroes set upon the gate of Barlaim; but were beaten back to their camp. Then Paul the Interpreter called up to the walls for Martinus, to treat an accord. Which he did; and Chosroës' receiving 
* 39062. l'. 10. sh'. sterl.  50000. gold Staters from the Edessenians, subscribed the articles; promising no more to infest the Romans. In conclusion, setting his palissadoes and others works on fire, he went home with his army.  
About this time died two Roman commanders, Justus, Justinians nephew, and Peranius the Iberian; the first by sickness, the other by a fall from his horse in hunting. In whose rooms the Emperor placed Marcellus, his sister's son, a youth, and Constantianus, afterward Ambassador to Chosroes about the treaty. These had audience in Assyria, where stand Seleucia, and Ctesiphon, fair cities, built by the Macedonians, who after Alexander the great reigned in Persia. Of which cities the Tigris bounds their territories; no other country being between them. Here finding the King, they demanded restitution of the places in Lazica, and ratification of the articles of peace. But Chosroes said, that a peace would hardly be, without a truce first for a time, during which by mutual concourse, and communication, they might more firmly determine the Perpetual Peace, and that the Romans to get it must give him money; and they must send him one Tribunus, with whom by a day certain he would conclude the business. This Tribunus, a Physician, had cured Chosroes of a great sickness, 
The Quinquennial Cessation, An. Justin. 19 Anno Dommi 545.  for which he was his friend, and very grateful. Justinian forthwith sent him Tribunus; and of the money twenty thousand Staters. And so a Truce was concluded for five years, in the nineteenth year of Justinians reign.  
Shortly after Alamundarus and Arethas had a war, without any aids of Persians or Romans on either side. Alamundarus in an Inroade took a son of Arethas prisoner, and sacrificed him to Venus. From him was discovered, how Arethas sold the affairs of the Romans to the Persians. Afterward they came to a battle with their whole forces, wherein Arethas got the better, and routed the enemy, and killed many. A while after he had the pursuit of two sons of Alamundarus, but could not take them.   

CHAP. XX.  
But in Lazica, Chosroes had a design to kill Gubazes their King, 
Here the Greek continues.  * and to transplant the Nation into some other part of his dominions, and to plant Persians in their room: For he thought it a matter of much importance, firmly to possess Lazica, being of manifold use to the Persians: First, by holding more securely the Iberians, who would have none to fly to in case of revolt: For the principal Iberians with their King Gurgenes revolting (as I said before) the Persians suffered not the nation to choose their King any more; neither were they willing subjects to the Persians, but both were suspicious of each other; and the Iberians discontented, and ready to stir upon fit opportunity. He considered also, that not only the Persian dominions would hereby be for ever free from the devastation of the Huns bordering upon Lazica; but that himself, having a mind, might send them against the Romans; there being no rampire against the Barbarians of Mount Caucasus, but only Lazica. But principally Lazica would advantage the Persians, by issuing from thence to infest by land and sea the places upon the Euxine sea, to subdue Cappadocia, Galatia, and Bythinia, and to surprise Constantinople, there being none to stop their course. Upon these considerations Chosroes would have Lazica, but could not be confident in the Nation. For after the Romans were retired from thence, the common people were discontented at the Persians Government, who of all men have least variety in their humours, their manner of life being extremely strict; their laws hard of digestion, and their commands intolerable. And in reference to the Lazians the difference infinitely appeared, both in Religion and conversation; the Lazians being Christians, none more; and the Persians quite contrary. Besides, no Salt being in Lazica, nor Wine, nor other native commodity; all is imported from the sea coasts of the Romans; not giving money to the Merchants, but skins, and slaves, and other things with them abounding. From which being now barred, they were discontented. And Chosroes perceiving it, consulted upon some safe prevention, before they should stir for an alteration; and thought it most expedient to rid away Gubazes their King, and to transport the Nation, and to plant Persians and others in their country.  
He sent also to Constantinople Isdigunas, under pretext of an Ambassage, and with him five hundred chosen Persians, directing them to get into Daras, and lodging in several houses to set them afire, and while the Romans were busy to quench the fire, to open the gates, and receive in the rest of the Persian army; the Governor of Nisibis being commanded to be in readiness with forces concealed thereabout. Thus Chosroes thought without labour to have the kill of the Romans in Daras, and to be master of the City. But a Roman fugitive in Persia having knowledge of it, went to Daras, and there revealed it to George; who formerly persuaded the Persians besieged in Sisibranum to yield to the Romans. George went out to meet the Ambassador, and told him, this was not like not Ambassage; and that Persians in so great numbers use not to lodge in Roman Cities; he should do well to leave the rest in a town called Amudis, and with a few in his company to enter Daras. Isdigunas' chased, and took this for a great affront, being an Ambassador sent to the Emperor. But George, without respect to his storming, preserved the City to the Romans; receiving him in, with only twenty of his train. He failing in his plot, went to Constantinople, with his Wife and two Daughters, the pretence of his extraordinary company. Where having access to the Emperor, of business great or small he had nothing to say, though he had been six months in the Roman dominions; but he delivered usual presents to the Emperor, and letters, to know if he were in good health. This Isdigunas Justinian entertained with the most grace and honour that we ever saw him use to any Ambassador; feasting him, and Bradu●ionas his Interpreter; and setting them upon the same couch with himself, a thing never done before. No man ever saw an Interpreter sit at table with the meanest Governor, much less the Emperor. And this Ambassador without business, he entertained, and dimissed more honourably than ever any. 
31500 l. sterl.  His charges and presents came to more than ten Centenaries of gold.   

CHAP. XXI.  
BUt into Lazica Chosroes first sent much ship-timber, giving out it was for engines to stand upon the walls of Petra. Then he sent Fabrizus, with three hundred chosen Persians, instructing him, closely to kill Gubazes, and of the sequel he would take care. The timbers in Lazica were all consumed by lightning. But Fabrizus being there, and practising to execute his instructions concerning Gubazes, sent for a Nobleman of the country, named Pharsanses, (whom he understood to be in disgrace with Gubazes for some offence, not daring to come in his fight) and to him revealed the matter, and advised with him how to attempt it. The conclusion was, that Fabrizus should go to Petra, and send for Gubazes, to acquaint him with the great King's resolution touching Lazica. But Pharsanses secretly discovered the plot to Gubazes. Who thereupon refused to come to Fabrizus, and prepared for an open revolt. Fabrizus committed the guard of Petra to the other Persians, to prepare all things safe against a siege; and so went home, having done nothing. Gubazes reported to Justinian the present estate, besought his pardon for things past, and his present aid to shake off the Persian Government. The Emperor was glad of the news, and sent him seven thousand men, commanded by Dagisthaeus, and a thousand Tzanians. Who joined with Gubazes and the natives, and besieged Petra. The Persians within defended it valiantly, and much time was spent in the siege; they having laid in store of victual in the town. Chosroes was troubled at it, and sent against them a great army of horse and foot, under the command of Mermeroes'. Whereof Gubazes being advertised, and upon advise with Dagisthaeus, did thus. The River of Boas springs near the confines of Tzanica, about Pharangium in Armenia. First it runs a good way to the Northward, and is small and fortable, till it comes where it hath the Marches of Iberia to the North, and the utmost ridge of Mount Caucasus to the South. Hereabout inhabit the Alans, and the Abasgians, in ancient amity with the Romans, and they are Christians; the Zecchians also, and Sabirian Huns. From the Marches of Iberia and Caucasus, this River is supplied with other waters, grows greater, and instead of Boas is called Phasis; is navigable, and disembogues into the Euxine sea. On both sides of it is Lazica. To the right hand the country is well inhabited, to the borders of Iberia; on that side the river are their villages, and some small cities, anciently built, as Archaeopolis, a strong place; Sebastopolis, and the Castle of Pityuntium; and towards Iberia, Scanda, and Sarap●nis. Other strong Cities there are, as Rhodopolis, and Muchrisiis. But to the Southward are the Marches of Lazica for a day's journey, a country uninhabited; upon which border the Pontic Romans. In the desert marches of Lazica Justinian built Petra in my time, where, (as I said) John Tzibus set up the monopoly, which caused the Lazians defection. From Petra Southward the Roman borders begin; where are populous towns, as Rhizaeum, Athens, and others unto Trapezond. The Lazians, when they brought Chosroes into the country, past the Boas, and came to Petra; leaving Phasis (than so called) to his right hand; pretending to avoid the delay and toil of ferrying over the river Phasis; but in truth not willing to show the Persians their dwellings. And Lazica on both sides the river is full of bad ways, having rocks on either side the country, which make long narrow glinnes. (The Romans, as the Grecians, call such ways, Clausurae.) But then, Lazica being unguarded, the Persians guided by the natives, came with ease to Petra.  
But now Gubazes being informed of the Persians coming, wrote to Dagisthaeus to send forces to guard the passage beyond the Phasis, and not to raise the siege, before Petra were taken. Himself with his own army marched to the utmost borders of Lazica, to guard the Passage there. He had sometime before gotten some troops of alan's, 
9450 l. sterl.  and Sabirians; who agreed for three Centenaries, to help to guard his country, and so depopulate Iberia, that the Persians should not be able to come in that way; and the money the Emperor was to pay: whom Gubazes prayed to send the same, and some Donative to the Lazians, now in much distress; alleging himself also to be behind for ten years, being enroled a Silentiary of the Imperial Palace, and having received no pay from the time Chosroës' entered Lazica. Justinian meant to perform his request, but greater business diverting him, he sent not the money in the due time. But Dagisthaeus, being a young man, and unable to manage a Persian war, made no advantage of the opportunities offered him: Whereas he should have sent to the Passage the most of his army, and been himself at the action, he sent, as to some slight business, only two hundred men. And he did nothing upon Petra with all his forces: The enemy within, at first were not 1500. men, who continually being shot, and slain at the assaults; after as much valour, as ever men showed, were reduced to a very few; and despairing, and unable, lay still. The Romans drew a mine under the wall; and the wall falling with a house joining to it, fell all into the Ruin, securing the town as much as the wall. This troubled not the Romans, who saw hope, by mining in another part, to take the town: and Dagisthaeus wrote of it to the Emperor; urging for rewards of victory, and appointing what he and his brother should have; for they would take Petra presently. But the Persians received the assaults bravely, and beyong expectation; their troops being much decayed. Wherein the Romans prevailing not, they mined again, and came on with their work so, that the foundation of the wall had no ground to bear it, and the wall was in the air, suddenly to fall. And if Dagisthaeus had presently put fire to the supporters, the town had been taken. But he with his hopes from the Emperor, dallying, did nothing.   

CHAP. XXII.  
IN the mean time Mermeroes' with a Persian army past the marches of Iberia, and avoiding the towns of Lazica, for fear of stop, kept the Phasis to his right hand; his care being to save Petra, and the Persians in it. Where the piece of the wall which tottered, as I said, fell suddenly; at which fifty Romans entered, and cried out aloud, The Victorious Emperor Justinian. They were led by John, a young Armenian, son of that Thomas surnamed Guzes, who by the Emperor's direction built many fortresses in Lazica, commanding the army there, and well esteemed by the Emperor. This John the Persians encountered, and so he retired, wanting seconds. Then Mirranes, commander of the garrison, willed the Persians to attend their guards, and went (being afraid of the town) to Dagisthaeus; gave him fair words; promised to render the town shortly, and so amused him, that he did not, as he should have done, presently march into the town. In the mean time Mermeroes' was encountered at the Passage by the two hundred Romans: who valiantly kept off the assailants. But the Persians persisting, and being still supplied with new men for their slain (having lost more than 1000) The Romans weary with killing, and overpressed with numbers, ran up to the mountains. Dagisthaeus hereof advertised, presently raised the siege, and without giving any direction to the army, away he galloped towards the Phasis, and all the Romans followed; leaving their baggage in the camp. Which the Persians seeing, sallied, fell among their Cabins, and were rifling the camp. But the Tzanians, who followed not Dagisthaeus, came to the rescue; routed the enemy (who ran into the town, after the loss of many) and ransacked the Roman camp themselves; Then went to Rhizaeum, and from thence home by Athens, and Trapezond.  
The ninth day after Dagisthaeus his retreat, Mermeroes' with his army came thither: where he found remaining of the Persian Garrison 350. men, whereof 150 sound, the rest wounded and unserviceable. The dead bodies the survivors never threw from the walls, but endured almost stifling with the stench; that the enemy, seeing so many lost, might not be the more encouraged to assault. Mermeroes' said scoffingly, that the Romans affairs were to be lamented, being fallen into so weak a condition, as not to be able with all their endeavour to force 150. Persians, that had no walls to defend them. But the walls he carefully repaired, and wanting lime and other materials, he filled with sand the linen wallets, wherein the Persians brought their provisions, and laid them instead of stones; and this served for walling. In the town he left 3000 chosen men, with a proportion of victual for no long time, and direction to repair the walls. Himself with the rest of his army returned homeward; And because if he marched the same way he came, he would find no provisions, having left what he brought out of Iberia in Petra; he went over the mountains, which, he heard, were inhabited; that by foraging he might make his army live. But one Fubelius, a noble man of Lazica, conducting Dagisthaeus, and 1000 Romans, surprised the Persians where they lodged; and having stolen some horses at pasture, and killed some who kept them, retired; and Mermeroes' rose from thence. But Gubazes not affrighted with what happened to the Romans, quitted not the Passage on his side, supposing there to be the main of his hopes. For though the Persians forced through the Passage beyond the Phasis, and got to Petra; yet he could not incommode Lazica, being not able to cross the Phasis without ships; the river is so deep and broad, and so swift, that it enters the Sea a good way unmingled with salt water, & out of it passengers take in fresh water: And with ships, the many Fortresses on this side, will make an enemies landing unsafe. Justinian also at last sent the monies for the Sabirians, and other for Gubazes, and the Lazians. Long before he had sent a good army thither commanded by Recithangus the Thracian, a wise man, and a good soldier; but it was not yet arrived. Mermeroes' having gotten to the mountains, would have provided victual for Petra, knowing, that that he had left, would not serve a Garrison of 3000. men. But what he could light on in the country, hardly sufficing his own army of 30000. he could send nothing to Petra worth the speaking. So he resolved with the most of his army to quit Lazica, and leave some few, who of the provisions they could get, were to transport most to Petra, and to live upon the rest. And so 5000. chosen men he left with Fabrizus, and three other commanders. He thought a greater army not needful; there being no enemies. With the residue he went into Persarmenia, and lay quiet in the towns of Dubis. The 5000. upon the furthest confines of Lazica, encamped by the river Phasis, straggling to plunder thereabout; Gubazes observing it, sent to Dagisthaeus to come up to him, as having it in his power to do the enemy a notable mischief. He did so, marching with the river Phasis to his left hand, till he came where on the other side encamped the Lazians, and where the river was fordable. This neither the Romans, nor Persians knew (not knowing the country) but the Lazians knew it, and there passed the river, and joined with the Romans. The Persians sent out 1000 chosen men to prevent an enemies infesting their camp: And two of these advancing to discover, fell into the enemy's hands, and discovered all to them. So the Romans suddenly set upon the 1000 men, of whom none escaped, but were most slain, and the rest taken. Gubazes learned the number of the Persian army, how far off they were, and in what estate. They marched therefore towards them, computing to fall on them far within the night. They were in number fourteen thousand. The Persians, without thought of an enemy, slept securely. They thought the river not fordable, and their 1000 men far upon their way, without encountering any. So that the Romans unexpected charging them after midnight, found some asleep, some newly awake, and naked upon their pallets; not a man with a thought of fight; But most of them thus surprised were slain. Some they took, among whom a principal commander. Some few escaped in the dark. The camp the Romans and Lazians took, with all their Ensigns; and had the booty of much arms, and goods, and of Horses and Mules a great number. They followed the execution far into Iberia; where lighting upon other Persian troops, they killed many. The Romans and Lazians also found there a quantity of meal and other provision, and burned it; which the Persians were conducting out of Iberia to Petra. So they left at the Passage some numbers of Lazians, that no provisions to Petra might pass that way; and then returned with all their booty and captives. And thus ended the fourth year of the Persian affairs, being the three and twentieth of Justinian's reign.  
The year before, 
Anno Dom. 548. & 23. Justiniani. was the fourth year of the truce, where Agathias gins.  John the Cappadocian was sent for by the Emperor to Constantinople; for the Empress Theodora died in that year. Yet could he not recover any of his offices. The honour of Priesthood he held against his will. He had also apparitions promising the Empire. For the Devilluses to display before unsettled judgements, with some great hopes, that which they naturally love: and so was this John deluded by some Jugglers; who told him he should wear the habit of Augustus. And in Constantinople was a Priest, who kept the treasures of the Church of S. Sophia, named Augustus. When John was shorn a Priest (having himself no garment fit,) they, who were employed in it, made him put on the Cope and Rochet of this Augustus; And so, I think, the prediction was fulfilled.    

THE CONTENTS of the CHAPTERS OF THE FIRST BOOK OF THE WAR With the VANDALS.  

CHAP. I. THe extent of the Roman Empires, Eastern and Western, and the division thereof.  
CHAP. II. In the reign of Honorius, the Gothick, or Getick Nations invade the Roman Empire. They spoil Italy.  
CHAP. III. Alaricus by a stratagem takes Rome. Honorius feared the loss of his Game cock Rome. Attalas made Emperor. Honorius miraculously restored. Alaricus dies. Constantine the Usurper of Britain slain.  
CHAP. IU. The Vandals possess Spain by the consent of Honorius; John after him, is made Emperor, but deposed. Theodosius and Valentinian held the Empires. Valentinian effeminate. The plot of Aetius against Bonifacius, which lost afric, in whose room the Visigoths possess Spain. Some battels lost to the Vandals by Bonifacius. The presage of Martian to be Emperor.  
CHAP. V. Gensericus makes a league with Valentinian, paying him tribute. Valentinian ravishes the wife of Maximus. Actius unwisely killed by him. Attilas the Hunn, takes Aquileia by the presage of a Stork. Valentinian slain by Maximus; who marries Eudoxia. Gensericus revenges his death, and sacks Rome.  
CHAP. VI Gensericus hard proceed with the Africans. His Army. His piracies. Leo sends Basiliscus against him; who betrays the business by Aspars' direction. Is defeated by fireships. The valour of John. Basiliscus takes sanctuary, is pardoned. Aspar slain by Leo. Zeno succeeds.  
CHAP. VII. Majorinus disguises himself to spy afric. Dies before he could make war. Basiliscus expels Zeno. Who recovers, and kills the other in a Wilderness with famine. He makes a perpetual peace with the Vandals, which lasts till Justinians reign.  
CHAP. VIII. Gensericus his Testament. Honoricus succeeds; who persecutes the Christians, as his successor Gundamund. Trasamund succeeds, and persecutes. Cunningly marries Amalafrida, sister of Theodorick. Is routed by Cabaon, a More of Tripoli, whose reverence to the Christian Churches, and order of battle is remarkable.  
CHAP. IX. Ildericus succeeds. Is deposed by Gelimer. Justinian resolves a war against him. Is dissuaded by John of Cappadocia. But by a Bishop is put again upon it, and appoints Belisarius General.  
CHAP. X. Pudentius causes Tripoli to revolt. Godas usurps Sardinia against Gelimer, and calls in Justinian to his aid. The preparation of the Army against afric, and names of the Captains.  
CHAP. XI. Belisarius sets forth Procopius dream. Belisarius speech, admonishing the Army to Order. He sets Lanterns in the General's Ships, to lead the rest. Many die at Methone by unwholesome biscuit, provided by John the Praefect.  
CHAP. XII. Antoninus' way to keep the water sweet. The Fleet comes to Sicily. Procopius discovers the estate of the Vandals. They come to the coast of afric. Belisarius after a consultation chooses to land. He encamps strongly, and gets water by miracle.  
CHAP. XIII. Belisarius speech upon his soldiers stealing the ripe fruits. He gets Syllectus by surprise, and the Inhabitants consent. Gelimers Post conceals Justinians Letters.  
CHAP. XIV. Belisarius order of marching safely. He gains the good will of the natives. Gelimer murders Ildericus. His order to compass the Roman Army.  
CHAP. XV. A party of Vandals routed by John; Another by the Hunns. A custom for a Hunnish Family to give the first blow in a battle. Belisarius encourages his Army to fight.  
CHAP. XVI. The Romans are routed; Gelimer not using his advantage, Belisarius makes a stand, and quite everthrows him.  
CHAP XVII. Belisarius forbears to enter Carthage in the night, fearing the disorder of his soldiers. Strange news to the poor Roman captives in Carthage, when they saw the Roman fleet entering the harbour. Belisarius is joyfully received in Carthage, the City not leaving their ordinary affairs; but entertaining the soldiers. He dines in the Palace on the meat provided for Gelimer. Delphica Palatium. His admirable government of his soldiers.  
CHAP. XVIII. Belisarius repairs the ruined walls. The Prophecy, That Gamma should expel Beta, and Beta Gamma. The Cypriana storms. St. Cyprian promised often in dreams to be revenged of the Arrians, for polluting Christian Churches; and now performs it on his festival. The Arrians running from the same, adorned by themselves. The advice of an old Vandal, concerning their old Country. The Vandals cruelty to the Zacynthians, now punished.  
CHAP. XIX. Gelimer plots to kill Roman soldiers. Diogenes makes a brave escape with 22. men against 300. Tzazons unseasonable news of his reducing Sardinia. How Theudis, King of the Visigoths in Spain, used the Ambassadors of Gelimer, who knew nothing of the ruin of the Vandals.  
CHAP. XX. Gelimer is abandoned by the Moors and Numidians, whose Princes send for their Ensigns of principality from the Romans, according to custom. What those are. Gelimer sends for his brother Tzazon out of Sardinia by a passionate Letter. Their mournful meeting.    

THE CONTENTS of the CHAPTERS OF THE SECOND BOOK OF THE WAR With the VANDALS.  

CHAP I. GElimer maketh head. Attempts a revolt of the Hunns. Belisarius encourages his Army. The Hunns hover between both.  
CHAP. II. Gelimer and Tzazon encourage their soldiers. The Romans order. John begins. The rest of the horse give the Vandals an absolute defeat. Gelimer basely runs away from his Camp and Army; which is quite ruined, and the Camp spoilt, where they found infinite wealth.  
CHAP. III. The disorder of the Romans after the victory and huge booty. The unfortunate death of John the Armenian, being ready to take Gelimer. Pharas' the Herulian is left to besiege Gelimer in the mountain of Pappua. Belisarius fortune to get the royal treasures of Gelimer.  
CHAP. IU. Sardinia and Corsica recovered to the Emperor. Likewise Ebusa, Majorica, and Minorica. The Goths refuse to render Lylibaeum. Pharas' attempts Pappua, and fails. The delicacy of the Vandals; and the hardness of those Moors.  
CHAP. V. Gelimer refuses the counsel of Pharas at first: desires a loaf, a sponge, and a harp. Upon the sight of his Nephew, a boy, beaten by a Morish boy for snatching up a cake, he relents. Being brought to Belisarius, on a sudden he fell a langhing.  
CHAP. VI Belisarius discovers a plot against him, of his fellow-Commanders. The Moors revolt, upon the Oracle of their soothsaying women. The Army is left by Belisarius with Solomon. Belisarius triumphs at Constantinople: Where were showed the spoils of the Temple of Jerusalem. Gelimer hath Towns given him to live on.  
CHAP. VII. The unfortunate loss of Aigan and Rufinus. The original of the Moors from the Canaanites subdued by Joshua. Solomon persuades peace; but is answered with denial.  
CHAP. VIII. Solomon kills 10000 Moors, and takes their camp and baggage. At Burgaon kills 50000. and utterly routs them: He took so many prisoners, that a Moorish boy was sold for a sheep. He fulfils their women's prophecy, that they should be destroyed by a man without a beard.  
CHAP. IX. The Moors remaining, fly to Jabdas to mount Aurasium. Althias' his single combat with Jabdas. Solomon makes war on him in Aurasium without effect. He prepares a new war that way, and against the Moors of Sardinia.  
CHAP. X. Belisarius in Sicily. A strange passion of the Sun a year together. A mutiny of the soldiers in afric, caused by their Vandal wives. Solomon fled to Belisarius into Sicily.  
CHAP. XI. Stotzas' General of the mutineers; besieges Carthage. Belisarius coming from Sicily with 100 men, frights him away, and defeats his Army at Membresa. Then upon a mutiny in Sicily, returns. The Commanders of Numidia are forsaken by their soldiers, and slain by Stotzas.  
CHAP. XII. Germanus, the Emperor's nephew, is sent into afric. He pacifies the Army somewhat. Defeats Stotzas in Numidia; takes the mutineers Camp. Stotzas flies into Mauritania, and so that mutiny ended.  
CHAP. XIII. Maximinus' his mutiny; who growing worse, being made one of the General's lifeguard. Is defeated and crucified.  
CHAP. XIV. Solomon's second Government of afric. He beats Jabdas to the top of Aurasium. Takes Zerbule, and besieges Jabdas in Tumar.  
CHAP. XV. Solomon encourages his Army. He assails, and takes the two Castles, and Jabdas flies into Mauritania.  
CHAP. XVI. Sergius, nephew to Solomon, is Governor of Tripoli, and kills 70 Moors who came to treat. Antalas revolts, and with the Leucathian Moor's infests afric Solomon is slain. Sergius made Governor of afric. Is hated. Antalas grows strong.  
CHAP. XVII. Solomon the younger 'scapes his imprisonment by a wile. Himerius being taken, gets Adramettus for the Moors. Which is recovered again by the stratagem of Paul a Priest. The Moors and Stotzas do much mischief.  
CHAP. XVIII. Areobindus is joined with Sergius, then is sole Governor after the death of John, son of Sisinniolus; who having wished to die after the kill of Stotzas; and Stotzas having in like sort wished against John, they both have their wishes in a sort. Gontharis plots against Areobindus with Antalas; and Areobindus hath a counterplot with Cutzinas.  
CHAP. XIX. Gontharis perfidiously kills Areobindus after oath given by Reparatus, the Bishop of Carthage, at the baptism of, 28c. and usurps. The pusillanimity of Areobindus in his death. Artabanes the Armenian plots his ruin.  
CHAP. XX. Gontharis plots a marriage with Projecta. Artabanes willingly omits the beating of Antalas. With Gregorius and Artasiris plots to kill Gontharis, and resolutely does it at a feast. afric under John, after various successes, gets quietness.    

THE HISTORY Of THE WARS Of the Emperor JUSTINIAN:  
BOOK I. Of the War with the Vandals.  

CHAP. I.  
THis end had the Emperor Justinian of the Persian war. And now I come to his actions against the Vandals and Moors: First showing from whence those Vandals broke in upon the Roman Provinces. After the death of Theodosius, a most just Prince, and a great Soldier, his two Sons succeeded, Arcadius the elder in the Eastern Empire, and Honorius in the West. This Division was formerly made by Constantine and his sons, who first transferred the Empire to Constantinople, which City he much enlarged, and dignified, and called it by his own name. And the Emperors divided the two Continents between them, thus. The Ocean encompasses the whole earth, or the most part of it, (we know no certainty therein) But into this part comes an Inlet from the Western Ocean, dividing the two Continents, and making our Seas; which begin from Calais, and reach to the lake of Moeotis. The land to the Southward thereof from that pillar of Hercules which is named Septem (by reason of the seven hillocks there appearing) is called Asia, and that over against it Europe: And the Straight which parts these Continents, is ten miles and a half over; which then continue parted by main seas to the Hellespont; and there they meet at Sestus and Abydus, and again at Constantinople and Chalcedon, to the anciently named Cyanean rocks, whereabout now is that which they call Hieron. At both these last Straits, the Lands are a mile and a half distant. From one of Hertules pillars to the other, along the shore, not compassing the Ionian gulf, nor Euxine sea, but crossing from Chalcedon to Constantinople, and from Otranto to the Land over against it, 〈◊〉 285 day's journey. To reckon exactly from Constantinople to the Lake of Maeotis, along the Euxine sea, is impossible; the Barbarians beyond the River ●●●r, or Danu●●●, making the Coasts unaccessible to Romans: But to the River 〈◊〉 from Constantinople is twenty two days journey: And on 〈◊〉 side, from Chalcedon to the River of Phasis (which comes out of Colchis into that sea) is forty day's journey. So the circuit of all the Roman Empire along the Seashore is three hundred forty seven days journey; crossing the Ionian gulf from Otranto (as I have said) which is an hundred miles over, and the compass of the gulf is 
* Leander says, That from Otranto to Venice is 700. miles; and that is but half of the Gulf. My conceit is, that the Author wrote 54. days journey; which is twice 700. milei.  four day's journey: So great anciently was the Roman Empire. The Emperor of the West had afric under him, which contains ninety day's journey, from Calais to Tripoli: And in Europe his share was from the other Hercules pillar to the Ionian gulf, 75 day's journey: To which must be added the compass of the said gulf. But the Emperor of the East had for his share 120 day's journey from Cyrene in afric to Epidamnus upon the Ionian gulf, now called Durazzo; besides the Roman Provinces upon the Euxine Sea, as I have said. A day's journey contains 120 furlongs, (which are 25 English miles) the distance from Athens to Megara. Of the Island Britain, by much the greatest, fell to the Western Empire, being without Hercules pillars: And within them, Ebusa, and Majorica, and Minorica, lying above seven day's journey from that Inlet of the Ocean. The other Lands upon the Mediterranean belong to each Emperor, as they are situate in the limits of either.   

CHAP. II.  
BUT Honorius holding the Western Empire, the Barbarians invaded his Country: Who they were, and in what manner, I will tell you. Heretofore were many Gothick Nations, and now are; but the greatest, and most famous of them are the Goths, Vandals, Visigoths, and Gepaedes. Anciently they were called Sarmatians, and Melanchlenians. Some called, these, Getick Nations. They vary all in names, but in nothing else; being all fair-bodied, with yellow hair; tall, and with good faces: They have the same laws, customs, and religion (being all Arrians) and speak all the Gothick language. I suppose them to have been anciently one Nation, and their names to have been distinguished afterward by their several Princes. Formerly this people inhabited about the river Danubius; then the Gepaedes held the places about Singedon and Sirmium, on both sides the River where now they are. From thence the Visigoths risen first, and came to the aid of Arcadius; but some time after, (For Barbarians cannot inure themselves to keep faith with Romans) these Visigoths under their Prince Alaricus rebelled against both the Emperors: They begun in Thrace, and thence overran all Europe. Honorius at first sat still in Rome, thinking of no enemy, but contented to be suffered quiet in his palace but hearing how the enemy was not far off, but already in Taulantia with a mighty Army, he fled from his Palace to Ravenna, a strong City lying upon the bottom of the Ionian gulf. 
That is, all Italy on this side Otranto, in respect of Constantinople: which must diligently be observed in this Author, when he says, On this side  Some say (but improbably, by what I can gather by his disposition) that upon some mutiny by his subjects he drew in the Barbarians: But they finding no enemy opposing, exceeded all that ever were in cruelty; so destroying the Cities they took, especially on * this side the Ionian gulf, that they have no mark now remaining save some turret or gate; killing also all in their way, old and young, not sparing women nor children, so that Italy remains to this day extremely unpeopled. They rob all the wealth of Europe; and having for their masterpiece left nothing in Rome, public nor private, they marched into France.   

CHAP. III.  
THe taking of Rome by Alaricus, was thus. 
An. Dom. 412. & Honorii 16.  Having spent much time in the Siege, and not taking it by force, nor other means; he chose out 300 beardless Youths, whom he knew well bred, and valorous above their years: These he told secretly, that he would colourably present them for Slaves to some Roman Patricians; and he charged them, being in their houses, to show all mildness and sobriety, and to serve their masters cheerfully in all their injunctions; but at a day apyointed, after noon, while their masters were sleeping after their dinners to meet all at Porta Salaria, suddenly to kill the Guards, and to open the gate, Alaricus having thus instructed the young men, sent Ambassadors to the Senate to tell them, That he admired their good affection to their Emperor, and would trouble them now no more, seeing manifestly their singular valour and fidelity: But to have remembrances remaining with such worthy men, he desired to present them with some few Servants. Soon after, he sent the young men, and commanded the Barbarians to tru●s up their baggage for a retreat, that the Romans might perceive it. The Senators gladly entertained this discourse, and the Presents, and lived merrily, and suspected no design, seeing the young men's obedience, and in the Camp some gone already, some busy to rise, the rest expected to do the like immediately. At the hour assigned, Alaricus put his Army, in order by Porta Salaria, as if to march away, (being there quartered at first) The young men then also killed the Guards at the said gate, and set them open, receiving in Alaricus at pleasure. The houses next the Gate they burned, and among them that of Sallust who wrote the Roman History, whereof the remains half-burnt stood to my time: Then they sacked the City, slew most of the Romans in it, and went away. Then they say that the Eunuch of Honorius, then being at Ravenna, who kept his Cocks of the game, told him the news how Rome was lost; He cried out, Why! even now he eat from mine own hands, (He had an extraordinary great Cock named Rome) The Eunuch understanding him, told him, that the City Rome was lost by Alaricus: The Emperor rousing himself replied, I thought, my friend, it had been my Cock Rome. So simple, they say, was that Emperor. Some say that Alaricus took not Rome thus: But that Proba a Roman Lady eminent for wealth and honour, pitying the people perishing with miseries, and for famine eating one another, and seeing no hope of better, (the River and Port being blocked up by the Enemy) directed her servants in the night to open the gates; Alaricus at his parting from Rome, declared Attalus, one of the Nobility, Emperor, putting on him the Diadem and Purple robe, and all other ensigns of the Imperial dignity; that by this he might depose Honorius, and give Attalus the Western Empire. But Attalus had neither wit himself, nor could follow good counsel; sending into afric, without Alaricus' consent, Governors without an Army.  
Britain then revolted from the Romans, and the Soldiers chose Constantine their Emperor, an eminent man, who with a Fleet and a good Army invaded Spain and Gaul. Honorius with ships in readiness, expected the success in afric, to sail thither upon the rejection of those sent from Attalus, and so to retain some part of the Empire; if otherwise, to go to Theodosius (who being very young, held the Empire after his father Arcadius and to continue with him. But fluctuating in these uncertainties and cares, he had a miraculous blessing, (God usually assisting men not subtle to devise for themselves, so they be not wicked) For from afric came sudden news, that Attalus' Governors were slain; and unexpectedly came to him a great Navy from Constantinople with an Army to his aid: Alaricus also offended, took from Attalus the Imperial habit, and made him a prisoner, and himself soon after died; and the Army of Visigoths were by Adulpbus led against Gaul. Constantine also was overthrown in battle, and slain with his sons. But Britain the Romans could never recover, continuing ever since under their own Princes.  

He ever calls the Ostrogoths, only Goths.  The Goths who passed over the river Danubius first held Pannonia; then Towns in Thrace given them by the Emperor, where having not spent much time, they Conquered Italy. But of that in my discourse of the Goths.   

CHAP. IV  
BUt the Vandals inhabiting about the Lake of Moeotis, upon a great famine, went to the Germans, now called Franks, and to the river of Rhine, associating the Alans, a Gothish Nation. From thence they risen under the conduct of Godidiscius, and planted in Spain. And Honorius came to conditions with Godidiscius, to continue there without infesting the Province. And whereas there is a Roman Law, That men out of possession the space of thirty years, cannot enter upon the disseisors; but before are by prescription barred their action in Court for the same; Honorius by his Edict commanded the Vandals continuance in Roman Land, not to need that thirty years' prescription. In this estate Honorius left Italy, and died. With him Constantius was Emperor, who married his sister Placidia, but died before Honorius; having had in his small time in the Empire no means to act any thing, his son Valentinian from his nurse was brought to the Palace of Theodosius, and there bred. But the Courtiers in Rome chose Emperor one of the Soldiers named John; a mild and a prudent man, and valiant. He usurped five years, but ruled moderately, not harkening to informers, nor unjustly killing nor confiscating any: But against the Barbarians he could do nothing, by reason all at Constantinople was his enemy. Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, sent an Army against him under Aspar and Ardaburius his son, and deposed him; giving the Empire to Valentinian, yet a child, who took John cut off one of his hands, brought him into the Circus of Aquileia upon an ass; and when he had endured much scorn and indignity from the Stage, there put him to death.  
Valentinian being thus Emperor of the West, his mother Placidia bred him effeminately, that he became vicious from a child; he frequented Conjurers and Stargazers, made love to other men's wives, and was extremely debauched, though he had a wife most beautiful: So that he was so far from recovering the lost pieces of the Empire, that he added the loss of Africa, and ruined himself; and after his death his wife and children had the fortune to be captives. The disaster in afric happened thus. The two Roman Generals, Aetius and Bonifacius, both valiant and expert Soldiers, inferior to none of their time, ever were at difference in the public affairs; being men so high in worth and spirit, that he shall not err, who calls them the last of the Romans. All the Roman virtue and valour was so reduced into these two. Bonifacius Placidia made General of afric, which displeased Aetius, but he concealed his dislike (their enmity being covered yet under a fair visor) but Bonifacius once out of the way, he accused him of Tyranny, and a desire to deprive her and the Emperor of afric; and that she might easily find the truth; (for if she sent for Bonifacius he would not come.) She liked the advice, and did so: But Aetius wrote privately to him before, that the Emperor's mother had a plot upon him, to be rid of him; for proof whereof he forewarned him, how he should be presently sent for upon no ground. Bonifacius not thinking light of the advice, and being summoned to go to the Emperor, refused, concealing the advertisement he had from Aetius. Upon this, Placidia thought Aetius above all men well affected to the Emperor, and consulted about Bonifacius: Who ●nable to withstand the Emperor, and to go to Rome holding it not safe; advised by what means he might make a league with the Vandals, who, as I said, were ●ea●ed in Spain, not far from afric. Godidiscius was dead; but Gonthar● his legitimate son, and Genserick his base son succeeded in his Dominions; the first whereof was a ●oy, not much active; but Genserick very well exercised in Military affairs, and the shrewdest man alive. Bonifacius sent to Spain to these sons of Godidiscius, to invite them to equal terms with him, for each of the three to have a third part of afric; and if any one of them be invaded, the rest to defend him. 
Anno Dom. 430 & Valentiniani Tertii anno quarto.  Upon this accord the Vandals passed the straits of Calize into afric: and afterward the Visigoths planted in Spain. But in Rome the friends of Bonifacius, weighing the disposition of the man, took it for a miracle that Bonifacius should turn Usurper; and by Placidia's direction went to him to Carthage, and spoke with him; where they saw Aetius Letters, heard the whole business, and returning reported to the Empress, in what terms he stood. She amazed at this, hurt not Aetius, nor reproached the disservice done to the Emperor's house, his power being great, and the Emperor's affairs in bad terms: But with that advertisement of his, she acquainted Bonifacius' friends, and besought them to draw him (upon her oath for his safety) to return to his Country, and not to endure to see the Roman Empire reduced under Barbarians. Bonifacius hearing this, repent his League with the Barbarians; and wooed them with large promises to leave afric. But they thought themselves scorned by such Propositions, so that he was forced to come to blows with them and being beaten retired to Hippo, a strong City in Numidia upon the Sea. Where the Vandals besieged him under the leading of Genserick: Gontharis being dead, made away by his brother, some say: but other Vandals say, he was taken prisoner by the Germans in a battle in Spain, and crucified, and that Genserick was King alone, and lead the Vandals into afric. But Hippo they could not get by force nor composition, and they were pressed with famine: so that after much time spent they raised their siege. Shortly after a great Army came from Rome and Constantinople under the General Aspar to Bonifacius; which in a battle very bravely fought, he had much the worse, and all ran away. Aspar returned home; and Bonifacius came to Placidia, and removed the groundless suspicion against him.  
Thus the Vandals got afric from the Romans; and the enemies they took alive, they reserved for slaves in restrains. Among whom was Mantianus, who was Emperor, after the decease of Theodosius. But then Genserick commanding the captives to be brought into the Palace, that he might examine if any had not a Master fit for his quality; and they being together in the open air about noon in the heat of Summer, troubled with heat and weary, they lay down, and fell asleep, when an Eagle flying that way, hovered with her wings spread out over the head of Martianus. Genserick marked this strange Omen not to come for nothing, called for him, and asked him what he was. 
This is supplied from the Latin Translation.  He said he was the Assistant of Aspar in his secret affairs, (an Officer the Romans call Domesticus.) Genserick considering the gesture of the Eagle, and Aspars' power in Constantinople, would not kill him; not thinking such an Omen fit for a dying man: If he were to reign, he was not left to him to kill. God's decrees are not possibly to be prevented: So he bond him by oath to be his friend, and upon no ground ever to make war upon the Vandals. Thus was Martianus dismissed; and shortly after succeeded Theodosius, and proved a very good Prince: Only he regarded not how things went in afric. But this was afterward.   

CHAP. V.  
GEnserick, after the defeat of Asper and Bonifacius, weighing wisely the variety of fortune, that new Armies might come from Rome and Constantinople, that his powers would not match with the Romans; and that God changes men's fortunes as they grow old; he resolved in his new victories to bear himself moderately, and not too high. So he made a league with Valentinian, paid him tribute, and left his son Honoricus in hostage; whom afterward he received home, when then friendship was more grown. In the mean time Placidia died at Rome; Valentinian having only two daughters by Eudoxia, sister to Theodosius: But he was ruined thus. Maximus a Senator, descended from that Maximus the Tyrant, destroyed by Theodosius the elder, for which the Romans celebrate an annual festivals; had a very sober and fair Lady to his wife. Valentinian being in love with her, and desiring to enjoy her, but finding it difficult, used this wicked plot. He sent for Maximus to the Palace, and at Dice laid gold against his Ring, and won it; This he sent secretly to the wife in the husband's name, requiring her to come immediately to visit the Empress Eudoxia: She obeyed, and some acquainted with the secret waited upon her in the Court into a room far from the Empresses chamber; 
Here the Greek continues.  There Valentinian met her, and ravished her. She extremely afflicted with the dishonour, went home, all blubbered with tears, and reviled Maximus for giving the opportunity: Who being infinitely grieved at it, conspired against the Emperor. But seeing the great power of Aetius, who lately had defeated Artilas invading the Roman Empire with a mighty Army of Massagetes and other Scythians, and fearing him for an obstacle of his proceed, he determined first to remove him, not considering that in Actius was the whole hope of the Romans. So by the artifices of some Eunuches about the Emperor, his friends, he infused into the Emperor, that Aetius was plotting a revolt. And Valentinian judging the information by no other argument but by the worth and power of Aetius, put him to death. When a Roman was famous for a word spoken, being asked by the Emperor, if the kill of Aetius were not well done? and answering, That he could not tell whether it were well done, or how it was done; but this he knew, that he had cut off his right hand with his left. Aetius being dead, Attilas having none to match him, foraged at his ease all Europe, and made both the Empire's tributary, both the Emperors sending him annual taxes.  
Then they say, Attilas besieging Aquileia, a great and populous maritime City within the Ionian gulf, and not being able by force nor otherwise to get the town, and wearied with a long Siege, put his Army in readiness to rise the next day by sunrising; and the Barbarians were busy in their retreat accordingly: When a Stork having his nest upon one of the turrets, where he had bred his young, suddenly with his young flew from the same, the young ones sometimes flying even with him, sometimes getting upon his back; and thus they fled far from the town. Attilas seeing it (being a very cunning Diviner) commanded his Army to stand still, telling them that the Bird with his young ones was not fled away for nothing, but prophesied some mischief to the Town. Upon this they say the Barbarians renewed their siege, and that the wall by the Storks nest fell down of itself, making the Town open to the enemy, and that so Aquileia was taken by assault.  
But afterward Maximus killed the Emperor, and married Eudoxia by force, his wife being newly dead. And in bed he spoke a word once, how for her love he had done what he did. Eudoxia, before offended with Maximus, and desirous to revenge the wrong done to Valentinian, by this word was more incensed to plot against him, hearing thus from Maximus himself how her husband's disaster came for her sake. So that, no sooner day, but she sent to Carthage, entreating Genserick to revenge Valentinian, ruined by a wicked man, in a manner unworthy of himself and the Empire; and to redeem her, suffering things abominable, from the Tyrant. She urged him as his Friend and Ally; and that it were impious, such a villainy should be acted in a King's house without a revenger; And from Constantinople she expected no revenge, Theodosius being dead, and Martianus in possession of the Empire. Genserick for no other respect, but finding he should get wealth by it, sailed into Italy with a great Navy, marched up to Rome, and (none resisting) was Master of the Imperial palace. Maximus running away, the Romans stoned to death, and cut off his head, and rend his other members in pieces. Eudoxia with her two daughters by Valentinian, Eudocia and Placidia, Genserick made prisoners; and carried away to Carthage infinite wealth of gold and silver, and spared neither Brass nor any thing in the palace: He rob the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and took away half the covering of it being of the richest brass, with much gold melted in it, and very admirable and magnificent. They say, the ship where the Images were was cast away, but with the rest the Vandals landed at Carthage. Eudocia Genserick married to his eldest son Honoricus; The other daughter was married to Olybrius a principal Senator of Rome, whom with the mother Eudoxia, at the Emperor's request, he sent to Constantinople. The Empire of the East Leo then held, Aspar placing him therein after the death of Martianus.   

CHAP. VI  
GEnserick afterward took down the walls of all the Cities of afric, save Carthage; That the Africans siding with the Romans might have no strong places to gather head, nor the Emperor's forces by taking towns and by garrisons in them, think to trouble the Vandals. His counsel seemed a good one then, to secure the Vandals: But afterward, when these Towns without walls were so easily taken by Belisarius, Genserick was laughed at, and his wise counsel judged folly. Thus men ever change their opinions of counsels, with the fortunes of them. The rich and eminent men of afric he gave as so many bondmen, with their lands and goods, to his sons, Honoricus and Genson, Theodorus being dead without issue: From the rest he took their lands, and bestowed them on the other Vandals, which are yet called the Vandals Heritage's. All the Towns he gave his sons, and others he called the King's land, freeing the same perpetually from tributes: The ancient possessors the while had the fortune to be poor and free men, and had permission to go whither they would. 
* Lat. verse.  Some held, or claimed their lands to no purpose: Many were banished and put to death upon no cause, specially such as were thought to have hid money in their houses. Thus afric was overwhelmed with miseries. Genserick also in convenient places had garrisons under 80 Colonels, whom he called Chiliarches, as if his Army were so many thousands, being in truth but 50000. At first he enroled only Vandals and Alans; afterward he admitted under the name of Vandals all other Barbarians, except Moors, and at last he received them also into the Army. After the death of Valentinian, he made every Spring a voyage to rob Sicily, or Italy, sacking some Cities, and some laying flat with the ground. When he had made havoc in those parts, turning upon the Eastern Empire, he infested Illyrium and Peloponesus, and the Lands adjacent, with the rest of Greece: Then to Italy and Sicily again, if aught were left, to pillage it. Once hoying sail from the Port of Carthage, his Shipmaster asked him, whither he would go for pillage? His answer was, Wither God shall drive me. Making war thus at random.  
The Emperor Leo, to restrain this insolence, prepared an Army of 100000 men to send against the Vandals, and a great Navy, collected from all parts of Greece. This war, they say, cost him a huge treasure, and to no purpose. His General was Basiliscus, brother to his wife Verina, the trustiest man he had, and safest for him; friendship continuing yet between him and Aspar, who, being an Arian, could not get the Empire, but with his power made Leo, against whom afterward he conspired. And now fearing lest the victory of the Vandals might make him proud, both to his particular, and in the government, he instructed Basiliscus at his departure to prolong the war. Leo also sent Anthemius a Senator, great in blood and estate, to be Emperor of the West, that he might be aiding to him in the Vandalick war. And Genserick promised the Western Empire to Olybrius, Placidia's husband, to join with him; upon which confidence he had higher thoughts, and more vexed the Roman dominions. 
* The Greek again.  In the mean time Marcellianus a friend of Aetius, (who after the murder of Aetius entered into action against Valentinian, and got the dominion of Dalmatia none opposing) Leo courted and gained; and then sent him to the Island of Sardinia, subject to the Vandals, whom Marcellianus presently drove out and got the Island. From Constantinople also was sent Heraclius into Tripoli in afric, who took all the Towns therein, left his ships there, and led his Army by land to Carthage. These were the entrances into this war. But Basiliscus arrived with his Army at a small Town 35 miles from Carthage, called Mercurium, from an ancient Temple of Mercury. And if he had not treacherously dallied, but marched instantly to Carthage, he had taken the Town instantly, and made the Vandals his Captives. So much afraid was Genserick of Leo, seeing Tripoli and Sardinia taken, and so brave a Navy as the Romans had not set out of a long time. But this the Generals either cowardly, or traitorous delay hindered. But Genserick made this good use of Basiliscus his negligent. He armed his Subjects, manned most of his ships, and made ready of the rest the swiftest of sail without men in them; then sent Ambassadors to Basiliscus,, desiring a five days cessation, that he might advise upon the means of doing the Emperor's pleasure. They say, he sent him closely a great sum of money, which bought this truce, supposing (which came to pass) that he should get in that time a wind to bring his ships about. And Basiliscus, either to comply with his promise to Aspar, or selling his opportunity, or whether he thought it so best, lay still, attending the enemy's advantage. But the Vandals (the wind serving) hoist sail against the enemy, towing after the ships without men. When they came near, they put fire into the empty ships, whose sails spreading to the wind, they let them run upon the Roman Navy. They falling in among a multitude of Vessels, suddenly consumed with themselves, those they fell foul with. In the mean time the Roman fleet was in confusion, with cries equalling the winds, and the whizzing of the flames, and with the Soldiers and Mariners calling, and thrusting the fireships with long poles, from their own pitifully perishing. The Vandals also shot, and sunk the rest, taking the flying Soldiers with Arms and all. Some in this overthrow did bravely; specially John, Lieutenant General to Basiliscus, but not acquainted with his Treason: His ship being boarded, he slew many upon the deck; and when he saw the ship taken by the enemy, he leapt into the sea with all his Arms. Genson, the son of Genserick wooed him, and gave him his faith to save his life; but he plunged into the sea, using this word only, That John should never come into the hands of dogs.  
And this was the end of this war: Heraclius returned home; Marcellianus perished by the Treason of one of his fellow-Commanders: But Basiliscus in Constantinople took sanctuary in the great Church dedicated to Christ, (the Constantinopolitans call it the Church of St. Sophia, holding the attribute of wisdom most becoming God;) and the Empress Verina obtained his pardon. But the Empire he could not then get, what he endeavoured: for Leo shortly after killed Aspar and Ardaburius in his Palace, suspecting them to conspire his death. Anthemius, also Emperor of the West, was slain by Recimer who married his daughter. And Olybrius succeeding him, had not long after the same fate. Leo deceasing in Constantinople, Leo the son of Zeno, and of Ariadne daughter to Leo, received the Empire, being very young. And his father being chosen his partner in the Empire, the child was quickly rid out of the way.   

CHAP. VII:  
THen Majorinus had the Western Empire; a man worth the remembering; as excelling in virtue all the Roman Emperors that ever were. He could not with patience endure the disaster of afric, but raised a great Army in Liguria to go against the Vandals himself, being industrious and very venturous of his person. He thought best first to discover the Vandals power, and the humour of Genserick; and how the Moors and Africans stood affected towards them: And resolving to put this in execution himself, he took his journey to Genserick with a feigned name, and as an Ambassador from the Emperor. And further to avoid mischief and the overthrow of his business by discovery, he died his hair, (which was as yellow as the finest gold) into a perfect blue for the time. Genserick to fright him, took him in a friendly way, into his Armoury, where was much good Arms. They say the Arms then of themselves moved, and clashed together; that Genserick thought it an Earthquake: but being without, and upon enquiry finding no notice taken of any Earthquake, he thought it a miracle, not guessing the meaning. Majorinus dispatched to his desire, returned into Liguria; lead his Army over land, purposing to cross the Straits at Hercules Pillars, and so to march to Carthage. Genserick informed thereof, and how he was deceived by Majorinus, was hearty afraid, and made preparation for the war; and the Romans from the virtues of Majorinus conceived hope of recovering afric. In the mean time Majorinus died of a dyssentery; a man moderate to his Subjects, and to his enemies terrible; newly come to the Empire, and living in it too short a time, 
* An. dom. 471.  Glycerius succeeded him, and had the 〈◊〉 fortune. Then Augustulus received the Empire. Other Emperors there were in the West, whose names though I know, I omit; they living a very short time in the Government, and so doing nothing worth mentioning.  
But Basiliscus in Constantinople passionately in love with the Empire attempted to usurp, and prevailed, Zano with his Empress fled into Isauria his native Country: And Basiliscus usurped a year and eight months, generally hated by all men, and by the very Guards of his Palace for his extreme avarice. Zeno thereof advertised, went against him with an Army, to whom Basiliscus opposed another under A●●●dius his General. But being encamped near, Armatus delivered his Army to Zeno, upon condition, he should make his son Basiliscus, Caesar (being very young) and make him his successor Basiliscus forsken by all the world, fled to the Church of St. Sophia; but Acacius the Bishop of the City, put him into Zeno's hands, objecting against him impiety, in much embroiling and innovating the Christian Doctrine, as inclining to the heresy of E●●yches: And so it was indeed. Zeno resuming the Empire, (to comply somewhat with his oath to Armatus) adopted his son Basiliscus; but soon after deprived him of that honour, and killed Armatus. Basiliscus with his wife and children he sent into Cappadocia in the winter season, commanding them to be left without meat or apparel, or any other conveniencies. Where pinched with cold and hunger, and ●lying to one another for succour, embracing them own dear bodies, they all died. Such punishment had Basiliscus of his ill Government. But these things happened afterward. Genserick, having now either with force, or artifices, shaken off his enomies, ●a●●ied the Roman Provinces more than ever; till Zeno came to a Treaty with him, and perpetual peace was concluded; That the Vandals should commit no acts of hostility against the Romans; nor from them receive any.  
THis Treaty was observed all the time of Zeno, and Anastasius his successor, and during the reign of Justin; whose sisters son Justinian succeeding; in his time this war was, which I purpose to relate.   

CHAP. VIII.  
BUt Genserick shortly after died a very old man; charging the Vandals by his Testament, that the Kingdom should descend ever to such male descendent of Genserick, as was eldest in years. Genserick having reigned over the Vandals from his taking of Carthage 39 years, 
* An. dom. 479. & Zenonis septimo.  Honoricus his eldest son succeeded, Genson being dead. In the reign of Honoricus, the Vandals had war only with the Moors, who being rid of Genserick, who kept them in awe, did the Vandals many mischiefs and suffered many. This Honoricus was most cruel, and unjust to the Christians of Africa; forcing them to turn Arrians, or for refusing, burning, and in several sorts destroying them. From many he cut out their tongues by the roots; who to my time lived in Constantinople, speaking perfectly, and feeling no manner of inconvenience from that torture. Two of these, meddling with light women after it, lost their speech. He reigned 8 years, and died in his bed. The Moors inhabiting the mountain Aurasium, being revolted already from the Vandals, and not to be reduced, by reason the Vandals could not come to fight with them in that sleep unpassable mountain; which stands in Numidia, 〈◊〉 days journey to the Southward of Carthage. After Honoricus, 
* An. dom. 488. & Zenonis 15.  the Dominion of the Vandals come to Gundamund the son of Genson, the son of Genserick, having the advantage of year above any of Gensericks' race. Gundamund had many battles with the M●ors, 〈◊〉 the Christians more than the other; 
An. Dom. 500 & Anastasii 7.  and died in the middle of the 12th. year of his reign. * His brother Trasamund succeeded; a goodly man, wise and magnanimous. But he constrained the Christians to change, not by tortures, as his Predecessors; but courting them with honours and offices, and with large gifts; taking no notice of such as would not submit. If he found a man in a great crime, he offered him impunity to change his religion. His wife being dead without children, and he desirous to establish his government with succession, demanded to wife Amalafrida, the sister of Theodorick King of the Goths, whose husband was lately dead: He sent him his sister with a guard of 1000 selected Goths, attended with 5000 more, fight men; and he gave her Lilybaeum, one of the Promontories of Sicily. So Trasamund of all the Princes of the Vandals seemed the most powerful. Yet in his reign the Vandals had a great overthrow from the Moors, Cabaon, Prince of the Moors about Tripoli, a man experienced in many wars, and very witty, hearing that the Vandals would make war upon him, first enjoined his Subjects to forbear unjust deal, delicious foods, and specially the company of women: Then he made two Entrenchments; in the one himself lodged, and his men; in the other he shut up the women, making it death for any man to go into the women's Entrenchment. Then he sent Spies to Carthage with this direction, to mark what scorns the Vandals upon their march, did to the Christians Churches; and when they were gone from the place, themselves to do the quite contrary. And they say he used this speech, That 'tis true, he was ignorant of the God whom the Christians worship: But it was likely (if he were so powerful as they say he is) that he will punish those that scorn him, and defend those that honour him.  
The Spies having marked the Vandals preparations at Carthage, followed their Army in a poor disguise toward Tripoli. The Vandals at their first days march lodged in the Christians Churches, put in their horses and other beasts, and spared no kind of scorn. They practised therein all lewdness, and beat and whipped the Priests they found, commanding them services which they imposed on their meanest slaves. So soon as they were gone, the Spies of Cabaon, according to his order, made the Churches clean again, took away the dirt and such like profanely left in them, lighted the Lamps, did lowly reverence to the Priests, and used them courteously, and to many poor about those Churches gave money, and then followed the Vandals Army. Thus in all the journey, they mended herein what the Vandals offended: And being come near, went before to Cabaon, and told him how far the enemy was, and what was done to the Christians Churches. He presently put in order to fight. The field where he would entrench, he took in with a circle about, and placed his Camels side-long in a round to fence his Camp, making the Front 12 Camels deep: The women and children, unable men, and baggage he put in the middle, and his fight men between the legs of those beasts with shields to ward with. The Vandals knew not what to do to this kind of batallion, being neither Archers, nor Darters, nor good Infantry, but most Horsemen using the Lance and the Sword, and not able to hurt an enemy afar off; and their horses not enduring the sight of the Camels, would not approach the enemy, who darting at multitudes from a safe place, killed them and their horses, that they ran away. The Moors followed the execution, and killed and took them, so that few came home. This fortune had Trasamund with the Moors, and after 27 years' reign died.   


An Dom. 527. & Justini 9 It was Justiniani 1. who began to reign with Justin on good Friday of that year, 5 Ap. and alone in August following.  CHAP. IX.  
ILderick succeeded him, the son of Honoricus, the son of Genserick: A Prince mild to his subjects, and not harsh to Christians, nor to any; but faint-hearted, not enduring to hear of war. In such expeditions at the Vandals had, Hoamer was General, his nephew, a good Soldier, whom they called the Achilles of the Vandals. In his reign the Vandals lost a battle against the Moors of Byzacium, commanded by Antallas; and fell out with Theodorick and the Goths in Italy. For they kept in prison Amalafrida, and put all the Goths to death who attended her, charging them with practice against their King and State. Of this Theodorick had no revenge, wanting a Navy to make war upon afric; and Ilderick was an ancient friend of Justinian, who governed absolutely then, (his Uncle Justin being very old, and not skilled in affairs of State) and they courted each other with Presents.  
There was of the race of Genserick one Gelimer, the son of Gelgris the son of Genson, of ripe years, and so expected immediately to succeed Ilderick. In war he was thought one of the best of his time, but wicked, and skilful in mutinies and rapines. Perceiving his Reign coming slowly, though he had taken the government by the yieldingness of Ilderick, he could not keep his thoughts in that condition, but made a party, and persuaded the best men to depose Ilderick, as a Coward, beaten by the Moors; and betraying the State to the Emperor Justin, to keep the Kingdom from him, who was of the other house, which he said was the intent of the late Ambassage to Constantinople. They did so upon these persuasions: 
* An. dom. 530. & Justiniani quarto.  And Gelimer getting the Kingdom, kept Ilderick in prison, after seven years' reign; with Hoamer, and his brother Evagees. Justinian hereof advertised, being now Emperor, sent Ambassadors, and wrote thus to Gelimer. You do not religiously, nor as is due to the testament of Genserick, to keep in prison an old man of your blood, and your King (if Genserick's wise constitutions be worth aught) and to force from him a Kingdom, which shortly you will have by law. Proceed not in evil; nor change the title of a King to that of an Usurper, for a little advantage of time: But let him carry the image of Royalty to his grave (whereinto he is stepping) yourself having the execution of it already; and having the substance, attend upon the Law of Genserick for the name. If you do thus, you will find God propitious, and Us your friend. But Gelimer sent away the Ambassadors unsatisfied; put out Hoamers eyes, and kept Ilderick and Evagees in straighter prison, accusing them to have attempted an escape to Constantinople. Upon this Justinian sent other Ambassadors, and wrote thus. We did not think, you would have done the quite contrary to our advices. But seeing it pleases you to get a Kingdom thus, take what fortune gives you. But send to us Ilderick, and blind Hoamer and his brother, to get such comfort, whereof men are capable, who have lost Kingdoms and eye-sights. If you refuse this, we will not endure it. The hope they had in our friendship induces us; and the Treaties with Genserick cannot stop us, being not to make war upon, but to vindicate his Successor. To this Gelimer made this answer. King Gelimer to the Emperor Justinian. I have neither taken the Kingdom by force, nor committed impiety against mine own blood. The Vandals deposed Ilderick for practising against the house of Genserick: And me time hath called to the Kingdom, giving me my right of eldership according to the law. 'Tis good for a man to govern the State he hath, and not to encroach upon other men's cares; and 'tis just in you, who have a Kingdom of your own, not to be thus meddling. If you break the Treaties, and invade us, we shall oppose you to our power; calling to witness the oath sworn by Zeno, whose successor you are. Justinian was angry before, but these letters more set him upon a revenge: And being an acute deviser, and nimble in execution, he resolved to conclude the Persian war speedily, and then to invade afric. Belisarius General of the East was, then at Court, sent for; but with no word of leading an Army into afric. It was given out, that he was discharged of his government: And 
* An. dom. 533. Justiniani septimo.  the Persian perpetual Truce was newly made.  
justinian (all being well at home, and with Persia) at a consultation acquainted the great Officers, that he would levy an Army against Gelimer and the Vandals. The most of them were discontented at it, remembering the overthrow of Basiliscus, and that great Fleet of the Emperor Leo, the Soldiers lost, and the huge debt made by the State. Above all, the Perfect of the Palace, (whom the Romans call Praetor) was nettled at it, and the Lord High-Treasurer, and all Collectors of tributes, both belonging to the Treasury and the Emperor; considering how they must supply the necessities of the war infinitely, and not be admitted to excuse or delay. And every General, doubting the employment, apprehended the greatness of the hazard; after escaping the sea, to encamp in an enemy's country, and upon their landing to fight with a great and potent Kingdom. The Soldiers newly returned from a long and difficult war, scarce having tasted of their home-contentments, were troubled to be led now to a Sea-fight (a thing they had never heard of) and to be sent from the East to the West, to hazard against Vandals and Moors. All others (as is the manner of multitudes) meant to be spectators of new businesses, with other men's danger. None durst cross the voyage, save john the Cappadocian, Perfect of the Palace, being the boldest and smartest man of his time: He (while others mourned in silence) spoke thus to the Emperor. Sir! The security of conversing with you gives me confidence, to speak things expedient for your service, though not pleasing. Your wisdom hath so tempered power & justice in you, that you judge not him absolutely a friend to your affairs who seconds you, nor are offended with opposing you; weighing things by the sincere meaning: which makes it safe to differ from your counsels. Hereby induced, Sir! I shall advise happily what for the present may offend, but hereafter I shall make my affection apparent, and call you for a witness. If you shall begin a war with the Vandals, and then find it grow into length, my counsel will then appear good. If your confidence arise from assurance of victory, no marvel you venture men, spend money, and engage the toils of such combats; for victory gotten covers these afflictions of war. But seeing this is in the hands of God, and that looking upon foregoing precedents, we cannot but fear the event of this war; certainly to content ourselves with quietness, is better, than the hazards of battles. You will send an Army against Carthage, whither by land it must march 140 day's journey; or sail the length of the great sea to the utmost bounds of it: So that the news of the occurrents will be a year in coming to you. And if you vanquish your enemies, yet you cannot be master of afric, Sicily and Italy being in other hands. But if you be overthrown, (the Peace being broken) you will draw the war upon your own country. In a word, it will not be in your power to enjoy the victory; and if fortune be cross, it will ruin the affairs well settled. Before action, consultation is profitable: when the blow is given, it is vain to repent; but before it, one may safely change his mind: It will be most expedient therefore to make due use of the times. The Emperor approved this advice, and let fall his eagerness to the war. But a Bishop out of the East got access to him, and told him, That God had charged him in a dream to blame him; having undertaken to deliver the Christians in afric from Tyranny, to grow faint now upon no ground; whereas I will assist him (said he) and make him master of afric. The Emperor upon this could hold no longer; but prepared an Army and a Navy, and provisions, requiring Belisarius to be in readiness to go General into afric.   

CHAP. X.  
TRIPOLI was already put into rebellion against the Vandals by one Pudentius, a native there, who sent to the Emperor for an Army to subdue the Province unto him: who sent Tattimuth with some small forces; with whom Pudentius joining, and finding no Vandals there, he took the Country for the Emperor. Gelimer was hindered from chastizing Pudentius, by Godas a Goth and servant of Gelimer, a man pragmatical and courageous, and seeming well affected to his Master. To this Godas Gelimer had committed the Guard of Sardinia, and to collect the tributes there: whose mind not digesting such a fortune, he usurped the Island, and denied to send the Tributes, keeping them to himself. And understanding that Justinian sought occasions of a war with Gelimer; He wrote thus to him. Not out of ingratitude, not suffering any disfavour from my Master, I have thought upon a revols. But seeing his cruelty both to kindred and subjects; I would not willingly be a partaker of the same. It is better to serve a just Emperor, than a Tyrant who commands things unlawful. Consider therefore of assisting my enterprise, and send me forces to defend me from an invasion. The Emperor sent Eulogius to him, and wrote him an answer, commending his wisdom and zeal to justice; and promising aides, and a General sufficient to keep the Island, and assistance otherwise, that the Vandals should not hurt him. Eulogius being come into Sardinia, found Godas had put on the title and habit of a King, and gotten a Guard about him. And to the Emperor's Letters he said, That for soldiers he desired them, but had no need of a General. Which he wrote to the Emperor, and dismissed Eulogius.  
But before, the Emperor had prepared 100 men's commanded by Cyrillus, to guard the Island for Godas. And with them he had in readiness for Carthage 10000 foot, and 5000 horse levied of the Legionaries and Confederates. Heretofore such Barbarians only were enroled Confederates, as were admitted into the Roman State, not to be slaves (as having not been vanquished by the Romans) but upon equal terms; the Romans calling foedera; their Treaties with those they have had war with: but now all take that name; time not deigning to keep names upon the things they were first put, and things being called as men please; not as they were before their times. The Commanders of the Confederates were, Dorotheus General of Armenia, and Solomon, who was assistant to the General Belisarius; the Romans call such an Officer, Domesticus; 
* Cassiodorus calls these Domesticos ministros qui comitibus ad obeunda publica munera obsequebantur. Why followed the Comites or Generals to execute public services, Lib. 9 ad vilum.  (he was an Eunuch, but not purposely cut, but upon an accident in his swathing clouts) Cyprianus also, and Valerianus, Martinus, Althaea's, John, Marcellus, and Cyrillus afore mentioned! Of the Legionaries, Ruffinus and Aigan (who had been of the retinue of Belisarius) and Barbatus, and Rappus, were Commanders of horse; and of foot, Zaedus, Martianus, Sarapis and Theodorus, surnamed Ctenatus, and Terentius. John who was born at Durazzo, commanded in chief all the foot. Solomon came from the farthest East, belonging to the Romans, near Daras. Aigan was a Hun; all the rest were Thracians. Pharas also commanded 400 Herrulians: 
* Which is among the 500 ships, 40 to a ship, one with another. I wonder how the Latin Translator thought 3000 Mariners could man 500 wips. But he, though a learned man, had not the Greek Edition now extant; and so his Translation is full of errors.  and Sinnion and Balas, gallant men, had 600 auxiliary Hunn●; all Archers on horseback. This Army was transported by 500 ships none being of more burden than 50000 Medimni, nor of less than 3000. They were manned with 20000 Mariners, most Egyptians, jonians, and Cilicians. The Admiral of the whole Fleet was Calonymus an Alexandrian. They had also 92 
* About 1200. tun, accounting a medimnus for a bushel.  Pinnaces in case of a sea-fight, with one row of oars, and decks over their heads; not to be subject to the Enemy's shot. They call these Dromones, for their swiftness. They had aboard no passengers, but 2000 rowers, Constantinopolitans. Archelaus, a Patrician, who had been Praefect of the Palace in Constantinople, and Illyrium, went now Praefect of the Camp. So is the Officer called who makes provision for the Army. Over them all, the Emperor placed Belisarius (late Commander of the Oriental Legions) his General with absolute authority; whom many Launciers and Targeteers followed, old tried Soldiers. The Emperor enabled him by his Letters to do whatsoever seemed best unto him; and the same to be firm, as the Emperors own act. Belisarius was born in Germania, 
* Not in Germany, as some Germans would have it; but in Germania, a City of Thrace in the confines of Illyrium. It was a Metropolis, and recited in the Sanctions of the Eastern Bishops, saith, Alemannus, in his Historical notes upon the Secret History.  a City which stands in the confines of Illyrium and Thrace.  
Gelimer in the mean time having lost Tripoli by Pudentius, and Sardinia by Godas: The first lying far off, and having Roman aids already, he gave over; and sent no forces against it. But to prevent the Emperor's succours in the Island, he sent under his brother Trazon 5000 Vandals in 120 good ships. But Justinian having commanded away Valerianus and Martinus, to attend the rest of the Army in Peloponesus; and being both a shipboard, he had some further direction to give them, which he had resolved, but it was forgotten upon other business intervening. So he sent for them; to tell it; but again thinking it inconvenient to interrupt their passage; he sent to command them not to return to him any more, nor to come ashore. The Messenger called out aloud to them not to come back again at all. The company took it for a bad Omen, that none of them should return out of afric to Constantinople. And they thought the Emperor unwittingly had sent them a kind of a curse. If it be interpreted of Valerianus and Martinus, the conceit proved not true. But Stotzas, there a Lancier of Martius, was to rebel against the Emperors and usurp, and never to come back to Constantinople: upon whom it may be conjectured fortune conferred that curse.   

CHAP. XI.  
BUt in the seaventh year of Justinians reign, about the Summer Tropic, the Army was embarked; and Belisarius the General commanded the Praetorian ship to ride under the Emperor's Palace. Thither came Epiphanius, Archbishop of the City; and having prayed as was fitting, he put aboard a Soldier newly baptised, 
* Being supplied out of the beginning of the Secret History.  Whose Godfather and Godmother were Belisarius, and Antonina, being one of their household, and named Theodosius, and much valued by them. And thus the said General and his wife put to sea. With them was Procopius; the Writer of this History; who at the first was afraid of this Voyage; but a dream, he had, encouraged him, and made him eager upon it. He dreamt he was in Belisarius his house, whom a servant told that one had brought him presents; that Belisarius bade himself go look upon them; and he in the inner Court, saw men carrying flowers growing with their earth; which he commanded them to lay down in the Porch. That then Belisarius came with his Lifeguard, sat down upon that earth and eat of the flowers, willing the rest to do the like, who fell to, and seemed much pleased with the dainties. Thus was the dream. But the fleet followed the Praetorian ship, and at Perinthus, now called Heraclia, stayed five days; where the Emperor gave the General almost all his horses of his pastures in Thrace. From thence they came before Abydus, where being becalmed four days; it fell out that two Massagetes in their drink (the Massagetes being all great drunkards) killed one of their Countrymen, whom Belisarius crucified upon a hillock near Abydus. The rest, especially the kinsmen of the men, murmured; That they came not to aid the Romans upon terms of subjection to their Laws; and by their own Laws, murders had no such punishments. Some Roman Soldiers murmured too; such as would not be punished for their offences. Whereupon Belisarius spoke thus to the Army. To men that never saw wars, I should need a long speech to persuade, how great a preparation for victory it is, to be just. But you by often vanquishing enemies, not inferior in bodies, and very valiant; and by often having the contrary success, have learned; that men fight in both the Armies, but God determines the victory, as himself pleases. So that we must make less account of good bodies, of arms, and warlike preparations, then of justice and duty to God▪ For men in need are to honour that most, which is most able to do them good. Now the principal mark of justice is, the punishment of murderers: For if we must judge of right and wrong, by what men do to one another; certainly to a man nothing is so precious as life. If any Barbarian killing his Countryman in drink, upon that pleads impunity; I conceive his excuse aggravates his crime: For a man must not be so drunk as to kill his best friends; specially in an Army; nay drunkenness itself, without murder, deserves punishment. And then to wrong ones own Nation, appears more heinous to any man of understanding, than a stranger. The example and event of such do you may all yonder behold. And you must not begin quarrels, nor take away aught which is other men's. Neither will I endure that man, or esteem him a soldier of mine, who cannot employ innocent hands against our enemies, No valour will get the victory, which is not ranked with justice. The Army upon this speech, and seeing the crucified men, and expecting the danger of committing unlawful acts, grew afraid, and resolved to live soberly. Then, that the whole Army might sail, and lie at anchor together (in a great fleet many ships necessarily being cast behind, specially if the wind blow high, and the ship-masters know not what leader to follow) he painted the masts of his own ship, and two others where his train was, from the top about a third part, with red, and in their sterns setting up high poles, hung up lanterns, that the General's ships might be seen both by night and day. And to these he commanded the ship-masters to hold their course; which thus leading the whole fleet, not one ship was cast behind. And at weighing anchor from any harbour, the Trumpets ever sounded the warnings. From Abydus a stiff wind brought them to Sigaeum; from whence being becalmed, they came late to Malea. There the calm stood them instead; for the want of sea-room for so great a fleet, and in the night, troubled, and endangered the same. The Mariners did bravely, calling out, and thrusting with their long poles, and skilfully keeping their distances but if the wind had risen strong, and against them, they had with much ado saved the ships. But getting by, they reached Taenarus, now called Caenopolis. From thence they came before Methône where they found Valerianus and Martinus, arrived a little before; and the wind not serving, Belisarius landed the whole Army. There he distributed the Commands, and ordered the Soldiers; and being therein busy, and the wind not serving, many of the Army died of a sickness thus occasioned, John the Cappadocian, a bad man, was ingenuous to find projects for money to the treasury, with the ruin of men; (a man beyond my power to describe; and in my former History I have spoken of him;) but now he destroyed these soldiers thus. The bread for the Army, to make it laste, and not corrupt too soon, is to be twice baked; and so of necessity must weigh less; and the soldiers, in the giving it out, must have a fourth part less in weight. John, that he might spend less wood, and wages upon bakers, & by gain the weight, brought the loaves unbaked to the public bath, and put the same into the stove there, under which the fire is made, and being thus sorrily baked, sent it in bags to the fleet: which being at Methone, the biscuit turned to dough, and that mouldy, corrupt, and ●usty; and the Officers distributed it thus to the soldiers by pecks, and sometimes by bushels. Who feeding upon it in the Summer, and a place of extreme heats, grew sick, and above 500 died; and more had, if Belisarius had not provided bread of the Country to help them. He acquainted the Emperor therewith, who commended him for it: but he could not get John punished as then.   

CHAP. XII.  
FRom Methòne, they came to the Port of Zante. Here they took in fresh water, and other necessaries, to pass the Adriatic sea; 
Thus the Author calls constantly that sea which others call Mare jonium.  through which, with a scant wind, they came in sixteen days to a desert coast of Sicily; near Mount Aetna. In this lingering passage their waters corrupted, all save what was drank at the table of Belisarius, which his wife devised to keep untainted, in six vessels of glass, covered thick with sand in a little  in the hold, where the Sun could not come. Belisarius landed there, and was much troubled in his thoughts, not knowing what soldiers the Vandals were, nor how, nor from whence to make the war upon them. The soldiers also troubled him, fearful of a sea-fight, and not ashamed to tell him, that on land they will do their best, but if the enemy's ships come they will fly, not able to fight with them and waters too. In this perplexity he sent Procopius, his Assessor, to Syracuse, to inquire if the enemy waylaid their passage in the Island, or main Land: what part of afric was best to land in, and from whence to make the war, and this done, to meet him at Caucana; about 27 miles from Syracuse, where the fleet should ride at anchor. It was given out, he was sent to buy victual of the Goths: For Amalasuntha, the mother of A●●l●ricus, had agreed with Justinian to give his Army free market. Aralaricius was under years bred by his mother, and was King of the Goths and Italians: upon whom after the death of Theodoricus, the Kingdom descended, being son to his daughter Amalasuntha; by a man deceased also. Amalasuntha, to make Justinian her friend, had yielded to this free market, among other his commands, and now performed it. But Procopius found at Syracuse, a Countryman and friend of his from a boy, residing there about his Traffic at Sea; of whom he learned all his demands. For a servant of his who had returned within three days from Carthage, told him, that there was no fear of the Vandals waylay the fleet; there being there no news of an Army coming; and their valiantest men being newly sent against Godas; and that Gelimer having no thought of an enemy, neglected Carthage, and the sea-towns and made his abode at Hermione, near Byzacium, 4 days journey from any sea; so that they might sail on securely, and put in where the wind and weather should invite. Procopius hearing this, took the servant by the hand to the Port, and was inquisitive of many particulars; till being abo●rd, he commanded to hoist sail for Caucana. The Master of the fellow stood upon the shore wondering at his mans not returning. But Procopius called out to him not to take it unkindly, for his servant must speak with the General, and guide the Army into afric, and then should be returned to him to Syracuse, with a rich reward. But arrived in the Army, he found them all mourning the death of Dorotheus, General of Armenia, a man much desired by the Army. Belisarius, when he heard the news from the man, rejoiced extremely, and much commending Procopius, commanded the Trumpets to give warning for weighing anchor And so they came to the Isles of Gaulus and Malta, dividing the Adriatic and Tyrrhene seas; and thence with an Easterly wind, they came the second day upon the coast of afric, five day's journey from Carthage.  
Being near the shore, Belisarius commanded to cast anchor; and assembling the Commanders consulted of their landing. After some diversity of opinions, Archelaus spoke thus, Our General is to be commended highly, who having the advantage of wisdom, experience and power, yet consults, and commands us to speak our opinions of landing, though knowing by his own observations, what must and may be done. And I cannot but admire you the Commanders for so readily persuading our landing; who know that to exhort men to an imminent danger, brings no advantage to the adviser, but lays him open to an accusation. For men when things succeed to their desire, are pleased, and that's all; but when otherwise, they accuse the author of the advice; though it be unjust that a man for his counsel in public deliberations should be questioned. But resolving thus to land in an enemy's Country, in what Port will you leave your ships? What fortification, or walled Town expect you? The coast from Lecca to Carthage, you hear is nine days journey open to all winds, and without any harbour: And in all Africa, by Genserick his command, no walled Towns are standing but Carthage: And the Country, I am told, is destitute of waters. And if in the midst of these incommodities we meet with an enemy, what shall we resolve then? shall we not think such counsels infused rather by some unlucky Damon, then humane reason? Our ships also, when we are landed, and a storm comes, must either be scattered infinitely, or else perish upon this shore. Then for your necessary support, what supply expect you? Let no man look upon me the Commissary for Provisions. Then there are no servants for you, the soldiers must supply that Office. To conclude, where will you put your spare arms and baggage? and when you need such, whence will you be furnished? My opinion is, to sail directly for Carthage, where there is a haven four miles and a half from it, called the Pool, unguarded and capable of a great fleet, from whence you may make the war, and easily take Carthage. And then having vanquished the enemy far from thence, nothing will be difficult nor dangerous to conquerors. For naturally, the head once gone, the rest falls of itself. These things you are to consider, and choose the best.  
After this speech, Belisarius began thus. ' Let none, fellow Commanders, think me to sit here a judge of what hath been spoken, nor to speak last, supposing my sentence necessarily to be followed. I have heard your opinions, and my part is to propound what I conceive, and together with you to choose the best. One thing you must remember, that the soldiers even profess to fear a sea-fight, and if the enemy come, to turn their backs to them. And in that case it is foolish to pray to God for success, being afraid, and ourselves procuring the contrary event. If then we sail to Carthage and encounter an enemy's Navy and our men fly from them, our counsel will be followed with repentance and complaints. A fatal error admits some excuse, but this none. And if a Tempest happen (which is most urged to fright us, and not well) and our ships be ●●attered (as they say) or perish upon this coast: I pray which is less hurt, to have our ships cast away alone, or with them, all the rest of us to fall by the enemy? Besides, falling upon the enemy unprovided, and not looking for us, we may subdue him; but when he is armed and prepared, we shall hazard a war upon equal terms. Concerning the provision of necessaries, and how we shall put ashore, it is not now time to consult, nor inquire. Shall we stay for a temipest to fall upon our Navy in a fight (as often happens) and then begin to learn what to do? I think we ought forthwith to land, taking with us our horses, arms, and other needful things; and presently to entrench ourselves within a good Rampire (which will defend us as the strongest wall) and from thence make the war. And think not to want any thing, if we fight valiantly. Who vanquish their enemies, all they have is theirs; Victory brings all to that side it inclines to. In your swords therefore consists your safety, and abundance.  
All the Counsel easily consented to this, and rose; forthwith landing the Army, three months after their departure from Constantinople. The General chose by the seaside, a place which both soldiers and mariners fortified with trench and rampire; and by multitude of hands concurring, and the General urging, it was finished the same day. Digging the earth, they came to much water (a thing never before seen in Byzacium, a dry Country) which supplied men and beasts. Procopius congratulated with the General, not so much (as he said) for the water, as for the presage of an easy victory, which proved so indeed. That night the Army lodged in the Camp, set their watches and did all as is usual. Only aboard every ship Belisarius appointed five Archers, and the light Galleys to lie round about them to prevent sudden mischief.   

CHAP. XIII.  
THe next day some soldiers went up into the Country, and stole their ripe fruits, whom the General severely chastised; and calling the Army together, spoke thus. To feed upon other men's goods by violence, is at all times wicked, because unjust; But now, setting the consideration of justice aside (though that were hard) it is so abundantly inconvenient, that we must fear the danger: we are here put ashore with this only confidence, that the Africans being anciently Romen, are unsure, and ill affected to the Vandals. From this I did hope for supply of necessaries, and to avoid mischief from the enemy. But now your intemperance hath changed all to the contrary. You have reconciled the Africans to the Vandals, and turned their hatred upon yourselves, (for wronged men naturally hate them that do them the present violence;) and so you have for a little gain now sold your future safety, and plenty. By buying what you needed, you might have avoided the imputation of injustice, and made the owners your friends. Now you must have the war with Africans and Vandals too; nay with God himself; whose assistance no man can invoke, doing wrong. But give over this sharking, and quit your hands of a gain so full of hazard: The proper time now being, when sobriety must preserve us, and disorder will bring certain death▪ If you be careful of these things, God will be propitious, the people of afric well affected, and the Vandals easy to be dealt with.  
After this speech, Belisarius sent Boraides, one of his lifeguard, with some of his Targeteers, to Syllectus a sea-town in the way to Carthage, and a days journey from the Camp; whose Inhabitants, he heard, instead of their demolished walls, to have fortified each man his own house, to keep off the Moors, and so to have made a kind of Town wall. Boraides he instructed to attempt the Town, and taking it, to do no hurt, but with representing many conveniences, and how they come to set them at liberty, to get entrance for the Army. They about candles lighting getting near the Town, past the night in a deep bottom there; and the next morning overtaking some Peasants, they slipped into the Town with them, and possessed it; then without tumult, called the Bishop, and principal of the Town; told them their General's instructions, and immediately receiving the keys from them, sent the same to the General. The same day the Master of the King's Posts revolted, and gave up all his horses. The General also took one of those that ride with the King's Packets, which they call Veredarii, and did him no hurt, but took his oath to deliver Justinians Letters, written to the Vandals, into the hands of the Governors. Which signified thus. We make no war upon the Vandals, nor infringe the Treaty with Genserick. But we endeavour to free you from an usurper; who, disrespecting the Testament of Genserick, keeps your King in prison, and hath begun to destroy such of his blood, whom he hated; and of the rest, hath put out their eyes, and imprisoned them, not suffering them to end their sorrows by death. Assist us therefore to free you from so wicked Tyranny, that you may enjoy peace and liberty: which to observe to you, we make oath here to God. The man that took these Letters from Belisarius, durst not show them, but to some private friends, and did nothing material.   

CHAP. XIV.  
BUt Belisarius marched in order for a battle towards Carthage. He gave 3●0 of his Targeteers to John, who was the Steward of his household, whom the Romans call Optio; being an Armenian, and eminent for valour and discretion. Him he directed to march some two miles and a half before the Army, and to give warning, if they see an enemy, that the Army may prepare for fight. And to the left hand of the Army, he directed the Massagetes to march. And himself was in the rear with his best men, looking for Gelimer to come shortly from Hermione. To the right hand was no fear, being to march by the seashore; and the seamen he commanded to keep them company, by letting down all their sails, but their spirit sail, in case of a strong gale; and in a calm, to force their way with oars. When they came to Syllectus, Belisarius had his soldiers most sober, not striking, nor using any disorder. And the Africans he so gained with his gentleness, that he marched as in his own Country; the people not withdrawing themselves nor goods, but giving free market, and being very serviceable to the soldier. They marched ten miles a day, till they came to Carthage, lodging still in a Town, or safely in their Camp. We came by Lepta and Adrymettum to Grassa, about 43 miles from Carthage; where was a Palace of the Vandal Governor, and the fairest Gardens we ever saw, abundantly watered with fountains; and with a large grove of trees loaded with ripe fruit, whereof the soldiers took their fill without any miss, every man setting his  under a fruit-tree.  
But Gelimer hearing the enemy's arrival, wrote from Hermione to Carthage, to his brother Ammatas, to kill Ilderick, and the other prisoners of his blood, and otherwise appertaining to him; and himself to arm the Vandals, and such forces as he had in the City; and at the narrow passage near a town called Decimum, to charge the enemy on both sides, and so to catch him as in a net. Ammatas accordingly killed Ilderick, and his cousin Evagees: Hoamer was dead before. He armed also the Vandals, to sally in the due time. Gelimer followed us close; and one night only, as we lodged in Grassa, he gave us an alarm; upon some skirmishing of our scouts with theirs; by whose returning to the Camp, we understood the enemy to be near. From hence marching, we lost sight of our ships, being put to go about some high rocks there, and a Promontory under which stands Mercurium. Belisarius sent word to Archelaus the Commissary, not to put in at Carthage, but to stay 25 miles short, till he send for them. From Grassa the fourth day we came to Decimum, about 8 miles from Carthage. This day Gelimer sent his Nephew, Gibamumdus, before with 2000 Vandals, to march to our left hand; that so Ammatas from Carthage. himself in our rear, and Gibamundus at our left hand, charging together, might compass us.   

CHAP. XV.  
FOr my part, I could not but wonder in this battle to see, how God knowing the event, draws out the model thereof to his own will; and how men are ignorant whether they mistake, or whether they be upon a right counsel, that a way so may be made to the success before determined. If Belisarius had not commanded John to advance before the Army, and the Massagetes to march at our left hand, we could not have escaped the Vandals. And for all this, the Vandals could not have been so ruined, if Ammatas had not come to Decimum about noon, three hours sooner than his time, we being then far short of it, and the Vandals Army also. And this was not all his fault. He came with a few, and those not of his best, to encounter John, leaving the main body in Carthage, with direction to come after to Decimum. He killed 12 good men of ours in the head of John's troops, but himself fell, having shown much valour; and being fallen, the rest were routed, and running away, turned the whole body marching from Carthage; who being in no order to fight, but in small parties of thirty and twenty together, and seeing Ammatas troops running, and imagining multitudes pursuing, ran back for company. Whom john's Troops killed up to the gates of Carthage; And so great was the execution of that 8 miles, that one would have guessed it the work of 20000 men at least. Gibamundus at the same time, and his 2000 men, came to the Salt plains, five miles from Decimum, on the left hand of the way to Carthage, a place without men or trees, or aught else (the saltness of the water hindering the growth of any thing but salt;) here falling upon the Massagetes, they perished every man. Among the Massagetes was a man valiant and strong, but Captain of a few; who had a privilege from his ancestors, in all encounters to charge first; and no Massaget to shoot or strike till he began the fight.  
This man road up close to the Vandals Army; who either amazed with his daring, or suspecting some plot of the enemy, stirred not so much as to shoot at him; fearing (it may be) to venture, hearing the Massagetes to be a warlike Nation, and having never seen their manner of fight. But he returning, told his Countrymen, that God had sent them those strangers ready dressed; So they gave on furiously, and the Vandals breaking their ranks, and not resisting, basely perished every man. We without hearing these accidents, marched towards Decimum. And Belisarius, in a convenient place, some four miles from Decimum, fortified an entrenchment, and placed his foot in it; and then made this speech to the Army. Now, fellow Soldiers! is come the time of our trial. Our enemies, I hear, are marching towards us; and our ships, by the situation of the place, are severed from us; and now our only hope of safety is in our swords; having neither Town nor Fortress to be bold upon. If we now do valiantly, we shall in likelihood subdue our enemies; but if we faint, nothing remains, but to be beaten, and perish by the enemy: Advantages for victory we have: First, We fight for the possession of that which in right is ours; then do the Vandals hate their own usurping Tyrant, and commonly God assists the rightful cause; and the soldier ill affected to his Prince, never fights valiantly for him. Besides, we have spent our time against Persians and Scythians; but the Vandals, since their Conquest of Africa, have seen no enemy but naked Moors. Now, in every Trade practice breeds skill, and disusage ignorance. Our Entrenchment from whence we are to make the war, is finished; where leaving our arms which we cannot carry, and baggage, we may sally, and retiring, find what we need. I entreat therefore every man to think upon his reputation, and the pledges he hath left at home, and so undaunted to encounter the enemy.   

CHAP. XVI.  
BElisarius having thus spoken, and said a prayer, leaving the guard of his wife and the Camp to the foot, he sallied with his horse. He thought not good to hazard with the whole Army, but first to skirmish with his horse, and try the enemy, then to give battle with the main; so he sent the Confederates before, and followed with the rest, and with his own Lanciers and Targeteers. The Confederates being come to Decimum, found the bodies of the 12 companions of John; and close by them the body of Ammatas, and some other Vandals. Being in doubt, and not knowing whether to go further; and from a hill discovering round, they saw a dust, and soon after a great troop of Vandals. They sent to Belisarius to come speedily; the enemy being upon them; and the Commanders, some urged to charge the enemy, others alleged their forces not sufficient. While they were disputing, the Barbarians came up close, with Gelimer in the head of them; having passed between the way where Belisarius went, and that where the Massagetes, who had fought with Gibamundus; but the hilly ground between, hindered their sight of Belisarius; or his entrenchment, and of the defeat of Gibamundus. Being near, each contended to possess the highest down, which seemed apt for an entrenchment. The Vandals running hard, gained the down, and grown terrible, routed the enemy. The Romans fan away to a Town less than a mile from Decimum, where was Vliaris, one of Belisarius his lifeguard, and 800 of his Targeteers. The Vandals stayed their course, thinking that Vliaris would stand them; but his troops, so soon as the other began to charge, fled amain to Belisarius. It was strange, that Gelimer having thus the victory in his hands, should voluntarily quit it. But God, when he will have a mischief befall a man, infects his reason, not suffering the most expedient things to come into his mind. If he had followed the execution, Belisarius himself had not stood him, but we had all been absolutely ruined; so great seemed the number of the Vandals, and the Romans fear. Or if he had road on to Carthage, he had killed the troops of John, every man, (who were carelessly scattered, and rifling the dead bodies) and had saved the City, and been Master of our ships, and cut off all our hope, either of victory or return home: But he did neither; but riding softly down the hill, and in the plain, finding his brother's dead body, he spent the time in lamentations, and about the funeral, and thus lost his opportunity, which he could never recover. Belisarius stopped his flying men, chiding them; and hearing of the death of Ammatas; and the brave execution of John; and informed sufficiently of the place and the enemy, he marched against Gelimer and the Vandals: who being in disorder, and unprepared, ran away amain, with the loss of many, (the execution lasting till night) and fled not to Carthage, nor Byzacium, from whence they came; but toward the plains of Bule, and the way to Numidia. About evening, John, and the Massagets also came to us; and relating, and hearing the several adventures, lodged with us that night in Decimum.   

CHAP. XVII.  
THe next day our foot coming up, with Belisarius his wife, we marched toward Carthage; and arriving within night, lodged abroad near the City. No man would have opposed our entrance; the Carthaginians opening their gates, and the City shining all night with lights and bonfires; and the Vandals remaining, were fled into the Churches. But Belisarius feared in the night some ambush, and the soldiers disorder, lest in the dark they might fall to pillage. The same day also the fleet came up to the Promontory, and the Carthaginians had opened the iron Chain of Mandracium their haven, to let it in. In the Palace is a dark prison, called Ancon, (or the Elbow) for such as the Tyrant was offended with. Here at that time were many Eastern Merchants, whom the Tyrant accused to solicit the Emperor to invade him; and the same day that Ammatas was slain in Decimum, he had given order for their execution.  
The keeper of the prison hearing the accident at Decimum, and seeing the fleet within the Promontory, went to the men (who had heard nothing, but sat in the dark expecting death) and asked them what they would give to be saved from thence. They promising to pay any thing, he said, he would none of their money, but prayed them to swear, if they escaped, and he came into danger, to assist him to their power; they did so. And he taking out a board, shown them the fleet sailing in, and then set them lose, and went along with them.  
The fleet first doubted, hearing nothing: then sending to Mercurium, they were advertised of all, and with great joy sailed on with a strong gale. Which bringing them within 18 miles of Carthage, Archelaus, and the land-men, commanded to cast anchor, according to the General's instructions. But the Mariners alleged the coast to be without harbour, and that there was likelihood of a storm, which kind of storms the natives call Cypriana; which falling in that place, they should not be able to save a ship. And so it was indeed: Wherefore striking sail, and consulting, they thought not fit to attempt the haven of Mandracium, fearing to break Belisarius' direction, and suspecting Mandracium to be chained up, and besides, not able to hold the whole fleet; but they thought the Pool to be for their purpose (being but five miles from Carthage, and capable of the whole fleet) and to find there no stop. So coming thither about evening, they cast anchor, all, save Calonymus, with some mariners; who not regarding the General, put into Mandracium, and there rob some Merchants, strangers, and Carthaginians, dwelling upon the seaside.  
The next day Belisarius commanded the men a shipboard to land, and with the Army, in order of battle, road towards Carthage, fearing the enemy's ambushes. Here he put the soldiers in mind of their good fortunes since their moderation to the Africans; admonishing them to continue their good order, especially in Carthage; That the Africans were formerly Roman subjects, and unwillingly brought under the Vandals, from whom they had suffered abominable things; That for this, the Emperor made war with the Vandals; and that it were impious now to abuse them, whose liberty was the cause of this expedition. Then he entered Carthage, none opposing; went to the Palace, and sat down in Gelimers Throne. Here the Merchants, and the other Carthaginians, who dwelled upon the sea, came in a multitude, and with clamour to Belisarius, complaining that Mariners the last night had rob them of all they had. He made Calonymus swear to produce the goods; but he neglecting his oath, went away with the goods then; but afterward at Constantinople, by a terrible judgement, he fell mad, bitten out his own tongue, and died. Belisarius then commanded his dinner to be, where Gelimer used to feast his great men. The Romans from the Greeks, call the place Delphica, from a threefooted Table standing in the Palace at Rome, upon which the Emperor's Cupbearers set the cups; which they call Delphica (a threefooted table, and first used at Delphos) and so in Constantinople; and wheresoever the Emperor's Table stands, they call the room Delphica. The Emperor's house also they call Palatium, of one Pallas a Grecian, who dwelled in that place before the sack of Troy, and built in it a good handsome house; where Augustus, having got the Empire, first lodged, and thence they called the Emperor's house the Palace. Thus Belisarius dined in the Delphica, and with him the Commanders of the Army. The day before, a dinner was provided for Gelimer, and we feasted upon the meats. Gelimers servants brought in our dinner, filled our wine, and in all things else attended us. Here a man might see fortune in her bravery; showing all things to be hers, and that none can call any thing his own. And that day Belisarius attained a glory, which never happened in his own time, nor to any of the ancients. For the soldiers using not to enter, no not into any Roman City, and but 500 together, without some disorder, specially upon the sudden: This General had his men in such order, that there was not the least insolence or menace used. There was no interruption of Trade; but in a City newly taken, in a state changed, and upon the alteration of their King, not an Officer of Justice had his house shut up. The public notaries dispatched their writings at the Courts, and took the soldiers home with them, as is the manner; and the soldiers bought what they liked in the market place, using no unquietness.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
THen Belisarius gave assurances to the Vandals fled into the Churches; and took care of the walls of Carthage, which had been so neglected, that in many places they were easily to be mounted, and a great part was quite fallen down; which, the Carthaginians told us, caused Gelimer not to stay in the City; as not able in so short a time to secure the walls. We heard also of an old Prophecy, that had been among the boys in Carthage. That Gamma should expel Beta; and again Beta should expel Gamma. It was then accounted as an idle riddle among sporting boys; but now it was clear; for Genserick expelled Bonifacius, and now Belisarius Gelimer. Then also the meaning of a dream was manifested, which many had dreamt, and often; not guessing at the event. The Carthaginians, above all, reverence St. Cyprian and by the seaside have dedicated a Church to him close to the City, where they use many devotions, and yearly celebrate a feast which they call Cypriana; and from thence those storms I mentioned, are named, which happened about that feastival. This Church, in the reign of Honoricus, the Vandals got, forcing out the Christians and their Priests with much indignity; and officiating there themselves, as now appertaining to the Arrians. The Africans being much grieved at this, they say St. Cyprian often appeared to many in their dreams, and bad the Christians not be careful for him; he would be his own revenger. Which saying being divulged; the Africans expected the time of punishment upon the Vandals for these devotions; but guest not at the event. But now, the Feast being to be the next day, and the Arrian Priests having made clean the Church, hung out their fairest relics, prepared the lamps, brought out their treasures, and fitted every thing for the proper use. When they heard of the overthrow of Ammatas at Decimum, away they all ran. And the Orthodox Christians came to the Church, lighted the lamps, and officiated according to their own rites. And so the prediction of that vision was known also. The Vandals likewise remembered an ancient story, and wondering acknowledged, that to man no expectation is impossible, nor no possession firm. The story was this. That when the Vandals were forced by a famine, to forsake their ancient native Country, yet some stayed, having no mind to follow Godigisclus. They in time came to have plenty, and Genserick with his followers got afric. Which they were glad to hear, who followed not Godigisclus, finding their Country now able to feed them. And they feared lest their African Plantators or their posterity, might in time come home upon them again, expelled by the Romans, who (they doubted) would not always neglect that Province. So they sent Ambassadors to Genserick, who said unto him, That they congratulated their Countrymens' great prosperity, but were no more able to guard their own Country; which they despising, had planted themselves in afric. Wherefore they prayed them, if they make no account of their native soil, to bestow on them a possession to themselves useless. That so being absolute proprietaries of the Country, they might cheerfully spend their lives for it against any invader. Genserick and the Vandals, thought this just, and yielded to the Ambassadors desire. But an old man among them, esteemed very wise, said. He would never consent to it; for among men is nothing settled upon a sure foundation; there is no firm and perpetual estate in what they have; nor in what they have not, impossibility. Genserick approved his saying, and sent away the Ambassadors with a denial: and was then laughed at, and his old Counsellor, for foreseeing things impossible.  
But upon these accidents I have related, the Vandals were better instructed in humane affairs, and found it the speech of a wise man. Of those Vandals that stayed in their own Country, there is no memorial left. They were few, and either forced under some bordering Barbarians, or willingly mingled, and their names drowned in the other. And these subdued by Belisarius, had no thought of going to their ancient Country, having no means suddenly to pass into Europe, specially their ships being gone. But in afric they were punished for the mischiefs done the Romans; chief the Zacynthians: For Genserick infesting formerly Peloponesus, and attempting Tenarus, but repulsed with loss of many men, and put to a shameful retreat; being angry, set upon Zacynthus, killed many, made captives of 500 principal men, and then sailed away; and in the middle of the Adriatic sea, cut those 500 men in pieces, and scattered their pieces in the Sea. This was formerly.   

CHAP. XIX.  
BUt now Gelimer by money and courteous usage, gained many African peasants to undertake the kill of such Romans as they found straggling; and he proclaimed a sum of gold upon every kill to the actor. Many slaves and attendants upon the Army were slain, pilfering in the Villages, and their heads were brought to Gelimer, for which the peasants were well paid by him, supposing to have been rid of so many soldiers. About this time Diogenes, one of Belisarius his lifeguard, did very bravely; who sent him out with 22 of his Targeteers to discover the enemy. These men, at a Town two days journey from Carthage, the peasants being not able of themselves to kill them, advertised Gelimer. Who sent against them 300 horse, with direction to bring them alive; he thought it a great matter to have one of Belisarius his lifeguard, and 22 of his Targeteers his prisoners. Diogenes and his company entered one of the houses, and in an upper chamber went to bed, hearing the enemy to be far enough off. The Vandals came after midnight, and thought it not good to force into the doors in the night, fearing in the dark they might kill one another, and open a passage out for the enemy. Cowardice dulled their wits; for by using fire, or without it, they might have with ease taken them, being naked in their beds. So they put themselves in rank round about the house, and chief at the door. In the mean time a Roman soldier waked, and hearing the noise (some Vandals murmuring to one another, and stirring their arms) he guest the matter, waked his companions, and softly told them the accident. They, by Diogenes' direction, quietly put on their , cook their arms, went down, and bridling their horses, got up unespied. And after a short stay in the Court, suddenly they open the doors and sally. The Vandals charged them, but the Romans warding with their shields, and with their javelins keeping off the assailants, road away clear; with loss only of two men. Diogenes himself had three wounds, one in the neck, into the face another, of which he was within a little of dying; and one upon his left hand, by which he lost the use of his little finger. But in Carthage, Belisarius with money got artificers, and labourers, and made a Trench, and strong Palissadoes round about the walls; and in short time repaired also the decays thereof; a work much admired by the Carthaginians, and afterward by Gelimer, being brought thither prisoner. Who wondering at the walls, said, that his negligence therein had been the cause of his present condition.  
In the mean time Tzazon the brother of Gelimer, arrived with his fleet in Sardinia, at the Port of Carnalis; took the Town at the first charge, and slew Godas and his soldiers, and hearing that the Emperor's fleet was upon the coast of afric; but not what was done, he wrote this Letter to Gelimer. Know O King of Vandals and Alans, that Godas the Usurper is slain by us, and the Island again under your Empire; Keep therefore a festival of Victory; And hope that the enemy who presumes now to invade our Country, shall find the same fortune, which they had formerly, when they invaded our Ancestors. The bearers of these Letters sailed into the haven of Carthage without thought of an enemy, and by the watch being brought to the General, delivered the Letters, and revealed their negotiation; amazed to see the sudden change. But from Belisarius they had no hard usage.  
About the same time this happened also. Before the coming of our fleet, Gelimer had sent Gotthaeus, and Fuscias, and other Ambassadors to Theudis, Prince of the Visigoths in Spain, for a league. Who being past the straits, found that Theudis was at a Town far from the sea. When they ca●e to him, he feasted them with much courtesy, and asked them at the feast, how things were with Gelimer and the Vandals. He had heard all before (the Ambassadors coming slowly) from a Merchant's ship which parted from Carthage the same day the Romans entered it, and with a fair wind arrived in Spain. And he had forbidden the Merchants to divulge it. But now when Gotthaeus and his fellows answered him, that all was well, he demanded about what they came? They propounding a League, Theudis bade them go to the seaside; and there you shall know certainly your affairs at home. The Ambassadors taking it for the idle speech of a man in drink, replied not. But the next day again propounding the League, and again Theudis using the same words, they thought there was some alteration in afric; but not imagining any thing of Carthage, they sailed thither, and landing near it, fell among the soldiers, and yielded; and were brought to the General, and told him their business, and had no hurt from him.   

CHAP. XX.  
CYRILLUS also came to Sardinia; but hearing what was become of Godas, he sailed to Carthage; where he found Bel●sarius and the Roman Army victorious. Solomon was sent to the Emperor to relate the successes.  
Gelimer in the Plains of Bule, near the Frontier of Numidia, four days journey from Carthage, gathered together the Vandals, and such Moors as were his friends; being few, and without Government. For the Rulers of the Moors of Mauritania, Numidia and Byzacium, sent Ambassadors to Belisarius, to profess their service to the Emperor, and to promise to join with him. Some of them sent their sons for hostages, and desired him to send them their Ensigns of Principality, according to the ancient custom; which was, that none might rule Moor, before he had those Ensigns sent by the Emperor, though he were an enemy to the Romans; And having them now from the Vandals, they thought not their Government firm. The Ensigns are, a silver Rod gilt, a silver Cap, not covering the whole head, but like a Garland, and kept upright with silver wire round about: A white Mantle also, fastened with a golden Clasp over the right shoulder, in the manner of a Thessalian Mantle: A white Robe embroidered, and a gilt shoe. Belisarius sent all these unto them, and money also, but they did not join with him, nor yet durst stand for the Vandals, but kept aloof, watching the event of the war.  
Gelimer also sent a Vandal into Sardinia, with a Letter to his brother Tzazon, containing this It was not Godas surely, but some mischief from heaven upon us, that put that Island into rebellion; which thereby deprived us of you, and our best Vandals, and in sum, swept away the prosperity of Gensericks' house: You went not from hence to recover that Island, but that Justinian might be Lord of afric. We understand by the events, what Fortune then determined. Belisarius came upon us but with a small Army: But the Vandals valour presently ran away, with our good fortune Ammatas and ●ibamundus are lost by the Vandals cowardice Our horses, ships, all Africa, nay Carthage itself are in our enemy's hands; while the Vandals sit down with the loss of their wives and children, and estates, having fought poorly. We have nothing left but the Plains of Bule; where the hope we have in you hath put us, and still keeps us. So that leaving any farther to usurp, and quitting Sardinia, and those cares, come speedily unto us with your whole f●et. It is inconvenient for men in hazard for the main, to quillet about the rest. And combating our enemies together, we shall either recover our former fortune, or gain this, not to suffer without one another.  
Tzazon, when he had perused this Letter, and imparted it to the Vandals, they howled and lamented, concealing it from the Islanders; but between themselves bewailing in silence their present estate. And forthwith disposing the businesses at random, they went all to sea, with the whole fleet, and the third day landed in afric, upon the Frontiers of Numidia and Mauritania. Thence they marched a foot to the Plains of Bule, and joined to the rest of the Army. There were many sad rencontres then among the Vandals, not to be expressed, and such as an enemy would have pitied to look on, and see the condition of mankind. Gelimer and Tzazon fallen on each others neck, could not let go. They said nothing, but grasping each others hand, howled. The like did the others, embracing those who came from Sardinia; and a long time they enjoyed that contentment: And were so amazed at the present fortune, that what was important before, was not now thought upon; Gelimer not enquiring concerning Godas, nor Tzazon of the passages in afric. Which he might conjecture by the place they were now in. Neither was there speech of wives or children; they perceiving well, that what was not here, was certainly dead, or a prisoner with the enemy.    

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS Of the Emperor IV STINIAN:  
BOOK II. Of the War with the Vandals.  

CHAP. I.  
BUT Gelimer conducted the Army of Vandals, being now all come together against Carthage: where he cut off the City's Aquaeduct encamped a while, and no enemy sallying, retired. They quartered themselves in the neighbouring Towns, and thought to block up the City so, setting guards upon the highways. They used no spoil nor pillage, assuming the Country as their own: and expecting some Treason by the Carthaginians, and such Roman soldiers as were Arrians. With large promises also, they invited the Commanders of the Hunns to be their friends and confederates: They, who were disaffected to the Romans, alleging that Peter, the Roman General, had brought them to Constantinople against their wills, and contrary to his express oath. So they entertained the motion, and agreed in the battle to turn their powers against the Romans. Of all this Belisarius had some suspicion, by relation of some fugitives; and the walls being not wholly finished, he would not sally, but accommodated all things within. He crucified one Laurus a Carthaginian, for Treason, upon a hillock before the City, convinced by his own Secretary; which frighted the rest from the like attempts The Massagetes courting with gifts, and invitations to his table, and other compliments, at last he got out of them what Gelimer had promised them, to turn cowards in the battle; and indeed that they had no mind to fight, fearing that, the Vandals being overthrown, the Romans would not dismiss them to their own Country, but wear them out in afric; and besides, take their booty from them. Belisarius swore to them, that they should be sent home so soon as the Vandals were absolutely overthrown, with all their booty; and bound them by oath to aid us with all alacrity. Then, all things being well prepared he spoke thus to the Army. To use exhortations of courage to you, may seem needless fellow-soldiers! who have already so vanquished the enemy, that Carthage and all Africa is the purchase of your valour: and Victors never have faint hearts. But it is not unseasonable to put you in mind, that fight bravely now the Vandals will have an end of their hopes, and we of fight. You ought then cheerfully and with pleasure to enter into this combat; being to be the period of your labours: And let none speak of the Vandals multitude; which uses not to determine wars, but men's valour. Let the most powerful thing among men, a sense of reputation upon your former actions affect you: it being a shame for men in their wits, to grow worse, and to lessen their own virtue. The enemy their fear, and remembrance of misfortunes will make cowards; the one frighting with things past, the other expelling hope of victory; ill fortune ever instantly dejecting men's spirirs. Besides, our combat is for greater things. If the former fight had succeeded ill, our danger had been, not to conquer another's Country: But now we lose that which is our own, if we be not victorious. So that our fear is so much the greater, as it is less to purchase nothing, then to lose what one hath. Formerly we got a victory without our Foot; but now with our whole Army I hope we shall get the enemy's Camp, men, and all they have. You have in your hands the conclusion of this war; if you neglect it, and put off opportunity, you will seek it when 'tis gone. Fortune despised, stops; especially if the judgements be improved of those she favoured not before. That Goddess hates such as squander away their prosperity. And if any man imagine that the fight of the enemy's wives and children, and most precious things, will make them dare even beyond power, he errs. Anger about things so dear, weakens minds excessively affected, and suffers them not to make due use of occasions. All which taking into our consideration, let us undaunted march against the enemy.  
Having thus encouraged them, he sent out all his horse that day, save 500 and to John the Armenian he gave his own Targeteers and Ensign, (which the Romans call Bandum) commanding him to skirmish upon occasion. Himself with the foot, and ●oo horse followed. The Hunns were determined to keep their accords with Gelimer and Belisarius too, and to begin no fight for the Romans, nor before it to turn to the Vandals; but upon the victory of either, to follow the execution upon the vanquished. The Roman Army found the Vandals encamped at Tricamazus, about 17 miles from Carthage, and lodged not far from them. Where about midnight, fires were seen upon the Romans spears, and the heads thereof red hot; and the few who saw this Prodigy were amazed, not knowing what the event would be. But the same happening long afterward in Italy, they took it upon experience for a sign of victory. But than it happening first, they were troubled, and past the night in fear.   

CHAP. II.  
THe next day Gelimer placed the Vandals wives and children, and all their wealth, in the midst of the Trench, though unfortified; and calling them together, spoke thus. We strive not now, dear Countrymen! about loss of honour, or Empire; as if by cowardly abandoning these, we might live quietly at home, and hold our estates. Fortune hath turned us now to this point, either to conquer our enemies, or to leave them masters of our wives, and children, Country, and all our wealth; and the only advantage of our escaping will be to be slaves, and beholders of these things. But if we vanquish we shall live in prosperity, and after an honourable death, leave our Families happy, and preserve the Vandals name and Empire. If ever men fought a battle for all they have, and for the hopes of all men, we are they. Our fear and danger now, is not to die; but not to vanquish our enemies: which failing, only death is good for us. Let none of you therefore faint, but courageously abandon his person; affecting death rather, than the base miseries of a defe●t. He that is ashamed to be base, fears no dangers. Think not upon the former fight, wherein not our cowardice, but some cross fortune tripped us; whose stream holds not always the same course, but changes every day. In valour we presume to have the advantage; and in numbers we exceed our enemies by ten times as many men. Then have we many, and great provocations to valour. The glory of our ancestors, ashamed of our degenerating and the Empire they left us, protesting to forsake us, if unworthy. Then to see the howl of these women, and these weeping children, even stops my speech, with the extreme grief: so that I will only say this: That these our dearest pledges we shall never more see, if we vanquish not our enemies. Consider it, and be valiant, and do not deface the glory of Gens●rich.  
Having thus said, he commanded his brother Tzazon particularly to animate his soldiers, that came from Sardinia; who assembling them some space from the camp, spoke thus. ' Fellow soldier! The generality of Vandals are to combat for what you have heard from the King: but you are moreover to strive with your own selves. Lately fight for dominion, and to recover the Island, you overcame. Now you hazard in the greatest things you have, and must use your greatest courage. Who fight for dominion, and are vanquished, are not ruined in the main: But fight for all, their lives depend upon the conclusion of the battle. And if you be valiant to day, the deposition of Godas will clearly appear an effect of your valour; but if now you faint, you will lose the reputation also of that action. And we have the advantage over the rest; terrified with their former defeat; we being unvanquished, and fight with a courage untainted. Then will the greatest part of the garland of victory be yours, you will be called the Preservers of the Vandal Nation: for by winning in company of men formerly unfortunate, you will appropriate to yourselves the better fortune. Upon these considerations you may do well to stint the howling of your women and children, and calling God to your assistance, to march boldly against the enemy in the head of your Countrymen.  
Gelimer and Tzazon, after these exhortations, drew them out; and about noon came on (the Romans being preparing their dinners) and stood in order upon the banks of the brook there. On the other bank the Romans put also in order thus; The left wing Martinus, Valerianus, John, Cyprian, Althias, and Marcellus had, and the other Commanders of Confederates: The right wing Pappus, Barbatus, and Aigan, and the Captains of the Legionary horse. In the midst stood John, with the General's Lanciers, and Ensign; and thither in the due season came Belisarius himself, leaving the foot behind, marching fair and softly. The Hunns who used before not to mingle their ranks with the Roman Army, than stood aloof, with the intention I have said. The Vandals order was, to distribute each wing among the Colonels of thousands, every one leading his proper Regiment: And in the middle stood Tzazon; and in the rear the Moors. Gelimer himself road about from place to place, to encourage his soldiers: Whom he warned in this fight, not to use Javelins, nor any weapons but their swords. It was long ere they began. Then John, by Belisarius his direction, with a few chosen men, passed the brook, and charged those in the middle; where Tzazon repulsed him back towards the main Army, pursuing him to the brooks side, but not going over. Again John drawing out more Targeteers of Belisarius, road against Tzazon; and being again repulsed, retired. He renewed the charge the third time, with almost all Belisarius his Targeteers and Lanciers, and the General's Ensign, shouting and clashing their arms. The Barbarians valiantly received them, using their swords only; and the fight grew stiff, where many Vandals, and of the best, were slain, and Tzazon himself. Then came on the whole Roman Cavalry, and passing the brook, charged the enemy. And the defeat, beginning in the middle, appeared clearly; each one routing their opposites with ease. Which the Massagetes perceiving, according to their resolution they followed the execution with the Roman Army, which lasted not long; the Vandals recovering their Camp; and the Romans not holding themselves able to fight with them in their entrenchment, stripped such dead bodies as had any gold upon them, and retired to their Camp. In this fight were slain of Romans 50. and of Vandals 800. But Belisarius about the evening (his foot being come up) marched with his whole Army to the Vandals Camp. Gelimer seeing Belisarius with his foot, and all marching, without one word speaking, or giving any direction, leapt on horseback and fled the way into Numidia; his kinsmen, and some few household servants following him, amazed, and concealing what it was for. Some time the Vandals knew not of Gelimers flight; but when they found it, and saw the enemy, the men were in a tumult; the women howled, the children cried; none sought to save their goods, nor regarded the lamentations of their dearest friends; But every man in confusion ran away. The Romans took the Camp, with all the wealth in it, and destitute of men: And following the chase all night, killed the men they overtook, and made slaves of the women and children. They found in the Camp so great a mass of wealth, as was never together in a place. For the Vandals had long ransacked the Roman Provinces, and brought much wealth into afric; which being also good land, and most plentiful of all commodities; the revenues in money were not spent in other Countries, but put up by the owners for the space of 95 years, 
An. Dom. 533. Just. 70.  in which the Vandals had the dominion of afric. From whence their wealth now grown into a great bulk, was that day restored to the Romans. This overthrow, and taking the Vandals Camp, happened three months after the coming of the Roman Army to Carthage, in the middle of December.   

CHAP. III.  
BUt Belisarius was troubled to see the Romans disorder, and all night was afraid, lest the Vandals making head again, might ruin them. If they had come, not one Roman had escaped to enjoy their booty. For the soldiers, being of a sudden become masters of so great wealth, and of personages extremely beautiful, could not contain, nor find any satiety in their booty. They were drunk with their prosperity, and would have every man returned to Carthage, carrying all along with them. And they straggled by one and by two, as their hope of gain led them, searching in woods and fastnesses, and in caves and such places, subject to danger, and ambushes, fearing no enemy, nor respecting Belisarius; being affected with nothing but the desire of booty. Which Belisarius seeing, he knew not what order to take. And so soon as it was day, he stood upon a hillock by the high way, calling upon them for order, and chiding the soldiers and commanders. Such as came that way, sent their booty and captives with their Comrades to Carthage; and themselves repaired to the General, and obeyed his directions. He commanded John the Armenian, to follow Gelimer without intermission, and to take him alive or dead. And he wrote to his friends in Carthage, to take the Vandals out of the Churches in Towns thereabout, giving them assurances and to disarm them that they might not stir, and to keep them safe in the City till his coming. With the troops he had, he went about recollecting the Army, and giving assurances to such Vandals as he found, there being none but in Churches; whom he disarmed, and sent under guards to Carthage, giving them no time to make head. All being settled, he marched with the rest of his Army against Gelimer. John following the chase five days together, came very near to Gelimer; who being not ordained to be taken by John, this cross chance happened. Among the pursuers with John, was one Vliaris, a Lancier of Belisarius; valiant, and of an able body; but not serious, his greatest delight being wine, and jests. The sixth day of their pursuit, being in drink, he spied about Sunrising a bird upon a tree, and let fly an arrow at it. He missed the bird; but shot John behind in the neck; who soon after died of the wound; leaving a great miss both to the General and Emperor, and all, both Romans and Carthaginians. He was a valiant, and a virtuous man, and bore himself mildly and moderately to all men. Thus John the Armenian died. But Vliaris coming to himself, fled into the Church of a Village near hand; And the soldiers pursued no further, but attended the cure of John; and being dead, performed his funeral rites, and acquainted Belisarius with the accident, staying in the place: Who came immediately to the Sepulchre, mourning the misfortune, and honoured the same with a yearly Revenue, and many other things. To Vliaris he did no harm, hearing from the soldiers that John had made them swear that he should not be punished for the fact, being unwittingly done. Thus Gelimer escaped his enemy's hands that day. Belisarius still pursued ●im; and at Hippo Regia, a City upon the sea in Numidia, ten days journey from Carthage, he learned how he was gone up to the mountain of Pappua, and not possible to be taken. This mountain is steep, and very ill way; high rocks standing round about it. In it inhabit Barbarian Moors, friends and confederates of Gelimer; and on the utmost border of it, stands an ancient City, named Medenos. Here Gelimer with his company rested. But Belisarius being not able to attempt the mountain in the winter; and holding it unsafe to be absent from Carthage, the state being unsettled, he left Pharas with some forces to besiege the mountain. This Pharas was a valiant, prudent, and virtuous man, though an Herulian. And for an Herulian not to be false and a drunkard, but to pretend to virtue, is rare, and much to be commended. But he was both himself an affecter of discipline, and all the Herulians that followed him. Belisarius commanded him to lie all the winter at the foot of the hill, exactly guarding, that neither Gelimer get down, nor have provisions brought to him.  
Then taking the Vandals out of the Churches in Hippo, upon his faith given them (being of the best) he sent them with a guard to Carthage: and he had this fortune here. One Bonifacius an African of Byzacium, Secretary to Gelimer, was by Gelimer furnished with a good ship, having in it all the royal treasures; and he was commanded to lie at anchor in the Port of Hippo; and if he saw the affairs go ill, to sail with the money to Theudis, Prince of the Visigoths in Spai●; where himself, upon the ruin of the Vandals, intended to save himself. Bonifacius stayed, while there was any hope; but hearing of the battle of Tricamarus, and the rest formerly related, he hoists sail according to Gelimers appointment: But a contrary wind brought him back into the Port of Hippo: and understanding the enemy to be near, he wooed the Mariners with large promises, to get to some other Land. But they could not, a storm coming, and the Tyrrhene sea being grown high; so they resolved, that God certainly meant to give the Romans that treasure, not suffering them to put to sea: and with much ado getting clear of the harbour, they lay off at sea in some danger. Bonifacius sent to Belisarius, being come to Hippo, some whom he directed to get into a Church; saying that they were sent by Bonifacius, who had Gelimers Treasures; but concealing where he was, before oath given; that delivering the Treasures, he shall have no hurt done him, but keep such moneys as are his own. They performed these directions. And Belisarius glad of the news, made no scruple to swear: But sent some who received the Treasures, and dismissed Bonifacius with his own moneys, having stolen a mass of wealth from Gelimer.   

CHAP. IU.  
BEing returned to Carthage, he made the Vandal prisoners ready to send to Constantinople with the first of the spring; and sent forces to take in what had been under the Vandals: and to Sardinia Cyrillus, with the head of Tzazon; the Islanders not yet yielding, nor believing the report of the Vandals i'll fortune at Tricamarus. And he directed him to send part of his forces to take in Corsica (anciently called Cyrnus) not far from Sardinia, which had been under the Vandals also. Cyrillus accordingly shown the head of Tzazon to the Islanders of Sardinia, and made both the Islands tributary.  
Belisarius sent also John with the foot company under his leading, unto Caesarea in Mauritania, being 30 days journey from Carthage, in the way to Calais and Hercules Pillars; and a populous maritine City. Another John, one of his targeteers, he sent to the Straits of Calais, to possess the Castle of Septum, one of the Pillars. To the Isles of Ebusa, Majorica, and Minorica, he sent Apollinarius, an Italian, who went young into afric; and there being grown rich by the bounty of Ilderick, after his deposing and imprisonment, he went a suitor for Ilderick to Justinian, with some other Africans. And in this voyage with the Romans he did valiantly, and at Tricamarus the best of any. For which service Belisarius gave him the command of those Islands. He reinforced also the Romans under Pudentius and Tattimuth in Tripoli, the Moors pressing sore upon them. He sent some likewise to receive the Castle at Lilybaeum in Sicily, as belonging to the Vandals dominion, but was repulsed by the Goths, refusing to yield any part of Sicily, and denying the Castle to have been the Vandals.  
Whereupon he wrote thus to the Governors there▪ You deprive us of Lilybaeum, a Castle of the Vandals, the Emperor's slaves; wherein you deal both unjustly and unwisely, without your Prince's mind and privity, to put the Emperor into a war with him, whose favour he hath so laboured to purchase. How strange a proceeding is it, to suffer Gelimer to hold the Castle, and from the Emperor, Gelimers Master, to take away his slaves possessions? Take heed: consider how friendship covers many grievances: but an enemy endures not the least injury, but looks back, and will not wink at his foe grown rich, whence he should not; But than he alleadges the wrongs done to his Ancestors; then he fights; wherein though he fail, yet he loses no possession; but prospering, makes the vanquished ask forgiveness. Do you therefore do us no farther ill, nor suffer any. Make not the Emperor an enemy to the Goths, whom you wish propitious. For know, that if you dispute this Castle, you will have a war, not only for Lilybaeum; but for all you hold without just title.  
The Goths imparted these Letters to Atalaricus his mother, and by her direction made this answer. Excellent Belisarius! your exhortation may be pertinent to some other men, but not Goths. We are not so mad as to detain any thing from the Emperor: Sicily we challenge all to be ours; whereof that Castle is one of the head Lands. If Theodorick gave his sister, married to a Vandal King, the use of a Mart Town in Sicily, this can give no pretence of title. But noble General! do us right; and decide this controversy not as an enemy, by a battle, but as a friend at an Arbitrament. We refer it to the Emperor himself, to do as to him shall seem legal and just. And we wish you to be advised, and to attend the determination of your Emperor.  
Belisarius herewith acquainted the Emperor, and stayed till he should further direct him.  
In the mean time Pharas being weary of a winter-siege, and supposing the Moors unable to oppose him, he undertook the ascent unto Pappua, with his troops well armed. But the Moors defended it so, that those who went up the Hill being steep, and bad way, were easily ruined; and Pharas being obstinate lost 110 men, and with the residue was beaten back. But he set very diligent guards, that they might be put to yield for hunger, permitting none to scape away, nor any thing to be brought them from without. Where the sufferings of Gelimer and his kindred and others with him, delicately bred, no relation can equal. The Vandals being of all the known Nations the most effeminate, and these Moors the hardiest. They first since their possession of afric have used their daily baths, and plentiful tables, of the best and pleasantest things the earth and sea afford; most of them wore gold and silk, and past their times in theatres, horseraces, and other delights, and principally hunt: They had their Masques and Plays, Musics and gallant sights; many had gardens furnished with waters and trees, used much feasting, and were as much addicted to venery. But those Moors are choked up in close cabins, never removing for heat of summer, or any inconvenience; and lying upon the ground, or happily with a sheeps-skin under them: They never change apparel, but all the year wear a thick corpse mantle, and a Freese-coat: They have no bread nor wine, eating their wheat, barley, and Olyra (as other animals) without reducing it to flour. With these Moors Gelimers company having long sojourned, in this strange change of diet, and now necessaries failing too; they could hold out no longer, but thought it the most pleasant to die, and to serve not base.   

CHAP. V.  
WHich Pharas' understanding, wrote thus to Gelimer. I also am a Barbarian, not used to discourses; but do write now what I cannot but learn from the course of things. Why have you cast yourself, dear Gelimer! and your whole kindred into this depth of misery? Is it to avoid being a slave? is that it you stomach, as conceiving all miseries good cheap for liberty? And do you not now serve, having your best hopes of safety upon the most wretched of all the Moors? 'tis better for a man to be a slave among Romans begging, then to reign over the Moors of Pappua. And can it be so extreme a scorn to be a fellow-servant of Belisarius? Fie●l noble Gelimer. We glory (being not born of noble parentage) to be the Emperor's slaves. But you (they say) the Emperor intends to receive into the Senate, and to the highest honour called the Patriciate, and to bestow on you a large fertile country, and much wealth; and Belisarius will undertake these conditions upon his oath. Can you bear what fortune brings generously? and when she mingles her distastes with some good, will you peevishly reject it? Are not good things from fortune as needful for us as bad? But these things the most senseless will not think. It seems being plunged in disasters, you lose your wits; For grief uses to amaze, and turn the mind upon bad counsels. But if you can manage your thoughts, without repining against fortune; you have it in your power, to choose what's good for you, and to rid yourself of these miseries.  
Gelimer lamented bitterly at the reading this Letter, and wrote back thus. I thank you much for your counsel; but to serve an Enemy wronging me, I hold intolerable; Of whom I would get right, if God were propitious. He hath set Belisarius upon me, I know not why; found a reasonless pretext of a war, and brought me to this, having never offended him in word nor deed. It is not impossible, but that something he wishes not may happen to him, though an Emperor, yet but a man. I can add no more; my misfortune hath taken away my invention. Farewell gentle Pharas; and at my request send me a Harp, a Loaf of bread, and a Sponge. Pharas doubted long how to construe the last clause of the Letter; till the cannoneer told him, That Gelimer asked him a Loaf of bread, longing to see and taste a baked loaf, which he had not seen since his coming to Pappua: That he needed a Sponge for his eye, swelled with a rheum, for want of sweeting and bathing: And being skilful upon the Harp, he desired one to sing to it a sad Ditty he had composed upon his present calamity. Pharas' condoling with him, and at the condition of mankind, sent him the things according to his Letter; but block him up faster than before. And three winter-moneths were spent in this siege; And Gelimer feared that ere long they would get up to him; He saw the children of his kin even swarm with louse; full of sorrow he was, weary of the thought of any thing but dying; yet he endured all beyond imagination, till he saw this sight. A Moorish woman had pounded some wheat, and thereof made a little Cake, which she threw in the hot ashes upon the hearth, as the Moors use to bake then bread: Two hungry boys, (one the said woman's son, and the other Gelimers sisters son) watched at the hearth to catch the cake when it was baked: The Vandale boy caught it first, and hungerly thrust it hot into his mouth, with the ashes on; the other boy took him by the hair, and with beating forced him to put out the cake again. Gelimer, who observed all this accident, could not bear it, but relented, and presently wrote thus to Pharas. If ever man endured misery with a success quite contrary to his counsels, such am I, Excellent Pharas! I mean not to neglect your good advice; being no longer able to strive with fortune, nor struggle under the yoke of destiny, which I will follow as it pleases the same to lead me. Let me have assurance of Belisarius undertaking the performance of that by the Emperor, which you lately intimated, and I will immediately render myself to you, and all my kindred, and Vandals here with me.  
Pharas acquainted Belisarius with this, and the former Letters; desiring to know his pleasure. Who much desiring to bring Gelimer alive to the Emperor, and overjoyed with the news, instantly sent to Pappua, Cyprian Commander of the Confederates, with some others, to give oath to Gelimer for the safety of himself and company, and that he should have an honourable rank with the Emperor, and want nothing. And they with Pharas went to the foot of the mountain, whither came Gelimer, received the assurances as he desired, and went with them to Carthage. Belisarius was in a suburb thereof, named Aclae: where Gelimer being presented, fell a laughing openly, that some imagined him to be distracted through the extremity of his misery: But his friends alleged the man to be of sudden apprehension; He was royally born, and a King; and now from a continued power and wealth, fallen into bondage and fear; And after his enduring so much in Pappua, he must now be ranked amongst slaves; And thus having had experience of Fortune's smiles and frowns, he thought Humane condition to deserve only laughter. Thus they conceived of it. But Belisarius acquainted the Emperor how Gelimer was a Captive at Carthage, and prayed leave to come along with him to Constantinople; keeping him in the mean time in an honourable restraint, and preparing his Fleet. Many experiments the world hath seen beyond hope, and many it will, while Fortune continues the same. Many things seeming to Reason impossible, have come to pass, and been wondered at: But I know not whether ever the like of these things hath happened. For a fourth Successor of Genserick (his Kingdom flourishing with wealth and men of war) to be ruined in so short a time, by 5000 new comers without a place to anchor in, (so many only were the Horse, who by their valour or fortune debated the whole war) is justly to be wondered at. But I return from whence I digressed; This being the conclusion of the Vandal wars.   

CHAP. VI  
But some Commanders being envious of Belisarius (as is usual in great felicities) traduced him without any colour of truth, to the Emperor, of usurpation. The Emperor made no show of it, either despising the accusation, or thinking it his best way; and sent thither Solomon, and gave Belisarius his choice, either to come to Constantinople with Gelimer and the Vandals, or to stay and send them. But he (who was not ignorant how the Commanders charged him with usurpation) urged to go to Constantinople to clear the imputation, and to be revenged of his accusers. He came to discover the plot against him thus. His accusers fearing the miscarriage of their letters to the Emperor, and so to spoil their design, wrote of the usurpation in two letters, by several messengers in several ships; one whereof sailed away unespied; but the other upon some suspicion was taken in Mandracium, and his letter intercepted, and the plot discovered to Belisarius, who thereupon made haste to get to the Emperor's presence. But the Moors of Byzacium and Numidia, breaking their truce, revolted, and suddenly made war upon the Romans, without any occasion at all: An action agreeable to their dispositions; for with Moors is no care of oaths, nor hostages, (though of their children, brethren, or Rulers) neither any assured peace, but by their fear of the enemy. They made truce with Belisarius, and broke it, as I shall tell you. The Emperor's Fleet being expected in afric, the Moors afraid, resorted to their soothsaying women, it being not lawful for their men to soothsay. These women after being possessed with a Spirit, as was usual for them, according to the manner of the ancient Oracles; foretold an Army from the waters, the ruin of the Vandals, and destruction of the Moors, when a General of Romans should come without a beard. Upon this answer the Moors, seeing the Fleet at sea, were afraid, and would not assist the Vandals; but sent to Belisarius, and made a peace, watching for the success. And the business of the Vandals being dispatched, they sent to spy in the Roman Army if there were any Commander without a beard; And finding all well stored with beards, they thought (as they would have it) the Oracle to concern some after-ages, and not them. So they longed to break the truce, but were afraid of Belisarius, despairing of overcoming the Romans, he being with them. And hearing him to be ready to go, and his Lanciers, Targeteers, and Vandal Captives to be already on shipboard, they took arms suddenly, and did the Africans much mischief: For the Soldiers being dispersed in small garrisons upon the borders, and unprepared, could not every where oppose, nor hinder the Barbarians inroads, which were often, and secret. And so men in confusion were slain, women and children made slaves, goods every where carried away, and all the Country full of flights. Belisarius was at sea when he heard of this, and could not come back now; but he appointed Solomon to govern afric, and to take the most part of his Targeteers and Lanciers, and to chastise the Moors for this wrong to the Romans. Another Army the Emperor sent to Solomon, with Theodorus the Cappadocian, and Ildeger, who married the daughter of Antonina, Belisarius his wife. And the ancient African tributes being not to be found upon the ancient Roman records there, which Genserick had destroyed; Tryphon and Eustratius were sent with commission from the Emperor to make a tax; Men whom the Africans found harsh and intolerable.  
But Belisarius being arrived at Constantinople with Gelimer and the Vandals, was thought worthy of those ancient honours given to Generals for the greatest victories. It is about 600 years since any had the same, unless it were Titus, Trajanus, and such Emperors, as led the Army in person, and got victory of some Barbarian nation. He led the spoils, and prisoners of war, in pomp through the City; which the Romans call a Triumph; but it was not in the ancient manner: He went afoot from his own house to the Circus, and there from his Pavilion to the Emperor's throne. The spoils were things belonging to the service of the King, and Gold-chains, and the Chariots for his Queen, with many Jewels & Cups of gold, and all things useful at a King's feast. Silver also weighing many thousand talents and a huge mass of Royal furniture, (Genserick having sacked, as I said, the Palace at Rome) among which were some monuments of the Jews, brought to Rome by Titus, after the destruction of Jerusalem. A Jew there espying the same, standing by one of the Emperor's familiar friends, It is not so good (quoth he) to bring these monuments into the Palace of Constantinople; for they cannot continue but where Solomon first placed them: Hence it is that Genserick sacked the Palace in Rome, and now Belisarius that of the Vandals. The Emperor hearing this, sent them to the Christian Churches in Jerusalem. The Captives were, Gelimer, bearing a Purple robe, and all his kindred, and the tallest and beautifullest of the Vandals. Gelimer seeing the Emperor sitting upon a high throne, and the people on both sides in the Circus, and himself in that calamity, used no lamentation, but still repeated that in the Scripture, Vanity of vanities, all is vanity. Being at the Emperor's throne, they took from him the Purple robe, and caused him to fall upon his face and adore the Emperor. The same did Belisarius, supplicating for him to the Emperor: who, with his Empress Theodora, gave large means to Ildericks children, and the descendants of Valentinian; and to Gelimer they gave towns in Galatia of good value, where they suffered him to dwell. He would not change his Arrian Religion; so he was not admitted a Patrician. Belisarius not long after had a Triumph according to the ancient custom. Going to be installed Consul, he was born by Captives in a chariot, from whence he threw of the Vandal spoils among the people, silver-vessels, and gold-belts, and much more of the Vandals wealth. And then men saw things forgotten, thus renewed by time.   

CHAP. VII.  
BUt Solomon taking the charge of the Army in afric, the Moors being up, and the State tottering, was uncertain what to do; Hearing how the Barbarians had killed the Garrisons in Byzacium, 
An. Dom. 534. Just. 8.  and foraged the Country; but the misfortune in Byzacium of Aigan the Hunn, and Rufinus the Thracian, troubled him most, and all Carthage, being men of great reputation in Belisarius his retinue, and the whole Army. Aigan was one of Belisarius his lifeguard; and the other, as the valiantest of the rest, was the General's Standard-bearer, whom the Romans call Bandophorus: These commanding then Troops of horse, and seeing the Moors make booty, and slaves of the Africans, laid wait for them in a narrow passage, killed them, and rescued all their captives. Which the Barbarian Princes, Cutzînas, Esdilâsas, Juphrûthes, and Medisinissas' hearing, set upon them about evening; whom the Romans, being few, and surprised in the narrow passage, in the midst of thousands, were not able to resist; which way soever they turned the enemy having their backs. Rusinus and Aigan ran to a rock, and thence kept off the enemy with their arrows; who durst not come up, but darted their Javelins. Their arrows being spent, the Moors came to handy blows, and they awhile defended themselves with their swords; but numbers overpressing, cut Aigan in pieces, and carried away Rufinus. But Medisinissas', fearing he might escape, and trouble them again, took off his head, and shown it at home to his wives; being for bigness, and abundance of hair, a goodly sight.  
It is not amiss to say something here, how, and from whence the Moors came originally to inhabit afric. When the Hebrews came out of Egypt, and Moses was dead, and Joshua his successor, with more than humane valour, had brought the people into Palestine, possessed the Country, overthrown the Nations, conquered their Cities, and was thought invincible: The Gergesites and Jebusites, and other Nations, mentioned in the Scripture (being populous, and inhabiting the sea-coast, from Sidon to Egypt, called Phoenicia, and under one King, as is confessed by all Writers of Antiquities) seeing this new Captain unresistible, they removed from their own Country into Egypt. Where finding no room, (Egypt being anciently populous) they went on into afric: and building many Cities, possessed it all, unto Hercules' Pillars, and to this day continue there, using the Phoenician language. In Numidia they built a Castle, where now is the City of Tigisis. In which stand two Pillars, near the great Conduit, with these words engraven in the Phoenician language. We are they who fled from before Joshua the chief, the son of Nun. Other people anciently inhabited afric, and therefore were said to be born of the earth. Whereupon their King, Antoeus, (who wrestled with Hercules in Clypea) was called the son of the earth. Afterward the Phaenicians came with Dido into afric, to those of the same race, who received them and permitted them to build Carthage. But in time, the Carthaginians grown great and populous, overcame these Moors in battle, who came thus out of Palestine, and forced them to inhabit far from Carthage. And the Romans afterward being Masters of the world, planted the Moors upon the uttermost borders of the inhabited Countries of afric, and made the Carthaginians, and other Africans Tributary. But lately the Moor got many victories of the Vandals, and held Mauritania, extending from Calais to Caesarea, and the most part of afric beside.  
But Solomon understanding the accident of Aigan, and Rufinus, prepared for a War, and wrote this Letter to the Princes of the Moors. Others heretofore have ventured foolishly, and perished, not divining the event of their presumption: But you, seeing a precedent of your neighbours the Vandals, upon what madness have you drawn your swords against the great Emperor? and do thus abandon your safeties, after solemn oaths, and your sons given for pledges? Is it to show that you regard neither God, faith, kindred, nor safety? Being such, in what God can you trust for help, provoking a Roman Emperor? You have lost your sons; for what is it you mean to hazard? If you repent for what is past, writ that you will give over; If not, expect a Roman war to come upon you, with your violated oaths, and the undoing your own sons.  
The Moors made this answer to Solomon. Belisarius persuaded us with large promises, to obey the Emperor. But now affording us no share of your prosperity, you would have us friends and aids still, starving with hunger. It is you are the faith-breakers, not the Moors: Not they, who fly off from their associates upon wrongs, violate Truces, but they who demand Truce, and then oppress men: Not they, who fight for their own, make God their enemy; but who usurping other men's right, dare hazard a war. Concerning sons, you may be troubled, who must have but one wife: We who may have 50 wives at once, can never want a generation.  
Upon this, Solomon resolved to lead his Army against them; and having disposed of things in Carthage, marched into Byzacium, and encamped at Mamme, near the aforesaid Moorish Princes.   

CHAP. VIII.  
AT the foot of high mountains there, upon a plain piece of ground, the Barbarians put their battle in order to fight, thus. They put their Camels in a round (as Cabaon did formerly) made their front 12. Camels deep, and placed their women and children in the middle, save some few, who made their entrenchments, and cabins; dressed their horses and Camels, and their own diet, and did many services in their fights. Themselves stood between the Camel's legs, having shields, swords, and Javelins; and some horse upon the mountains. Half the Round next the mountain, Solomon omitted; fearing lest the enemy from thence, and from the Round might charge his men at once, and so get their backs, opposing the Army to the rest, and finding them dejected with the accident of Aigan and Rufinus, he made them this speech to encourage them. You that are fellow soldiers of Belisarius, are not to fear, nor make it an example, if 50000 Moors have vanquished 500 Romen. Call to mind your own valour: Think how the Vandals vanquished the Moors, and with what ease you are now Masters of the Vandals; and having beaten the better men, will you fear the weaker? The Moors are the poorest Nation to fight in the world, coming naked, or with short shields only, ill made, and unable to keep out a blow, and such men, as when they have thrown out their two Javelins, if they do no effect, run instantly away: So that we may by warding their first fury, have the better with ease, your advantage in your arms, valour, strength of body, experience in battles, and confidence, for having been already victorious over every enemy, you are to consider. All which the Moors wanting trust only to their multitude, who being no soldiers, are the more easily beaten by a few well prepared. The soldier hath his confidence in himself: but the coward is commonly distressed by his crowd of assistants. And these Camels deserve your contempt, which cannot resist us, and being wounded by us (as they shall) will put these men in disorder. Their presumption upon their former good fortune, will fight for you. For boldness measured by one's power, may be an advantage: but exceeding that, it runs him into danger. Which considering, and not valuing the enemy, you shall silently, and with ease vanquish him.  
The Princes of the Moors also, seeing their men amazed at the Romans order, used this encouragement. You have found, fellow soldiers I that these Romans have but the bodies of men, having killed some of their best men, overwhelmed with our Javelins, and taken many of them prisoners. Then have we a great advantage in numbers: And our strife is about the greatest things, either to be Masters of afric, or slaves of these braggarts. So that now hazarding for all, if we be not more then ordinarily valiant, we shall do no good. And let us not regard their arming, which combers their foot, than whom the Moors will be much the swifter. And their horse will be disordered by the sight of our Camels, and by their cries, louder than the noise of the battle. To think the enemy unresistible because of his victory of the Vandals, is an error. The General's virtue ever poises the battle: and Belisarius, the greatest cause of that victory, fortune hath removed: Besides, the Vandals we had weakened before, and made them an easy conquest to the Romans: And if we do valiantly now, we shall be Masters of these men also.  
This exhortation ended, the battle begun. At first the Romans were put into confusion by their horse's skittishness at the sight and cry of the Camels, throwing their riders, and running away, and by the Moors incursions, darting the Javelins they had: so that being frighted and in tumult, they neither defended, nor kept their ranks. Which Solomon seeing, leapt from his horse, and commanded the rest to do the like, and to stand still, warding with their shields, against the enemy's Javelins, and to keep their orders. Himself with 500 men gave on upon the Round; directing to kill the Camels. The Moors there ran away, and some 200 Camels were killed. Which being done, the Round was to be entered, and the Romans pierced into the midst of it, where the Moors wives were. The Barbarians all amazed, ran up the mountain, whom the Romans pursuing, killed some 10000 of them, flying in confusion. The Camels surviving were taken: and the Romans marched to Carthage, to keep their Feast of Victory.  
The Barbarians grown angry, made an universal invasion, leaving none behind. First they overran Byzacium, sparing no age they could catch. Solomon was newly come to Carthage, when this news was told him. So that he marched against them with the whole Army; and at the mountain of Burgaon, upon which the Moors encamped, he sat down, expecting the Moors descent, that he might give them battle upon plain ground. But seeing them not come down, he put the Army in a fair order to fight. But they watched their occasions in the mountain, being hearty afraid of the Romans, and having no mind to fight in a champain. Burgaon is most of it very ragged; and to the East inaccessible; but to the West passable; and rising gently; and between two rocks is a deep woody Valley. The top of the mountain, where they expected no enemy, they left without men; and they quitted the foot of it, which was easy of access; and encamped in the middle, to have the shooting of the enemy's heads from above. And they had horses, either to run away with, or to chase, if they got the day: Solomon seeing the Moors would not yet come to the even ground, and the Roman Army weary in that desert place, made haste to fight. But finding the soldier dismayed atheir enemy multitude, much greater than in the former battle; he spoke thus to them.  
The enemies fear of you needs no accuser nor witness; it convinces itself. So many thousands not daring to encounter you upon even ground; and having no confidence in themselves, but making this fastness their refuge: So that exhortations in words are needless to you, whom the things themselves, and your enemy's weakness animates: Only let me put you in mind, that by the prosperous conclusion of this day, you will instantly enjoy all the wealth of afric; the Vandals being overcome, and the Moors reduced, and no enemy left to think of. And that the enemies may not shoot down upon our heads, nor we suffer harm from the nature of the place, shall be my care.  
Solomon having thus said, commanded Theodorus the Scout-Master, to draw out 1000 foot, with their Ensigns, about the evening, and closely to get up at the East side of Burgaon, where the mountain is most difficult, and being come to the top, to pass the night without noise; and with Sunrising to show themselves to the enemy, displaying their Ensigns, and to shoot at them. He did accordingly, and at midnight, passing up a ragged way near the rock, was neither discerned by Moors nor Romans; being said to be sent to lie abroad, to prevent mischief to the Camp. Before break of day Solomon went to the skirt of the hill, toward the enemy; and the soldiers, when the day grew bright, seeing the top of the mountain, full of men displaying Roman Ensigns, were amazed. When they on the top, began the fight, the Romans perceived them to be their own; and the Barbarians finding themselves shot on both sides, and without means to drive off the enemy, they despaired and ran away. But daring to fly neither to the top nor bottom of the hill, being both possessed by the enemy; they ran amain to the woody Valley, some on horseback, some afoot. And being a multitude, and in fear, and tumult, they killed one another, and falling in to the Valley very deep, the foremost were slain, and not discerned by them that followed. But when the Valley was full of horses and dead bodies, the residue were saved, passing over the bodies from Burgaon to the other rock. The survivers affirmed 50 thousand Moors to have been slain in this overthrow. The Romans lost not a man, nor so much as received a wound from the enemy, nor other accident, but all enjoyed the victory untouched. The Barbarians Princes escaped all, save Isdilasas, who upon promise of life, yielded himself prisoner. Their booty of women and children was so great, that they sold a Moorish boy for the price of a sheep. The Moors remaining, then remembered the women's Prophecy, That their Nation should perish by a man without a beard.   

CHAP. IX.  
THe Roman Army with their booty and Jsdilasas returned to Carthage. But the Barbarians surviving, would not continue in Byzacium, being few, and fearing to be oppressed by the neighbouring Africans, but fled to to Jabdas, 
An. Dom. 535. Just. 9  Prince of the Moors of Aurasium in Numidia. In Byzacium such of them only remained, as were subject to Antalas, who kept his faith to the Romans, and had no harm done to his Sujects. In the mean time the said Jabdas foraged Numidia with 3●000 men, and made slaves of many Africans. Althias then had the command of a Castle thereabout, who having a mind to rescue some of those captives, drew out 70 Hunns of his Garrison; but not conceiving it possible with such a number to stand the multitude of the Moors, he would have possessed some narrow passage, where the enemy marching, he might have seized upon the captives. But finding all open champain about the Towns there, he resolved to possess a great well standing in Tigisis, an unwalled City, but in a great fastness; thinking that the enemy being thirsty, would certainly come thither, no other water being near. The great odds in numbers caused his conceit herein to savour of madness. The Moors having toiled in the summer heats, and being extreme thirsty, ran to the well, imagining no opposition: But finding the place possessed by the enemy, they stood amazed, being faint, and longing for water. Jabdas therefore came to a parley with Althias, and offered the third part of his booty, that his Moor might drink, which he refused, but offered to fight a single combat with him. Which Jabdas accepted; and it was agreed, that if he vanquished Althias, the Moors should drink. Who were glad, and confident, seeing Althias a lean man, not tall; whereas Jabdas was the goodliest and valiantest of all the Moors. They were on horseback; and Jabdas threw first his Javelin, which Althias caught flying at him in his right hand (which amazed his enemy) and with his left hand bend his bow (being both-handed) and killed Jabdas' horse. The Moors brought their Prince another horse, upon which he leapt up, and ran away; the Moors following in disorder. Althias' recovered the captives and booty, and got a great name in afric for this act.  
But Solomon, after a short stay in Carthage, led the Army against Jabdas to mount Aurasium, for sacking the Towns of Numidia, while the Roman Army was busy in Byzacium. The other Moorish Princes also incensed Solomon against him; as Massonas, being enemy to Jabdas, who killed Mephanias his father treacherously, though he had married his daughter: And Orthaeus, because he had plotted with Mastinas', Prince of the Barbarians in Mauritania, to expel him, and the Moors his subjects, from their ancient habitation. So the Army under Solomon, and their Moorish aides, encamped by the river of Amigas, which runs by Aurasium. Jabdas thought the champain disadvantageous for him to fight in; so he made Aurasium as difficult as he could in the fit places for an assault.  
This mountain is 13 days journey from Carthage, and the greatest we know; the circuit being three days journey. It is difficult to get up, but being up, and on even ground, are fields, fountains, rivers, and many admirable gardens; the wheat there, and all that grows, is twice as big as in any other part of afric. Some neglected Castles also there are, the Inhabitants finding no use of them: who never were put into any fear since the Moors took Aurasium from the Vandals. Nay they demolished Tamugadis, a populous City to the Eastward of the mountain, upon the very entrance of the plain, that enemies might not lodge there, and for the City's sake approach the mountain. The Country to the west of Aurasium being large and good, the Moors had likewise; beyond whom are other Moors subject to Ortaeus, who aided Solomon. I have heard that man say, that beyond his Country is a Wilderness, and beyond that, men not black, like Moors, but with white bodies, and yellow hair.  
Solomon distributed moneys amongst his Auxiliaries, encouraged them, and with his whole Army ascended mount Aurasium, in order of battle, thinking that day to try his fortune against the enemy; so that the soldier had brought but little fodder for their horses. They went six miles and a quarter in very bad way, and lay all that night in the fields. And the seaventh day (going every day as much) they came to an old Castle by a river, called by the Latins, Mons-scuti. Here they had been told the enemy was encamped; but none encountering, themselves encamped there, preparing to fight: they spent there three days. But seeing the enemy absolutely gone, and necessaries failing, Solomon and the whole Army doubted some plot of their Auxiliary Moors. Who knowing perfectly the ways of Aurasium, and in likelihood the enemy's designs, by riding to them secretly, and often being sent by the Romans to discover, yet they never spoke a true word. So they thought it best to be gone before some blow, and to return with greater provisions, and better furnished in other things. Now they were afraid, and suspected treason from their Auxiliaries, whom they knew naturally false, and especially when they aid the Romans, or any against the Moors. Upon all these considerations, and the famine pinching, they went down immediately, and made an entrenchment in the champain.  
But the winter being come, Solomon marched to Carthage, where he prepared for another journey in the beginning of the spring to Aurasium, without any auxiliary Moors, if it might be; and he appointed forces and a fleet against the Moors in Sardinia; being a rich Island, and as big as two third parts of Sicily; the circumference of it is twenty days journey; and is in the midway between Rome and Carthage, and much vexed with Moors, who were confined and planted there with their wives and children, by the Vandals. There possessed the mountains near Carnalis, and at first committed petty stealths upon the natives; but being grown to a number of 3000 men, they made open inroads, and ransacked all the places near them, being by the natives called Barbaracini. Against these Moors Solomon prepared a fleet th● winter.   

CHAP. X.  
BUt at the same time, Belisarius being sent into Italy by the Emperor, against Theodatus and the Goths, landed first in Sicily, and took the Island; the manner whereof I refer to my ensuing History of the affairs of Italy. When I have written the occurrences of afric, I will come to the Relation of Italy and the Goths. This winter Belisarius spent in Syracuse, and Solomon in Carthage. And all this year the Sun had a fearful and prodigious light, without beams, like that of the Moon, and for the most part it was as eclipsed, without the clear and usual lustre. And during the same, famine, war, and all kind of mortality did infest mankind. It was in the tenth year of Justinians reign.  
In the beginning of the spring, the Christians celebrating their Easter, 
An. Dom. 536. Just. 10.  the soldiers mutinyed in afric upon this occasion. The Roman soldiers having vanquished the Vandals, married their wives and daughters. Who drew their husbands to challenge the possessions formerly theirs, as being unjust (having enjoyed the same by the Vandals) to be deprived of them now, being married to their Conquerors. The soldiers having this put into their heads, thought they ought not to yield those possessions to Solomon, who intended to annex the same to the Treasury, and the Emperor's house; not refusing the slaves and moveables for spoils to the soldier; but the Lands he alleged to belong to the Emperor, and State, which fed them, and gave them the quality of soldiers, not to conquer for themselves the Lands taken by Barbarians from the Empire; but to recover them to the Treasury, from whence they and the other Armies had their entertainments. Another party also there was which troubled afric as much, or more. In the Army were some thousand Arrian soldiers, most Herulians. These were provoked by the Vandal Priests, being not allowed their accustomed divine service, but barred from all, both Sacraments and Churches: For Justinian permitted not any Christian not Orthodoxal, to have the benefit of Baptism, or any other Sacrament: Especially they were troubled, the Feast of Easter approaching, wherein they might not baptise their children in the holy Laver, nor do what belonged to the Feast. And Fortune heaped to this, another mischief upon the Romans, by adding a supply to these Mutineers. The Emperor had made five horse troops of the Vandals, brought to Constantinople by Belisarius, to lie perpetually in Cities of the East, under the title of Vandalici. The most of these went by sea into the East, and made up the appointed troops, till this day serving against the Persians. But 400 of them from Lesbos, forcing the Mariners, came upon the coast of Peloponesus, and from thence sailed into afric, landing in a desert coast; where leaving the ships, they went into Mauritania to mount Aurasium. This encouraged and more combined the mutinying soldiers, who had many conferences and oaths about it.  
The Feast being at hand, the discontented Arrians, who were interdicted the Church, eagerly urged it. And the ringleaders of them had resolved to kill Solomon, the first day of the Feast, called the great day. The plot was undiscerned by any: For though many were engaged in it, yet none misliked, nor revealed it; many of Solomon's Lanciers, and Targeteers, and most of his houshold-servants coveting those possessions, were in the mutiny. At the day, Solomon sat in the Church, apprehending no mischief; The men appointed to kill him, made signs to one another, and had their hands on their swords; but did nothing: either reverencing the Church-service, or abashed at the state of their General, or by something divine restrained: But divine service being ended, and every man come home, the soldiers blamed each other for fainting, and appointed the plot the next day: When they likewise came from Church without doing any thing; and meeting in the marketplace, railed upon one another, each man terming his fellow false, and faint-hearted, and reproaching his awe of Solomon. And their plot being divulged, they thought it unsafe to stay in Carthage. So the most of them went out, and pillaged the Villages, and used the Africans as enemies. The rest remained in the City unsuspected, and seeming ignorant of the conspiracy.  
Solomon hearing what the soldiers did in the Country, and exhorting them in the City to good affection to the Emperor, at first they seemed to entertain his discourse. But hearing how those abroad did what they listed in the Countries, securely; the fift day of their mutiny, they impudently railed upon Solomon, and the other Commanders in the Circus. Solomon seat Theodorus the Cappadocian to appease them, a man that loved him not, and was suspected to practise against him. Whereupon the mutineers with cries chose him their General, and with him went to the Palace, where they killed another Theodorus the Scout-Master, a worthy man, and a good soldier. Being blooded, they killed all they met, whether Africans or Romans, if Solomon's friends, or with money about them. Then they pillaged the houses, where no soldiers defended, taking away all of any value, till the night, and drink after their toil quieted them. Solomon fled to the great Church of the Palace; whither about the evening came Martinus; and when the mutineers were asleep, they went to the Lodging of Theodorus the Cappadocian, who constrained them to sup, though they bade little mind to it, and brought them to a ship in the harbour, provided for them by Valerianus. Procopius, the writer of this History, was in company, and five of Solomon's retinue. After 37 miles sailing, they came to Messua, a road for Carthage shipping, and a safe place. From hence Solomon sent Martinus to Valerianus, and the other ommanders in Numidia, to attempt to reduce such mutineers as any of them knew, by money, and all means. And he wrote to Theodorus to take care of Carthage, and to do what he could. Himself with Procopius went to Belisarius to Syracuse, relating the accident, and praying him to repair to Carthage, and vindicate the Emperor from this affront of his own soldiers.   

CHAP. XI.  
IN the mean time the mutineers having sacked Carthage, made their rendezvouz in the Plains of Bule, and chose Stotzas, one of Martinus his lifeguard, their General; a man courageous and active, hoping to get afric thus, by expelling the Emperor's commanders. He arming his forces, being 8000. led them to Carthage, expecting instantly to take the City. He sent for the Vandals who escaped from Lesbos, and others who w●nt not with Belisarius, being either concealed, or neglected by the Officers. In all they were 1000 men, who went readily to Stotzas' Camp, and a multitude of slaves came also, Stotzas being near, sent to Carthage to yield without further hurt. But Theodorus and the rest professed to guard the City for the Emperor, and required them to forbear force; sending to them Josephius, who had been of the Emperor's guard, and now was one of Belisarius retinue, and lately sent to Carthage about business: whom Stotzas put to death for his message, and fell to the siege. And the Citizens afraid, were thinking to yield upon composition. When Belisarius with 100 of his Lanciers and Targeteers, and Solomon with one ship arrived at Carthage toward the evening: the besiegers expecting the rendering the City on the next day, and with that hope lying still that night; and when it was day, hearing of Belisarius arrival, shamefully risen, and ran away. Belisarius got together 2000 of the Army, and with fair words and money, exhorting thm to a good affection to the Emperor, he pursued the flyers, and overtook them at Membresa, about 43 miles from Carthage. Here they both encamped, and prepared to fight; Belisarius by the river of Bagradas; the other upon a high ragged ground: Neither would enter the City, being unwalled. The next day they drew out to fight, the mutineers trusting in their numbers, whom Belisarius his men despised, for foolish fellows, undisciplined.  
And to imprint this the more firmly, Belisarius spoke thus unto them. Fellow soldiers! This happens to the Emperor against our hopes and wishes, to come to a battle with our kinsmen and companions, whom we cannot conquer without grief. But our comfort is, that we began not; we only defend ourselves. He who by his treasons renounces his kindred, is not killed by his friends, but in the quality of an enemy is punished for his injury done them. These men have proclaimed themselves enemies, Barbarians, any thing, by their spoiling afric, and killing both natives, and many Roman soldiers, for no offence, but their good affection to the State. For this we come to chastise them, now enemies, though some time friends. No men are friends or enemies by nature; but in their actions are either united in a joint assistance by a similitude of manners and opinions, or disunited by a dissimilitude. And as they are unjust men and enemies, we are to fight with them: So are they to be despised, being a multitude not assembled by Law, but upon wrong: And such never fight valiantly: valour not vouchsafing to keep company with outlaws, and men unjust: neither will they keep their orders, nor obey the directions of their new General, who wanting power to be confident, must necessarily be contemned by them For rebellion is naturally hated, never honoured; and being timorous itself, cannot govern the subject, and keep him in awe. So that the enemy wanting both valour and government, their defeat will be easy; and you must march against them with contempt, not estimating the power of a battle by numbers, but by order and valour.  
Stotzas' also used this exhortation. You have with me, shaken off the Roman servitude; and grudge not now to die for the liberty gotten by your valour. It is not so grievous to grow old and die in slavery, as after freedom to return to it again; the interim of ease making the calamity taste more sour. You may consider therefore, how in the overthrow of the Vandals, you had your part in the toil, and others now possess the spoils; and how being soldiers, you are engaged to a life of hazarding, either for the Emperor, if you serve him again, or for yourselves, if you keep your liberty. And the better of these two you may now choose, by resolving in this action to fight, without fainting. Consider also that you have taken arms, and if you now be subdued, you will not find the Romans gentle masters, but shall suffer extremities, with the addition of being justly ruined: So you see our death will be honourable if we die, and if we be victorious, our life will be free and happy; but bitter, if we be beaten, when our only hope must be in our enemy's mercy. And in the battle the enemy hath much the disadvantage in numbers, and hath no great mind to charge us, wishing, it seems, their part in our liberty.  
Thus spoke Stotzas, and the Armies came to the encounter. But a strong wind blew in the mutineers faces, who fearing the disadvantage of sighing, where the wind would carry the enemy's arrows violently on them, and abate the force of theirs; they wheeled about, thinking the enemy, not to have their backs open, would turn about too; and so have the wind in their faces. But Belisarius seeing them open their ranks, and straggle disorderly, bad begin the fight, which Stotzas' men not looking for, fell into confusion, and ran away into Numidia, where they rallied again. Belisarius followed no execution, thinking it enough with so small an Army to beat the enemy, and send him going.  
To the soldiers lie gave the enemy's camp to pillage, who found not a man in it, but much wealth, and many Vandal women, for whose sake this war was. Then, Belisarius marched back to Carthage, where hearing that his Army in Sicily mutinied too, and would undo all, if himself in person did not prevent; he took order for afric, and committing Carthage to Ildiger and Theodorus, he went into Sicily.  
The Commanders in Numidia, hearing of Stotzas being there, and gathering head, prepared to fight with him. Marcellus and Cyrillus commanded the Confederates, Barbatus the horse, and Terentius and Sarapis the foot; Marcellus commanded in chief, being Governor of Numidia. Who hearing of Stotzas' being, with a few at Gazophyli, a Town two day's journey from Constantina; marched with speed to prevent the coming of the other mutineers. The Armies being near, and the fight ready to begin, Stotzas came alone into the midst, and spoke thus to the enemy. Fellow soldiers! It is unjust in you to take arms against your kinsmen and companions, who have undertaken this war with the Emperor, being grieved to see your miseries and wrongs. Do you not remember how long your pay hath been due, and still is detained from you? how the spoils of the enemy, your prizes appointed by the law of arms, are taken from you? The fruits of your victory others must riot upon, while you follow as their servants If I offend you, use your anger against this body presently; for I hate to fly to others for refuge. If you have no exception to me, come and use your arms for yourselves.  
The soldiers embraced this motion of Stotzas, and affectionately saluted him; and their Commanders seeing it, retired into a Church in Gazophyli. Stotzas' joined the Armies against them, gave them his faith for their coming out, and then killed them all.   

CHAP. XII.  
THe Emperor hearing these things, sent Germanus his brother's son, a Patrician, accompanied with Symmachus, as Praefect of the Camp, to manage the expense of the Army, 
An. Dom. 537. Just. 11.  and Domnicus, to be Commanders of the foot, upon the decease of John his predecessor. Germanus being landed at Carthage, mustered the forces, and by the Check Roll of the soldiers names, he found a third part of them to be in Carthage and other Cities, and the rest joined with the Rebels. Wherefore he would begin no fight, but took care of the Army; and finding the soldiers in Carthage to be kinsmen and comrades of the enemies; he courted them: and said the Emperor had sent him expressly into afric to vindicate the soldiers, and to chastise such as had wronged them. Which the mutineers hearing, came in by few at a time; whom Germanus received courteously, gave them his faith, and held them in good account, paying them their full deuce for the time they had been in rebellion. The report whereof drew them in troops from the enemy. And then Germanus hoping to match the Rebels in numbers, prepared for a battle.  
Stotzas' also perceiving the mischief, and fearing more defection of his men, made haste to try his fortune. He had some hope too, if he could get near the soldiers in Carthage, to get them to run away to him. And with this hope he chief confirmed his Army, and speedily marched to Carthage, and encamped near the sea, about four miles from the City.  
Germanus armed and put in order his soldiers, and having heard what hopes Stotzas had, he spoke thus. Fellow soldiers! you have no just complaint against the Emperor's usage of you: Who in Constantinople took you to him newly come out of the Country with a knapsack, and one poor coat; and hath now made you so great, that the Roman State is committed to you. But how he hath been scorned by you, and suffered the greatest extremities, you cannot be ignorant. Whereof the remembrance indeed he would have you retain, but the prosecution he clearly remits, expecting this only satisfaction from you, to be ashamed of what you have done, and thereupon to learn a new lesson of fidelity, and to repair your former ingratitude. The timely repentance of erring men obtains their pardon; and a seasonable service done, may take the name of ungrateful men from you. Nay if at this time you appear well affected to the Emperor, know this, that no memory will remain of what is past, The actions of men have their names from the conclusion: and errors done, no ages can undo; but being repaired by better deeds, they get a handsome silence, and commonly are forgotten. If now you neglect your duties against these rogues; your many battles hereafter for the Romans, and victories of our enemies, will not by the Emperor be thought a recompense. The bravest apology is, to get honour in the very things men have erred in. Thus you are to think concerning the Emperor. And I, who never wronged you, but to my power have showed my affection to you, entreat this only of you in this danger, That no man will march against the enemy contrary to his mind; but if he desire to join with their Army, to pass over to them immediately; doing us this only favour, not to abuse us secretly, but in an open way: Which is the reason I move this here between the Armies, and not in Carthage; not to hinder any that will run away; but to leave it in every man's power, to show his affection to the State.  
Every man upon this speech, bustled to show himself to his General, and to swear the good affection he had to the Emperor. And some days they were thus encamped against each other. At length the mutineers seeing none come to them, whom Stotzas told them of, being afraid, as failing in their hope, they disbanded, and went into Numidia, where were their wives and booty. Germanus shortly after, with his Army well prepared, and with store of wagons for it, came thither also; and overtaking the enemy at a Town called Scalae Veteres, he prepared to fight, setting the wagons in front, and the foot by them (commanded by Domnicus) to securing their backs. The best horsemen, and such as came from Constantinople, himself had at the left hand of the foot. The rest he set at the right wing in three Troops, commanded by Ildiger, and Theodorus the Cappadocian; and the biggest by John the brother of Pappus: the fourth by himself. The Mutineers stood opposite to them, not in much order, but scattered like Barbarians. Not far behind came many thousand Moors, led by Jabdas and Orthaeas, not all true to Stotzas; many having sent to Germanus, and promised in the fight to turn against the enemy. Germanus could not much trust them, being a people so false to all men. And they joined not with the mutineers, but kept aloof behind, waiting the event, and with the conquerors to pursue the vanquished. Stotzas' approaching the enemy, and seeing the General's Ensign, called to his men, and marched towards him. But the Herulian mutineers stopped him, saying, that the powers of Germanus they knew not; but they knew that the enemy in the right wing would not stand. So that charging them, and they running away, they are likely to put the enemies whole Army in disorder; whereas if Germanus beat them, all will be lost. Stotzas' approving the advice, left the rest to fight with Germanus, and himself with his best men, gave on upon John, and his troops, who not abiding them, ran away in confusion. The mutineers took their Ensigns, and pursued them. Some turned upon the foot, who began to disband; When Germanus drawing his sword, and calling upon his troop to do the like, with much ado he routed the enemy on his side; and galloped up to Stotzas, with the troops of Ildiger and Theodorus. And all was so mingled, that the mutineers chase some of their enemies, fell among others, and were slain. The confusion grew great, and Germanus his troops coming on nearer behind them, they were afraid, and thought no more of fight. Both sides using the same language, and arms, and differing not in shape, habit, nor any thing, could not be distinguished; till Germanus directed the Emperor's Army to ask any they took, what he was; if he said he was a soldier of Germanus, to bid him give the watchword, which if he could not, to kill him. Germanus had his horse killed in the fight, and himself being down and in danger, his lifeguard rescued and remounted him. Stotzas' in the tumult with some few escaped; and Germanus marched against the enemy's camp; where the mutineers who had the guard of the Trenches, opposed him; and there was a stiff fight, the mutineers being very near beating them back. But some sent by Germanus to attempt the camp in another place, got into the entrenchment with ease, which the mutineers seeing, ran away; and Germanus with the Army, entered the camp. The soldiers fell to pillage, neither thinking of the enemy, nor harkening to their General's directions; Who fearing the enemy might rally, and charge them, stood in the camp gate, crying and complaining for discipline to men that heard him not. The Moors followed the execution upon the mutineers, and pillaged the camp with the Army. Stotzas' at first trusting to the Moors, road up to them, to renew the fight. But finding what they were doing, he made a shift to escape with 100 men. Many made head with him, and tried to fight again, but being repulsed, they all submitted to Germanus; only Stotzas, with a few Vandals, retired into Mauritania, and there marrying a daughter of one of their Princes, remained. And so ended this mutiny.   

CHAP. XIII.  
BUt Maximinus, a Lancier of Theodorus the Cappadorian, had gotten many of those mutineers with a design to usurp, and drew still more, revealing his intent, among others, to one Asclepiades, a Palestinian, a great favourite of Theodorus; who discovered the plot to Theodorus, and he to Germanus. Germanus would not stir new business in a state unsettled, but thought to gain the man by fair usage, rather than to punish him. The lifeguard of any great Roman officer use at their admittance, to swear fidelity to him and the Emperor: He sent therefore for Maximinus, and extolling his valour, took him for one of his own guard, and he, glad of the honour, and means hereby to facilitate his design, took the Oath, but neglected the same, and persisted more than ever in his Treason. The City keeping a public festival, many of Maximinus' mutineers came at dinner time to the Palace, as Germanus was feasting his friends, with Maximinus behind him. One whispered Germanus, that many soldiers stood tumultuously at the Court gate, complaining of their pay for a long time unsatisfied. Germanus commanded some of the trustiest of his lifeguard to make sure of Maximinus, without letting him perceive any thing. Those mutineers with threaten and tumult, ran to the Circus; and such other conspirators as knew their intent, ran thither by one and one. If they had been all assembled, it had been hard to suppress them: But most of them being yet behind, Germanus sent instantly such as affected the Emperor and himself, and they came to a fight with the mutineers, who expected not such a thing from the soldiers; but missing Maximinus to conduct them, and wanting the numbers they looked for, gave it over, and disorderly ran away; many of them were killed, and many taken, and brought to Germanus. Such as came not to the Circus, shown as if they had not been in the conspiracy; and Germanus would not make any search after them. He examined if Maximinus had, since his Oath, proceeded in his Treason; and being convicted to have been more forward in it since his being of the lifeguard, he caused him to be crucified under the walls of Carthage: And so absolutely dispersed the mutiny.   

CHAP. XIV.  
BUt the Emperor called home Germanus, with Domnicus, and Symmachus, and again made Solomon Governor of afric, being now in the thirteenth year of his reign; 
An D●m. 539 Just. 13.  giving him another Army, and Commanders in it, Rufinus, and Leontius the son of Zannas, the son of Pharesmanes and John the son of Sisiniolus; Martinus and Valerianus being formerly sent for to Constantinople. Solomon being come to Carthage, and free from the mutiny, governed afric moderately, and kept it safe, disciplining the Army, and sending the suspicious men to Constantinople, and to Belisarius, supplying their rooms with new, and banishing the remains of the Vandals, and all their women. He compassed the Cities with walls, and observing the Laws exactly, preserved the State; that afric in his Government was rich and happy.  
Things being settled, he made war upon Jabdas, and the Moors of Aurasium: and sent out before with forces, Gontharis, one of his lifeguard, a good soldier; who encamped by Bagais, a desert Town upon the River of Abigas; and there he was overthrown in a fight by the enemy, and retiring to his camp, was straight besieged. Solomon afterward encamped with the whole Army, seven miles and a half from Gontharis entrenchment; and hearing how he had sped, he sent him part of his Army, and bade him be of good courage and fight again. The River Abigas comes from Aurasium, and being in the plain below, waters the land as the Inhabitants will, by drawing the stream to their uses. For it enters through several breaches under ground into the plain, where it rises again, gathering a stream: And the Inhabitants, by damning up the breaches, or opening them, make what use they please of the waters. The Moors than opened the breaches, and let in all the River about the Romans camp, which made a marish not to be passed for deepness. The Romans were distracted at it; but Solomon bearing thereof, marched thither; whom the Barbarians fearing, retired, and in Babos●s, at the foot of the mountain encamped. Solomon came thither too, and in fight beat them, and made them run away. The Moors thought it disadvantageous to have fights upon equal terms, thus being not able to stand them; but trusting to the fastnesses of Aurasium, and hoping that the Romans would be weary of the toil, as formerly, and be gone, many of them went away into Mauritani● and to the Barbarians to the southward of mount Aurasium. But Jabdas with 20000 Moors, went to Zerbule, a Castle built by him in Aurasium, and there lay still. Solomon, not to spend time in besieging; and hearing how the Country of Tamugadas had store of ripe wheat, he conducted his Army thither, took the spoil, and burned the rest, and then returned to Zerbule. In the mean time Jabdas leaving a sufficient guard for the Castle was gone up to the top of Aurasium, fearing to be blocked up in the Castle, and reduced to wants. And at Tumaz, a place rising with cliffs round about, and fenced with broken rocks, he rested. The Romans three days assaulted Zerbule, and the walls being low, shot many Moors, and chanced to kill all their Commanders. The third day at night, the Romans, hearing nothing of those Commander's death, consulted to rise; Solomon thinking it best to go against Jabdas and the main body of the Moors, who being subdued, Zorbule would quickly yield. But the Barbarians (their Leaders being slain) would hold no longer, but silently ran away, and abandoned the Castle, undiscovered by the enemy. The Romans at day break were trusting baggage; but wondered to see no enemy upon the wall. And doubting what it should mean, and compassing the Castle, they find the gate open, where the Moors ran way. They entered and took the booty, but would not pursue the enemy, being men apparelled lightly and skilful in all the passages. Having sacked the Castle, and left a Garrison in it, they went on, all afoot. And at Tumaz, where the enemy was, they encamped in a fastness, having water and other necessaries very scarcely. A long time was spent, and the Moors sallied not, so that being more besieged than the enemy, they fretted, chief for the want of water, 
Here the Latin Translation.  which Solomon put a guard upon, giving out but a cup full to a man every day. But seeing them impatient, and unable to endure longer this hard diet, he resolved to stay no longer, but to draw the men to fight near this Castle, and thus exhorted his men.   

CHAP. XV.  
HAving by God's favour beaten the Moors out of Zerbule, a thing seeming difficult, and uncredible to such as have not seen our former actions; we must not now neglect the gift of God, but with our accustomed valour, boldly undergo this hazard, and from our former good fortune presage a future victory. And the advantages of all actions standing in the due use of occasions; if any man now slothfully neglect the offer of fortune, let him not accuse her, but himself, being abandoned through his own default. You see the Moors weakness, and this Castle wherein they shelter themselves, destitute of provisions. And you must with a patiented siege expect the enemies surrender, or by neglecting that, neglect with danger, a victory ready for us. How much better, and less dangerous is it to try your fortune against men, not likely to fight with you, being wasted with famine? Confider these things seriously and obey directions.  
Solomon spoke thus, and then studying how, and where to assault (all being round about a rock) fortune shown him his way. One Geson, a Lieutenant of foot, (whom the Romans call Optio,) either in sport, or earnest, or by divine impulsion mounted alone, and presently other soldiers admiring his courage followed him. Three Moors ran to oppose him, and the place being narrow, came single. The first by chance falling, the Roman used his advantage, and killed him. The soldier who followed him seeing it, ran up with a shout; and the whole Army neither expecting leader, nor sound of trumpet, nor observing order, but crying and encouraging one another, gave on: where Rufinus, and Leontius, the son of Zan●as, did so bravely upon the enemy, that terrified at it, and seeing their guards cut in pieces, they all ran away, and the most overtaken in narrow passages were slain.  
Jabdas, though woudned by a dart in his thigh, escaped and fled into Mauritania. The Romans pillaged the enemy's camp, and Solomon caused them to stay in Aurasium, and repair the Castle, and left a garrison to hinder the Moors recourse thither in their rebellions. In Aurasium is an ancient Tower, standing upon a rock called Geminians Rock, safe, and difficult of access. Here Jabdas had lately put his wealth, with his women; and never thinking that an enemy could get thither, or force the Tower, he left one old Moor only to take charge of his treasure. But the Romans through all the difficulties got thither, and one of the soldiers as in sport, began to climb up to the Tower; whom the old man and the women laughed at for a mad man. But he scrambled up with his hands and feet, and being got up drew his sword, and cut off the old man's head. The rest of the soldiers boldly and with alacrity helped one another up, took the women and a great treasure, with which Solomon re-edified the walls of many cities in afric. The Moors being beaten out of Numidia, fled into Zebe, a Country of Mauritania beyond mount Aurasium: whose metropolis is Sitiphis, tributary to the Empire. Caesarea is head of the other Mauritania, tributary likewise, except the City itself, exempted by Belisarius for a landing place for Romans; there being no good passage to it by land. So in Zebe the Moors sat down, whereby the Africans continued in obedience, and a settled peace, without thought of hostility, and were very happy under Solomon, a prudent and moderate Governor.   

CHAP. XVI.  
IN the fourth year after, all this prosperity changed into miseries. It was Justinians fourteenth year of his reign, 
An. Dom. 540. Just. 14.  when Cyrus and Sergius the sons of Bacchus, Solomon's brother, were sent to govern in afric; the elder Pentapolis, and the younger Tripoli. To these the Leucathian Moors came with an Army as fare as Leptis Magna, giving out it was to give them presents, and to establish a peace. Sergius by the persuasions of Pudentius the Tripolitan (who made the first war against the Vandals for the Emperor) received into the City 70. Moors, whom be invited courteously to a feast, promising to grant their demands, and the rest he willed to stay in the suburbs. They say they came with a treacherous intent to kill Sergius; and that one of them in speech with him expostulated the Romans unjust spoiling their corns and Towns, and other wrongs; which Sergius slighting, and rising from his seat, and going away; one of them caught him by the mantle, and would have stayed him, Hereupon the rest risen, and tumultuously stood about Sergius: and one of his Lifeguard drew his sword, and killed the Moor that held him by the mantle: whereupon all being in an uproar, the Lifeguard of Sergius killed all the Moors, save one; who seeing his fellows slain, 
Here again the Greek gins.  stole out of the room, and got to his countrymen, telling them what happened: who ran to their camp, and with the rest came in Arms against the Romans. Near Leptis Magna Sergius and Pudentius, with their whole forces, met them. The fight came presently to handy blows, and the Romans were victorious and flew many, sacked their camp, and got a great booty, and abundance of women and children. Afterward Pudentius was slain by his own rash adventuring, and Sergius retired with the Army into Leptis Magna, it being grown dark. Shortly after the L●ucathians came with a greater preparation against the Romans; Sergius went to Solomon his Uncle, to desire that he would come back against these with a great Army; where he found Cyrus his brother. The Moors the while over ran Bizacium, and sacked most of the towns. Antalas also formerly ever faithful to the Romans and therefore having the Government of the Moors in Bizacium, was now turned enemy to Solomon, who had taken from him those allowances the Emperor had assigned him, and killed his brother, for making a commotion in Beracium. So he willingly joined in a league with these Barbarians, and led them to Carthage against Solomon: who advertized thereof, marched towards them; and finding them at Tebeste, a City six day's journey from Carthage, he encamped his Army, together with Cyrus, and Sergius, and Solomon the younger, all sons of Bacchus. He sent to the chiefs of the Leucathians (being afraid of their multitude) complaining of their taking arms, and invading, being yet in league with the Romans; demanding a ratification of the peace; and promising to take the strongest oaths, to abolish the memory of what they had done. They laugh at these overtures, and said; That doubtless they would swear the Christians oath, which they call, the Gospels: which Sergius having sworn, and then killed those who trusted him; they meant now to try by a battle, what power those oracles have against men that forswear them; that so being confident in them, they may come to a treaty.  
Solomon, hearing this, prepared to fight; and the next day, meeting some enemies driving a great prey, he defeated them, and took it from them. The soldiers murmured because he kept it to himself, not giving them the spoils of War: But he bade them stay till the War was ended, and then every man should have his share according to his desert. The Barbarians again urged to give battle. But of the Romans, some were absent, others went on with no heart: yet at first the fight was equal; afterward, the Moors surmounting much in numbers, the Romans ran away. Solomon with his company endured their shot a while, then being over pressed, fled; and at a torrent his horse stumbling he fell. His Lifeguard set him up again, but being in pain not able to hold his bridle, the Barbarians overtook and killed him, and many of his guard, Solomon being dead thus the Emperor gave the Government of afric to Sergius, who proved the destruction of the Province. All were discontented; the commander at his youth, indiscretion, and insolence, and the impertinent affronts he did them, wherein he employed his power, wealth, and the authority of his place; The soldiers, because he was a coward; And the provincials, for all this, and moreover for his unsatiable love of their wives and Estates.  
Above all, John, the son of Sisinniolus, being an able soldier, and of great reputation, was offended with his greatness, and extreme ingratitude to himself. So that neither he nor a man among them would draw their swords against the enemy. Almost all the Moors followed Antalas, who had sent for Stotzas out of Mauritania. And Antalas then wrote this letter to the Emperor. That I am the servant of your Empire I deny not; But the Moors have been forced to take arms upon the base injuries done by Solomon, not to rise up in arms against you, but to resist an enemy; especially I from whom he was not contented only to take away my allowances, designed by Belisarius, and by you given me, but he hath killed my brother guiltless; we have now righted ourselves upon him that wronged us; and if you will have the Moors obsequious servants of your Empire, as formerly, command Sergius the Nephew of Solomon to leave afric, and send some other General: you cannot want men far worthier than Sergius. So long as he commands your Army, there can be no peace between the Romans and Moors. The Emperor notwithstanding this letter, and though he knew the General hatred of Sergius; yet in respect of Solomon's worth, and manner of death, he would not remove him.   

CHAP. XVII.  
THe brother of Sergius, young Solomon, was thought to have perished with his Uncle, and was not looked after, so much as by his brother. But he was taken prisoner by the Moors; and being asked who he was; he said he was a Vandal, and slave to Solomon, and that he had a friend at Laribum, a Town thereabout, named Pegasus, a Physician, who would pay his ransom. The Moors under the Town-walls called for Pegasus, and showing him Solomon, asked if he would redeem him; 
38 l. 15 ●.  and for 50 gold staters they delivered him to him. Being within, he slouted the Moors for being cozened by a boy; and told them how he was the brother's son of Solomon. The Moors angry for having so easily let go such a pawn, besieged Laribum to take Solomon. The besieged were afraid, wanting provisions, and offered the Moors money to raise their siege: which they accepted, finding they should not force the Town, being not used to assaults; and not knowing the wants within: So the Leucathians went home; But Antalas made head again in Byzacium; having besides his Moors, Stotzas with some few Romans, and Vandals. John the son of Sisinniolus, at the Africans opportunity, raised Forces and went against them; and he appointed Himerius the Thracian, Commander of the forces in Byzacium, to draw out his troops, and to join with him at Menephesis in Byzacium. But heating the enemy to be there encamped, he wrote of it to Himerius, and to join with him in another place, that they might with joint forces encounter the enemy. The bearers of the Letters going another way, met not Himerius; who with his troops fell into the enemy's hands; only Severianus a young man, the son of Asiaticus a Phaenician, with his troop of horse, being 50. fought with the enemy, and held out, till pressed with multitude, they ran to a Castle upon a hill, which was of no strength, and there yielded upon composition to the enemy, who killed him not, nor any of the soldiers, but they took Himerius prisoner, and bestowed all the soldiers on Stotzas, upon their promise to serve against the Romans. Himerius they threatened to kill if he performed not his promise: which was to deliver to them the City of Adramettus; and upon the protestation of his true meaning, they went thither with him, being not far off. Him they sent before with some soldiers of Stotzas, dragging after them Moor's bound: Themselves followed. They directed Himerius to tell the guards that John was victorious, and would forthwith come with a multitude of Moors his prisoners; and that the gates being open, he should get in with his company. They did thus, and the Adramettians were deceived, and let them in, not mistrusting one who commanded the whole forces in Byzacium. They that entered with him, stayed the guards from shutting the gates, and received all the Moors into the City; which they sacked, and leaving a small Garrison, departed. Some prisoners afterward escaped to Carthage, among whom was Himerius, and Severianus; it being no hard matter to run from Moors Many stayed willingly with Stotzas.  
Shortly after one Paul, a Priest, (such as oversee the sick) told some principal men of Adramettus, that he would go to Carthage, and hoped to return with an Army shortly, which he bade them be ready to receive in. They let him down the wall by cords; and ●e finding at seaside a fishing Buss, persuaded the owners with money, and sailed to Carthage. Where he acquainted Sergius with the matter, and desired some forces to recover Adramettus, Sergius liked it not, having not many soldiers in Carthage; He desired him to give him some few; and getting but 80. he put them aboard a number of ships and boats, with many Manners and Africans, wearing soldiers coats; and with this fleet sailed to Adramettus; and being near it, sent word secretly to some chief Citizens, that Germanus, the Emperor's Nephew, was newly come to Carthage, and had sent a good Army to the Adramettians, in the confidence of which, he bade them open one of their gates. They did so, and Paul with his company got in, killed the enemy, and recovered thus Adramettus. The report of Germanus spread as far as Carthage: and the Moors, and Stotzas' followers at first ran to the utmost marches of afric; but hearing the truth, it vexed them to be used thus by the Adramettians, whom they had spared; so that every where they committed cruelties upon the Africans, sparing no age; the Country became waste, the Provincials that were left flying, some to the Citi●●, some into Sicily, and other Islands, and the chief of them to Constantinople; among whom was Paul who recovered Adramettus. The Moors in the mean time (none opposing) ransacked all without control, and with them was Stotzas, grown powerful; and many Roman soldiers followed him, some voluntaries, some taken prisoners at first, but now staying willingly; John also, whom the Moors did somewhat respect, being in disgrace with Sergius, lay still.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
IN the mean time the Emperor sent into afric with some soldiers another General, Areobindus, a Senator, and a gallant man, but no soldier. With him for Perfect of the Camp, he sent Athanasius, lately come out of Italy, and some Armenians commanded by Artabanes and John, the sons of John, of the race of the Arsacides: These, with the Armenians with them, lately revolted from the Persians to the Romans. With Areobindus was his sister, and his wife Projecta, daughter to Vigilantia, the Emperor's sister. Justinian did not call home Sergius, but divided the Generalship, the Province, and the Cohorts between Areobindus and him. And him he directed to make the war in Numidia, and Areobindus in Byzacium; who arriving at Carthage, Sergius with his Army went into Numidia. And Areobindus hearing that Antalas, and Stotzas were encamped at Sicavenerea, three days journey from Carthage, sent John the son of Sisinniolus against them, with the choice of his Army, and wrote to Sergius to join with John, and in one body to encounter the enemy. Sergius slighted the direction, and the business; so that John with a small power was forced to combat with innumerable enemies. Between him and Stotzas was an everlasting hatred; Their wish had been to kill one another, and so die. This battle being ready to join, they both road out against each other. John shot Stotzas in the groin on the right side, who having his death's wound, fell upon the place, but died not instantly; His own men and the Moors set him against a tree ready to expire, and then they furiously charged the Romans, and exceeding them so much in numbers, easily routed them. They say, John then said, that he should die a pleasant death, seeing his wish upon Stotzas accomplised: and then his horse stumbling down a hill, threw him: and the enemy killed him striving to get up again. A man great in reputation and valour Stotzas being told of it, said this only word and died, that now he died with delight. John the Armenian was also slain, having done very bravely. The Emperor advertised of the death of John, and troubled for the great worth of the man, finding it also inconvenient to have two Generals, recalled Sergius, and sent him with forces into Italy, and committed afric wholly to Areobindus. Two months after Sergius departure, Gontharis attempted to usurp, being Commander of the Cohorts in Numidia, and there residing. He dealt secretly with the Moors that they should invade Carthage; and they suddenly with an Army levied out of Numidia and Byzacium, marched thitherward; the Numidians led by Cutzinas and Jabdas, and the Byzacians by Antalas: With them was John, who was made General in the room of Stotzas, by the Roman mutineers. Areobindus' informed hereof, sent for Gontharis and other Captains to Carthage: Artabanes also came to him with his Armenians. Gontharis being commanded by Areobindus to march in the van, and promising much forwardness, sent to the enemy's camp a Moor, his cook, to pretend himself a runaway, but to Antalas privately to say, that Gontharis would share with him in the dominion of afric. The cook performed accordingly; and Antalas, though glad at the motion, yet answered him, That men do not execute great matters by cooks. Gontharis hearing this, sent to him Vlitheus, one of his guard, whom he most trusted, to entreat him to come as near Carthage as he could, and promising to kill Areobindus. And Vlitheus (without the knowledge of the rest of the Moors) agrees that Antalas shall have the dominion of Byzacium, and half Areobindus' wealth, and 1500 Roman soldiers; and that Gontharis shall retain the title of Emperor, Carthage, and the rest of afric. Having negotiated this, Gontharis returned to the camp; the Romans being quartered before the walls, to guard the several gates of Carthage. The Barbarians made haste thither, encamped at Decimum, and the next day marched forward. Some Romans fought with them unlooked for, and killed many; whom Gontharis called in, rating them for putting the State into evident danger by unadvised adventuring. In the mean time Areobindus practised also on that side with Cutzinas, who promised him in the battle to turn against Antalas, and the Moors of Byzacium; thus the Moors observe no faith to others, nor among themselves. Ariobindus' revealed the plot to Gontharis, who desirous to dash it, advised him not to trust Cutzinas without his sons for hostages. But Areobindus and Cutzinas proceeded closely in their design; and Gontharis secretly sending Vlitheus, acquainted Antalas with the design; who neither charged Cutzinas, nor made show to have heard of his Treason, nor yet revealed the plot between him and Gontharis. They both hated one another, yet with these bad intents fought in company together, each against his own friend.   

CHAP. XIX.  
BUt Gontharis his intent was to kill Areobindus secretly in the battle, that he might not seem to intrude into the Empire; but rather that the soldiers, thinking the treason to be acted by others, might constrain him to usurp the dominion of afric. To circumvent Areobindus, he counsels him to lead the whole Army the next day by sunrising against the enemy, who was now come near to Carthage. But Areobindus being backward and raw in such businesses, delayed, and spent most of the day in fitting his arms about him, and other things for the fight; which he thus put off till the next day. Gontharis suspected him purposely to dally, as scenting the plot; and resolved openly to murder him, and so to make himself King of afric. His plot was, to set open the gate whereof he had the guard, and to hinder the shutting of it again by great stones put between; and then to place armed men upon the battlements; himself standing in the gate with his corselet on: This he invented, not for the Moors reception into the City (who being false themselves, suspect all men else; and good reason, that a faithless man should trust none, weighing others disposition by his own.) So that he did not hope that the Moors would trust him, and come within the walls; but that Areobindus being frighted, might run away to Constantinople: and he lighted upon a right conceit, if a sudden storm had not slaid Areobindus; who being informed of the plot, sent for Athanasius, and other principal men. Artabanes, with two others, came to him, and advised him not to shrink at this presumption of Gontharis, but instantly to sally, and fall to work before further mischief: But Areobindas' first sent Phredas', one of his favourites, to Gontharis, to feel his resolution. Who brought him back word, that Gontharis avowed the usurpation. Then he resolved to go out and fight with him. Gontharis in the mean time accused Areobindus to the soldiers for a coward, and that to detain their pay from them, his intent ●as to sail away out at the Port of Mandracium with Athanasius, and to leave the soldiers to perish by famine and the Moors. He therefore demanded, if it were their pleasure to seize upon them both. His hope herein was, that either Areobindus would run away at the tumult, or be taken and killed by the soldiers; and himself undertook to satisfy their arrears. They embraced the counsel: And Areobindus, with Artabanes, and their troops coming up to them, there was a fight at the battlements, and the gate where Gontharis stood. The soldiers well affected to the Emperor, making head from several quarters, (the most part continuing ●ound, and not corrupted by Gontharis) had absolutely routed the mutineers▪ but Areobindus astonished to see men killed (a sight he was not used to) cowardly ran away. Within the walls of Carthage, by the seaside, is a Church of Monks, men who precisely exercise duties to God. This Church Solomon lately had repaired, walled, and made a strong Castle of it: And hither Areobindus fled, and sent for his wife and sister. Artabanes retired also, and the rest; and Gontharis having an absolute victory, seized upon the Palace with his soldiers, and put guards upon the City gates, and the Haven. He sent first for Athanasius; who soothed him, and seemed to like the action wondrous well: Then he sent the Bishop of the City, to will Areobindus to come to the Palace upon assurances of safety; threatening, if he refused, to pull him out, and kill him. The Bishop, named Reparatus, went, and by Gontharis his direction offered to swear that he should have no hurt, and told him what he threatened upon his refusal. Areobindus was afraid, and promised, if the Bishop at the celebration of the holy Baptism would in Gontharis his name by oath assure his security, that he would go with him. This the Bishop did, and Areobindus without more scruple went with him, having on a garment called in Latin Casula) not sit for a General, nor a common soldier, but for a slave rather. At the Palace he took the Bible from the Bishop; and being brought to Gontharis, he fell upon his face, and lay so a long time, holding out his supplication, and the Bible, and his little son, newly made partaker of the holy Baptism, at which the Bishop had sworn his safety. Gontharis raised him with much ado; he conjuring him by all that is holy, to tell him if his life were safe. Gontharis bade him be of courage; for the next day he should go from Carthage safe, with his wife and goods. Then he dismissed the Bishop, and invited Areobindus and Athanasius to sup with him in the Palace. At supper he honoured Areobindus, placing him on his right hand upon the couch. After supper he would not let him go, forcing him to lie in a Chamber alone whither he sent Vlitheus and some others, who after his much crying and wailing, and words to move pity, killed him. Athanasius they spared, despising his age. The next day Gontharis sent Areobindus his head to Antalas, but kept his goods. and the 1500 soldiers. At which Antalas chased; and it troubled him to see how Gontharis had forswore himself to Areobindus his friend, so that he could not think he should ever keep faith to himself, or any. After much debate, he resolved to submit to the Emperor, and so marched away. He then sent to Marcentius, Commander of the Horse in Byzacium (who was fled into an Island) acquainted him with the business, and upon assurances got him to come to him. So Marcentius was with Antalas; and the soldiers of Byzacium, true to the Emperor, guarded Adramettus. The mutineers of Stotzas about 1000 men, were led by John to Gontharis, who gladly received them. Of them were 500 Romans, and 80. Huns; the rest were Vandals.  
Artabanes, upon assurances came to the Palace with his Armenians, professing his service to the usurper. But closely he plotted his death, consulting with Gregorius, his Nephew, and Artasiris, one of his guard. Gregorius, to egg him on, told him, That he had now the means to gain the glory of Belisarius, nay to exceed it. He, with a gallant Army, a huge treasure, with many Commanders and Counsellors; with a Fleet of ships (the like whereof this age had not heard of) with store of horse and arms, and with a preparation fitting the Roman Empire, had recovered afric, All which was now so cast away, as if none of it had ever been; and that the Romans from Belisarius his victory were fallen to be abused in their persons, and rob of their goods. But that it was only in his spirit, wit, and sword now, to recover all this to the Emperor. He bade him consider, how he was of the race of the Arsacides, and think how men nobly born must be every where valiant. Being a youth, he slew Acacius, Governor of Armenia, and Sittas the General; and thereby was made known to King Chosroes, and made war for him against the Romans: that being such a person, he ought not now to abandon the Roman Empire thus to a drunken dog, but to make it appear, that his former actions proceeded from true nobleness and valour: that himself, and Artasiris would serve his commands therein. Thus Gregorius incensed Artabanes against the Tyrant.   

CHAP. XX.  
WHo in the mean time removed the wife and sister of Areobindus from the Castle, to a house where they had competent provisions, and had no dishonour honour nor constraint used to them, save only that Projecta was made to write to the Emperor her Uncle; That Gontharis used her with all due respect, and was clear of her husband's murder, committed by Vlitheus without his allowance, Gontharis did this upon the advice of Pasiphilus, a chief mutineer in Byzacium, and his principal assistant in this usurpation; who alleged, that by thus doing, the Emperor might give him the Lady to wife, which would bring him much wealth. Gontharis also commanded Artabanes to lead the Army against Antalas, and the Moors of Byzacium: Cutzinas was fallen from Antalas, and joined with Gontharis, and had given him his mother and children for hostages. Artabanes marched directly against Antalas, with John Captain of Stotzas' mutineers: and Vlitheus with the Moors under Cutzinas. They passed by Adramettus, whereabout they found the enemy, and encamped a little distant. The next day John and Vlitheus stayed with part of the Army; and Artabanes and Cutzinas with the rest drew out against the enemy. But Antalas and his Moors stood them not, but ran away; And Artabanes with a willing cowardice turned about his ensign suddenly, and road back: whom Vlitheus would have killed at his coming; but he excused it upon his fear, lest Marcentius with aids from Adramettus might distress them, and that it were ●it that Gontharis should oppose the enemy with his whole Army. Artabanes hereupon thought first to join with the Emperor's Army at Adramettus: but upon better advice he resolved to kill Gontharis, and so rid the Emperor and afric from trouble. Returning therefore to Carthage, he told the Tyrant the necessity of a greater Army; who after consulting with Pasiphilus, armed the whole forces, and purposed to lead them himself, leaving a garrison in Carthage. And every day he killed some upon causeless jealousies. He instructed Pasiphilus (to whom he left the guard of Carthage) to murder all the Greeks; and having set all in order, he thought good to feast his friends, being the next day to departed. His feast was in a room where three couches stood ever ready: upon the uppermost himself sat, with Athanasius, and Artabanes, and some of Gontharis favourites, and Peter a Thracian, formerly of the guard to Solomon. At both the other couches were the best men of the Vandals: John, the captain of Stotzas' mutineers, was feasted by Pasiphilus, and the rest severally by Gontharis friends: Artabanes when he was invited, resolved it for a sit opportunity to kill the Tyrant, and to execute his design. He acquainted Gregorius and Artasiris therewith, and three other of his guard; these he directed to get in with their swords (the fashion being, while the Commanders feast, for their guard to stand behind them) and when they see their time, to fall to work suddenly, and Artasiris to begin. Gregorius he instructed to bring many of their valiantest Armenians to the Palace only with swords (it not being lawful to attend their Commanders in a City with other weapons,) and leaving them in the utter Court, to go in with the guard. And they to pretend themselves jealous, lest Gontharis had invited Artabanes for no good, and to desire to stand among Gontharis guards to guard their Captain. And then in sport, to each the others shields, and to toss them, and play with them, and when they heard the cry within, to put on the shields and run in. This direction of Artabanes Gregorius put in execution, and Artasiris had this devise also. He cut arrows in two, and the pieces he thrust in round about his left arm to his elbow: tying them with whipcord, and covering all with the sleeve of his coat; that he might take any blow made at him upon his arm, and so cause it to glance down the wood of the arrows from off the body. To Artabanes also he spoke thus I will undertake this without the least fear, and I hope with this sword to pierce Gontharis. The success I know not, whither God offended with the Tyrant will assist me, or, to punish my sins, cross me. If you see him not mortally wounded, kill me with this sword instantly; lest by torture I should discover you, and so basely perish myself, and be forced to ruin you too. Having thus said, he went with Gregorius and one of the guard, and stood behind Artabanes. The rest stayed with the guards without, and did as they were directed. Artasiris at the beginning of the feast would have done it, and had his hand upon his scimitar. But Gregorius stopped him, saying in the Armenian tongue; that Gontharis was yet himself, not having drunk much wine. ' O the brave spirit in me you suppress now! quoth Artasiris. The drink proceeding, and Gontharis being well drenched, and grown bountiful, gave of his meats to the guard, which they went out to eat, leaving Vlitheus, and two other of the guard by Gontharis. Artasiris went out for company; and having a conceit that something might hinder the drawing his Scimitar, being without, he slipped off his scabbard; and with his sword naked under his mantle, he stepped suddenly to Gontharis, as to say something in private. Artabanes seeing him, his heart boiled, and falling into a deep musing, he shaked his head, and changed his colour, seeming wrapped with the greatness of the action. Peter marked it, and perceived the business: but loving the Emperor, he liked it well, and so made no discovery.  
Artasiris being come near to Gontharis, one of the waiters thrust him off, and perceiving his naked sword, cried out, what's this my friends? Gontharis crossing his hand over his own right shoulder, turned about to look at him. In the doing whereof Artasiris struck him with his sword, and cut off part of his head, and his fingers. Peter cried out to Artasiris to kill the wickedest of all men. Artabanes seeing the Tyrant down, and sitting next him, with a broad knife he had hanging at his side, thrust him into the left side up to the haft, and there left it: Gontharis strove to rise; but fell, the wound being mortal. Vlitheus made a blow to have cleft Artasiris head: but he held up his left arm, and had the benefit of his own wit at his most need: For the sword losing the vigour upon those arrows about his arm, he had no hurt, but he killed Vlitheus Peter and Artabanes took up the swords of Gontharis and Vlitheus, and killed the other two of the guard. The Armenians who stood without with the guards, hearing the cry and tumult, snatched up the shields according to their plot, and ran to the other couches, where they slew the Vandals, and Gontharis favourites. Artabanes charged Athanasius openly, to look to the treasures of the Palace, all being there Which Areobindus left. The guards without hearing of the Tyrant's death, joined presently with the Armenians, having been most of Areobindus' retinue. And with one voice, they all cried, Emperor Justinian victorious! which growing very loud from such a multitude, reached to most parts of the City. Such as were well affected to the Emperor, broke into the mutineers lodgings, and killed them, being asleep or eating, or amazed with the terror of it; and among them, Pasiphilus. John the mutineer, and some Vandals, fled to the Church; whom Artabanes took out upon assurances, and sent them to Constantinople; and having recovered the City for the Emperor, he made it safe. This kill of the Tyrant, was the 35 day of his usurpation. in the 19 year of Justinians reign. And for this service Artabanes got a great renown: Projecta, Areobindus' widow, 
An. d●m. 545. Just. 19  gave him a great present; and the Emperor made him General of afric. Not long after, at the entreaty of Artabanes, he sent for him home, and made John, the brother of Pappus, General. Who immediately fought with Antalas, and the Moors of Byzacium, and defeated them, killing many, and recovering all the Ensigns taken at the kill of Solomon, which he sent to the Emperor. All other Moors he drove as far as he could from the Roman dominion. But afterward the Leucathians coming from Tripoli into Byzacium, with a great Army, and joining with Antalas; John met them, and was beaten, with the loss of many, and fled to Laribum. The enemy then over-ran afric, and did much mischief, even to the gates of Carthage. John quickly rallied the soldiers remaining, and drew Cutzinas, and other Moors to his aid; and in a battle with the enemy, overthrew them beyond expectation, and killed numbers of them in the execution, as they fled in confusion. The rest escaped to the uttermost marches of afric. And so at length the Africans who were left, being few, and very poor, with much ado obtained some quietness.    

THE CONTENTS OF THE FIRST BOOK Of the GOTHICK War.  

Chap. I. OF Augustulus, and his Father Orestes Odoacer, Tyrant of Italy: whom Theodorick overthrew; and beseiges Ravenna three years, and is King of Italy.  
Chap. II. Theodoricks' strange death; after killing Symmachus, and Boetius, by a fishes head. Amalasun●ha for her Son Atalarick governs; the Goths mislike their Kings civil breeding: conspire against her. She seems to fly to Constantinople. Theodatus plots revolt to Justinian.  
Chap. III. Justinian quarrels with Amalasuntha in show: Hath offers from her, and Theodatus, of Italy. Atalarick dies. She unwisely invites Theodatus to the Kingdom.  
Chap. IU. Amalasuntha is imprisoned. Justinian would aid her, but before, she is murdered. He enters into war with the Goths, Anno 9 of his Reign. Belisarius is sent with 7000 men: who finishes the subduing of Sicily on the last day of his Consulship. Theodatus agrees to share Italy with the Emperor.  
Chap. V. Theodatus agrees to resign Italy to Justinian, for Lands worth 12 Centenaries per annum. Mundus and his Son are killed by the Goths in Dalmatia, which causes Theodatus to refuse the agreement. Discourse concerning Ambassadors.  
Chap. VI, Constantianus subdues Dalmatia, and Liburnia. Belisarius besieges Naples, and tries to get it by Composition.  
Chap. VII. Pastor and Asclepiodotus hinder the surrendering of Naples. The Augury of Hog's frights Theodatus. Belisarius is rising from Naples, but  
Chap. VIII. He takes the City the great Aquaeduct, and restores to the Neapolitans their women, children, and other Prisoners after much slaughter.  
Chap. IX. The deaths of Pastor and Asclepiodotus. Theodatus deposed. Vitigis is chosen King. Theodatus is slain by Optaris, whose Love he had taken from him, and married to another.  
Chap. X. Vitigis leaves Rome: his reasons; he marries Amalasunth's Daughter. A digression of the Franks coming into Gaul with the Arborychi; and a remnant of Roman soldiers. Theodorick allies himself with them.  
Chap. XI. The Franks and Theodorick share the Burgundians country. They beat the Visigoths. Theudis a Goth usurps Spain: The Francs conquer Thuringia, utterly expel the Visigoths (who fled into Spain) and divide all Gaul with the Goths.  
Chap. XII. The Goths give the French their part of Gaul, and 20. Centenaries of gold to join with them. Via Appi●. Belisarius enters Rome, repairs the walls, and prepares against a siege.  
Chap. XIII. Half Samnium, Calabria, and Apulia submit to the Emperor. Diomedes, and the Boars teeth. The Palladium. A description of Italy, and the countries about it. Tuscany taken: wars in Dalmatia.  
Chap. XIV. Vitigis marches towards Rome, passes the Tiber, where Belisarius, with a few, hazards his person in the first ranks.  
Chap. XV. Belisarius enters Rome with difficulty. Visandus found among the dead bodies. A false alarm. Vacis is sent to rails. Belisarius is confident of victory.  
Chap. XVI. The manner of the Goths intrenchments, and of the Romans quartering at the several Gates. Belisarius invention of mills with Boats: a presage of his Victory by Samnite boys.  
Chap. XVII. Vitigis sends Ambassadors to terrify the Romans, already fainting. Of the form of the Ram, Balista, Wolf. Belisarius laughs at the Enemy, shoots two of their men dead, and by killing their Oxen, prevents their assault.  
Chap. XVIII. Moles Adriana, or Adrian's Tomb is assaulted and well defended: the broken wall in the guard of St. Peter. A Goth stuck into a tree with an arrow from a Balista.  
Chap. XIX. The Goths defeated in the Park. Belisarius sallies, and routs their whole army, and kills ●0000 men. More forces demanded by Belisarius of the Emperor, and sent. The Romans victory presaged by Theodoricks' Image at Naples in Musaique work. Sibylla's oracles obscure.  
Chap. XX. Belisarius rids Rome of the unnecessary mouths. The Commons are entertained to serve upon the guards. Silverius Bishop of Rome is sent into Greece, and Vigilius by Belisarius made Bishop. The Temple of Janus. Vitigis causeth the Roman Senators his Prisoners to be slain.  
Chap. XXI. Portus surprised by the Goths. The description thereof, and of Ostia. Belisasarius with three sallies kills 4000 Goths, who imitating his stratagem therein are cut in pieces.  
Chap. XXII. Belisarius tells why he was so confident of victory: he is importuned by the soldiers to a battle: he incourages them, order his troops, resolved to fight with the horse only, the foot being over few; but is dissuaded by Principius and Tarmutus.  
Chap. XXIII. Vitigis encourages his army, and sets it in order of battle. The Romans in Nero's fields first conquer; then by dis●●der are ruined: the rest first have the better, in the end are beaten unto their walls by the Goths, with some loss, especially of Principius and Tarmutus.    

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS of the Emperor JUSTINIAN.  
Of the GOTHICK War, the first BOOK:  

CHAP. I.  
THUS were the Roman Affairs in Africa. But I proceed to the Gothick War; First, touching in a word what happened to the Goths and Italians before this War. When Zeno was Emperor of Constantinople, Augustus held the Western Dominion, whom by a diminutive, the Romans called Augustulus, because he received the Empire being yet a Boy, which his Father Orestes, a very wise man, did administer. The Romans sometime before had drawn to their aid Skirrians and Alans, and other Gothick Nations; from whence they came to suffer those things from Alaricus, and Attalus formerly related. As the Barbarians grew strong, the Roman Soldiers were undervalved; and by these Newcomers under colour of aids, they were tir●nnyzed, and forced impudently to many things: And in Conclusion they demanded of Ores●es all the Lands in Italy to be divided, and to have a third part allotted them, and refusing to do it, they killed him. There was among them one Odoacer, one of the Lifeguard to the Emperor, who promised to satisfy their demands, if they would place him in the Government: † so he usurped, 
Anno Domini 479.  permitting the Emperor to live still a private man, without other harm: He gave the third part of the Lands to the Barbarians, and so made them sure his own, and established his Tyranny for ten years together. About the same time the Goths, planted in Thrace by the Emperor, rebelled against the Romans under Theodoricus, a Patrician, and advanced in Constantinople to the Consul●ship: Zeno, skilful at a present accommodation, advised Theodoricus to go into Italy, to fight with Odoacer, and to get for himself and the Goths the Dominion of the West; it being better for him (being a Senator) to beat out the Tyrant, and reign in Rome and Italy, then to run a hazard by contending with the Emperor. Theodoricus liked his Counsel and went into Italy with all the Goths, putting their Wives and Children in Wagons, and all the Goods they could carry. They could not cross the Ionian Gulf, 
These were seated in Albania, now, upon the Gulf of Venice, near unto Epidamus, now Durazzo.  wanting ships, but compassed the Gulf, and passed by the Taulantians, and other Nations. Odoacer and his people opposed them, and were beaten in many Battles: then they shut themselves up in Ravenna with their Prince, and in other strong Towns. All the Towns the Goths took in by Siege, save the Castle of Caesina, about thirty seven miles distant from Ravenna, and Ravenna itself, where Odoacer was; which they could not get by Force nor Composition. It is situate in an open Champion, at the bottom of the Ionian gulf, distant only a quarter of a mile from the Sea. Ravenna is hard of access for an Army by Sea or Land; no ships can land upon the shore, by reason of a shelve of almost four miles lying before it, which keeps the Sailor far from the Coast, though it seem near at first. Neither is it approachable by an Army of Foot, by reason of the River Poe, (by some called Eridanus) which descends from the mountains of Gaul; and of other navigable Rivers and Lakes, compassing the City with waters, where happens a daily wonder. The sea each morning rises a day's journey into the Land, and makes it navigable; and at evening draws home her waters, and spoils the passage. Such as are to import to the City Merchandise, or to export the same, tow their ships to the place where the water uses to make a Passage, and there stay for a Flood; which coming, by little and little they float their Vessels, and steer away.  
This happens all along that coast to Aquileia, but not always alike: when the Light of the moon is little, the tide is weak, and after the first half moon to the other, the course of the flood is stronger.  
But Theodorick and the Goths spent three years in the Siege of Ravenna, and were wearied with it, aswell as Odoacer and his men, who were also pressed with wants: So that by the mediation of the Bishop of Ravenna, they came to an accord, that Theodorick and Odoacer should remain in Ravenna upon equal terms. This for a while was observed; but Theodorick (as he said) finding him plotting against him, invited him to a Feast, and killed him; and gaining so the Barbarian Enemies surviving, he had the sole Dominion of the Goths and Italians. He did not assume the Habit, or Style of Emperor of the Romans, but continued the name of Rex, as the Barbarians call their Rulers. In the government of his Subjects he had all the Ornaments of a true King; being zealous of Justice, and maintaining the Laws; guarding also the Province from the Neighbouring Barbarians, and attaining to a great height of wisdom and valour. He never did Injury to his Subjects, nor suffered others, that practised such things: Only he distributed to the Goths the Lands by Odoacer allotted for his Partisans. So that he was in repute an Usurper; but in Effect a true Prince, no less than those, who have successively been graced with that Dignity. The Goths and Italians loved him exceedingly, and not according to the ordinary Humour; for in States, men have several Inclinations, and while things are as they would have them, they are pleased with the present Government; but if otherwise, they are malcontent.   

CHAP. II.  
THeodorick having reigned thirty seven years, died, being grown terrible to his Enemies, and much beloved by his Subjects. The manner of his Death was thus. Symmachus, and his Son in Law, Boetius, ancient noble men, and chelfe of the Senate, having been Consuls, and both being Philosophers, just men, and great Relievers of the poor, had many bitter envyers; by whose false accusations Theodorick being persuaded, that they plotted against him, put them to Death, and confiscated their Estates. Not long after, his Waiters set before him at Supper a great head of a Fish, which seemed to him to be the Head of Symmachus lately murdered, and with the teeth sticking out, and fierce glaring eyes to threaten him. Being frighted at it, he became i'll, and presently went to bed, commanding store of clothes to be laid on him: And afterward he revealed all to Elpidius his Physician, lamenting the sin he had done against Symmachus and Boetius; and soon after died. This was the first, and last wrong he ever did his Subjects, in pronouncing sentence thus against men without Examination. † Atalarick, 
Anno Domini, 526.  his Daughter's Son, succeeded, being eight years of age, and bred with his Mother Amalasuntha, his Father being dead also. Not long after Justinian received the Empire in Constantinople, and Amalasuntha governed as her Son's Guardian, being Wise, Just, and of a very manly nature. She never, during her Government, laid corporal punishment, or fine upon any Roman, nor gave way to the Goths longing to do them Injuries. She restored to the Children of Symmachus and Boetius their Estates; and she desired to form her Son in his manner of living like to the Roman Princes. She caused him to frequent the Grammar School, and chose three discreet, moderate men of the Gothick Nation to accompany him. This the Goths misliked, and desiring to wrong the Subjects, would have him bred more according to the Barbarian way. The Mother once taking her Son in some disorder in the Bedchamber, strake him; and he weeping, went out into the great Chamber, where some Goths seeing him, made a great matter of it, and railed upon Amalasuntha, that she made haste to be rid of the youth, and marrying some man, with him to reign over the Goths and Italians. And their principal men assembling, complained; that their King was ill bred, and not as was fit for him; that Learning is opposite to Valour; that this schooling by old men produces commonly cowardly and low spirits, and that whosoever will prove daring, and a man of Reputation, must be removed from fear of School Masters, and employ his Study in Arms. Theodorick (they said) suffered not the Goths to send their Sons to the Grammar school; alleging that if they were seasoned once with the fear of a Feruler, they would never despise a Sword, nor a Lance. They besought the Queen to consider, how Theodorcik gained large Provinces, and a Kingdom to which he had no right, and was dead without knowing his Letters; and therefore to dismiss those Paedagogues, and to give Atalarick Companions of his own Age, who growing up with him, might incite him to govern according to the Barbarian Laws. Amalasuntha approved not these reasons, but fearing Treason, she seemed pleased with the discourse, and yielded to their demands. The old men left Atalarick, and Youths were bred up, with him, having some small advantage of years above him: who when he was come to years, provoking him to Drink, and Women, made him extremely ill-conditioned, and so foolish, as to be disobedient to his Mother; nay to desert her, in a Faction of Barbarians, who impudently commanded her to retire from Court. But Amalasuntha feared not their Faction, nor womanlike softened her Resolution, but with the Majesty of a Prince she picked out three of most Account, and most faulty, and confined them single, and far asunder, to the remotest parts of Italy. They were reported to be employed in guarding the Marches against the Enemy; but they continued still correspondence with their Friends and Kinsmen, and all men flocked to them, and the conspiracy grow ripe: Which she not able to stand against, she sen●●o Justinian, desiring him to be pleased, that Amalasuntha the Daughter of Theodorick might repair to him, she minding instantly to quit Italy. The Emperor was glad of the news, bade her come, and directed the fairest House in Epidamnus to be made ready for her to lodge in, and having stayed there what time she pleased, to be convoyed to Constantinople. When Amalasuntha understood this, she chose some Goths, valiant, and men most inward with her, and sent them to kill those three cheifes of the Mutiny. And she put a board a ship † four hundred Centenaries of Gold, and much other wealth, 
A million and 260000 l. sterl.  under the charge of some of her most confidents, whom she commanded to sail to Epidamnus, and to lie at Anchor in the harbour, without unshipping any thing till she sent direction. This she did, purposing if those three were Executed, to stay and remand the ship, fearing then no Enemies; but if any of them escaped, to fly into the Emperor's Dominions, there being no sound hope at home. Such was her Resolution: And her Ministers with the Treasure came into Epidamnus, observing her directions. But she quickly (those Executions being dispatched) called back the ship, and remaining at Ravenna, fortified her Government. Among the Goths was one Theodatus, Son unto Amalafrida, the Sister of Theodorick, a man in years, and who had been conversant in Latin discourses, and the Doctrines of Plato, but unpractised in War, and never aspiring to seats of Justice, yet extremely avaricious. He was Lord of many Towns in Tuscany, and by Oppression sought to spoil the owners of those remaining: it was an Affliction to Theodatus to have Neighbours. Amalasuntha endeavoured to curb this humour in him, which made him very spiteful against her; And he plotted to deliver Tuscany to the Emperor for a great sum of Money, and to be made a Senator, and to remain at Constantinople. In the mean time came Ambassadors from Constantinople to the Bishop of Rome, Hypatius Bishop of Ephesus, and Demetrius, Bishop of Philippi in Macedonia, about points which Christians of different opinions dispute among themselves. The questions I know, but will not recite; To search what the nature of God is, I hold to be a frantic arrogance; humane things are not to man exactly comprehensible, much less things pertaining to the nature of God: Let me therefore be silent without danger, only by my not misbeleiving that which in God is honoured. For let Priests or private men speak as they are persuaded, I can say no other thing concerning God, but that he is absolutely good, and hath all things in his power. But Theodatus, meeting privately with these Ambassadors, gave them order to acquaint the Emperor with the plot I mentioned before.   

CHAP. III.  
IN the mean time Atalarick fell into a Consumption with his excessive gluttony; which much distracted Amalasuntha, who had no confidence in her Son, being run into so much folly; nor if he died could she think her life safe, having offended the principal Goths. So she resolved to deliver the Dominion of the Goths and Italians to Justinian, and to save herself. With Hypatius, and Demetrius, came one Alexander, a Senator; whom the Emperor (hearing of Amalasuntha's ship in the harbour of Epidamnus, and that she came not, much time being spent) sent to view, and report concerning her, in pretence as an Ambassador, to treat about Lilyboeum, and about ten Huns, who were run from the Camp in Africa into Campania, and entertained by Vliaris, Captain of Naples, without Amalasuntha●s consent. And the Goths warring with the Gepaedes about Sirmium, had used hostitility upon Gratiana, a City in the marches of Illyrium: All which the Empeperour charged Amalasuntha with, and wrote his Letter to her by Alexander; who left the Bishops at Rome to negotiate their affairs, and repairing to Ravenna, had access to Amalasuntha, whom privately he acquainted with the Emperor's propositions; and openly presented the Letter, which was thus. You detain from us our Castle of Lilyboeum; you have entertained our fugitive Soldiers, and do not yet send them back; you have also used our City of Gratiana with extremity without cause; from all which you are to judge what the conclusion is likely to be. Amalasuntha to this Letter returned this answer. It were more fit for a great Emperor, and one who pretends to virtue, to assist an Orphan, ignorant of these passages, then upon no ground to quarrel with him; no victory bringing credit, when the opposition is not equal. You expostulate for Lilyboeum, and ten fugitives, and an Error of Soldiers marching against their Enemies, unwittingly committed upon a City in Amity with us. Do not thus, O Emperor! But think how in your invasion of the Vandals we gave you no impediment, nay gave you quiet passage, and free market friendly of what you needed, chiefly of Horses in such abundance, as with them principally you vanquished your Enemies. Not only he who sends his neighbour aids, is a friend and an Associate, but he also who readily furnishes him for the war with necessaries. Consider how then your Navy had no place to put into, but Sicily, nor could go into Africa without what was there bought. So that the principal cause of your Victory is from us; who relieving you in time of need, may lay a claim to the good success: and what greater contentment, O! Emperor, could you have, then to subdue your Enemies? nay it is a great wrong to us, not to receive according to the Law of War, our share in the spoils: Whereas you seek to take Lilyboeum from us, long appertaining to the Goths, and a poor Rock not worth the money (in case it did belong to your Empire) which in reason you ought to recompense Atalarick with, for assisting you in your greatest needs. Thus Amalasuntha wrote publicly, but in private promised to deliver Italy to the Emperor; to whom the Ambassadors at their Return to Constantinople related all; Alexander concerning Amalasuntha's Resolution; and Demetrius and Hypatius, what they had in trust from Theodutus, and how having great power in Tuscany, and being Lord of a large Country, he could easily perform his promises. The Emperor being over joyed with it, sent forthwith into Italy, Peter, an Illyrian by Race, but borne in Thessalonica, and an Orator in Constantinople, a wife, mild man, and of great ability to persuade. In the mean time the Tuscans accused Theodatus to Amalasuntha for his oppressions; and for intruding not only into the Lands of common persons, but into the Royal domeans, called Patrimonium. Amalasuntha called him to his answer, and upon express conviction; compelled him to restore his unlawful Intrusions, which infinitely offended Theodatus, and made him her Enemy, being vexed that he could not use his sin of oppression. About the same time Atalarick died of his consumption, having reigned eight years. And Amalasuntha (ordained for a mischief) without considering Theodatus nature, nor her late proceeding against him, imagined by some extraordinary good Turn to oblige him from hurting her. She sent for him, and to appease him, told him; That she had long foreseen her Son's end, by the daily wasting of his Body, and the opinion of the Physicians; that she found the Goths and Italians inclined to him, being of Theodoricks' blood; That she endeavoured therefore to purge him of aspersions, which might hinder his calling to the Kingdom; that she was also troubled in the point of Justice, if men wronged should complain, to have none to make their cases known to, but to have their Adversary their Lord. But now being clear, she invited him to the Kingdom: But they must bind themselves by solemn oaths, for him to continue the name of King, and herself to continue her former power. Theodatus swore what she pleased, with a false Intent, remembering how she had used him formerly. Thus Amalasuntha, deceived by her own Counsels, † placed Theodatus in the government, 
Anno Demini, 534. Justiniani 8.  and sent some Goths to Constantinople to acquaint Justinian with her proceed.   

CHAP. IU.  
THeodatus being in possession of the Kingdom, did quite contrary to her hopes, and his own Engagements. He drew to him many principal Goths, kinsmen to such as she had put to death; some of Amalasuntha's party he suddenly killed, and put herself in safe custody in a strong castle in an Island upon the Lake of Vulsinus in Tuscany. But fearing that the Emperor might be offended at it, (as indeed he was) he sent Liberius and Opilio, two Senators of Rome, and others to make his Excuses, and to assure the Emperor, that Amalasuntha had no harm, though she had done him extreme Injury formerly. This he wrote to the Emperor, and made Amalasuntha write as much. The Emperor in the mean time had instructed Peter to get private speech with Theodatus, and to give his Oath to conceal the negotiation, and so to make Tuscany sure; to deal likewise with Amalasuntha, and to conclude for all Italy, but publicly to pretend his Ambassage for Lilyboeum, and the rest before mentioned. For of the death of Atalarick, or succession of Theodatus, or of the Fortune of Amalasuntha, the Emperor had not yet heard. Peter upon the way met Amalasuntha's Ambassadors, and heard of the Succession of Theodatus. Shortly after at Appollonia upon the Ionian gulf he met with Liberius and Opilìo; and was informed of all the passages. He advertised the Emperor, and stayed there: Who thereupon intending to embroil Theodatus and the Goths, wrote Letters to Amalasuntha, of his Resolution to take her part, and sent instructions to Peter to profess the same openly to Theodatus, and all the Goths; Whose Ambassadors being arrived at Constantinople, Liberius, who was a very honest man, and careful to speak no untruth, and the rest acquainted the Emperor with the whole matter; only Opilio protested that Theodatus had not wronged the person of Amasuntha. But before Peter came into Italy, Amalasuntha was murdered; The kinsmen of those put to death by her alleging to Theodatus, that neither he, nor they could be safe, if she were not made out of the way. So with his permission, they went to the Island, and killed her. Which much grieved the rest of the Goths, and all the Italians. For (as I said before) she was a woman strongly bend to all kind of virtue. Peter protested openly to Theodatus and the Goths, that for this foul fact there should be implacable war between the Emperor and them. Theodatus was so absurd, as albeit he graced Amalasuntha's Murderers, yet he would persuade Peter, and the Emperor, that the villainy was committed by no allowance of his, but much against his will.  
At the same time Belisarius had newly conquered Gelimer, and the Vandals; and the Emperor advertized of Amalasuntha's misfortune, presently entered into this war, in the 
† Anno 9 Just. Th● Gothick war now gins, and is Annus 1 bell. Goth. begin. Anno Domini 535.  ninth year of his Reign: He commanded Mundus, General of Illyrium, to march into Dalmatia, which was subject to the Goths, and to attempt Salonae. Mundus was a Barbarian borne, but much affected to the Emperor, and a good Soldier. Belisarius he sent with a fleet, having 4000 Legionaries and Confederates, and 3000 Isaurians. Commanders of mark there were Constantinus and Bessas'. Thracians, and Peranius of the Iberia next to Media, but he revolted from the Persian, and was now of the Emperor's side. Captains of Horse were Valentinus, Magnus and Innocentius. Of foot, Herodian, Paulus, D●metrius & Vrsicinus; of the Isaurians Ennes was Leader. There were also 200 auxiliary Huns, and 300 Moors. General with absolute power was Belisarius, who had with him many Lanciers and Targeteers of his guard, tried men. With him went also Photius, the Son of his wife Antonina by a former Husband, a discreet young man, and showing an Ability above his years. The Emperor's instructions to Belisarius were, to pretend the voyage for Carthage, but upon some pretext to attempt Sicily, and if he found it feasible and easy, to subdue it, and not to quit it upon any terms; but if he found Impediment, to sail away to Africa, without discovering his intent: He wrote likewise this Letter to the Princes of the Francs. The Goths have by force taken from us Italy, which they not only refuse to restore, but add unsufferable injuries: which constrained us to send an Army against them, and you have reason to join with us in the war, which our Orthodox Religion rejecting Arrianisme, and our equal Enmity with the Goths makes common to us both. The Emperor accompanied this Letter with liberal gifts, and promise of more, when they came to the business; they readily promised to join with him. But Mundus in Dalmatia had a battle with the Goths, was victorious and got Salonae. And Belisarius landing in Sicily, took Catana; and from thence got Syracuse by composition, and the other towns without any difficulty. The Goths only in Panormus presuming upon their walls, and strong Town, refused to yield. Belisarius finding it by Land impregnable, sailed with the fleet into the Haven, which reaches to the walls, none being there, neither without nor within, to oppose him therein: The ships being at Anchor, had their Masts higher than the Battlements. Belisarius filled his Cock boats with Archers, which he hung fast to the Mast tops, and the Enemy being thereby shot upon their heads, their hearts fainted, and they surrendered Panormus to him by composition; then all Sicily became tributary to the Emperor, where Belisarius had a fortune beyond expression. He had received the consulship upon his conquest of the Vandals, and in the last day of it he conquered Sicily, and road into Syracuse, applauded by the Army and Sicilians, and throwing pieces of gold among them. This was not so appointed, but it was his fortune that very day to recover the Island to the Romans, and to ride into Syracuse, and there to lay down his Consulship at the end of his year, and not as the use is, in the Senate house of Constantinople. Peter, upon the news of these successes of Belisarius urged Theodatus, and frighted him: And he, his heart failing, came to a secret conference with Peter, and to this accord; That Theodatus should surrender the whole Island of Sicily to the Emperor, and should yearly send him a crown of Gold of three hundred pound weight, and three thousand fight Goths, when ever he should require them. And that he should not kill, or confiscate the goods of any Priest, or Senator, without the Emperor's assent; Nor make any Patrician or Senator by his own authority; but be a Suitor for it to the Emperor: That the common people in their acclamations shall always name the Emperor first; In the theatres, Circus, or elsewhere, he must not erect any Statue to himself alone, but ever another to the Emperor, which is to stand to the right hand of his own.   

CHAP. V.  
THeodatus subscribed the accord, and dismissed the Ambassador; but presently his cowardice drove him to endless fears, and the thought of a War vexed him, which he instantly expected, if the Emperor should not allow the said conditions. He sent for Peter, being gone as far as into Albania, secretly to communicate something to him; and asked him, if he thought the Emperor would like the accord; who answered, that he thought so. But if he do not, said the other, what will follow? A war Noble Sir, quoth Peter. And is that just? replied he; Why not just (quoth Peter) for every man to be constant in his own addictions? Theodatus asked, what he meant by that? Because, quoth he, your addiction is to Philosophy; and the Emperor Justinians to be Noble; The difference is, that for you, professing Philosophy, and that from the School of Plato, to cause the death of so many men, is not decent, but wicked, not to be absolutely clear of murder; But for him to challenge the ancient appurtenances of his Empire, is not unreasonable. Theodatus persuaded by the advice, agreed to quit the Kingdom to Justinian; and to that effect himself and his Wife took their Oaths; and he bound Peter by oath not to discover this to the Emperor, before he perceived him not to accept the former accord; and with him he sent Rusticus, a Priest, a Roman borne, and his Favourite. These at Constantinople acquainted the Emperor with the first accord; who not accepting the conditions, they shown the second agreement, contained in a letter written by him, thus. I am no stranger to a Court, O Emperor I being born in the Palace of the King mine Uncle, and bred as became my birth. Indeed in the tumults of War I have no skill, my love of learning and exercises therein, have removed me from the noise of Battles. So that I have no reason to be ambitious of Kingdoms, nor to live in dangers, having means to avoid both, neither pleasing me. The first, as all other sweets, being ever punished with satiety: And the other, vexing a man that is not used to it. If therefore I may have lands in possession of the yearly value of 12. Centenaries of gold, I shall prefer them before a Kingdom; and will surrender to you the Dominion of the Goths. and Italians. I shall be more contented to live a Husbandman, then in the cares and multiplying dangers of a Kingdom. Send to me therefore speedily some man, to whom I may resign Italy, and the State. The Emperor infinitely overjoyed, returned this answer. I ever took you for a wise man, and now my experience assures it, in that you depend not on the uncertain event of a War, by which some have undone themselves already; and you shall never repent for having made us a friend of an Enemy; your demands you shall have, with this addition, to be advanced to the prime honours of the Roman State. I have sent Athanasius, and Peter to make ourselves sure by some Articles; and Belisarius shall be speedily sent to put a conclusion thereunto. The Emperor accordingly sent Athanasius brother to that Alexander lately sent Ambassador to Atalaricus, and the afore-named Peter, with Instructions, to allot lands to Theodatus of the Emperor's Demeans; and having by writings and oath perfected the accord; to call in Belisarius from Sicily to take possession of the Imperial Palaces, and Italy, and the custody thereof: And he directed Belisarius, being sent for, instantly to go over.  
During this negotiation, an Army of Goths led by Asinarius, and Gripas, entered Dalmatia; and near Salonae were encountered by Mauritius the son of Mundus, who with a few went out to discover only. They made a furious charge, and the best of the Goths fell, but the Romans almost all, and Mauritius their Leader. Munaus' was much grieved at the news, and in his passion marched against the Enemy with no good order. The Battle was stiffly fought, and the Romans got a Cadm●an victory, clearly defeating the Enemy, and cutting off the most part. But Mundus killing and chase at adventure, as enraged for the loss of his son, was wounded and slain by a Runaway; Whereupon the Execution ceased, and the Armies parted. Then did the Romans remember a verse of Sibyl, famous, and seeming formerly to foretell some strange prodigy; That when Africa should again come under the Romans, Mundus cum suo semine interibit. But in the Oracle it was not so expressed; but having intimated the said return of Africa, it says Quod tunc Mundus cum filio interibit. Mundus signifying the world in Latin, they conceived it to be meant of the world. But into Salonae no man entered; The Romans destitute of a General retired home; and the Goths, having lost their chief men, kept close in their Garrisons, having no confidence in the Fortifications of Salonae, and the Romans inhabiting it being not their friends. Theodatus upon the news hereof slighted the Ambassadors, being naturally slippery and faithless; The present fortune ever drew him either into senseless fears not suitable to the occasion, or into excessive presumption. As now upon the news of Mundus, and Mauritius, he was exalted, not proportionably to the accident, and he flouted the Ambassadors, being now with him. Peter once expostulating his breach of agreements, he called him into public, and said, That Ambassadors indeed are persons of respect, and by all men honoured; but that they preserve this privilege, and the honour of their places by moderation only. For men use to put an Ambassador to death if he demean himself insolently to a King's person, or lie with another man's Wife. Theodatus said not thus, as thinking Peter to kave lain with any man's Wife; but to show that there were crimes in an Ambassador punishable with death. But the Ambassadors made him this answer. O Prince of the Goths! upon such mistaken, unsound pretences do not you violate the persons of Ambassadors. An Ambassador, if he would, cannot be an Adulterer; who can hardly have so much as the use of water, without the privity of those that guard him. For words (though harsh) if he utter such as he received from his Master, not he, but his Master is to bear the blame; An Ambassadors only part is, to execute the service. And we, what we have received from the Emperor, will utter it all, and you are patiently to hear us. If you be angry, you have no help, but to abuse men that are Ambassadors. It is high time for you to perform your Covenants with the Emperor; For which purpose we are sent hither. His letters to yourself you have; another, directed to the principal Goths, we will deliver only to themselves. The great Officers being present, bade them give the Letter to Theodatus; which was thus. Our care is, to receive you into our State; for which you ought to rejoice; For you shall mingle with us, not for your diminution, but to add more value to you. We invite not the Goths to Country's strange, and unknown to them; but to ourselves, sometimes their familiars, though for a time divided from them. Athanasius and Peter are sent about this business, whom you are to assist in all things.   

CHAP. VI  
THeodatus perused all the letters, but refused to perform the agreements, and put a straight guard upon the Ambassadors. The Emperor advertized hereof, and of the successes in Dalmatia, sent into Illyrium Constantianus, Master of his Horse, to gather an Army, and attempt Salonae; and he directed Belisarius without delay to pass into Italy, and make War upon the Goths. Constantianus at Epidamnus stayed some time, and raised Forces. Gripas in the mean time had entered Salonae with the Goths. And Constantianus having made his preparations, left Epidamnus with his Fleet, and 
* Ragusa stands now where about this was, upon the gulf of Venice.  cast Anchor at Epidaurus, standing to the right hand, as you sail into the Ionian gulf. Some here sent by Gripas to discover, seeing the land Army, and the Ships covering (as they imagined) Land and Sea, reported to Gripas, that Constantianus had many thousands. He afraid, thought it not best to encounter them; Neither would he willingly be besieged by the Emperor's Army, Master of the Sea. The walls of Salonae much decayed troubled him too; and he could not trust the Inhabitants.  
For these reasons he removed from thence, and encamped in a champain between Salonae, and the City of Croton. Constantianus weighed Anchor from Epidaurus, and came before Lys●ne upon the gulf. Hence he sent some to discover, and report concerning Gripas; from whom understanding how it was, 
* The Gothick war began in the Spring, which gins exactly 11. Martii, the Sun emring into Aries. Justinian began to reign alone after Justins' death on the first of July, saith Evagrius: And with Justin the 3. day before Easter. vide Secret. Hist. cap. 7.  he made for Salonae. Where arrived, he landed, and rested his Army upon the place; and he directed Siphyllas', one of his Lifeguard, with 500 chosen men, to possess a narrow passage in the Suburbs of Salonae; which he performed. And the next day Constantianus entered the City with the Land army, and the Fleet lay before it at Anchor. He took care of the walls, and repaired the decays; And Gripas seeing the Romans masters of Salonae, seven days after rose, and transported the Goths over to Ravenna. So Constantianus took in Dalmatia, and Liburnia, and the Goths there inhabiting. And then ended the Winter, and the first year of this War, written by Procopius.  
Belisarius leaving Garrisons in Syracuse, and 
* Annus. 2. B●ll. Goth. incipit. being in 10. justiniani. 〈◊〉 Ann. Dom. 536.  Panormus, passed over his Army from Messinae to Rhegium, where the Poets fain Scylla, and Charybdis to have been. The Inhabitants came in to him daily, their Towns having been long without walls, and without Garrisons; and they hated the Goths, weary (it seems) of the present Government. Ebrimus also a Goth revolted to him, with his Followers, having married Theodatus Daughter, Theodenanthe. He was sent to the Emperor, and besides other bounties, made a Patrician. The Army marched from Rhegium through Brutia, and Lucania, and the Navy kept close to the Coast. In Campania they sat down before Naples, a strong maritime City, with a great Garrison in it of Goths. The Fleet Belisarius commanded to lie at Anchor, without Bow-shot in the Harbour. Then he took the Castle in the Suburbs by composition. He gave the Citizens leave to send him some chief men, to acquaint him with what they had to say, and hearing his Propositions, to report them to their Communality. The Napolitans sent him Stephanus, who spoke thus to Belisarius. It is not just, O General! to bring your Army upon Romans, and who never wronged you, having a small City, and the Barbarians within our Masters; that we cannot do as we would: Nay the Soldiers of our Garrison have lest under Theodatus their Wives and Children, and most precious things, that by practising upon us, they should not more betray our Town, than themselves. But if we may say the truth without mincing, you have advised ill to invade us. For take Rome first, and Naples is yours without difficulty; but repulsed from thence, you can never be sure of this Town. So that you will spend time impertinently in this siege. Belisarius made Stephanus this answer. We mean not to refer it to the Napolitans, whether We be here upon good, or bad advice. We desire you to consult of what concerns yourselves, and to choose your own best advantage. Entertain therefore the Emperor's Army, come to free you and all Italy; and do not prefer the most sorrowful things. Such as make War to shake off slavery, or other base condition, gain in vanquishing, with the victory, freedom from misery; and being vanquished are yet comforted for not having willingly submitted to a wretched fortune. But such as may be free without fight, and yet will fight to establish their own servitude; if they conquer, they do but more ruin themselves; and if they have the worse, they add to their other wretchedness, the calamity of a defeat. This he said to the Napolitans. To the Goths we give Liberty either to serve the Emperor with us, or to retire home without harm. If you slight all this, and employ your arms against us, we shall use you as Enemies: But if the Napolitans will join with the Emperor, and be rid of a sharp servitude; I will pawn my faith for such conditions, as the Sicilians had, who cannot say we are forsworn. This Belisarius commanded Stephanus to impart to the people; promising him great rewards, if he drew them to the Emperor. Stephanus acquainted the City with these propositions, and with his own opinion of the inconvenience of resisting the Emperor. With him joined Antiochus a Syrian merchant, who had long dwelled there, and was esteemed a very wise and an honest man.   

CHAP. VII.  
BUt Pastor and Asclepiodotus, two Orators much esteemed in Naples, and friends to the Goths, to cross the treaty, drew the people to propound great things, and many, and that Belisarius would swear to their present obtaining the same: And they gave to Stephanus demands in writing, which they thought Belisarius would never yield to. He went to the Camp, shown the writing to the General, demanding if he would grant those propositions, and take his Oath accordingly. He promised to grant all, and sent him away. The Napolitans embraced the Capitulation, and commanded the army to be received into the City: which (said they) may safely be done, the Sicilians giving us ample proof, who for Barbarian Tyrants have chosen the Empire of Justinian, and are become free men, and eased of all grievance. And then in much tumult they went to open the gates; which troubled the Goths: but being not able to hinder it, they kept out of the way. But Pastor and Asclepiodotus assembled the people, and spoke thus. It is not strange for a City-multitude to ruin itself, when they will resolve in the general absolutely, without communicating with the better sort. But being with you upon the point of destruction, we cannot but contribute this last advice to our country. You are running to deliver yourselves, and City to Belisarius, who promises much, and will solemnly swear to it. If he could assure you, that he shall conquer in this war, no man can gainsay, but that these things will be good for us. It were foolish not to gratify him that is to be our Lord; but since this is uncertain, and since none can secure the Resolutions of Fortune; consider for what miseries you may take this pains. For the Goths overcoming, will punish you for having done them the greatest despite, revolting thus not forced by necessity, but as willing cowards. Nay even Belisarius himself being Victor will esteem us false and Traitors to our Princes; and as such, we must expect a perpetual garrison upon us. A Traitor's service pleases for the present with the victory obtained, but afterward the Victor suspects, fears, and hates his Benefactor, having with him the marks of his falsehood. But continuing true to the Goths, and valiant in this danger, if they conquer, they will do us many good turns; and Belisarius getting the victory will pardon us. No understanding man will punish a good affection failing of success. And why fear you this siege? being in no wants, nor blocked up; but at home, secured by these walls and soldiers? If Belisarius could hope to force us, he would not come to this capitulation: and if he would do justly, and us good, he would not fright us thus, and establish a power upon our wronging the Goths, but come roundly to a battle with them, that we without danger or Treason might follow the Conqueror. Having thus said, they produced Jew's, who assured the town should want nothing: and the Goths promised to guard them safely. Wherewith persuaded, they defied Belisarius; who fell to assault, and was often repulsed with losie of many, and even of his valiantest men. For the walls what by reason of the sea, and for the steep ground, were unaccessible, and not to be approached by an enemy. And the cutting of the Aquaeduct by Belisarius troubled not the Napolitans much, their wells within supplying their uses: And they sent to Theodatus to Rome, to send them succours. Theodatus being a coward (as I have said) made little preparation for a war: and he had an accident (they say, but not credibly to my conceit) which put him into great fear. Theodatus was acquainted ever with men that pretend to foretell things to come; and being now perplexed with the present affairs (when men use most to run after prophecies) he asked an Hebrew, famous for such things, what would be the event of the War. He directed him to shut up three half scores of Hogs severally, and to each ten to give several names, of Goths, Romans, and the Emperor's Soldiers, and so for a certain number of days to let them alone. Theodatus at the appointed day went to the sties, to see the Hogs. Those which were called Goths, he found all dead, save two: Those called the Emperor's Soldiers, were almost all alive: And those who bore the name of Romans were half living, and all with their hairs fallen off. Theodatus by this divined the success of the war, and was afraid: perceiving that one half of the Romans should perish, and all lose their Estates; that the Goths should be vanquished; and reduced to a small remnant, and that the Emperor should get the victory with the loss of few. Upon this he was afraid to fight with Belisarius; who besieging Naples was troubled, not thinking it would yield, and being not able to force the difficulty of the place: and his loss to time vexed him, fearing to be put to set upon Theodatus and Rome in the winter. But having directed the army to rise, and being thus perplexed, he had this fortune,   

CHAP. VIII.  
AN Isaurian, curious to see the structure of the Aquaeduct, and how it brought water to the City, entered it far from the city where Belisarius had cut it; (which had made it dry) and being come in near to the town-wall, he met with a Rock to which the Aquaeduct was joined, and through it was cut a vault, not sufficient for a man to enter, but only to let through the water; so that there the Aquaeduct was not passable, especially by a man armed with shield and corslet. The Isaurian observing it, conceived that by widening the vault, forces might enter; and being himself an obscure man, unknown to the Commanders, he revealed it to Paucaris, a Targettier of the guard to Belisarius, who told it to Belisarius; and he revived with the news promised the man money, and persuaded him to take some Isaurians, and with speed and secrecy to cut the rock wider. Paucaris, with some choice Isaurians fit to work, entered silently the Aquaeduct, and being come to the Rock and narrow Vault, they wrought, not cutting it with hatchets and axes, lest the noise should discover them, but paring and filing it with instruments of iron; and in short time there was room for a man with his shield and corslet on to go through. All being ready, Belisarius considered, how the army entering by force, there would be slaughter and such things as befall places forced by Enemies. He sent therefore for Stephanus, and said to him thus. I have been at the taking of many Cities, and and am acquainted with the usual accidents therein. They kill the men of all ages; the women they vouchsafe not to kill, though they beg it, but lead them away for base and pitiful uses. The children without other Education must learn to serve their greatest enemies, whose hands are stained with their Father's blood. I speak not of the fire which will consume your goods, and the beauty of your city. Beholding as in a glass in other ruined cities, the miseries of Naples, I pity it. For my engines are ready, wherewith I shall not fail to take it. And while I am General; I would not have an ancient city, long inhabited with Christians and Romans, come to this fortune: the rather having in the army Barbarians, enraged for the loss of brothers and kindred, whom I shall not be able to restrain; if they enter by hostility. So that choose the best for yourselves while you may, and avoid this calamity; which happening (as it will) blame not fortune, but your own Counsels. Stephanus weeping, reported to the People this Speech of Belisarius: But they (whose Subjection to the Emperor was to be accompanied with their mischief) feared not, nor thought of yielding.  
Then did Belisarius about Evening choose out 400. men, and gave the Command of them to Magnus, a Captain of Horse, and Ennes, Commander of the Isaurians, whom he directed to stand ready with their Corselets on, and with Swords and Shields, till he should give the Signal. And he sent for Bessas', to advise with him of some things of Importance. Far within night, he told Magnus and Ennes the business, shown them the place, where he had cut the Aquaeduct, and commanded affright the Town, and to signify to him what they did. Himself had many scaling Ladders in readiness. They entered the Aquaeduct, and went towards the Town, and himself, with Bessas' and Photius, stayed in the place, directing the Army to stand with their Arms ready; and keeping many of the Valiantest men about himself. More than the one half who were to enter, apprehending the danger, came back to the General, and Magnus with them: after much exhorting them to go on, but not prevailing, Belisarius rated them, and gave Magnus' 200. other of his own Retinue, whom Photius would have led, and first entered the vault; but Belisarius forbade him. The Runaways ashamed at the reprehensions of Belisarius, took hart, and followed the rest. Belisarius, lest the Enemy's sentinels upon the Turret next the Aquaeduct should discover them, went thither, and bad Bessas' talk with the Goths in their own Language, that they might not hear the clashing of the Arms. Bessas' aloud called to them to yield, promising many Advantages; And they flouted him with scornful Speeches against Belisarius, and the Emperor. The Aquaeduct is not only covered without the Walls, but so continues with a high Arch of Brick a great way within; that Magnus and Ennes being within the City, could not imagine where-about they were, nor find where to get up, till their fore-most men came, where they found the Roof uncovered, and where stood a Cottage, and in it dwelled a Woman alone, and very poor; and at the top of the Aquaeduct grew an Olive Tree. The men perceiving the Sky, and themselves in the midst of the City, would willingly get up, but could not with their Arms, the Building being high, and without Steps. Being long in doubt, and beginning to be crowded with the Company pressing behind them; one of them, having a mind to make trial, laid down his Arms, and clambered up; and finding the poor Woman in the Cottage, threatened to kill her, if she made any noise. She astonished, sat mute; and he tying a Rope to the Olive Tree, threw the other end into the Aquaeduct, by which the Soldiers mounted one by one. All being up, and but a fourth part of the Night remaining, they ascended the Wall, and killed the Sentinels upon two Turrets on the North side, where Belisarius, Bessas', and Photius stood expecting the Event. They called them to the Walls with their Trumpets, and Belisarius set to the scaling Ladders, commanding the Soldiers to mount. The Ladders were too short, the Workmen having not made them upon view, and so not judging of a just scantling. But they tied two together, and so mounted the Battlements. That part of the Walls next the Sea, where the Jews guarded, the Soldiers could not ascend. For the Jews had offended the Enemy, in hindering a peaceable surrender of the Town, and so being hopeless, (if subdued) they fought valiantly, though the Town were entered; and they endured beyond Expectation. But day appearing, and being charged behind by some who were entered already, they fled; and Naples was absolutely taken, and the Gates set open; where the rest of the Army entered. Those who were quartered Eastward, having no Ladders, burned open the Gates there, the Guards being all run away. A great Slaughter was made; all being angry, and especially such as had Brothers, or Kinsmen slain in the former Assaults, and they killed all, sparing no Age; broke into the Houses, and made the Women and Children Slaves, and pillaged the Goods; principally the Massagetes, who spared not the Churches, but killed many who fled into them; till Belisarius road about and restrained them, and assembling the Army, spoke thus. Since God hath given us Victory, and the glory of subduing a City, heretofore impregnable; let us not prove unworthy of the Favour, but by our Clemency to the Vanquished, make it appear, that we have justly overcome them. Do not without limit extend your hatred to the Napolitans, beyond the Rules of War. No Conquerors continue hating the Vanquished; if you kill them now, you are not rid of Enemies, but endamaged by the death foe your Subjects. So that do them no further harm, nor gratify you own Anger. It is base, having conquered your Enemies, to be overcome by your own Passion. Take the Wealth, as the Reward of your Valour; but restore the Women and Children, and let the Conquered find by the Events, what kind of Friends they lost by their own ill Counsels. Belisarius having thus said, released all their Women and Children, and other Prisoners, without enduring any Dishonour, and reconciled the Soldiers to them. So in the same day the Napolitans had the Fortune to be made Slaves, and to recover their Liberty, with the most precious of their Goods; having hid their Gold, and things of Value from the Enemy, under ground, and so found them upon the Restitution of their Houses. Thus ended this Siege, having lasted twenty days.   

CHAP. IX.  
THE Gothish Garrison, being 800. men, Belisarius took, and hurt not, but respected them as his own Soldiers. Pastor, when he saw the Town taken, fell dead of an Apoplexy, having never had any touch of it before; Asclepiodotus his associate, with some other chief men, came to Belisarius, whom Stephanus seeing, Thou vildest of all men (quoth he) what mischief hast thou done thy Countrymen, and sold their safety for Barbarians Favour? If they had prospered, thou wouldst have claimed Rewards, and accused us of Conspiracy with the Romans, who gave the best Counsels. And now the City being the Emperors, and we preserved by this man's Virtue, darest thou thus foolishly come to him? as if clear of all disservice to the Neapolitans, and the Imperial Army? Stephanus in passion for the Disaster uttered this. But he answered him; Worthy Sir, you unwittingly extol me, in that you rail at me for my affection to the Goths. None loves his Superiors in danger, but from a constant mind. Me the Victors shall find a Defender of their State, as lately their Enemy. A faithful man changeth not his Mind with Fortune, nor entertains Propositions from Enemies in an alteration. But he that is sick of Inconstancy, renounces his Friends upon his first fears. Having thus said, and retiring, the common people followed and charged him with their Sufferings, and left him not, till they had killed him, and torn him in pieces. And they entered Pastors house, searching, and not believing the Servants Affirmation of his Death, till they saw his Body, which they crucified in the Suburbs; then excused their do to Belisarius upon such just provocation; and obtaining Pardon, went home.  
But the Goths in Rome, and other Towns that way, wondered to see Theodatus so tame, not offering to fight with the Romans, being his so near Neighbours: And they suspected him to betray their State to Justinian, caring only to live at ease himself, and to be rich. When they heard that Naples was taken, they assembled at Regêta 35. miles from Rome, and accused him openly. The place they found fit to encamp in, being near to a fair Champion, and to the River of Decanovius, so called, because having made a compass of 19 miles, it enters the Sea about the City of Taracina. near unto which is the Mountain Circaeum, where they say Ulysses had the Company of Circe, improbably in my conceit; Homer affirming Circe's house to be in an Island. Indeed Circaeum runs far into the Sea, and seems an Island along the Shore to the Sailer: but being in it, he finds his mistaking. Upon this reason Homer might call it an Island. But the Goths assembled at Regeta, chose Vitigis their King, a man of no conspicuous Family: but in Fights about Sirmium, against the Gepaedes (with whom Theodorick had War) he got great Reputation. Theodatus hearing his, ran away to Ravenna: after him Vitigis sent Optaris a Goth, to bring him alive, or dead. This Optaris had a pique against Theodatus: for having betrothed a handsome Maid, an Inheritrix, Theodatus persuaded her for Wealth to marry another man. So that to gratify his own Anger and Vitigis too, he pursued Theodatus eagerly day and night: And overtaking him upon the way, laid him upon his back like a Beast, and cut his Throat. This end made Theodatus in the third year of his Reign.   

CHAP. X.  
VItigis then marched to Rome, glad of the news of Theodatus Death, and he put his Son Theudegisclus in safe Custody. From thence, finding things yet in no good preparation, he thought it best to go to Ravema, and having there completely furnished himself, to enter into the War. He assembled therefore the Goths; and spoke thus unto them. Great Actions, fellow Soldiers, prosper not commonly by sudden Opportunities, but by solid Counsels; seasonable delaying often doing good, and many undoing their hopes by undue haste. For men unprovided, though equal in numbers, are more easily beaten in Fight, then though inferior in Powers, yet well prepared. Let us not therefore, provoked with the present honour, hurt ourselves incurably. It is better with a short disgrace to preserve a perpetual Reputation, then avoding it for a moment, to be ever confounded with Ignominy. 
* Leander calls this Venetia Marca Trivigiana.  Our main numbers, and our magazines are in Gaul, and Venetia, and other remote Parts. We have also a War with the Francs; which before we have settled, to enter into another, is folly. Who stands between two Enemies, and hath not his eye upon one at once, is commonly ruined by both. I say then, that we ought to go to Ravenna, and having agreed the War with the Francs, and disposed our business, then to fight with Belisarius. Let none be ashamed, or fear that this Retreat will be called a running away. A seasonable Imputation of Cowardice hath crowned many a man with Success: And the name of Valour, gotten by some before the time, hath ended in a Defeat. Let us not affect Names, but real Advantages. Actions in their conclusions, not beginnings, show the worth of men. They run not away, who return upon the Enemy with greater preparations; but who hid themselves, as if they would keep their Bodies ever alive. And of this City be not afraid. If the Romans be well affected to us, they will secure it for us; being to endure no extremity in the short time before we return. If they be unsure, they will hurt us less by receiving the Enemy into their City; it being ever best to Encounter men that hate us in an open way. But this also I shall prevent; leaving in it a strong Garrison, and an able Commander; and that being so settled, we can have no hurt by this Retreat. The Goths approved this advice of Vitigis, and prepared for the Journey. Then Vitigis using many Exhortations to Liberius the Bishop of Rome, the Senate and People, to think of Theodoricks' Reign, and to continue their affections to the Gothish Nation, he bond them in strong Oaths; And leaving to guard Rome 4000 men under Leuderis, a man ancient, and much esteemed for his Wisdom, he marched to Ravenna with the rest of his Army, taking the most part of the Roman Senators with him in the quality of Hostages. There he married perforce Mattasuntha, a Beautiful Virgin, the Daughter of Amalasuntha, that by alliance with the Blood of Theodorick he might make his Reign firm. Then he assembled the Goths from all parts, and ranked them in order, distributing Horses and Arms to them. Those only lying in Gaul, for fear of the Francs, he sent not for.  
The Francs were formerly called Germans, where they first inhabited: and how they encroached upon Gaul, and then fell out with the Goths, I will tell you. I said before, how from Calis and the Ocean, into the Mediterranean, the left hand continent is called Europe; and that against it, afric, and further on, Asia. The Countries beyond afric I can say nothing of, being not inhabited; whereby the Spring of Nile is unknown, which, they say, comes from those Parts. But Europe at the first is like Peloponesus, having the Sea on both sides. The first Province from the Ocean is named Spain, unto the Alps, which are in the Pyrenaean Mountains (the Natives calling narrow passages, Alps) From thence Gaul reaches to Liguria, where other Alps divide the Gauls and Ligurians. Gaul is broader than Spain (for Europe gins narrow, and proceeds to a great breadth by degrees) and it hath the Ocean on the North side, and on the South the Tyrhene Sea. Among other Rivers it hath the Rhone, and the Rhine, having contrary courses; the Rhone into the Tyrrhene Sea, but into the Ocean the Rhine. Here Lakes also are, where-about anciently these Germans did inhabit, now called Francs, a Barbarian Nation, and at first not considerable. Beyond them dwelled the 
† They inhabit (some say) Belgia about Brabant.  Arborychi, subject formerly to the Romans, as all the rest of Gaul and Spain. Augustus' planted the Thuringians to the East of the Arborychis, not far from whom to the South inhabited the Burgundians, and beyond the Thuringians the Suevians, and Almans, Potent Nations. All these were free States, and from all Antiquity seated there. In process of time the Visigoths oppressing the Roman Empire, subdued Spain, and Gaul, to the River of Poe, and made them tributary. The Arborychis were then become Roman Soldiers, whom the Germans, or Francs, to bring them in Subjection, being their Borderers, and for having abandoned their former Commonwealth, pillaged, and made a general War upon them. In this War the Arborychi shown much Valour and Affection to the Romans: And the Germans not able to force them, offered to make them their Confederates, which they willingly embraced (both being Christians) and being joined into one people, they grew into a great power. Other Roman Soldiers also Garrisoned in the Confines of Gaul, being not able to return to Rome, nor willing to mingle with the Goths their Enemies, and Arrians, yielded themselves, their Ensigns, and the Country under their Guard to the Arborychis and Germans, which they have left to their Posterity, and preserved the Roman Customs, which to my time they religiously observe. They still are enrolled in the same Bands they anciently served in, have their proper Ensigns in Fights, and use the Roman Laws, and Habit; and especially the Fashion of their Diadems. The Roman State flourishing, Gaul on this side the Poe was the Emperors; But Odoacer usurping the same, by the Tyrant's session, the Visigoths had all Gallia Cisalpina to 
† The Author calls the Pyrean and the Apennine by the name of Alps.  those Alps, which sever Gaul and Liguria. Odoacer being slain, the Thuringians and Visigoths; fearing the Germans power (who were grown a strong multitude, subduing all in their way) sought alliance with the Goths: And Theodorick afterward gladly contracted affinities with them. Theudichusa his Daughter, a young Virgin, he betrothed to Alarick the younger, Prince of the Visigoths; and Amaloberga, the Daughter of his sister Amalafrida, he affianced to Hermenefridus, Prince of the Thuringians. And the Francs, fearing Theodorick, forbore to force the Visigoths and Thuringians, but made War upon the Burgundians.   

CHAP. XI.  
AFterwards the Francs and Goths made a league against the Burgundians, upon conditions to ruin the race of them, and to subdue their Country, and that the Conquerors shall have a Fine from the part not joining in the War, but the Country to be a common conquest of both. The Francs accordingly went with a great Army against the Burgundians. Theodorick made preparations in show, but delayed the expedition, expecting the event. At last he sent his Army, which he bade march fair and softly; and hearing the Francs to be vanquished, to go no further; but understanding them to be victorious, to march on speedily. They did so; And the Francs in a Battle with the Burgundians stiffly fought, with much slaughter, routed the Enemy, and drove them into the uttermost borders of their country (where they had many strong places) and subdued the rest. The Goths hearing it, were speedily with them; and being blamed by their Confederates, they alleged the ill ways, and paying their Fine, divided the Country with the conquerors. And thus Theodorick shown his great providence, by gaining thus half the Country with a little money, and without loss of his Subjects: Thus the Goths and Frank's held part of Gaul. Afterward the Frank's power increasing, without any fear of Theodorick, they led an Army against Alarick and the Visigoths. Alarick sent for Theodorick, who marched with a great Army to his aid. In the mean time the Visigoths hearing how the Francs besieged Carcasona, encamped themselves near to oppose them. The siege continuing, and their country being spoilt by the Enemy, they murmured, and put scorns upon Alarick, railing at the delay of his Kinsman, and affirming themselves strong enough without company to beat the Francs. Alarick thus constrained to hazard a Battle, before the Goths could come, was therein slain, and many of his people by the Francs, who thus got the greatest part of Gaul. They straightly besieged Carcasona, hearing there was much treasure in it, which Alarick the Elder had pillaged, when he took Rome. There were the jewels of King Solomon, goodly pieces, by reason of a green stone in many of them, and long ago taken by the Romans out of Jerusalem. The Visigoths remaining, made Giselick their Prince, a base son of Alarick; Amalarick, his Daughter's son, being a child. But Theodorick coming with the Goths Army, the Francs raised their siege; and returning from thence, 
Note. Beyond the Rhone in respect of Italy.  held the parts of Gaul beyond the Rhone to the Ocean; from which Theodorick could not drive them, and so let them keep it, and recovered the rest of Gaul. Giselick also being dead, he made Amalarick his Daughter's son Prince of the Visigoths, and himself protector of the Child, and out of Carcasona he took the Treasures, and returned to Ravenna. His aim was to make the Dominion of Spain and Gaul his own for ever, sending Forces thither, and Governors, whom he appointed to send the tributes to him, which (not to appear avaricious) he gave as a yearly donative to his Armies of Goths and Visigoths: who upon this occasion, of having one Prince and the same Country, married with one another, and mingled their races: And afterwards Theudis a Goth (whom Theodorick sent to command the Army) married a Wife of a rich Family of the Spaniards, no Visigoth, but very wealthy, and Lady of a great country. He had 2000 Soldiers, and a strong guard of Lanciers, and was in show as Theodoricks' Governor of the Visigoths, but in effect an usurper.  
Theodorick grown now an absolute wise man, fearing lest while he had a War with his own servant, the Francs might assail him, and the Visigoths rebel, he discharged not Theudis of his command, but still upon any War directed him to lead the Army. Only he got some principal Goths to write to him, that he should do both justly, and as a wise man, to go to Ravenna, and salute Theodorick. He continued obedient to Theodoricks' command, and failed not in the annual tribute, but to Ravenna he would neither go, nor promise it.  
Theodorick being dead, the Francs invaded the Thuringians, killed their Prince Hermenfridus, and held them in subjection. Hermenfridus his Widow fled to Theodatus her Brother, than King of the Goths. Afterward the Francs vanquished the remaining Burgundians in a Battle, and kept their Prince close prisoner in a Castle; they used them as men conquered in War, made them serve in their Armies, and their Country tributary which they dwelled in before. Amalarick Prince of the Visigoths, 
From the Poe and Gallia Cis-Alpina to the Rhone.  being at man's estate, and fearing the Frank's greatness, married the Sister of their King Theudibert: And Gaul he gave to Atalarick his cousin german, King of the Goths. So that Gaul on this side the Rhone the Goths had, and that beyond it was subject to the Visigoths: 
Namely Gallia Narbonersis, or rather some part of it.  And they agreed to suppress the tribute imposed by Theodorick; And the said Atalarick fairly restored to Amalarick the treasures taken out of Carcassona by Theodorick.  
The two Nations being joined thus in alliance, who had married any Wife of the other, might either go with his Wife, or bring her home to his own kindred; And some (as they pleased) brought home their Wives, others followed them. Amalarick afterward offended his Wife's brother, and was ruined. He was an Arrian, and permitted not his Wife, being orthodoxal, to use her country fashions, nor religion; but for her not applying herself to his customs, he used her with much disrespect.  
The Lady acquainted her Brother with her grievance, which put the Francs, and Visigoths into a War; and in a Battle long and stoutly fought, Amalarick was vanquished, with loss of many, and of his own life. Theudibert received his Sister with all her goods, and so much of Gaul as the Visigoths held. The survivors with their Wives and Children went into Spain to Theudis, who now openly usurped. So then all Gaul was held by the Francs and Goths: But Theodatus King of the Goths, hearing of Belisarius landing in Sicily, made an accord with the Francs; That they should command in the War; and have the Goths part of Gaul, and twenty Centenaries of gold to assist them in this War. But before this treaty was finished, he died as hath been told.   

CHAP. XII.  
AND many of the Goths best men under Marcias' were Garrisoned in that part of Gaul; These Vitigis could not safely raise from thence, but thought them rather too weak for the Francs, who would certainly overrun that part of Gaul and Italy, if he with his Army went to Rome. So he called to him those Goths he trusted most, and said; I call you here to impart an advice not pleasing perhaps, but necessary; and you must hear patiently, and in the present case counsel what becomes you. Whose affairs are not according to their mind, such must obey necessity and fortune, and so manage the occasions presented. We are excellent well prepared for this War, save only that the Francs stand in our way; our ancient Enemies, with whom hitherto, though with the hazard of our lives and fortunes, we make our party good. But now (another Enemy appearing, against whom we must march) it behoves us to make peace with them. If they continue Enemies, certainly they will come with Belisarius; A common Enemy ever combines men in amity and mutual aid. And if we encounter them severally, we shall be beaten by both: So that it is better by losing a little, to save the main of our Dominions, then by coveting all, to perish and lose all. My opinion is, if we give the Francs the parts of Gaul, bordering on them, they will lay down their quarrels, and join with us in the War. How to recover those parts upon our good success, let none examine now: I remember an old saying; To settle well the present.  
The principal Goths conceiving this course advantageous, resolved upon it, and Ambassadors were sent to the Francs, to surrender Gaul, and pay the money, and to conclude a Confederacy. The Princes of the Franks were then Childebert, 
Note. Clovis the first Christian K. of France had 4. sons, Childebert, Theodorick, Clotarius, and Clodomir. Clodomir died without issue, and Childebert had his partage; this Theodebert was son of Theodorick. See Agathias, lib. 1. cap. 1.  Theudebert, and Clotarius, who received that Gaul with the money, and divided it proportionably to every man's dominion; They agreed to be firm friends to the Goths, and to send them succours, not Francs, but of the Nations subject to them. They could not enter into an open War with the Romans, having lately promised to join with the Emperor in this. The Ambassadors having dispatched, returned to Ravenna, and Vitigis sent for Marcias' and his Troops.  
Belisarius in this mean time prepared his journey for Rome. He appointed 300. Foot under Herodian for the guard of Naples. He put a Garrison into Cuma to guard the Castle there; there being no strong place in all Campania, but Naples and Cuma. In Cuma they yet show Sibyllas' Cave, where her Oracle was. It is a maritime Town, distant sixteen miles from Naples. Belisarius put his Army in order; but the Romans fearing the fortune of the Napolitans, resolved to receive the Emperor's Army, being moved thereunto chief by the Bishop of Rome, Liberius 
* Note. He calls this Bishop of Rome in the secret History Silverius. And so Helvicus in his Chronology. . They sent one Fidelius, born in Milan, a City of Liguria, and formerly Quaestor to King Atalaricus, inviting Belisarius, and promising to surrender the City. He led his Army by Via Latina, leaving Via Appia on his left hand; which Appius a Roman Consul made 900. years ago; and it reaches five day's journey from Rome to Capua: It is broad enough for two Carts a breast, and worth the sight; all the stones being of Millstone quarry, and very hard, and brought by Appius from a far country. They are smooth wrought, square, and close fastened, without brass between, or any thing else. They are so well fastened and close, that one would think them to grow together. After so long a time trampling on by Carts, and Beasts every day, there is not the least chink in the pavement, nor any stone broken, nor worn out, nor that hath lost the brightness.  
But the Gothish Garrison in Rome understanding the Enemy's approach, and the Romans intent, were troubled; being not able both to guard the City, and encounter the Enemy. So that by the Romans permission they left Rome, and went to Ravenna: Only Leuderis (ashamed it seems) stayed behind. The same day and hour Belisarius entered Rome with the Emperor's Army at Porta Asinaria, and the Goths went out at Porta Flaminia. 
The taking of Rome, Anno 11. justiniani, Anno Dom. 337.  Thus Rome was recovered in the. 11. year of Justinians Reign, sixty years after the last taking of it. The keys of it, and Leuderis Belisarius sent to the Emperor: He took care of the walls decayed in many places, and made the turret's tenable against an assault. He made Works upon the left side of every turret, to secure the Defendants left side from shot: And about the walls he drew a good deep ditch. The Romans commended the General's providence, and chief his skill in contriving the turrets: But they murmured, wondering he would enter Rome with an opinion of being besieged, a place unfit for a siege for want of provisions, being not upon the Sea, and having a huge compass of walls, and in an open champain easily invested. But he, though he heard all this, yet still prepared for a siege. The corn he brought from Sicily he kept in public Granaries, and he compelled the Romans (though they grumbled) to bring in all their provisions from their Farms.   

CHAP. XIII.  
A GOES then, one Pitzas, yielded to Belisarius half Samnium, lying upon the Sea, and the Goths there inhabiting to the River, which divides the country. The Goths on the other side the River, neither would follow Pitzas, nor submit to the Emperor. Belisarius gave him some Soldiers to help to guard the Towns there. The Calabrians and Apulians having no Goths, had voluntarily before submitted to Belisarius, both in the Mid land, and upon the Sea-coast; Of which was Beneventum, anciently by the Romans called Maleventum; now Beneventum, to avoid the reproach of the name: for Ventus in Latin signifies the Wind: because in Dalmatia over against it uses to blow a rough wind, during which no Traveller is seen upon the ways; they all shut themselves in their houses. The force of the wind is such, that it snatches up a Horseman and his Horse together, carries them in the air, and throws them down and kills them. And Beneventum standing high, and over against Dalmatia, shares in the inconvenience of this wind. Diomedes built the City, being banished from Argos after the destruction of Troy. It hath a monument of him, the teeth of the Calydonian Boar, the prize of Meleager his Uncle in that famous hunting, which are still there, and worth the seeing, the circumference like a halfmoon, being of three spanns. Here they say Diomedes met with Aeneas, and according to Minerva's Oracle, gave him the Image stolen by him and Ulysses out of her Temple, when they came as spies into Troy, before the City could be taken. Afterward being sick, they say, he consulted the Oracle, which answered, that he should never have ease, unless he gave that Image to some Trojan. Where it is the Romans now know not, but show the figure of it graven in stone, standing to my time in the Temple of Fortune, before the brazen Statue of Minerva in the open air, on the East-side of that Temple. It resembles Minerva fight, and charging her Lance; yet in a long robe, and with a face not like her Grecian Statues, but as the ancient Egyptians made them. They of Constantinople say, that Constantine buried the Statue in the Marketplace bearing his name. But Belisarius thus conquered Italy on this side the Ionian Gulf, to Rome and Samnium. On the other side Constantianus (as hath been said) got all, to Liburnia.  
To speak something how Italy is inhabited; the Adriatic Sea discharges a stream far into the firm Land, and makes the Ionian Gulf; Not as in other places, where the Sea running to the Land-ward, in the end makes an Isthmus, or neck of Land. As the Chrisaean Gulf ending in the Haven of Lechaeum by Corinth, makes there the Isthmus, being some five miles broad: And the Gulf Melas from the Hellespont makes another of the same breadth in Chersonesus. Whereas from Ravenna, where ends the Ionian Gulf, to the Tyrrhene Sea, is eight days journey over land, by reason the current of that Sea is carried out fare to the . The first Town on this side the Ionian Gulf is Otranto in Apulia. To the North of that Town is part of Calabria, and Samaium: Next to which is Picenia, reaching to Ravenna. On the other side of that Town is the rest of Calabria, than Bruttia, and Lucania. Next to which is Campania, to the City of Taracina. To them adjoins the Territory of Rome. These Nations hold both the shores of the Mediterranean, and all the Mid-lands that way. Here is that which was formerly called Magna Graecia. In Bruttia are seated the Epizephyrian Locrians, Crotonians, and Thurians. On the other side of the Ionian Gulf, first are the Grecians of Epirus, to Epidamnus, which stands upon the Sea. Bordering thereunto is the Province of Precalis: Beyond which it is called Dalmatia, accounted of the western Empire, and all beyond it, as Liburnia, Istria, and Venetia, reaching to Ravenna. Above these up into the Land are the Siscians', and the Suevians (not those subject to the Francs) and the Carnians, and Norioi beyond them. To the right hand of whom are the Dacians and Pannonians, holding Singidon, Sirmium, and other places, & extending to the river Ister. The Nations on that side the Ionian gulf, the Goths at the beginning of this war ruled. Beyond Ravenna, to the left hand, and by North of the Poe, are the Ligurians, and beyond them Northward the Albanians, in an excellent Country, called Languvilla. To the West of these Nations are the Gauls, and then the Spaniards. To the South of the Poe is Aemilia, and Tuscany, which reaches to the Territory of Rome.  
But Belisarius took all the said territory of Rome to the Tiber, and fortified it round about; which being in good estate, he directed Constantianus with a band of his own Targeteers, and with Zanter, Chorsomanus, and Aeschmanus, Huns, and some of his Lifeguard, and other Forces to march into Tuscany, and take in the Towns there. And he gave order to Bessas' to take Narnia, a strong place in Tuscany. Bessas' was of the race of the Goths formerly inhabiting Thrace, but followed not Theodorick into Italy. He was valiant, a skilful Soldier, and an excellent Captain, and very dextrous in his own person. He got Narnia by the Inhabitants good will; and Constantianus as easily took Spoletum and Perusia, and some other Towns in Tuscany; the Tuscans willingly receiving him. He placed a Garrison in Spoletum, and himself with his Forces lodged in Perusia, the chief City in Tuscany. Vitigis sent an Army against him under Vnilas, and Pitzas, whom Constantinus encountered in the Suburbs of Perusia. At first, the Barbarians having advantage in numbers, the battle was equal; but at last the Romans by their valour routed them, and killed them almost all; Their Commanders they sent prisoners to Belisarius. Vitigis upon this would stay no more at Ravenna, where he attended Marcias' and his Troops. First he sent an Army under Asinarius and Vligisalus, to recover Dalmatia to the Goths; directing them to get Barbarians out of Suavia to join with them, and so to march directly to Salonae: Which to besiege by Sea also he sent along many Pinnaces. Then himself prepared to go against Belisarius, and Rome, with no less than 150000. Horse and Foot, the most of them armed, horses and Men. Asinarius raised an Army of Suevians; and Vligisalus led the Goths alone into Liburnia, where he fought with the Romans at a place called Scardon, was beaten, and retired to the City of Burnus, where he stayed for Asinarius. Constantianus hearing of Asinarius his preparations, and fearing Salonae, drew together the Soldiers garrisoned thereabout, made a Ditch about the City walls, and provided against a siege. Asinarius with a great levy of Barbarians came to Burnus, and joining with Vligisalus marched to Salonae. They compassed the Walls with their Trenches, and manning their Pinnaces with soldiers, blocked Salonae to the Seaward, and so besieged it by Sea and Land: But the Romans set suddenly upon their Pinnaces, scattered them, and sunk many with the men aboard, and took many, the men being gone. Yet the Goths raised not their siege, but were rather more eager upon the Romans within.   

CHAP. XIV.  
IN the mean time Vitigis hearing of the smallness of Belisarius his Army, it repent him for retiring from Rome; so not enduring longer where he was, in much anger he marched thitherward. Upon the way he met a Roman Priest, of whom, they say, he asked earnestly, if Belisarius were yet at Rome; as fearing not to catch him before his running away. He bade him apprehend no such thing, undertaking that Belisarius would not fly, but stay upon the place: Which made him hast the more; openly praying, to see Rome before Belisarius were run out of it. Who hearing the whole Nation of Goths thus coming upon him, was troubled; For though his Army were very small, he would not leave destitute Constantinus and Bessas', nor abandon the places in Tuscany, lest with them the Goths should block up Rome. So upon advice he sent to Constantinus, and Bessas', to leave competent Garrisons in the most important places, and with the rest to come to Rome. Constantinus accordingly placing Garrisons in Spoletum and Perusia, came with the rest to Rome. But Bessas' staying to settle Narnia, the Enemy passed that way, and the Fields and Suburbs were full of them, being Avant-coureurs, whom Bessas' charged, and defeated them, and killed many; but pressed with their numbers, he retired into Narnia, where he left a Garrison; and coming to Rome, brought news, that the Enemy would speedily be with them. Narnia stands almost 44. miles from Rome. Vitigis would not spend time upon Perusia, and Spoletum, being strong places. His desire was to find Belisarius in Rome, before he was run away. And Narnia possessed by the Enemy, and a place steep and hard of access, he would not stir neither: it stands on a high hill, at the foot whereof is the River of Narnus, giving the name to the City; and it hath two ascents on the East and West sides; the one narrow with ragged rocks; to the other is no coming, but over the bridge upon the River, which is an ancient building of Augustus Caesar, admirable to see, and with the highest arches we know. Vitigis, not to spend time, speedily went thence with his whole Army toward Rome, marching through the Sabins Country. Being within a mile and three quarters thereof, he came to a bridge upon the Tiber, where Belisarius had built a Tower, and Gates, and placed a Garrison. The Tiber was every where passable by Boats and other Bridges; but this he did, to put the Enemy to more delay (expecting from the Emperor more Forces) and that the Romans might have the more time to bring in provisions; conceiving that the Goths repulsed here, could not pass by any other Bridge in less than twenty days; and to get Boats would be a longer work.  
Upon these considerations he placed that Garrison. The Goths lodged near it, and the next day intended to assault the Tower. Here came to them 22. Fugitives, Barbarians born, but Roman Soldiers of Innocentius Horse-troop. Belisarius thought fit to make a Camp near the Tiber, the more to hinder the Enemy's passage, and to give some demonstration of their own courage.  
The Roman Garrison upon the Bridge frighted with the multitude, and the danger, quitted the Tower at night, and ran away into Campania. They would not go to Rome, fearing chastisement from the General, or ashamed to see their fellows. The next day the Goths broke down the Gates, and passed over, none opposing. Whereof Belisarius hearing nothing, with 1000 Horse marched toward the bridge, to view their ground, where they might best incamp; who lighting upon the Enemy newly passed over, were engaged in a fight unwillingly. They were both sides Horse: And Belisarius, though formerly cautions, observed not then the rank of a General, but fought in the head of his Soldiers, which hazarded extremely the Roman affairs, the whole inclination of the War depending on him. But he was upon a Horse used to the War, and skilful to save his Rider. He was of a brown bay, and from the forehead to the nostrils white (Such a Horse the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Barbarians, Balan.) Most of the Goths shot at Belisarius and his Horse upon this occasion. Those new-come Fugitives seeing Belisarius fight in the first rank, & knowing that by his fall the Romans would be ruined, cried aloud to shoot at the bald faced Horse. This word ran through the Goths Army, who in the tumult being not inquisitive, nor certain it was Belisarius, but guessing the word so generally spread was not for nothing, most left all others, and shot at Belisarius. Such as were venturous, and ambitious of honour, got near, reached at him, and in fury laid on with Lances and swords. And Belisarius laid about him too, killing those within his reach. The affection of his Lanciers and Targeteers stood him in good stead in this danger; who sticking close to him, shown valour, the like whereof (I think) was never seen, holding their shields before the General, and receiving all the arrows, and thrusting off the multitudes with main strength.   

CHAP. XV.  
THus was the whole fight about one man, wherein fell at least 1000 Goths, and such as fought in the first ranks. Many of the best of Belisarius his Retinue were slain, and Maxentius, one of his Lanciers, after he had performed bravely: Himself was neither wounded that day nor shot, though the fight was about him alone. In conclusion, the Romans routed the Enemy; multitudes flying, till they recovered their camp: where their foot being fresh, received the Romans, and easily repulsed them. Who seeing another supply of Horse coming, fled up to a Hill, where they made a stand; and encountered the Barbarian horse overtaking them. Where Valentinus, Gentleman of the horse to Photius, Antonina's son, shown extraordinary valour, galloping into the thickest of the enemy, and stopping their course, and bringing off his company; and thus they escaped to the Walls of Rome, with the Barbarians at their heels up to the gate, now called Belisaria. The Romans within, fearing the Enemy might enter pell mel, would not open the gate, notwithstanding Belisarius' earnest commands, loud cries, and threats, who could not be discerned from the Turret (it being after Sun set) having his face covered with blood and dust, and they did not think the General to be alive; those that ran away at the first defeat having reported him to be slain, fight bravely in the head of his troops. The Enemy therefore coming with multitudes, and much Fury, thought to get over the ditch, and charged the retirers, who near the Walls stood thick and close body to body in a small room. And they within being no Soldiers, nor prepared at all, and afraid of their city, could not secure them; when a sudden bold resolution of Belisarius saved all, who encouraging his company, charged the Enemy: and they being disordered, as in the dark, and upon a chase, and seeing those that fled unexpectedly coming on, suspected succours to be come from the city, and in a fear run all away. Belisarius pursued them not, but turned about to the walls; whom the Romans, taking heart, received in, and his company. In so great peril was Belisarius, and the Emperor's affairs. The fight beginning in the morning ended at night; wherein Belisarius did best of the Romans, and of the Goths Visandus the standard bearer, who with the rest charged Belisarius; and went not off, before he fell to the ground after 13 wounds received, and neglected by his companions (though they had the victory) he was left among the dead. Three days after, the Goths being encamped near Rome, sent out to bury the dead men, and to perform their funeral rites: these searching the bodies, found Visandus with breath in him, but he could not speak; his inward parts with famine and drought being extremely inflamed, they put water in his mouth, and so having drunk and got life, they carried him to the camp; and for this he was in great reputation with the Goths, and he lived long after. Belisarius being in safety, assembled his soldiers to the walls, and most of the common people; commanding them to light fires, and to watch all night. He went the round himself, set all in order, and appointed commanders to every gate. Bessas', who guarded Porta Praenestina, sent him word, that the town was entered by the Enemy at a gate bearing the name from Saint Pancratius. The company advised Belisarius to escape out at some other gate; but he misliked the motion, sent horsemen down to the Tiber, who upon the view brought word, that there was no Enemy thereabout appearing. Wherefore he sent direction to the Commanders of every gate, if they heard that the Enemy was entered at any other part, not to secure, but to continue upon their guards; lest they should be disordered with false alarms; Himself would take care of those things. Vitigis (the Romans being in this tumult) sent a Commander named Vacis, to Porta Salaria, who reviled there the Romans for their disloyalty to the Goths, and thus betraying their country, and indeed themselves, having exchanged the Goths power, for Greeks, unable to defend them; none of which nation were formerly seen in Italy, but stage-players, and some pilfering mariners. But seeing none would answer him, he went back to Vitigis. The Romans also flouted Belisarius, who had so hardly escaped, yet bade them despise these Barbarians; for he knew he should absolutely beat them. By what he knew this, shall be said anon; but now it being grown late, and he being yet fasting, his wife and friends had much ado to persuade him to eat something.   

CHAP. XVI.  
THe next day the Goths thinking with ease to enter Rome, by reason of the greatness of it; and the Romans defending it, were thus quartered. The city hath fourteen gates, and some posterns; but the Goths, unable to encompass the whole circuit thereof, made ●ixe intrenchments, and infested the space of five Gates, from Porta Flaminia to Porta Praenestina. These were on this side the Tiber; But fearing least the enemy should take down Pons Milvius, and so exclude them from all from the river to the sea, and thereby might not feel the inconveniences of the Siege; they made a seventh Entrenchment on the other side of Tiber, in Nero's fields; that they might have the said bridge in the midst between their Camps. And so they infested two gates more; 
It was called Porta Triumphalis, & Vaticana, and was next to Pons Triumphalis, Leand. in descrip. Italiae. Mons Janiculus it was called.  Porta Aurelia (now named of Peter, the chief of Christ's Apostles, lying buried near unto it) and the Gate beyond the Tiber. Thus they encompassed half the city; and being not cut off by the River, made the war in what part of it they pleased. The Romans have built their walls on both sides the River, thus. The Tiber grown great, runs a good space by the walls on this side of it, which stand by the River's side, upon Ground flat, and very assaultable. Opposite to them beyond the Tiber, is a * great hill, where stand the City mills; the water being brought by an Aquaeduct to the hill top, and from thence descending with much swiftness: which caused the ancient Romans to compass this hill, and the River's bank near it with a wall; that an Enemy might not demolish the mills, nor pass the River to assail the town walls; which with a bridge they joined to this part; and building houses upon this ground beyond the Tiber, took the River into the midst of the City. The Goths also made deep ditches about their intrenchments; and casting the Earth inward, and therewith making the entrenchment very high, and pitching the top with multitude of stakes, they made their camps not inferior to so many Castles. The Entrenchment in Nero's fields Marcias' commanded, being come out of Gaul with his troops, and there quartered. The other were commanded by Vitigis, and five other; a Commander to every entrenchment. They cut also all the Aqueducts, to cut off the city's water that way: they are fourteen in all, ancient works of brick; and so deep and broad, that a man on Horse back may ride in them. But Belisarius to guard the City used this order; himself had Porta Pinciana, and Porta Salaria standing to the right hand of it, because the wall there is very assaultable; and being opposite to the Enemy, the Romans were to sally there. He gave Porta Praenestina to Bessas', and to Constantianus Porta Flaminia (which stands to the left hand of Pinciana) and rammed up the gate with stones within, that it might not be opened; fearing the Enemy's designs there, being close to one of their Entrenchments. The other gates he directed the commanders of the foot to guard. The Aqueducts he fortified a good space, to avoid mischief that way from without. But the Aqueducts being cut, they wanted water for their mills, and with beasts they could not work, their scarce provisions of fodder (as in a siege) not sufficing for their horses of service. Belisarius to help this, tied cables before the bridge, that joined to the City wall, from one bank of the river to the other, stretching them stiff, and fastening boats to them two foot asunder, where the stream from the arches of the bridge ran strongest; and putting into each boat a millstone, he hung the Engine between the boats which turns the Mill. Beneath these he tied other boats together in the same manner in a distance proportionable, fitting them with like Engines; and the stream being strong, and turning the Engines, set the Mill stones on work, and grinded sufficient for the City. The Enemies informed hereof by fugitives, endeavoured to spoil the Engines by throwing into the River great trees and bodies of Romans slain, and these being driven down with the stream, broke the Engines at first; but Belisarius had this remedy. He hung before the bridge iron chains  the River, which stopped all that came down the stream; which men appointed drew up to the land; and this he did not only for the mills, but to prevent the Enemy's entrance with boats through the bridge into the midst of the City. The Barbarians failing in their attempt gave it over, and the Romans made use of those mills, but for want of water were shut from their Baths; they had sufficient to drink, those who dwelled far from the River having the commodity of wells. Their common sewers they needed not secure, having all their mouths into the River; and so impossible to be entered by the Enemy.  
In the mean time among the Samnites, their boys who kept their sheep, choosing two of the lustiest, and calling one Belisarius and the other Vitigis, caused them to wrestle. It was Vitigis chance to be thrown; whom the boys in sport hung on a tree, and suddenly a wolf appearing, they all ran away, and poor Vitigis after a long time hanging in great pain died. The Samnite upon this accident punished not the boys, but divining at the event, believed that Belisarius would get the Victory.   

CHAP. XVII.  
BUT the people of Rome not used to the miseries of war, and a siege; and now wanting their baths, and pinched with scarcity, being put also to guard the walls, and want their sleeps; supposing too, that ere long their City would be taken, and seeing already their country farms spoiled by the Enemy; they murmured greivously to be besieged and run this hazard, having done no offence. So assembling themselves, they railed at Belisarius for presuming to make war with the Goths, having no competent forces from the Emperor, and the Senators privately objected the same unto him. Vitigis understanding this from fugitives, to exasperate them yet more, and so to put the Romans affairs into confusion, he sent Ambassadors to Belisarius; among whom was one Albes, who having access to him in the presence of the Senate, and Commanders of the army, spoke thus. Anciently, O General! men fitly defining names for things, have distinguished presumption from valour; the one drives men into danger with dishonour, the other with virtue brings abundantly glory. One of these hath brought you hither, and which of them you may quickly manifest. If in the confidence of your valour you have entered into this war; you see from your walls your Enemies; and brave S ●. you have means to be valiant enough. If through presumption you have invaded us, you will certainly repent what you have rashly done, as overweening men ever use when they come to the trial: Add not therefore more misery to these Romans, whom Theodorick hath bred in freedom and delights; and oppose not yourself against the Lord of the Goths and Italians. How absurd is it for you, shut up thus, and afraid of your Enemies, to lodge in Rome, while her King lives in a trench, acting the mischiefs of a war upon his own Subjects? Yet will we grant to you and your troops a free retreat, and leave to carry away your goods; holding it not religious nor manly to insult upon men, who have learned to be sober again. But we would willingly ask these Romans wherewith they can charge the Goths, that they thus have betrayed both us and themselves; having hitherto enjoyed our moderation, and now finding what your aides are. Belisarius to this speech made this answer. Our season for fight shall not be at your disposing; men use not to make war by the advice of their Enemies, whose Law is for every man to order his own business to his own liking: The time will come when you would hid your heads in bushes, and shall not be able. We having taken Rome, possess nothing that is another's. You usurped it formerly being not yours, and now have restored it to the ancient owners. And who ever of you hopes to enter Rome without fight, he is mistaken. It is impossible Belisarius should live, and so much degenerate. Thus spoke Belisarius. But the Romans for fear sat mute, not daring to contradict the Ambassadors, though reproached thus with treason. Only Fidelius was bold to reprove them, being Perfect of the palace made by Belisarius, and most affected to the Emperor's Service. The Ambassadors were reconducted to the camp; whom Vitigis asked what manner of man Belisarius was, and how resolving, touching his retreat. They answered, that the Goths hoped an impossibility, if they thought to fright Belisarius: whereupon Vitigis resolved to assault the City; for which he was thus prepared. He made Towers of wood equal with the walls; having the just measure of them by often numbering the stones: at the Bases and corners of the towers were wheels, which with ease were moved and turned about as the assailants pleased, and drawn by oxen. He fitted also many Ladders, and made four Rams; which Engine is made first setting up four wooden pillars equal and opposite to each other; into which are mortessed eight cross beams, four above and four into the Bases, making the form of a little house four square. This instead of roof and walls was covered with Skins, that it might be light to draw, and they within secure from shot. Within about the Engine aloft, hangs another cross beam with lose chains, the top whereof is made sharp, and over it a great quantity of iron laid as on the head end of an arrow, where the said iron is made four square like an anvil. The Engine is raised upon four wheels, fastened to the four pillars; and within fifty men at least move it, who having set it to the walls, draw the said lose beam backward with a pulley, then let it go with violence at the walls; and by often shooting it thus, it shakes and makes a breach where it hits: hence the Engine hath the name; the point of the said beam putting forth, and pushing like a ram. The Goths also had quantity of faggots of wood and reed ready, to make the ground and the City ditch even for their Engines to pass without rub. Belisarius upon the other side placed upon the Tower's engines called Balistae. These have the form of a bow, with a hollow horn sticking out beneath and hanging lose, but lying upon a straight piece of Iron: when they are to shoot, they bend the two pieces of wood, making the two ends of the bow, with cord; and put the arrow upon the hollow horn, being half so long as common arrows, and four times as thick. It mounts not with feathers, but instead thereof hath thinn pieces of wood mortessed in, and it is in shape wholly like common arrows, having a head of iron proportionable to its thickness; men at both ends bend the bow with pullyes; and the hollow horn going forward, at last falls off, and out flies the arrow with such force, that it reaches twice as far as an arrow from a bow, and lighting upon tree or stone, cleaves it asunder. It is called Balistae, because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it shoots very far. Other Engines were set upon the battlements proper for slinging stones, and are like slings, and are called wild Asses. At the Gates they set up wolves, 
These wolves were something like Potteulisses.  made thus. They set two beams from the ground reaching to the battlements; and laying Chequer wise pieces of Timber wrought, some upright and some a cross, they joint them so, that the mortessing holes meet one another. And before each joint sticks out a pointed piece of wood like a thick spurr and fastening the cross timbers to another beam, which from the top reaches half way down, they lay the beams flatlong upon the Gates, & an Enemy approaching, men above lay hold of the higher ends of the beams and thrust them down, which falling suddenly among the Assailants with those wooden points sticking out, kill all they light on. Belisarius having these preparations, the Goths conducted by Vitigis himself the eighteenth day of the siege about sun rising, marched to the assault. The Towers and Rams in the head of them astonished the Romans, not used to such sights. But Belisarius seeing the Enemy's order with their Engines, fell into a laughing, and bade the Soldiers stand and begin no fight, till he gave the Signal. He imparted not the reason of his laughing, but afterward it was known. The Romans thinking he jeered them, railed at him, and called him an impudent man, and extremely murmured, that he did not stop the Enemy coming near or still. Who being approached the town ditch, the General bent his bow and shot an armed man, leading the rest into the neck; and the wound being mortal, the man fell down with his face upward. All the people of Rome upon the Battlements taking it for an excellent presage, made a huge shout. Belisarius shot again, with the like fortune, and again there was a greater shout from the walls, that the Romans within thought the Enemy had been vanquished. Then Belisarius gave the signal to the whole Army to shoot, and commanded those about himself, to employ all their Arrows against the Oxen; which soon fell all, and so the Enemy could neither bring on their Towers, nor invent any remedy, being puzzled in the midst of their business. Then was known Belisarius providence, not to stop them afar off; and that he laughed at their sottishness, in hoping to bring their Oxen to their Enemy's walls so unadvisedly. These things were about Porta Belisaria.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
BUT Vitigis being there repulsed, left a good part of the Army, ordered in a deep Batallion; and directing the Commanders, not to assail the walls, but to stand in their orders, and ply the Battlements with shot, to divert Belisarius from succouring another part (which with greater Forces he meant to assault) he marched toward Porta Praenestina, to that part which is called Vivarium (or the Park) where the Walls are most assaultable, having other Engines of Rams, Towers, and scaling Ladders. The Goths also made another assault against Porta Aurelia; without which stands Adrian's Tomb, a stones cast from the walls, worth the sight. It is made of Parian stone close joined, without any other matter within. It hath four equal squares, each being near a stones cast broad, and is higher than the City walls. On the top are Statues of the same stone of men and horses, of admirable work. This tomb the Citizens have anciently joined to the walls by two Flankers from the same; that it shows as a turret defending the gate there. The Fortification being very sufficient, Belisarius gave the command of it to Constantianus, directing him to take care of the wall adjoining, which had but a small guard. For the wall being there strong (the river running under it, he looked not for an assault that way, and so put no important guard at it; distributing his main Forces (which were but few) to the most necessary places. For the Emperor's Army at the beginning of this siege amounted but to five thousand men in Rome.  
Constantianus perceiving the Enemy to attempt a passage over the Tiber, and fearing the Flancker there, himself went to the succour with a few, directing the rest to guard the Gate and Adrian's tomb. Where the Goths gave on, holding before them their leather Bucklers like Persian Targets, and having no engines of Batteries, but store of scaling Ladders and Archery, thinking quickly to perplex the Enemy, and master the Garrison being few. Their opposites saw them not, till they came very near, being covered by the Porticus, which reaches to Saint Peter's Church. Then suddenly the Goths showing themselves, began; and the Romans were not able to use their Balistas (which can shoot but right forward) nor with their Archery to annoy them, the shot doing no good by reason of those Bucklers. The Goths pressed hard, and shot thick at the Battlements, and were ready to see their Ladders to the Flankers, having almost encompassed the tomb, and when the Romans came on, still wheeling about at their backs. The Romans were troubled, seeing no hope of holding out, till they agreed to take down the Statues being great, and the stones huge, which they threw down upon the Enemy's heads. Who being hurt, gave ground by little and little, and the Romans grew bold, and repelled them with their Bows and stones; and falling to their Engines, put them into fear, so that their assault was not long. And Constantianus appearing, frighted those who attempted to pass the River, not finding the Flancker there without guard, as they imagined.  
Thus the Aurelian gate was in safety, and all about it. The Enemy also attempted Porta Pancratiana upon the River, but did no good upon the place, being strong, and the walls not easily assaultable there, standing on steep ground. Paulus with his Foot company guarded there. Neither attempted they Porta Flaminia, situate upon craggy ground, not easy of access, and guarded by a Foot-company of Rhegians, commanded by Vrsicinus. Between this gate and Porta Pinciana, next it on the right hand, part of the wall had been long broken half way down from the top. It fell not, but paunched on both sides, part appearing inward, and part outward: whence the Romans call it the broken wall. Belisarius at his first coming, going about to repair it, the Romans hindered him, alleging that the Apostle Peter had promised to guard the place, whom above all they reverence. And it succeeded according to their expectation: For neither that day, nor during all the siege of Rome the Enemy ever approached it, not was the least trouble about it. And we wondered in all the time, that the place never came into the Enemy's thoughts, having made so many assaults, and attempts by night. No man since hath been so bold as to repair it, but still the wall remains broken. At Porta Salaria in the mean time, a tall goodly man, valiant, and of good quality among the Goths, being armed with Corslet and Morion, left his rank; and standing on a tree, threw a rope up to the Battlements, whom an arrow from a Balista piercing through his body half way into the tree, nailed him dead to the same. This frighted the Goths from coming within arrow-shot, and kept them in their ranks, from infesting any more those upon the walls.   

CHAP. XIX.  
IN the mean time Bessas' and Peranius (whom Vitigis hotly charged in the Vivarium) scent for Belisarius. And he speedily came to their relief, fearing the weakness of the wall in that part; and leaving at Porta Salaria one of his retinue, He encouraged the Soldiers in the Park, frighted with the assault, and the Enemy's multitude. Anciently the Romans finding the ground flat, and fit for invasion, and the bricks of the wall there grown lose, scarce sticking together, compassed the same with a Flancker, not so much for safety (for it had no Battlements, nor other Fortification upon it, to resist an Enemy) but for pleasure, to keep in it Lions, and other wild Beasts, whereupon it was named Vivarium, the Park. Vitigis made ready his Engines against the wall there, and commanded the Goths to get through the Flancker into the Park, and then he knew he should be easily master of the Town-walls, being weak. Belisarius seeing the Enemy digging through into the Park, and in many parts assaulting the walls, suffered not his men to defend, nor stay upon the Battlements, but held them, with their swords and Armour ready near unto the Gate there. The Goths having now cut through the wall, and entered the Park, he sent out Cyprianus with his company to begin the fight; who killed them all, falling down for fear, and spoiled by one another, running out at their narrow breach: the whole Enemy being amazed with the suddenness, and out of their orders, and some carried one way, some another. Belisarius instantly opened the Gate, and sallied with the whole Army; And the Goths having no mind to fight, ran away every man; whom the Romans followed, and killed them with ease, and had a long execution; the Goths having assaulted there far from their Entrenchments. Belisarius commanded to burn the Enemy's Engines, which with the flame (being high) more astonished them. At Porta Salaria also they sallied at the same time unexpectedly, killed the Enemy running away without resistance, and burned their Engines. The flame risen above the walls, which put them all to a general retreat: the Romans from the walls shouting to encourage the pursuers, and the others from the Entrenchments wailing the disaster. Thirty thousand Goths were slain that day (as their Commanders affirmed) and more wounded. For from the Battlements shooting at multitudes, they seldom missed; and they who sallied, slew heaps of amazed flying men, and the business lasted from morning to evening. At night they retreated; the Romans singing their Paeans upon the walls, extolling Belisarius with acclamations, and some stripping the dead bodies; and the Goths curing their wounded, and mourning for their dead. Belisarius also wrote to the Emperor this letter.  
We are come into Italy, according to your commands, and have gained a great part of the Country, and taken Rome, expelling the Goths, whose Commander Leuderis we send. 
Belisarius defended Rome with 5000 against 150000. Goths.  But in the strong places of Sicily and Italy (which we took by siege) we have left the greatest part of our Army; that it is now reduced to 5000 men, the Enemy assailing us with 150000. First, going out to discover the Enemy near the Tiber, we were put to fight beyond our determination, and were almost overwhelmed with the multitude of their Lances. Afterward they made a general assault with men and Engines on all sides, and failed little of taking Rome at the first assault, if fortune had not rescued us. Hitherto what hath been done by fortune, or valour, hath succeeded well: But now I must entreat, what may conduce to your future service. I will never conceal what it behoves me to say, and you to do. I know affairs go as God guides them, but the Governors of them get blame or commendation by the actions they perform. So that Arms must be sent us, and such numbers of Men, as that we may encounter the Enemy with equivalent powers. We must not ever trust to fortune, which runs not always one way. And consider, O Emperor! That if the Goths now beat us, we shall lose Italy (now yours) and our Army too; besides the disgrace for our ill carriage of the business. And we shall also undo the Romans, who have preferred their faith to your Empire before their safety; and so will our prosperity prove the occasion of our calamity. For if we had been repulsed from Italy, or before from Sicily, the lightest of misfortunes would have troubled us only; not to be rich with other men's goods. You are to consider also, that Rome was never before kept so long, with many thousands; it compasses so much ground: and being not upon the Sea, it is excluded from necessaries. The Romans yet are well affected to us, but the prolongation of their miseries will make them choose the best for themselves▪ New friends to any men, keep faith, not when they suffer, but when they prosper by them. Besides, the Romans will by famine be forced to do things they would not. I know I own my death to your Majesty, so that none shall ever pull me out of this place alive; But think, what glory such a death of Belisarius will bring you.  
The Emperor upon this letter gathered an Army and Ships, and sent direction to Valerianus, and Martinus, who were dispatched with an Army about the Winter Solstice, to sail for Italy with all speed; but not able to keep the Sea further, went on Land, and wintered in Aetolia, and A●arnania. The Emperor advertised Belisarius thereof, which much comforted him and the Romans.  
In the mean time in Naples this happened. The Image of Theodorick, King of the Goths stood in the Marketplace, made of small peeble stones, died into all colours. In his life time the stones of the head of this Image peeled and shed off, and presently after he died: Eight years after, the pebbles forming the Images belly dropped off, and instantly Atalarick died, Theodoricks' daughter's son: soon after fell off the pebbles upon the privities, and then his daughter Amalasuntha was murdered. And now the Goths besieging Rome, the limbs down to the Images feet were in the same manner spoiled, and the whole outside defaced; and the Romans divining upon it, were confident of the Emperor's prevailing in this War; taking Theodoricks' feet for his Subjects, the people of the Goths. In Rome also some Patricians produced Oracles of Sibylla, that the City's danger would last but till July; when the Romans should have a King, through whom they should no more fear Geticke Nations: And the Goths, they say, are a Nation of Geteses. In the Oracle it is the fifth month, which they interpreted July; some, because the siege began in the beginning of March, from which July is the fifth; others, because before Numa March was the first month, there being but ten in all, whence July was called Quintilis. But this was mistaken all. For the Romans had no such King, and the siege was raised after that time, and another siege was under Totilas' King of the Goths, as shall be said hereafter. I conceive the Prophecy to intent not this, but some other invasion of Barbarians, happened already, or to come: And to find the meaning of Sibylla's Oracles before the event, is not possible, for a cause I shall tell you, having read them all over. Sibylla utters not things in order, nor with any congruity. Having said a few words of the calamities of Africa, instantly she leaps into Persia; Then talks of the Romans, then comes to the Assyrians. Then having prophesied again of the Romans, she foretells the miseries of the Britons; that it is not possible to understand her, before the event of her Oracles; when time, having made the trial, proves the only exact Interpreter thereof. But to return to my matter.   

CHAP. XX.  
THE Goths were thus repulsed, and both parts past that night as I have said. The next day Belisarius commanded the Romans to send away their Wives and Children to Naples, and such servants as were not useful for defence of the City, to save victuals; and he willed the Soldiers to send away their women servants, telling them he should not be able to feed such, but must be constrained to put themselves to half victuals every day, & to take the remainder of their entertainments in money. They did so, and multitudes went into Campania, some getting shipping at the Port of Rome, and the rest going by Via Appia by Land. And neither that way, nor to the Port feared they danger; the Enemy being not able to encompass Rome with their Entrenchments, nor daring in small parties to be far from their Camp, for fear of the Romans excursions: That the besieged had means enough for a time to remove out of the City, and to bring in provisions, especially by night. For the Goths were afraid, and attending their Guards, kept in; and the Moors often sallied, and finding them either asleep, or in small companies upon the ways to pasture their Cattles, or to get necessaries for themselves (as is usual in great Arms) they killed and stripped them; and if they saw numbers of Enemies charging them, they ran home, being naturally swift of foot, lightly apparelled, and beginning to fly in time. Thus the useless multititude got away out of Rome, some into Campania, some into Sicily, or whether they could with most ease.  
But the Soldiers being few, and not sufficient for so great a circuit of wall, and some being to take their rest, while others guarded; and the common people being poor handi-crafts men, having nothing but from one day to another, and there being no means to relieve them; Belisarius mingled them with the Soldiers upon the Guards, and appointed them them a daily pay, raising Companies of them, competent to guard the City; and to every company allotting their nights, so that all in their turns stood Sentinels. And by this means the Soldiers were relieved, and they fed.  
Having some suspicion that Liberius Bishop of Rome practised to betray the City to the Goths, he sent him into Greece, and made Vigilius Bishop soon after. Upon the same ground he banished some Senators, whom he recalled after the siege was raised, and the Goths retired. One of these was Maximus, whose Grandfather. Maximus ruined the Emperor Valentinian. Fearing designs upon the Gates, and lest some might be corrupted with money, he broke the old keys twice a month, and made new of the same form. And he still changed the Sentinels to other Guards far off; and every night appointed new Commanders of those Guards, who were directed every night by turns to go rounds, with notes in writing of the Sentinels names, and where any was missing, to place new in his room, and the next day to produce the defaulters for due punishment to be inflicted. And he commanded Musicians to play all night on their Instruments upon the walls. He sent out Moors also with dogs to lie all night about the ditch, to discover such as came towards the walls though afar off.  
Some Romans then attempted secretly to force open the gates of Janus. This was the chief of those ancient gods, whom the Romans called Penates. His Temple is in the Forum, before the Senate house, a little beyond the Temple of the three Fates. It is all of Brass, foursquare, high enough only to cover the Image, which is of brass also, five cubits high, resembling a man, only it hath two faces, one standing to the East, and the other to the West, and against each face are brazen gates, which the Romans anciently kept shut in Peace and Prosperity, and in time of War set them open. But since the Romans have embraced Christian Religion, as much as any men whatsoever, they opened these Gates no more, though they were in Wars. But in this Siege, some having the old Religion (I think) in their minds, endeavoured secretly to open them, but could not wholly, but only so much, as they stood not close together as before. The Actors were not known, nor inquired after in that troublesome time; none of the Magistrates, and few of the People having notice of it Vitigis in the mean time being in Rage, and troubled, sent some of his Lanciers to Ravenna to kill the Roman Senators, whom in the beginning of the War he had brought thither. Some having notice of it, fled; of whom were Gerbenti●u●, and Reparatus, Brother to Vigilius Bishop of Rome; who both got into Liguria, and there stayed; the rest all perished.   

CHAP. XXI.  
VItigis also seeing the Enemies free scope of exporting from the City what they pleased, and of importing Provisions by Sea and Land; resolved to take in Portus, the Romans Haven, standing almost 13. miles from the City, (so far is Rome distant from the Sea:) and being at the mouth of the Tiber, which coming from Rome, and being almost within two miles of the Sea, parts in two, and makes the Holy Island. This Island grows still broader down the River, and for about two miles together is as broad as long, and on both sides of it the Tiber is navigable in two several Streams. The right-hand Stream runs into the Haven; where without the River's mouth upon the Strand is an ancient City called Portus, encompassed with a strong Wall on the left hand. At the other Streams mouth beyond the shore of the Tiber stands Ostia, anciently a famous City, but now without Walls. The way from Portus to the City the Romans have made passable; and still Lighters are in readiness in the Haven, and many Oxen for Merchants to draw up their Goods to Rome aboard those Lighters not using Sails, no wind being able to stem them up the Stream, by reason of the many eddies in the River: And Oars can do no good, the Stream against them is so strong; so that they tie the Lighters with long Ropes to the Oxen, and draw them up to Rome like Wagons. The way to Rome on the other side the Tiber is woody and neglected, and not near the shore; the Lighters being never drawn that way. The Goths finding the said Town of Portus ungaurded, took it at the first onset, and killed many Romans dwelling in it, and so held the Haven too; leaving a Garrison of a 1000 men, and the rest retiring to their Campe. So that nothing could come to Rome from the Sea, but by Ostia with much toil and danger; the Romans Ships coming no more in at Portus, but lying at Antium, a day's journey from Ostia, and from thence bringing their Commodities. Scarcety of men caused this: For Belisarius searing Rome itself, could put none into Portus; if there had been but 300. men in it, the Goths had never attempted it, being a strong Place; and this they did the third day after their being beaten from the Assault. Twenty days after the taking of Portus, and the Haven, came Martinus and Valerianus with 1600. Horsemen, most Huns, Slavonians, and Antians, seated beyond the River Jowl not far from it. Belisarius glad of their company, resolved now to make the War upon the Enemy; and the next day commanded Traianus, one of his Lifeguard, a valiant man, to march with 200. of his Targeteers on Horseback against the Barbarians, and near their Entrenchments to get up to a Hill which he shown them, and there to stand; if the Enemy came against them, not to come to the Sword, or ●ance with them, but only to use their Bows; and having empted their Quivers, to make no scruple to retire, running away to the Town Walls. Having thus directed, he prepared the shooting Engines, and their Engineers. Traianus at Porta Salaria sallied out upon the Enemy's Camp; who amazed with the suddenness, encountered, as every man chanced to ●e in readiness. Traianus, got up to the Hill, kept off the Goths with his shot, which falling among a multitude, still hit Man, or Horse; and their Arrows being spent, they galloped home with the Goths at their heels: who being near the Walls, the Engineers fell to work with their Engines, and then the Goths gave over the Chase. In this Action were killed a 1000 Goths. Some few days after Belisarius sent out Mundilas, one of his Guard, his Favourite, and Diogenes, extraordinary good Soldiers, with. 300. of his Targeteers, to do the like, and they did so; and killed rather more of the Enemy, than fell before, and in the same manner. The third time he sent out Oilas, one of his Lifeguard, who performed upon the Enemy the same things; So that with these three Sallies he killed about 4000 Enemies. Vitigis (who conceived not the difference between training men to their Arms in Camps, and an experimental perfectness in the Actions of War) though by charging also with small Forces to indamage the Enemy. And so he sent 500 Horse to approach the Walls, and what they had suffered from a few, to act upon the Enemies whole Army. These got to a rising ground near the City, only out of Arrow shot, and there stood. Belisarius commanded Bessas' with a 1000 selected men to charge them: These made a compass, and shooting the Enemy's backs, killed many, and forced the rest to come down to the plain ground, where the Fight being with Sword and Lance, and with unequal powers, the Goths were most cut in pieces, and the rest retired with difficulty to their Camp; whom Vitigis reviled, as beaten through want of Valour. Three days after he sent out 500 selected out of all the Quarters, and bade them do as became their Valour and Reputation. Belisarius seeing them approach, sent against them Martinus and Valerianns with their 1500. Horse, who exceeding the Enemy so much in numbers, with ease routed them, and killed almost every man. The Enemy thought it strange ill Fortune, to be beaten before, being many, by a few, and now being few, to be cut in pieces.   

CHAP. XXII.  
BUT the Romans extolled Belisarius for his Wisdom; admiring him, as they had reason. One of his Favourites asked him, what Argument he saw that day wherein he escaped the Enemy, to be so full of the hope of Victory. He answered, that beginning to fight with them with a few in his Company, he found the difference of either Army, such as if he make his Fights proportionable to his Powers, the Enemy's multitude shall not ruin his small numbers. The difference was, that the Romans almost all, and the auxiliary Huns were Archers on Horseback; a matter not practised by the Goths, whose Horsemen have only Lances and Swords, and all their Archers fight on foot, covered with their armed men; so that the Horsemen, unless the Fight be at handy blows, having nothing to resist with, are easily shot and ruined by the Enemy, using Bows; and their Foot cannot make excursions against Horse. These he alleged to be the reasons of their being beaten in the former Encounters. But the Goths finding how strangely things fell out, would no more ride up to the Walls in small Parties, nor pursue the Enemy infesting, but so much only as to drive them from their Trenches. The Romans exalted with these Prosperities, longed to come to a general Battle, and would have the War made in an open brave way: but Belisarius seeing the great odds against him, was fearful to hazard his whole Army; at last wearied with the rail of the Army, and Roman Citizens, he resolved to give Battle; but to begin with Excursions. Often he was repulsed attempting, and forced to put it off till the next day: But at last finding the Enemy advertised by Fugitives what would be, and beyond his Expectation in readiness, he determined to fight in the open way, which the Goths gladly entertained; And both Parties being Imbattelled, Belisarius made this Speech to his Army. Fellow Soldiers, I have been backward to come to a Battle with the Enemy, not condemning you of faintness, nor fearing their Powers; but because in this way of Excursions we have prospered, and I thought it best to ply the cause of our prospering; holding it inconvenient, for men settled in a course to their mind, to be altered by others. But seeing now your forwardness to hazard, I hope well, and will be no further a stop to your Courage; knowing that in War, the Resolutions of those that fight, contribute the greatest part of the Success, and that most things are acted by their Alacrity. And yourselves know, not by hearsay, but by your daily experience, that few, well ordered with Valour, can conquer multitudes. It is now in your power not to blemish the glory of my former Stratagems, nor my hope in this your Alacrity. All we have acted in this War, must be judged by the Success of this day. The present opportunity is for us, and in likelihood will subdue the Enemy to us, their Courage being dejected by what is past; and the Resolutions of men often unfortunate, seldom performing valiantly. Let none therefore spare his Horse, or Bow; what is spoiled in Fight, shall instantly be supplied by me. Belisarius having thus said, led out the Army at Porta Pinciana, and Salaria. Valentinus a Captain of Horse, he sent out at Porta Aurelia to Nero's Fields, with not many; whom he directed not to begin any Fight, nor to approach the Enemy's Camp, but still to make countenance of charging, thereby to keep the Enemy there from passing † the Bridge, 
* Pons Milvius, which stood something distant from the City.  to secure the other Quarters. For he held it enough to cut off those in Nero's Fields (being many) from succouring the rest of the Enemy. The Commons of Rome being Voluntaries, he would not mingle with the Soldiers in the Battle, fearing, lest being handicrafts men, unexperienced in War, they might upon apprehension of the danger disorder the Army. So he commanded them to stand in a battalion without Porta Pancratiana beyond the Tiber, till he gave the Signal; imagining that which fell out, that the Enemy in Nero's Fields (who were in great numbers) seeing them, and Valentinus Troops, would not venture out of their quarter to join with the rest of the Gothish Army; and to keep them divided, he took to be a matter of great Importance. He resolved also that day to fight with Horse only; for most of the Foot having stolen Horse from the Enemy, and being skilful Riders, were turned Horsemen. And so his Foot being few, not able to make a Batallion of any Importance, nor daring to fight, but in case to run away at the first charge, he thought it safest to place them not far from the City, and caused them to stand still close to the City Ditch, to receive the Horse if they were beaten back, and being fresh, to help to resist the Enemy. But Principius one of his Guard, a Pisidian, and an approved Soldier, and Tarmutus an Isaurian, Brother to Ennes, Colonel of the Isaurians, came to Belisarius, and said this. Excellent General, suffer not your small Army encountering so many thousands, to want your battalion of Foot, nor put not a disgrace upon the Roman Infantry, by which the Empire of the ancient Romans arrived to so much greatness. If in this War they have done little Service, it is no Argument of their Cowardice, but their Commanders are to bear the blame, for serving on Horseback, and not esteeming the Fortune of the War common to all, nay often running away before the Fight. Now you see our Foot Commanders all Horsemen, not contented to serve with those under their Conduct; And keep them, Sr. with the other Horse in this Battle, but suffer us to lead on the Foot; and we alighting on foot, will with them stand this multitude of Barbarians, hoping to do something, as God shall give us Grace. Belisarius at first would not grant this Motion, loving the men whom he knew valiant, and unwilling to put the Foot (being few) to the hazard; at last importuned with their forwardness, he placed some few Foot at the Gates, and upon the Battlements with the common People, and about the Engines; the rest he commanded to stand in order behind him, under Principius, and Tarmutus, that they might not by apprehending danger, put the rest of the Army in confusion; and if any Horse were routed, they might not run far, but flying to the Foot, with them resist the Pursuers.   

CHAP. XXIII.  
VITIGIS also put the Goths in arms, not leaving any in the Trenches but unserviceable men. The troops under Marcias' he commanded to stand still in Nero's fields attending the Guard of the bridge, that the Enemy might not come that way; and assembling the Army he spoke thus. Some may think me fearful of the loss of my Kingdom, and from thence grown kind, and to speak now what may move you to courage: and it is no strange conceit, for ill natured men use to be courteous to meaner people when they need them; and to be churlish to those whose service they have no use of. For me; I care neither for loss of life, nor Kingdom: I could wish this day to put off this purple robe, if a Goth were to put it on; and I think the death of Theodatus to have been very happy, losing his life and Government at once, by the hands of his own Nation: A private disaster, not ruining the whole race, is not without comfort to a wise man. When I consider the miseries of the Vandals, and the end of Gelimer, I can think nothing tolerable. Me thinks I see the Goths with their children made slaves, and their wives doing the basest services to their greatest foes; and myself, with this Daughter of Theodoricks' daughter, led away whether it pleases our Enemies I would have you with the fear of these things to enter into this fight; for so will you rather choose death upon the place, than safety after an overthrow. Generous men judge of misfortunes by one rule only; namely to be vanquished by their Enemies: Besides, a quick Death makes men happy before miserable. And it is evident that these our choice men disputing this battle will easily overcome the Enemy, (a few Greeks, or no better than Greeks) and chastise them for the wrongs and scorns they have done us. Certainly we hold ourselves their betters in valour, numbers, and every thing; and their boldness is grown out of our misfortunes, nothing sustains them but our negligence; it is their prospering beyond their deserts that feeds their confidence. Vitigis having used this Exhortation, marshaled his army. He placed his bataillion of foot between the wings of horse very near their intrenchments, that having routed the Enemy they might overtake them the better, and have the Execution in a great way of Ground. For by reason the Enemy's army was much inferior in powers, he hoped that the battle coming to Sword and Lance, they would not be able to stand them. They began on both sides early in the morning, Vitigis and Belisarius encouraging their men in their Rears. At first the Romans had the better, and the Goths fell thick by the shot: but there was no rout; the Goths with their great numbers easily supplying the slain, that the loss was not seen; and the Romans being few thought it enough to be at this point, to continue the fight up to the entrenchments, and having killed many to return to the city with the first fair pretence. In this Encounter three Romans did best; Athenodorus an Isaurian, one of the life Guard to Belisarius, of good reputation; and Theodoret and George, Cappadocians, and of the Life Guard to Martinus; who still sallied out of their bataillion, and kept off the Barbarians. In Nero's fields both sides stood still a long time, only the Moors made excursions darting their Javelins, and infested the Goths, who would not charge them for fear of the common people, whom they took to be Soldiers; and to stand there with some design to get their backs and by shooting them both ways to ruin them. About noon suddenly the Romans there gave on, and routed the Goths amazed with the suddenness who could not fly to their quarter, but got up to some hill and there stood. The Romans (though many) were most an unarmed multitude; many mariners and Servants being mingled with Soldiers, and the main army being else where; yet terrifying the Goths with their numbers they thus routed them; but by their disorder undid themselves. For the Soldiers being so mingled fell into confusion, and were deaf to all the directions of Valentinus their Commander; They not so much as followed the Enemy nor killed any, but ●ave them leave quietly upon the hills to view what they did. Neither came it into their minds to cut the bridge which had excluded the Enemy from beyond the Tiber, and from besieging Rome on both sides: nor by passing the bridge, did they charge the Enemy's backs fight with Belisarius Troops; which had put the Enemy to flight doubtless without resisting any longer; but they turned to pillage the Enemy's quarter, and carried away much silver vessel and other Goods. The Barbarians where they were, stood still a while to see what they did. At last all together shouting, and with much fury they charged them; and finding them pillaging and in confusion, they killed many, and drove away the rest; who threw away their pillage and ran away. Whilst this was doing in Nero's fields, the other Goths near their quarters fencing with their shields resisted the Enemy, and killed many men, and more horses. The Romans some wounded, some having lost their Horses, left their ranks, and then in the army (small before) the fewness was more apparent, and their great disproportion to the Goths multitude; which the Barbarian horse perceiving, from the left wing galloped toward the Enemy next them. They not abiding the Goths Lances, fled to their bataillion of foot, who stood not the charge neither, but ran away together with the horse; and presently the whole army retired with the Enemy at their heels, and it was an absolute rout. But Principius and Tarmutus with some few foot did things worthy their valour, and made a stand; fighting, and not enduring to be routed, and the Goths admiring their resolution. By their means the foot, and most of the horse escaped with more ease. Principius with his body hewn in pieces fell upon the place, and near him two and forty of the foot. But Tarmutus with an Isaurian Javelin in either hand kept off the assailants, and being spent with perpetual knocks, his Brother came to his succour with some horse, which revived him, that with full speed he ran to the walls full of sweat and wounds, and having still both his Javelins. Being a strong man and swift, he got clear (though in that case) as far as to Porta Pinciana, where he fell down. His companions thinking him dead, brought him in upon a shield. He survived only two days and then died, leaving a great name behind him in the whole Army. The Romans within were terrified, guarded the walls, and tumultuously shut the gates against the flying soldiers, fearing the Enemy might enter with them pell mel. Such Soldiers, as had not gotten within the walls already, leapt over the ditch, and with their backs to the walls stood trembling, unable to keep off the Goths (ready to leap over the Ditch to them) in regard their Lances were broken, and their bows they could not use standing so close to one another. While few were on the battlements, the Goths pressed on to cut them in pieces, and all that were left behind; but when they saw numbers of Soldiers and common people upon the battlements ready to resist, they road back despairing thereof after some railing words. And thus the fight, which began at the Goths Trenches, ended at the ditch and city Wall.    

THE CONTENTS OF THE SECOND BOOK Of the GOTHJCK War.  

Chap. I. SKIRMISHES by Bessas', Peranius, Constantianus, wherein the Goths are routed. A Roman and a Goth, being both fallen into a pit, agree as friends to get out. The valour, rashness, and death of Chorsomantis.  
Chap. II. Treasure arrives from Constantinople: Many brave Skirmishes divert the Goths from hindering the entry thereof into Rome. Cutilas, Buchas bravely end their lives. Arzes strange recovery of a hurt.  
Chap. III. The Goths block up Rome, which causes a Famine and a plague. Belisarius refuses to fight at the people's importunity, and sends Procopius and Antonina to Naples, and also sends out parties to cut off the Goths foragers.  
Chap. IU. The Goths by garrisons abroad are brought to Famine and Pestilence. Mount Vesuvius bellowed. New forces from Constantinople. Belisarius issues out at Porta Flaminia, and puts the enemy into despair.  
Chap. V. The Goths despair, and send an Ambassage of peace. Their ●offer of Sicily, Campania, Naples is refused. They have leave to send to the Emperor.  
Chap. VI Acessation. Provisions are brought into Rome, and new forces. Portus, Centumcellae, and Alba surprised by the Romans. The Goths long to break the cessation. Belisarius sends out John with strong forces ..  
Chap. VII. Upon a quarrel between Belisarius and Valerianus; the later loses his life: the Goths tried to enter the City by an Aquaeduct; but failed: as in another design, and in an assault.  
Chap. VIII. John prospers, takes Ariminum, which made the Goths raise their siege of Rome: who in their retreat receive a great overthrow. Ildiger and Martinus are sent to John; and Vitigis puts garrisons in the strongest places.  
Chap. IX. Ildiger and Martinus take Petra-pertusa. Vitigis besieges Ariminum; is beaten off with his tower, and resolves to famish it.  
Chap. X. Mundilas overthrows the Goths, and seizeth upon Milan: Vitigis comes with his army, and an aid of an 10000 Burgundians, sent by Theodibert K. of the Francs. Milan is besieged by the Goths, and Ancona; which is assaulted, but preserved by two of Belisarius his Lifeguard.  
Chap. XI. A digression touching the Herulians; who being overthrown by the Lombard's, some of them come into Illyrium and make league with the Emperor Anastasius; others went to the Island of Thule.  
Chap. XII. The description of Thule. The Scritifini. The Herulians near Illyrium send thither for a King to their kinsmen already planted there. They sent one; but before they had demanded of Justinian, one Suartuas, their countryman; whom they expelled, and took him that came from Thule: upon this occasion they revolt from the Romans.  
Chap. XIII. Belisarius, by the opinion of Narses, is brought to relieve John in Ariminum. A strange child nursed by a shee-goat.  
Chap. XIV The siege of Ariminum raised by a stratagem of Belisarius. Narses raises a faction against him.  
Chap. XV. Urbinum despaired of by Narses, but taken by Belisarius upon composition with half the army. John takes in Emilia. Belisarius besieges Urbiventum.  
Chap. XVI. A digression concerning a general famine wasting Italy: Milan in danger is not relieved, as it should, by Martinus, and Uliaris; nor by John.  
Chap. XVII. Milan for want of relieving is miserably destroyed, and 300000 men slain; the rest made slaves. John attending Narses direction, and not joining with Martinus by Belisarius' command, caused this ruin.  
Chap. XVIII. Narses is sent from home: The Herulians abandon the army. Vitigis sends Ambassadors to Chosroes, to provoke him against Justinian. Belisarius sends out forces, to favour his intended siege of Auximum and Ravenna.  
Chap. XIX. Belisarius blocks up Auximum: The Romans are beaten by an Ambush, for want of knowing the use of Trumpets. Vitigis promises to relieve the Town, but only sends Uraias; who lies close by the Romans, neither having a mind to fight.  
Chap. XX. The Francs, cr Germane, come into Italy with 50000 men against both parts; and rout 2 armies of each. But are ruined with sicknesses, and retire, having lost a third part of their army.  
Chap. XXI. The Goths in Auximum endure much; convey letters to Vitigis by Burcentius, a Roman soldier: which practice is discovered by the stealing of a Goth by a Slavonian, and is punished by burning Burcentius alive.  
Chap. XXII. In a fight about breaking of a cistern, the Goths are routed, by the valour chiefly of 7 Armenians: Fesula is yielded to Cyprian by composition; and Auximum to Belisarius after much enduring.  
Chap. XXIII. The Po strangely is so low, that the Goths provisions are intercepted. The Goths refuse the Frank's motion to divide Italy. Belisarius hires one to burn the magazines of Ravenna: Castles upon Alps Cottiae are taken in by the Romans.  
Chap. XXIV. The Emperor offers a peace. Belisarius mislikes the conditions, though the Commanders approved it. The Goths offer him the kingdom, which he seems to accept; and thereby takes Vitigis, and the principal Goths, and Ravenna with their own consents.  
Chap. XXV, Belisarius is sent for home: Uraias refuses to be King of the Goths. They choose Ildebad; and by his advice importune Belisarius to take the Kingdom: He constantly refuses, and goes towards Constantinople.    

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS of the Emperor JUSTINIAN.  
Of the GOTHJCK War, the second BOOK.  

CHAP. I.  
THE Romans durst no more hazard their whole Army with the Goths, but skirmished with the Goths (as before) with their Horse. Both of them were lined with Foot marching at their Horse's sides; and ever the Romans had the better of the Barbarians. Bessas' in one Encounter, charging the Enemy with his Lance, killed three of their best Horsemen, and made the rest run away. Constantianus at another time, led the Huns into Nero's Fields about the Evening, and finding himself overmatcht in numbers, he did thus. Upon a great old Stadium standing there (where formerly the Fencers used to combat) are many houses built, and consequently divers narrow Lanes. Constantianus not able to Encounter the Goths multitude, nor yet safely to run from them, caused the Huns to alight from their Horses, and with them made a stand in a narrow Lane; and shooting the Enemy from a secure place, killed many. The Goths a while stood their shot, hoping when the Huns Quivers were empty, to take them all Prisoners good cheap; But they being good Archers, and shooting at a multitude, almost at every shot killed an Enemy, that half their number appeared to be lost. And being about Sunset, and having no place to be safe in, they ran away; and the Huns pursuing them close, and being excellent to shoot upon the full speed, killed them as fast as before, and at night came back to Rome with Constantianus. Some days after Peranius sallied at Porta Salaria with Romans, and routed the Goths. The overthrow being sudden, and about Sunset, a Roman Footman in the tumult fell into a Pit, there being many anciently made in that place to lay up Corn in. He durst not cry out so near the Enemy's Camp, and he could not get up; so there he stayed all night, the next day the Barbariaus being again routed, a Goes fell into the same Pit. They here grew acquainted; necessity making them Friends, and they swore to procure each others safety; and then both roared as loud as they could. The Goths ran to the Pit, and asked who made that crying: The Roman by agreement between them was silent, and the other prayed them in their Language, to let down a Rope to lift him up; they threw in a Rope, which the Roman first catcht, and said, that he being up, the Goths would not leave their Companion behind, but would make no account to save him being an Enemy, and so got up. The Goths when they saw him, wondered, but hearing the Story, took up the other, who went along with them, and the Roman was permitted to go to the City without harm. Some Bravadoes there were often between small parties of Horse, as if they would fight; but still the Quarrel ended in a Duel, wherein the Romans ever had the Victory. At an Encounter in Nero's Fields, there being many Chases on both sides by the Horse, Chorsomantis of the Lifeguard to Belisarius, by Birth a Hun, pursued with some others 70. Goths; who being gone far, the rest road back, only Chorsomantis followed still; the Goths turned about at him, and he killed on of their best men, and routed the rest: They fearing that they were seen from their Trenches, and ashamed, charging him again, and again, after the loss of another of their best men, were made to run away as fast as before; and Chorsomantis chased them up to the Trenches, and then returned all alone. Not long after at another Fight he was shot into the left leg to the bone, and lying for the cure unserviceable, he chafed (being a Barbarian) and threatened to be even with the Goths, for the wrong they had done his leg. When he was well, and had drunk store of Wine at his Dinner, out he went towards the Enemy to be revenged for his leg; he told the Sentinels at Porta pinciana, that Belisarius sent him to the Enemy's Camp, who not mistrusting one of the General's Guard, opened the Gate, and let him go out. The Enemy seeing him, took him for a Fugitive; but when he was come near, and fell to use his Bow, some twenty came upon him, whom he shook off and retired a foot pace; more came on, yet he would not run away, and still resisting (though more still charging him.) The Romans from the Turrets seeing it, thought him some mad man, not knowing it to be Chorsomantis, who did there brave things, and highly to be commended: but at last being compassed by the Enemy, he paid the penalty of his foolhardiness. Belisarius and the Army (when they knew who it was) mourned for him, as if all their hopes had perished with him.   

CHAP. II.  
BUT about Midsummer, Euthalius arrived at Taracina, with moneys from Constantinople owing to the Army; who fearing the Enemy, and his Money, wrote to Belisarius to conduct him safe into Rome, who sent out a 100 of his Targeteers, with two of his Lanciers to Taracina, to convoy the Treasure, and himself made a show of giving Battle to the whole Army, to amuse the Enemy from going out upon occasion of Foraging. The nex day hearing Euthalius with his convoy would arrive, he ordered his Army for a Fight; and knowing Enthalius would enter by night, he stood all the morning near the Gates in Arms, and at Noon he commanded the Army to dine; the Goths did likewise, thinking that he put off the Battle till the next day: Then he sent Martinus, and Valerianus to Nero's Fields, to give Alarms to the Enemy there. And at Porta Pinciana he sent out 600. Horse against the Trenches, led by three of his Lifeguard, Artacines a Persian, Buchas a Hun, and Cutilas a Thracian. The Enemy encountered them with many, and a good while they spent in charges, and retire only, without coming up to the Sword, and Lance, seeming willing so to wear out the day. At last they grew angry, and the Fight being hot, many, and of the best fell, and seconds came in from the City and the Camp; from whence (the Skirmish growing more and more) the shouts filled the Combatants with Courage. In conclusion the Romans routed them; Cutilas was hit into the head with a Dart, which sticking therein, he followed the Execution; and that being done, he road with the rest into the City, with the Dart dangling on his head; a strange Sight. Arxes' a Targetier of Belisarius was shot between the nose and the right eye; the Arrows head piercing to his neck, but not appearing through●, and the Shaft as he road shaked upon his Forehead: The Romans wondered to see him, and Cutilas, ride so little sensible of such hurts. This was the Success here; but in Nero's Fields the Goths had the better: Martinus and Valerianus sustaining their great numbers, with much difficulty and danger. Belisarius commanded Buchas, who was come off untouched, to ride up to Nero's Fields, to secure there; who falling on suddenly, and in the Evening, defeated them: but charging himself too far, he was compassed by twelve Enemies with Lances; which troubled him not, his Corselet holding good against the bushes thereof, till a Goth thrust him behind under his right armhole, which Wound was not mortal: but another thrust him into the left thigh, and cut the Muscle across. Valerianus, and Martinus, road speedily to his rescue, and beat off the Enemy, than led him into the City, taking his Horse by the Bridle. Night being come, Euthalius entered the City with the Treasure, and all being within, they looked to their hurt men; the Surgeons desired to take the Arrow out of Arzes Face, but demurred; not in respect of the eye (which they had no thought to save) but least by tearing the Membranes and Nerves thereabout, they might kill one of the bravest men of Belisarius retinue. One of them (named Theoctistus) pressing with his hand behind upon the neck, asked if it pained him; he answering that it did: then (quoth the Surgeon) your life is safe, and your Sight unhurt. This his confidence was, because he found the head of the Arrow not far from the Skin; such of the Shaft which stuck out, he cut off and threw away, then opened the Fibres, or small Strings, where his pain was most, and drew out the Arrow head with the rest of the Shaft that way with ease; So Arzes was not only unmaimed, but had not so much as a Scar left in his Face. But the Dart being pulled violently out of Cutilas' head (where it stuck deep, and fast) he swooned; then the meanings inflaming, he fell into a Frenzy, and died quickly. Buchas thigh fell into such a bleeding, by reason the Muscle was cut crossway, that he died within three days. The Romans mourned that night for these misfortunes, and from the Goths Trenches heard extreme Lamentations. They wondered at it, not supposing the Enemy to have received any notable loss, but to have had much more in former Skirmishes, which troubled them not, by reason of their multitudes. 
Incipit Annus 3. bell. Goth. 11. Reg. Justinian An. Dom. 537.  The next day they knew that it was for many of the bravest men they had slain, in Buchas first Encounter in Nero's Fields. Many petty Skirmishes there were, which I mention not: In all there were during the Siege, 67. the two last shall be related in their due place. And then ended the Winter, and the second year of this War, written by Procopius.   

CHAP. III.  
Soon after the middle of the Summer, the City was visited with Famine, and Pestilence, and the Soldier also was in want of Corn, but of no other Provision. But the Citizens besides that want, were sorely pressed with the Famine, and Pestilence. The Goths found it, and resolved to hazard no more Fights; but with Garrisons to hinder the importing Provisions to the Enemy. Two Aqueducts between Via Latina, and Via Appia, high built with goodly Arches, meet at a place about six miles from Rome; then that which took the right-hand way before, goes to the left, crossing one another, and again they meet, and sever again, enclosing the ground in the middle; and the Goths damning up the Arches with Stone, and Earth, made it as a Castle, and lodged in it a Garrison of 7000. men, to cut of the Roman Foragers. The Romans than grew hopeless, compassed with every species of misery. While the Corn was, some Soldiers (the most daring) road out in the night, and cut off the Ears, and brought them in unseen by the Enemy, upon spare Horses, and sold them to the Rich for great Sums. The rest lived upon Grass growing within, and near the Walls, (The Fields about Rome being green with Grass Summer, and Winter, which served the Army for their Horses.) Some made Saussages of Mules flesh which died in the Town, and sold them secretly. But the Corn being gone, and the Citizens in extremity, they flocked about Belisarius, urging him to end all in one Battle, and promising that not a Citizen should be absent from it. He was much troubled, and the Commons still importuned; saying, that their present Condition had over-taken them suddenly, and that their hopes ended in the quite contrary; having gotten what they longed for, and yet now being in this Calamity: And their former Opinion of doing well, in affecting the Emperor's Protection, being now their folly, and the ground of their misery, which now necessitated them to a daring, and again to put on Arms against the Enemy. They craved Pardon, though saucy with Belisarius. A hungry belly knows no modesty; and their foolhardiness to fight, Fortune must excuse, seeing life prolonged in misery, is of all the most grievous. That he saw their case, their Farms in the Country in the Enemy's hands, and their City blocked up; the Citizens lying dead without earth to cover them, and the Survivers wishing their Carcases lying by them; all mischiefs being made tolerable by the Plague, and forgotten, when that appears, it making all other Deaths, but from itself, a kind of pleasure. They prayed leave to try their Fortune in Fight, before the sickness had utterly subdued them; either they should conquer, or be rid of their troubles. Men who have hope in delaying, are unwise to hazard all with forwardness; but in such as find their match the worse by deferring, a little delay is more to be blamed, then instant rashness. To this Speech Belisarius made this answer; This is no more than I expected from you: I know what an inconsiderate thing a common People is; who neither can bear the present, nor provide for the future; only it can attempt Impossibilities, and ruin itself unadvisedly. But let me never willingly destroy you, and the Emperor's Affairs by your negligence. The War prospers not by brutish eagerness, but by weighing the Opportunities wisely, and with consultation. You thinking you are at Dice, will throw at all; but it is my manner not to choose hasty, but profitable counsels. You promise to fight with the Enemy in our Company: since when have you been trained to your Arms? and were you perfect therein, who knows not, that a Battle is, not proper to try Masteries in? In the Fight the Enemy will not give you leave to practise, and learn. I commend therefore your forwardness, and pardon this Tumult. But why it is not seasonable, and why we use a provident backwardness, I will tell you. The Emperor hath sent a mighty Army gathered out of all Lands, and a Fleet (the like whereof the Romans never had) covering the shores of Campania, and much of the Ionian Gulf. These Forces are coming to us, and will deliver you from your fears, and overwhelm the Barbarians with their Arrows; and I defer our fight till their Arrival, to get rather a secure Victory, then by adventring without reason, to abandon our safety; and I will take order, they shall be with us without delay. Belisarius with this quieted the Commons, and dismissed them. And it being reported, that the Emperor, would send Forces to Naples, he dispatched Procopius thither, the Writer of his History, with Instructions to fraught Ships with Corn, and to assemble the Soldiers come from Constantinople, and the Horsemen quartered in those Countries; and marching then into Campania, to take also some out of every Garrison, and to convoy the Corn to Ostia. Procopius went out at Saint Paul's Gate, with Mundilas one of the Lifeguard, and some Horsemen, and were not seen by the Enemy, quartered by Via Appia. When Mundilas at his return, reported how Procopius was by that time in Campania, without meeting a Goth, who went not out of their Camp in the night, they all took hart: And Belisarius grown bolder, sent store of Horse to the next Fortresses, from thence to charge the Enemy's Foragers, and to lay Ambushes to cut of their bringing Provisions to the Camp, that by this the City might be less vexed with wants, and the Goths might be besieged more than It. He sent Martinus, and Traianus with a 1000 men to convoy his Wife Antonina to Taracina, and from thence to give her a convoy to Naples; where she was to expect the Event in a safe place. And he sent Magnus, and Sinthues, one of his Lifeguard, with 500 men to the Castle of Tibur; standing about 17. miles from Rome. To the small City of Alba, standing so many miles also from Rome, upon Via Appia, he had before sent Gontharis with some Herulians; whom the Enemy beat out from thence a while after. There stands a Church of the Apostle Saint Paul, a mile and three quarters from the walls of Rome upon the Tiber. It is not fortified, but a Porticus reaches to it from the City, which with the buildings upon it make the place not easily to be invaded. The Goths also so much reverence those two Apostles, that during the siege no hurt was done to either of these Temples, but the priests celebrated divine Service in them as formerly. In this place Belisarius commanded Valerianus with all the Huns to entrench upon the banks of Tiber, thereby to favour the pasturing of their own Horse, and to restrain the Goths from coming out so far at their pleasure. Valerianus encamped the Hunns accordingly, and then returned to the City, And Belisarius having settled these things, lay still, resolving to begin no fight, but to defend only the walls from harm, and to some of the Commons he distributed corn.   

CHAP. IU.  
BUT Martinus and Trajanus, passed in the night by the Enemy's camps, came to Taracina, and sent Antonina with a convoy into Campania; themselves seized the fortresses there about: from whence issuing and charging ever suddenly, they restrained the Goths inroads that way. Magnus also, and Synthues, repaired the decays of the castle of Tibur, and from a safe place infested the Enemy, and a fortification they had not far off, frighting with unlooked for charges their convoys of provisions: Until Synthues by a hurt of a Lance upon his right hand, was disabled, his sinews being cut asunder. The Huns also, quartered near there about, did the Goths as much hurt; that the Famine vexed them, having not provisions brought so freely; and the plague killed many, especially in the camp near Via Appia; where the few that escaped ran to the other intrenchments: The Huns also suffered the like, and went back to Rome.  
Procopius in Campania got together 500 soldiers, and ships freighted with corn, and when Antonina came, she took care with him to set out the fleet. Vesuvius then bellowed, but did not cast up, which was expected; and the inhabitants were terribly frighted. This mountain stands eight miles three quarters from Naples northward, steep, and thick with wood below, and above craggy and very wild. At the top is a deep cave, seeming to reach to the bottom of the mountain, and if you peep in, you may see fire, which ordinarily keeps in, not troubling the people; But when the mountain bellows like an Ox, soon after it casts out far away a huge quantity of cinders, which catching a man upon the way, he hath no means to save his life; if it fall upon houses, they fall with the weight; if the wind blow stiff, it rises up past ones sight, and is carried by the wind to very far countries. They say, it fell once in Constantinople, which so frighted the Citizens, that to this day they have yearly public supplications to appease God; and that another time it fell in Tripoli. Formerly this bellowing came every 100 years, or more, but since oftener. When the Vesuvius casts out cinders, they are confident of a plentiful year: the air about it is pure, and none more healthy; that the Physicians send thither men far gone in Consumptions.  
But from Constantinople arrived at Naples 3000 Isaurians, commanded by Paulus and Conon, and at Otranto 800 horse, Thracians, led by John, Sister's Son of that Vitalianus, who formerly rebelled against the Emperor. With them were a 1000 more horsemen, commanded by Alexander and Marcentius, and others. Zeno with 300 horse was already come to Rome through Samnium, and by Via Latina. John and the rest coming into Campania with many wagons out of Calabria, and joining the 500 levied (as I said) in Campania, marched by the Sea shore with their wagons, which they were to fortify with, in case of an Enemy's assault. Paulus & Conon they sent by sea with their troops, to join with them at Ostia, having put corn sufficient in their wagons & freighted the ships therewith, & with wine and other provisions. They thought to find Martinus & Trajanus about Taracina, but they were newly sent for and gone to Rome. Belisarius fearing the Enemy with multitudes might cut off the troops marching with John, and having at the beginning of the war rammed up Porta Flaminia with stones, that the Enemy encamping near it, might not there force the city (neither was there ever any fight there, nor did the Barbarians look for any Enemy thence) from this gate he took away the stones secretly, and put there in arms the greatest part of his army, and at daybreak he sent out Diogenes and Trajanus, by Porta Pinciana, with a thousand horse, to shoot into the Enemy's quarters, and when they came out to run away, upon the full speed to the town walls. They accordingly provoked the Goths, who from all their quarters encountered them; and both parts came upon the speed towards the walls, the one flying the other pursuing. When Belisarius saw the Enemy upon the chase, he opened Porta Flaminia, and drew out the army unexpected. Near the high way, there was one of their camps and before it a narrow lane craggy and hard to pass: where a Barbarian gallant and well armed, seeing the Enemy coming ran and preposessed the said passage, calling to his companions to help to maintain it; but Mundilas overtook him and killed him, not suffering any of the rest to come to the Lane. So they went through without opposition to the Enemy's quarter: which some attempted, but could not take it, though few were within, by reason the ditch was deep and the Earth cast up inward, and was raised to a kind of a wall, and the stakes were very well pitched and thick, wherein the Goths trusting resisted valiantly. Aquilinus a Targetier of Belisarius, and very valiant, leapt into the quarter, drawing his horse by the bridle after, and some he killed; but they darted thick at him, and killed his horse, himself escaped strangely through the Enemy, and went towards Porta Pinciana, with his fellows, who overtook the Goths yet pursuing and killed them shooting them behind. Trajanus with his troops seeing it, (their horse there also seconding) galloped against the pursuing Goths, who surprised between the Enemy thus, were slain in confusion; and the slaughter was great, and few recovered their Quarters: Which they were all afraid of, kept in, and fortified; expecting a present assult. In this fight Trajanus was shot above his right eye, near the nose. The arrow head though broad and long stuck fast, and was not seen; but the shaft fell off, the head being lose set. Trajanus felt it not, but continued chase and killing, & 5 years after the point of the arrow head appeared of itself out of his fore head. This is the third year that still by little and little it comes out; and in time 'tis thought it will all come out. In the mean time it is no trouble to him at all.   

CHAP. V.  
BUT the Goths upon these successes despaired of the war, and thought of retiring, being reduced by the plague and Enemy from many thousands to a few, pinched with famine, excluded from all provisions, and in show besieging, but indeed besieged themselves. Hearing also of other forces come from Constantinople, by sea and land, not as they were, but as same gave them out, they consulted upon a retreat, and sent into Rome a Roman of good account among them," with two other Ambassadors, who spoke thus to Belisarius. How neither part hath got by this war, all of us find by our experience of the incommodities thereof. And neither army can deny what no man can be ignorant of, that no wise man will for a little Emulation perpetually toil and seek no relaxation; he must be senseless that says the contrary. So that it behoves our Princes, not to sacrifice their Subject's safety to their own Glory; but to embrace what is just and profitable not only for themselves but their adversaries, and so to end these troubles. By desiring moderate things, difficulties are accommodated, but by wrangling nothing concluded. We having therefore advised upon a conclusion of the war, are come to propound things advantageous to both, parting with some of our Right, as we conceive. And do not you by contending with us run yourselves rather, then choose what is best for you; and herein it is not so good to use Rhetorical speeches, but to reply instantly, if any thing seem to be said or done amiss. Belisarius approved the conference to be so, but bade them speak peceable & just things. They replied, you have done us wrong to take arms against us your friends and allies, and we will say what you all know: The Goths conquered Italy, not forcing it from the Romans; but Odoacer had deposed the Emperor and changed the state into a Tyranny: and Zeno, than Emperor of the East, desiring to revenge his fellow Emperor upon the usurper, & to free the Province, but unable to suppress Odoacer, persuaded our Prince Theodoriok, (ready then to besiege him in Constantinople) to lay down that quarrel, being a Patrician, and having been a Roman Consul; and by revenging the wrong done to Augustulus, upon Odoacer, to become with the Goths lawful master of the province. Thus we received the Dominion of Italy, and have maintained the Commonwealth and Laws, as much as any Emperor. There is not one new Law made by Theodorick, nor any of his Successors, written, nor unwritten. And concerning Faith and God's Worship, we have conserved them exactly, that not an Italian willingly nor unwillingly hath changed his Religion, and when Goths have changed, it hath not been questioned. The Romans Churches have been by us held in highest Reverence, and none flying to them hath been violated. The great Offices the Romans have had, not a Goth hath been advanced to any. If any man think this not to be so, let him stand out and disprove me. Nay the Goths have given way, that the Roman Consulship should yearly be conferred on Romans, by the Eastern Emperor. Things being thus; you, who never pretended to Italy, wasted by Barbarians under Odoacer (who for ten years together wrought so much mischief now force out the lawful Purchasers, having nothing to do with it.  
Be gone therefore from us, keeping what is yours, and the Booties you have taken. Belisarius replied: Your promise was to be brief and moderate, but your discourse hath been tedious, and something insolent. The Emperor Zeno sent Theodorick against Odoacer, not to be King of Italy (for to him what distinction could be between one Usurper and another?) but that it might be free and obedient to the Emperor. And Theodorick did good Service against the Usurper, but in the rest proved extremely ungrateful; never bethinking himself to restore the Country to the Lord thereof. He that ejects forcibly, and he that restores not what is his Neighbours, is the same man. For me, I may not give away the Emperor's Provinces: If you would have any thing else, speak on. Ambassador. You know all, that we have spoken nothing but truth. But to show, we affect no Disputes; we quit to you Sicily, a great and rich Island, without which you cannot hold afric securely. And we 
† Mr. Cambden out of this passage, and other authorities, proves the Goths to inhabit Scotland, sent thither by Gratian, and Valentinian; & that the Scots are their descendants vid. Camb. Brit. page 88  quit all Britanny to the Goths, greater than Sicily, and formerly subject to the Romans. It is fit to requite such as do us Benefits, with the like. If we mention Campania, and Naples, you will not accept. Belisarius: We have no power to dispose of what is the Emperors, but with his liking. Ambassador. Nor if we shall yield to the payment of an annual Tribute. Belisarius: No truly; we have no absolute power in any thing, but to guard the Province for the Conqueror. Ambassador. Be pleased than we may repair to the Emperor, and conclude and accord with him, and some time must be limited for the Armies to forbear hostility. Belisarius: Be it so, I will not hinder, while you consult upon ways of peace. Thus the Conference ended, and the Ambassadorurs returned to the Goths Camp.   

CHAP. VI  
AFTER often meetings, they concluded a Cessation, and to give Hostages mutually of eminent men. During this negotiation, the Fleet of Isaurians came into the Haven of Rome, and the Troops of John to Ostia, without the Enemy's interruption to land or encamp. The Isaurians to lodge securely from the Enemy, drew a deep Ditch near the Haven, and kept guards; and John lay fenced within his Wagons. At night Belisarius came to Ostia with a 100 Horse, acquainting them with the occurrents, and conclusion with the Goths, & commanding them to send up their lading, and to go boldly to Rome; promising them to secure the way for them: himself before day road back into the City. When it was day, Antonina consulted with the Commanders about sending up their lading; which seemed difficult, and scarce faisible. The Oxen were half dead, and could not hold out: and it was unsafe to go with their Wagons in a way so narrow; and to draw Lighters up the River, as formerly, was impossible; the left hand way by the same being possessed (as I said) by the Enemy, and not passable for the Romans; and by the other bank was no passage at all: So that taking the Cock-boats of the greater Ships, and walling them round with boards, to guard the men from shot, they put aboard those Boats a proportion of Archers, and Mariners; and stowing as much as they could carry in them, and getting a wind, they sailed up the Tiber; a part of the Army winging them on the right hand shore: And they left a strong guard of Isaurians in the Ships. Their sails they took from the Enemy, and went up with ease. Only where the Stream with an eddy went side-long, their sails had no wind for them, and the Mariners rowed, and with much toil forced up. The Barbarians interrupted them not, either fearing to hazard, or not thinking provisions could be imported that way. And they held it inconvenient to cross the Cessation promised, upon a slight occasion; In Portus also the Goths meddled not with them, as they sailed by them, wondering what their intent was. Having in this manner, sailing to and fro, imported their ladings; the Mariners went away with the Ships, it being now toward the Winter Tropic. The rest of the Army entered Rome, save Paulus, who stayed in Ostia with some Isaurians. Afterward they gave Hostages for observing the Cessation, the Romans Zeno, and the Goths, Vlias', a man of quality; Neither to invade the other for three months, till the Ambassadors should bring the Emperor's resolution. And if any should begin to wrong the other, yet the Ambassadors should be returned home safe. The Goths Ambassadors were convoyed by the Romans to Constantinople; and Ildiger, who married Antonina's daughter, came from afric to Rome with a fair troop of Horse. The Goths in the Castle of Portus wanting provisions, quitted it, and came to the camp by Vitigis direction: The place Paulus with his Isaurians from Ostia surprised. It was the Romans being Masters of the Sea, which caused these wants of Victual, permitting no Provisions to come to the Barbarians. Upon the like scarcity they quitted then also Centumcellae, a Sea Town of much importance, great, and populous, and standing in Tuscany, 35. miles to the West of Rome. The taking of it much strengthened the Romans: and of Alba likewise, standing to the East of Rome, and abandoned by the Enemy for the same reason. So that the Romans compassed them round; which made the Goths eager to break the Accord, and to do them mischief. They sent Ambassadors to Belisarius, complaining, that Vitigis having upon some occasion sent for the Goths from the Castle of Portus, Paulus without any reason had surprised it; and pretending the like for Alba and Centumcellae, with menaces, if they had not restitution. Belisarius sent them away, laughing at their pretext, all men knowing why they quitted those places. From hence forward they were suspicious of each other.  
Belisarius seeing then Rome strong with Soldiers, sent out many parties of Horse to places near Rome: And Vitalianus, John's Nephew, to winter about Alba in Picenia, with his own 800. Horse, and 400. of the Troops of Valerianus, whose Sisters Son Damianus commanded them, and 800. of his own Targeteers, extraordinary good men, led by two of his Lifeguard, Sutas, and Abigis. These he directed to follow John, whithersoever, and him, while the Enemy kept the Truce, to be quiet; but if they broke it, suddenly to fall upon Picenia, to visit the Towns before they had news of his coming, (few men being left in the Country, but almost all before Rome; and their Wives, Children, and Goods being in every Town some) and to carry away Captive, and pillage all he found, taking care not to hurt the Roman Inhabitants: lighting upon any Town Fortified and Garrisoned, to attempt it; and if he took it, to march forward; but if were too tough for him, to come back, or stay: For going on with a strong Town at his back, it would be dangerous, and he could hardly be succoured, if distressed by an Enemy: that he should keep all the Booty to be distributed to the Army. Then smiling, he added this word; That it is not just for some to toil, to kill the Drones, and others at their ease to eat the Honey. Belisarius with these Instructions sent away John, and those Forces.   

ABout that time Datius, Bishop of Milan, with some chief Citizens came to Rome, and entreated of Belisarius some Soldiers, with whom they undertook not only to draw Milan from the Goths to the Emperor, but all Liguria. This City is in † Liguria, 
* This Author calls much more Liguria then now is. Leander sates, there was a Liguria Cisappeninna anciently. The Liguria now he names Transappennina.  in the mid way between Ravenna and the alps (which are upon the Frontier of Gaul) standing eight day's Journey from either. Next to Rome it was the greatest of the Western Cities, and the most populous and rich. Belisarius promised as they desired, and kept them there the Winter; but Fortune grew envious at the Romans Prosperity, and meant to temper it with some ill; putting a quarrel between Belisarius, and Constantianus, upon a slight ground. Persidius, a Roman Citizen of quality, who dwelled at Ravenna, having offended the Goths (when Vitigis was upon leading his Army to Rome) under a pretence with some few Servants to go a hunting, ran away, communicating his Design to none, nor carrying money, nor money-worth, save two short Swords with Scabbards, set with much Gold and precious Stones. Being come to Spoletum, he lodged in a Church without the Walls, which Constantianus, (than there) understanding, sent Maxentiolus, one of his Targeteers, and took the Cimiters from him; who being grieved at the wrong, went to Rome to Belisarius; whether soon after came Constantianus also, the Goths Army being reported to be near. While the Romans were in trouble and danger, Persidius was silent; but they having the better, and the Goths Ambassadors being dispatched to the Empetour, he acquainted Belisarius with the Injury, praying his assistance in his just Cause; who in Person, and by others reproved Constantianus, and advised him to wash his hands of so foul an Imputation. But Constantianus (who was to have a mischief) put off the advice with a Jest, and flouted the man he had wronged. Who meeting Belisarius riding through the Market place, took his Horse by the Bridle, and clamouring aloud, asked, if it were the Emperor's Law, that when a poor Suppliant comes for refuge from Barbarians, any man may take from him what he hath about him. The Company threatened him, and bade him let go the Bridle; which he would not do, before Belisarius promised to give him the Swords. The next day he called Constantianus and many Commanders to a Room in the Palace; putting him in mind of the Accident the day before, and (though late) to restore the Cimiters. He said, he would sooner throw them into the Tiber, Belisarius grew angry; and asked, if he took not himself to be under his command: In other things he professed to obey him, since it was the Emperor's pleasure; but that which he now commanded, he would never do. Belisarius then had his Guard to come in; is it to kill me, quoth Constantianus? no, said Belisarius, but to compel your Targetier Maxentiolus, to restore to the man his Swords, which he took from him by violence, and brought them to you. Constantianus supposing yet it was to kill him, thought first to do some brave Act; and drawing a short Sword, made a thrust suddenly at the Belly of Belisarius; who amazed stepped back, and embracing Bess●us who stood next him, avoided the danger. Constantianus yet in rage made at him; but Ildeger taking him by the right hand, and Valerianus by the left, drew him back: Then came in the Guard, who wrested his Sword from him, and snatched him away. Then they hurt him not, respecting the Commanders present, but they led him to another Room, and there by Belisarius Command, killed him. This was the only † impious Act ever done by Belisarius, 
* This History is supplied in the secret History; where it appears to be impious indeed.  not conformable to the much moderation he had still used to all men. But (as I said) Constantianus was to have a mischief.  
Shortly after the Goths had a design upon Rome; They let down some men into an Aquaeduct, whose water they had cut off in the beginning of the Siege; these with Lamps, and Torches searched for an entrance into the City. Not far from Porta Pinciana, an Arch of this Aquaeduct had a breach in it, out of which a Sentinel saw light, and told it his fellows; they said it was a Wolf, there being no Land to be seen over the building of the Acquaeduct, they took it to be a Wolves eyes, showing like fire. The Goths in the Aquaeduct came into the midst of the City, where had been an ascent into the Palace, and found there a Building made by Belisarius, providently in the beginning of the Siege, which hindered their further passage, or ascent. So they took a small Stone out of it, and returned to Vitigis, showing him the Stone, and relating the particulars; who held a Counsel about it. The next day the Romans upon the Guard at Porta Pinciana had speech of their suspicion about the Wolf; which being spread, and coming to the wise General, he did not slightly give ear to it, but instantly let down into the Aquaeduct Diogenes, one of his Lifeguard, with some choice men, to search; who found scattered Lamps of the Enemy, and droppings of Torches, and saw where they had taken out the Stone, and reported all to Belisarius; whereupon he kept a strong Guard upon the Aquaeduct: which the Goths perceiving, forbore the attempt. But they prepared to give an open Assault; and at dinner time with scaling Ladders and fire, they came unlooked for to Porta Pinciana, hoping to take the City so by a sudden onset, few Soldiers being left within it. Ildeger then kept the Watch with his Company, every man being appointed to guard by turns. Seeing the Enemy approach disorderly, he charged them not ranked for a Fight, but marching in confusion, and he routed and killed them. At the noise the Romans ran up to the Walls, and the Goths without doing any thing retired. Vitigis then had another design; the Walls are very assaultable by the Tiber's Bank, the Ancients having built the Wall carelessly there, and low, without Towers, trusting to the Fortification of the River. Here he hoped to take the City, there being no considerable guard. He corrupted two Romans dwelling about Saint Peter's Church, to repair to the Sentinels there with a Vessel of Wine about the Evening, and with some colour of kindness, to bestow the Wine on them, to sit drinking with them till midnight, and to throw into their Cups a sleepy Drug, which he gave them. He prepared Boats upon the opposite Shore, in which the Goths upon a Signal, (the Sentinels being asleep) were to pass over and assault; and he put the whole Army in readiness to force the City. But one of the men hired for the Service, (Rome being not to be taken by that Army of Goths) revealed the Plot to Belisarius, and discovered his fellow; who upon torture opened all, and shown the Drug given by Vitigis. Belisarius cut of his Nose, and Ears, and sent him upon an Ass into the Enemy's Camp; who seeing him, saw God preventing their Counsels, and therefore the City by them not to be taken.   

CHAP. VIII.  
IN the mean time Belisarius wrote of John to attend close his business. And he with 2000 Horse foraged Picenia, taking all in his way, Women, and Children Captives. And he overthrew Vlithius, Vitigis his Uncle, killing him and almost his whole Army; 
† Auximum is now called Osano, in Marca Anconitanna, subject to the Pope.  that none durst encounter him. † At Auximum he heard there was but a weak Garrison of Goths; but finding the place strong, and hard to take, he would not beseige it, but marched forward. He left also Vrbinum, and marched toward Ariminum, and day's Journey from Ravenna, whether some Romans invited him. The Goths being jealous of the Townsmen, when they heard of the Roman Army coming toward them, ran all away. So John got Ariminum, and left at his back Garrisons in Auximum, and Vrbinum, not forgetting Belisarius Instructions, nor upon any ungrounded temerity (being one who had Discretion mixed with Valour) but considering what came to pass; that when the Goths heard a Roman Army to be near Ravenna, they would instantly raise their Siege, afraid of the place. And he lighted upon a right conceit; for Vitigis and the Goths, understanding Ariminum to be in his Possession, and extremely fearing Ravenna. made a direct Retreat, without any further consideration; for which John got a great Reputation, being before generally famous; a daring man, laborious in his own Person, and fearless in dangers. He used a hard Diet, and in toils was inferior to no Barbarian, or common Soldier. Mattasuntha, Vitigis Wife, offended with her Husband, who at first attained her Bed by violence, and hearing John to be in Ariminum, was glad of it, and secretly treated with him, touching a Marriage and a plot of Treason: This they negotiated by Messages unknown to any. And the Goths having the news of Ariminum, and their Provisions failing, and the three Months being expired, made their Retreat, though they heard nothing of their Ambassador's success. About the Summer Tropic having spent one year and nine days in this Siege, they burned up their Huts, and by daybreak began their Journey. The Romans seeing them, doubted what to do, their main body of Horse being not present; but sent out several ways, as I have said, and conceiving themselves not able to fight with such multitudes: Yet Belisarius armed his Horse, and Foot; and more than half the Enemies being passed over the Bridge, he sallied at Porta Pinciana. The Fight came to the Sword, and Lance, and the Goths first stiffly sustaining the Enemy, many fell on both sides: But afterward the Goths being routed, made their overthrow very great, by pressing and crowding to pass the Bridge, that they suffered extraordinary loss, being killed by Enemies and one another. Many fell into the Tiber, and were drowned in their Arms; and having lost most of their men, the rest ever-took those formerly passed over. Longinus the Isaurian, and Mundilas, two of Belisarius his Lifeguard, did extraordinarily in this Battle: Mundilas killed four Barbarians, and came off; but Longinus having been the greatest cause of the Enemy's overthrow, fell upon the place, much lamented by the whole Army. Vitigis in his march toward Ravenna with the remainder of his Army, fortified the defensible places with strong Garrisons; leaving in Clusium, a City in Tuscany, a 1000 men under Gelimer, and as many in Vrbiventum, under Albilas a Goth; and in Tudera Vligisalus, with 400. In Picenia he continued the 400. formerly lodged in the Castle of Petra; In Auximum, the greatest City there, he left 4000 selected Goths, and Visandus a valiant Commander. And in Vrbinum 2000 under Tomoras; In Caesina and Monteferetrum, other Castles there, he Garrisoned 500 men in each; Himself marched with the rest to beseige Ariminum. Belisarius when the Siege was raised, sent Ildeger and Martinus with a 1000 Horse to get before the Enemy into Ariminum, (taking some other way) and to cause John and his Troops to rise from thence, placing in their stead other sufficient numbers to guard the Town, and to be taken out of Ancona standing upon the Ionian Gulf, two days journey from Ariminum; which he had taken in before, sending Conon with an Army of Thracians, and Isaurians. He hoped, that there being only Foot in Ariminum, and no Commanders of Note, the Goths would not employ their powers to beseige it, but despise it, and march on to Ravenna; and if they should beseige it, that Provisions would last longer for Foot only, and that the 2000 Horse with John would infest the Enemy, and force them to raise their Siege. Ildeger, and Martinus with these Instructions took their Journey by Via Flaminia, and by much prevented the Goths, who by reason of their multitudes marched slowly, and were forced to go about for want of Provisions, neither would they come near the strong places upon Via Flaminia, the Romans (as hath been said) holding Narnia, Spoletum, and Perusia.   

CHAP. IX.  
BUT those Romans finding Petra in their way, attempted the Castle as a by-businesse; a fortress not made by men, but by the nature of the place, where is a craggy way, and to the right hand a swift running river unfordable; on the left hand a steep rock so high, that men on the top seem below like little birds. Anciently there was no passage through, but in time a way was digged through it, & a gate made; the other entrance was walled, save so much as was left for a gate there, and so of itself the place became of fortification, and was named † Petra, 
* it is called afterward Petra Pertusa, because of the passage cut through the Rock.  the Rock. Martinus and Ildiger assaulted one of the Gates, but did no good with their shot, though the Goths within made no defence. And last behind they forced their way up the crag, and threw stones upon the Enemy's heads: they ran into the houses, and there kept close. The Romans when they could not reach them with stones, cut great pieces out of the Rock, and with many hands tossed them down aiming at the houses, such as they light on tottered, and so frighted the Goths that they held up their hands to those at the Gate, and yielded upon composition, to have no hurt, but to be servants to the Emperor, and obedient to Belisarius. Martinus and Ildiger, removed the most of them, leaving some few with their wives & children, & placing a Garrison of Romans, Then they went to Ancona from whence they took many foot companies, & brought them the third day to Arnum, declaring Belisarius his direction. But John refused to go with them, and detained Damianus with his 400 men; so that leaving the foot companies, they went away with the Lanciers and Targeteers of Belisarius. Soon after Vitigis with his whole army sat down before Ariminum. He made a wooden tower higher than the walis, and upon wheels brought it where the same were most assaultable: They drew it not on with oxen, lest they should speed as they did at Rome; but men covered within it, shoved it on: within it was a great broad scaling ladder for the common soldier to mount the battlements, they not doubting but to get up with ease so soon as their tower was set to the walls, so was the figure thereof contrived. Being come near the walls with it, they lay still, because it grew dark, set their sentinels about it, and took their rest, dreaming of no opposition; there being but a small trench only to hinder their approach. The Romans past the night in fear, expecting the next day to be ruined. But John neither despairing nor fearing, about midnight left the rest upon their Guards, and himself with his Isaurians carrying Mattocks and other instruments, got secretly without the walls, and caused them to dig in the trench, and to cast up the Earth to the town-ward, which served for a rampire, and in a small time, the Enemy being fast a sleep, they made the Trench of reasonable depth and breadth, where the walls were weakest, and the Goths were to approach with their tower: who (the night being far spent) perceived it, and ran to beat them off: but they, the trench being completed, got within the walls. Vitigis was extremely vexed at in the morning, & put to death some sentinels: and being as eager as ever, commanded to fill up the ditch with Faggots, and so to draw the tower on. They did his commands with alacrity, though mightily opposed from the walls. But the faggots with the weight of the Tower sunk, that they could not get it forward, the Ground growing still steeper, where the Earth was cast up, as I said. So that fearing the night approaching, and the Enemies sallying to burn their Engine, they drew it back. John to hinder them, put the Soldiers in Arms, and used this Exhortation." Fellow soldiers, and my partners in this danger, he that would live, and see those he hath left at home; let him know that he holds this hope by his sword only. When Belisarius sent us out, the hope and Love of many things made us cheerful in the business. We suspected not so near the sea (the Romans being masters of the sea) to be besieged, nor imagined, that the Emperor's army could so much neglect us. Then the occasion of showing our affection to the state, and of getting Glory encouraged us; now, but by our valour, we cannot so much as live, and for life (were there nothing else) we must of necessity undergo this hazard. And who pretends to valour also, hath a fair opportunity this day to get Glory by it; which is gotten not by overcoming inferiors in power, but by a victory with less preparations, and greater courage. And who love their lives best, shall gain most by daring; whose affairs (as ours now) are upon the Edge of a razor, such as are preserved only by despising danger. Having thus said, he led them against the Enemy, leaving some upon the battlements; the Enemy received them bravely, and it was hotly fought; and with much ado about Evening they brought their Tower to the Camp with loss of many good men, that they resolved to assault no more; but lay still to take the Romans by Famine; whose provisions failed, and they knew not which way to get supply.   

CHAP. X.  
BUT Belisarius sent towards Milan, 1000 Isaurians and Thracians; Ennes led the Isaurians, and Paulus the Thracians, and Mundilas commanded in chief, having some Targeteers of Belisarius. Fidelius (made Praefect of the Palace) being born at Milan, was thought fit to accompany these forces, having some power in Liguria. From the port of Rome, they went by Sea to Genoa, the utmost City in Tuscany, at the Entrance of the Gaulish and Spanish seas; where leaving their ships they took their journey, putting their schiffs upon veins to pass the Po with. Being passed the River, and come to the City of Picenum, the Goths, with many and of their best men fought with them; For such of them as dwelled in those parts, had put into Picenum their Goods of most value, it being a strong place; but the Romans after a hot fight had the victory, slew many, and failed little of taking the town; for the Goths had much ado to shut their gates, they were so closely pursued. Fidelius, as the Romans rod back, stayed to pray in a Church; and having a fall by the stumbling of his horse near the Town: the Goths sallied and killed him, unseen by the Enemy, which much grieved Mundilas and the Romans, who went to Milan, and took it without fight, and all Liguria. Vitigis understanding it, sent an army thither under Vraeas, his Sister's son. And Theodebert, King of the Francs, sent to his aid at his request, 10000, not Francs, but Burgundians, that he might not seem to wrong the Emperor. These Burgundians pretended to come of their own accord, not upon the Command of Theodebert. The Goths joining with them came before Milan unexpected by the Romans, and besieged it; that they had no means to import provisions, but were instantly in want of necessaries. Neither could the Soldiers guard the walls; Mundilas having put Garrisons into Pergamum, Comum, Novarra, and other small fortresses near Milan; and having there with himself but about 300 men, and Ennes and Paulus, so that necessarily the citizens were to guard in their turns. And thus the winter ended, and the third year of this war written by Precopius.  
But Belisarius about midsummer went against Vitigis, leaving in Rome a small Garrison; and taking the rest with him. He sent some to entrench before Tudera, 
Incipit annus quartus bell. Goth, being in It reg. Justinian et anno domini 539.  and Clusium, meaning to follow, and with them to besiege the Goths therein. But they hearing of the army coming, sent to Belisarius, and yielded upon composition to have no hurt done them. He took the Goths there, and sent them to Naples and into Sicily, then left Garrisons in Tudera and Clusium, and marched on. In the mean time Vitigis sent another army under Vacimus to Auximum, to join with the Goths there, and to attempt the castle of Ancona. This Ancona is a cornered rock, from whence it hath the name, Ancoa, signifying an Elbow. It stands from Auximum ten miles, and is the Haven for it; the Castle is at the corner of a rock, very secure, but the houses without being not many, have no defence of walls. Conon, who had the Guard of the place, hearing Vacimus to come against him, and not far off, fell upon a senseless resolution, as if it were nothing to save the Castle, Peole, and Soldiers. He left the castle unguarded, and drew out some five furlongs off, standing in order of battle, not of any depth, but compassing the hill, as if he were hunting. But when they saw the Enemy so much exceeding in numbers, they all ran away to the Castle. The Barbarians pursuing, killed many that could not get in; set to their Ladders to mount the Castle, and put fire to the houses without. The Romans who dwelled within were amazed, and first having opened the Gate, and received in the flying Soldiers, now seeing the Goths at their heels ready to enter with them, they shut the Gates, and drew up with ropes divers, and Conon among them. The Goths, mounting by their Ladders, had taken the Castle, if two men upon the Battlements had not miraculously thrust them off, the one a Thracian, and a Lancier to Belisarius, named Vlimun, the other Bulgudas a Hun, a Lancier of Valerianus. These by chance landed a little before at Ancona, and in this fight keeping off the Goths with their Swords, saved the Castle beyond expectation, but were carried off themselves mangled and half dead.   

CHAP. XI.  
THen came news to Belisarius, that Narses was come from Constantinople with an army, and was in Picenia, Narses was an Eunuch, and Treasurer to the Emperor, valiant above the condition of an Eunuch: with him came 5000 men in several Regiments, commanded by Justinus, General of Illyrium, and others; and another Narses, a Persarmenian, who revolted formerly to the Romans with Horatius his Brother, who came a little before to Belisarius with other forces, and 2000 Herulians under Visandus, Alueth, and Phanotheus. Formerly the Herulians inhabited beyond the river Ister, serving many Gods, and holding it no impiety to appease them with human sacrifices. They had Laws differing from other men: When men were grown aged or sick, they were not to live, But to entreat their kindred to put them out of the world: Who made a pile of wood, and set the man in the top, and sent a stranger to him, in blood, with a sword to dispatch him; then set the pile on fire, and the flame being done, gathered up his Bones, and buried them. When an Herulian died, his wise (if she would be thought virtuous) was to strangle herself over her husband's Tomb; otherwise she was esteemed infamous, and an Enemy to her husband's kindred. In time over-topping the bordering Barbarians in populousness and power, they vanquished them in fight one by one, and foraged their country, and kept them under. They subdued the Lombard's being Christians, and made them pay Tribute, upon Covetousness or vain glory, it being a thing not used by the Barbarians in those parts. In the Reign of the Emperor Anastasius, having none left to invade, they remained quiet for three years: But were discontented for it at their King Rodulphus, flocking about him, and calling him coward, and immodestly they scoffed and abused him. Who not enduring the disgrace, made a causeless war upon the Lombard's, not charging them with breach of Treaties, or any other pretence. The Lombard's sent to R●dulphus to know why the Herulians were in arms against them; if their Tribute were not all paid, they would satisfy it with advantage; if they thought it too mean, they would make it greater. But Redulphus sent their Ambassadors away with Threats. They sent again other Ambassadors, who used much entreaty; but speeding not, the third came and advised him; In no sort to make a war without a cause: if he did, the Lombard's (though unwillingly) must oppose the invasion; calling God to witness, whose least drop upon the scale will weigh down all the power of men, & as he is induced by the causes, will determine the conclusion of this war. The Herulians not frighted herewith, nor relenting, resolved to have a Battle. Both parts being near each other; over the Lombard's the air was suddenly over cast with a black thick cloud; there being a clear sky over the Herulians, a Presage that the Herulians entered the fight for their own mischief, and among those Barbarians before a battle the saddest prodigy that can be. But the Herulians, not heeding the same, marched proudly against the Enemy, judging of the success by their great multitudes. But they were very many slain, with their King Rodulphus, and the rest flying were almost all cut in pieces. Upon this they left their Country, and passing through all the land beyond the River Ister, came where the Regians, or Rugians had inhabited, (who were gone with the Goths into Italy) and there they sat down. But the land being waist, and famine compelling they removed, and came to a country next the Gepaedes; who at the first permitted them to plant, coming as Suppliants: But afterward they wronged them, forcing their wives, and making prey of their Cattles and Goods, and at last began unjust quarrels with them: which the Herulians not able to bear, past the River Ister to dwell by the Romans there. And Anastasius the Emperor received them, to plant in the country. Soon after by committing much wickedness upon their neighbouring Romans, they offended him, and he sent an army against them; which in a battle had the victory, killed most of them, and would have destroyed them all; but their cheiftains remaining, with supplications begged their lives, and to be taken for Auxiliaries and Servants to the Emperor; who granted the same, and so some Herulians escaped alive, but neither aided nor served the Romans. Justinian coming to the Empire gave them a good country, and Goods, and made them absolute Associates, and persuaded them to be Christians; upon this they grew civiller, and applied themselves to the Laws of Christians, serving the Romans as Auxiliaries. But still they are false to us, and covetous; not thinking it any shame to wrong their Neighbours. They use impious mixtures with men and Beasts, being indeed the wickedest of all men, and wretches wretchedly to perish. Some few of them continued their League with us; the rest revolted upon this occasion. To show the lavagenesse of their nature, they killed Ochon their King, suddenly, without alleging any thing, but that they would no more be under a King. And indeed their King before had only the name, otherwise little advantage above a private man. All sat and eaten with him, and put licentious scorns on him; the Herulians being the most indiscreet, and the lightest men alive. This foul Fact they instantly repent, finding no possibility to live without Governors, and Generals. After much consultation, they resolved to send for one of the Blood Royal from the Island of Thule. For the Herulians being overthrown by the Lombard's, and leaving their native Soil, some dwelled in Illyrium (as I said) others passed not the River Ister, but thought it better to plant in the uttermost borders of the habitable World. Conducted by many of the Blood Royal, they passed through all the Nations of the Slavonians; then passing a large desert Country, they came to a Nation called the Varnians, after whom they traversed the Nations of the Danes; the Barbarians there using no violence against them: Then they came to the Ocean, and getting Shipping, arrived at the Island of Thule, where they stayed.   

CHAP. XII.  
THule is ten times bigger than Britain, much distant from it to the Northward: The most of it is waste; 
* Mr. Cambden. Nec me latet vastissiman illam ●egion●m Scandiam sub Thules nomine a Procopio describi. Indeed this Scandia, wherein is Norway & part of Denmark, it appears in the Map as a Peninsule. It is called by some of our Writers, Vagina gentium.  but in that which is inhabited are seated thirteen populous Nations, and over every Nation is a King. The Sun about the Summer Tropic sets not in the Island for forty days, being in all that time a strange sight still above the Earth. And near the Winter Tropic, it is not seen in the Island for forty days, but a continual night hangs over it; the Inhabitants leading a sad life all the while, and not conversing which one another. It was not my fortune to go to this Island, though I much desired to behold the wonder: But enquiring of some that came from thence, how they knew the due times of Sunrising and Sunsetting, they told me the true reason; That the Sun sets not indeed there for forty days, but it shines sometimes from the Eastward, sometimes from the West; and when they see it return to that place of the Horizon, where first they saw it rise, they reckon a day and a night. And in the long nights they count the days by the courses of the Moon, which they see every month. When five and thirty days are run out of this long night, men used to it are sent to the tops of the Mountains, who there seeing the Sun, bring word that within five days it will shine again. For this good news a solemn Feast is celebrated in the dark; which is the Thulites greatest Holiday. They fear (it seems, notwithstanding their yearly experience) that the Sun may forsake them quite. Of all the Nations of Thule, only the Scritifini are Savages, who use no apparel, nor shoes to their feet, nor get any man's meat out of the earth; themselves neither manuring it, nor their Wives using any work, but both perpetually hunting; for their vast Woods and Mountains breed multitudes of wild Beasts; which they, catch and feed upon their flesh, covering themselves with their Skins, which they patch together with Sinews of Beasts, wanting thread, or any thing to sow with. Their Children are not nursed like other people, with Woman's milk, nor hang at the Mother's breast, but are nourished with the Marrow of the wild Beasts they take. The Woman having brought forth her child, wraps it in a Skin, and hangs it on a Tree, and laying Marrow to the mouth of it, out she goes a hunting with her Husband.  
The rest of the Thulites differ not much from other people. They worship many Gods, and Damon's, both Celestial, and of the Air, Earth, and Sea; and the Spirits said to be in Fountains, and Rivers. They are perpetually sacrificing, and pacifying with blood; and their fairest Victim is a Man, before taken Prisoner, whom they sacrifice to Mars, esteemed their greatest God. And they do it, not by cutting his throat only, but hanging him on a tree, and throwing him among Briers, and other kinds of death. Among these Thulites the Herulian wanderers, planted themselves; and those who continued among the Romans, having murdered their King, sent some chief men to the Island of Thule, to bring home one of the blood royal, if they could find any there. They found many, and made choice of one whom they liked best, and took him with them. But being come near home, he died of a sickness; and the men went again to Thule, and brought another, named Todasius, accompanied with his Brother Aordus, and two hundred Herulians of the Island. Who being long upon their journey, the Herulians about Singedon conceiving it might be inconvenient to introduce a King from Thule, without the Emperor Justinians consent, to Constaneinople to the Emperor, to give them what King he pleased: He sent them Suartuas, an Herulian, who had long continued in Constantiople, whom the Herulians at first received joyfully, adored him as King, and obeyed him in the usual directions: But within few days, they had news how the Ambassadors from Thule were near. Suartuas' commanded them to go out and kill them; and the Herulians followed him with a seeming approbation; but being within a day's journey of them, they revolted from him by night to the new comers, and himself alone fled to Constantinople; the Emperor was studious to restore him; and the Herulians fearing the Romans, betook themselves to the Gepaedes: And this was the cause of their Revolt.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
THE Armies of Belisarius and Narses joined at Firma, a City standing near the Ionian Gulf, a day's journey from Auximum. They held a Counsel of War where to oppose the Enemy with best advantage. If they go to relieve Auximum, they doubted the Enemy from Auximum might at their backs infest them, and spoil the Romans inhabiting those parts. And likewise of the besieged in Ariminum, they were afraid they might be distressed for want of Victual. Most of the Captains offended with John, charged him in their speeches for running into that danger rashly, and to get money, and for crossing (contrary to order) the Counsels of Belisarius concerning the War. But Narses (who loved John above all men) fearing lest Belisarius upon the Captain's speeches might put Ariminum in the second place, spoke thus. Fellow Commanders, you discourse in things not to be discoursed of, and consult where none reasonably can be of two Opinions; but where he who never knew the War may choose upon the sudden. When the danger appears equal, and the damage alike in mistaking, abundant consultation, and much discourse is fit, and so to determine the matters propounded. But we deferring to attempt Auximum now, shall receive no important hurt; for what so soon can alter our case? Whereas if we receive a blow at Ariminum (as can no otherwise be) we shall ruin (a harsh word) our whole power in Italy. If John have contemned your Commands, excellent Belisarius, you have it now in your power to punish him, by saving the Offender, or abandoning him to the Enemy. But take heed you do not punish the Emperor and us, for an unwitting Offence of John. If the Goths take Ariminum, they will make Captive a valiant General with his Army, and a City of the Emperor's obedience. Neither will the mischief stop there, but even constitute the whole fortune of the War. For the Enemy have now much advantage in numbers; but by being often beaten, are become Cowards, their ill Fortune having taken their confidence from them. But if in this design they prosper, they will soon recover their Spirits; and them dispute the War with more than equal Courage: Such as escape difficulties being commonly wiser, than they who never had misfortunes. Thus Narses spoke. But a Soldier from Ariminum brought Letters to Belisarius from John, which were thus; Know, that our Victual hath long failed us, and we can no longer answer the People, nor resist the Enemy; but within seven days must sore against our wills yield the city and ourselves. We can no longer strive against our necessities, which will sufficiently apologise for us, if we shall do any thing not so honourable. Belisarius at this was troubled, and full of irresolution. He was afraid of the besieged; and he doubted that the Enemy in Auximum would fly abroad and burn the towns thereabout without control; and by watching advantages distress his own army, especially if there should be a battle. In the end he left Aratius with a thousand men to incamp by the Sea side, 25 miles from Auximum, and not to stir, nor give fight to the Enemy but in their own Defence; By this he hoped that Enemy would lie quiet in Auximum, and not infest his army, having a camp of Romans so near them. He sent also forces by Sea, commanded by Herodian, Vliaris, and Narses, Brother to Aratius, and the whole in chief by Ildeger. Whom Belisarius directed to sail directly for Ariminum, and to land not far off from the foot, which should march by the Sea shore commanded by Martinus, and appointed to wait upon the Fleet; whom he directed being near the Enemy to light many fires, not proportionable to their small army so to give the Enemy apprehension of greater numbers. Himself with Narses, and the rest of the army, marched by Vrbisalia, far from the Sea coast; a city so ruined by Alaricus, that nothing remained of the former beauty, but some relics of one Gate, and of the pavement. Here I met with this adventure. When Jo came with his army into P. the people were in much confusion. and the women some suddenly fled where they could, others were carried away captives. In this place some woman, newly delivered of a Child, had left it in swathing clouts upon the Ground; whether she ran away, or were taken from it by the Enemy, she never did return, being likely either gone out of Italy, or the World. The child lying in that Desert cried, and a she Goat perceiving it, pitied it, and having also lately brought forth young, came to it and gave it her Teat, guarding the child, that no Dog nor wild beast might hurt it. The troubles lasting long in the country, this Infant had long the benefit of this Teat. But the Picenians finding the Emperor's army was come against the Goths only, and not to hurt the Romans, returned to their several homes. And into Vrbisalia the women with their husbands coming, and seeing the child, could not imagine what it was, and wondered how it lived: such women as were sit, offered their breasts; but the child would not take woman's milk, neither would the Goat leave it; but importunately bleated, and seemed to be grieved at the women's troubling it, and in a word pretended to it her own. So that the women let it alone, and the Goat nursed it; for which the people called the child Aegisthus. I travelling that way, they brought me to it, and angered it to make it cry; the Goat hearing it, being a stones cast off, ran to it bleating, and stood over it that none might hurt it, and this is the story of Aegisthus.   

CHAP. XV.  
BUT Belisarius marched by the mountains, resolving not to come to a direct battle, being much inferior in numbers, and the Goths desperate with their misfortunes. But he thought that when they heard of Forces invading on every side, they would not resist, but run away; and the guest as it fell out. For being upon the Mountains a day's journey from Ariminum, he lighted upon Goths travelling about business; who being suddenly surprised, could not turn out of the way, but were some slain by the Romans, and the rest wounded ran up, and hide them in the rocks: from whence seeing the Romans marching many together in narrow passages, they judged them far more than they were, and perceiving the Ensign of Belisarius, they knew that he led them. The night overtaking, the Romans flayed there, and the Goths hurt men run to Vitigis Camp; whether being arrived about noon the next day, they shown their wounds, and reported Belisarius to be at hand with an innumerable army. Hereupon they prepared to fight; marching to the North of Ariminum (which way they thought the Enemy would come) and still looking to the mountain tops. At night having put off their arms, and taking their rest, they saw fires some seven miles from the City Eastward, kindled by Martinus. They fell into terrible fear, apprehending in the morning to be surrounded by the Enemy; and so lay still that night in that fear. And by Sun rising they saw a great fleet coming, which even struck them dumb; that with tumult and clamouring they trussed up, harkening to no commands, nor thinking upon any thing but how to get quit of the camp, and within the walls of Ravenna. If the besieged had had any strength or courage left, they had cut the Enemy in pieces, and made an end of the war; but they were heartless with their miseries, and feeble with want of food. The Goths in that confusion left much of their baggage behind, and ran amain to Ravenna Ildiger with his forces first seized the Enemy's trenches, took the baggage they left there, and some sick men At noon Belisarius came with the army, and seeing John and his company pale, and greivously nasty, he said, he must give thanks to Ildiger, glancing at his unadvised presumption. He answered that he acknowledged none to Ildiger, but to Narses the Emperor's Treasurer; intimating that Belisarius did not willingly relieve him, but persuaded by Narses; both these were ever after jealous of each other: That Narses friends would not let him march with Belisarius, suggesting how poor it was for him who communicated of the Emperor's secrets, not to be an absolute commander, but to obey one that was but a General; and that Belisarius would never endure to command with him in Equality, but that if he would himself lead an army, he should have more Soldiers & better captains to follow him; the Herulians, and his own Lanciers and Targeteers, and the troops under Justinus and John himself, with those of Narses and Aratius, being not less in all then 10000 valiant men and able Soldiers. That they would not have the conquest of Italy wholly attributed to Belisarius, but Narses to share in it, who had not left his attendance on the Emperor's person, to establish with his own dangers the Glory of Belisarius; but by showing his own valour and wisdom, to grow famous in the world; and that Belisarius without him could do nothing; most of the army commanded by him being dispersed in the places he had taken. All which they reckoned up from Sicily to Picenia. Narses was much pleased with these discourses, and could not contain himself within his present condition: but Belisarius directing him any business, still he flew to some excuse, rejecting his commands. Which Belisarius observing, he assembled the Commanders, and spoke thus. Fellow commanders, I find not myself to be of the same opinion with you concerning this War. You despise the Enemy, as absolutely subdued; but I think this confidence will bring you into danger; knowing that the Goths have not been beaten through their cowardice, or want of men, but overstratagemed with counsel and foresight, and so routed. And you in like sort I fear from some false opinion may receive a blow, which may undo yourselves and the Roman affairs. They are more easily undone, who are insolent with successes and conceit of victory; then such as having lost some honour, do for the time to come use fear and caution towards their Enemies. Carelessness hath ruined many well settled, and a solicitous labour relieved men after misfortunes: the powers of the negligent lessening of themselves, but care naturally adding powers, Consider that Vitigis is in Ravenna with many thousands, That Vraas besieges Millar, and holds all Liguria; That in Auximum is a great and gallant army; and that there are other garrisons of Goths able to fight with us, all along to Vrbiventum, which is a neighbour to Rome. That if we should now be compassed by the Enemy, our danger were more than ever. The Francs also are said to be in arms in Liguria, which every Roman ought to consider and apprehend. My opinion therefore is, that part of the army be sent into Liguria and Milan, and all the rest to march against Auximum, and undertake as God shall enable, and as shall seem best and most advantageous. To this speech of Belisarius, Narses replied. Noble General, in all the rest (being nothing but truth) none can contradict you; but that all the rest of the Emperor's army should be confined to Auximum and Milan, I hold it inconvenient; for you to lead such of the army as you please for those purposes, is good reason: In the mean time we will get 
† Lombard Ci●padana, from the city of Ast to Parma vid. Leanurum.  Emilia for the Emperor, a Province most set by by the Goths; and we will give such alarms to Ravenna, that you shall bring the Enemy on your part to what terms you please, being excluded from hope of succours. I fear if we sit down before Auximum together, the Goths will set on us from Ravenna, and we shall be charged on both sides, and wanting Victual perish upon the place. Belisarius fearing lest by dividing the Forces, the Emperor's Affairs might fall asunder, and ruin by the disorder arising from thence; produced the Emperor's Letters directed to the Commanders in these words. We have sent Narses our Treasurer into Italy, not to command the Army; it being our pleasure that Belisarius alone shall have the leading thereof, whethersoever himself thinks best; and it behoves you all to follow him for the good of our State. Narses took hold of the last words of this Letter; and said, that Belisarius did now advise against the good of the State, and therefore they were not bound to follow him.   

CHAP. XV.  
BElisarius upon this sent Peranius with an Army to beseige Vrbiventum; Himself led the rest to Vrbinum, a strong Town, a day's journey from Ariminum, which had a good Garrison of Goths within it: Narses and John followed him, but before the Town they encamped severally at the foot of the Hill, Belisarius on the East side, & Narses on the West. Vrbinum stands upon a round high Hill, not craggy, but unsafe to mount, only for the steepness, and nearness to the City. Towards the North is an entrance upon plain ground. Belisarius (the Army being thus quartered) sent Ambassadors to the Goths, hoping to bring them (being afraid) to a composition; and promising many advantages by their submission to the Emperor. The Ambassadors at the Gates (being not admitted into the Town) used many allurements; but the Goths presuming upon the strength of the place, and their abundance of Provisions, rejected them and their motions. Belisarius upon this caused the Army to gather Poles, and with them to make a Gallery for men, to approach the Gates and Walls under this covert. Some Friends of Narses told him that Belisarius laboured in vain, (John having attempted the place when the Garrison was small, and found it impregnable) therefore he should take in the Emperor's Towns in Emilia. Narses upon this advice risen that night (though much wooed by Belisarius to stay and help to take Vrbinum) and went to Ariminum with the rest of the Army. Morras and the Goths under him, in the morning seeing half the Army gone, flouted from their Walls at those that stayed behind. But Belisarius with them resolved, to assault, and consulting about it, he had strange Success. The only Fountain in Vrbinum which watered all the Inhabitants, grew dry of itself, and in three days so failed, that the Goths drunk the water with mud, whereupon they determined to yield: whereof Belisarius not knowing, put the Army in readiness to assault round about the Hill, and commanded to bring on the wooden Gallery upon the even ground. The men within unseen by the Enemy brought the same on, at which the Goths held out their hands, crying for peace. The Romans knowing nothing of the Fountain, conceived that it was the Fight they feared, which they gladly forbore: And the Goths rendered themselves, and Town to Belisarius, upon composition of indemnity, they becoming Subjects to the Emperor, & serving in the Army with equal conditions. Narses wondered to hear the News, and took it for a misfortune. He lay still in Ariminum, but commanded John with the Army to lead out against Cesina. They approach the Castle with their scaling Ladders upon their backs, & assaulted; But the Goths defended stoutly, and Phanotheus Leader of the Herulians was slain, and many more, so that John would attempt it no more, seeming impregnable, but marched on with Justinus, and the rest of the Army, and took an ancient City, named Forum Corneli●, by surprise: And he recovered all Emilia; the Goths avoiding still to fight with him. Belisarius also having taken in Vrbinum, thought it not expedient (being at the Winter Tropic) to go against Auximum, expecting a long Siege of it, the place being strong, and impossible to be forced, by reason the Goths within it were many, and of the best, who having foraged much Country, had brought in great quantity of Provisions, so that he appointed Aratius to winter in Firmum, and to restrain the Goths incursions, and to spoil the Country; and himself marched against Vrbiventum, persuaded by Peranius, who had learned of run aways, that the Goths within wanted Victual; and that it was thought, they would yield upon sight of Belisarius Army, which came so to pass. Belisarius quartered his Army before it, and himself went round, and viewed the Town, and found it not possible to be taken by force, but he thought by some plot it might be faisable. Vrbiventum is built upon a Hill, standing alone in a Valley, and being plain at the top, and towards the bottom craggy. About it, a stones cast off are many Rocks, and the Town hath no Walls, nor other Fortification, Nature having made it impregnable; in regard there is but one way to it between those Rocks: which being guarded, the Townsmen fear no invasion at any other part. And where the way into the Town is, a large River unfordable takes up all the space between the Hill and those Rocks. So that there is only a small Fortification at the said passage, and a Gate to it, which the Goths guarded.   

CHAP. XVI.  
BUT Belisarius begird the Town with his Army, hoping to incommode the Enemy from the River, and to take them by Famine. The Goths for a while were in no absolute wants, and though furnished very barely, yet they endured beyond expectation, having not Food to satisfy, but to keep alive only; and their Provisions being failed, they fed upon Hides, and Skins soaked in water, and upon vain hopes, which Albilas their Commander gave them, a man of great Reputation with the Goths.  
The Summer being come, the Corn in all those parts grew of itself, but not in such quantity as formerly; being not covered under Furrows by the Blow and Harrow; but lying upon the Face of the Land, which could yield so but small Crop: And none being to reap it, much shed, and never grew again. The same happened in Emilia, that the Inhabitants went all into Picenia, which being upon the Sea, they thought the Famine not to be so much there: Which seized also upon Tuscany; but there the Mountainers grinded Acorns, and made bread, which bred all kind of Diseases in many; but some recovered and lived. But in Picenia 50000. Roman Husbandmen at least perished, and more on this side the Ionian Gulf. I have seen their Countenances, and manner of deaths. They grew lank, and pale, the Flesh wanting Food (according to the old saying) feeding on itself; Choler prevailing spread a wan Complexion over their Bodies: And as the Disease grew, all moisture forsook them; the Skin was hard like a tanned Hide, and looked as if it cloven to the bones; afterwards they became black-coloured, and like Links much burnt. Their Countenance were hideous, like madmen; and as most died for want of Sustenance, so some with greedy feeding: whose heat being quenched within, if they were nourished to satisfaction, and not by little, and little, like Babes new born, being not able to digest the meat, they died. Some forced by the Famine fed upon one another. Two Women in a Village beyond. Ariminum were reported to have eaten 17. men, they only were left alive in the place, and so Passengers lodged in their Cottage, whom they killed sleeping, and eat them. As they were attempting the like upon the 18. he waked, and finding out the truth, killed them both. Many being pinched with this Famine, went where there was Grass, and stooping to gather it, but being not strong enough to pull it up, they fell upon their hands, and died with the Grass in their mouths. None buried any, nor had the least thought of Funerals: The very ravenous Fowls, that feed on dead bodies, would not touch them, there being no flesh left to allure them, which the Famine had consumed all. So grievous was that Famine.  
But Belisarius sent Martinus and Vliaris with an Army against Vrbias and the Goths, whom he heard to besiege Milan. They encamped and stayed upon the Poe a day's journey from Milan, and spent much time in consulting about their passage over the River. Which Mundilas understanding, sent one Paulus a Roman to them; who slipped by the Enemy and finding no Boats upon the Poe stripped himself, and in great danger swum over the River. Coming to the Roman Camp he told the Commanders Martinus and Vliaris, that they did unjustly, and not befitting their reputations, to come there in pretence to serve the Emperor, but in effect to augment the Goths power. That Milan, the chief of the Italian Cities for bigness, wealth, and populousness, being a Bulwark for the whole Roman Empire against the Germans, and other Barbarians, is now in peril with Mundilas and the Emperor's Forces, and yet by them neglected. The wrong they did the Emperor, he would forbear to aggravate, time not allowing many words, but demanding speedy succour, whilst yet some hope is left. That therefore they must instantly relieve Milan; if they delayed it, Our fortunes (quoth he) will be after the bitterest sufferings to perish, and yours, to betray the Emperor's Soldiers to the Enemy .. Seeing such are justly said to betray, not only who open their Gates to an Enemy, but who having means to rescue their best Friends besieged, by preferring a backward security before hazarding, abandon them to the Enemy. Paulus spoke in that sort, and Martinus and Vliaris promised him to follow immediately, and so sent him away; who entered Milan by night, revived the Soldiers and other Romans, and made them yet more cheerful in their Faith to the Emperor.   

CHAP. XVII.  
BUT still the Troops with Martinus were backward, and lay still, and so continued long. Martinus to put the blame from himself, wrote thus to Belisarius: You sent us out to relieve our distressed Friends in Milan: we have used our best diligence, and are as far as the River of Poe; which the Army fears to pass, hearing that in Liguria is a great Army of Goths, and a multitude of Burgundians; with whom we conceive ourselves not able to fight. Command therefore John and Justinus (who are our neighbours in Emilia) to join their Troops with us in this adventure; whereby we shall be safe ourselves, and do some hurt to the Enemy. Belisarius upon receit of this Letter, commanded John and Justinus immediately to join with Martinus for Milan. They refused, unless Narses directed them; whereupon Belisarius wrote thus to Narses: Consider how the Emperor's Army is one body: If (as members in bodies) you be not all of a mind, but will be doing one without another's concurrence; in the end (having done nothing you should) you will all perish. Wherefore leave Emilia, which hath no strong place in it, and for 〈◊〉 present is not of any importance to us; and command John and Justinus immediately to march with Martinus against the Enemy before Milan, whose Troops are near the same, and well furnished to vanquish the Barbarians. From hence it is not convenient to send Forces thither, much time will be spent in the march, that they will come after the season; and being come, they will not be able to use their Horses in a fight after so long a journey. But those, and Martinus and Vliaris marching to Milan, in likely hood will beat the Goths, and then again subdue Emilia, none being to oppose them. Narses after perusal of this Letter, wrote to John and Justinus to march to Milan accordingly. John afterwards was sent to the Sea-coast, to get Barks for transporting the Army over the Poe; but a sickness hindered his business. In the mean time of this backwardness of Martinus Troops, and John's staying for Narses his Orders, the Besieged became infinitely distressed with Famine. The extremity constrained them to feed on Dogs, Rats, Mice, and such uncouth creatures. The Goths sent to Mundilas to render the City, offering Indemnity to himself, and the Soldiers. He accepted, so they would give assurances of performance, and not use hard measure to the Inhabitants. When the Enemy had given assurances to Mundilas and the Soldiers, but being angry with the Ligurians, appeared resolved to destroy them; he called the Soldiers and spoke thus. If ever men have chosen to die honourably when they might have lived basely, such would I have you now to be, and not for love of breath to live in disgrace; the rather being of the School of Belisarius, where you have learned so plentifully, that it were impious not to be generous, and extremely daring. To all men that come into this light, one fate is appointed, in their due time to die. But in the manner of their death's men are distinguished; Cowards first becoming the scorn and laughter of their Foes, fulfil their destiny too in their defined times. But generous men suffer the same with Virtue, and an advantage of Honour. If by becoming Slaves to the Barbarians we could preserve this People, our base preservation would have an excuse; but for us to behold so many Romans destroyed by the Enemy, is more bitter than any death; for we shall seem even to have helped the Goths to act this Calamity. Whilst therefore we are yet Masters of ourselves, and can bear necessity with Virtue, let us make this our hard Fortune, our Glory. My Opinion is, to arm ourselves completely, and to sally upon the Enemy not looking for us: We shall gain one of these two; either Fortune to do something for us, or else an honourable riddance of our miseries, by a happy death beyond our hopes. The Soldiers for all these words of Mundilas would not hazard, but yielded themselves and the City upon the Conditions offered. Them the Goths hurt not, but made Prisoners with Mundilas, but the City they demolished to the Ground, killing men of all ages, 300000. at least. The Women they made Slaves, and gave to the Burgundians, to gratify their joining with them. Finding there Reparatus, Praefect of the Palace, they cut him in pieces, and threw them to the Dogs. Vergentinus, who was then in Milan, went into Dalmatia with his Troops through † Venetia, 
* This is now Marca Trivigiana, saith Leander.  and other Countries, and from thence brought the news to the Emperor, of the Romans Disaster at Milan. The Goths also took other Towns by composition from the Roman Garrisons, and quickly subdued all Liguria. And Martinus and Vliaris returned towards Rome with their Army.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
BElisarius heard nothing of these Occurrents in Liguria, but the Winter being ended, he marched with his Army into Picenia: In which Journey he understood to his great grief what was become of Milan. Vliaris he suffered not to come into his sight, and wrote the whole matter to the Emperor, who punished no man; but hearing of the differences between Belisarius and Narses, he sent for Narses home, and appointed Belisarius absolutely to command all the Army. Narses went to Constantinople with some few Soldiers; And being gone, the Herulians would 〈◊〉 stay in Italy, though Belisarius in his own name and the Emperors made them large promises. They first went into Liguria; where meeting with Vraeas his Army, they sold their Slaves, and Cattles they had, and for a Sum of money given them, swore never to take Arms against the Goths, and so peaceably they came into Venetia; where having speech with Vitalius, they repent of their Error against the Emperor, and to expiate the same, left Visandus there, and his Troops. The rest came to Constantinople, conducted by Alu●th, and Philimuth, who was chief; Phanotheus being dead in his Tent.  
But Vitigis hearing that in the beginning of the Spring Belisarius would come against him, and the Goths in Ravenna, they were all afraid, and consulted what to do; and finding upon debate themselves alone not able to match the Enemy, they resolved to draw in the aid of other Barbarians. Of the Germans they were shy, having already had experience of their unfaithfulness, being contented they should continue neutral, not joining with Belisarius. But to Vacis King of the Lombard's they sent Ambassadors and large Sums for aid; but he being a Friend, and Auxiliary of the Emperor, they returned without doing any thing. So that Vitigis, in much perplexity, demanded the advice of ancient men, what was to be done to repair his Affairs. After many Opinions of his Counsel, some unseasonable, some worthy of consideration, it was said; That the Roman Emperor could not invade the Barbarians of the West, before he had made truce with the Persians. Then the Vandals, and Moors were ruined, and these things now befell the Goths. If the King of Persia might be put into a quarrel with Justinian, the Romans in war with that Nation could maintain none elsewhere. Vitigis liked the Counsel, & resolved to send Ambassadors, who were not Goths, to set Chosroes, King of Persia, at variance with Justinian (for fear of discovering, and spoiling of the negotiation.) But they persuaded two Priests of Liguria with money to undertake the Service. One of them taking upon him the show and name of a Bishop, was the Ambassador, and the other went as his attendant. To these Vitigis gave his Letters to Chosroes, who being therewith moved, did those mischiefs to the Romans during the Truce I formerly, related. And the Emperor, so soon as he found the Persians plotting those mischiefs, thought good to end the War in the West: He sent therefore for Belisarius to go against the Persian, and he dispatched Vitigis Ambassadors, (who yet were at Constantinople) with promise to send some to Ravenna, to conclude a Truce with the Goths, as should be expedient for both parts. But Belisarius made stay of the Enemy's Ambassadors, until they also sent home Athanasius and Peter, who went to Constantinople, and were highly rewarded. 
Incipit. Annus 5. belli Goth. 13. Reg. Justiniani & Ann. Dom. 540.  Athanasius the Emperor made Praefect of the Palace in Italy, and Peter, Captain of the Emperors Guard. And thus the Winter ended, and the fourth year of this War, written by Proc●pius.  
Belisarius resolved first to get Auximum and Faesulae, and then no Enemy being in his way, nor to be at his back, to set upon Vitigis and Ravenna. Unto Faesulae he sent Cyprian and Jastinus with their own Troops, and some Isaurians, and 500 Foot under D●metrius; these besieged the Goths in that Castle. Towards the Poe he sent Martinus and John Phagas with their own Troops, and other Forces, commanded by that John; whom he directed, in case Vraeas with his Forces came towards them out of Milan, by any means to get the Rear of them, and to follow at their backs. These taking Dorthon, a Town unwalled upon the River, there encamped.   

CHAP. XIX.  
BElisarius himself with eleven thousand men came before Auximum; which is the Metropolis of Picenia. It stands ten miles and a half from the shore of the Ionian Gulf, and from Ravenna three day's journey, and ten miles more, upon a high Hill, with no entrance in any plain ground, and so not approachable by an Enemy. Vitigis had Garrisoned in it the choicest Goths, supposing that the Romans, missing this Town, would not dare to invade Ravenna. Belisarius encamped his Army round about the bottom of the Hill, divided and lodged in several quarters. The Goths seeing them thus severed, and not likely in a great Campagnia to secure one another, charged them about evening from the East side of the Town, where Belisarius Quarter was with his Lanciers and Targeteers: who opposed the Invaders, and soon routed them; and pursuing got up to the midst of the Hill; where the Barbarians trusting to the advantage of the place, turned head against them, killed many, shooting upon their heads, till the night prevented them. The day before this skirmish, some Goths being sent out early to get Provisions, were returning by night; and seeing the Romans fires, stood amazed. Many adventured and got into Auximum unseen by the Romans, others of them hid themselves in the Woods, thinking to go to Ravenna, but were surprised, and all cut in pieces. Belisarius finding Auximum strong, and no means to assault it, despaired to take it by force, but hoped by a close Siege to reduce them to wants, and in time to subdue them. The store of Grass near the Walls was occasion of daily skirmishes: The Romans seeing the Goths cut the same for their Horses, ran up the Hill, fought with them gallantly still, hindered their carrying away the Grass, and killed many of them. The Barbarians overmatcht by their Enemy's valour, did thus. They took the Wheels and Axeltrees off their Wagons, and (their men beginning to cut Grass) they rolled them down upon the Romans, when they were ascended the middle of the Hill; but they went to the bottom without touching a man. The Goths failing herein, ran into the Town. Afterward they laid an ambush of their best men in Valleys near the town; then some few appeared about the Grass plot, and when the fight was come to Sword and Lance, they risen from their ambush, and having the advantage much in numbers, and amazing the Romans being unlooked for, they, killed many, and put the rest to flight. The Romans in the quarters saw the Enemy rise from their ambush, and cried loud to their companions to retire, but were not heard, being divided from them the whole length of the hill, and the Barbarians clashing their arms to drown their cries. Belisarius was troubled at it, and Procopius, the writer of this History, came to him, and said. Noble General, Anciently the Roman Trumpeters were skilful in two tunes, one composed to encourage the Soldiers to fight, the other to sound a retreat, when the General saw his time: Who by this means signified his pleasure, and the Soldiers put it in Execution. For in a battle to do it by shouting is impossible; the fright of it amazing, and the clashing of arms overcoming the noise. But now rudeness hath bereavest us of this skill, and we cannot signify both with one Trumpet: wherefore do you thus. Let the horsemen's trumpets encourage the Soldiers to fight, and let those of the foot call them to the retreat; they cannot but distinguish the sound, the one being made of Leather, and very thin wood, and the other of a thick piece of Brass. Belisarius liked Procopius advise, and calling the army, spoke thus. Courage and forwardness is expedient and commendable so far as it is moderate, and hurts not them who use it; all things becoming ever worse with Excess. Commit therefore no more of these Errors through vain ambition; to fly sometime is no shame, and who unadvisedly runs into evident mischief, if he chance to escape, yet is he guilty of Folly. The gallant man is he, that fights valiantly in time of need. The Goths now unable to fight with you, endeavour to ruin you with ambushes; and you are more to be blamed for standing the danger, then if you had run out of their ambush; nothing being base, then to serve an Enemy's Counsels. I will be careful to prevent your falling into ambushes; and you, when I give the signal, presently retire, which shall be done by the sound of the foot Trumpets. The Soldiers after this speech, seeing the Enemy at the Grass, went towards them, and at first killed some. A Moor espying one of them with Gold Ornaments, ook him by the hair, and drew him aside to strip him; but a Goth hit him through both the calves of his legs with a dart, and so fettered them both together, yet still he drew the dead body, holding, it by the Hair. In this instant the Goths risen from their ambush, and immediately Belisarius seeing all from the camp, caused the foot Trumpets to sound, which the Romans hearing, retired gently, taking up the Moor with the Dart through his legs. The Goths durst not follow them, but retired too. Afterward the Goths considered how they might advertise Vitigis of their wants, which grew great, and none adventuring to go, as thinking it impossible to slip by the Enemy, they observed a night without moon light, and preparing their men with Letters to Vitigis, when the night was far spent, they made great cries upon the walls, as if they were in some terrible confusion, pressed by Enemies, and their town suddenly taken. The Romans could not imagine the cause, and kept within their quarters by Belisarius' direction, fearing a surprise from the Town, and from some army from Ravenna, which might be come to the Enemy's succour; and so thought better to lie still in a safe place, then in a dark night to run into danger: Whereby the Goths sent out their men unespied to Ravenna; who the third day, without meeting Enemy, delivered the Letters to Vitigis, to this Effect.  
When your Majesty placed us in Auximum, you said, that in our hands you left the keys of Ravenna, and of your Kingdom, and you therefore summoned our uttermost power to conserve the dominion of the Goths, and if we needed it, you promised to come to us unsent for with your whole army. We have fought with Famine and Belisarius, and been faithful Guards of your Kingdom; but you have not thought meet to secure us at all. Think if the Romans take Auximum, and the keys which lie here by you forgotten, whether they will be kept out of any thing you have. Vitigis, upon perusal hereof, promised forthwith to succour Auximum with his whole forces, and difmist the men: But upon better consideration he lay still, doubting lest the troops with John might fall upon his back, and before him fearing a great power of resolute men with Belisarius; but principally want of victual troubled him, not knowing from whence to furnish his army, in regard the Romans were masters of the Sea, and transporting their provisions from Sicily and Calabria, to the Castle of Ancona, from thence had it brought with case in the due season; but the Goths in Picenia should have no means of supply. But the Messengers came safe to Auximum with Vitigis promise, which raised them with vain hope. And Belisarius hearing thereof, caused the Guards to be more strictly kept.  
In the mean time Cyprian and Justinus, besieging Faesulae, could not approach to assault the place; and the Goths willing rather to end it by fights, then to endure the want of victual, sallied often. At first the fights were equal, in the end the Romans being too hard for them, shut them within their walls; keeping exact watch that none might get out. In Auximum the Goths perplexed with their wants, sent out again to Vitigis for succour, as unable to hold out any longer. He directed Vraeas with the army in Liguria to march into Picenia; promising also to come to the besieged with his whole power. Vraeas' went into Picenia accordingly, with the army with him; passed the Po, and came near the Romans Camp. and sat down about 7 miles distant from them. They began no fights, the Romans thinking it enough to keep them from joining with the besieged. And the Goths were afraid to fight, considering if they should lose the battle, they should ruin all; being to have no more means of joining with Vitigis, and with him of opposing the Enemy: with there counsels they both lay still.   

CHAP. XX.  
IN the mean time the Francs hearing how both the Goths and Romans were wasted with this war, conceived it easy to get a good share of Italy, and repined to sit idle thus, and look upon others, disputing a province so near neighbouring. So that forgetting their late oaths and accords both with Romans and Goths (for this nation of all men is the most slippery of Faith) with an army of 50000 men under the leading of Theodebert, they invaded Italy. They had some few horse men, Lanc●ers, to attend their King. The rest were foot men, without bows or Lances, only wearing a sword, a shield, and a battle axe; the iron whereof was broad and sharp on both sides, and the handle very short; This upon a signal at the first charge they throw from them, to break the Enemy's shields and kill them. Thus the Francs, passing the Alps which divide Gaul and Italy, came into Liguria. The Goths were before angry for their not accepting their offers of a large country, and great sums to aid them; but now hearing Theodebert was come with a mighty army they rejoiced; and hoped to beat their Enemy now without striking stroke. And the Francs, while they were in Liguria, hurt not the Goths, that they might find no impediment in their passage over the Poe; and at a Town in Picenia, where was an ancient bridge over the River, the Garrison supplied them, and let them at their pleasure pass the Poe. But the Francs being masters of the Bridge, such women and children as they found, they sacrificed, and threw into the River as the first spoils of the War, 
† It seems they had Almans with them yet Heathen. See Agathias lib. 1. cap. 3.  retaining yet (though Christians) much of the old religion, & using sacrifices, and other ungodly Rites in making their predictions. The Goths seeing it, in a great fear fled into the town, and the Francs being past, marched towards the Goths Camp: Who at first seeing them in small troops, were glad of their coming, thinking it to be to aid them. But when numbers came on, and fell to the business, and darting their Battle axes hurt many, they turned about, and ran away by the Romans camp into Ravenna. The Romans seeing them fly, thought that Belisarius had vanquished them in fight, and taken their camp from them; and they took arms, thinking to join with him in the pursuit; but they found an Enemy unlooked for, and unwillingly they fought, till being beaten, and not able to return to their camp, they fled into Tuscany, and sent News of the accident to Belisarius. The Francs having conquered both parts, and taken their Camps without any men in them; there than found their provisions. But in a while they had nothing to feed on in a wasted Country, but Oxen, and water of the Poe, no bread at all, and being not able to digest the flesh, and abundance of water, they fell into fluxes and dysenteries, which they could not get cured for want of things convenient: So that a third part of them are said to have so perished, and being not able to march on, they stayed there. Belisarius hearing of this army of Francs, and how the troops of John and Martinus were routed, he was afraid of his army, especially of those before Faesulae, who were nearest the Barbarians, and he wrote this Letter to Theodebert. Noble Theodebert, for one pretending to virtue, and especially being a King of so great a Nation, not to be true of his word, is not Princely; but to violate oaths and accords reduced into writing, is not fit for the meanest man. Herein you know yourself a Transgressor; having lately agreed to join with us against the Goths; & now not so much as continuing neutral, but advisedly having taken arms, and set upon us. Put not this affront upon the Emperor, Good Sr. who will revenge it in the highest kind. It is better for a man to hold his own securely, then by meddling with what belongs not to him, to run a danger in that which most concerns him. Theodebert upon this Letter, and being troubled with his present Estate, and reviled by the Germans for letting them die thus in a desert country to no purpose, risen with the Francs surviving, and made haste home.   

CHAP. XXI.  
Nevertheless Martinus and John came back with their Troops, lest the Enemy should set upon the Army before Auximum. Where the Goths hearing nothing of the Franks retreat, but despairing at the delays from Ravenna, thought once more to importune Vitigis, but could not get by the Enemy. Seeing at noon one Burcensius, a Bessian by birth, and a Soldier of Narses the Armenian, standing Sentinel to keep off the Town from cutting Grass; some came to parley with him, and agreed to give him a great Sum in hand to carry a Letter to Ravenna, and more at his return with Letters from Vitigis. The man for the Money undertook the service, and presently put it in execution. He brought the Letters sealed up to Vitigis with all speed, which were thus. You will perceive our estate, by enquiring who is the bearer of this Letter; there being no means for a Goth to get out of the Town walls; and our best supply of Victual is the Grass that grows about them, which we cannot touch without fight and loss of men. To what conclusion this will bring us, you and the Goths in Ravenna are seriously to consider. Vitigis returned this answer: My best Friends in the World! think not I am so dejected, nor come to that degree of baseness, as through sloth to abandon the Goths affairs; my own journey was in readiness, and Vraeas by my direction was coming from Milan with his Army; but an unexpected invasion of Franks stopped our preparations, whereof I am not to bear the blame: For things above humane power bestow this favour on the unfortunate, to make him unblameable; Fortune taking the whole imputation upon herself. But Theodebert being now gone, as we hear, we will shortly, God willing, be with you with our whole Army. And you must bear your Fortune valiantly, and suitably to the necessity. Think upon the virtue for which we made choice of you to guard Auximum; and respect that general opinion held of you by all the Goths, which set you there a Bulwark of Ravenna, and of their whole safety.  
Vitigis with this Letter and good store of Money, dispatched the man: Who coming before Auximum pretended to his Companions a sudden sickness, which caused him to go to a Church near there for cure; and standing Sentinel where he was wont, he delivered the Letters unseen by the Romans. The reading whereof so raised their Spirits, though oppressed with the Famine, that they would not yield, albeit Belisarius much wooed them to it: But having no news of any Army from Ravenna, and being in extreme want of Victual, again they sent Burcensius, writing only, That they were able to struggle with the Famine five days, and no more; who brought them again a Letter from Vitigis, holding them in suspense with like hopes. The Romans also were weary of this long Siege in a barren desert Country, and troubled to see the Goths not to yield, though in so much misery. Belisarius therefore sought to take some Enemy alive, from whom he might learn the ground of this obstinacy of the Goths. Valerianus promised to serve him therein; who had in his Troops Slavonians, that used to lie under some Stone or Bush, and to steal Enemies; a thing ordinarily practised by them by the River Ister, where their dwellings are, both upon Romans and Barbarians. Belisarius liking his way, and committing it to his care, he chose out a Slavonian, a tall lusty fellow, and valiant, and assured him a good reward from Belisarius to get an Enemy alive; and told him, That at the Grass plat, which the Goths used to eat for want of food, he might do it with ease. The Slavonian before daybreak, put himself near the Town walls, concealed in a Bush, and gathering up his feet close about him. By daylight a Goth came out to gather Grass, suspecting nothing from the Bush; but had his eye upon the Camp, lest any enemy might come from thence. The Slavonian stealing behind him, snatched him up fast between his arms, & delivered him to Valerianus; who enquiring, from what confidence the Goths being so weak refused to yield, and wilfully endured so much distress; the Barbarian told him all the story about Burcensius, desiring he might be brought face to face. Burcensius seeing himself discovered, concealed nothing; and Belisarius gave him to his Companions to use him as they pleased, who burned him alive in the sight of the Enemy: And this fruit had Burcensius, of his covetousness. But Belisarius seeing the Goths still hold out, he had a design upon their water, by that way thinking to take them in with most ease and advantage.   

CHAP. XXII.  
THere was a Springhead to the Northward of Auximum, in a craggy ground, a stones cast from the Town, sending a small stream into a Cistern anciently there built, which being filled from that small stream, supplied water for the Citizens. Belisarius thought that if the water were not received into the Cistern, the Goths being plied with Arrows, would be long filling their Vessels from so small a stream. To spoil this Cistern, he did thus; he put his Forces in Arms, and in their orders round about the Town, as if he would make a general Assault; The Goths fearing the same, stood upon the Battlements, to oppose the Enemy. In the mean time Belisarius brought to the Cistern five Isaurians, covered under a multitude of Shields, skilful in Masonry, with Axes, and other Instruments to cut stones, commanding them to break down the sides of the Cistern. The Goths thinking they came to approach the Walls, kept quiet; that being nearer they might shoot at them with more advantage, not imagining the business. But seeing the Isaurians within the Cistern, they plied them with Arrows, and stones; The rest ran back, and the five Isaurians being under in safety, fell to work; there being an Arch over the water for shade, under which they made no account of the Enemy's shot, though it came thick. The Goths opening the Gate there, sallied furiously upon the Isaurians, and the Romans encountered them, where was a hot fight long, and body to body, and much slaughter on both sides. The Romans fell thicker, the Goths having the advantage of the upper ground; but the Romans gave not back, Belisarius being present, and with loud shouts encouraging them: When from the Enemy came an Arrow whizzing towards the General's belly, whether shot by chance, or purposely: Belisarius seeing it not, could not ward nor shun it; but Vnigatus, one of his Lifeguard, perceiving the Arrow coming almost to his belly, put his right hand between, and saved the General's life; and being himself wounded with it, and in extremity of pain, he retired: His Sinews were afterwards cut asunder, and he lost the use of his hand. The Fight beginning in the morning ended at noon, where seven Armenians of the Troops of Narses, and Aratius, shown great deeds of Valour; running up the steep Hill, and upon the plain killed all that stood them, until they had routed the Goths in that part. And the Romans seeing the Enemy give ground, fell to Execution and the Defeat being clear, the Goths got within their Walls. The Romans thought the Cistern to be down, and the Isaurians to have dispatched their work; but they could not force one stone out of it. The ancient Artists, above all, careful of their Credits, had so wrought this building, that it would not yield to time, nor the attempts of men; wherefore the Isaurians, seeing the Romans masters of the Field, came out of the Cistern, and retired to the Camp. Hereupon Belisarius caused the Soldiers to throw dead bodies of Beasts, and poisonous Herbs into the water, and to quench burning Lime in it; that the Goths having but one Well within the Walls, with little water in it, were much scanted. Neither did Belisarius use any more force or designs against the Town, hoping by Famine only to have his will of the Enemy; and therefore he attended earnestly to his Guards and Sentinels. The Goths also in their great wants were quiet, expecting an Army from Ravenna.  
In Faesulae the Besieged endured fore Famine, and much misery, and having no hope from Ravenna, they resolved to yield: And coming to a Parley with Cyprian and Justinus, and taking assurance for their lives, they rendered themselves and the Castle. Cyprian brought them and the Roman Army before Auximum, leaving a Garrison in Faesulae. Belisarius shown their Leaders to the Goths in Auximum, bidding them leave their Opiniativenesse, and hopes from Ravenna, from whence receiving no good, but being more ruined daily, they will at last come to the same Fortune with those of Faesulae. They considered of it, and being unable to hold out longer against the Famine, they embraced the Proposition, and rendered the City upon conditions of indemnity to themselves, and to go with their Goods to Ravenna. Belisarius was in some doubt to suffer so many brave men to join with those in Ravenna; but he would not lose the opportunity of marching thither against Vitigis, while Affairs was yet in suspense, and the Francs expected to come with succours to the Goths; whose coming though he would willingly prevent, yet he would not raise the Siege of Auximum, before it were, taken. But the Soldiers opposed the Goths having their Goods, showing their wounds, and recounting their toils in the Siege, whereof they alleged the spoils of the Conquered to be the due Prizes. In the end forced by the pressing opportunity, and the Goths compelled by the Famine, they came to this accord; That the Romans should have half the Goods, and the Goths with the other half he subject to the Emperor: And upon this they gave Oath, the Roman Commanders to observe the Agreement, and the Goths not to conceal any of their Goods. So they shared the Goods, and the Romans had Auximum, and the Goths were mingled with the Army.   

CHAP. XXIII.  
BElisarius having taken Auximum, made haste to Ravenna with his whole Army; He sent Magnus before with competent numbers, to skirt the Banks of Poe, and prevent the transporting of Provisions into Ravenna that way. Vitalius, being come out of Dalmatia with Forces, guarded the other side of the River; a Fortune here befell, which shown evidently, that she it is who will determine the controversy. For the Goths had formerly brought down into the Poe many Barks out of Liguria laded with Corn, bound for Ravenna; but the water was grown so low then, that they could not row on; till the Romans coming, surprised the Barks and all the lading. Soon after, the River had the wont stream and was Navigable again; which never happened so before, that we could hear. And now the Goths began to be scarce of Provisions, importing nothing from the Ionian Gulf (by reason the Enemy was Master of the Sea) and the River being blocked up.  
The Kings of the Frank's understanding how things went, and desiring to put for Italy▪ scent Ambassadors to Vitigis with offers of aides, so they might share the Dominion of the Country with him; which Belisarius being advertised of, sent also Ambassadors to dispute it with the Francs, and among others, Theodosius the Steward of his house. The Frank's Ambassadors were first heard, and spoke thus: The Kings of the Francs have sent us hither, sorry to hear that you are distressed by Belisarius, and ready according to their League to avenge you. There is an Army passed the Alps, of 500000. men, who at their very first Encounter will overwhelm the Roman Army with their battle Axes. Harken not therefore to their Counsel, who would make you Slaves, but to theirs rather who in their Affection to you embrace the hazards of a War; And the rather, because joining with us, the Romen cannot hope to match both our powers, but we shall with ease have the Victory. Whereas if you join with the Romans, yet shall they not be able to stand against the Francs, (the Battle even then being not to be with equal powers) and you will be vanquished in the company of your greatest Foes. To run therefore into so evident mischief, having means to be preserved without hazard, is extremest folly. The Romans are not faithful to any Barbarians, but naturally Enemies to them. But we (if you like it) will share with you the Dominion of Italy, and divide the Country as we shall both think best. Make choice therefore of what is most expedient for you. The Francs having done, the Ambassadors of Belisarius spoke thus: That the Frank's multitudes shall not hurt the Emperor's Army, as these men would fright us, what needs a long Speech to you, whose experience hath learned all the moments of War? and that Valour is not vanquished with multitudes. The Emperor can more than any, (if he please) exceed his Enemy in numbers. The faithfulness of these men to all Barbarians, we know, and themselves have showed it to the Thuringians, Burgundians, and to you their Allies: So that we would gladly ask, by what God they mean to swear for the pledge of their Faith. How they have respected him by whom they have already sworn, you know; who coming as Friends to aid you, did not only not join in the danger, but impudently took Arms against you; if you remember what they did at the Poe. What need we, by repeating things past, convince the Frank's impiety? Can any thing be more detestable than this their Ambassage? as if they had forgotten former Treaties; now they pretend their aides to be better than other men's; but if they obtain the Goths to mingle with their Armies once, what will be the period or their insatiable desires, were good to consider. Belisarius Ambassadors having thus spoken, Vitigis after long conference with the principal Goths, chose an Accord with the Emperor, and dismissed the Francs with denial.  
From hence forward the Romans and Goths sent Ambassadors to each other: But still Belisarius set Guards to hinder importation of Provisions; and he employed Vitalius to take in Towns in Venetia, and himself with Ildeger guarded both sides of the Poe, to draw thus the Goths to yield to him upon his own terms for want of Victual. Hearing how there was much Corn in the public Magazines of Ravenna, he won a Citizen with money to set them all on fire; which loss (some say) happened by Mattasuntha's advice, the Wife of Vitigis. It was so suddenly done, that some thought it was by lightning, as others by design, and Vitigis and the Goths taking it in either kind, fell into more irresolution, neither trusting one another, and thinking God himself made War against them.  
In the Alps also which divide Gaul and Liguria, (called Alps Cottiae) are many Castles, whereof many principal Goths have the Guard, having long dwelled there with their wives and children. Belisarius desirous to reduce them, sent Thomas thither, one of his retinue, with some few, to give Faith, and receive the Goths upon composition, whom Sisigis commander of all those Garrisons received into a Castle, and with himself brought in all the rest. In the mean time Vraeas with 4000 choice men out of Liguria, and those Castles, was marching to succour Ravenna: These hearing what Sisigis had done, and afraid of their own Estates, with Vraeas went first to these Cottian Alps, and besieged Sisigis and Thomas. John Vitalianus hearing of it, and Martinus (being then about the Poe) came to their succour with their forces, and some of the Castles they surprised, and made the Inhabitants slaves, and among them many wives and Children of Vraeas' soldiers, who from those Castles had followed him; but hearing now how their own Estates were ransacked they suddenly ran from the Goths Camp to John, whereby Vraeas could do nothing there, nor yet relieve Ravenna, but went into Liguria with some few, and lay still.   

CHAP. XXIV.  
IN the mean time, Belisarius shut up in Ravenna, Vitigis, and the chief of the Goths: and the Emperor's Ambassadors arrived, Domnicus and Maximinus, both Senators; with commission to make peace upon Terms, that Vitigis should have half the Revenues of the Crown, and the Dominion of the country beyond the Poe; the other half of the Revenues to be the Emperors, and the rest of Italy to be subject to him, and to pay him Tribute. The Ambassadors shown the Emperor's instructions to Belisarius, and were conducted into Ravenna: And Vitigis and the Goths gladly agreed to conclude the treaty upon those condition. This discontented Belisarius, as an ill service to hinder him from the absolute conquest, and his bringing Vitigis to Constantinople prisoner, having it in his power: and at the Ambassadors return he refused to sign the Treaty, upon which the Goths were jealous of the Romans that they fraudulently propounded a peace, and protested to conclude nothing without the signature and oath of Belisarius. Who hearing that some Commanders taxed him with a design against the Emperor's service, to prolong the War; he called them all, and in the presence of Domnicus and Maximinus spoke thus The fortune of the war (I and you know) stands not upon firm Ground; many in hope of an instant victory have been overthrown, and an Enemy, in appearance ruined, hath beyond imagination subsisted. So that men consulting of peace, are not to fancy the best for themselves only, but to consider the event both ways in possibility, and so to resolve. And I now assemble you my fellow Commanders, and the Emperor's Ambassadors, that choosing with all freedom what you think most expedient for the Emperor, you may not after the business done, lay imputations upon me; it being most unreasonable, when you may choose the best, to be silent, and when you see the Event, then to coin accusations. The Emperor's resolution, and Vitigis mind for concluding the war, you know; which if you conceive to be expedient, say so; but if you think yourselves able to recover Italy, and to subdue the Enemy, there is no danger, boldly to say it. Belisarius having spoken, they all said plainly that the Emperor's instructions were best, and that they were not able to do more than they had done. The opinion pleased Belisarius, and he bade them express it in a writing, that they might not deny it afterwards; which they signed accordingly; that they were not able to subdue the Enemy by war. But the Goths the while pressed with Famine, could hold out no longer; weary they were of Vitigis government, and yet scrupulous to yield to the Emperor; fearing to be removed by him out of Italy to Constantinople, and planted thereabout. So that the principal men upon debate resolved to declare Belisarius Emperor of the West, and secretly they sent to entreat him to accept the Empire, professing to be most willing to obey him. Belisarius would not take the Empire without the Emperor's consent; to whom he was tied in a solemn oath, not to innovat during the said Emperor's life; and the very name of an Usurper he hated: yet to facilitate his business, he seemed to accept the offer. Vitigis perceiving it, out of fear, commended the Goths resolution, and secretly animated Belisarius, that there should be no rub in his way to the Empire. Belisarius hereupon called the Commanders with the Ambassadors, and asked them, if they thought it not a matter of importance, to make all the Goths, and Vitigis the Emperors Captives; to share their wealth, and to recover all Italy to the Romans: They said, it would be an extreme high fortune, and prayed him to effect it if he could. Presently Belisarius sent some of his favourites to Vitigis, and the chief Goths, willing them to perform their offer immediately. Indeed the Famine would not permit a put-off, but brought them to it; that again they sent Ambassadors with the former propositions openly, but privately to take Belisarius oath for their indemnity, and that he would be King of Italy; and that done, to return into Ravenna with the Roman army. Concerning the rest Belisarius gave oath; but touching the Kingdom, he said he would swear it to Vitigis and the Goths Commanders. The Ambassadors not thinking he would reject the Kingdom, but that he desired it above all things, prayed him forthwith to march into Ravenna. Belisarius sent away Narses, Aratius, Bessas' and John, (whom he suspected to be worst affected to him) to quarter with their Troops in several countries, telling them he could not possibly bring into that city provisions for the whole army. They with Athanasius, Praefect of the Palace, lately come from Constantinople, went accordingly; & himself and the rest of the army entered Ravenna, with the Goths Ambassadors. He commanded also ships he had laded with Corn, to come into Esclae the haven for Ravenaa. When I saw the entrance of this army into Ravenna, I considered how actions are not concluded by valour, multitudes, or human virtue; but that some spirit steers the wits and judgements of men thither, where nothing can hinder the preordained conclusion. The Goths had much the advantage in numbers and power, and since they came to Ravenna had no battle, nor their courages dejected with any accident, yet they became prisoners, and thought it no shame to be slaves to fewer in number. The women (who had heard from their Husbands, that the Enemy were tall gallant men, and not to be numbered, scorned the Soldiers when they saw them in the City, and reviled their husband's cowardice, pointing at their conquerors.   

CHAP. XXV.  
BUT Belisarius kept Vitigis in an honourable restraint, and sent away such Goths as inhabited this side the Poe, to their own houses, to possess them freely; fearing from thence no hostility, nor that the Goths would gather head in those parts, because much of the Army was there Garrisoned. And these Goths were glad to go home, whereby the Romans in Ravenna were secure, having equal numbers. The Treasures in the Palace he seized, with intent to carry them to the Emperor; But neither himself plundered any Goth, nor suffered others; leaving them their Estates according to the Accord. The Captains of Fortresses, hearing Ravenna and Vitigis to be in the Romans hands, sent to Belisarius offers of surrendering the same upon Composition. He gave them assurances, and received Tarvisium, and another strong Hold: Cesina and Emilia he had taken in before with Ravenna; and the Goths Garrisoned in those places, upon assurances given, came into Beli●arius, and stayed with him. ●●debad also, Governor of Verona, having his Children Prisoners in Ravenna, sent to Belisarius to the same purpose; but he would not put himself into his hands there. In the mean time some Commanders had traduced Belisarius to the Emperor falsely with usurpation; Who not believing the accusation, but the Persian war pressing him, sent for Belisarius to make an Expedition that way. Belisarius left the charge of Italy with Bessas' and John, and some others; and he directed Constantianus to come to Ravenna from Dalmatia. But the Goths inhabiting beyond the Poe, hearing how Belisarius was called home, at first made no account of it, not thinking that he would less esteem a Kingdom than his faith to Justinian: But afterward seeing his preparations to be gone, their chief men continuing in those parts, went into Picenia to Vraeas, sister's Son to Vitigis, and after much lamenting, spoke thus. There is none a greater cause of these miseries of our Nation, than yourself. We had long since deposed your uncle, so cowardly and unfortunate a Prince, as formerly we did Theodatus the sisters Son of Theoderick, if we had not (respecting your valour) given him the Title, but in Effect put the Kingdom into your hands. But now our then seeming good counsel, appears our folly, and the cause of these Calamities. The best Goths are consumed by the war, and the best of the remainder Belisarius is carrying, away with all our Treasures; and no man doubts, but we shortly being few, & enemies, shall suffer the same. In this extremity a glorious death is better, then to behold our wives and children led Captives to the uttermost bounds of the earth; and might we have you in the head of us, we may yet do something worthy the name of valour. Vraeas' made this answer▪ I am of your opinion to choose danger before slavery; but to make me King I hold it in no fort convenient. For being the Nephew of Vitigis, a man so unlucky, the Enemy may despise me, supposing Fortunes ever to run in a blood. Besides I shall seem dishonest to intrude upon my Uncle, and thereby have many malcontents. My Sentence is, to make Ildebad King in this danger, a man accomplished in Virtue, and very valiant, whole Uncle Theudis, King of the Visigoths, in likelihood will enter into this War for his sake, whereby we may dispute it with more hope. This advice of Vraeas seemed best; and forthwith Ildebad was sent for from Verona, whom they invested with the purple Robe, and proclaimed King, recommending unto him their Affairs Ildebad being thus made King, assembled the Goths, and spoke thus: Fellow Soldiers, we have had experience of many Wars, and in likelihood shall not run rashly now into this; Experience brings Wit; and wit is never Foolhardy. It is fit now to consult of our present Estate, by calling to mind the former Accidents. Men by an affected forgetfulness of things past, and so by foolishly keeping high thoughts, have been ruined in their greatest occasions. Vitigis, without your opposing him, hath put himself into the Enemy's hands; you being tired with cross Fortunes, and choosing rather (quietly sitting at home) to obey Belisarius, then to hazard. But he being going to Constantinople, now you resolve to stir; whereas you should consider, that men speed not always in the way they expect, that often the Event beyond Imagination is contrary to the appearance; Fortune and Repentance commonly doing best, unlooked for, which is not unlikely, may be now the case of Belisarius. Wherefore our best way is, to send first to know his mind, and to persuade him to what was lately accorded, and so to enter into action. This counsel of Ildebad they all conceived to be best, and immediately sent Ambassadors to Ravenna; who put Belisarius in mind of his Agreement, blamed his infringing the same, and reproached him for not blushing to be thus a Voluntary Slave, and to prefer Servitude before a Kingdom. Many such Provocations they used, and animated him to accept the Government, assuring him that Ildebad would willingly give place, lay at his feet the Purple Robe, and salute him, Belisarius, King of the Goths and Italians. The Ambassadors spoke thus, thinking that Belisarius would not be so scrupulous, as to reject the Title of a King. But he, contrary to their expectations, plainly refused it, saying; that during the Emperor Justinians life, he would not intrude upon such a Title. They hearing this, instantly departed, and reported it to Ildebad. And Belisarius took his Journey towards Constantinople, the Winter ending, and the fifth year of this War, written by Procopius.   
Finis lib. 2. Bell. Goth.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE THIRD BOOK Of the GOTHJCK War.  

Chap. I. AN Elogium of Belisarius. The ill carriage of the other Commanders in Italy. Ildebad is chosen King, and the Goths recover. The Roman Soldiers and Subjects are discontented with Alexander Psalidion the Auditor. Ildebad kills Uraeas, and is slain himself by Vilas, one of his Guard.  
Chap. II. Erarick, a Rogian, is chosen King. The Romans have II. Commanders under Constantianus, and Alexander Psalidion; They basely run away from Verona, and are routed by the Poe, through the want of Artabazes, who was hurt in a Duel.  
Chap. III. Florence attempted, and missed by Totilas, elected King of the Goths. The Roman Army makes head, and is routed. Naples besieged by Totilas, who is Master of Italy. Demetrius, sent from Constantinople, is routed in a Sea-fight, taken Prisoner, and the Navy ruined by storm.  
Chap. IU. Totiles' takes Naples by composition: His humanity to the Citizens and Soldiers. His noble punishment of a Rape. The baseness of the Roman Army. Totilas invites the Roman Senators to revolt.  
Chap. V. Belisarius is sent into Italy. Otranto is besieged, and relieved by Valentinus. Tibur is surprised by the Goths. Belisarius come to Ravenna. The Illyrians go home. Forces are sent to relieve Auximum.  
Chap. VI Some Romans are slain by an Ambush. Pisaurus is repaired. Belisarius writes to the Emperor for supplies. The Goths take Spoletum, and Assisium by composition, besiege Rome, and block it up by Sea and Land. Belisarius unfortunate, or infatuated, returns to Epidamnus. The Emperor sends him an Army with John. Narses the Eunuch levies an Army of Herulians; who by chance do great service against the Slavonians.  
Chap. VII. A digression of a counterfeit Chilbudius, a Romam General upon the River Iste●. A description of the Slavonians, and Antians; inhabiting the further side of the River Ister.  
Chap. VIII. Valentinus and Phocas are slain before Rome, by the baseness of Bessas'. Ships of Corn sent by Vigilius, Bishop of Rome, for Rome, are surprised by the Enemy. Pelagius, a Deacon, is sent Ambassador to supplicate Totilas, but prevails not.  
Chap. IX. The miserable Famine in Rome. John recovers Calabria, Bruttia, and Lucania. He defeats an Army of Goths about Rhegium. Totilas builds Towers, and a Bridge upon Tiber.  
Chap. X. Belisarius burns one of the Towers with a Fireboat; being ready to relieve Rome, is diverted, by a report of Isaac's taking, whose madness, and the baseness of Bessas' spoiled the Action. Four Isaurians offer to receive in Totilas, Bessas' negligently guarding it.  
Chap. XI. Totilas takes Rome by the Treason of the four Isaurians. He spares slaughter, at the supplication of Pelagius: Whom he sends Ambassador to Justinian for Peace; and in the mean time spares the demolishing of Rome. A small defeat of Goths by Tullianus.  
Chap. XII. Totilas is diverted from destroying Rome, by the advises of Belisarius, and left it without any man in it. Martianus by a plot recovers Spoletum. John fortifies an Isthmus at Tarentum, and makes head. Totilas goes towards Ravenna.  
Chap. XIII. Belisarius repairs Rome, and defends it against Totilas; and after some time, beats him away. The speech of Totilas to the Goths in his own Apology.  
Chap. XIV. john rescues the Senators and their Wives, confined in Campania, is beaten out of his Camp by Totilas, with loss of 100 men. The Emperor sends new Forces into Italy, Scyllaeum, The bay of Tarentum, Thurium, and Croton.  
Chap. XV. The Forces sent by Belisarius to guard the passages are cut in pieces by Totilas, where Pharas is slain. Belisarius frighted with the news, runs a Shipboard. The Slavonians overrun Illyrium. Inundation of Nile; The great Whale. Russiana is taken by Totilas. Conon is killed by his Soldiers.  
Chap. XVI. Belisarius dares not relieve Russiana: and the Garrison yields it to Totilas upon their lives saved. A plot against the person of Justinian, by Artabanes, and others.  
Chap. XVII. Artabanes, and Arsaces' endeavour to bring in Germanus, and his son Justinus into the plot against the Emperor. Marcellus, by deferring the discovery, hazards Germanus, and after by telling the whole truth, saves him. The Kings of the Frank's coin gold Staters, a thing not done by the King of Persia himself. No gold pieces will go, no not among Barbarian Merchants, but of the Emperor's coin.  
Chap. XVIII. The Gepaedes and Lombard's spoil the Empire: Fall at difference: Demand aid of the Emperor by both their Ambassadors. The Lombard's arguments have more justice in them. But the Gepaedes more reason of State.  
Chap. XIX. The Gepaedes and Lombard's make Peace without the Romans. Belisarius returns to Constantinople without honour. of Ildeges a Lombard, who was coming to aid Totilas, but returned. Ilauf, a revolter, does mischief in Dalmatia; and sacks Monecurum, and Laureata. Totilas besieges Rome, which is bravely defended by Diogenes.  
Chap. XX. Totitas takes Rome again by another Isaurian Treason; but demolishes it not, upon an occasion of being formerly refused alliance with the French King, because he durst not hold Rome, but demolish it. Paul, a Cilician, makes a gallant composition. Justinian refuses to see the Goths Ambassadors for Peace. Centumcellae agreed to be yielded, if succours came not. Germanus, than Liberius, appointed General for Italy. Verus is slain.  
Chap. XXI. The Slavonians spoil Thrace, and Illyrium, beat the Emperor's Army, and commit savage murders. Rhegium yielded to the Goths. Messina besieged. After Liberius, and Artabanes, Germanus is made General against the Goths; who makes a powerful preparation, frights away the Slavonians out of Illyrium, and dies at Sardice in Illyrium. John is appointed to lead the Army.  
Chap. XXII. Artabanes escapes a storm at Sea. Liberius quits Syracuse. Totilas is persuaded by Spinus to leave Sicily. The Slavonians do much spoil; rout a Roman Army, and come up even to the Long walls in Thrace, a days journey from Constantinople. They are beaten home.    

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS of the Emperor JUSTINIAN.  
Of the GOTHJCK War, the Third BOOK.  

CHAP. I.  
THUS Belisarius, leaving Italy yet unsettled, brought Vitigis and Ildebads children to Constantinople, with all the rich spoils; accompanied only with Ildiger, Valerianus, Martinus, and Herodian. Justinian was glad to see Vitigis and his Queen, admiting the Goths for their beautiful tall bodies. Theodericks treasures (a goodly sight to behold) he took into the Palace, and in private exposed them to the view of the Senate, glorying much in the greatness of the things done. He shown not the same to the People, nor allowed Belisarius a triumph, as after his conquest of Gelimer and the Vandals. Yet was Belisarius the discourse of all the world, having gained the honour of two unmatchable victories, brought two Kings Prisoners to Constantinople; and beyond all expectation, made spoils of War the race and wealth of Gensericke, and Theoderick, the most illustrious of all the Barbarians. He brought bacl also to the Roman State their own wealth from the hands of their Enemies, and in a short time recovered the Dominion of almost one half of the Land and Seas thereof. It was a delight to the Constantinopolitans (and they could not be satisfied with it) to behold daily Belisarius passing from his house, and returning thither through the Marketplace; His going in the streets being a kind of triumph; multitudes of Vandals, Goths, and Moors ever following him: and he was a beautiful personage, tall, and of the goodliest countenance that could be seen; To suitors ever easy of access, and mild as the meanest man. Both the Soldier, and the Countryman were ever infinitely in love with his Government, being to the Soldiers exceeding bountiful; to such as had mischances in fight, comforting their wounds with large sums, and to such as did bravely, giving chains and bracelets for prizes of honour. If a Soldier in fight, lost his horse, or his Bow, or the like, presently he had another from Belisarius. And he was dear to the Country people, because he used such good husbandry and providence, that where he was General, none ever suffered violence, but all where his Army came had the strange fortune to grow richer; selling their commodities to the Soldier at their own rates, who guarded still their ripe Corns, to keep off Horse from spoiling them; Neither was any suffered to take away their ripe fruits. Besides he had a wonderful care of his chastity, never touching any woman but his Wife; and of so many fair Prisoners of the Vandals and the Goths (such as none ever saw the like) suffering not one to be brought into his sight, nor to come at him. He was of a very sharp wit, and excellent in a doubtful case to devise the best way; valiant in War with cautiousness, and bold upon advice of reason; ever either swift or flow in his undertake upon an Enemy, according to occasion. In extremities resolute, full of hope, and free from perturbation. In prosperity he was neither exalted, nor voluptuous: No man ever saw Belisarius drunk. And thus during his command in Africa and Italy, he was still victorious, and Master of all in his way: And when he came home to Constantinople, his worth was yet more taken notice of; For being himself eminent in virtue, and exceeding all the Generals that ever were in wealth, and in the strength of his Lanciers, and Targeteers, he was terrible both to Commanders and common Soldiers. So that no man durst oppose his commands, but readily put in execution what he directed; both reverencing his worth, and fearing his power. For he had ready of the Retinue of his House 7000. Horsemen, choice men, and every one of them thinking himself fit to stand in the first rank at a Battle, and to challenge the bravest of the Enemies. The ancient men of Rome at that siege seeing what those men did in the fights then, and taking if for a great wonder, said, That one man's Family ruined the power of Theoderick. Thus was Belisarius grown powerful both in dignity and counsel, ever advising the Emperor's best advantage, and cheerfully executing what was resolved.  
But the other Commanders (being equal in power, and having no thought but upon their own private gain) made spoil of the Roman Subjects, and exposed them to the injuries of the Soldier. They apprehended nothing worthy themselves, nor had the Common soldiers obedient to their commands; and so commiting many errors, the Romans affairs were in a short time ruined; and thus it was.  
Ildebad hearing that Belisarius was gone from Ravenna, and upon his journey, recollected the Goths, and such Roman Soldiers as would revolt; was careful of the Government, and diligent to recover the Dominion of Italy. At first he had with him but a thousand men, and no Town but Picenum. But in a while all who were in Liguria, and Venetia, came dropping in to him.  
There was in Constantinople one Alexander, chief Auditor of the public Treasury, called Logothetes by the Romans, from the Greek. This man's practice was to inform against Soldiers for wronging the Treasury; and for such misdemeanours by bringing them to justice, he became of an obscure man eminent, and of a Beggar very rich. He raised as much money for the Emperor as any man; but was the greatest cause that the Soldiers were few & poor, and backward in dangers. At Constantinople they gave him a nickname, Psalidion, for the dexterity he had to clip away the ring of the gold coin; and though he made it less, yet to have it keep the circular form it had at the first. The instrument wherewith this is done, is called Psalidion, or clipping shears. This man the Emperor sent into Italy, when he recalled ●elisarius; And he in Ravenna set a foot Audits without reason, calling the Italians to account, who never touched the Emperor moneys, and some that never had public employment, and charging them with wrong done to Theodorick, and the other Gothish Kings, and compelling them to repay what they had rob, or fraududulently gained, as he alleged. The Soldiers for their wounds and bazards he requited with slender accounts; whereby the Italians grew ill affected to the Emperor, and the Soldiers would not engage themselves into dangers; but turning wilful cowards, advanced the Enemy's affairs to a great height.  
All the Commanders sat still, but Vitalius, who had with him in Venetia many Herulians, and some other numbers of the Army; he would fight with Ildebad, fearing (what afterward came to pass) that his growing power might not so easily be restrained. The Battle was valiantly fought near the City of Tarvisium; but Vitalius had the worst; and suffering the loss of most of his men, with a few escaped by flight. Many Herulians fell, and Visandus their Leader. Theudimund, the Son of Mauricius, the Son of Mundus, a young man, was in much danger of being lost, but escaped with Vitalius. This Battle made Ildebad famous with the Emperor, and all men; But afterward Vraeas fell foul with him, upon this occasion. Vraas had a Wife, for Wealth and Beauty, the chief of her Nation. She went once to the public Bath bravely dressed, and with a goodly Train; where seeing Ildehads Wife in a mean Habit, she bowed not to her, as to the King's Consort, but slighted, and scoffed at her; for as yet her Husband was in a low Condition, as having not been Master of any Kingly Revenue. But the Queen vexed with this gross Affront, came weeping to her Husband, desiring him to right her, having suffered from Vraeas' Wife things not to be endured. Whereupon Ildebad first accused Vraeas to the Goths, of purposing a Revolt; and afterward killed him treacherously, and was hated for it by the Goths, who liked not this kill of Vraas without Examination; and they gathered together, and railed upon Ildebad for this foul Act; yet none of them were willing he should suffer for it. One among them, named Vilas, by race a Gepaede, and a Lancier of the Guard to the Emperor, was a Suitor to a very fair Woman, and infinitely doted upon his love. But being sent upon some Service, Ildebad the mean while gave his Mistress to another in marriage; either ignorantly, or upon some motive: Which Vilas hearing at his coming from the Army, and being naturally impatient, could not bear the disgrace, but resolved to kill Ildebad; wherein he thought too to gratify all the Goths. He observed his time as the King feasted the chief men, when many use to stand by him, especially his Guards. The King reaching his hand to a dish, and bowing with his face upon the Couch, Vilas suddenly struck him with his Sword upon the neck, that the meat being between his fingers, the head fell off, and amazed all the Company. Thus was the Murder of Vraeas' revenged upon Ildebad; and the Winter ended, and the sixth 
* Incipit Annus 7. Bell. Goth, in anno 15. Justiniani.  year of this War, written by Procopius.   

CHAP. II.  
AMong the Goths was one Erarick, a Rogian by Nation, but he had gained a great power with the Goths. The Rogians are a Gothish Nation, formerly a free People; but Theoderick made them and some other Nations his Confederates, and mingled them all together, and used them jointly against the Enemy. But these taking no Wives of any other Nation, preserved their Name in a Posterity of the whole blood. And the State being in trouble upon the Murder of Ildebad, they proclaimed Erarick King, which the Goths misliked, whose hearts were now quite down, and their hopes frustrated. For Ildebad was a man able enough to have recovered the Dominion of Italy; but Erarick did nothing to purpose; and having reigned five Months, he was slain in this manner. Totilas, Nephew to Ildebad, (a wise and a Valorous man, and in much Estimation with the Goths) commanded then the Goths in Tarvis●um; and hearing how Ildebad was slain, sent to Ravenna to Constantianus, offering upon assurances of indemnity to deliver up Tarvisium, and the Goths under his Command. Constantianus most gladly gave Oath; as Totilas desired, and a day was appointed for receiving into the Town men sent by Constantianus, and to put the Gothish Garrison into their hands. All the Goths were weary of Eraricks' Government, finding him not capable to make a War with the Romans; and they railed on him as a hinderer of many good Designs they were ready to act, when they killed Ildebad. In conclusion, by common consent they sent to Tarvisium, exhorting Totilus to the Government. They felt the miss of Ildebad, and turned their hope of Victory upon Totilus, his Kinsman, hoping therein what they desired. He told them plainly his accord with the Romans, and that if they shall kill Erarick before his day of Assignment with the Romans, he will follow them, and do as they desire him. The Goths upon this resolved the ruin of Erarick. In the mean time, the Roman Army secure, and enjoying their Enemy's troubles, neither drew together, nor had any design upon them. But Erarick assembling the Goths propounded the sending Ambassadors to Justinian, for such a peace as was once resolved to be made with Vitigis: namely, that the Goths holding all beyond the Poe, should quit the rest of Italy. The Goths all approved the Motion; and he sent Caballarius, and some other of his Friends Ambassadors, who were to pretend the negotiation, as aforesaid; but he gave them secret Instructions, to treat only with the Emperor, to give him a good Sum of money, and to make him a Patrician, upon condition of his delivering up all Italy, and his laying down the Royal Habit. The Ambassadors coming to Constantinople, did according to his directions. In the mean time the Goths kill Erarick by treachery, and Totilas takes the Government, as was agreed. Justinian advertised hereof, both of the accident of Erarick, and that Totilas was made King, he could no longer contain from sharply reproving the Commanders: whereupon John, Vitalianus Sister's Son, Bessas', Vitalius, & the rest, leaving Garrisons in the Towns, drew together at Ravenna, where were Constantianus, and Alexander. They resolved in Counsel to lead the Army first against Verona, which is in Venetia, and having taken the same, to go against Totilas and Picenum. The Army was gotten together 12000. men, under eleven Commanders; and Constantianus and Alexander in chief. Being come within seven miles of Verona, they encamped before it; the City being compassed with fair Champions, reaching as far as Mantua, which is a day's journey from Verona. In Venetia one Marcianus, a principal man, dwelling in a Castle not far from Verona, and well affected to the Emperor, sought means of delivering the City to the Romans. He was acquainted with one of the Watchmen, to whom he sent a Friend, and persuaded him for money to receive in the Emperor's Army. The Watchman promised, and Marcianus sent some to the Roman Commanders to negotiate, and to let them know the Agreement, and to enter the Town by night with them. The Commanders thought it best to send one of themselves before with a few; if the Watchman opened the Gate, to make it good, and then the rest to bring the Army in without hazarding. All refusing the danger, Artabazes an Armenian cheerfully undertook it; a very gallant Soldier, who was Captain of those Persians, whom Belisarius brought to Constantinople with Blischames, after his taking the Castle of Sisaurium. He settled a 100 men of the Army, and late in the night got near to the Town. The Watchman opened the Gate; some stood still and sent for the Army, others mounted the Walls and slew the Sentinels, coming unexpected: And the Goths perceiving the mischief, ran out at another Gate, and retired to a high Hill over against Verona (from whence one may discern all done in the City, and number the men in the Streets, and it hath a large Prospect into the Champion) and here they stayed all night. The Romans being within five miles of the City, would go no further; the General's disputing about the Booty of it; and while they were thus brabbling for the spoils, the day grew bright. The Goths from the Hill discovering the Enemy in the Town, and how great a way the Army was from it, ran in at the same Gate they ran out; the Romans within being not able to possess it: who advising together fled to the Battlements, where the Goths in multitudes assailed, and they stoutly defended, and did wonders; especially Artabazes. The Roman Commanders, when they had disposed the Wealth of Verona among themselves, marched against the Town with the Army. But finding the Gates shut, and the Enemy strongly opposing, they forthwith ran away, though they saw their Companions upon the Walls fight, and calling to them to stay for them. So that Artabazes, and the rest being oppressed with multitudes, and despairing of Succour, leapt from the Walls; and himself, with such as lighted upon smooth ground, came safe to the Camp, but they that fell upon stony ground, perished all. The Roman Army past the Poe, and came to Faventia, which is a City of Emilia, standing 15. miles from it. Totilas when he heard what had happened at Verona, sent for most of that Garrison, and with his whole Army being 50000. he marched against the Enemy. The Roman Commanders hereof advertised, held a Counsel; where Artabazes spoke thus.  
Fellow Commanders, let us not despise the Enemy, as inferior in numbers; nor as being to fight with men cowed by Belisarius, go on with resolution. False conceits have deceived and undone many, and their unseasonable despising an Enemy dissolved their Forces. The former ill success of these men invites them to some better Fortune; Fortune by making men desperate, brings them to an excess of daring. I speak not this by gues●e, I have learned their Courage by mine own late danger. And let none be offended with me for extolling their power, having been with a few with me beaten by them. men's Valour is seen as well when they are more, as when they are fewer than those they fight with. My Opinion therefore is, to guard the passage of the River, and when the Goths are half passed over, to fight with them rather, then now with their whole body. And let no man think that there is no honour in such a Victory. Honour and disgrace receive their names from the Event. Men commend the Victors, not searching into the manner of the Victory. Artabazes so spoke; But the Commanders contradicting one another, did nothing they should do, but there stayed, and did nothing. The Goths came near, and being ready to pass the River, Totilas spoke thus unto them. Friends and Countrymen; other Battles begin upon the show of equality in the Armies to fight, but we now stand to fight, having a Fortune most unequal. If they be beaten, they have means to fight with us again, having numbers of Soldiers in their Garrisons, all Italy over, and expecting forthwith the seconds of another Army from Constantinople. But if the same befall us, the hopes and name of our Nation is lost; being already from 200000. reduced to 50000. yet is it sit that you be put in mind, that when you took Arms with Ildebad against the Emperor, you had but 1000 men together, and no place left but the Town of Picenum. But no sooner were you conquerors, but your Armies and Towns augmented: And if you now do bravely, I hope (the War proceeding probably) we shall vanquish the Enemy. It is the Fortune of Conquerors ever to grow in numbers, and power. So that resolve to meet the Enemy cheerfully, and stoutly; knowing, that if you get not the honour of this day, you can never possibly fight again. Moreover our Enemy's Injustice is to embolden us in this Battle. The Italians subject to them they have so oppressed, that they need no other punishment for their Treason against the Goths: So (in a word) have they found all manner of mischiefs from their new Guests. Now what is more easily caught then an Enemy, who stands not sound with God? Their fear of us also may encourage us; we going against no other men than those, who being in the midst of Verona, quitted it without reason, and ran away shamefully, none pursuing them. Totilas having used this encouragement, commanded 300. men to pass the River two miles and a half off, and to get behind the Enemy; and (the Fight being begun) to shoot at their backs, and being in confusion to gall them. Himself with the rest past there the River, and went against the Enemy. The Romans encountered them, and both marching fair and softly, and being near each other, Valiaris, a Goth, tall, and of a stern Countenance, and very Valiant, road out from the rest between the Armies, armed with Corslet and Helmet, and challenged any Roman to fight with him. Artabazes accepted the Combat. Both road against each other, and charged their Lances; Artabazes preventing, ran Valiaris into the left side, who having his mortal wound, and sinking backward, his Lance resting upon the ground and at a great stone, kept him from falling: Artabazes with eagerness thrust his Lance into his belly, not thinking he had his death's wound already; and the head of Valiaris Lance standing upright, lighted upon the Corslet of Artabazes, and gliding over it, pierced his neck, and cut one of the Arteries: He bled instantly in abundance, but feeling no pain, galloped to the Roman Camp, and left Valiaris dead upon the place. The blood could not be staunched, so that the third day he died, and staggered all the hopes of the Romans; for his being not able to fight in that Battle, was an extreme ruin to them. He attending the cure of his Wound without Arrow-shot, the Armies joined Battle; in the heat whereof the 300. Goths at the Romans backs suddenly appeared; the Romans thinking them to be great numbers, were afraid, and ran away in confusion, with the Enemy at their heels; who took many Prisoners, and all their Ensigns, a thing never before happened to the Romans. The Commanders with some few ran into several Towns for safety, and guarded the same.   

CHAP. III.  
TOtilas forthwith sent forces against Florence, commanded by Bledas, Rodericus, and Valiaris, who sat down before it. Justinus within it having laid in no provisions, sent to Ravenna, praying the Commanders to come to his succour. The messenger by night slipped by the Enemy, and reported their Estate to the Roman Commanders in Ravenna, whereupon an army of good importance under Bessas', Cyprianus and John, Vitalianus his Sister's Son, marched to Florence. The news of them raised the Goths siege, who retired to Micale, a Town standing a day's journey from Florence. The Roman army left with Justinus some few men, and went against the Enemy: Upon the way they advised to make choice of one of the Commanders of most account, suddenly to set upon the Enemy, and the rest to march after fair and softly; they cast lots, and fortune gave it to John; but the commanders would not stand to the agreement, so that John with his own troops only went against the enemy. The Goths understanding their coming, left the champain, and in fear and tumult ran up to a high hill: John's Troops ran up also, and began the fight. The Goths valiantly opposed, and many brave men fell on both sides. Then John furiously giving upon the Enemy with a great shout, one of his life guard was slain by a dart, whereupon the Romans retired, beaten back: Then came up the rest of the Roman army, and in the plain put themselves in batallion, and made an halt: if they had set upon the flying Troops of John, and with them set upon the Enemy, they had gotten the day, and had them almost all at their mercy; but an unlucky rumour was spread that John was slain in the fight by one of his own Lifeguard, so that they would stay no longer, but made a shameful retreat, not retiring in a whole body, nor yet in Troops; but every man ran away as he could. Many of them perished, and they who escaped run on for many days, none pursuing them, and at last every man as he could got into strong places, reporting to all they met, that John was slain: From thence forward they joined not, nor had thought of making head; but every one kept within his walls, expecting a siege. Totilas gained his prisoners with his much humanity to serve him willingly against the Romans, and then ended the winter, and the seventh year of this war, written by Procopius.  
Totilas then took in the Castles of Cesina and Petra, 
Incipit An. 8. bell. Goth 6. Justiniani, Anno domini 542.  came into Tuscany; and the Towns there not yielding to him, he passed the Tiber, but would not touch upon the Territories of Rome, but went into Campania and Samnium, and took without labour the strong Town of Beneventum, and laid the walls flat with the Ground, that the Romans coming from Constantinople might not from a fortified place infest the Goths. Naples refusing to receive him, notwithstanding his fair words (having Conon within, with a thousand Romans and Isaurians) he encamped before it with the most part of his army, and sent out some forces, who took in Cuma and other fortresses, from whence he raised great sums of money. The wives of some Senators he found in the fame, who had no incivility used to them, but were dismissed with much courtesy: from whence he got a great fame of the Romans of discretion and humanity. He still sent out small parties (no Enemy appearing against him) and did things of good importance, taking Bruttia, and Lucania, Apulia, and Calabria, He took up the Tributes, and from the land-holders' received the rents; disposing all things as absolute Master of Italy. The Roman army hereby received no entertainments, and the Emperor owed it huge sums; and the Italians mourned, being reduced to so great danger, The Soldiers also grew more disobedient to their Commanders, and were glad to lie still in their Garrisons. Constantianus held Ravenna, John Rome, Ressas' Spoletum, Justinus Florence, and Cyprianus Perusia; every one the place he had fled to. The Emperor hereof advertised, and esteeming it a great calamity, 
Praefectus praetorio per Italiam.  forthwith made Maximinus * Praefect of the Palace for Italy, that he might be over the Commanders, and to furnish provisions to the Soldiers. With him he sent a navy, having aboard an army consisting of Thracians under Herodian, and of Armenians under Phazas an Iberian, sister's Son of Peranius, and some few Huns they had with them. Maximinus from Constantinople, with his Fleet came upon the coast of Epirus, where he spent the time to no purpose, being no Soldier, a coward; and an extreme delayer. Afterward the Emperor sent Demetrius General; who had formerly commanded a company of Foot under Belisarius: He arriving in Sicily, and hearing how Conon was besieged in Naples and in great want of victual, had a mind to secure him speedily; but with so small an army being not able, be freighted a number of ships, (which he got together from all parts of. Sicily) with corn and other provisions, making the Enemy believe that he had a great army abroad, who indeed hearing of a huge navy coming from Sicily, expected a great army with it. If Demetrius had made directly for Naples, he had frighted away the Enemy and saved the city. But he was afraid to put in there, and sailed on to the port of Rome, employing himself there to gather together the Soldiers; Who being already beaten by the Goths, and extremely afraid of them, refused to follow him against Totilas. So that with those only he brought from Constantinople, he went towards Naples. Another Demetrius, a Cephalenian, an ancient mariner very skilful, when he sailed with Belisarius into Africa and Italy, grew famous for his skill, and the Emperor made him Procurator of Naples. In the beginning of the Goths siege there, being a man of a foul intemperate tongue, he used many disgraceful words against Totilas. the Famine there growing, and the mortality still increasing, with Conon's consent he adventured in a small bark alone to go secretly to Demetrius, and hardly escaping, he met with Demetrius, and encouraging him, drew him to undertake the business. Totilas hearing of the Fleet coming back, prepared many Pinnaces swift of sail, and the enemy being upon the coast near Naples, he set on them suddenly, amazed them, and put them to flight; killing many and taking more: They only escaped, who at first leapt into the cock-boats, among whom was Demetrius the General. The ships the Goths took with all their men and Lading, and there sound Demetrius the Procurator of Naples, whose Tongue they cut out, and so let him go whether he would; such was the punishment of Demetrius for his intemperate language. Afterward came Maximinus with his Fleet upon the coast of Sicily, where he sat still in Syracuse, afraid of the war. The Roman commanders, and especially Conon from Naples (whom all provisions now failed) sent to him to come to their succours: He wore out the season in this cowardly fear; but at last fearing the Emperor's menaces, and wearied with the revile of all men, he stayed himself; but sent the army to Naples under Demetrius, Herodian, and Phazas in the sharpest of the winter. The Fleet being near to Naples a storm took them, so great, that Demetrius and the two other yielded to the Sea. The Waves would not suffer the sea men to use their Oars, nor do any other work, neither could they hear one another's call for the Tempest. Confusion had the victory, and the storm was the absolute judge, bringing them against their wills to the shore, where the Enemy was encamped; who clining up into their vessels, killed men and sunk ships none resisting; many prisoners they took, and the General himself, Demetrius. Heredian and Phazas, with some few putting in further from the Enemy's camp, escaped.   

CHAP. IU.  
TOTILAS' led Demetrius with a rope about his neck to the Town wall, willing him to persuade the besieged, not to perish, trusting in Groundless hopes, but by yielding to get free of their miseries; that no further succours could possibly be expected from the Emperor, and that their hopes and power was lost with that Navy. Demetrius spoke all this unto them, and they being extremely pressed with famine, and all kind of necessities, and seeing the disaster of Demetrius, and hearing what he said, dispaired, and lamented, not knowing what to do; and their City was full of tumult and howl, Totilas then calling them to the battlements, spoke thus.  
Citizens of Naples, we do not now besiege you upon any quarrel we have against you; but to disengage you from Masters that hate you, and to have the power to recompense the service of every one of you to us, and his sufferings from the Enemy, you of all the Italians having showed greatest affection to our Nation, and with most unwillingness come under the enemy; that now being necesssarily to besiege you, we blush when we think of your fidelity, though we besiege you not for your hurt. Think not therefore, as offended with the accidents of the siege, that you must he ever angry with us. They who study the Good of their friends, are not to be blamed by them, when they are enforced to do them good by none of the gentlest means. And be not afraid of the Enemy, nor think by what hath past, that they will conquer at last: strange, unlooked for, and accidental things melt away in time. We have thus determined of you, to suffer Conon and his Soldiers to go free without harm, or loss, they presently surrendering the City unto us; and upon this we are ready to swear that the Napolitans shall be safe. Both Conon and the Napolitans accepted this offer of Totilas, being extremely pressed with the Famine; but to comply with their faith to the Emperor, and having some hope of succours, they promised to surrender the City within thirty days. Totilas to put such hopes out of their heads, assigned three Months, in which time he would not assault nor have any design upon them. But the besieged not attending the day (though assigned accordingly) urged by their necessitiess, received a while after Totilas into the City. The winter also ended, and the eighth year of this war, written by Procopius. Totilas' used humanity to the Napolitans, not like a Barbarian Enemy. For fearing lest the languishing Romans with Famine, coming suddenly to eat their fill, 
Incipit an bell. Goth 9.17.  might surfeit themselves with fullness; He commanded guards at the Gates, 
Justinian● & An. Dom. 544.  and the port, to suffer no man to go out, and with a provident sparingness he gave them food more scarcely then according to their appetite; adding thereunto every day unsensibly. Then having restored them to strength, he set open the Gates, and let them go that would. Conon, and such Soldiers as would not stay with him, he shipped, and bade them sail whether they pleased: They were ashamed to return to Constantinople but making towards Rome, the wind came cross, and being not able to get away, they feared least Totilas might neglect his agreements, and do them mischief: but he perceiving their trouble, called them to him, comforted and cheered them, and invited them to join with the Goths, and buy what they wanted, or take it as from friends. The wind continuing contrary a long time, he furnished them with horses, wagons, and provisions, and gave them a convoy of Goths to Rome: But the walls of Naples he threw to the Gound; that the Romans might not (surprising the Town) infest the Goths from it: his desire being rather to determine the war at once by a battle, then to be ever skirmishing against artifices, and stratagems: yet he left a good part of the said walls standing.  
There came to him at that time a Roman of Calabria, complaining, that one of his Life Guard had forced his daughter, a Virgin; he in great anger put the man in prison, not denying the fact, and was eager to punish him; but the chief Goths fearing in the man's behalf, being valiant, and a good soldier, assembled themselves in his presence, and besought him to pardon the crime; he mildly, and without any perturbation, made them this answer. Fellow soldiers, I shall speak to you, not from any humour of cruelty, or delight in my countrymens' misfortunes; but from my fear of some ill consequence unto us. I know that most men shift the names of things to their contrary; they call the inobservation of Laws, Mercy; and hence all good things come to be corrupted, and confounded. On the contrary, to pinch upon Laws too exactly, is perverse and grievous, and also to use specious names, as a veil to a lincentious power, thereby to act wickedness with more security. But you I advise by no means to exchange your own safety for the guilt of another man's sin, nor to share in his impiety, having done no ill yourselves: For to commit an offence, and to hinder the offender's punishment is equal. Consider thus the business now presented, and determine accordingly; you have the choice offered you, whether this man shall escape the just punishment of his offence, or our nation be preserved, and conquer in this war. Think what numbers of Soldiers we had in the beginning of it, how famous, how well experienced in war; in a word, our endless wealth, abundance of horse and arms, and all the strong holds of Italy, and these were important preparations for a Warr. But when under Theodatus, a man that valued riches more than right, we made God angry with us by our lawless living; how we sped you all know, and by what kind of men, and by how many we were beaten. Now God, having sufficiently punished our faults, frames our life to his own will, and conducts our affairs beyond our hopes. And being such now, and having vanquished our Enemies, not proportionably to our powers, it will be more advantageous for us, to prepare a fair occasion of victory by doing that which is just, then by the contrary to appear envious of our own Good For it cannot, it cannot be, that he that practices wrong and oppression; should get honour in the day of battle: the fortune of the War is adjudged to man's good or bad lives. The chief Goths upon this speech of Totilas, ceased to intercede for the offender, and left him to him; who soon after put him to death, and bestowed his Estate upon the ravished maid.  
In this mean time the Roman army preyed upon the Subjects, leaving no insolence unacted. Their commanders in their Garrisons with their Mistresses lived riotously; having the Soldiers disobedient, and full of all kind of disorders: between both the armies, the Italians suffered the hardest measures; the Enemy took their lands from them, and the Emperor's army their goods: they were basely beaten for nothing, and perished for want of food. The Soldiers could not defend them from the Enemy, and were so far from blushing to see their miseries, that by their wrongs they made the Barbarians dear unto them. Constianus troubled at this, wrote to Justinian, professing his disability to encounter the Goths: and the Commanders signed the Letter, being a confession of their base fear to fight.  
Totilas also sent this Letter to the Roman Senat. When men ignorantly, or upon forgetfulness do wrong, the wronged are to be easy to grant pardon: The cause of the offence concurring in such, excuseth the heaviest of the accusation. But a man that does wrong upon malice, is not to be admitted so much as to plead; seeing he is to bear the blame not only of his fact; but of his intent. Which being so, what can you apologise for your actions against the Goths? Can you be ignorant of the favours of Theoderick and Amalasuntha? or can time wear them out of your remembrance? neither is possible. The benefits have not been mean, nor are of an ancient date; but in the most important things, and lately done. For the Greeks Goodness to their subjects, yourselves have, heard of it, and you have had trial of it, and you have known how the Goths and Italians have sped under them. What Guests and friends they have been to you, the Audits of Alexander may inform you, to say nothing of their Soldiers and Captains; you have enjoyed their noble usage, by which their affairs are come into this case now. Think not this to be the reproaches of an insolent young man, nor the vaunts of a Barbarian Prince. I say not, that our subduing of these men is a work of my valour; but that due vengeance for the injuries done to you hath overtaken them. And how absurdly it shows, that God should punish them for you, and yet you adhere to their folly, and refuse deliverance from the miseries arising from thence. Make therefore some introduction of an apology, and of our pardoning you; which will be, if while you have some hope (though a poor one) you choose what is best for you, and repair what you have done amiss against us.  
Totilas gave this letter to some prisoners, to deliver to the Senators in Rome; which they did; but John forbade them to answer it. Totilas wrote many other Letters to them, wherein were strong oaths, that no Roman should receive hurt from the Goths I cannot say who were the Messengers, all of them were in the night, & set up in the most public places of the City, and discovered in the morning. The Roman Commanders suspected the Arian priests, and put them out of Rome. Totilas hereupon sent part of his army into Calabria, to summon the Castle of Otranto; and (the Garrison refusing to yield) to besiege it: Himself with his main forces went against the towns about Rome.   

CHAP. V.  
THE news of these things troubled the Emperor; and though the Persian War lay heavily upon him, he was constrained to send Belisarius against Totilas; and the Winter ended, and the ninth year of this War, written by Procopius; when Belisarius went the second time into Italy. 
† Incipit Annus 10. Bell. Goth. in anno 18. reg. Justiniani, & Anno Dom. 544.  Having but few Soldiers, (as being not able to withdraw his own Forces from the Army in Persia) he levied with his own money Voluntaries in Thrace, being assisted by the Emperor's direction with Vitalius, General of Illyrium, lately returned from Italy, where he had left the Illyrian Cohorts; they both raised 4000 men, and came to Salona, determining to go to Ravenna, and thence to make the War: For about Rome they found they could not land unespyed, (the Enemy being in Campania and Calabria) nor yet force their landing, being inferior in powers.  
In the mean time, the Garrison in Otranto (the Victual being absolutely failed,) capitulated about the surrender of the Castle, by a day assigned. Belisarius put a years Victual aboard Ships, and commanded Valentinus to transport it to Otranto, and to take out the former Garrison, pined with Sickness, and Famine, and put in the Soldiers he had with him aboard, being fresh and well supplied. Valentinus with a fair wind got to Otranto four days before the time assigned, and finding the Harbour unguarded, was Master of it, and entered the Castle without resistance. The Goths being careless, and lying still under their confidence in the Capitulation, and imagining no opposition, and then seeing the Fleet enter, ran away in fear, and encamped themselves some distance from the Town, and advertised Totilas of what happened. Some Troops of Valentinus from Otranto made inroads into the Country, and meeting the Enemy upon the Sea shore, they fought, were beaten, and most of them fled into the Sea; where having lost 170. men, the rest retired into the Castle. But Valentinus, as Belisarius commanded, took out the old Garrison, (being men half dead) and leaving fresh men with a years Victual, he went to Salonae with the rest. Belisarius from thence came with the Fleet before Pola; where he stayed, and ordered the Army. Totilas hearing of his coming, and being desirous to know his Forces, he wrote Letters to him in the name of one Bonus, Nephew to one John, and Commander of the Garrison in Genoa, entreating his speedy repair to him, as being in much distress and danger. This Letter he delivered to five witty fellows, directing them to spy what Forces Belisarius had, and to give out that they came from Bonus. Belisarius used the men courteously, (as his manner was) perused the Letter, and bade them tell Bonus that he would be with him with his Army. They having spied into every thing, returned to the Camp to Totilas, assuring him that Belisarius powers were not considerable.  
In the mean time Totilas took Tibur, which had in it a Garrison of Isaurians: Some of the Townsmen, guarding the Gates with the Isaurians, fell into an idle brabble with them, and upon that ground drew in the Enemy by night. The Isaurians rallyed themselves (seeing the Town taken) and almost all got away; but of the Townsmen the Goths spared not a man, and killed the Bishop of the Town in a fashion, which I will conceal, not to leave to Posterity Monuments of Inhumanity: And one Catellus, a man much esteemed in Italy, perished also. Thus the Goths having Tibur, the Roman Citizens could no more import Provisions out of Tuscany, by the River of Tiber, the Town being upon the River 15. miles above Rome, and commanding the passage thither. Then came Belisarius to Ravennae with his Fleet, and calling to him the Goths there, and the Roman Soldiers, he spoke thus.  
It is not now only, that Vice hath ruined, what hath been built by Virtue; from the beginning it hath been so in humane Affairs. The lewdness of bad men hath been still able to demolish the Actions of the good. This hath overturned the Emperor's Affairs; who to repair the Error, hath made less account of subduing the Persians, then of it; and hath sent me to cure the Faults committed by either Captains, Soldiers, or Goths. It is above humane condition not to err, but it becomes the Emperor to repair the Errors of those, whom from his Soul he loves; whereby you shall be also eased of your grievances, and both perceive and feel his good affection towards you, than which what Wealth is more valuable. My coming therefore being to this purpose, it behoves you to endeavour the obtaining of that Fruit, which will arise from thence. If any of you have Friends, or Kinsmen with Totilas the Usurper, let him send for them, acquainting them with the Emperor's intention. Thus you may find good both from a peace, and the Emperor's Favour for me: I come not to pick Quarrels, nor to be an Enemy to the Emperor's Subjects by my good will: But if some will still make slight the choosing their own good, and others take Arms against us; we must, though most unwillingly, use such as Enemies. Belisarius spoke thus; but no Goth, nor Roman came into him; so he sent Therimuth, one of his Lifeguard, with some of his own Retinue, and Vitalius with the Illyrian Cohorts into Emilia, to attempt the Towns there: Vitalius came to Bononia, and after the taking of some Castles by composition, lay still there. Soon after the Illyrians retired home upon the sudden, having suffered nothing, nor so much as heard any ill. They sent Agents to the Emperor, for pardon of this Retreat, in regard they had long served in Italy, and received no pay, and much was due to them from the Treasury. They heard besides of an Army of Huns, which in Illyrium made Captives their Wives and Children, which caused them (wanting necessaries also) to go home all in one Troop. The Emperor was troubled at the proceeding, but at last pardoned them. Totilas hearing of the Illyrians Retreat, sent Forces to drive Vitalius and his Troops out of Bononia, who with Therimuth laid an Ambush for them, killed many, and routed the rest; where Nazares an Illyrian Captain of good quality, did Miracles upon the Enemy. Therimuth then returned to Belisarius, who sent him Nicetas, and Sabinianus with 1000 men to Auximum, to reinforce Magnus there besieged. They by night got into the Town unseen by Totilas and the Enemies Camp. The next day at noon, they sallied to encounter a party of Enemies they had notice of; sending before avantcoureurs to discover their Forces, that they might not blindly set on them. Ricilas' of the Lifeguard to Belisarius, being in drink, would himself go upon the discovery, and galloped on alone. In a rough stony way he met three Goths, and made a stand, as to fight with them, being very Valiant; but when he saw more coming in from all sides, he ran away. His Horse in the rough ground came over and over with him, at which the Enemy gave a great shout, and darted all their Javelins at him; the Romans perceiving it, went to his rescue, but he was covered with Javelins, and died upon the place. Therimuth took up his dead body and carried it into Auximum, having met with a conclusion of life not suitable to the Valour of the man.   

CHAP. VI  
SAbinianus and Therimuth upon conference with Magnus, and consideration of the inconvenience of their longer stay, being so far under-matcht to the Enemy, and by consuming the Town's Provision making it more ready to be lost, they prepared to be gone, and to begin their journey in the night: But a Soldier ran out to the Enemy's Camp closely, and revealed the design. Totilas chose out 1000 good men, and laid them concealed three miles and three quarters from Auximum. These perceiving the Enemy at midnight upon the way, fell to work with their Swords, and killed 200. but being dark, Sabinianus and Therimuth got away to Ariminum; all the Baggage, Arms and Apparel, the Goths took. Between Auximum and Ariminum are two small Towns, Pisaurus and Phanus upon the Ionian Gulf. Vitigis in the beginning of the War had burnt the houses, and broken down half their Walls, that the Romans surprising them, might not infest the Goths. Pisaurus Belisarius resolved to seize, as a place fit for Horse-pastures; he sent some in the night to take the exact measure of the Dimension of each Gate, then framed Gates lined with Iron, and sent them thither by Sea, commanding Sabinianus and Therimuth to set them up, and to stay in the Town; and being secure, to repair the Walls with stones, and earth, as they could. This they did; and Totilas upon the news came against them with a great Army. But failing to take the Town, after much time spent in the attempt, he retired to his Camp before Auximum: Where the Romans sallied no more, but kept close within their walls. Belisarius sent Artasiras a Persian, and Barbation a Thracian, two of his Lifeguard, to guard Rome with Bessas', being there already, directing them not to sally at all.  
But Totilas finding Belisarius not able to fight with him, fell upon the strong Towns; in Picenia he blocked up Firmum, and Asculum: and so ended the Winter, and the tenth year of this War, written by Procopius.  
When Belisarius, 
Incipit annus 11. Bell. Goth. in Anno 19  having no means to relieve the besieged Towns, sent John to Constantinople, 
Justiniani, & Ann. Dom. 545.  making him swear to return speedily, and to importune the Emperor for an Army and money, horses, and arms; the Soldiers being few, and refusing to fight, because of their wants, the Treasury owing them much money. And he wrote of these particulars to the Emperor in these words.  
Most mighty Emperor! We are come into Italy, wanting men, horses, arms, and money; And without a competent preparation of these, no man can make War. Our Thracians and Illyrians we behold here few, wretched, and straggling without Arms, and unexercised for any fight; The rest deficient, fearful of the Enemy, with spirits dejected by their often beating, and not simple running away only, but quitting their Horses, and throwing down their Arms. To raise contribution in Italy is not possible, it being possessed by the Enemy; And being behind with the Soldiers for their Pay, we cannot lay commands on them, the debt taking away our confidence. And the most of those that served your Majesty are run to the Enemy. If nothing therefore needed, but the sending Belisarius into Italy, the War is excellently prepared; for I am in the midst of Italy. But if you mean to vanquish your Enemies, there must be other preparations. No General can subsist without men to follow him. Above all things it behoves therefore, that you send me mine own Lanciers and Targeteers, and store of Huns and other Barbarians, who must have present money.  
Thus wrote Belisarius: But John staying long at Constantinople, effected nothing for what he came thither, but married the Daughter of Germanus, brother's son to the Emperor.  
In the mean time Totilas took Firmum and Asculum by composition; and in Tuscany besieged Spoletum, and Assisium. Herodian commanded the Garrison in Spoletum; and that of Assisium, Sisiphris a Goth, but well affected to the Romans. Herodian agreed to render the Town with himself and Soldiers within thirty days, if no succour came, and gave his son for Hostage. And the day presixed being come, and no Romans appearing, Herodian and the Soldiers yielded themselves and the Town to Totilas. Some say that Herodian did this upon hatred to Belisarius, who threatened to question him for his rapines and oppression. Sisiphris in Assisium made some sallies, and in the end most of his men and himself were slain; whereat the Townsmen despairing, rendered the Town. Totilas also sent to Perusia, threatening Cyprianus there, if he would not yield the Town to him, and promising him money to do it. Not prevailing with him, he practised with Vliphus, one of his Lifeguard, for money to murder him; who watched him when he was alone, and having killed him, ran to Totilas. Yet the Garrison kept the Town for the Emperor, and the Goths retired from it. Then went Totilas to Rome, and besieged it. To the Husbandmen of Italy he did no damage, letting them securely manure their Land, paying to him the rents and tributes reserved to the Treasury, or the Owners At Rome, some Goths approaching the walls, Artasiras and Barbation (against the opinion of Bessas') sallied with some Troops, and killed many, routing the rest; whom pursuing too far, they fell into the Enemy's Ambushes, where they lost most of their men, and escaped narrowly themselves, and afterward for bare to charge the Enemy, though they pressed upon them.  
Hence the Famine grew sore in Rome, no Victual coming in by Land, and being shut from the Sea. For the Goths, after they had Naples, kept a kind of a Fleet of small Barks about the Islands of Aeolus, and other Islands in that Sea, which guarded exactly the passage of ships; that all from Sicily, sailing to the Port of Rome, fell among them.  
Totilas' sent also an Army into Emilia, to take Placentia by force or composition, being the chief City of that Province, and well fortified, and standing upon the Poe, and only remaining obedient to the Romans. This Army summoned the Garrison to yield upon composition; and not prevailing, fell to besiege it, finding they wanted provisions. And at the same time the Commanders in Rome were jealous of Cethegus, a Patrician, that he betrayed them; who thereupon fled to Centumcellae.  
Belisarius fearing the loss of Rome, and of all the rest; and from Ravenna, and with so small an Army, to relieve them being not able, he resolved to rise from thence, and to surprise some places near Rome, from whence he might aid it in distress. He repent his coming to Ravenna, upon the persuasions of Vitalius, disadvantageously for the Emperor's service; For being shut up there, he gave the Enemy free scope to advance their affairs. Either Belisarius chose the worst, that the Romans might have a mischief; or he chose the best: but God crossed it, purposing to favour Totilas and the Goths, and turning Belisarias good counsels to the quite contrary. So when Fortune blows a fair gale, men's worst counsels meet no disaster, being wasted by the higher power to all advantages. Unfortunate men either advise nothing well, their fate hiding from them all knowledge and right apprehension of things: Or advising well, fortune with a cross wind turns their good advices to bad events.  
But Belisarius left Ravenna, committing the guard of it to Justinus; and through Dalmatia came to Epidamnus, where he stayed, expecting an Army from Constantinople, and by his letters acquainting the Emperor with his condition. Who sent him an Army of Barbarians and Roman Soldiers under John, the Nephew of Vitalianus, and Isaac the Armenian, Brother to Aratius, and Narses; who coming to Epidamnus, joined with Belisarius.  
He sent also Narses the Eunuch to the Herulian Princes, to obtain aides of them for Italy. Many Herulians came along with him, under Philimuth and others, to the confines of Thrace, there to Winter, and at the beginning of the Spring to be sent to Belisarius. With them was John Phagas In this journey they did the Romans a great service by chance. A multitude of Slavonians had passed the River Ister, and sacked the Towns thereabout, and taken abundance of Roman Captives. The Herulians fought with them, and though inferior in numbers, beat them, and killed many, and freed the captives, and sent them home.   

CHAP. VII.  
AT that time Narses discovered the imposture of one naming himself Chilbudius, who had been a famous General of the Romans. This Chilbudius was first of Iustinian's Retinue, a valiant Soldier, and so great a despiser of wealth, that it was his greatest riches to possess nothing. Justinian in the fourth year of his Reign made him General of Thrace, and gave him the guard of the River Ister, to hinder the passage of Barbarians; the Huns formerly, Antians and Slavonians having come over, and done much mischief to the Romans. Chilbudius grew so terrible there, that in his three years' continuance in that charge, not a Barbarian durst pass the River; and the Romans under Chilbudius invaded the other side, and killed and took many Captives. After three years he passed over the River with a small Army; the Slavonians in a Battle stiffly fought, killed many Romans, and Chilbudins the General. From thence forward the Barbarians came over at pleasure, and the Provinces lay open to them; all the Roman Empire in this not countervailing the valour of one man. After this the Antians and Slavonians fell out, and in a Battle the Antians were vanquished. Wherein a Slavonian took a youth of the Enemy named Chilbudius, and led him home. This man in time became very affectionate to his Master, and valiant against the Enemy; having often fought singularly well, hazarding for his Master, and so getting a great reputation. About the same time the Antians entered Thrace, which they pillaged, and took many Captives; one of whom Fortune brought to a gentle Master. But the fellow being a knave, and cunning to deceive, and desirous withal to return to his own Country, came once to his Master, and commended his humanity, which God (he said) would reward, and himself would not be ungrateful to so kind a Master; but if he would follow his advice, he would make him a rich man. For among the Slavonians was one Chilbudius the Roman General, unknown, and reputed a slave; whom if he would ransom, and conduct into Roman Land, he should get the Emperor's favour, and a great reward. Thus this Roman persuaded his Master, and with him went into Slavonia, there being truce then between them, and safe intercourse. He paid the ransom to this Chilbudius Master, and took him home; where he asked the man if he were Chilbudius the Roman General. He told him all the truth; that he was an Antian, and taken Prisoner by the Slavonians then Enemies, but now being restored to his Country, he claimed freedom according to the Law.  
The man who had laid out his money, stood mute, and vexed to fall from his hopes thus. But the Roman cheered him up, and to outface the truth, that it might not cross his return home, confidently said that it was Chilbudius; but being among Barbarians, he was afraid to reveal himself; Were he once upon Roman ground, he would be proud of the name, as he had reason. In the end the business came to the knowledge of all the Antians; who stirred in it, pretending a public interest, and imagining to make a great advantage, of having Chilbudius the Roman General.  
These people both Antians and Slavonians, are not under a Prince, but anciently are a Democraty: whence all things are brought to the common vote. They have almost the same Laws and customs: They hold one God, who makes the lightning, and is only Lord of all things. To him they sacrifice Oxen and other victim. They acknowledge no destiny to govern among men; when Death threatens either in a sickness, or in a War; they promise if they may escape, to offer to God a sacrifice in recompense for their life: And if they escape, they pay their vow, and think they have bought their safety. They worship also Rivers, Nymphs, and other Spirits, to whom they sacrifice too; and by those sacrifices make their predictions. They dwell in poor wretched Booths, scattered, and still shifting their habitations. In fights the most part serve on foot, with Shields and Javelins, having no Corselets, and some not so much as a Coat, or Mantle; but they tie up their Trousers above their Privities, and so enter into the fight. They both use one Language, and that a very barbarous one: And they differ not in shape, being all tall and very strong. Their hair is neither very white, nor yellow, nor yet black at all, but inclining to red. They live hardly, and slovenly like the Huns; wicked they are not, nor cunning, but in their simplicity much of the Hunnish disposition. They had both formerly but one name, and were called Spori, because they pitch their booths 〈◊〉 scatteredly; and so they take up much space of Land, holding the most part of the other side of the River Ister.  
But then the Antians in their Assembly urged the said man to acknowledge himself to be Chilbudius, and denying it, threatened him. In the mean time came Ambassadors to them from Justinian, who offered to plant them in Turris, an ancient City built by Trajan; which had been sacked by Barbarians, and lain long waist. Justinian offered them this City, and the Country about, formerly belonging to the Romans, and to plant them in it with his powers; and besides to give them great sums of money; Conditionally they should keep a perpetual league with the Romans, and hinder the Huns from overrunning the Empire that way. They liked the Proposition, and promised to do so, if the Emperor would make Chilbudius his General, to settle their Plantation, affirming that man to be Chilbudius: And the fellow exalted with these hopes, had now a mind to it, and took the name upon him. So he was sent to Constantinople, and upon his way thither, Narses met him; and upon speech with him, found him a counterfeit; yet he spoke Latin, and had many marks of Chilbudius, which he cunningly assumed. Narses kept him close Prisoner, and at last got out of him all the matter, and took him with him to Constantinople.   

CHAP. VIII  
IN the mean time Belisarius sent Valentinus, and one of his life Guard named Phocas, an expert Soldier, with forces to the Haven of Rome, directing them to guard the castle of Portus, with the Garrison already there, commanded by Innocentius, and by excursions from thence to infest the Enemy's camp. They accordingly sent word to Bessas' in Rome, that they were ready to give a sudden alarm to the Enemy's quarters, praying him when he saw the fight begun, to ride out to second them with some of his choice men; that so both together might do some service upon the Enemy. Bessas', though he had 3000 Soldiers, liked it not: yet Valentinus and Phocas with 500 charged of a sudden, and killed some. The besieged saw the stir and tumult, but sallied not; so that the other retired safe to Portus. Again they sent to Bessas', complaining of his unbeseeming sloth, and that they would make another Excursion, praying him to charge at the same time with all his army; but he refused to hazard a sally. So Valentinus and Phocas resolved to charge with greater forces. But a Soldier of Innocentius ran away to Totilas, advertising him how from Portus he would be assaulted the next day. Totilas' laid ambushes in their way, into which the next day they fell, and with the loss of most of their men were slain themselves; few escaped to Portus.  
Vigilius Bishop of Rome, being then in Sicily, sent some ships laden with corn, by some means to be put into Rome. The Enemy saw them coming into the harbour, and hid themselves in houses, to surprise them so soon as they put to land; which the Garrison in Portus perceiving, from the battlements, they waved their Garments to those in the ships, to come no nearer, but to turn some other way. But they understanding not their signs, took them for rejoicings at their coming, and invitings into the harbour; and the wind being fair they soon got in. There were Roman passengers aboard, and Valentinus a Bishop; and the Goths from their Ambush seized upon the ships, none resisting, and put all to the sword save the Bishop, whom they brought prisoner to Totilas: and he, after he had questioned what he would, cut off his hands, charging him that he had not spoke truth. And then ended the Winter, & the eleventh year of this war, written by Procopius.  
Vigilius also, Bishop of Rome, left Sicily, 
Incipit anus 12. bell. Goth. in anno 20. Justinian & anno Dom. 546.  being sent for to Constantinople by the Emperor, and having stayed long in Sicily upon that occasion.  
In Placentia, the besieged Romans wanting victual fell to food abominated, and in the End to eat one another; so that they rendered upon Composition. Rome also was destitute of all provisions; where was Pelagius, a Deacon of the same, who had long dwelled in Constantinople, much favoured by Justinian, and was grown rich; and lately come to Rome, he spent most of his riches upon men in want in this siege, and for his bounty got a great fame; being famous before through all Italy. The Romans having suffered under the famine incredibly, sent this Pelagius to Tetilas to obtain some few days of cessation, conditionally, that if during the same, no succours came from Constantinople, to render themselves upon a Composition. Pelagius accordingly came to Totilas, who saluted him with much reverence and courtesy, and first spoke to him thus. Almost all Barbarians reverence Ambassadors, but I besides, have from my youth honoured virtuous men like yourself. And I know that the honouring or disgracing an Ambassador, is discerned not by fair countenances and hollow-hearted compliments, but by true and real dealing; he is most honoured who hath the plain truth told him, and is so dismissed: and he most affronted, who carries home nothing, but feigned, deceitful words. So that Pelagius, there are three things, which if you ask not, you shall obtain all the rest; and it is good you should not mention them, lest being the cause of your own effecting nothing, you lay the blame on us; the not ask things suitable to the condition of affairs producing commonly want of success This than I say, move not for any Sicilian, nor for sparing the walls of Rome, nor for restitution of your fugitive servants. For it cannot be, that the Goths should favour a Sicilian, that these walls should stand, or that our Soldiers should return again to be slaves to their Masters. And I will tell you my reasons of these propositions, that they may not seem to proceed from a wilfulness. Sicily hath been ever happy, rich, and most fruitful, not supplying only the Inhabitants; but transporting also to you of Rome, yearly sufficient for your uses; whereupon you besought Th●od●rick not to place Garrisons in it; lest it might decay in the Liberties and happiness thereof. Things being thus, upon the coming of a Fleet of Enemies upon the Coast, not comparable to our powers, the Sicilians neither advertized the Goths, nor shut their Gates, nor opposed them in any sort, but with all alacrity received them with open arms, like  slaves, who long had watched an opportunity to run from their old masters to strangers. Hence the Enemy issued and got all Italy, surprising Rome, and maintaining it against more than a years siege, with the abundance of corn brought out of Sicily. Thus it stands with the Sicilians, whom the Goths cannot pardon, the heinousness of their crimes making them incapable of mercy. These walls when the Enemy had once got into, they could never be drawn to a battle in open field: with stratagems and circumventions they cluded our powers, and became strangely Lords of all we had: And now we must prevent the like hereafter. Men ignorantly undone, to fall again into the same ruin whereof they had experience before, is not to be attributed to the crossness of Fortune, but to their own gross Folly. Besides, the demolishing your walls is your own advantage; Neither part hereafter being to be shut within them, and starved by the besieging adversary. So that both will put it to the fortune of a battle, and you without incurring danger, will be the prize of the victor. Touching your fugitive slaves, who have fought for us, and have our promise not to abandon them to their former Masters, if we should now betray them, even yourselves will never trust us; it being impossible that he that neglects his Engagements to men of all the most to be pitied, should be constant to any: It will be a Character of his falsehood to all that meet him. To this Speech of Totilas, Pelagius thus answered. Great Sir, having intimated your respect of my Person, and of the quality of an Ambassador, yet have you ranked both in the basest condition. I conceive him to affront more his Friend, and an Ambassador, who resolves to send him away without his business, than he that strikes, or otherwise abuses him. Ambassadors come not to receive honours from those who admit them, but to get dispatches for their good that sent them. It is better they were affronted at first, and at last effect that they come for; then after many Caresses, to return without their hopes. So that to what purpose should I supplicate you in these things, or importune one that denies us, before he hear us? Only this I must say; that you show what mercy you mean to use to the Romans, who have taken Arms against you; who resolve an irreconcilable hatred against the Sicilians, who never did it. But forbearing Supplications to you, I lift them up to God, who takes vengeance of men that despise Supplications. Pelagius having thus said, went his way.   

CHAP. IX.  
THE Romans seeing Pelagius come back without effecting any thing, were much troubled. The Famine grew sore, albeit the Soldiers Victual was not yet all spent: But the People in multitudes came about Bessas', and Conon, weeping and howling, and said thus.  
Our Fortune O Generals is such, that if we could do you any mischief, it were a Crime we could not be blamed for; our extreme necessity being our excuse. But being not able to take revenge, we come to bewail our Calamity; And hear patiently our bold expression, weighing it by our sharp Sufferings. They who must despair of safety, cannot observe their duty in words, nor deeds. Think us not Romans, nor your Kinsmen, nor conformable to your State; nor to have cheerfully received the Emperor's Army, but ancient Enemies, and to have taken Arms against you, and to be vanquished in fight, and made your Prisoners by the Law of War. Yet furnish your Captives with Food, not sufficient for our need, but so much as may keep us alive to do you Service. If you please not to do this, yet vouchsafe to manumit us, and free yourselves from the trouble of burying your Slaves. If this neither may be afforded, kill us, deprive us not of an honest end; envy not to us the sweetest of all deaths, but with one Act deliver us from a thousand miseries. Bessas', and Conon told them, that to supply them with Victual was not possible, to kill them was impious, and to let them go, unsafe. But they comforted them with an assurance of Belisarius, and an Army from Constantinople, and so dismissed them. The Famine still grew, and destroyed, suggesting strange unnatural Food. At first Bessas' and Conon, who had laid up in store a great quantity of Corn for the Soldier, retranched their own allowances, and sold Corn to the richer sort at huge rates; a bushel of Wheat for seven Gold Staters. Such whose Means could not attain to so costly feeding, paid a fourth part of the price, and had the bushel filled up with Bran, which their hunger made dainty food. An Ox, such as Bessas' Targeteers could get out and take, they sold for 50. Gold Staters. He was happy that could get a dead Horse to feed on. The poor multitude fed on Nettles, growing near the Town Walls, and among the rubbish in the City; first seething them to avoid stinging. Such as bought Corn, and Bran, as aforesaid, when their money was spent, brought their Householdstuff to the Marketplace, and exchanged it for a little daily food. In the end the Soldier's Corn being consumed, (save some small quantity which Bessas' had) and the Romans money spent, they all fell to Nettles; which food not sufficing Nature, and there being of it not enough to fill their bellies, their flesh pined away, their colour grew won, and they looked like so many Ghosts. Many walking, with their teeth chewing Nettles, fell suddenly dead. They did eat also one another's dung, and many, when they could find no more Dogs, nor Rats to feed on, killed themselves. One having five Children hanging importunately upon him for meat, made no show to lament, but restraining his passion, he willed the Children to follow him, and they should have meat. When he came to the Bridge over the Tiber, tying his Cloak about his face and eyes, he leapt into the River, his Children and many more looking on. Afterward the Commanders, for money, suffered such as would, to go out of the City; some few stayed, the rest fled whether they could; the most of whom were so weak, that they died a Shipboard, or upon the high ways. Many the Enemy caught, and killed. To this was reduced the Fortune of the People and Senate of Rome.  
Isaac and John being joined with Belisarius at Epidamnus, John advised to cross the Ionian Gulf, and with the whole Army to try their Fortune by Land. But Belisarius liked it not; for more time would be spent, and some impediment might encounter them by Land. He would have John march through Calabria, and those Countries, to expel the Goths being few there; and having subdued all on this side the Gulf, to join with him about Rome; where himself purposed to land with the rest of the Army. He considered how the least delay would ruin all at Rome, and that in five days with a wind they might land at Portus; whereas from Otranto thither, would cost the Army 40. day's march. So he hoist Sail with a strong gale, and came before Otranto. The Goths seeing them, instantly raised their Siege, and went to Brundisium, standing upon the Gulf, a day's journey from Otranto, with no Walls about it. They advertised Totilas of it, thinking that Belisarius would instantly pass the straits there; who prepared to encounter him, and directed the Goths in Calabria to guard the Passage there: But the wind coming fair, Belisarius left Otranto, and the Goths were secure and quiet in Calabria.  
Totilas before Rome guarded the Avenues more stictly, to keep out Provisions. He made choice of a place about eleven miles below Rome upon the Tiber, where it is narrowest, and there laid a Bridge of Planks, reaching from one Bank to the other. At either end he built Towers of Wood, and put good Garrisons into them, to impede the passage of Barks from Portus to Rome. In the mean time Belisarius landed at Portus, and attended John's Army. John passed over into Calabria, undiscerned by the Goths, who were all at Brundisium: He took two Scouts of the Enemy upon the high way, and having killed the one, the other took him about the knees, and besought him for mercy, promising to be useful to him; John demanded wherein; he said, he would bring him upon the Goths unlooked for. John told him, he should not then fail in his request; but bade him first show him where were any Horse-pastures,; The Goth promising that also, went along with him. And first surprising the Enemy's Horses at their Pasture, such as were a foot leapt on them, being many of the best men. Then they galloped to the Enemy's Camp, who being unarmed, unprepared, and amazed with the suddenness, were most of them cut off, using no resistance. Some few escaped to Totilas. John then animated the Calabrians, and reconciled their affections to the Emperor with fair promises of many advantages. He stayed not in Brundisium, but surprised Canusium, a Town in the middle of Apulia, five day's journey to the Westward of Brundisium, in the way to Rome. About three miles from this Town is Cannae, where Hannibal gave that great overthrow to the Romans. Here Tullianus the Son of Venantius, a Roman of great power in Bruttia and Lucania, complained to John of what the Army had done formerly against the Italians, and promised, if moderation were used hereafter, to reduce his Countrymen to obedience and payment of Tribute; who revolted unwillingly to Barbarians and Arrians, forced by them, and extremely wronged by the Emperor's Army. John promised all favour from the Emperor to the Italians, and Tullianus went along with him, whence the Italians were no more jealous of the Soldiers, and the most part of the Country on this side the Ionian Gulf became Friends to them, and obedient to the Emperor. Totilas upon the news hereof, sent 300. Goths to Capua; whom he directed, when they saw John's Army march towards Rome, closely to follow it. Himself would take care of the rest: This stopped John, (fearing to be encompassed by the Enemy) from marching further towards Belisarius; and he went into Bruttia and Lucania. Recimund an eminent Goth, was placed by Totilas with some Goths, fugitive Romans, and Moors to guard Bruttia, and the straits of Scylla, and the Coast thereabout, and to hinder the landing of Boats from Sicily, & the pasting over thither. John suddenly fell upon this Army between Rhegiam and Bivona, and routed them using no resistance: They fled towards a Mountain hard of access and craggy. But John ran up with them, and before they could be settled in the fastnesses, killed most of the Moors and Roman Soldiers, stoutly defending themselves, and took Recimund and the Goths upon composition. And having thus done, stayed in the Country; while Belisarius lay still attending his coming, and blaming him for not adventuring to pass by a Garrison of 300. men in Capua, having with him the choice of the Roman Army. But John despaired of getting by, and lay quiet at Cervarium, a place in Apulia.   

CHAP. X.  
SO that Belisarius fearing some desperate resolution of the starving Romans, studied means to Victual the City. Forces he wanted to fight with the Enemy; but he did thus. He tied two Barks together, upon which he built a Tower of wood, higher than those, which the Enemy had at the Bridge; having by some Soldiers, pretending to run away, taken the exact measure of them. He launched into the Tiber also 200. Pinnaces, having Walls made of boards full of loopholes, to shoot at the Enemy. Aboard the Prinnaces he put Corn and other Provisions, and towards the River's mouth in places of advantage, he laid Horse and Foot by either Bank, who were to impede the Enemy, if he set upon Portus; which he committed to the Guard of Isaac, with his Wife, and what he had there, directing him not to stir, though he heard Belisarius were slain; but to keep close to his Guard, that upon any mischance, there might be a place of retreat; for other Fortresses there was none, all the Country thereabout being their Enemy. Himself aboard one of the Pinnaces, led the rest; and caused the two Barks with the Tower to be towed after. Upon the top of the Tower he put a Cockboat full of Pitch, Rozin, Brimstone, and other combustible matter upon the Bank, where is the way from Portus to Rome, stood the Foot. He had sent the day before to Bessas', to make a general Sally, and to alarm the Enemies Camp. The like he had directed him often before, but neither before nor now, would he perform his directions: for he had Corn yet for his own use left, sent formerly by the Governors of Sicily, sufficient both for the Soldier and the People. Of this he gave little to the People, but took most of it upon the account of the Army, and kept it to himself, selling it at huge rates to the Senators: So that he had no mind to have the Siege raised. But Belisarius rowed up the River with a strong stream against him: The Goths lying quiet in their Trenches. Near the Bridge they came to a Guard of Enemies, and found an Iron Chain fastened from Bank to Bank, which Totilas had put there, to hinder the passage to the Bridge. They shot, and killed some, and frighted away the rest, than took up the Chain and rowed on to the Bridge, where they fell to work; The Goths, valiantly defending from their Towers, and many running in from the Camp. Then Belisarius brought his two Barks with the Tower on them close to the Enemy's Tower, which stood into the water by the way from Portus. He caused them to fire the Cockboat, and to shoove it down just upon the Enemy's Tower, which instantly fell afire, and burnt with itself 200. Goths within it, and their Commander, one of the valiantest of the Nation. Mean while the Romans shot so thick upon the seconds which came from the Camp, that being also amazed at the Accident, they ran all away. The Romans laid hands on the Bridge, and had suddenly pulled it down, and gotten into Rome, none opposing; But Fortune was not so pleased. Some envious Daemon plotted that, which ruined the Romans Affairs. The Armies being thus employed, the report (to the Romans mischief) came to Portus, how Belisarius had taken up the Chain, and killed the Goths there. Isaac could not hold, but would have his share in the honour; and fogetting Belisarius Commands, he went hastily to the other side of the River where Ostia stands, and with a 100 Horse of the men left him by Belisarius, he charged the Enemies quarter commanded by Roderick a skilful Soldier. And coming suddenly, he wounded many, and Roderick himself and the Goths quitted their Quarter, either suspecting more to be coming after Isaac, or deceiving him, to surprise his Troops, which happened. For Isaac entering the Enemy's Trenches, and falling to pillage, the Goths returned, killed many, and took himself, and others Prisoners. Some Horsemen galloped to Belisarius, and reported that Isaac was taken by the Enemy; Who astonished with the news, and not enquiring the manner, but thinking Portus and his Wife to be lost, and all ruined, and how no Fortress was now left for the Army to retire to, he had not a word to say, a thing never happening to him before: And immediately he drew back his Forces, meaning to charge the Enemy unprepared, and by all means to recover the place; And thus the Romans retired without doing any thing. But Belisarius when at Portus he found the rashness of Isaac, and perceived his own Counsel perturbation, the vexation of it, and at the cross Fortune put him into a Fever, which afflicted him long, and brought him to death's door. Two days after Roderick died, which so grieved Totilas, that he put Isaac to death. But Bessas' still trading with his Corn, grew rich, hunger and necessity setting the prizes for him. His whole thoughts were upon it, neglecting the Guard of the Walls or any thing tending to preservation; and the Soldiers might be as negligent as they pleased. Upon the Walls were small Guards, and those not attended. The Sentinels might sleep securely, none ever visiting them, to call them to an account, nor going the round, as is usual. And the Citizens being few left, and they almost starved, would not keep any Watch. At last four Isaurians, who stood Sentinels near Porta Asinaria, at the time of night, when their turn came to watch, and their fellows to sleep, slipped down the Walls by Ropes tied to the Battlements, and came to Totilas, undertaking to receive his Army into the City with ease: Totilas promised many Favours, and to make them rich if they performed it, and sent two Soldiers with them to view the place, where they said the City might be entered. They came to the Wall, mounted the Battlements by the Ropes; not a man speaking, nor taking notice. Being there, the Isaurians shown them how nothing would oppose their coming up, nor encounter them being up; which they bade them to report to Totilas; who though he was glad of the report, yet he could not trust them, being Isaurians. Not many days after they came again, urging him upon the same business, and he sent two others, who examined all exactly, and made their report, agreeing with the former. In the mean time some Roman Scouts met ten Goths near the City upon the highway, whom they took, and brought to Bessas': Who by enquiry learned of them, that Totilas hope was to have the City betrayed to him by Isaurians. Bessas' and Conon made slight of the advertisement; and the Isaurians coming the third time to Totilas, and he sending others, and one of his own Kindred with them, and they reporting still the same, he resolved the enterprise.   

CHAP. XI.  
THE same night he silently armed his forces, and led them to Porta Asinaria, willing four Goths valiant and strong to mount the Battlements with the Isaurians, at the hour when they were to watch, and the rest were to go to bed in their turns. They being gotten into the Town, went to Porta Asinaria without meeting any; and with their Battle-axes cut in two the Timber posts upon which the Gates on each side hung, and wrenched off the iron work where-into the Watchmen put their keys to open and shut then: And so having set them open, they received in Totilas and the Army. Totilas drew all to one place, not suffering them to scatter, afraid of some ambush from the Enemy. The City suddenly was full of tumult, and most of the Roman Soldiers fled with their Commanders out at another gate. Some took Sanctuary with other Romans in Churches. Of the Patricians, Decius', Basilius, and some others fled out with Bessas', having Horses; but Maximus, Olybrius, Orestes and others fled into St. Peter's Church. Of the commons remained but 500 men, who took Sanctuary also, the rest were all gone away, or starved. Totilas being told in the night, that Bessas' and the Enemy were running away, said, they brought him very good news, and that they should not follow them; For what should please a man mare then his Enemies running away? In the morning Totilas suspecting now no Ambush, went to St. Peter's Church to Prayer: But the Goths killed some in their way, about 26. Soldiers, and sixty Commons.  
Totilas being in the Church, Pelagius came a suppliant to him with the Gospels in his hand, crying out, O spare, my Lord! your own people. Now (quoth Totilas, scoffing) you come an humble Petitioner to me; Because God hath made me your slave, replied Pelagius. And now, O Master! spare your own slaves.  
Totilas' won with his supplications, for bad the Goths to kill any more; but to make booty of their Goods, reserving the most precious for himself. They found much wealth in the Patricians houses, but most in the lodging of Bessas', who had heaped up those wicked prices of his Corn for Totilas: The Romans, even Senators, and Rusticiana the Widow of Boetius, and daughter of Symmachus (a woman that ever laid out her Revenues upon the poor) went begging their bread of their Enemies; wand'ring from house to house, knocking at the doors, and craving sustenance without blushing.  
The Goths endeavoured to put Rusticiana to death, for bribing the Roman Commanders to break down Theodericks Images, in revenge of her Husbands and Father's deaths: But Totilas preserved her, and protected all the Women from the Soldier's insolence, who were eager to ravish them; but not one was abused: For which his modesty Totilas got a great reputation. The next day he assembled the Goths, and spoke thus;  
Fellow Soldiers! I call you together, not to make any new exhortations, but the same I have given formerly, and by entertaining which, you have found your greatest good: And do not now to this harken carelessly. Advises conducting you to happiness should never be tedious, nor many words seem wearisome, since the fruits springing from them must not weary you. I say then again, that the other day we had 200000. valiant fight men together, were masters of infinite wealth, had abundance of Horses, and other preparations, and many wise old men, who in War are of greatest use. Yet were we beaten by 7000. Greeks, and senselessly deprived of our Empire, and all things else. But now being reduced to few, and those naked, poor, and unexperienced, we have vanquished the Enemy; being upward of 20000. men. The cause of this our success I will tell you, though you know it already. The Goths than not valuing Justice, acted foul wrongs upon themselves, and their Roman Subjects: Which moved God (as could not otherwise be) to fight against them for the Enemy: Whom we exceeding in numbers, valour, and other preparations, yet were we beaten by an unseen power. It is now in your power to keep your prosperity by keeping your justice. If you change, God will be your Enemy: Who assists not this or that race, or Nation, but the men to whom Justice is precious: In him it is no labour to transferr prosperity from one to another. Let man only resolve never to do wrong; To God all things naturally are in his free power. Observe therefore justice, and you shall for ever maintain your happiness.  
Having said thus to the Goths, he called the Roman Senators to him, and bitterly reproached them; That having received benefits from Theoderick and Atalarick, been employed in all offices, managed the whole State, and made themselves rich; they had proved ungrateful to their Benefactors, by unworthily revolting to their own mischief, and had betrayed themselves by bringing Greeks into their Country. He urged them to say, what hurt the Goths, or what benefit the Emperor Justinian had done them. They were deprived of almost all commands, wrung and tortured by the public Tax-gatherers to account for their carriages towards the Goths in the Treasury: And being spoiled by the War, yet the Greeks made them pay their tributes, as in the times of Peace.  
He objected many such things, as angry Masters use to their new made slaves. Then pointing to Herodian, and the four Isaurians: You, quoth he, having been bred with us, could never yield up to us so much as one forsaken Town: but these have received us into Spoletum, and Rome itself. Be you therefore in the condition of slaves, and these who have been friends, and as Countrymen to us, shall have your offices.  
The Patricians stood silent at these words: But Pelagius interceded for them, as men ruined and unfortunate, till Totilas promised mercy, and let them go. He sent Pelagius, and Theodorus, an Orator of Rome, to Justinian, his Ambassadors, making them swear to deal fairly, and to return into Italy so soon as they could: He instructed them to persuade the Emperor to make peace, otherwise he should be compelled to lay Rome flat with the ground, to kill all the Senate, and to bring the War into Illyrium; And he wrote letters to the Emperor; who had the news already of the successes in Italy. When they came to him, they declared their instructions from Totilas, and presented his letter, of this tenor.  
You are fully advertised what hath happened to Rome, I doubt it not. But my reason of this Embassage is, to crave of you to entertain the blessings of Peace yourself, and to permit them to us. Whereof we have a fair precedent in Anastasius and Theodericke: Who reigned together not long since; but they filled their Reigns with Peace and good things. If you be pleased to do the like, I will call you my Father, and you shall have the Goths your Auxiliaries against whom you please.  
Justinian read the Letter, and heard the Ambassadors, but instantly sent them away with this answer in writing to Totilas:  
That he had made Belisarius absolute General in this War, who had full power to manage all things concerning Totilas as he pleased. During this voyage of the Ambassadors to Constantinople, and back again, Tullianus in Lucania leavyed some Peasants, and guarded the Straits there, to hinder the Enemies entering to infest Lucania; With him were 300. Antians, left with him by John; being of all Barbarians the aptest to fight in a fastness. Totilas' thought it not fit to employ all the Goths against them; But he sent numbers of Peasants in the company of some Goths, whom he commanded to attempt the passage. They fought, and much stirring there was, but by the valour of the Antians, and favour of the fastness, Tullianus in the end routed them.   

CHAP. XII.  
TOtilas hearing of it, resolved to demolish Rome, and leaving part of his army in some town thereabout with the rest to go against John and the Lucanians. He threw down about the third part of the walls of Rome, and was ready to fire the fairest, and most eminent buildings, and to make Rome a sheep pasture; but Belisarius advertized of his intention, sent Ambassadors to him, and wrote him this Letter, It hath been the invention of wise men of old, affecting civility, to raise goodly buildings; and none destroy them but some dull men, not ashamed to leave to posterity such a mark of their disposition. And of all Cities under the Sun, Rome is confessed to be the greatest and most famous; being not the work of one man's virtue, nor arrived to this beauty and bigness in a small time. Many Emperors and excellent men, length of time, and excess of wealth have drawn together materials from all countries, and rare artificers, and having so by little and little built the City as you now see it, they have filled it with monuments of all their virtues, and the violence done to the same is an injury committed against all mankind; taking from our progenitors the memorials of their worth, and from posterity the sight of such goodly works. Know then, that one of the two must be, either you will be vanquished by the Emperor, or get the better. If you be victorious, by having destroyed Rome; you have ruined, Great Sir, not another's, but your own; by preserving which, you will be rich in the goodliest possession in the world. But if you draw the losing lot; having preserved Rome, you have reserved abundant thanks from the conqueror: But by destroying it, bereft yourself of all pretence to favour. And you will get nothing by it, but a fame in the world suitable to such a proceeding, which attends your Resolution herein either way. Whatsoever the actions of Princes be, such are necessarily the name they must bear from them. Totilas upon often reading this Letter, and pondering the advice, forbore further harm to Rome. and signifying to Belisarius his determination, he dismissed the Ambassadors: He encamped most of his army at Algidum, 15 miles from Rome to the Westward, to lie there and keep Belisarius fast in Portus, and himself and the rest went against John and the Lucanians. Some Roman Senators he led with him, and the rest with their wives and children he sent to Campania, leaving not a man in Rome. John hearing of Totilas coming, would stay no longer in Apulia, but ran into Otranto. The Patricians confined in Campania, sent commands by Totilas' direction to their husbandmen of Lucania, to leave John, and to manure their Lands as formerly, which were declared to belong to their Landlords. Whereupon they forsook John, and went and lived peaceably at home. Tullianus also ran away, and his 300 Antians retired to John's army. So all on this side the Ionian Gulf, save Otranto, became again subject to Totilas: and the Goths grown bold, straggled about in small parties; John sent forces out, and killed many of them, which caused Totilas to unite his army about mount Gargarus, almost in the middle of Apulia, where he encamped in Hannibal's Entrenchment. In the mean time Martianus, a Constantinopolitan born, & one of the soldiers that escaped out of Rome with Conon, when it was taken, desired Belisarius that he might go to the Enemy, pretending himself a runaway, and he would do good service. Belisarius approving it, Martianus went to Totilas, who was glad of him, having heard much of the young man, and seen him do bravely in some single combats: Presently he restored to him his wife a captive, and one of his children (there being two) but reserved the other for a hostage, and he sent them with some others to Spoletum, whereof the Goths had demolished the walls after their taking it by Herodians Treason, and put a Garrison there of Goths and Romans fugitives, into the place used for the hunting of wild beasts (called the Amphitheatre) which they had fortified. Martianus got some Associates, whom he persuaded to do some remarkable service, and so to return to the Roman army, and to the Roman Commander in Perusia, he sent for forces, discovering his design to him. Old●gandon, a Hun, the commander there (Cyprianus Being murdered by one of his own lifeguard, as aforesaid) marched with some forces to Spoletum; whom Martianus seeing, with the 15 Soldiers he had got to join with him, he killed the Captain of the Goths Garrison, and received the Romans into the Fort; they killed most of the Enemies, and brought the rest to Belisarius.  
Who resolved thereupon to enter Rome, and with a thousand Soldiers he marched to it. The Enemy at Algedon was advertized hereof by a Roman, and laid an Ambush near Rome, which seeing, Belisarius set upon his troops, and a hot fight being, the Romans valour routed the Enemy, who after the kill of most of them, retired to Portus. Upon the sea-coast of Calabria, stands Tarentum, two days journey from Otranto, in the way to Thurium and Rhegium. John, invited by the Tarentines, went thither with some few, leaving the rest in Otranto, the city he found great & unfortified, & conceived it impossible to man it. But finding to the northward of the City the sea to embay itself on both sides the Land, and to make it an Isthmus between, of two miles and a half broad; he cut the said Isthmus from the city with a wall and a deep ditch, and put in it the Tarentines and the inhabitants of some other Towns with a good Garrison. The Calabrians having gotten this refuge, thought of revolting from the Goths. In the mean time Totilas surprised Acherontis a strong Castle in Lucania, upon the confines of Calabria, and put into it a Garrison of 400 men. Then himself with his army went toward Ravenna, leaving some Goths in Campania, to Guard the Senators there confined.   

CHAP. XIII.  
BUt Belisarius undertook a design provident and bold, which seemed a kind of madness at first, but proved a gallant work. He left a small Garrison in Portus, and with the rest of his army he went into Rome with a resolution to hold it. He could not in so short a time repair the walls, demolished by Totilas; but he heaped stones one upon another rudely, without lime or the like between, only to give it the form of a wall; without it he pitched good store of stakes; And a ditch he had formerly made round about, as I said before. The whole army working cheerfully, in five and twenty days the breaches were filled up.  
The Romans from the towns about flocked thither, aswell desiring to dwell in Rome again, as to be supplied with Victual which they wanted, and found there in abundance, imported by Belisarius up the River. Totilas at the news, went instantly thitherward; Belisarius having not yet set up the Gates, which Totilas had broken down; and he for want of Artificers, could not build them again. The Barbarian Army encamped by the River of Tiber, and there lodged that night; the next morning they marched furiously to the City-walls. Belisarius placed, where the Gates had stood, some of his best men, and commanded the rest from the Walls to maintain fight against the Assailants, and it was hotly fought; For the Goths, who hoped to take the Town at the first onset, finding the business prove tough, and the Romans powerfully defending, grew angry, and their anger made them more venturous. The Romans also held out beyond expectation, the danger inducing them to be valiant. The Slaughter was great of the Goths, being annoyed by shot from the Walls. Both the Armies toiled hard, the Fight beginning in the morning, and ending at night. When it grew dark, the Goths returned to their Quarters, and spent the night in dressing their wounded men. The Romans kept Guards upon the Walls, and put the best men where the Gates had been, to guard by turns, having pitched before them many Triboli, that the Enemy might not ride in upon them. The Triboli, or Gall-traps are of this Fashion. They fit to one another the blunt ends of four Iron sprigs, of equal length, whose right lines make a triangle every way. These they throw upon the ground, and three of them stick fast; the other stand upright, and hinders the approach of horse and men: and if by chance they be turned over, the point that stood up before, pitches into the Ground, and another gets up instead of it, hindering a charging Enemy. But the next morning Totilas again assaulted, and the Romans defended in their former order, got the better, and growing bold sallied; and some chase the retiring Enemy far from the Town, the Goths fell to compass them, and to cut off their retreat; which Belisarius perceiving, sent out some of his own company, who brought them off: And the Goths repulsed, retired with loss of many of their best men, and carrying off many wounded. They kept close in their Quarters, dressing their hurt-men, and mending their Arms (which were much spoilt) and making other preparations. Many days after they assaulted again, and the Romans killed the Ensign-bearer of Totilas, who being deadly wounded, and falling, threw away his Ensign. The Romans in the Van ran for it, and to strip the dead body: But the Goths took up the Ensign, and cut off the dead man's left Arm, and carried it off, having a rich Bracelet of Gold on it, which they thought would be an affront to them, if some vaunting Enemy should wear it; And then they made a disorderly retreat. The Romans followed the Execution a good way, stripped the rest of the dead bodies, and came into the City without loss of a man. The principal Goths reproached Totilas something licentiously, for his unadvisedness, in not demolishing all Room when he took it, (that no Enemy might hold it) or in not keeping it himself; but in thus ruining, what they had effected with much toil and time. Thus men ever tune their Judgements to the Events of things, and yield up the same to the stream of Fortune, from thence taking quick and sudden changes of Opinion. The Goths, when Totilas prospered, admired him like a God; calling him unresistible, invincible, as they did before, when he suffered them to destroy part of the City's Walls which they took: But no sooner he received a blow, but they shamelessly rail on him, fogetting their former words, and contradicting themselves without reason. But such Errors being the effects of nature, it is not possible for men not to commit them. But Totilas raised his Siege, and went to the City Tibur, breaking down the Bridges upon the Tiber, that the Enemy might not charge him. Pons Milvius, a Bridge near to Rome, they could not demolish. They rebuilt the Castle of Tibur, which they had cast down before, and kept themselves quiet within it, and all their Baggage. Belisarius set up the Gates of Rome at his ease, lining them with Iron; and he sent the Keys again to the Emperor: And so ended the Winter, and the 12. year of this War, written by Procopius.  
Some Forces not long before sent by Totilas straight besieged the Romans in Perusia, 
Incipit Annus 13. bell. Goth. in ann. 21. Justiniani & An. Dom. 547.  and finding that Victual begun to fail the besieged, they sent to Totilas to come with his whole Army to take the Town with more ease. But Totilas finding the Goths not cheerfully to receive his directions, he called them all to him, and spoke thus.  
Fellow Soldiers, seeing you are causelessly angry with me, and do pine at our late cross Fortune; I now call you together, to rectify your Opinion, and to settle your Judgements aright; lest you appear not only unthankful to me, but foolishly to use ingratitude even to God himself. Humane things are subject to mischances, and he, that being but a man, yet takes such things in ill part, shall necessarily be thought to want wit, and yet nevertheless undergo the necessity of his Fortune. I will put you in mind of former proceed, not so much to excuse these now, as to show that they ought rather to be commended. In the beginning of the War Vitigas demolished the Walls of Fanus and Pensaurum, maritime Towns, letting Rome and all the other Cities in Italy stand undefaced. And from Fanus & Pensaurum we have had no inconvenience; but from Rome, and the other fortified places, our Affairs have succeeded as you know. When by your Gift I received this Government, I chose rather to follow the best courses, then by the contrary to hurt you; since naturally men differ not much, but experience is it, which makes the good Scholars of her School in all things better, than they who learn not of her. So that taking Beneventum we threw down the Walls, and were presently Masters of the rest, whose Walls we also demolished: That we might not have our Enemies ever issuing from Fortresses, and making the War with Artifices, but to come directly to a Field, and there to fight it out. And there they ran away, and their Cities which I took, I dismantelled, and you then were the Admirers, and Ministers of that my resolution, and made the work (as it was indeed) your own; seeing he who commends a man for an Act, is himself an Actor. But now you are changed, since a boldness without reason taken by Belisarius, hath succeeded; and now you are afraid of the man, being so valiant. Indeed foolhardy men are sooner thought to be courageous, than the provident, to be cautious. He that adventures more than the occasion allows, is honoured yet with a reputation of seeming Valour; But he that upon a provident consideration is apprehensive of the danger, and then fails, draws upon himself the blame of all that happens. And if it succeed well, unskilful men will not think that he doth done any thing in it. Besides, you consider not how you are offended with me, for what I rather may take ill of you. Is it now only that Belisarius hath gotten honour upon you? Who being his Captives, and fugitive Slaves, took Arms under me, and have gotten the better of him in this War? And if by my virtue you have effected this, you should be patiented and consider in mischances, that nothing is made to be ever the same. And Fortune having adjudged to you the Victory, you shall do better to reverence the same, then to be peevish against it; lest it be offended, and t●ach you a new Lesson of gratitude and better nature. For how can that be a good nature, that having lately attempted great Fortunes, and now failed in a small matter, is so poorly dejected? This is plainly to renounce yourselves to be men; for never to slip is peculiar to God alone. So that setting by these things, I say, that you are to go to Perusia, and to encounter the Enemy: If you conquer them, Fortune will clear up again. No age can make that undone, which hath happened to us; but the memory of ill Fortunes is assuaged by the arrival of good. The getting Perusia will cost little labour; Cyprianus the Commander, Fortune and our Counsels have removed; and a multitude without a Governor, and without Victuals too, are no fit men to fight valiantly. None shall infest your backs, I having beaten down the Bridges to prevent any sudden incursions. Belisarius likewise and John are jealous of one another, as may appear by their Actions, (which ever convince the disagreement of minds) they to this day having never joined their Forces, by reason of their mutual jealousy. And that Guest whosoever hath, may be sure of hatred and envy in the same lodging, which being intermingled, nothing can possibly be done that should be. Having thus spoken, he led the Army towards Perusia, and there fate down before it, preparing for a Siege.   

CHAP. XIIII.  
IN the mean time John besieged the Castle of Acherontis, and finding that he could do no good upon it, he fell upon a bold resolution, which preserved some Roman Senators, and got much reputation to himself. While Totilas was busy before Rome, he took to himself a party of choice Horsemen, and concealing his intent, made a journey into Campania (where Totilas had confined the Senators) resting neither day nor night, that coming suddenly he might rescue the Senators, the Towns being altogether unfortified. Totilas before fearing this, and that by some Enemy he might lose his Prisoners, had sent into Campania some Forces of Horse; who being come to the City of Minturnae, thought it best to stay there, and to rest their Horses, being weary with the journey. Some others Totilas had directed, (being men in much account with him, and about 400.) to view in what Estate Capua was, and the Towns about it; And the journey thither was but 37. miles, and the Horses of these and themselves were fresh and lusty. It happened that these 400, and John arrived at the same day and hour at Capua, not knowing of one another's coming. Suddenly a gallant fight was performed, both parties falling to it at first sight, wherein the Romans had the absolute Victory, and killed many; some few of them got away, and galloped to Minturnae; whom the others there seeing all bloody, and some with Arrows sticking in them, others not so much as telling them what had befallen them, (so earnest they were to get away) and bewraying the fear they were in, they also leapt upon their Horses and ran with them for company: And coming to Totilas, they told him of innumerable Enemies, to save the shame of their running away. Seventy Roman Soldiers then came into John, who were quartered in Campania; And some few Senators he found there, but almost all their Wives. For most of the men at the taking of Rome, were fled into Portus with the Soldiers, but all the Women were taken Prisoners. One Clementinus a Patrician, fled into a Church, not accompanying the Roman Army; because having betrayed a Castle near unto Naples to Totilas, he feared the Emperor's indignation. Orestes also, who had been Consul, stayed at his house for want of Horses to carry him away; John sent the Senators he found, and the 70. Soldiers into Sicily: But Totilas was vexed at this news, and eager to have his revenge upon John; And he marched against him, leaving only some of his Troops to guard the Camp before Perusia: John had encamped his 100 men in Lucania, and sent out some to discover upon all the ways, that the Enemy might not surprise him. And Totilas guesting as much, and that John would not lie in his Camp, without his Scouts abroad; left the ordinary ways, and marched over the Mountains which were many, high and craggy, and thought unpassable, that none would suspect his coming that way. John's Scouts found the Enemy was thereabout, but no certainty they could learn; and fearing what came to pass, they road back to their Camp, and with them arrived there the Goths in the night, Totilas being in a rage, and so not well advised, had the fruit of his impertinet anger. His Army was ten times greater than his Enemies; and it is evidently best for a stronger Army to make an open fight; so that he should have charged the Enemy in the morning (to take from them the benefit of the dark to hid themselves) and so he had taken them all as in a net. But he giving way to his anger, set on them in the dark night. They used no resistance, being taken most of them asleep; yet the Goths killed not many, they having the means in the dark to slip away unseen, leaving their camp, and running up to the next mountains. John escaped amongst the rest, and Arusus, Captain of the Herulians. Almost 100 Romans were slain: There was with John one Gilacius an Armenian, commanding some few of his Countrymen, who spoke neither Greek, Latin, nor Gothish, but Armenian only; some Goths lighting upon him, asked him who he was: (They forbore to kill any in the dark, lest they might kill their own) He could make no other answer, but that he was General Gilacius, having learned the title of his place in Greek, by hearing it often named. The Goths finding him an Enemy, took him Prisoner, and soon after killed him. John, and Arusus with their troops galloped amain to Otranto: And the Goths afterward pillaging the Romans Camp, retired.  
Things being thus in Italy, the Emperor upon the importunate letters of Belisarius, thought good to send more Forces thither.  
First, he sent Bacurius, the son of Peranius, and Sergius, Solomon's sister's son, who with some few came to the rest of the Army. Afterward he sent ●●rus with 300. Herulians, and Varazes an Armenian with 80. Roman Soldiers. He caused also Valerianus, General of Armenia, from thence to go into ●●●ly with his guard of Lanciers, and l'argettiers, being above a thousand men. 〈◊〉 first arrived at Otranto, where leaving his Ships, and not joining with John's Army, he road forward with his men. He was no serious man, but an excessive Drinker: and consequently rash, and unadvised. He encamped near to Brundisium: Which Totilas hearing; Either quoth he, Verus is very strong, or very foolish. Let us go to him; either to make trial of his power, or to make him sensible of his folly. Accordingly he went against him with a great Army; But the Herulians seeing them, fled into a Wood, where the Enemy compassed them, and slew above 200. Verus and the rest were ready to be caught; but it chanced that Varazes and the Armenians came suddenly to an Anchor upon that shore; and Totilas suspecting some great Forces aboard, road away with his Army, and so they escaped, with much joy to the ships. Varazes put into Tarentum, whither soon after came John. The emperor had written to Belisarius of a great Army sent, with which he was to join in Calabria, and to give Batta●le to the Enemy. Val●rianus also was come near the Ionian gulf, but would not pass over, fearing that the Soldiers and their Horses would, want provisions now towards the Winter tropic. He sent unto John 300. of his men, and promised in the beginning of the Spring to be with him.  
But Belisarius upon perusal of the Emperor's letters, chose of his best men 700. Horse, and 200. Foot: And leaving the Guard of the places about Rome to the rest under Conon, he made for Sicily, thence purposing to put in at Tarentum. He left at his left hand the place called Scyll●um, where the Poets say, that Scylla did abide. Not that any such savage Woman was, as they tell it: But in that part are of old many small rocks like whelps, and they are to this day called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 little Dogs. At first names were given thus to signify the things. Then fame spreading them among men ignorant of the truth, caused many false conceits: And time at length became the powerful Author of some fable, suborning, for Witnesses of things that are not, Poets by licence of their art. So anciently the Natives of Corcyra have called their Eastern promontory Cynocephale, the head of a Dog; Whereupon others would have the Islanders headed like Dogs. Some Pisidians are called Lycocranites, not because they have heads like Wolves, but because the mountains there are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head of a Wolf. But to return from whence I digressed.  
Belisarius endeavoured to make directly for Tarentum. There is a coast in form like a half moon, the Sea embaying itself fare into the land; the compass whereof being 125. miles, near to the mouth of the Bay are Croton to the Eastward, and Thurium to the West, And about the middle of it is Tarentum. A storm being in their teeth, and the wind blowing high, and the waves being great, being unable to sail on, they cast Anchor in the Haven of Croton: Where Belisarius finding no Fortress near, nor how to supply the Army with provisions, stayed with his Wife and all the Foot, intending to send for John's Army. His Horse he commanded to march higher, and to quarter themselves upon the entrances of the Country, giving them for Commanders Pharas the Iberian, and Barbation, one of his Lifeguard; Thinking that so they might best get provisions for themselves and their Horses, and keep off the Enemy in fastnesses. For there the mountains of Lucania reaching into Bruttia, and meeting at a straight, make two narrow passages; the one called in Latin Petra sanguinis, the bloody rock; the other Labulla, or Lambula. Here by the Sea side stands Ruscia, where the Thurians ships ride. Seven miles and a half above this, the ancient Romans built a strong Castle, which John had long possessed, and placed a Garrison in it.   

CHAP. XV.  
THE Horse sent by Belisarius met Forces of the Enemy sent by Totilas to attempt that Castle: With these they fought, and though much inferior in numbers, they routed them, and killed above 200. The rest ran away to Totilas with the news. The Romans encamped in the place; and being ill governed, and victorious, lived carelessly, neither lying together in one body, nor keeping guards upon the two passages; but lodging too securely far asunder, and all the day straggling for Provisions, without sending out Scouts, or advising upon any course of safety. Totilas being thereof advertised, went against them with 3000. chosen Horsemen: And coming unlooked for upon them, being in no order to fight, but straggling, he amazed and routed them. Pharas encountered the Enemy, and did valiantly; whereby some escaped, but himself, and his company were slain. This the Romans took grievously, having their hopes in these, being extraordinary good men. Barbation, of the Lifeguard to Belisarius, ran away to Croton with the news, reporting that the Goths would be instantly there. Belisarius exceedingly grieved, ran to his Ships, weighed anchor, and with a fair wind came the same day before Messina in Sicily, distant from Croton 87. miles, being right over against Rhegium.  
About this time an Army of Slavonians passed the River Ister, and did infinite mischief in Illyrium, even to Epidamnus, killing and captivating all and of all ages they found, and taking the spoil. They took many strong Castles, none to defend them, and ranged about every where without control. The Commanders of Illyrium waited upon them with 15000. men, but never durst come near them.  
In that Winter were many terrible Earthquakes in Constantinople and elsewhere, all in the night; that the Inhabitants feared to be overwhelmed, but no hurt was done. The Nile also swollen 18. cubits, drowning all Egypt: In the Country of Thebais, and the up-lands, the waters abated in the seasonable time, and gave the people means to sow, and husband the ground as was usual. But they retired not from the lower grounds at all, but covered them all the seed-season, which never happened so before: To some grounds the water returned again, and rotten all the seed put into the ground during the abatement. So that the people were much troubled with the strangeness of it, and most of their cattle perished for want of food. The great Whale was then also taken, which the Constantinopoli●ans called the Porphyrion. It had troubled them, and the Towns about them above fifty years at times; drowning Ships, and catching men from aboard, and carrying them away. Justinian could by no endeavour get this Monster taken. But now a great number of Daulphins coming upon the mouth of the Euxine Sea, and espying the whale, fled from him, the most of them to the mouth of Sangaris, where the Whale overtook some of them, and devoured them: But either hunger or anger provoking him to pursue near the shore, he fell into the mud, where tumbling and striving, he was more engaged; and the Inhabitants hearing of it, ran down, and hewed him with their Axes; but not being able to kill him, they drew him ashore, with great ropes, laying him upon Wanes, and found him thirty cubits long, and ten broad. They cut him in pieces, and some presently eat them, others pickled them up. The news of the overflowing of Nile, and this Whale, added to the Earthquake which they had felt, filled the Constantinopolitans with prophecies of strange events; Men using still in present perplexities, and disturbances to make groundless conjectures of things to come.  
But leaving sooth-saying, and the interpretation of prodigies; doubtless the flood lying so long upon Egypt, caused for the present much calamity; and the kill of the Whale was the riddance of a great mischief; But some say it was not the Porphyrion, but some other Whale.  
But to return to my matter. Totilas' understanding that the Romans in Rusciana were very scarce of Victual, sat down close by it, to take it before it could be relieved. And then ended the Winter, and the 13. year of this War, written by Procopius.  
When the Emperor sent 2000 Foot into Sicily, and commanded Valerianus instantly to repair to Belisarius, He passing the Gulf, found at Otranto Belisarius and his Wife Antonina, who then sailed to Constantinople, to entreat the Empress Theodora for some better supplies to her Husband in this Warr. But she found her dead, having lived in the Empire 22. years, and three months. In the mean time the Garrison in Rusciana capitulated to yield up the Castle about Midsummer, if in the mean time they were not succoured; provided they have no hurt done them. In it were many Italians, men of quality, and Theopheron, brother to Tullianus, and of the Romans 300. Illyrian Horsemen, whom John had left there under Chalazar a Hun, one of his Lifeguard, and a very good Soldier, and Godilas a Thracian: Belisarius had sent 100 Soldiers to this Castle, who with those appointed by him to guard Rome, killed their Commander Conon, for selling the Corn and other victual at Rome, to their prejudice. They sent some Priests to the Emperor, protesting, that if he granted not abolition of this fault, and paid them their arrears by such a day, they would immediately revolt to Totilas. The Emperor did what they desired.   

CHAP. XVI.  
BELISARIUS' sent then for John to Otranto, and with him, and Valerianus, and a Fleet he had got together, he sailed to succour Rusciana. The Garrison there discerning the Fleet, took courage, and refused to yield, though the day assigned were at hand. But a storm dispersed all the Ships, the coast being Harbourlesse; and in the Haven of Croton they met all, and made for Rusciana again. The Goths seeing them, leaped on Horseback, and stood upon the shore to oppose their landing, set in front by Totilas against their fore-ships; some with their Lances, others with their Bows bend. The Romans seeing it, durst, come no nearer, but lay at hull far off in the Sea; And at length despairing, turned about to Seaward, and came again to an Anchor in the haven of Croton: Where they resolved in counsel, that Belisarius should make for Rome, and Victual it, as he could; and that John and Valerianus should land, and ride into Picenia, to impede the Enemies sieges of the Towns there; hoping also to draw Totilas towards them, with the raising of the siege of Rusciana. John with his Troops being 1000 men, did accordingly: But Valerianus was afraid, and by the Ionian Gulf sailed for Ancona, thinking so more securely to get into Picenia, to join with John. Totilas raised not his siege, but sent 2000 selected Horsemen into Picenia, to join with other Goths, and to beat away John and Valerianus. But the Garrison in Rusciana (their Victual being absolutely failed) sent Godilas the Lancier, and Theopheron the Italian to intercede for their lives, and pardon for their fault. Totilas promised it to all, save Chalazar only; Who had formerly broken faith with him; & so received the Castle, and put to death Chalazar, cutting off his hands and privy members. The Soldiers that would, he kept in equal rank with Goths, and left them their goods (as he used in all places) And such as would not, he dismissed, stripped, and unarmed, not desiring any to serve him unwillingly: And 80. of them quitted their goods, and came to Croton; the rest stayed; of whom the Italians had their goods taken away afterwards, but no hurt was done to their persons.  
Antonina finding the Empress dead at Constantinople, besought the Emperor to send for her Husband home: Which she easily obtained, the Persian War pressing sore. In the mean time there was an attempt against the Emperor's person, which began, and was defeated in this manner. Artabanes, who slew the Tyrant Gontharis in Africa, was eager to marry Projecta, the Emperor's sister's daughter; He was betrothed to her, and she affected the match; not for love of his person so much, as in her gratitude to a man, who had revenged the murder of her Husband Areobindus, and rescued her a Captive, and ready to be put into the loathed bed of Gontharis the Tyrant. Both thus consenting, Artabanes sent Projecta to the Emperor; and being made General of afric, besought the Emperor with some pretences, to send for him to Constantinople; Hoping thereby to effect the marriage, and to get many advantages, and even to put for the Empire.  
Men thus getting fortunes which they looked not for, yet look still further; and foment their rising hopes, till they fall from the happiness they have. The Empeperour granted his desire, and sent for him to Constantinople, and made another General of Africa, as is said in my former relations. And being a tall comely personage, liberal, and of few words, the Constantinopolitans loved him, and admired him for his deeds. And the Emperor respected him with the best, made him General of the Forces in Constantinople, and Commander of the Confederates, and enroled him a Consul. But he could not marry Projecta, by reason he had a former Wife, his Countrywoman, whom he married young, and shook off long before upon some exceptions for slight matters, wherein women offend their Husbands. And she, while Artabanes fortunes were not yet made, sat quiet at home; But he being grown famous for his Actions, and great in his fortunes, she would suffer no longer the dishonour; but became suitor in Constantinople to the Empress for her Husband to be restored to her. The Empress, ever inclinable to assist distressed women, brought her to live with her Husband, much against his will: And Projecta was married to John, the son of Pompey.  
Artabanes was wild at this misfortune; and that having done so great service to the Romans, they had not only barred him from his betrothed Wife, but put him to lead his whole life with a woman that hated him; the greatest vexation which the soul of man can suffer. And so soon as the Empress was dead, he presently sent away his Wife. Germanus also, the Emperor's brother's son, had a Brother named Boraides; Who was lately dead, leaving his main estate to Germanus and his sons, and to his own only daughter, so much only as law compelled. This daughter the Emperor protected, which troubled Germanus.  
There was also in Constantinople Arsaces, an Armenian of the race of the Arsacides, and kindred of Artabanes. This man was taken lately in a manifest practice of Treason with Chosroes, King of Persia. The Emperor punished him only with some few lashes upon his back, and made him ride through the City upon a Camel: taking nothing from him, nor so much as banishing him the Court. Yet was he discontented for what befell him, and he devised mischief against the Emperor and the State; finding likewise his Cousin Artabanes discontented, he provoked him more, surprising him with cunning words, and chiding him. That he was grown a coward and effeminate in an unfit time. He was valiant to rescue others, and to pull down Tyrants, and had killed without any provocation Gentharis his friend, and feaster. But that now he lay still poorly and heartless; while his country languished under a perpetual Garrison, and unusual taxations, having lost his Father treacherously slain under colour of a Treaty, and having his kinsmen made slaves, and scattered through the whole Roman Empire. Yet Artabanes (quoth he) thinks it enough to have a Roman Generallship, and the bare title of a Consul, and me your kinsman you can behold suffering base things, without condoling with me; but I pity noble Sir your own sufferings in both your wives, both her you have lost, and her you must live with. And surely there is no cause neither upon deliberation nor fear, that can discourage a man from kill Justinian, who sits, at midnight without his Guards, discoursing with some old Priests, and busy in endless scanning the Christians Oracles. None of his kinsmen will oppose you Germanus the most powerful, and his Sons, young men enraged against Justinian, (I verily think) will join with you; that so the business will even do itself. For they have been more wronged by him then we, or any Armenian. Arsaces' with such enchantments as these, finding Artabanes yielding, imparted the matter to one Chanaranges; a Persarmenian, a handsome youth, but nothing serious; and having brought him and Artabanes together in the same resolution, he left them, promising to draw Germanus and his Sons into the plot.   

CHAP. XVII.  
JUSTINUS, the elder of them, was young (his beard newly sprouting) but valiant and sharp witted; and not long before was made Consul. Arsaces' went to him, telling him, that he would willingly meet him in a certain Church. Being met, Arsaces prayed him to assure him by oath, that he would not reveal their conference to any but to his Father. When he had sworn accordingly, he fell to chide him. That being the Emperor's nearest kinsman, and seeing Pettifoggers and common fellows holding all the great offices, himself at these years would endure so long the affairs to be managed by mean men. That the Emperor did not only despise him, but even his Father, a man attained to the height of virtue; and suffered Justinian his Brother still a private man. That he could not get the estate of Boraides his Uncle, who had made him his heir by his will; but was deprived of the most part of it: and he would despise them more, so soon as Belisarius was returned out of Italy, who was reported to be in the midst of Illyria. With such allegations he incited Justinus, and discovered the conspiracy between him, Artabanes and Chanaranges. The young man was amazed and troubled to hear him, and plainly told him, that neither himself nor his Father could ever join in such an Action. Arsaces' reported the success to Artabanes, and Justinus acquainted his Father with the discourse, who communicated it to Marcellus, Captain of the Palatine Guards, and demanded his opinion if he should reveal it to the Emperor: Marcellus was a grave, austere man, of few words, an Enemy to jestings, and lose fashions, of a rigid life, and a stranger to all pleasures; but precisely just, and a zealous Lover of Truth. He would not have the matter revealed to the Emperor as yet. You (quoth he) to be the Informer, is not convenient. Upon your least private conference with the Emperor, Artabanes will suspect his plot to be discovered, and then Arsaces' running away, you will remain without proof. And myself never use to believe any thing before punctually examining it, nor to report it to the Emperor. I would gladly hear the discourse myself, or that some of mine might hear the men speaking clearly in this subject. This advice Germanus bade his Son Justinus to put in Execution: Who having so flatly denied Arsaces, would not speak of it to him again; But he asked Chanaranges, if by the privity of Artabanes, Arsaces' lately came to him. I durst not, quoth he, to such a man, open myself; but if you have any thing to say in it, we will advise, and happily may do something. Chanaranges after conferring with Artabanes, told Justinus as much as Arsaces' had done, and Justinus promised all he desired, and to draw in his Father. And a day was appointed for Germanus to confer with Chanaranges, and Germanus entreated Marcellus for some confident of his to be an ear witness of Chanaranges. He sent Leontius who married the daughter of Athanasius, a right honest man, who would be sure to report the truth. Him Germanus placed in his dining room behind the hang, and himself with his Son Justinus stayed in the room, where Leontius heard Chanaranges plainly declaring the conspiracy between himself, Artabanes, and Arsaces. Then they fell to discourse, that if they should kill the Emperor while Belisarius was upon his way, their design would not succeed; for if they should make Germanus Emperor; it was likely that Belisarius would come against them with an army, which he might levy in Thrace, and they should not be able to keep him off. It were better to defer the action till the coming of Belisarius, who being in Constantinople, and with the Emperor in his Palace, they might enter at evening suddenly with their daggers, and kill Marcellus and Belisarius, together with the Emperor, and so manage their business as they pleased. Marcellus being hereof advertized by Leontius, yet forbore to report it to the Emperor, lest with too much haste he might unadvisedly ruin Artabanes. But Germanus revealed it to Buzes and Constantianus, fearing, that which happened, to be suspected for his delay. But Belisarius afterward being reported to be near at hand, Marcellus revealed the Treason to the Emperor; who caused Artabanes and his Complices to be committed to the common Prison, and to be examined by some principal Officers. The conspiracy being manifest, and reduced into writing, the Emperor summoned the Senate to the place within the Palace appointed for hearing causes. They, albeit they heard the plain confessions of the Prisoners, yet had involved Germanus, and Justinus in the crime; if the Testimonies of Marcellus and Leontius had not cleared them: who deposed, and Buzes also and Constantianus, that Germanus had hid nothing from them, but demeaned himself, as aforesaid. So that the Senate aquitted him and his Son, as having in nothing offended the State: But coming to the Emperor's chamber, the Emperor stormed, and was much inflamed against Germanus, for his slowness in the discovery; and two principal Officers seconded his opinion to please him, and they seemed much offended with Germanus, and to kindle more the Emperor's anger, being officious to ingratiate themselves by other men's miseries. The rest stood amazed without a word speaking; yielding, by not opposing. Marcellus only saved him by speaking truth, taking the blame upon himself, and urging vehemently, that Germanus discovered it to him timely, but himself searching more narrowly into it, revealed it with the latest. And thus he pacified the Emperor, and got a great fame for using his virtue in a time of so great need. Artabanes the Emperor removed from his office, and did him no other harm, nor any of the rest; they were restrained, but not dishonourably, nor in the common prison, but in the Palace.  
The Barbarians at this time were clearly masters of all the West, and this Gothick war was now come to this, that the Romans who at first won all afore them, had now consumed their men and money to no purpose, had lost Italy, and stood looking upon Illyrium and Thrace, shamefully wasted by Barbarians their next borderers. In the beginning of this war, the Goths gave to the Francs all Gallia, subject to them, being not able to fight with both, as I have said. This the Romans hindered not, but Justinian confirmed the Gift, that he might not be crossed by a war from these Barbarians; nor would the Francs have thought their possession sure, if the Emperor had not put his Seal to the Act. Hereupon the Kings of the Francs got Marseilles, a colony of the Phocaeans, and all the Sea towns, and were Masters of that Sea: And now they sit in Arles, beholding the horse races there, they coin Gold Staters out of the Gold mines in Gaul, not with the stamp of the Roman Emperor (as the custom is) but with their own Images. The King of Persia coins silver moneys as he pleases, but it is not lawful for him, nor any King of Barbarians to put his own stamp upon a Gold Stater, though he be a greater Master of Gold; for such money they cannot put away, though they trade with Barbarian Merchants. But the Francs seeing Totilas prevail, seized the most part of Venetia; the Romans had no power to resist, nor the Goths to make war upon both.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
THE Gepaedes also took Syrmium, and almost all Dacia, so soon as Justinian had taken them from the Goths; making the Romans their Captives, and going still onward spoiling the Roman Provinces; so that the Emperor paid them no more the Pensions they anciently received of the Romans. To the Lombard's also he gave the City of Noricum, and the strong places in Pannonia, and other Towns, and great sums of Money, who thereupon left their own Country, and planted by the River Ister near unto the Gepaedes: and pillaged likewise Dalmatia, and Illyrium, to Epidamnus; leading the People Captive: of whom if any chanced to run away, and get home, these Lombard's being in league with us, freely ranging in the Roman Provinces, and discovering any of these Fugitives, laid hold of them as their Slaves, and haling them from their Parents, led them back with them without any opposition. The Herulians also had given them by the Emperor places in Dacia, near the City of Singidon where now they inhabit, and from thence overrun and spoil Illyrium and Thrace: Some of them turned Roman Soldiers, and were ranked with the Confederates. And these Herulian Ambassadors, when they come to Constantinople, receive their full Pensions, without much attendance, notwithstanding they ransack daily the Roman Subjects. And thus all these Barbarians shared among them the spoil of the Empire.  
Not long after the Gepaedes, and Lombard's, being Neighbours, became Enemies, and a day was appointed for a pitch-field between them. The Lombard's inferior in numbers, and holding themselves to be overmatcht, resolved to invite the Romans to aid them in the Battle; the Gepaedes also having truce with us, were desirous the Romans would join with them, or stand neutral: And both of them sent Ambassadors to Justinian for aid. Thorisin was then Prince of the Gepaedes, and Audovin of the Lombard's. The Emperor heard their Propositions, not together, but severally. The Lombard's having first access, spoke thus.  
Great Emperor, we are amazed at the impertinency of these Gepaedes; who having acted so many great wrongs upon your Dominions, come here to offer the foulest scorn that can be, in thinking you easy to be deceived, and so coming to make use of your simplicity. But we desire you Sir, to consider their intentions in this friendship; so will you deal the more securely for your Empire, and judge more safely of the Future by what is past. If their ingratitude had been shown only to other Nations, you might expect from us long discourses, and foreign testimonies to convince them thereof. But you have the experiment now even in your own selves. The Goths formerly held all Dacia tributary, whom the Gepaedes dwelling on the further side of the Ister so feared, that they never durst attempt to pass over the River. But being in truce with the Romans, and their great Friends, and in that Title receiving large yearly Pensions, as well from former Emperors, as yourself; what Services have they done you for the same? They can allege not one. When they knew not how to wrong you, their disability, not good intent, kept them quiet. Beyond the Ister you would not meddle, and from this side the fear of the Goths restrained them. And can disability be called gratitude, or good nature? Can a firm Friend be known, while he wants power to transgress? No Sir, It is a man's power only that expresses his nature and intentions, good or bad; his ability to do what he list, laying his disposition to the public view. For these Gepaedes no sooner saw the Goths gone out of Dacia, and you busy with your Enemies, but the wicked wretches intruded every where upon your territories. Their baseness herein what words can express? Have they not despised the Roman Empire? broken the sacred Laws of Truces, put scorns upon their Benefactors, and violated that Empire, whose Slaves they would be proud to be, if you had any leisure for them. They hold Syrmium, and vaunt all Dacia to be theirs; in what War having been ever victorious, either for you, with you, or against you? or of what Battle having made that Province the prize? Nay, being ancient Mercenaries, and receiving your moneys, as hath been said. Then, a more lewd proceeding then this Ambassage of theirs was never. Now when they see us quarrelling with them, they have the face to come to Constantinople, and to the Emperor's presence, whom they have so much abused; and peradventure in their abundant impudence will entreat your aid against us, who have showed ourselves so affectionate to you. If they come to restore what they have unjustly intruded into, you must impute it to the Lombard's, the chief Causers of their repentance; a constrained fear of whom, hath put on them this form of gratitude: And if you receive the benefit, you must thank those who made the doing it necessary. But if now neither they will part with what belongs not to them, what an excess of ill nature is this? Let this suffice, O Emperor, to be spoken in a Barbarian simplicity, with words not reaching the matter. And do you, Sir, weigh well, what hath been uttered more scantly than the occasion requires; and do that which may be best for the Romans, and your own Lombard's; considering also, that you shall do well to join with us, who are of the same Orthodoxal Religion; and to oppose these, being Arians. The Lombard's so spoke, and the next day the Gepaedes Ambassadors were brought to the Emperor, and said in this manner. It is right and fit, O Emperor, for men demanding aides, first to show, that they ask things reasonable and just, and good for those who are to aid them, and so to speak what concerns their Ambassage. It is plain therefore, that we are wronged by the Lombard's, in that we have endeavoured to end our differences in a course of justice; and we striving to have a legal way, cannot be said to use violence. And that the Gepaedes exceed the Lombard's in multitude and goodness of men, what need many words to them that know it? And we think no wise man will run into evident danger, by siding with the weaker, when he may get a Victory by joining with the stronger. The Gepaedes moreover will assist you against your Enemies, upon obligation of gratitude for what you now shall do for them, and with the greatness of their power are likely to make you Masters of your Foes. Consider also, that the Lombard's are but lately in amity with you; but the Gepaedes are of your ancient acquaintance and alliance; and Friendship grown with time is not easily dissolved. It is good for you therefore to make us your Confederates, being both powerful, and firm to you. These just reasons may draw you to this Confederacy; but see the dispositions of these Lombard's. Being entreated to end the quarrel legally, by no means they will consent, out of a groundless overweening. But the War being ready for a Battle, now they shrink, being conscious of their own weakness, and fly to you, importuning you without reason to fight for them. And these Thiefs allege, to provoke you to a War, our holding Syrmium, and some other places in Dacia: Whereas in your Empire are so many Cities and Countries, that you seek for men upon whom to bestow some of them to dwell in. To the Francs, to the Herulians, and these Lombard's you have given so many Towns and proportions of Land, that they cannot be numbered. And we being bold in your Friendship and Favour, have done what yourself would have to be done. And whosoever hath a mind to part with a thing, esteems him the worthier man, who from a free Spirit is aforehand, and of himself takes the benefit, them him that gets it as a courtesy; if the Giver set the valuation of the thing so, as not to insult upon the Receiver; but as being bold upon him, as of an assured Friend: Which is the case of the Gepaedes with the Romans. And which you taking into consideration, we desire you in the first place to join your powers to ours against the Lombard's, according to the Leagues with us; and if not, to stand neutral. By thus advising you shall do justly, and expediently for the Roman Empire.   

CHAP. XIX.  
BUT Justinian after a long consultation herein, dismissed the Gepaedes with a refusal, and swore a League with the Lombard's; And he sent them 10000 Horse under Constantianus, Buzes and Aratius, assisted by John lately come out of Italy, who by the Emperor's direction was to return into Italy with his Troops, so soon as the Battle with the Gepaedes was fought. There were also with them 1500. Herulians, commanded by Philimuth and others. The rest of the Herulian Forces being 3000. and lately revolted from the Romans (as I have said formerly) were on the part of the Gepaedes. Some of these led by Aordus their Prince's Brother, a party of the Romans marching to the aid of the Lombard's met, routed them, and killed Aordus, and many more. But the Gepaedes understanding the Roman Army to be near, compounded the quarrel with the Lombard's, and a Truce was concluded without the Romans; who being thereof advertised, were troubled, being not able to go on, nor to return back: and they feared least the Gepaedes and Herulians should make a joint inroad into Illyrium, and spoil it. So they lay still, and advertised the Emperor. Thus much by way of digression, concerning these ocurrents.  
But Belisarius was now returning to Constantinople, with no honour. In five year's space he never marched up into the land of Italy, made no expedition, but was all the while in a perpetual flight, sailing from one strong Sea-Town to another, which gave the Enemy means to captivate Rome, and all the rest. He abandoned Perusia, the chief City of Tuscany, which was taken by assault while he was in his way home. Being come to Constantinople, and now grown extreme rich, and much respected for his former Victories, he made his continual abode there. Before his Voyage into Africa, God gave him a clear presage of his good Fortunes. He had Land in Panteichion, the Suburb of Constantinople, right over against the City; where immediately before his expedition against Gelimer, and afric, his Vines were very full taken, and many Vessels were filled with the Wine thereof, which had their bottoms buried in the ground, and their tops fast closed with Clay in the Wine-Cellar. Eight months after the Wine worked out of the Vessels, forcing out the Clay, and made the Cellar a puddle. The Servants wondered at it, filled many Flagons with it, and stopped up the Vessels again, and concealed the Accident. But the same happening often, they acquainted their Master with it; and he shown it to divers of his Friends, who divined from thence much happiness to be coming to his House. This thus happened to Belisarius. But now Vigilius, Bishop of Rome, and the Italians at Court being many, and of good quality, besought the Emperor to vindicate Italy with all his power. Above all Gothigus pressed him, being a Patrician, and late Consul, and newly arrived at Constantinople for this purpose. The Emperor promised to take care of Italy, but he spent the most of his time about the Christians Controversies, endeavouring to settle the same.  
During this War Ildiges, a Lombard, came with forces as far as to Venetia, upon this occasion. Vaces, late Prince of the Lombard's, had Risiulphus his Brother's Son, who by the Law was to succeed him; but Vaces plotting the Succession for his own Son, charged Risiulphus with some groundless Crime, and banished him. Risiulphus fled to the Varnians, leaving two Sons behind him: These Barbarians Vaces hired to kill Risiulpus; and one of his two Sons died: but Ildeges, the other, fled to the Slavonians. Not long after Vaces died, and the Government came to Valdarus, his Son; who being a Child, Audovin was made his Protector, and attaining thereby to great power, he got the absolute Government to himself: And shortly after the Child died. When the Lombard's and Gepaedes were in War, Ildiges brought to the Gepaedes such Lombard's as followed him; and many Slavonians, hoping that the Gepaedes would restore him to the Government. But when the Truce was made, Audovin demanded Ildiges of the Gepaedes, now his Friends. They would not betray him, but they bade him be gone, and save himself. He with his own followers and some few Gepaedes went again to the Slavonians, and from thence marched towards Totilas with about 6000. men; And in Venetia meeting Romans led by Lazarus, he killed many of them; yet would not join with the Goths, but passed the Ister again, and retired to the Slavonians. About the same time also Ilauf, one of the Lifeguard to Belisarius, and Valiant, being left in Italy, revolted to Totilas, who sent him immediately with a Navy, and Forces into Dalmatia. He at Monecurus, a Town upon the Sea near Salonae, at first was familiar with the Townsmen, as a Roman, and appertaining to Belisarius: But suddenly he put them all to the Sword, and sacked the Town. The like he did at Laureata, a Castle upon the Sea Coast. Claudianus, Governor of Salonae, sent Forces against him in Pinnaces; who at Laureata fought with the Enemy, and had the worse, ran away, and left their Pinnaces in the Haven; which Ilauf took, together with other Ships laden with Corn and Provisions; and having killed and spoiled all they found, he returned to Totilas: When the Winter ended, and the 14. year of this War, written by Procopius.  
Afterward Totilas with his whole Army besieged Rome, 
Incipit Annus 15. bell. Goth. in ann. 23. Justiniani & An. Dom. 549.  where Belisarius had left three thousand of his best men under Diogenes, one of his Lifeguard, a discreet man, and a good Soldier. And the siege lasted long; the besieged with the advantage of their valour matching the whole Goths Army: Diogenes also diligently attending his Guards, and by sowing corn within the Walls, preventing want of Victual; and valiantly repelling the many assaults of the Goths, who being masters of Portus, absolutely blocked up Rome. Justinian also (Belisarius being returned to Constantinople) intended to send another General with an Army; which if he had done, he had certainly vanquished the Goths; Rome being in his obedience, and having an Army there to join with his Succours from Constantinople. First he commanded Liberius, a Patrician, to be in readiness; then other business intervening, he grew cold. After a long time spent in the siege of Rome, some Isaurians, who guarded Saint Paul's Gate, discontented for want of pay for many years, and seeing the advancement of their Countrymen, who formerly betrayed Rome to the Goths, and the wealth they had gotten, came to a secret conference with Totilas, and agreed at a day assigned to betray the City to him. At the day Totilas launched into the Tiber, about the first watch of the night, two small Vessels with Trumpeters aboard; whom he directed, having rowed up near the City walls, to sound their Trumpets. Himself closely put his Army in readiness near unto Saint Paul's Gate; and to prevent the Romans slipping away to Centumcellae (the only Fortress they had left thereabout) he laid ambushes upon the way, to cut them off as they fled.   

CHAP. XX.  
THEY in the small Vessels being come near to Rome, sounded their Trumpets, as they were directed: wherewith the Romans amazed, suddenly in fear and tumult left each man his Guard, and ran to secure there, where they suspected the Enemy would assault. Only the Isaurian Traitors continued upon their Guard, opened the Gate, and received in the Enemy. Much slaughter there was; & many ran out at other Gates, and in their way to Centumcellae fell upon the Enemy's ambushes, and were cut in pieces. Some few hardly escaped; and Diogenes himself, after receiving a hurt. Paulus a Cilician, who had at first commanded Belisarius his Retinue, and now commanded a Party of Horse, had the guarding of Rome committed to him with Diogenes; and the City being taken, ran with four hundred Horse to Adrian's Tomb, and possessed the Bridge leading to Saint Peter's Church. The Goths Army at break of day gave on upon these men; whom the Romans sustained, had the better, and killed many, being crowded in a narrow place. Totilas hereupon stayed the fight, and besieged them, thinking to take them by Famine. Paul and his four hundred endured that day, and all night without eating. The next day they thought of feeding on their Horses, but being loath to meddle with such uncouth food (though much pinched with hunger) late in the evening they fell to debate it, and exhorted one another valiantly rather to end their lives by an honourable death; charging the Enemy suddenly, and killing as many as they could: So they embraced and kissed one another, as being instantly all to perish. Totilas was afraid of men resolute to die, least despairing of their own safety, they might do some desperate mischief; and he sent to them, of two Propositions to choose, either to quit their Horses and Arms, and to swear never more to serve against the Goths, and so to return to Constantinople; or keeping what they had, to serve with the Goths in equal condition. The Romans glad of the Proposition, at first chose to go to Constantinople; but afterward, as ashamed to march away on foot, and unarmed, and fearing to be cut off by ambushes in their way, murmuring also for their many years arrears owing to them by the Roman Treasury, they joined with the Goths Army. Paul only, and one Minds, an Isaurian, besought Totilas to send them to Constantinople, having Wives and Children in their Countries, without whom they could not live. Whom Totilas commended for dealing plainly, and gave them provision for their journey, and a Convoy. The rest of the Army being in Churches about three hundred, took assurances and yielded to Totilas. Who would not now demolish any more of Rome, nor quit it, but intended to plant there Goths and Romans together, both Senators and others, upon this occasion. He had lately demanded of the King of the Francs his Daughter in marriage; who rejected the motion, saying, That he neither was, nor ever would be King of Italy, having taken Rome, but not able to keep it, having demolished part, and quitted the rest to his Enemies. So that now he brought in Provisions, and commanded to re-edify what was beaten down at his first taking of Rome. And he sent for the Roman Senators, and other Romans confined in Campania; held the solemnity of the Circensian Games, and then prepared for a Voyage into Sicily: He put in readiness four hundred small Vessels for a Sea-fight, and many great Ships sent out of the East by the Emperor, and taken by him with their men and ladings. He sent also Stephanus a Roman his Ambassador to the Emperor, desiring Truce, upon condition, that the Goths should serve him against any other Nation. But Justinian suffered not the Ambassador to come into his presence, nor regarded the Proposition: Which Totilas understanding, prepared first to attempt Centumcellae, and then to go into Sicily. Diogenes commanded the Garrison there, being reasonably strong. The Goths besieged it, and Totilas sent to Diogenes, either to put it to a Battle instantly, there being no hope of succours from the Emperor; of whose disability to continue War with the Goths, the success at Rome, after so long space given, was a sufficient Argument; or else to choose either to join with the Goths Army upon equal terms, or to quit Centumcellae, and to go safe to Constantinople. Diogenes and the Romans refused the Battle, neither would mingle with the Goths Army, nor live without their Wives and Children; And choosing to be sent to the Emperor, they said, they had yet no honest excuse to surrender the Town; and therefore desired time to signify their Estate to the Emperor, that receiving no succour from him, they might render the Town, and be gone, not without some pretence. Totilas approving this, a day was assigned, and 30. Hostages were given on both sides; and the Goths raised the Siege and went for Sicily. Before they passed the straits there, they attempted Rhegium, where the Garrison was commanded by Thurimuth and Himerius, left by Belisarius; who having many good men within, kept off the Enemy assaulting, and sallying had the better; but being inferior in numbers, they afterward lay still. Totilas' blocked up the Town with part of his Army, hoping in time to take it for want of Victual. He sent also Forces, who took the Castle of Tarentum: And at the same time the Goths in Picenia had Ariminum betrayed to them. Justinias hereof advertised, made Germanus his Brother's Son, absolute General in the War against the Goths, commanding him to be in readiness. The Goths in Italy were much troubled at the report of it, (Germanus being very famous in the World.) And the Romans, especially the Army, getting hart and hope, held out more firmly against their toils and dangers. But the Emperor (I know not why) changed his mind, and appointed Liberius a Citizen of Rome for the Service; who made himself ready, add was expected instantly to sail away with the Army. But the Emperor changed again, so that he too stayed at home. Then also Verus having gotten together many of the valiantest Soldiers, had a Battle with the Goths in Picenia, not far from Ravenna; wherein after the loss of many, and doing valiantly, himself was slain.   

CHAP. XXI.  
ABOUT this time a party of some three thousand Slavonians came over the River Ister, none opposing them, and past the river of Eurus: then they severed eighteen hundred in one party, and the rest in another. The Roman commanders in Illyrium, and Thrace fought with them severally, and were beaten, with loss of some men, the rest shamefully running away, though the Barbarians were far the fewer. They encountered also Asbades, who had been of the Emperor's Lifeguard, and advanced to the place of a Candidate, and who commanded now troops of horse anciently Garrisoned in Tzurulum, a Castle of Thrace, good men. Him the Slavonians defeated, and killed most of his men shamefully running away: They took him prisoner, and soon after cut thongs from the skin of his back, and threw him into a flame of fire: Then without control they pillaged all Thrace, and Illyrium, and took many castles, having never before assaulted a wall, nor presumed to come to an open field. They never durst before this time forage the Roman Territory, nor ever past the Ister before. But after their victory against Asbades, they pillaged all to the Sea, and took Topirum, the first Sea Town of Thrace, by assault, having a Garrison in it, being distant twelve day's journey from Constantinople. They took it thus. The most of them hid themselves in the fastnesses near the Town; and some few alarmed the Romans upon the battlements; who thinking them no more than they saw, sallied: The Barbarians seemed afraid, and ran away; and the Romans being far from the Walls, the Ambushes risen, and put themselves between them and the Town: and the flyers turning head, the Romans were charged on all sides, and all cut in pieces.  
The inhabitants deprived of the Soldiers, yet resisted the Enemy's assault, as they could, pouring down boiling oil and pitch, and throwing down great stones, that they had almost beat off the danger: But the Barbarians with a multitude of arrows forced them from the battlements, and with their scaling ladders took the City by assault. They killed fifteen thousand men in it, and sacked it. The women and children they made slaves, having formerly spared no age nor sex but killing still all they met from the time they entered Roman Land. So that all Thrace and Illyrium was scattered with dead bodies unburied; they killed not the people with Swords nor Lances, nor in any usual manner; but they pitched stakes into the Ground with sharp ends upward, and set the poor wretches upon the same at their fundaments; then forced them downwards, and the stakes up into their Entrails. They stuck into the Ground also four posts, to which they tied their prisoners hands and feet than knocked their heads with clubs, and killed them like so many Dogs, or Snakes. Others they shut up in houses with such cattles as they could not drive home into their country, and without mercy burned them together. In the end, being drunk with abundance of blood, both the parties of these Slavonians were pleased to make prisoners of those they met, and so returned home with innumerable captives.  
In the mean time the Goths assaulting Rhegium, were bravely beaten off by the Garrison, Thurimuth doing very valiantly. Totilas' understanding that their victual grew scarce, left part of his army to block it from provisions, and so to compel the Garrison to yield in time; and himself crossed the straits into Sicily, and set upon Messina. Domentiolus the commander, sister's Son to Buzes, sallied, and had not the worse in fight; but afterward kept themselves quiet within the walls, and the Goths plundered all Sicily, none resisting them. In the mean time Thurimuth and Himerius in Rhegium, (when their victual was all gone) yielded themselves and the Castle by composition to the Enemy. The Emperor, at the news of these successes, gathered a fleet, & put an army aboard of foot, under Liberius, whom he required to sail with speed for Sicily, and to save the Island. But Liberius being an extreme old man, and no soldier, the Emperor repent, and sent Artabanes for Sicily, remitting his crimes, and making him General of Thrace. He gave him no great forces, but directed him to command the fleet with Liberius. 
Magistrum militum pei Th●aciam, An ordinary officer: his employment now was for the time only.  Afterward he sent to call home Liberius, and again made his Nephew Germanus absolute General against the Goths, giving him no great army; but furnishing money for him to raise an Army of good importance in Thrace and Illyrium, and from thence to march into Italy. He commanded Philimuth, Leader of the Herulians, to accompany him into Italy, and John, Vitalianus his Nephew, who had married the daughter of Germanus, and was General of Illyrium, where then he resided.  
Germanus was ambitious to get the honour of vanquishing, the Goths and the good fortune to recover both Africa and Italy to the Empire. In Africa where Stotzas had usurped, he overcame him and the mutineers unexpectedly, and reduced the Province as it is in my former relations. And Italy being now reduced to the Estate I have described, he desired the Glory of recovering that also. His wife Passara being long since deceased, he married Mattasuntha, Daughter of Amalasuntha, the daughter of Theoderick, her former husband Vitigis being lately dead. He hoped that the Goths would be ashamed to lift their arms against this Lady, remembering the Reigns of Theoderick and Atalarick. Moreover freely disbursing the Emperor's money, and his own more, he levied quickly, and unexpectedly a very gallant army. The best Roman Soldiers left their ordinary commanders (whose Lanciers and Targeteers they were) and followed Germanus; together with many Constantinopolitans, Thracians, and Illyrians; wherein Justinus and Justinianus his Sons used much care and diligence. He picked the best out of the horse Troops, garrisoned in Thrace, and many Barbarians about the Ister were drawn by the same of Germanus, and brought much money with them, and joined with the Roman army. The Prince of the Lombard's promised to send him a thousand men well armed. Report as in all human things, made all this in Italy much more, and the Goths were afraid, and troubled withal to make war now against the posterity of Theoderick: And the Roman soldiers there, sent to signify to Germanus, that so soon as they saw him in Italy, and his army entrenched, they would immediately join with him. The remainder also of the Emperor's army in Ravenna, and some other Towns, took courage, and resolved to guard their Towns firmly for the Emperor. Nay, those who had been beaten with Verus and others, and went now straggling, hearing that Germanus was upon his way, they rallied themselves in Istria, and stayed for the said army. Totilas then at the day assigned, sent to Diogenes to surrender Centumcellae, according to the capitulation. Diogenes answered that he had no power now, Germanus being declared absolute General, and not far off with his army; and he desired him to send him his hostages, and he would restore those given by the Goths, and so he dismissed the messenger, and carefully guarded the town, expecting Germanus and his army. And thus the winter ended, & the 15 year of this war, written by Procopius.  
While Germanus was drawing his army together, and exercising his Troops at Sardice, 
Incipit annus 16 bell. Goth. in an. 24 Juniani & ann. dom. 550.  a City in Illyrium, and making a powerful preparation for this war, a Troop of Slavonians, greater than ever formerly, past the Ister into the Roman territory, and came to Naysum: The Romans took some few stragglers of them, bound them, and asked them upon what design these Slavonians were come over the River? They said it was to sack Thessalonica, and the Towns about it. The Emperor upon this advertizement, wrote to Germanus to defer his Journey into Italy, and to defend Thessalonica, and to beat away the Slavonians; who grew afraid when they heard from their prisoners that Germanus upon this stayed still at Sardice, whose fame was great among all the Barbarians upon this occasion. During the Reign of Justine, his great Uncle, the Antians, who inhabit next unto the Slavonians, past the Ister, and invaded the Roman territories with a great army. Germanus was lately made General of Thrace, and in a battle with these Enemies killed them almost all, which got him a great reputation, especially among these people. So that fearing him now, and supposing him to have a very great army, as being sent against the Goths, they forbore their intents against Thessalonica, and went over the mountains of Illyrium into Dalmatia, not daring to appear in the Champion. And Germanus despising them, directed his army to be in readiness, within three days, to begin the journey into Italy; but he suddenly fell into a sickness, which made an end of him. And so was Germanus quickly lost; a virtuous man and very valiant; both an excellent, General, and a daring Soldier. In peace and prosperity a constant observer of Laws and good Government: He was a most upright Judge, and to men in need he lent great Sums, without so much as talking of any Interest. In the Palace and in the Forum severe and stern, but at home and at his Table pleasant, free, and gracious, where he had power: he prevented the Errors and innovations of the Emperor's Court: And he never consented nor conversed with the mutinous Veneti, and Prasini, Constantinople, though many great men ran into that absurdity. The Emperor was much grieved at this sudden. Accident, and commanded John Vitalianus his Sister's Son, with Justinianus, one of the Sons of Germanus, to lead the Army into Italy. They went into Dalmatia, meaning to winter at Salonae, it being not possible in that season to compass the Ionian Gulf into Italy; and they wanted Ships to cross it.   

CHAP. XXII.  
LIBERIUS, who heard nothing of these alterations, put in at Syracuse, besieged by the Enemy. He forced his way into the Haven, and put his Army into the City. Artabanes also at Cephalenia, hearing how the Fleet with Liberius was gone for Sicily, crossed the Adriatic Sea thither-ward; and near the Coast of Calabria, met with a great storm full in his teeth, which so scattered the Fleet, that he thought most of his Ships to be cast upon that Coast, and in the hands of the Enemy. But a strong gale turned them back into Peloponesus, and some were cast away, others escaped. The Ship wherein Artabanes was, lost her main Mast, and being abandoned to the Tide, and Waves, and in much danger, put in at the Island of Malta, and by this means he was unexpectedly preserved. But Liberius being not in case to sally, nor fight with the Enemy, and the Victual in Syracuse failing, stole from thence into Panormus. Totilas in the mean time ransacked all Sicily, carried away great quantities of Corn, Horses, and Cattles, and putting the same aboard his Ships, and the whole wealth of the Island, returned suddenly into Italy upon this motive. He had made one Spinus of Spoletum his Assessor, who residing in Catana, an unfortified Town, was taken by the Romans. Totilas' desirous to ransom him, offered for him an eminent Roman Lady; but they refused to take a woman in exchange for a man, holding the Dignity of Quaestor. Spinus, fearing to perish among the Romans, promised them for his liberty to persuade Totilas to leave Sicily, and to transport his Army into Italy. They upon his Oath for true performance, restored him to the Goths, and accepted of the Lady. He being come to Totilas, said; That the Goths further stay in Sicily was to no purpose, having already pillaged the Island: That he understood for certain among the Enemy, that Germanus was dead; and that John his Son-in-Law, and Justinianus his Son were in Dalmatia with the Army, levied by Germanus, and immediately to come into Liguria, who might take all the Goths Wives and Children Prisoners, and pillage their Goods; whom they should do well to oppose, by wintring securely at home, and if they vanquish them, they shall with more ease fall again in the next Spring upon Sicily, not expecting hostility. Totilas upon this advise left Garrisons in four strong Towns, and past into Italy with all his Booty.  
John and the Emperor's Army meant to winter at Salonae, and from thence with the first of the Spring to march by Land to Ravenna. But the Slavonians, both those who formerly foraged the Empire, and others, spoiled again with full liberty the Provinces. Some suspected Totilas to have hired them, to divert the Emperor with new business from putting the Gothick War into a better order. But whether to gratify Totilas, or otherwise, certainly these Slavonians did desperate mischiefs in Europe, dividing themselves into three parties, & not sacking Towns, but wintring in them, as in some Province of their own, and fearing no Enemy. The Emperor sent at last an Army against them, under Constantianus, Aratius, Nazares, and Justinus the Son of Germanus, and John Phagas, and other Captains; & made Scholasticus an Eunuch of his Palace, Commander in chief. This Army met one of the Barbarian parties about Adrianopolis in the midland of Thrace, five day's journey from Constantinople. The Barbarians being clogged with an innumerable booty of men, Cattles; and other Wealth, durst not come on; And the Romans, though eager to fight, dissembled it. The Slavonians were encamped up on a Mountain, and the Romans in the plain; who there besieged them; till the Soldiers murmuring at their Generals, that they had plenty of Provisions themselves, while the Common Soldier wanted Food, and so they delayed to fight with the Enemy; the Generals were constrained to come to a fight: which was hotly fought; But the Romans were beaten, and many of their best men slain; and the Generals escaped narrowly with the rest. The Ensign of Constantianus the Slavonians took. And now despising the Roman Army, they went on, and foraged the Province called Astica, or Suburbuna, which was never foraged before; So that they found great Booty in it. They pillaged in many places of the Country, and came up to the Long walls, a day's journey from Constantinople. But the Romans fought afterwards with part of them, routed them, and after much slaughter rescued great numbers of Roman Captives, and recovered the Ensign of Constantianus. The rest with the remainder of their Booty went homeward.   
Finis Lib. 3. Bell. Goth.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE GOTHICK WAR.  

Chap. I. THIS Book is a supplement of the former History. Pontus Euxinus. Honey bitter in Trapesond. The River Boas takes the name of Acampsis in the Sea. Absarus, or Apsyrtus, Christians. Scunia, Suania The Phasis: Jason's fleece.  
Chap. II. Mount Caucasus. The Huns about it. The Alans. Portae Caspiae. No Amazons, but Hunnish wives, accompanying their husbands to war. The Abasgians cruel covetous Kings; they turn Christians. The Bruchians, Zecchians, Sagines. Sebastopolis, and Pityuntium demolished. Gothi Tetraxitae anciently Christians: Justinian sends them a Bishop, as to the Abasgians. Their first Issue upon the Empire by occasion of hunting a stag.  
Chap. III. The Caturgurian Huns join with the Goths called Tetraxites, to infest the Empire. The description from the Cimmerian straits to the mouth of the River Ister. Phasis, not Tanais, divides Europe and Asia. The Lake of Maeotis not the Mother of the Euxine Sea.  
Chap. IU. Cosroes desires to have Lazica, from thence to invade the Romans of Europe by land. A battle in Lazica, where Dagisthaeus defeats the Persian army, with the death of Chorsanes their Cenerall.  
Chap. V. The revolt of the Abasgians, Bessas' is made General of Armenia. Sends John Guzes against the Abasgians; who subdues them, Apsilia revolts, and is reduced by John Guzes.  
Chap. VI Anatozadus punished by Chosroes his Father with deformity. Tribunus an honest Phifytian. Isdigunas' the proud Persian is again sent Ambassador. The siege of Petra: And of the leather Rams devised by Sabirian Huns.  
Chap. VII. Petra is taken by the valour and counsel of Bessas', and John Guzes, and by an accident of fire. The obstinate valour of the Persians in the Citadel, where all are consumed. Bessas' by this recovers his lost Reputation at Rome.  
Chap. VIII. Mermeroes' seizes upon Lazica with an army, through the negligence and Avarice of Bessas'. He frights away a Roman army, and sits down before Archaeopolis: The Romans are persuaded by their Commanders to sally.  
Chap. IX. The Romans by a brave sally beat the Persians from Archaeopolis, and kill 4000 men. The Castle of C●taesis. Justinian buys another five years' peace by making the Romans in a manner Tributaries. Isdigunas, the Persian Ambassador, hath excessive presents. Extraordinary heats in the Winter.  
Chap. X. Uchimerium is betrayed to Mermeroes', when is absolute Master of the Field; and invites Gubazes to yield, who refuses. Silk Worms are brought first by Monks out of India in their Bags. Mermeroes' is reinforced in Lazica, but does nothing.  
Chap. XI. Africa quiet. A Panic fear makes a Truce between the Gepaedes and Lombard's. Caturgurian Huns invade the Empire; And the Uturgurians their Country, which draws them home; and some of them are planted in the Empire, which the Uturgurians take ill.  
Chap. XII. Of the Brittians, and Varnians, who were vanquished in Fight, and their King taken Prisoner by a valiant Maid, whom he married. A Fable of the transporting Souls into Brittia. I suppose this Brittia to be that peninsule of Cimbrica Chersonesus, where the Angles did inhabit before their invading Britain.  
Chap. XIII. Narses is made General against the Goths, which was presaged by an Ox. Totilas reputes his defacing Rome. Of the Ship of Aenaeas, than a Monument in Rome. Corcyra is Phaeacia. The Ship of Ulysses, and that placed by Agamemnon at Geraestum.  
Chap. XIV. The Goths plunder Corcyra, and Epirus. The Sea-fight at Ancona, and Victory of John. Sicily is recovered by Artabanes. Justinian will hear of no accord with the Goths.  
Chap. XV. Theobald, the Son of Theodebert, King of the Francs, will not abandon the Goths. The Goths take Corsica, and Sardinia. The Slavonians spoil the Empire. Justinian hath a double treaty with the Lombard's, and Gepaedes.  
Chap. XVI. Great Earthquakes in Greece. The Siege of Crotona is raised. Narses marches from Salonae into Italy, and comes to Ravenna His gallant Army, and his own Virtue is described. The Fancks refuse his Army passage through Venetia; so he resolves to march by the Italian Coast, having Boats to make Bridges for his men to pass.  
Chap. XVII. A Digression of Ildigisal a Lombard, basely murdered, where they fled for refuge. Usdrilas, after his bragging Letter, is slain; and Narses passes the River at Ariminum, to meet Totilas.  
Chap. XVIII. The Armies of Totilas and Narses meet. Gallant Service done by 50. Romans, defending a Hill. The Captains make Speeches to their Soldiers, and order the Battle.  
Chap. XIX. Cocas is slain in Duel by a Roman. Totilas after some Gllantry, to spin out the ●ime (his 2000 men he stayed for, being come up) baegins the fight, wherein the Goths are defeated, and Totilas slain.  
Chap. XX. The Lombard's are sent home. Teias is made King of the Goths. The Vengeance against Ulithus at Perusia. Rome taken by Dagistthaeus. The Victory of Narses baneful to the Roman Citizens. Ragnaris breaks his Faith concerning the yielding of Tarentum, and is overthrown by Bacurius. Portus, Nepa, Petra-pertusa taken in. The Francs will join with neither side.  
Chap. XXI. The Armies prepare to fight. Of mount Vesuvius, and the torrent of fire there. The Goths fly to Mons Lactis: but being from thence starved, they give Battle, which lasted two whole days. The miraculous Valour of Teias, who is slain. And the Goths compounded for their Lives, and Goods, and to quit Italy.    

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS of the Emperor JUSTINIAN.  
Of the GOTHJCK War, the Fourth BOOK:  

CHAP. I.  
MY discourse hath hitherto been distributed and accommodated to the several places where the actions were done, and is published throughout the whole Roman Empire. But now I cannot compile the same in that manner, nor insert into a History already published succeeding Occurrents; but must write in this Tract apart, touching these Enemies, and the Persians, what hath happened since the Edition of my History; and so the discourse thereof cannot be but mixed. The Occurrents until the fourth year of the Quinquenniall Cessation between the Romans and the Persians, were formerly related. The year following a Persian Army invaded Lazica, under Chorsanes a Persian, and an experienced Commander, accompanied with alan's. This Army encamped itself in a Province of Lazica, named Mucheirisis, by which the River of Phasis runs, not navigable there, but to be passed by Men and Horses; and they entrenched to the right hand of it some distance off.  
But that the Readers may have a clear notion of Lazica, and of the people about it, and not converse with things obscure to them, like men fight with shadows: I have thought it seasonable here to discourse, what kind of people dwell upon the Euxine Sea; conceiving, that the Ancients who have written thereof, have not handled it exactly; speaking of Tzanians, whom they make to border with the Trapezuntians, and name Colchians; and calling the now Lazians by another name; being in both mistaken. For the Tzanians are high in the Land, and border upon Armenia, having steep Mountains in the way to it, a vast and desert Country, deep Torrents, and Hills thick with Wood, and unaccessible Valleys; all which are between them and the Sea. Nor can the Colchians be other than the Lazians, seeing they dwell now upon the Phasis. They have only changed their name, as many other Nations. And since those Writers many ages have innovated much, by the transplantations of people, and successions of Princes, and altered their names. All which I am to take notice of, omitting both fabulous and old obsolete things; as upon what part of the Euxine Sea the Poets bound Prometheus, (Histories and Fables being different works) but to set down punctually both names and things notorious in those parts.  
This Sea gins at Constantinople, and Chalcedon, and ends in Lazica. Within it on the right hand is Bythinia; then Honorias, and Paphlagonia, where stand Heraclea and Amastris, Maritime Towns. Next to them are the Pontic Nations, to the borders of Trapezond, where are Sinope and Amisus, Sea towns; not far from Amisus is Themiscyrus, and the River Thermodon, where they say was the Amazons Camp; of whom more anon. The territory of Trapezond reaches to Susurmaena, and Rizaeum, which stands upon the coast in the way to Lazica, two day's journey from Trapezond. In all the Territory of that City of Trapezond the Honey is bitter: To the right hand of these Cities are the Mountains of Tzanica, beyond which is the Roman Armenia. From those Mountains descends the River of Boas, through infinite Thickets, and a Woodland Country, into Lazica, and disimbogues into the Euxine Sea; than it quits the name of Boas, and takes that of Acampsis, because it bends not, nor yields to the current of the Sea. For the stream is so strong and troublous, that running far into the Sea, the Ships sailing that way keep off at Sea, not able to hold on their course, and cut through that swift stream.  
Next to Rizaeum are Mountains dividing Lazica from Roman Land, and inhabited by free Nations, and a Village called Athens; not so called from a Colony of Athenians (as some suppose) but from Athenaea, in ancient time Lady of that Country, whose Tomb remains to this day. Next to Athens is Archabis, and Apsarus an ancient City, three day's journey from Rizaeum, in old time named Apsyrtus, from a man of that name slain by the plots of Medea and Jason near unto that place; but many ages and successions of men have corrupted the memory of that act, and changed the name into Absarus; on the East side of which City stands yet the Tomb of that Apsyrtus. It was anciently very populous, and had excellent Walls, and a Circus, and a Theatre, and such other Ornaments of a great City. But of those antiquities nothing now remains but the Pavements: By this it appears strange, that any should affirm that the Colchians were borderers to the Trapazuntians. For so may Jason be thought not to have fled home into Greece with Medea and the Golden fleece, but to have gone the quite contrary way to the Phasis and furthest Barbarians. In the Reign of Tra●an some say a Roman Legion was there garrisoned even to Lazica, and Suania. But now the Inhabitants are subject neither to the Roman Emperor, nor King of Lazica: But only that being Christians, the Bishops of Lazica, appoint them 
* Or Bishop's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Priests. They are in amity with both, and convoy their Ambassadors to each in small Barks, which they use; but to this hour they will pay tribute to neither. To the right hand of this Country are steep craggy Mountains, and a Desert reaching very fare: Above it is Persarmenia, and the Roman Armenia, reaching as far as Iberia. From the said Absarus to the City of Petra, and Marches of Lazica, is one day's journey, where the Euxine Sea ends; which Sea makes there a half Moon, and the passage crossing the same is about sixty nine miles.  
All behind the end of the Euxine is Lazica, next to which is Scumia, and Suania, both subject to the Lazians. They have Princes still of their own Nation; but when any of them die, the King of Lazica appoints another in his room. On one side of this Country are the M●s●hians, reaching almost to Iberia, to which they have been anciently Subjects, and dwell upon the Mountains, which are not wild nor barren, but abound with all commodities, and the people are good husbands, especially for Vines. Over this Country hang very high Mountains, thick with Wood, and hard to be passed, extending almost to the Caucascan. Mountains. Beyond them Eastward is Iberia, reaching to Persarmenia. Between these Mountains descends the Phasis, springing from Mount Caucasus, and disimboguing into the middle of the said half Moon at the end of the Euxine, whereupon some hold that it divides the two Continents, having Asia on the left hand, and Europe on the right. On Europe side are the Lazians dwellings, having on the other side no Town nor Fortress but Petra, lately built by the Romans. The Country people hold that the Golden Fleece was kept on Europe side, but in my opinion they are mistaken: For Jason had never gotten away with Medea and the golden Fleece unespyed by Aeetes; if the King's Palace, and Houses of the Colchians had not been separated by the River from the place where the Fleece was kept; which may appear also by the Poems written on that subject. The Phasis (as I have said) thus enters into the further end of the Euxine, and at one point of the said half Moon stands Petra on Asia side: Over against which, on Europe side, is Apsilia, a Country of the Lazians; the people whereof are Christians, as all the rest before mentioned.   

CHAP. II.  
ABout Apsilia stands Mount Caucasus, so high, that neither Rains, nor Snows touch the top of it, being higher than any Clouds. From the midst to the foot, it is perpetually covered with the Snow; the foot of this Mountain being as high as the very ridges of other Mountains: Some parts of the said foot of Caucasus run out to the West, and Northward, even to Illyrium and Thrace; other parts of it to the East and , reach to the two straits, which let in the Hunnish Nations upon the Romans and Persians: The one of the straits is called Tzur, the other is called the Caspian Gates. The Country extending from Mount Caucasus to the Caspian Gates the Alans' hold, subject to none, but as Confederates they serve the Persians, against the Romans, and all the World. Under Mount Caucasus dwell the Sabirian Huns, and some other Hunnish Nations. From hence, they say, issued the Amazons, and made a Camp at Themiscyrus, by the River of Thermodon; near where now stands the City of Amisus. But now no Monument is left of any Amazons in the Countries about Mount Caucasus. Strabo and some others have spent much discourse about them: But they seem to speak most truly, who think that there was never any such Mannish race of Women; nor that Nature, in Mount Caucasus only, swerves from its sacred Laws; but that the Barbarians of those parts, making an expedition against Asia, brought their Wives with them, whom they left in a Camp near Thermodon: And that themselves overrunning much of Asia, were encountered, and so defeated, that none escaped to the Camp; and that there the Wives being put to it by the fear of the People adjoining, and by their want of Victual, put on men's faces, and armed themselves with furniture left behind by their Husbands, and with the same performed some commendable Actions, compelled by necessity, till they were all slain. This is my Opinion, and that the Amazons were Wives who went to War with their Husbands; the experiment whereof hath happened in our time. And commonly the addictions which descend to Posterity, are the Images of those which were before. For the Huns, in their inroads upon the Romans often coming to a Battle, wherein some of them were slain; and the Romans searching the dead bodies, have found Women among them. Other Armies of Women were never, neither infesting Asia nor Europe. Neither was it ever heard that the Caucasian Mountains had all their men wasted at any time. And so much touching the Amazons.  
Beyond Apsilia, and the other point of the aforesaid half Moon, is Abasgia, to the Caucasian Mountains. The Abasgians were formerly subject to the Lazians, and had two Princes of their own Nation; one seated in the West, and the other towards the East. They did worship, till my time, Groves, and Woods, and in a Barbarian simplicity esteemed Trees to be Gods. But they suffered much from the covetousness of their Princes; who took violently from the Parents such Children as were beautiful, and made them Eunuches, and sold them to the Romans at great prices; then killed the Fathers, lest they might revenge their Children's abusing, and that they might not have suspected Subjects. And thus the poor Wretches were ruined by the fatal handsomeness of their Children: And hereby most of the Eunuches of the Imperial Palace were Abasgians. But in the now Reign of Justinian all hath been changed for the Abasgians to the milder and more civil. They have received the Christian Religion; And the Emperor sent Euphratas his Eunuch expressly to admonish their Princes, to force out no more the virility of humane nature with Iron, and the Abasgians, bold upon this injunction of the Emperor, have opposed that course; which made it formerly their greatest fear to be Fathers of handsome Sons. The Emperor also built for them a Church dedicated to the Mother of God, appointing them 
* Or Bishops.  Priests, and causing them to be instructed in the Christian rites. They also deposed both their Princes, and became a free State. Beyond the Abasgians towards Mount Caucasus are the Bruchians, and the Alamans. Towards the Sea Coast are the Zecchians, to whom anciently the Roman Emperor gave their King, but now in nothing they obey the Romans. The Country of the Sagines is next, wherein formerly the Romans built two Castles upon the Sea-coast; Sebastopolis and Pityus, distant from each other two day's journey, and there put the first Garrison of Soldiers in those parts. Before, the Roman Coho●ts were Garrisoned by the Seaside, from Trapezond to the Sagines, but then held only these Castles, where were Garrisons till my time. But Chosroes, King of Persia (the Lazians having drawn him into Petra) intended to send an Army to surprise those Castles; and the Romans within them hearing it, burned them, and threw down the Walls, and fled to the opposite continent by Sea to Trapezond, whereby they damnified indeed the Romans, by demolishing those Castles, but they prevented the Persians from being Masters of the Country; who forthwith went back to Petra, without doing any thing.  
Beyond the Sagines are many Hunnish Nations in a Country called Eulysia, possessed by those Barbarians in the Maritime and midland parts thereof to the Lake of Maeotis, and River of Tanais, which disembogues into the said Lake, and the Lake into the Euxine Sea. Anciently the Inhabitants were called Cimmerians, but now Vturgurians. Beyond whom to the Northward are innumerable races of Antians: where the Lake gins to disembogue, are the Goths, called Tetraxites, observers of the Christian Religion, no men more. The Natives call this disembogure, Tanais, which reaches from Maeotis to the Euxine, and running along 20. day's journey; and they call the wind which blows from thence, Tanaites. These Goths whether they were Arrians, as the other Gothish Nations, or otherwise instructed in Christianity, I cannot say, nor do themselves know; but they profess the same with much simplicity, and without disputes. Lately they sent four Ambassadors to Justinian, for a Bishop to be given them, as to the Abasgians: And the Emperor dismissed them with satisfaction in what they desired. The said Ambassadors in their public audience, expressed no other cause them that, for fear of the Huns: But being admitted privately, they acquainted the Emperor with what might advantage the Romans (all ‛ Barbarians having ever some piques with their Neighbours.) The planting of these Tetraxites in that Country was thus. Anciently multitudes of Huns, then called Cimmerians, kept their Herds in the same, and were governed by a King. One of their Kings had two Sons, named Vturgur, and Caturgur, who after their Father's decease, divided the Kingdom; and gave their names to their several Subjects; and they are yet called Vturgurians, and Caturgurians. They have all the same addictions, and converse not with the Nations dwelling on the other side of the Lake of Maeotis, and the Cimmerian straits, fearing the passage, though very easy, because they never had tried it. On the said other side near unto the shore of the said Lake and straits, were formerly seated the Tetraxite Goths, and not far from them the Goths, and Visigoths, and Vandals, and all the other Gothick Nations, anciently named Scythians, as all the other Nations of those parts, with some difference in some of Sarmatians, Melanclaenians, and other names. These People have a tradition, if it be true, that some Cimmerian young men hunting a Stag, it took the water; and that they either eager upon their sport, or driven by some Spirit, followed the Stage to the opposite shore: where the same (whatsoever it were) suddenly vanished, as having appeared to no other end, but to bring a mischief upon the Inhabitants there. The young men, (they say) though they missed their game, found matter for war and booty. And returning home told the Cimmerians, how the passage was fordable; who instantly took arms, and in multitudes passed over to the other side. The Vandals were gone before, and seated in Africa; and the Visigoths were in Spain. So they fell upon the Goths, who dwelled in the Champion, killed many, and chased away the rest. Such as escaped past the river Ister with their wives and children into the Roman territory, where they did much mischief. Afterward the Emperor planted them in a country of Thrace; and sometimes they aided the Romans in the quality of Confederates, receiving yearly pensions: whereby it appears, that the Goths came not as men conquered, but upon the articles of a League, (The Romans calling Leagues after a war, Foedera.) Sometime also they made causeless war upon the Romans, till under Theoderick they removed into Italy.   

CHAP. III.  
BUt (as I said) the Huns having slain many of them, and driven away more, possessed their country: And the Caturgurians sent for their wives and children, and are planted there to this day; receiving from the Emperor yearly pensions, yet passing continually the River Ister, and overrunning the Empire, being both confederates, and Enemies. The Vturgurians returned home with their Prince, where still they remain. They passed the Cimmerian straits again against the Goths, wasted, as aforesaid: Who at first stood fenced with their shields against the Enemy in battle being confident in their power, and the strength of their country: And themselves are the valiantest Barbarians in those parts; and the straits (where about dwell these Goths) from the Entrance out of the Lake of Maeotis presently spreads into a Bay, embracing most of those people, and hath one only narrow passage over. The Huns meant not to spend much time there; and the Goths could not hope to hold out long against such a multitude; so they came to a Capitulation, that the Goths should go over and dwell with them in the opposite Continent, (where now they are) and be in perpetual League with the Vturgurians upon equal terms. Thus the Caturgurians hold the other side of the Lake, and the Vturgurians their former country, never troubling the Romans; but secluded by many nations, they observe an unwilling peace. Beyond the Lake, and the River Tanais, the Caturgurian Huns have a large country, all beyond that way, is possessed by the Scythians and Taurians: part whereof is yet named Taurica, where stood the Temple of Diana, of which Iphigenia, Agamemnon's daughter, was chief Priest. The Armenians say, that that Temple stood in Celesene, a country adjoining to them; and that the Inhabitants thereof were then called Scythians; grounding themselves upon that which I related formerly concerning Orestes, and the city of Comana. Thus many things happening otherwhere, or peradventure no where, men are fond to attribute to their own countries, and are angry if all men yield not to their conceits.  
Next to the aforesaid Nations is Bosporus, a maritime city, lately become subject to the Romans. From Bosporus to Chersone a maritime City also, and formerly subject to the Romans, all between is possessed by Hunnish nations. Cepi also, and Phanaguris, two cities, were formerly under the Romans, almost until our time; but the neighbouring Barbarians took, them and utterly ruined them. From Cherson to the mouth of the Danuby, or Ister, is ten day's journey, all inhabited by Barbarians.  
The River Ister springs from the mountains in Gaul, and skirting by Italy, and descending through Dacia, Illyrium, and Thrace; it disembogues into the Euxine Sea. From the mouth of the River Ister unto Constantinople all belongs to the Roman Emperor. This is the whole circuit of the Euxine Sea, from Chalcedon to Constantinople. How many miles it contains, I cannot say; so many Barbarians inhabiting the coasts (with whom the Romans have no commerce, unless it be upon Ambassages) and they who formerly pretend to have taken the measure of it, not speaking exactly. Certain it is, that from Chalcedon on the right hand side of the Euxine, to the River Phasis is two and fifty day's journey; and one may conjecture that the other side differs not much.  
And here I think it not unseasonable to set down the dispute among the Learned, concerning the bounds of Asia and Europe. Some think the River of Tanais doth sever these two continents, and allege that division to be natural. For the Sea coming from the western lands to the Eastern; the Tanais, from the North crosses between Europe and Asia; and the Egyptian Nile, from the South between Asia and Africa; others reject this reason as weak, saying, that the straits of Calais distinguishes at first these two continents, and that the Mediterranean still leaves afric and Asia on the right hand, and Europe on the left, till it come to the Ends of the Euxine Sea. But the Tanais springs in Europe, and disembogues into the Lake of Maeotis, and the lake falls into the Euxine, not into the end of it, nor into the middle; but further. Now all to the right hand of the Euxine is attributed to Asia. Moreover the River Tanais springing from the Riphaan mountains, which are confessed by themselves and the ancients to be in Europe; and the Ocean being far distant from these mountains, the land behind them on both sides must necessarily be Europ●an. Where then gins the River Tanais to distinguish the continents? If some River must divide them, it can be no other than the river Phasis; which descending directly oposite to the straits of Calais, cuts between those two continents,; as those straits also have them on each side of it; opening from the Ocean to the midland Seas. And the Phasis likewise entering at the end of that part of the midland Seas, called Pontus Euxinus, manifestly receives from the Sea the continuation of dividing the Earth. This last opinion challenges antiquity, aswell as the other. For indeed, men possessed of some ancient learning in a thing, commonly have not the patience to search long touching the truth of it, nor will endure new opinions. To them ever the ancienter the things are, the truer they seem, and they deride all of their own time as despicable. But the question now is not about Intelligences, and Intelligibles, nor such obscurites; but of a River and a country, which time could neither change nor conceal: Neither herein is there any thing can hinder a diligent searcher from finding the truth. And yet Herodotus, an ancient writer L. 4. says, that the Earth is in one piece; but distinguished in three parts and names, viz, Africa, Asia, Europe; and that the Egyptian Nile cuts Asia, afric; and the Colchian Phasis, Asia, and Europe; and he taking notice also of the other opinion concerning Tanais, hath these words. I cannot guess from whence three names are given to the Earth, (being one piece) and those of women. Nor why the bounds thereof are set to be, the Egyptian Nile, and the Colchian Phasis, or (as some say) the River of ●anais, Lake of Maeotis, and Cimmerian straits. The Tragedian Aelcylus also in beginning of his Tragedy called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 calls Phasis, the boundary of the land of Asia, and Europe. Another opinion there is among the Learned, that the Lake of Maeotis doth make the Euxine sea, spreading part to the right side of it, part to the left; and is therefore called the mother of the Euxine The ground of their conjectureiss, because a current of this sea comes from the place called Hieron like a River, to Constantinople; and so they think the Euxine to end at Hieron. But against this down is alleged, that the Ocean is still the same, and ends no where before it arrive at Lazica; unless men will argue from variety of names, the one being called Pontus, the other Thalassa, both signifying the Sea, And the current from Hieron to Constantinople is no proof, many things happen in Straits of the Sea, not subject to common reason, and none can express the causes of them. Aristotle himself, a most learned man, went purposely to Chalchis in Euboea, to consider the straits called Euripus, and the natural reason, why the tide there comes sometimes from the west and sometime from the East, according to which all ships made their course: and if with a tide from the East, the ships steered on, and then the stream came against them (as often happens there) instantly they were driven back again, and others came on from the West with the tide, though they had no wind at all. The Stagirite revolving this long in his mind, grew weary of his life, and there they say ended it. In the straits likewise between Italy and Sicily, with a seeming contrariety to reason, a current puts in from the Adriatic sea, where as the tide is from the ocean and Calais, and sudden Eddi●s without any apparent reason cast away many ships. Whence the Poets fain the swallowing up of ships by Charybdis. And all this happens thus strangely in Straits, because the tide is contracted in a narrow passage between two lands, and so falls into those necessities, whereof no reason appears: And so the coming of a current from Hieron to Constantinople is no argument that the Mediterranean and Euxine Seas have there their end. The said reason hath no natural foundation; but there also the narrowness of the straits must carry it: And the fishermen of that coast find that current to Constantinople, to be only upon the upper part of the water (which is seen by us) and towards the bottom quite contrary: Where sinking their Drags, they find them carried up to Hieron by the tide below. But in Lazica the Land beats the tide directly back again (whereas by all other shores it passes on side-long) and there only causes it both to stay its course, and to retire; as if the Creator had there sets its limits. The Sea touching that shore runs no further, and rises no higher, though from all sides supplied with numberless Rivers, and some great ones; but back it goes, as being extended to its just measure, and keeping its bounds and limits in (as it were) by the awful necessity of some Law, the articles whereof it is careful not to transgress. These are their arguments, whereof every man may judge as he pleases.   

CHAP. IU.  
BUT why Chosroes was so desiroust of Lazica, having said something before, I will now relate what most induced him, having thus described the aforesaid Countries, and thereby made my discourse more clear. The Persians often had invaded the Roman Territories under Chosroes, and done mischiefs there not to be expressed: But they got little by it, but came home still with much loss of their men and estates, whereupon at their return into Persia they murmured against Chosroes, calling him the ruiner of their Nation. Once coming home out of Lazica, and being fallen into some desperate extremities, they were ready to mutiny; and had slain him, if he had not foreseen it, and warded it, by gaining the principal of them with fair words. And being desirous to find some real Apology, he was studious to procure some notable advantage to the Persian Empire. He attempted the City of Daras, but was repulsed (as I have said) and he despaired to get it, either by surprise, the Guards being well kept, or by a siege. There being still in Daras all Provisions laid up in store for a long time: And besides near it rises a Spring in a Rocky ground, which makes a pretty River, descending directly into the City: an no Enemy can divert it, nor force it another way, by reason of the Rocks. Being within the City it goes round about it, and having filled their Ponds and Cisterns, it goes out again, and close unto the Town-wals falls into a bottomless pit, and is seen no more, nor hitherto knows any man where it rises again. This pit was not always there, but it happened thus, long after the building of Doras' by Anastasius the Emperor. By reason of this natural situation of the place, they who besiege it are afflicted with much want of water: So that Chosroes failing in this attempt, thought of taking some other Roman Town; but far within the Roman Territories to sit down before any City, leaving so many strong places at his back, he thought it impossible. For this reason he laid Antioch flat with the ground, and quitted the Roman-Territories, so that his thoughts mounted after hopes further off, and full of difficulty. For hearing how the Barbarians seated on the left hand of the Euxine Sea, about the Lake of Maeotis, do without control overrun the Roman Provinces; he thought also by having Lazica to pass unto Constantinople itself, without crossing the Sea, as well as those Barbarians. And for this cause the Persians strive to get Lazica. But to return from whence I digressed.  
Corianes with the Persian army encamped by the River of Hippis, and against them Gubazes King of Lazica, and Dagisthaeus commander of the Roman army, led their forces of Romans and Lazians. They passed the said River, and being there encamped, they consulted whether they should stay there, or receive the Enemy marching them, or should march against the Enemy, and by giving demonstration of the courage and by beginning the fight, charge them with less apprehension of danger themselves, and abate the Enemy's spirits. This counsel prevailed that they should charge them, and on they went: But the Lazians refused to join with the Roman Troops, who, they said, were not to fight for their Country and dearest pledges, themselves adventuring for Wives and Children, and their native soil: So that being overcome, they should be ashamed to look upon their Wives; by which necessity, valour (in case they had none) would grow in them. And they would have the first charge, lest the Romans, who could not have an equal eagerness to theirs, should in the fight break their orders. Gubazes being glad to see his Lazians so gallant, called them together at some distance from the Romans, and spoke thus.  
Countrymen! I know nor whether it be sit to use exhortations to courage, your forwardness provoked by necessity not needing any: The danger is about Wives and Children, and your Country, and for 〈◊〉 which the Persians now invade you. And none will willingly suffer others to take their estates from them by force, nature compelling men to contend for their right. You know how nothing will stop the Persians avarice, if once they get power. They will not now rule over you only, and lay tributes, and in other things make you subject; but ruin and transplant you, if they have the better in this Warr. We cannot forget what Chosroes lately attempted against us: And let me not so much as mention the trial of the Persians in that kind nor let ever the name of the Laz●ans be extinguished. Our fight with them will not be difficult; we have often fought with them, and vanquished them. And there is no hardness in things, we have been used to; the toilsomenesse thereof being spent in our former practice. So that we must not apprehend an Enemy often beaten; as being now not so valiant as they were before; and a spirit once dejected, commonly neve rising again. With these considerations therefore, encounter the Enemy with courage. Having thus said, he led them on. The army was thus ordered. The Lazian horse were set in the front, and a good distance behind them came on the Roman horse, commanded by Philegagus a Gepaede, a valiant man, and by John the Armenian, surnamed Guzes, formerly spoken of by me, an extraordinary good soldier. In the rear came Gubazes, and the King of the Lazians, and Dagisthaeus, the Roman General, with their foot; that if the horse were routed, they might escape unto them. Corianes on the other side sent a thousand choice men well armed to discover, himself marching after them, and leaving only some few to guard the camp. The Lazians being foremost, and coming to the business, gave the lie to their former confidence. For lighting suddenly upon the Enemies Avant-coureurs, they being unable to withstand them, came galloping all back in confusion, and mingled with the Roman Horse; glad to fly to those, with whom before they made scruple to be ranked. Both the Cavalleries being near, they joined not battle, but each, when the Enemy came on, gave back, and set on them retiring, and so spent much time in renewing charges, and in quick turns and returns. In the Roman army was one Artabanes a Persarmenian, revolted lately to the Roman army, having secured his faith by the kill of a hundred and twenty Persian Soldiers. He got access to Valerianus, than General of Armenia, and desired of him fifty Romans, with whom he went to a Castle in Persarmenia, guarded by a hundred and twenty Persians; who received him with his men, not knowing of his revolt. This Garrison they killed, and returned to Valerianus; and Artabanes appearing by this sure and firm to the Romans, served them in their wars. In this encounter he put himself between the armies accompanied with two Romans; against them came some Enemies, whom Artabanes charging killed a Persian, valiant, and of a strong body, and threw him from his Horse to the ground. A Barbarian standing next, strake Artabanes with his Sword upon the head, but no mortal blow. One of Artabanes two Companions, a Goth, while the Persians hand was yet over the head of Artabanes, thrust him into the left flank and killed him. The thousand that were sent out at this retired, and stayed for Corianes, and the rest of the Army of Persians and alan's, and soon after they joined: Then came up the Infantry both of Gubazes and Dagisthaeus to the Horse, and the fight came to handy blows. Philegagus and John finding themselves too weak for the Enemy's horse, and having seen what the Lazians could do, lighted, and caused the Romans and Lazians to do the like; and with the foot they stood in a deep battalion opposite to the Enemy and charging with their Lances. The Persians being not able to charge the Enemy being on foot, nor to break their battalion, and their Horses flying back, troubled with the heads of the Lances and noise of the shields, they trusted with the multitude of their arrows to break them. The Romans also, and the Lazians let fly their arrows, and they coming thick, many were slain on both sides. The Persians and alan's discharged oftener; but the arrows for the most part rebounded from the Romans shields. Corianes, the Persian General, was shot into the neck ' (by whom it was not known) of which he died instantly; and his death swayed the victory to the Romans side: For the falling from his horse, forthwith the Persians ran away to their camp. The Romans pursued, killed many, and hoped to take the Enemy's camp at first assault; But an Alan a strong man, & very expert to shoot backward and forward, put himself into the narrowest entrance into the Trenches, and stopped the invaders a long time; until John Guzes killed him with his Lance, and then the Romans took the Camp. Many Persians there perished, the rest returned home as they could. This was the success of that Persian invasion of Lazica. Another army also came, and victualled the Garrison in Petra; and then retired home.   

CHAP. V.  
IN the mean time the Lazians at Constantinople accused Dagisthaeus of Treachery, and favouring the Persians; and that by the persuasions of the Persians he forbore to assault that part of the Walls of Petra, which fell down, and that the while the Enemy fortified the breach with sack-fuls of Sand laid one upon another: And that for money, or negligently he lost his opportunity, by putting of the assault, which he could never after recover. The Emperor upon this confined Dagisthaeus to his house, and made Bessas', lately come out of Italy, General of Armenia; whom he directed also to command the Army in Lazica, sent thither before under Venilus, Brother to Buzes, and Odonachus, and Babas the Thracian, and Vligangus an Herulian. Nabedes also came into Lazica with an Army, but effected nothing worth the mentioning; save only a defection of the Abasgians from the Romans and Lazians; and upon the occasion of being there with an Army, the taking of sixty Sons of their principal men for Hostages; and the taking Prisoner in his way Theodora in Apsilia, the Widow of Opsites, late Uncle to Gubazes, and King of Lazica. She was by birth a Roman, the Kings of Lazica having long used by the Emperor's consent, to take Wives in Constantinople, and to make allyances with sundry Senators: And Gubazes himself was the Son of a Roman Lady. The reason moving the Abasgians to revolt, was this. After they had (as I said before) deposed their Kings, some Roman Garrisons were by the Emperor laid upon the Country, who sought to reduce it under the Roman Dominion, and exacted new things, using violent ways, which discontented the Abasgians; And lest they should be brought into slavery to the Romans, they set up Kings again: Opsites of the Eastern part of the Country and Scaparnas of the Western. They were grown desperate of any good, and so chose rather to resume their former condition, though bad, then to retain the worse which succeeded; and fearing the Romans power, revolted secretly to the Persian. But the Emperor perceiving it, commanded Bessas' to march against them: who sent some choice numbers of his Army under Vligangus, and John Guzes. One of the new Kings of Abasgia had been lately sent for into Persia by Chosroes, where he than was. The other drew the Abasgians together, and opposed the Roman invasion. Upon the confines of Apsilia and way to Abasgia, is a high Mountain, beginning at Caucasus, and by degrees growing lower, till it ends in the Euxine Sea. At the foot of this Mountain the Abasgians have an ancient Castle of a considerable bigness, where they beat off any Enemy invading, the place being a great fastness, not possible to force. It hath one passage only, leading to this Castle, and into Abasgia, not passable but by one man at once a foot. Under the said footpath, is a deep Valley reaching to the Sea, and very stony; which hath gotten a name suitable for the roughness, being called Trachea. The Roman Fleet came to the confines of Abasgia, and Apsilia, where John and Vligangus landed their Forces, leaving the Seamen to wait on them near the Shore. They marched afoot unto Trachea, and seeing the Abasgians in Arms, and guarding the foot path, they were troubled. In the end John left there Vligangus with half the Army, and himself with the rest went aboard the Barks, and compassed the Trachea, so that he got the Backs of the Enemy. With Ensigns displayed he marched against them, who perceiving themselves charged on both sides, resisted not, but retired in confusion, so hampered with their fear and amazement, that they hardly found their own Country ways, nor easily got clear of them. The Romans on both sides had the execution, and killed many; and came running to the Castle, where they found the Guards shutting the Gates; but not able to put them to, and so still receiving in the pursued and Pursuers, pellmell, and not discerning Abasgians from Enemies, and by reason of the crowd being not able to close the Gates, the Abasgians, who were so glad to get within the walls, were taken with the castle. Yet the Romans, when they thought themselves masters of the Enemy, found a difficulty: for the houses standing close to one another, the Abasgians mounted the same, and shot down upon their heads, and defended themselves stoutly, out of fear and pity of their wives and children, till the Romans set the houses on fire, and so became absolute victors. Opsites, King of the Abasgians, fled with some few to the neighbouring Huns, and to mount Caucasus: The rest were consumed to ashes, or made prisoners. The Romans took both the King's wives, and all their children, demolished the Castle, and almost emptied the country: This was the success of the Abasgians revolt.  
But the Apsilians, being anciently subject to the Lazians, have in their country a strong Castle called Tzibulum; which Terdites, Master of the Palace in Lazica, having offended the King, and being discontented, agreed to betray to the Persians; and getting some Persian forces ready, he went into Apsilia. Being near the Castle, he road afore with his company of Lazians, and got in, the Garrison not distrusting a principal Officer of Lazica. And thus Terdites, so soon as the Persian forces came up, received them into the Castle; and the Persians now held themselves Masters, not only of Lazica, but of Apsilia also; while the Romans being busy about Petra, and to encounter the Persian army, had no means to send succours. But the Governor of that Castle had a fair wife, by birth an Apsilian, with whom the commander of the Persian forces fell fond in love; and when with his temptations he could not gain her, he attempted to force her; which so enraged her husband, that he killed him, and sacrificed also his Company to their commander's lust, and took the Castle to himself. Hereupon the Apsilians took occasion to revolt from the Lazians, charging them for not coming to their succours against the Persians. Gubazes sent against them a thousand Romans, and John Guzes; who with fair words brought them back to their former obedience to the Lazians. And thus was it concerning the Apsilians, and the castle of Tzibulum.   

CHAP. VI  
ABOUT the same time, the cruelty of Chosroes touched even upon his own blood. His eldest Son Anatozadus (which in the Persian language signifies, Immortal) had much offended him with his lewd courses, making no scruple to lie with his Father's Wives. At first Chosroes chastised him with Banishment, and confined him to the City of Lapato, seven day's journey from Ctesiphon, in a Province of Persia called Vazaine, a very good country; and soon after fell sick so dangerously, that he was reported to be dead; being of a sickly constitution: and having Physicians about him still of all countries, and among others Tribunus of Palaestina; a man famous for his art, and inferior to none of his time, & moreover a wise and a godly man, and very honest. He had formerly cured Chosroes & came out of Persia with many great presents; but at the making of the Quinquenniall cessation, Chosroes entreated the Emperor, to let him have Tribunus with him for one year; Who having performed his attendance, Chosroes bade him ask what he had a mind to. Tribunus instead of wealth, asked of him the liberty of some Roman captives; and got 3000 freed; besides some men of quality, whom he demanded by name. By this act Tribunus got a great reputation among all men. Anatozadus hearing of his Father's sickness, usurped, and rebelled; and though his Father were recovered, yet he put the City into revolt, and keenly pursued the Warr. Chosroes sent against him an army under Fabrizus, who won the battle; took Anatozadus Prisoner, and brought him to his Father. Chosroes blemished the young man's eyes, not by taking away the sight; but by distorting the eyelids into much ugliness, with irons red hot, applied to the out side of the Eyelids being shut. This Chosroes did, to cut off his hope of his Kingdom, the Law permitting not any man with any blemish to be King of Persia, as I have said before.  
Now also was the fifth year of the Cessation expired, and Justinian sent unto Chosroes, Peter a Patrician, and his Master of the Palace with commission to conclude an absolute truce for the East. Chosroes dismissed him with promise to send one shortly to finish all, as should be best for both: And soon after he sent Isdigunas again; a man supercilious and arrogant, and whose insolent puffing, and swelling was not tolerable to any Roman. He brought his wife and Brother with him, and a train so great, as if he were marching to a battle: He had also with him two principal Persians, who wore Diadems of Gold upon their heads. The Constantinopolitans murmured to see the Emperor honour him something more than according to the quality of an Ambassador. Bradicius the interpreter was not with him, whom they say Chosroes put to death, for presuming to sit at the same Table with the Emperor Justinian, who (said he) would not have admitted an Interpreter to such an honour, if he had not betrayed the Persian affairs. Some say, that Isdigunas charged him with secret conferences with the Romans. Isdigunas' now at his audience, said not a word of the peace; but complained of Transgressions against the Cessation; That Arethas, and the Saracen Confederates of the Romans committed spoils upon Alamundarus, during the truce, and some other things of small importance.  
In the mean time Bessas' sat down before Petra with the whole Army. The Romans mined in the same place where Dagisthaeus formerly had done, and for the same reason: For the Walls are for the most part founded upon a Rock; but in some places upon earth. Towards the West they are upon an impenetrable Rock, but not very thick, a piece whereof Dagisthaeus then, and now Bessas' digged into; but the nature of the ground bounded their Mine, not permitting it to proceed further than itself. After the retreat of Dagisthaeus, the Persians had mended the fallen piece of their Wall there, by filling up that which had been digged into, with pebble stones, and placing over it great beams, smoothed and tied together to a pretty breadth. This basis of Timber was in stead of a foundation, and upon it was the Wall set: Which the Romans not knowing, thought their Mine to be quite under the foundation; and having voided away much earth from beneath those timbers, they shook indeed the Wall, and a part of it suddenly sunk, but it inclined not to either side, nor had one stone disordered, but settled upright, whole and entire upon the digged ground, as if it had been let down with an Engine; only it was lower than before: And so the Romans could not assault the Town; Mermeroes' having formerly also with many hands raised all the Walls higher than ever. The Romans seeing the piece that sunk, and stood upright so, were much troubled. Mine they could no more, neither could they bring the Ram to the Wall, the ground being steep, and the Ram not being to be drawn but in even ground. In the Army than chanced to be Sabirian Huns, who inhabit about the Caucasian Mountains, and are populous, and divided into many Principalities. Some of their Princes are ancient friends to the Roman Emperor, some to the King of Persia; who give Pensions in Gold to their several Confederates, not yearly, but upon occasions. The Emperor to his Confederates had lately sent Gold for their aid in this War: But the Messenger finding it unsafe to pass the Caucasian Mountains, and by an Enemy with Money, came to Bessas' before Petra, and from thence sent to the Sabirians, to send some to receive the Money, who presently-sent three of their Princes into Lezica, and these were with the Army at the assault. When they saw the Romans despairing, they devised a new Engine, never thought of by the Romans nor Persians, who notwithstanding have had excellent Artists, and have often needed such an Engine to assault places in stony and steep ground: But it never came into their minds; Man's nature ever proceeding with time to new inventions. As these Barbarians suddenly made a new fashioned Ram, using no timbers upript, nor lying a cross, but in stead of them small Poles tied and sitted together. They covered the whole Engine with Hides, and observed the perfect form of an ordinary Ram, and in the midst placed the usual Beam, with a top headed with Iron, to batter the Walls: It was made so light that it needed no men or cattles to draw and thrust it forward; only forty men within it covered by the Hides, carried the Engine with ease upon their shoulders, and wound up the Ram and let it go against the Walls. Such Engines now were framed by these three Barbarians, taking Beams and Iron work from the Romans Ramms, which they could not bring near the Walls, and forty men being put under each, they set it close to the Walls. On either side of each stood men well armed with Corslets and Morions, and with long Poles in their hands topped with great Iron Hooks, to draw off from the Walls the stones loosened and unjointed by the strokes of the Ram. The Romans with many bushes of the same shook the Wall, and they with their Poles pulled down the lose stones, and quickly the Town was in the point of being taken. But the Persians upon the Wall set a wooden Tower (which they had long before prepared) full of their best men, having their heads and bodies all covered with Iron and with Corslets, and vessels full of Brimstone, and Babylonian Pitch, and Naptha, a Drug used by the Persians, and by the Grecians called Medean oil: These Vessels they fired and threw upon the Romans Rams, which failed little to be all set on fire, and were saved by the men having the long Poles, who cleared away the fire still; but long they could not think so to hold out, the fire being such, that where it touched it instantly burnt, if not instantly cast off.   

CHAP. VII.  
BUT Bessas' putting his Forces in Arms, caused scaling Ladders to be set to that part of the Wall which was sunk; And himself using no other exhortation but the example of his own Valour, being an old man above 70. years of age, he first mounted the Ladder. Here was a Fight so valiantly performed by both Romans, and Persians, as the like hath not been seen. The Persians amounted to about 2300 men, and the Romans were some 6000. On both sides almost all were hurt, that were not slain: the Romans forced their ascent with all their power, and the Persians with much toil, and after the kill of many on both sides, were very near to have quite beaten off the danger. Many Romans were slain at the tops of the Ladders, the Enemy standing above them; and Bessas' himself fell from the Ladder, whereat a great shout was made, the Persians from all parts shooting at him, and his Lanciers standing all close about him, covering him, having their Morions and Corselets on, and with their Shields, making the form of a Roof over him, and keeping off the Arrows, which clashed upon their Armour, and snapped asunder. And all was full of clamour, panting, and toil. The Romans, eager to bring off their General, shot thick at the Walls, and repressed the Enemy. Bessas' could not get up for the Shields that were hold over him, and being an old man, fat and unweildly. Yet he lost not his Spirits, but in that great danger suddenly advised that which preserved himself, and the Romans Affairs. He directed his Lanciers to drag him off by the legs, which they did, and went off with him, holding their Shields over one another, and drawing him away so far at once only, as not to be subject to the Enemy's shot. Bessas', so soon as he was in a safe place, rose, and encouraging his Soldiers, gave on again, mounting again the Ladder himself; and the Romans following him did very valiantly. The Persians hereupon demanded time to quit the place, and to yield it. But Bessas' suspecting it to be cunning, in the mean time to fortify the Walls, said, that he could not stay the Fight; but he pointed to another part of the Walls, whether they might go with him, and parley while the Armies fought. They not entertaining the motion, the Fight was hotly pursued: Which continuing equal, another part of the Wall, where the Romans had formerly mined, suddenly fell down. Many of both parts ran thither; The Romans, though divided, exceeded the Enemy in numbers, and pressed hard upon them: And the Persians being charged in both places, and their fewness by being divided appearing, did not equally endure the charge. While the Armies were toiling, and the Persians unable to repel the eagerness of the Romans, and the Romans absolutely to force their entry; John Guzes left them fight upon the ruined Wall, and with some Armenians his Countrymen, mounted the Rock where the City was esteemed impregnable; and forcing upon the Guards there, killed with his Lance one of the gallantest Persians, and made the place accessible. In the mean time the Persians in the wooden Tower, kindled many Fire-vessels, by flinging the same thick, to burn the Engines and men in them, notwithstanding their long Poles. But a strong Southern wind blew against them, and withal let afire one of the boards of the Tower: They within it, being overtoyled, and full of tumult and disorder, perceived not the Accident soon enough, (their business taking from them their senses,) and the flame kindling by little, and little, and with the Medean Oil, and the other materials, burned all the Tower, and the Persians in it; who consumed into Coals, fell down, some within the Town, some among the Roman Engines. At the ruined Wall also the Enemy grew faint, and gave back, and the Romans entered, and then was Petra absolutely taken; only some 500 Persians retired to the Citadel. The rest the Romans took, being 730 men, of whom 18. only were unhurt in the Fight. Many Romans also fell, brave men, and among them John Guzes, valiantly entering the Town, was killed with a stone. The next morning the Romans besieged the Persians in the Citadel, and propounded offers of safety unto them, and to give assurances for the same: But they rejected them, and resolved to oppose, though they had no thought of subsisting long; but they chose to die bravely. Bessas' was desirous to draw them from this Opinion, and to persuade them to live. He commanded a Roman Soldier to speak to them to that purpose, as he dictated it unto him; who being near, said thus.  
Valiant Persians, what mean you thus to pull on your own destruction? using a senseless endeavour to die, and shaming the profession of Valour; which never opposes unresistible necessities, but wisely yields to the Conqueror. It is not dishonourable to obey your Fortune, and Live; Necessity having left no hope, excuses the dishonour, although one be put to the poorest Actions; pardon ever attending that which cannot be avoided. Insoevident a danger, affect not therefore pride, nor sacrifice your lives for a little vainglory. Think how men once dead revive not again; but that the living may in time recompose themselves. Consult therefore your last consultation, and study your own good: Those Counsels are ever best, wherein the advisers have left it in their power to repent. We pity this your struggling under the Yoke, and spare you, so fond to die. And while you are wanton and foolish in a case of life; we, as Romans, and Christians, commiserate you. If you live, the worst that shall befall you, will be to change your Commonwealth for a better, and to have Justinian your Lord instead of Chosroes; and for this we give you our Faith. Murder not therefore yourselves, having means to live; It is not excusable thus to no purpose to be in love with dismal things, which is not to be valiant, but to be weary of life. The valiant man endures, while from his sufferings he expects advantage. Men commend a willing death, when some gallant hope is built upon it; But a precipitate end, is a rash and useless folly, and a vainglorious dying foolish: Wise men condemning such a fond pretext of brave spirit. Consider moreover, if herein you be not unthankful to God; who if he Would have you destroyed, would not have delivered you to men, who desire your preservation. Thus it is; and do you advise, whether you be worthy to live or no.  
The Persians would not so much as afford attention to this Counsel, as men willingly deaf. By the General's direction therefore the Romans threw fire into the Citadel, thinking so to bring them to yield. But they, though beholding the mischief, and knowing that certainly they would be all consumed, and having no hope by resisting to escape, yet would not come into their Enemy's hands; but perished all with the Citadel; the Romans wondering at it. How serious a business Chosroes held Lazica to be, appeared by this his putting into Petra the choice and the bravest of his men, and by storing the same with so great a proportion of arms, that to every Roman soldiers share upon the pillage fell five men's furnitures, besides much burnt in the Citadel. There was also found corn, and other salted provisions for five years' siege: Wine there was none; but some Beveridge, and store of beans. The Romans wondered to find water coming from the Aquaeduct, till they understood the mystery. For Chosroes having taken Petra, and placed a Garrison in it; foreseeing the siege, and that doubtless the Romans would attempt the Aquaeduct, divided the water, brought from it to the City, into three parts, by making a deep Sewer, and by building three several Aqueducts; the one at the bottom of the Sewer up to the middle of it, covered with stones and Earth; above that a second covered also, and a third above Ground and visible. The Romans not understanding those close conveyances, spoiled the uppermost at the beginning of the siege, not working downward to the other, thinking the water did fail the City by what they had done; and from their loathness to work, their wits failed them. The siege continuing, the Romans understood by some prisoners, that the besieged had water from the Aquaeduct still; whereupon digging, they found the second Conduit and cut it, and in their second Error were not admonished by their first. But now the city being taken, and finding the water still coming in, and from their Prisoners, hearing how it was done; they saw too late their Enemy's providence, and their own negligence. The Prisoners Bessas' sent all to the Emperor, and threw down the Walls of Petra, that the Enemy might put them to no more business about it: which the Emperor approved, & commended him both for his valour, and this wise counsel of his. Thus Bessas', by his good fortune, and the great valour showed in this action, grew into a great reputation again: when he commanded Rome, there was great hope of him, having done very valiantly in former employments. After his ill fortune at Rome (the same being sacked by the Goths, and the whole strength of the Romans there being well nigh destroyed) yet at his return to Constantinople, the Emperor made him General against the Persians; though the world flouted the Emperor's resolution herein, in committing the Persian war to an old man almost in his Grave, and one who had been so grossly beaten by the Goths; but notwithstanding this general opinion, Bessas' used the valour, and found the good fortune, I have said. So are humane affairs determined, not as men imagine; but as God sways the Balance: And this men call Fortune; finding accidental things to succeed in a way by them not discerned, and so attributing a name of Fortune to things above their own reason.   

CHAP. VIII.  
IN the mean time Mermeroes', afraid of Petra, was coming with his army thither so soon as the winter was done, and the season was sit; but hearing what was become of it, he stayed his journey, knowing how on that side of the Phasis the Lazians had no Town, but Petra. So that he marched homeward, having prepossessed the passages in Lazica, from Iberia: and he passed over the Phasis, where he found it fordable, and over another River called Reon. Having now the Phasis to his right hand, be led his army to Archaeopolis (the chief city of Lazica) being most horse, and with eight Elephants, which the Persians use as a Tower to stand upon, and shoot upon the Enemy's heads. The Persians industry also is worthy admiration; having made the way between Iberia and Lazica (which was unpassable for rocky places, covered with thick woods and bushes; that there was no going for a man a foot) now so plain and easy, that not only their Horses, but their Elephants may pass. There came also 12000 Sabirian Huns to Mermeroes'; who fearing lest their multitude would not obey him, but might do him some mischief rather, he kept 4000 of them, and sent the rest home with good store of money: The Roman army ●ounted in all to 12000, whereof Odonachus and Babas two expert Commanders, had 3000. and the rest encamped near the Phasis (with intention to secure any place where the Enemy should fall on) commanded by Bonilus & Vligangus: there was also Varazes the Persamenian with them, wholate came out of Italy followed by 800 Tzanians. Bessas' was retired into Pontus and Armenia, his Government, meaning to toil no more, but to get what he could by his place; and by his avariciousnesse he again ruined the Roman affairs. After his victory at Petra, if he had made haste to fortify the passages into Lazica from Iberia, the Persians had not entered Lazica, which he even as good as delivered to the Enemy by his neglect, and carelessness of the Emperor's indignation. Who indeed used much to connive at the Errors of his chief Ministers, and they from thence committed many, both in the courses of their lives, and in their Governments. The two Castles of Scanda and Sarapanis, in Lazica, about the frontier of Iberia, standing upon two passages very hard to get through, the Lazians had demolished. These Castles Justinian in the beginning of the War guarded with Romans, taking out the Lazians formerly in it; but the Romans wanting victual, and being not able like the Lazians to live long upon Elymus, a kind of pulse like mill-seed; the Lazians also being weary of bringing Provision upon their backs (there being no passage for horses) the Romans there abandoned them, and the Persians took them; but upon the truce restored them to Justinian for the Forts of Bolum and Pharangium, as I have said before. But the Lazians having demolished them now, the Persians repaired Scanda, and held it at this coming of Mermeroes' into Lazica. And entering the same from Iberia, the first Town you meet with in the Plain, is Rodopolis, very assaultable; whereupon the Lazians demolished it, fearing the Persian Invasion; so that now Mermeroes' marched on to Archaeopolis. But he would not sit down before it, fearing the Romans Army at his back, encamping near the Phasis. Towards them he went first, and passing by Archaeopolis told them, That he meant to make a visit to the Romans upon the Phasis, and that done, would come to them again. They answered him bravely, and bade him go, and that if he spoke once with the Romans there, he would never come back to them. But the Commanders of the Roman Army hearing the news, and finding themselves too weak, went aboard their Darks, carrying with them what they could, and throwing the rest into the River. Soon after came Mermeroes', and was very melancholy to see the Romans Camp with not a man in it; he burned the same, and in much anger led his Army back to Archaeopolis.  
This City stands upon a kind of Rock, and by it runs a River descending from the next Mountains. The Low Gate opens near the foot of the Rock, and the ground to it from the Plain rises only, but makes no difficulty of access. The Gate opening toward the Rock is very hard to approach, having also for a great way thereabout great Thickets. The town Walls were built up to the River, that they may draw up their water, having none within the Town. Mermcroes was eager to assault, and finding it rising ground, not to be meddled with by ordinary Rams, he caused his Sabirians to make Rams portable on men's shoulders, using the advantage of his Enemy's experiment thereof at Petra, which he had heard of. And these Sabirians made such Rams as their Countrymen in league with the Romans made then. Mermeroes' set against the rocky part of the City the Delomites, a people dwelling in the midst of Persia, among unaccessable Mountains, and so not subject to the Persian, but free; and in the Persians wars they serve them for pay, being all foot men, with sword and shield and two Javelins; and are nimble to climb rocks, and to run along the sides of mountains, as upon plain Ground. These being there ordered, Mermeroes' with the rest of his army assaulted at the lower gate, and with his new Rams, and his Elephants. Where the Persians and Sabirians galled the Romans with their shot, making them almost to quit the Battlements, and the Delomites did as much on their side with their Javelins, that the Romans were in much extremity. Odonachus and Babas (were it to show their own, or try the Romans resolution, or by some instinct) leaving some few upon the Battlements, drew together the rest, and said thus to them.  
Fellow Soldiers! you see our danger; but nevertheless you must nor yield to it: Nothing preserves men despairing of life, but not to be in love with life: which  love is commonly attended with destruction. Consider how in such a difficulty as this, it is not safe to resist an Enemy from the Battlements of a Town: We may do it bravely, but the distance of place will not permit us to use our valour: The best we can get, is, to get off and retire: But if we fight body, to body, courage is it gets the better there, and the Victory goes with valour. They who get the better from a Wall, gain not much; for the next day the danger renews as fresh as ever, and so they perish by little and little, and lose at last their defended Fortresses. But who overcome in a standing fight, are ever after secure. Taking this into our thoughts, let us make a brave sally, trusting in God's assistance, and hoping well even from the despair we are in. God preserves those most, who have no hope left in themselves.   

CHAP. IX.  
ODONACHUS and Babas having thus fayd, led out the Army: Some they left behind, having suspicion of one of the chief Inhabitants of the City, a Lazian; who had been treated with by Mermeroes' in the heat of the assault, to set the City-Magazines on fire. Mermeroes' by this thought either to enter the Town with less opposition, the Romans being busy to quench the fire, or if, being eager to defend the Town, they neglected the fire, he should deprive them of their stores, and so easily in time get the Town by Famine. The Lazian according to his promise to Mermeroes', when he saw the assault at the hottest, fired the Storehouses. The Romans left behind, seeing the flame rise, ran to it, and with much toil, and some hurt, put it out. Those who sallied, frighted the Enemy with the suddenness, and killed them without resistance. For the Persians suspected no sally from so few Defendants, and were scattered, and in disorder as upon an assault: Some with the Ramms upon their shoulders, and without their arms: others could do no Execution with their bows, the Romans at the first running up close unto them; who slashed with their Swords on all sides, and cut them in pieces. One of their Elephants also, either wounded, or otherwise starting, flew back, and cast his riders, breaking the ranks, and driving the Persians backward; whise the Romans securely cut off all in their way. It may seem strange, that the Romans knowing so well the means of resisting Elephants, did nothing now; confounded (it seems) with the present business. The means is that, which was practised upon Chosroes at Edessa: an Elephant there was brought close to the walls, with many of the gallantest Persians upon it: and appearing like a Tower, and the shot from it being made directly upon the Defendants heads, the taking of the town was certainly expected: when the Romans escaped this danger, only by hanging out a Hog from the Bulwark, which with his squeaking scared the Elephant so, that he turned about and retired fair and softly home. This now was omitted by the Romans; but their good fortune supplied their negligence. Having mentioned here Edessa, let me tell a strange prodigy which happened in that City a little before the breaking of the Perpetual Peace; which was, the delivering of a woman with a child having two heads: the events since have made the meaning manifest. For the East, and much of the Roman Empire besides, have been disputed by two Emperors; but to return to the fight. The Persians being thus disordered, and they in the rear seeing the confusion in the van, and not knowing the matter, ran away in fear. The Dolomites also, who were upon high Ground, and saw all, ran away shamefully, and the overthrow was clear. Four thousand Persians were slain, and three principal commanders, and four Ensigns were taken, which were sent to Constantinople. They lost 20000 horses, not all in fight; but being spent with running away, and not getting a belly full of meat in Lazica, they died with famine and weakness  
Mermeroes' having failed at Archaeopolis, was nevertheless master of the field in Lazica, and led his army into Muchirisis, a country distant from Archaeopolis a day's journey, having many populous villages, and the best land of Lazica, full of vines and other fruits, through which runs the River of Reon, upon which anciently the Lazians had a Castle; but they demolished it, because standing in a plain it was easy to be taken. The Castle was called by the Grecians Cotyaeum, but now by the Lazians Cotaesis, as Arrianus in his history. Others say, it was anciently a City named- Coitaeum; where Aeaetes was born, whom the Poets call Coitaeensis, and Lazica, Coytaitis. This Castle Mermerces' was desirous to re-edify, and wanting materials, he stayed till the winter was past, purposing to repair it with Timber. Near unto Cotaesis, stands Vchimerium, a strong Castle, guarded by Lazians with some Roman soldiers intermingled: Hereabout Mermeroes' lay with his army, possessing the best land of Lazica, and cutting off the Romans from bringing victual to Vchimerium, and from marching into the countries of Suania, and Scymnia, subject to the Persians; an Army in Muchirisis, crossing the passage into those countries. These were the successes of the armies in Lazica.  
In Constantinople, in the mean time Isdigunas the Persian Ambassador, had many conferences with the Emperor touching a peace. And after a long time spent in disputes, at last they came to this agreement: That in their proper Dominions there should be a cessation of arms for five years, and during the same, that sending to each other they should endeavour to compose the differences concerning Lazica and the Saracens; and that the Romans should pay to the Persians twenty Centenaries of Gold for this Cessation of five years, and for the eighteen months passed between the end of the first Quinquenniall Cessation, and their sending Ambassadors to each other six Centenaries more; the Persians alleging, that they yielded to a conference for truce upon that Condition. These twenty Centenaries, Isdigunas would have presently paid, and the Emperor demanded to pay them by four Centenaries every year, and thereof to give caution; but in the end the Romans paid down the whole sum, that they might not seem to pay a yearly Tribute to the Persians.  
Thus men are ashamed more of the dishonour of names, than things. Barsabes also, a Persian of great quality, and much favoured by Chosroes, whom Valerianus had taken prisoner in a fight in Armenia, and sent to Constantionople, and for whom Chosroes had offered a great ransom, was now set at liberty upon the suit of Isdigunas, who promised to persuade Chosroes to remove his army out of Lazica. This Cessation concluded in the twenty fifth year of Justinians Reign, much discontented the Romans, whether unreasonable or no, (as Subjects use to censure the actions of their Princes) I will not determine. But they alleged, that the Persians being now strong in Lazica, they might securely without the interruption of any, for five years to come, hold the fairest pieces of it, and that the Romans would never afterward be able to drive them out of it, but the Persians have easy access even to Constantinople itself. These considerations troubled most men, but they could not help it; and likewise to see the ancient endeavour of the Persians, to make the Romans tributary, which by war they could never hope to effect, now established by the colour of a cessation of arms; Chosroes now taxing the Romans with a tribute of four annual Centenaries upon this fair pretence, until his forty six Centenaries were paid, calling his Tax a Truce, and showing apparently to have plotted it from the beginning of the War. And yet still he used hostility in Lazica, as hath been said. From this Taxation the Romans had no hope ever to be freed, but saw themselves in the quality of plain Tributaries to the Persians. Isdigunas' also having gotten more wealth than ever Ambassador did, and received the highest honours from the Emperor, together with immense gifts, was sent home the richest man (I think) in Persia. This only Ambassador had no Guard put upon him; himself and his followers freely conferred, and kept company with whom they would; and in the city bought and sold, and made any contracts, and were present at them, with all manner of licence, no Roman attending them to observe their doing, as was wont to be.  
At this time also were Heats, such as none ever remembered the like, the Roses towards the winter growing in abundance, as in the spring, with no manner of difference, and the weather as hot as at midsummer: And the vintage being long passed, new Grapes came up. Some divined from hence at great accidents likely to succeed; but the natural cause of it was the continuance of the Southerly winds, longer than was ordinary, from whence came those unusual heats. If any strange matters were signified by them, we shall know the certainty by the Event.   

CHAP. X.  
DUring the said Negotiation at Constantinople for a truce; in Lazica King Gubazes affected the Romans, because he found Chosroes to plot his death; but the generality of the Lazians offended with the Romans oppressions; and discontented with their Commanders, did for the most part favour the Persians, not for love of the Persian Government, but to be rid of the other, of two ills choosing that rather which they felt not. And Theophobius a chief man among them, treated with Mermeroes' to deliver to him the Castle of Vchimerium, who animated him to the action with large hopes of being a Favourite of Chosroes, and naturalised a Persian, and of getting great wealth and preferments. There were no Forces joined of Romans and Lazians, and the Persians visited all the Towns at their pleasure. The Emperialists lay concealed, some near the Phasis, others in Archeopolis, and other Fortresses; and King Gubazes lay quiet upon the tops of Mountains: So that Theophobius without any difficulty appearing, came to the Castle and told the Imperial Garrison there, That the Roman Army was cut in pieces, King Gubazes ruined, and Lazica wholly under the Persians, without any hope of recovering the same for the Romans or Gubazes. Mermeroes' with seventy thousand Persians had done all this, and with great numbers of Sabirians; And that Chosroes was now also joined suddenly with an innumerable Army, that all Lazica would scarce contain them. With this terrible news Theophohius so frighted the Garrison, that they besought him even by the God of their Fathers to find some accommodation for them. He promised to procure their safety from Chosroes; and returning immediately to Mermeroes', obtained of him some principal Persians with Commission to repair to Vchimerium, and having given assurances to the Garrison for their lives and Goods, to take possession of the Castle; by the having whereof the Persians were absolute Masters of Lazica. They subdued also Scymnia and Suania, that all places from Muchirisis to Iberia were unaccessible to the Romans and King Gubazes. And nor Romans nor Lazians durst meddle with the Enemy, nor come, the one from their Fortresses, the other down from the Mountains. Mermeroes' during the Winter, repaired with timber the Walls of Coitaesis, and placed in it three thousand Persians; he put also a competent Garrison in Vchimerium, and repaired another Castle called Sarapalis, upon the Frontier of Lazica. Then he marched toward the Phasis, where he understood that the Romans and Lazians had newly made head and were encamped. But Gubazes and the Roman Commanders at the first news of his coming disbanded, and every man saved himself as he could. Gubazes ran up again to the Mountains, and there with his Wife and Children made an end of the Winter, fight it out with poverty and the hard weather, and comforting himself (as men use) with hopes from Constantinople. And the other chief Lazians in their respect to their King were contented, as he, with hard winter lodgings in the holes of Rocks. Enemy they feared none in those Mountains, being (especially in the Winter) not to be meddled with; but famine and other misery made them weary of their lives. Mermero●s in the mean time built Storehouses in the Villages of Muchirisis, and furnished the same with Victual; and by sending Fugitives to the foot of the Mountains, and promising conditions of safety, he drew many down, supplied them plentifully with what they most wanted, and used them as his own people. In all things else he ruled the Country at his pleasure, and to Gubazes wrote this Letter.  
Power and wisdom are the two composers of humane affairs; and they who in power excel others, live as they list, and bring the weaker to what terms they please, who being slaves to the stronger cure their want of power with wisdom, and by soothing their Conquerors, hold that with comfort, whereof their infirmity deprives them. This is generally in all Nations, and is fixed in the nature of men. So that gentle Gubazes! if you think you can vanquish the Persians, delay not your own good, but come to Battle, you shall find us in what part of Lazica you please, ready to fight with you for the Country. With us you may now try your power, who can never think afterward to oppose the whole power of Persia. Or you may take the second course, which is to know yourself, and to adore Chosroes as your Master, King, and Conqueror; by supplications you may be rid of your present miseries; I undertake that the King will be gracious to you, and will give you of the best Hostages in Persia for the perpetual assurance of your life and Kingdom. If neither of these please, suffer the Lazians, made miserable by your bad counsels, to raise themselves from the difficulties that press them; and see them not crushed with an endless ruin, while you trust to the slippery hopes of Roman Succours, who can vindicate you no more than hitherto they have done.  
Gubazes was not persuaded by this Letter, but still stayed upon the Mountains; his hatred of Chosroes not suffering him to despair in the Roman Succours. men's judgements ever thus tune to that which pleases their wills, admitting all reasons of that side, without examination of the soundness of them; and obstinately not crediting, nor weighing the arguments which cross their desires.  
About this time certain Monks came out of India, and getting access to the Emperor, promised to effect his long desire, that the Romans should no more buy the Metaxa, or Raw-silke from the Persians their Enemies, nor any other Nations. For having remained long in those Countries, they had learned the way how the same might be had in the Roman Provinces. They told him that certain Worms, taught by nature, did spin this Raw-silke; to bring the Worms alive, that it was not possible, but easy to get their Bags, wherein were innumerable Eggs, which being covered in Dung, and thereby heated, produced the Worms. The Emperor promised them a great reward to bring their undertaking to effect; who returned into India, brought those Eggs to Constartinaple, and being by the means aforesaid grown to Worms, fed them with Mulberry leaves, and so caused the making of Raw-silke in the Roman Territories.  
The Winter being ended, Isdigunas came to Chosroes with the Money, and the Treaty agreed upon, who sealed the same and took the Money; wherewith levying agreat Army of Huns, he sent them to Mermeroes', resolving not to quit Lazica. Mermeroes' with these Huns and his Persians and Elephants marched against the Towns of Lazica, whom the Romans encountered not, but under the command of Martinus fortified themselves about the mouth of the Phasis; and lay quiet, in the company of King Gubazes. Mermeroes' led the Army first against a Castle where he understood the Sister of Gubazes to be; but the Garrison; and the strength of the place beat him from thence, and caused him to retire without doing any hurt in that journey either to Romans or Lazians. Marching into Abasgia, he found the narrow and rocky passage into the same possessed by a Roman Garrison, who opposed his entrance. So that he drew back, and went against Archaecpolis; and not prevailing there neither, he retired with his Army: which the Romans followed, and in that fast Country intercepted many, and killed the chief Commander of the Sabirian Huns. But fight about the dead body, the Persians forced away the Enemy, and retired to Coitaisis in Mucheirisis. Such were the successes of the Armies in Lazica.   

CHAP. XI.  
IN Asrica all things proceeded fairly for the Romans, by the incredible successes of John the General, who had drawn to his party Cutzinas, a Prince of Numidia, then vanquished all the other Numidians in a battle, and soon after brought Antalas and Jabdas, (who were Princes of Moors in Byzacium and Numidia) to follow him in the quality of slaves. So that in Africa the Romans had no Enemies, and not many subjects, whom the former wars and mutinies had almost wasted.  
In the mean time in Europe, the Gepades, who (as I said formerly) made a truce with the Lombard's, not ending their differences, resolved upon a war again, which grew as hot as ever: The Gepades being led by Thorisin, and the Lombard's by Anavin; followed by great multitudes on both sides. They came near, but the armies discerned not one another; when a sudden Panic fear, without any cause appearing, frighted both the armies so, that they ran away, leaving their Commanders with some few only behind: who neither with fair words nor threats could stop them. Auduin not knowing the Enemy was in the same case, sent an Embassage to the Enemy for truce. The Ambassadors, finding the Gepades to have had the same fortune with themselves, demanded of Thorisin, whether his people were gone; they are fled (quoth Thorisin) none pursuing, and so are the Lombard's, said they: since you deal truly with us, we will conceal nothing from you. And since God is pleased that these nations shall not perish, and hath cast on us both this saving fear, let us concur with that gracious sentence, and make an end of the war. Be it so, quoth Thorisin, and so a Cessation was concluded for two years, and in the mean time to send their Heralds, mutually and fully to compose the differences: but not being able to end the same, they fell again to the way of hostility. The Gepadoes feared that the Romans would join with the Lombard's, and therefore they sent to the Cuturgurians, Huns inhabiting on this side the Lake of Maeotis, to assist them in this war against the Lombard's. They sent them twelve thousand men, commanded by Chinialus, an experienced Soldier. But one year of the Cessation being yet to come, and the Gepaedes having no occasion to use such a multitude, persuaded them in the interim, as upon the by, to invade the Romans, who keeping no exact Guards upon the Ister, into Illyrium and Thrace, the Gepaedes transported the Huns into the Empire; who spoilt the country, and sacked the Towns. The Emperor hereupon sent to the Vfurgurians, Huns planted beyond the Lake of Maotis, blaming their unjust lying still, it being most unjust to neglect their friends perishing; alleging how the Cuturgurians being their neighbours, and receiving great pensions yearly from Constantinople, ceased not to wrong them, but made daily inroads and spoils upon them: & they, the Cuturgurians getting no share of the same, were careless of the Romans their ancient friends, and saw them spoiled and ransacked by the Cuturgurians, without vindicating them from those oppressions. The Vturgurians upon this remonstrance of the Emperor, and of the many presents they had received from him, and upon receipt of more money now, were won to invade the Cuturgurians country. They passed the Tanais, accompanied with two thousand Tetraxite Goths, who dwelled near them, and the army was commanded by Sandill, a wise and a valiant man, and experienced in many wars. The Cuturgurians encountered them in a battle long fought; but were routed, and many were slain. And the Vturgurians took their wives and children captives, and went home. During the battle, some thousands of Romans, who had been taken captives by the Cuturgurians, slipped away, and recovered their native countries unfollowed, and getting so in that which most concerned them, the benefit of the others victory. The Emperor sent Aratius to Chinialus, General of the Cuturgurians, to tell him the news of his own country, and to persuade them with money to quit the Roman territory, who hearing what the Vturgurians had done, took the money, and came to this accord: That without killing, or taking prisoners, or other hurt doing, they should retire home through the Roman Subjects, as friends: That if they could continue in their country, they should observe saith to the Romans, if they could not, they should come back, and have towns given them by the Emperor in Thrace; and being Confederates with the Romans, should guard the provinces from all Barbarians whatsoever. Of them already two thousand were come into Roman Land with their wives and children, after receiving that overthrow, from the Vturgurians; and were led by Sisinnion, who served formerly under Belisarius, against Gelimer, and the Vandals. They became servants to the Emperor, and were seated in Thrace. Sandill, King of the Vturgurians grew angry at this; that he should punish the Cuturgurians of the same Race, and expel them for wrongs done to the Romans, and that now the Emperor should entertain them to live among the Romans, and better than ever they did. He sent Ambassadors to the Emperor to expostulate; but without Letters: for the Huns know no letters, nor Grammar, nor breed their Children in the toils about learning. The Ambassadors having access to the Emperor, told him as they were directed.  
That their King Sandill bade them say, that he heard an old saying, when he was a boy, how a Wolf may change the colour of his hair, but not his nature, which will never be mended: that he knew by his own experience also, as a rustical Barbarian could observe it, how shepherds breed their Dogs in their houses from little Puppies, who have the good nature to remember the kindness of them who seed them: and the Shepherds do this, that they may have the Dogs to chase away the Wolves, and to protect the poor sheep. That this is used every where, no where Dogs invading the stock, nor Wolves defending it. And he doth not think that in the Emperor's Dominions, (though abounding with so many strange things) there is any varying from this constant Law of nature; which se●ing it is universally the same, that he conceiveth it not good for the Emperor to harbour this wolvish race of Cuturgurians, nor to bring in such turbulent neighbours; nor to take them as sojourners, whom he could not bear being strangers, and that they will shortly snew their nature to the Romans. That the Romans shall never want Enemies to destroy them, when even those who shall be beaten may hope to be in a better Condition; nor will their friends hinder inreads into their country, when the vanquished shall have more respect from them than they, after the best they can do. As themselves live now in a barren country, while the Cuturgurians have plenty of corn, and surset in their Wine sellars, and seed upon every dish. The wanderers are now admitted to the Baths, and have their Jewels, their silks and embroideries of gold to wear, and yet they carried innumerable Romans into their country captives; where they inflicted on them the basest abuses, scourging them, nay killing them without any offence committed, and in other things acting upon them the humour and power of Barbarian Masters; but that the Uturgurians set them at Liberty, and restored them to their country by the sweat and ●●ile of a war. And now that the rewards of them both are very unequal; while themseives still enjoy the miseries of their poor country; but the Cuturgurians share a part of the country of those very men, who by the valour of the Uturgurians were delivered from thraldom under the other.  
Thus spoke the Vturgurian Ambassadors, whom the Emperor soothed with store of gifts, and shortly sent them home.   

CHAP. XII.  
IN these times was a great War between the Varnians and the Islanders of Brittia: The Varnians are seated beyond the River Isler, and extend to the Northern Ocean, and the Rhyne, which River divides them, and the Francs, and the other Nations inhabiting those parts. All which Nations on both sides the Rhyne are named Germans. Brittia lies on the Ocean Sea, distant from the Continent but twenty five miles, opposite to the mouth of the Rhyne, and lying between Britain and * Thule. Britain lies to the West of Spain five hundred miles, 
Thule with this Author is Norway and part of Denmark.  but Brittia lies at the bottom of Gaul upon the Ocean, Northward to Spain and Britain: And Thule lies in the uttermost bounds of the Ocean, Northward. This Island of Brittia is possessed by three populous Nations, and over each is a King, and they are named Angli, Frisons, and Brittians. The people are so fruitful, that yearly they transport many Families to the Francs, who plant them in desert Countries, and upon that ground pretend an interest to the Island; and lately in an Embassage to the Emperor Justinian, sent some Angli in company, as if the Island were theirs. Over the Varnians one Hermegis●lus lately reigned, who took to Wife a Sister of Theodebert King of the Francs, his former Wife being dead; by whom he had a Son named Radisis, betrothed to the Sister of the King of the Angli in Brittia: This Hermegliscus riding to take the aure, a Raven from a tree croaked at him; he told his Noble men attending him, that the Bird in her language did foretell his death to be within forty days after: And I (quoth he) for your peace and security made an alliance with the Francs by mine own Wife, and contracted a Brittian Lady to my Son: But now being suddenly to die without Issue from my now Wife, and my Son being yet without his Bride, let me communicate my thoughts to you, and when I am dead, if you like my advice, put it in execution. I hold it more advantageous for you, to have alliance with the Francs then with the Brittians; who being Islanders, cannot join with you in time, nor easily: whereas nothing severs the Francs, but the , from you. And being so near and so powerful, they are at hand both to help and hurt you; and hurt they will, if this alliance restrain them not: An overgrown neighbour proves heavy, and apt to do wrong, and the means of a War are easy against men at the next door. Quit therefore that betrothed Islander, and the Money she hath received restore, according to the Law of Nations, for a reparation of the refusal of her: and let my Son Radisis marry his Mother-in-law, which our Laws permit.  
Hermegisclus gave this advice, and at the fortieth day died; and his Son taking the Kingdom, renounced his betrothed Spouse by the persuasion of his Nobles, and took his Mother-in-law to Wife. The contracted Lady could not brook the scorn done her, but was eager to revenge it. For so tender of their honour are the Barbarians of those parts, that after the name only of a marriage without consummation, if the woman be refused, she thinks herself professed a Strumpet. First she sent Messengers to demand the reason of this rejection, seeing he could not charge her with incontinence, nor any other offence; but that way prevailing nothing, with a manly courage she resolved upon a War: She got four hundred Ships and an hundred thousand men, whom herself led, with one of her Brothers to assist her. The Brittians are the bravest Infantry we know, but so unexercised in Horsemanship, that they know not what a Horse is, nor ever saw in Brittia the Picture of any, where never any was bred.  
When upon Ambassages they come abroad among the Romans, or Francs, and are put to necessity of riding, men lift them up, and set them upon their Horses; and so take them down again when they are to alight. The Varaians' also are all Footmen. Aboard the aforesaid Fleet were none but rowers, for the Brittians have no Sails: Being landed upon the Continent, the Virgin-Generall encamped at the mouth of the Rhyne, where staying herself, she sent out her Brother against the Enemy: He finding the Varnians near the Sea shore encamped, had a battle with them and defeated them, where many fell, and the rest with their King fled, and were followed by the Angles as far as footmen could; who retiring to the Camp, were by the Lady chid, and especially her Brother, for having nothing worthy such an Army, seeing he brought not Radisis to her alive. She selected then her best men, and charged them to bring the man to her: who in the end found him concealed in a Wood, and brought him bound to the Lady. He stood before her trembling, expecting some cruel death: But she only reproaching to him the unjust affront he had done her, asked him why he would neglect his Vow, and bed another Woman, his own Spouse not having committed whoredom. He excused all upon the injunctions of a Father, and the importunity of his Nobles, mingling his apology with supplications, and imputing the crime to necessity, promising now, if it were her pleasure, to live with her, and by his future services to cure his former injury. The Lady was pleased, and Radisis loosed from his bonds was vouchsafed all manner of courtesy: And immediately he sent home the Sister of Theodebert, and married this Brittian Lady,  
In Brittia also is a Wall dividing a great part of the Island in two; the reason of it is, because to the Eastward is good air according to the seasons, and many civil Inhabitants, and they have Corn and Fruit-trees in abundance, and are well stored with waters. But to the Westward all is so contrary, that a man cannot live there half an hour, the Country being possessed with Adders and Snakes, and all sorts of venomous creatures. The natives affirm, that so soon as a man passes to the other side of the Wall, he instantly falls dead with the pestilential air; and the like happens to Beasts.  
In this description I am to mention a Story, or rather a Fable; I cannot think it true, though many men affirm to have seen it and been actors in it, neither must I absolutely reject it, least professing to write of the particularities of this Island, I be thought ignorant of the things done in it. They report that to this part of the Island are transported the Souls of the departed, by a means, which though I have heard in very good earnest related, yet I conceive that the first rumour of it sprung from some dreaming heads. Along the Ocean shore, over against Brittia, are many Villages, inhabited by Fishermen, Husbandmen, and Boatmen, who traffic in the Island; subjects they are to the Francs, but pay no Tribute, the exemption from which is granted unto them for a service which I will now relate. They have the employment of conducting Souls departed imposed on them by turns; when any man's turn comes, they go home to bed towards night, expecting their fellow conductor; and at midnight they find the door opened, and hear a softly voice calling them to the business: Instantly they rise, and go down to the Seaside, finding themselves constrained to go on, but they perceive not by whom: Boats they find ready, with no men in them, and aboard they go and sit to their Oars. They perceive the Boats loaded with Passengers even to the Deck; and the place of their Oars not an inch from the water: They see nothing, but after an hours rowing, come a Land in Brittia, whereas in their own Boats they have much ado to pass over in a day and a night, having no Sails, but rowing only. They instantly land their Fare, and are gone away with their Boats suddenly grown light, and swimming with the current, and having all save the Keel above water: They see no men leaveing the Boat, but they hear a voice, relating to some, who it seems stays there for them, the names of the Passengers, with their Titles, and additions of what Fathers they were; and (if women) of what Husbands. But to return to my History, and to the Gothick War, having already spoken of the successes of other Provinces.   

CHAP. XIII.  
THE Emperor, as I said before, had sent for Belisarius home, where he held him in honour, upon the death of Germanus: yet he would not send him into Italy; and though he were General of the East, he made him Commander of the Guards of his body, and kept him at Constantinople: And Belisarius was the chief of all the Romans in dignity; some indeed had the priority of being made Patricians and Consuls before him but yet they yielded the precedence to him, and were ashamed to make use of the Law, and to assume the right, which that gave them, against so eminent a virtue; and the Emperor took it well of them. But John, Sister's son of Vitalianns, past that Winter in Salonae, whom the Roman Commanders in Italy expecting daily, forbore any action. And the Winter ended, and the sixteenth year of this War wrirten by Procopius.  
The next year John resolving to lead the Army from Salonae against Totilas, 
In●ipit Annus 17 bell Goth man 25 Justice Anno dom. 551.  the Emperor commanded him to stay the coming of Narses the Eunuch, whom he had made his absolute General in this war. The reason of this determination of the Emperor was not known; for who can declare the counsels of his heart without his consent? But men did conjecture that his Majesty did consider how the rest of the Commanders would grudge to have their power lessened, and to be made subordinate to John; whereupon either by contrary opinions, or through envy, they might purposely prejudice his affairs. I heard also this story at my former being at Rome from one of the Senators, That in the Reign of Atalaricus, a heard of Cattles about evening came into Rome, and past through the Market place, called Forum pacis, where stood the ancient Temple of peace, and was thunder-stricken. Over against this Market place stands an ancient Conduit, and upon it a brazen Bullock, the work of Phidias the Athenian, or of Lysippus; there being in the same place many Statues of their making, and upon one the name of Phidias is engraven. There is here also the Bullock made by Myron: The ancient Romans being most studious to make all the fairest pieces of Greece the ornaments of Rome. But the Senator told me, that an Ox of this Herd was left behind the rest, and got up to the Conduit, and stood above by the brazen Bullock; and that a Tulcan passing by, a plain country fellow in appearance, but a pretended Soothsayer (as all the Tuscan are) said, That one day an Eunuch should depose the Prince of Rome. The Tuscan and his Divination was then laughed at, as all predictions are, before they be justified by the event, seeming till than ridiculous and fabulous: But now all men admire that his interpretation, being convinced by the event. So that Narses was chosen General against Totilas, either the Emperor wisely foreseeing the success, or fortune determining the same: And Narses with a Gallant Army, and store of Treasure was dispatched. He stayed a while in Thrace at Phillippopolis. his way being stopped by an army of Huns, who drove and carried all away without opposition; but they being gone some towards Thessalonica, some towards Constantinaple, he marched on, being hardly disengaged from them.  
While John thus stayed for Narses at S●ilonae and Narses entangled with those Hunns marched slowly: T●tilas looking for Narses coming, placed in Rome some of the Senators, confined in Campania, and other Romans, Commanding them to guard the City, and professing to repent for what he had done to it. He had burnt the most part of it, especially beyond the Tiber; and these men being grown little better than Slaves, and stripped of all they had, were so unable to vindicate the public, that they could not get every man his ownpeculiar right: and yet are the Romans the best patriots in the world, studying to recover from all parts, what belongs to their City, and to save all the ancient Ornaments of Rome from perishing. During so long a subjection to Barbarians, how did they preserve their public buildings and ornaments of their City! Even the orginal monuments of their race do yet last, the sufficiency of those ancient workmen holding out against the ruins of time, and the negligence of men Among which there yet stands a miraculous spectacle, which myself have seen; the ship of Aenaeas the founder of their City: it is for one row of oars only, and of a huge length, being 120 foot long, and 25. broad. It is so high only, as that men may row in it. The Timbers in it are not mortessed into one another, nor fastened by iron; but are every one of a piece, such as were never heard of, and are only found in this ship, that we can learn. For the keel being all one piece, reaches from the stern to the foreship, and bows by little and little into a convenient crookedness, then strangely turns strait again, and most aptly in proportion. The ribs also of the ship reach from side to side, crooking downwards, and bowing so handsomely, that one would think the hollow bulk of the Ship to be made round and turned with instruments; either nature providing such a crookedness in the Timber for the present use, or else those uneven ribs were fitted by men's hands, or Engines. Every plank also reaches from the stern to the foreship, being all of a piece, and have only spikes of iron to fasten them to the ships ribs, and to make up her sides. Thus doth this ship afford a sight beyond expression; strange workmanships naturally rising above discourse, and as they subdue common things by thenew invention, so overmastring evenspeech itself. And the ship is strong and lusty yet, and sound all through, none of the Timbers having any rottenness appearing; as if the shipwright (whatsoever he were) had lately built it.  
Totilas also manned 300 Galleys with Goths, whom he commanded to pillage, and spoil the coast of Greece. This fleet hurt nothing, till it came to Corcyra, anciently the country of the Phaeacians; being the only inhabited Island in this passage from the straits of Scylla. Having been often upon that Sea, I was curious where the Island of Calypso was: I found only three small islands, some thirty seven miles from Phaeacia, (now Corcyra) called Othonae, from whence one may imagine Ulysses to have passed to Corcyra, being no farther off, either in a boat made of a sudden, or otherwise; this is but my conjecture only. It is hard to discourse exactly of things so ancient: Time changes the names of places, and the opinion formerly held of them. Upon the Sea shore in Corcyra stands the model of a ship made of white stone, compounded of many several stones, which some suppose to be the model of that which transported Ulysses into Ithaca, after his entertainment with the Phaeacians. 
Neptune turned the ship worch carried home Ulysses into a rock, so that it must be of on pu●●.  But * the being not of one stone, and the Letters engraven upon it, proclaim the same to have been set there by some Merchant in ancient time, and dedicated to Jupiter Casius; the town also where this ship stands being yet called Cas●●pe. In Euboea at Geraestum, there is also such a model of a ship, dedicated by Agamemnon to Diana, to please her with this also, as he had, by the sacrifice of his Daughter Iphigenia, obtained of her a passage for the Grecian army to Troy. Which is testisied by Letters engraven upon it either then or afterward; the most of which time hath defaced, but at the beginning of the verses, they appear thus.  
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Here Agamemnon placed this black-pitcht Bark,  
Of the Greeks Army now at Sea a Mark.  
And the Inscription thus, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  
Tenichus built  
This to Diana Bolosia.—   
For so anciently they called Eileithuia, or Lucina; terming the Throws and pangs of Childbirth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But I return from whence I digressed.   

CHAP. XIV.  
THE Goths with their fleet came to Corcyra, and foraged the Island, and the Lands also of Syntae. They landed also upon the main land of Epirus, and pillaged the towns about Dodona and Nicopolis itself, and Anchialus, where Anchises, the Father of Aenaeas sailing from Troy died, and gave the name to the Town. They took upon the coast also many Greek ships, and some transporting Provisions to Narses Army. Totilas likewise sent an army into Picenia to take Ancona, commanded by Skipuar, and Giblas' and Gundulse, (called by some Indulfe) formerly of the lifeguard to Belisarius. He gave them forty seven galleys to block up the Castle by sea also. The Siege lasting long, and the besieged wanting victual, Valerianus being at Ravenna, and unable alone to secure it, wrote this Letter to John, Vitalianus his Sister's Son, at Salonae.  
Ancona you know is only left us within the Ionian Gulf, if it be left us: it is so sharply besieged, that I fear our succours will come too late, and we shall use our endeavour after our opportunity. I forbear to write more; the necessity of the besieged claims all our time, and their danger permits not a long Epistle, requiring succour swifter than speech.  
John, though the Emperor had forbidden him to stir, adventured to go, conceiving the necessity, whereinto fortune had cast them, to dispense with the Emperor's instructions: He chose his best soldiers, and put them aboard forty Galleys, swift of Sail, and well built for a Sea fight; and having furnished them with all necessaries, came with them before Ancona. Whether soon after came Valerianus with twelve ships: Upon conference together they risen from thence, and Anchored at a place called Senogallia, not far from Ancona. The Goths General also manned forty seven ships with their choice men, leaving the rest to block up the Castle: and sailed against the Romans. Skipuar commanded the men left behind, and Giblas' and Gundulfe those in the Ships. The Fleets being near, each drew their ships as close together as might be and exhorted their men. John and Valerianus spoke thus.  
Think not fellow Soldiers! that you are to fight now only for the Castle of Ancona, and the Romans in it; but that the main of the war depends upon this battle; and that the conclusion of our fortune is to be drawn in the same Lot with it. Consider, how the chief moment of war consists in the expenses of it, and that they who want supplies, are of necessity to be beaten in the End. Valour and hunger cannot dwell long together, nature not enduring to pine with famine, and to fight bravely too: And other fortress we have none between Otranto and Ravenna, where we can lay in any provisions for ourselves or our Horses. And the Enemy being Master of the Country we have no place our friend, from whence to furnish any small proportion of victual. In Ancona is our only hope, where such as come from the opposite land may put in and ride safely. So that if we win this battle, and thereby assure Ancona, we may hope well of all the rest of this war; but if we be defeated, I will not speak any thing that is harsh, God grant unto the Romans the perpetual Dominion of Italy. And consider too, that if you speed ill now, you cannot so much as run away; the Enemy possessing all the land, and being also absolute master of the Sea. Our only hope of living now is in our arms, and depends upon our actions in this fight. Fight bravely therefore, having this in your minds, that if you now be beaten, it will be your last beating; if you conquer, you will be ranked with honour among the most happy.  
Thus john and Valerianus; and the Goths Commander spoke thus. These wretched men expulsed out of Italy, and long hid in some corners of the Sea and Land, seeing now they dare to sight with us again; it is our parts to check their unadvised presumption, lest it grow higher being let alone. Folly, not restrained in the beginning, proceeds to endless daring, and at last ruins those it encounters. Show them then quickly, that they are Greeks, and naturally cowards, and now grown desperate with being beaten. Take heed lest they prosper upon this Experiment; Cowardice despised, becomes bold, and foolhardiness in the end may grow to be incapable of fear. And if you do valiantly, think not that they can stand long. A spirit not measured out proportionably to the power of him that uses it, commonly rises before the business; but when the battle is begun, it sucks. Remember therefore the often trials this Enemy hath made of your valour; & from their then success, argue, that they are not now suddenly become better men; but have rashly undertaken as then, and will go off with the like fortune.  
After these exhortations, the battle began, and was stoutly sought, and something like a land fight. They stood with all their ships in front against each other; and plied their Bows. The forwardest grappled, and fought from the decks with Javelin and sword, as in a field. But the Goths unexperienced in Sea-sights maintained the encounter with much disorder. Some stood aloof, whereby the Romans set on them single: Some came on so thick, that they fell, foul with their fellows for want of Room. Their ships stood jumbled together like so many baskets that they could neither shoot at the Enemy, nor manage their Javelins nor swords; but were perpetually employed in getting clear of one another, with loud clamours, and confused pushing off with their long poles; entangling their front for want of room, and then getting aloof, and both to their own mischeise: their cries and hollow were not against the Enemy, but to their own men to keep off; and thus puzzelling one another, they were the chiefest cause of the Enemy's victory. Who in their close fights did valiantly, and in their Sea fights skilfully; keeping their ships in front, not too far asunder, nor more close than was convenient; And still joining and severing in good proportion, when they saw an Enemy's ship scattered, they struck at her, and with ease sunk her; and where they saw the Enemy in confusion, thither they sent clouds of arrows; then seeing them wearied with the toil of their disorder, they fell on them and cut them in pieces. The Goths desponding, did neither consider their cross fortune, nor their own Errors; and being not able either to use their ships, nor to fight from their decks they left fight and fell to a dangerous quietness, committing themselves to fortune; and then betook themselves to a shameful and disorderly retreat, having no remembrance either of resisting, or of handesomly flying; but being scattered among their Enemies, they stood amazed. Eleven ships got away; the rest the Romans took, or sunk with the men in them. Giblas' was taken Prisoner; but Gundulse escaped in the eleven ships, and the men being landed, he set them on fire, that they might not come into the Enemy's hands. Then they went a foot to Ancona, where relating the accident to their companions, they all retired from thence, leaving their camp for the Romans, and they ran tumultuously into Auximum. The Romans came to the Goths camp before Ancona, and took it, then put provisions into the Castle, and sailed away, Valerianus to Ravenna, and John to Salonae. This overthrow much abated the power of Totilas.  
In Sicily at the same time thus it was. Liberius was sent for home to Constantin●ple, and Artabanes by the Emperor was made sole Commander of the army in Sicily; Who took in all the Castles from the few Goths left in the Island, after some sieges and overthrows given them. The Goths were terrified therewith, and with the late defeat at Sea, and their hearts with these losses were so dejected, that if any succours should come to the Romans, they had no thought of subsisting, or of keeping their footing in Italy; nor could they hope to obtain any thing from the Emperor. For Totilas had sent many Ambassadors to the Emperor, showing how the Francs had seized upon a great share of Italy, and how the rest was become waist: That the Goths should quit to him Sicily and Dalmatia, which only remained unspoyled; and should pay tribute for the wasted Lands in Italy, and serve the Emperor against all the World, and in other things be obedient to him. But the Emperor would take no notice of these overtures, but still sent away the Ambassadors, being distasted at the very name of Goths, and purposing to chase them out of the Roman Empire.   

CHAP. XV.  
NOT long before died Theodebert King of the Francs, having unjustly made tributary some Towns in Liguria, and the Cottian Alps, and a great part of Venetia: The Francs thus getting without blows, what the two Antagonists were busily fight for. In Venetia the Goths had little; the Sea-townes the Romans had, and the Francs seized upon the rest, while neither the Goths nor Romans had leisure to make new Enemies. The Goths also came to this agreement with the Francs; that during the War with the Emperor, both should hold what they had, and forbear hostility. If Totilas conquer, that then the said acquisitions of the Francs be disposed, as should be agreed between the parties. But in the Kingdom of Theodebert succeeded Theudibald his Son, to whom the Emperor sent Leontius a Senator, and Son-in-law to Athanasius, his Ambassador, to persuade a League against Totilas, and to demand the Towns in Italy, unjustly held by Theodebert, and surprised during the Truce. The Ambassador spoke thus to Theudibald. Others, Sir, (it may be) have had Accidents which they expected not, but no men (I think) such as the Romans have had from you. The Emperor entered not into this War, nay not into any expostulation with the Goths, before the Francs had received great sums of money of him, and had promised aides, and the conjunction of their Forces: Which Accord they have not only not performed, but have done us injuries, which none could imagine. Your Father Theodebert hath intruded into a Province by the Emperor, acquired with much toil and hazard, and with the Frank's consent. But I come not to chide, nor complain, but to demand only, and therewithal to give you this advise; to establish the prosperity you have, and to let the Romans have that which is theirs. Some small thing often times unjustly gotten, is the occasion of losing great and powerful acquisitions; stable happiness, and injustice never meeting in one point. I advise you likewise to join in this War, according to your Father's engagement to the Emperor. Nothing becomes good Sons better, then to rectify their Father's erroneous Proceed, and to ratify what they have well done.  
The wish of a wise man is, that his Son may emulate his virtuous Actions, and if he have done any thing amiss, he wishes another may rather imitate it, than his Son. Indeed you should not have needed invitation to this War against the Goths, originally your Enemies, and false to you of old, and ever in War with you, without truce or quarter. Now for fear of us they fawn upon you, but being rid of us, they will soon show their intentions. Wicked men change not their Natures with their Fortunes; in adversities indeed they hid them, especially when they have need of a Neighbour. Consider this, and renew your Amity with the Emperor, and take a revenge against your ancient Enemies. Theudibald answered this Speech in this manner.  
It is not now just in you, to demand our assistance against the Goths, now in Amity with us; If we prove unsure to them, we shall not be trusty to you. A bad disposition to Friends being once discovered, puts a man for fear out of the right way. Concerning the Towns you mention, my Father Theodebert was no oppressor of his Neighbours, nor intruder: And it appears so, for I am not rich; And he took not the Towns from the Emperor, but got them fairly from Totilas, the then owner of them, which should please the Emperor, to see one who wronged him, disseised by another, and thereby justly punished, unless because he would have them himself, and cannot get them, he will envy him that can. But let us refer the examination of these things to Arbitrators: If it shall appear that my Father hath taken any thing unjustly from the Romans, there is reason we should give satisfaction: And we will shortly send our Ambassadors to Constantinople, touching the same. With this he dismissed Leontius, and sent Leudard a Frank his Ambassador to Justinian, with three others; who at Constantinople effected what they came about.  
Totilas desired to get the Islands belonging to afric, and he sent an Army to Corsica, and Sardinia, which he made tributary to him. John the General of afric, sent presently to Sardinia some Forces, who besieged the City of Carnalis; blocking it up only but not able to assault it, having a very sufficient Garrison of Goths within, which sallied suddenly, and routed the Romans; who having lost many, ran to their Ships, and returned to Carthage, where they wintered, purposing in the Spring to renew the Voyage with greater preparations. There grows an Herb in this Island of Sardinia, which being tasted, puts men into fatal Convulsions, wherein they seem to laugh, and quickly die of it; whence is called the Sardonian laughter. Corsica was anciently named Cyrnus, and in it, as there is a Generation of Dwarves, so there are races of horses not much bigger than sheep.  
A mighty troup at that time of Slavonians, fell upon Illyrium, committing mischiefs not to be expressed. Justinian sent against them an army commanded by the Sons of Germanus, and others. Who being much fewer than the Enemy, durst not fight; but infested their Rear, and cut off some, & sent of them some prisoners to the Emperor. These Barbarians did infinite hurt, long pillaging the Country, and strewing the high ways with dead bodies, and then went home with innumerable prisoners, and all their booty, none encountering them. The Romans could not infest them in their passage over the Ister, because the Gaepedes transported them, and had for every head a gold stater for their fare: This troubled the Emperor, having no means to restrain their passage over the River Ister, to spoil the Empire, nor their sudden retreat, which made him resolve to make a League with the Gaepedes who were then again quarrelling with the Lombard's, and fearing the power of the Romans. (who had lately sworn a league with the Lombard's) they endeavoured to be admitted friends and Auxiliaries. They sent Ambassadors accordingly, and the Emperor swore a league with them also, and upon the demand of the Ambassadors, twelve Senatots swore it likewise. Shortly after, the Emperor sent an army to aid the Lombard's against the Gaepedes, whom he charged since the League, to have transported Slavonians over the River Ister against the Romans. The Army was commanded by justine & justinian the Sons of Germanus, & Aratius and Swartwall, formerly made Prince of the Herulians by the Emperor, but banished (as I said before) by the Herulians of Thule, and returning to Constantinople made General of the Cohorts there. There was likewise Amalafridas' a Goth, the Daughter's Son of Amalafridas' (who was Sister to Theoderick) by Hermenifrid Prince of the Thuringians, who being brought to Constantinople by Belisarius with Vitigis, the Emperor made him Commander of Roman troops, and betrothed his Sister to Auduin Prince of the Lombard's. Of the aforesaid army only, that Amalafridas' with his troops, came to the Lombard's, the rest by the Emperor's direction stayed about the City of Vlpiana, in Illyrium, where was a mutiny among the inhabitants about things, wherein Christians contend among themselves, as shall be set down in my relations concerning the same. The Lombard's with Amalafridas' invaded the Gaepedes, and in a battle defeated them, and killed many: And Auduin their King sent the good news to the Emperor of his victory; but complained of the not coming up of the Emperor's army according to the League; so great numbers of Lombard's having been so lately sent by him to aid Narses against Totilas.   

CHAP. XVI.  
GReat Earthquakes at that time happened in Boeotia; and Achaia, and other parts of Greece, about the Gulf of Crisaeum, overthrowing many Cities, as Chaeronea, Corone, Patra, and Naupactus. Many men perished, and in many places, by the renting of the Earth, were made bottomless holes; some whereof closed again afterward, some continue still so, that the people are to compass much Ground to come to one another. The arm of the Sea between Thessaly and Boeotia, flowed up into the land about the City of Echinae, & Scarphia in Boeotia, & overwhelmed all the Towns there: The waters lay long, & men went into the Island lying upon that arm of the Sea on dry land; while the Sea leaving her ancient current covered the firm land even to the mountains. Afterward it returned to the channels again, leaving the fishes upon the land; a strange & prodigious accident; For some tried to seethe and eat them; but no sooner heated, but they turned to a slimy matter, extremely putrified. In one town, where the greatest breach was, the people being assembled at a great festival, more men perished then in all Greece beside.  
But in Italy, the Crotonians, and the Garrison commanded by Palladius, being sharply besieged by the Goths, and wanting food, had sent to Artabanes in Sicily, protesting, if they were not instantly succoured, to yield the Town and themselves too. But no succour was sent; and so ended the winter, and the seventeenth year of this war, written by Procopius.  
The Emperor commanded the Garrison at Thermopylae, in Greece, 
Incipit Annus 18. Bell. Goth. in an. 26. Justiniani. Et An. Dom. 552.  to sail for Italy and to relieve Crotona. Who getting a fair wind, came unexpected into the Haven of Crotona. The Goths upon sight of the fleet risen from their siege in much fear and tumult, and fled some by sea to Tarentum, others ran from their trenches up to the mountain of Scyllaeum. These things much dejected the Goths: And Ragnaris Commander of the Garrison in Tarentum, and Morras of that in Archerontia, two principal Goths, with their Soldier's assent, had a treaty with Bacurius, the Son of Peranius, Commander of the Romans in Otranto, for receiving assurances from the Emperor, and thereupon to deliver up the towns in their Guard: the Capitulation Bacurius took with him to Constantinople. And now Narses marched from Salonae against Totilas, with a very gallant army; having received much treasure from the Emperor to levy & furnish the same, & above all to pay to the Soldiers in Italy their arrears, which were grown great, being due for many years. He was with this money also to invite the revolted, to return again from the Goths to the Romans. The Emperor in the beginning of this war, made it very carelessly, but now his preparations were very great; for Narses seeing him eager to have him to lead the army into Italy, did like a brave General, protesting herein not to serve the Emperor's commands, unless he might have competent forces; and by this resolution, he procured money, men, and arms, befitting the Roman Empire. Then with much alacrity he made up gallant companies out of the Constantinopolitan Guards, and Garrisons of Thrace,, and many he raised in Illyrium. With him went John with his own Troops, and those left him by Germanus his Father in Law. Auduin also, prince of the Lombard's, in accomplishment of the league, and for great sums given him by the Emperor, sent five and twenty hundred selected men for auxlliaries, accompanied with a retinue of above three thousand men. Narses had also three thousand Herulians, all horsemen, commanded by Philimuth and others, and he had many Huns. Dagistthaeus also was with him with his troops, being discharged of his imprisonment for the same purpose. Cabades went also with many Persian fugitives, who was the Son of Zames, and Grandchild of King Cabades, and long ago came into the Empire; having by the practice of Chanaranges escaped his uncle Chosroes; and a young Gepaede very valiant, named Asbadas, with four hundred Gepaedes, good Soldiers. And Aruth an Herulian, from a child bred among the Romans, and married to the widow of Mauricius the Son of Mundus, a gallant man, and accompanied with many old Soldiers of his Nation; john Phagas also commanding many Romans, good Soldiers. Narses was a man liberal, and most forward in relieving men in want; using his disposition the more easily, by reason of his great power with the Emperor, so that he had obliged many, both commanders and common Soldiers; who all upon his being now General were eager to serve under him, both in acknowledgement of former favours, and in expectation of great advancements by him. Above all, the Herulians, and other Barbarians loved him, having done them many benefits. Being come upon the Confines of Venetia, he sent to the Captains of the Francs, to demand passage as for friends. They refused it, and protested to hinder it, both for the Francs good, and for their amity with the Goths, pretending also a poor excuse; because Narses had with him Lombard's, their greatest Enemies. Narses was troubled at it; but was told by some Italians, that if the Francs gave him passage, he could not from thence get to Ravenna, nor further possibly then to Verona. For Totilas had placed in Verona a choice number of Goths under Teias, a most valiant General, to lie in the Romans way. This Tejas had stopped up all the passages with works, and made in some places with much art and labour thickets, in others, ditches, deep holes, and bogs, and overflowed the Grounds; and himself lay with his army ready to fight with the Roman army attempting to force their way. This was done by Totilas' direction, knowing how the Romans would not be able to pass along the Sea-coast, by so many great Rivers mouths, which made the shore unpassable; and how they had not ships enough to transport the whole army at once over the Gulf, and coming but few at once, that he might easily hinder their landing. Narses being herewith much perplexed, John, who knew those parts exactly, advised him to march with the army by the Seashore, the people there being their subjects; and to be attended with some ships, and many boats, with which boats they might make a bridge over the currents of those rivers, and so make their passages: Narses followed this advice, and got to Ravenna with his whole army.   

CHAP. XVII.  
DUring the wars, came to Constantinople Ildigisall, a Lombard. The Kingdom of the Lombard's of right belonged to him, but Anduin forced it from him, whereupon he fled his country. Justinian entertained him with favour, & made him Captain of one of the Cohorts, called Scholae, which guard the Palace. He had three hundred followers his country men, who had been bred sometime with him in Thrace. Auduin demanded him of the Emperor, as a reward due to his friendship, and late confederacy; but the Emperor would not deliver him to him. This Ildigisall afterward grew discontented at the meanness of his entertainments; which Gore perceived, a Goth, taken in Dalmatia, in the wars of Vitigis, and sent Prisoner to Dalmatia, being a man proud and valiant, and repining at his condition, and upon the late revolt of the Goths in Italy, he was discovered to plot against the Roman State. This Gore persuaded Ildigisall to run from Constantinople, promising to accompany him; and so with some few with them they came to Apri, a City in Thrace, joined with some Lombard's they found there, and taking many Horses from the Emperor's Horse-pastures in Thrace, they went forward. The Emperor commanded the Companies in Thrace and Illyrium to oppose these Fugitives. First they were fought with by Cuturgurian Huns, lately planted in Thrace by the Emperor (as hath been said) But they beat these Huns and killed many, and then past through Thrace with their Troops, none disturbing them. In Illyrium they found an Army levied against them, commanded by Aratius, Recithangus, Leonianus, Arimuth, and others: Who having road all day, resolved in the evening to lodge in a woody ground, and taking with them each three or four Soldiers, went to drink of the River, being extremely thirsty. Ildigisall and Gore, understanding of their being there by their Scouts, sell suddenly upon them, and killed them all; and thenceforward marched on at their ease, the Soldiers perplexed, and without Commanders riding back again. They went then to the Gepaedes: from the Gepaedes was also fled one Vstrigoth, the only Son of Elimund late King of the Gepaedes, who being suppressed by Thorisin, and but a Boy, fled to the Lombard's: but the Lombard's, Gepaedes, and the Emperor making peace, and swearing a perpetual amity, both the Emperor and Auduin, Prince of the Lombard's, sent to Thorisin to deliver to them their common Enemy Ildigisall, requiring thus, for an expression of their new made amity, the betraying of a poor man come for refuge. Thorisin demanded herein the opinion of the principal Gepaedes; who plainly disadvised it, protesting to choose rather to perish with their Wives and Children, then to be guilty of so foul an impiety. The Prince being unable to do it without the consent of his Subjects; and unwilling to revive the War with the Romans and Lombard's, sent to Auduin, and demanded of him Vstrigoth, the Son of Elimund, provoking him to a like fault, and to betray servant for servant, that his own loathness in the like absurdity might check his request to another. But Auduin consented, and they both resolved upon this unjust act, and not daring to acquaint their Subjects with it publicly, each treacherously killed his Enemy; I forbear to tell the manner, the reports differing, as happens in all secret actions. And this was the fortune of Ildigisall and Vstrigoth.  
But in Ravenna, Valerianus and Justinus the Generals, and the remainder of the Roman Army joined with Narses. Nine days after Vsdrilas a Goth, Commander of the Garrison at Ariminum, wrote this Letter to Valerianus:  
After you had filled the World with rumours, and possessed Italy with phantasms, thinking to scare away the Goths with your big looks; now you have enclosed yourselves in Ravenna, that an Enemy may not see your faint hearts, which you cover with the same brave countenance, and lie with your mingled multitude of Barbarians upon a Country, wherein you have no right: For shame rise from thence and fight, show yourselves; keep us not thus under a tedious expectation: We attend you like spectators in a Theatre to see a sight.  
Narses laughed at the Letter, and the vanity of the Goths, and forthwith began his journey, leaving Justinus in Ravenna with a Garrison. At Ariminum he found the Bridge newly taken up by the Goths, and his passage not easy; by the Bridge itself was never any passage but by one man a breast, unarmed and a foot, with much ado, though none disturbed; but now numbers opposing, it was not possible to ferry over. Narses came to the place where the Bridge had been, and studied upon some expedient in this difficulty. Thither came also Vsdrilas with some Horse, to observe the Romans proceeding. A Soldier of Narses let fly an Arrow amongst them, and killed a Horseman; whereat Vsdrilas removed in some haste, and put himself within the Town, and immediately at another Gate sallied with others of his best men; thinking to take Narses suddenly, and to cut him in pieces, being now searching in another part of the River for a passage. But some Herulians by accident encountered, and killed him; and a Roman knowing him, brought his head to Narses; which filled them with courage, to see God fight for them, and the Goths having a plot upon their General, to lose their own Commander suddenly, not by any humane design or providence. But Narses meddled not with Ariminum, though Vsdrilas were slain, nor with any other Enemy-towne, that he might not retard his main design, nor distract it by any by-businesse. And the Enemy in Ariminum, having lost their Commander, gave no impediment to him in the making a Bridge, by which he passed the River at his ease. He left Via Flaminia, and took the left hand way; for the Enemy had taken the strong Rock of Petra pertusa, described by me before, and all other pieces upon Via Flaminia, which made it unpassable for the Romans; and therefore he left the shorter, and went the quieter way.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
TOTILAS, hearing what had happened in Venetia, stayed for the Army with Teias about Rome. Who being all come up save two thousand Horse, without staying longer for them, he marched away with the rest, purposing to fight with the Romans at his best conveniency. In his way, hearing the news of Vsdrilas, and how the Enemy was past the River at Ariminum, he marched through Tuscany to the Apennine, and in a Village there called Tagi●● encamped. Afterward came Narses, and sat down upon the Apennine also, in an even piece of ground, twelve miles and a half from the Enemy. About the place were many little round Hills, being the Tombs of the Gauls slain by Camillus and the Romans, and they are to this day called Busta Gallorum; Busta in Latin being the remainders and relics of a funeral Pile. Narses sent some unto Totilas to desire him to to lay aside Hostility, and to entertain at last peaceable counsels, representing how impossible it was for him, having under him but few men, and them not held together by any Law, to contend long with the whole Roman Empire. And he directed his Ambassadors, if they saw Totilas resolved upon War, to bid him instantly appoint a day for a pitched Battle. They did accordingly, and Totilas with a brave countenance told them, that by any means they must have Warr. Noble Sir, than quoth they, what time appoint you for the Battle? Eight days hence, quoth he, we will meet you. Narses hearing this report from the Ambassadors, suspecting some cunning in Totilas, prepared, as to fight the next day: And he was in the right; for the next day Totilas came with his whole Army. And they lay one against the other about a flight shot off: Both parts had a mind to possess a little Hill, to gain advantage of upper ground to shoot down on the Enemy, and there being also no beat way to the Roman Camp but by that Hill (the Camp being compassed by those round Hills I mentioned) they esteemed it an important place, for the Goths to gaul the Romans every way, and for the Romans to prevent that inconvenience. Narses in the night time sent fifty choice men, who surprised the place, none opposing. Before the Hill, and near the beaten way opposite to the Goths Quarters runs a Brook; by this the fifty Romans stood close, body to body, putting themselves into a square form. In the morning Totilas perceiving them, sent a Troop of Horse to beat them away; who road against them furiously and with clamour, as if they would drive them away at the first onset: But they stood thick and firm, and fenced close with their Shields, which clashing together, and charging their Lances in sit time, all at once in order, they bravely resisted the Goths hot assault; frighting their Horses with the noise of their Shields, and the men with the points of their Lances. The Horses flew back, having space enough to retire, and the men crying aloud to them, could not be heard; but were thus beaten off. They came on again, and found the same entertainment, and went off; and failing often, in the end they gave it over. Totilas' commanded out another Troop of Horse, who sped as the former, and so did others after that; and Totilas having tried many Troops, and doing no good, in the end quitted the business; whereby these fifty men got much reputation, but especially Paul and Ausilas; who drawing their Cimiters, laid them before them; then made many shots upon the Enemy, which killed many both men and Horses; and their Quivers being empty, they took up their Swords and sheild's, and alone opposed the assailants, cutting off with their Swords their Lances heads. And Paul having bowed his Sword with cutting the Lances, he threw it away, and snatched from the Enemy four Lances, and by his valour was the greatest cause of their despairing. Narses for this service made him one of his Targeteirs. In the mean time both parts prepared for the Battle. Narses spoke thus to his Soldiers.  
When a Battle is to be with equal powers, happily it is necessary with encouragements to get some advantage of the Enemy for the Victory: But you, fellow Soldiers! being to fight with men inferior in valour, numbers, all kind of preparations, need no more but with God's propitious to begin this Battle. Ever then with your prayers making him your assistant, march on with a noble scorn against these thiefs, the ancient Slaves of our Emperor, and now Fugitives; though for a time they have troubled us, having gotten to themselves a Tyrant picked out of their multitude. Indeed reasoning probably, it is most strange that these men should so much as stand in rank against us. They are weary of living, and like brutes and mad men run upon a manifest death; and from that reasonless resolution, as they can have no hopes, so they care not what befalls them, being men brought hither by God to be punished for their ill government. When men have a sentence against them above, they run themselves into their just chastisement You do likewise hazard in this Battle for a lawful State, but they are Rebels, and struggle against the Laws. They think not to leave their estates to their Posterity, and therefore live in momentany comforts, which they know will be lost with their own breath: So that they are to be despised. Men without Law and Government all good hopes fail, and Victory abandons, which uses not to forsake the good cause.  
Totilas also, seeing his Troops apprehensive of the Roman Army, used this exhortation.  
I am now, fellow Soldiers! to make to you my last Speech; we shall need no more after this day, which certainly will conclude the fortune of the Warr. Both ourselves and the Emperor are even so spent with toils, fights, and other necessities, that he that beats his Enemy, shall have need to fight no more, and he that is beaten will have a fair excuse to be quiet. When men reap from their affairs miserable fruits, they dare no more return to them, but even in occasions vehemently pressing, their judgements start back upon the memory of their former misfortunes. So that now it is you must fight, reserve nor your valour for any other time, and endure now the labour, not preserving your bodies for another hazard; and spare not Arms nor Horses, as things that will no more be useful to you. Fortune having ruined all the rest, hath left us this day as the utmost of our hopes. Use now your courage, venture boldly; our hopes hanging upon such a hair, we must not be remiss for the least moment of time. The point of opportunity being past, the greatest endeavours afterward fail; the nature of these affairs not admitting stolen valour; all must be unseasonable that comes after the occasion. So that let us do effectually now, that we may find the benefit of what we do, and assure ourselves that running away is most ruinous. Men leave their ranks and fly, that they may live; but when flying brings certain destruction, he that stands the danger is safer than he that flies. And let us despise our Enemies, a mingled multitude of many Nations. Such Auxiliaries are neither faithful, nor powerful. As they are of several Nations, they have several intentions also; and think not that the Huns, Herulians, and Lombard's will hazard to the death, or esteem their lives at a less rate than the Romans Money. They make a countenance of fight, but will turn cowards when they please; either after receit of their pays, or upon their Commander's direction. The most agreeable things not done freely, but upon the necessity either of compulsion or hire, please not, but become grievous at last. Consider all this, and fight with alacrity.  
The Battles were thus put in order: they stood both in front, as deep and as long as they could make it. The left wing of the Romans Narses and John had, near the Hill, with the choicest men of the Army, being both followed with many Lanciers and Targeteers, and excellent Huns, besides their Soldiers on the List. In the right wing were Valerianus, John Phagas, and Dagisthaeus, with the rest of the Roman Soldiers. The Battalion was of eight thousand foot, and the Archers of the List; and between the same and both the wings were placed the Lombard's, Herulians, and other Barbarians; all whom Narses caused to alight from their Horses, and to serve as footmen, that if they should turn willing Cowards, they might fly but slowly. The left wing he put into the form of a Wedge, and he set there fifteen hundred Horsemen, whereof five hundred were to relieve the Romans, in case they should be put to the worst; and the other thousand in the fight to get the backs of the Enemy's foot, and to gall them. Totilas' placed his Army in like manner, and road about, with his countenance and words animating his Soldiers. Narses did the like, holding out to them gilt Chains and Bridles, as the Prizes of their valour that day.   

CHAP. XIX.  
BOth the Armies a while stood still, expecting each their Enemies assault: Then a Goth named Cocas, much esteemed for valour, road up to the Roman Army, challenging any to fight with him. He had been a Roman Soldier, and revolted to Totilas; to whom Anzalas an Armenian, and Lancier to Narses road out. Cocas spurred on to give the first blow with his Lance, aiming at his belly; Anzalas turned his Horse aside, and avoided the blow, than thrust his Lance into his left side, at which the Goth fell down dead, and the Romans shouted. Then Totilas put himself between the Armies, not to fight a Duel, but to dally out the time, understanding the two thousand Horse to be at hand, until whose coming he would put off the Battle. He concealed who he was, wearing a Gilt Armour, and from his Headpeice and Lance hung down streamers of purple; and he was a gallant sigh, being bravely horsed. He acted his feats of Arms skilfully, winding his Horse round in a circle; then turning short, and making many such circular passages: He tossed his Lance into the air in his full career, than caught it as it came down again, and removing it skilfully from one hand to another, he took much pride in his dexterity therein; lying upon his back, and putting himself upon his Buttocks and bowing this way and that way, like a Youth exactly taught all the tricks of a Dancing school. He spent a great part of the afternoon in these exercises; then to gain more time, sent to the Roman Army, offering a Parley. Narses said, he juggled, being before all for War, and now making Propositions when the Battles were to join. In the mean time came the two thousand Horse, which when Totilas understood, and it being Dinner time, he caused the Army to draw off, and he went to his Tent; where in his own quarter he found the two thousand Horse. He commanded his Troops to dine, and himself put on another Armour, than led out suddenly against the Enemy, thinking to surprise them unprepared: But Narses fearing what happened, forbade his men to retire to their Dinner, or afternoons repose, or to put off their Corslets, or to unbridle their Horses; commanding them in their ranks, with their Armour on, to take a bit, and to have a perpetual eye upon the Enemy's return. They stood in the same order still, saving that Narses put both the wings, with an addition of four thousand Foot, into the form of a half moon.  
The Goths Infantry stood behind their Horse, to receive them being routed within their ranks, and jointly to renew the charge. Totilas commanded his men, not to use their Arrows but their Lances; which senseless stratagem ruined him, making hereby his Army inferior in their offensive weapons, as in all things else. For the Romans used, according to the occasion, their Arrows and Lances, and came up to the Sword, and did all which the present occasion required, either charging on Horseback, or on foot, to their best advantage; and sometimes compassing the Enemy, sometimes standing his charges. But the Goths Horse, without their Foot, came on with unadvised fury, trusting only to their Lances; and being in the midst of the Romans, they found their error, being engaged among eight thousand Foot: By whom being gaulled on all sides, they despaired: Our Archers drawing home the two ends of their Bows even to their foreheads, and round like a half moon; so that the Goths, before they could touch the Romans Horse, had lost many men and Horses. And after much mischief sustained, they came late up to the Romans Battalion of Horse; where the Romans and Auxiliaries strove with equal valour, each one receiving the Enemy bravely, and repelling them. Then the Evening coming on, the Goths began to retire, and the Romans to pursue; the Goths being not able to stand after their first furious charge, but turning about in confusion, daunted with the Romans numbers and good order: And they gave over fight; thinking that some Spirits fell upon them, and that Heaven itself fought against them. When they came to their Foot, there their mischief increased; for they came not in any orderly retreat, as to take breath for a new charge, or for any other point of War, but ran in among them so confusedly, spoiling many, that they opened not their ranks to receive them, but ran away with them for company, and it growing dark they destroyed one another. The Romans killed them in this fear, sparing none, and none daring to look them in the faces, who exposing themselves to their Enemies, were pursued with terrors, and mastered with cowardice. Six thousand were slain, and many taken Prisoners, and not long after put to the Sword. Among them perished many Roman Soldiers, who had revolted to Totilas. And now the darkness concluded the fight. Totilas' fled in the dark with five men, of whom Skipuar was one; he was pursued by some Romans, who knew him not; among whom was Asbades a Gepaede, who had overtaken him, and was making a blow at him: but a Gothish Boy following his flying Master, cried out, Thou Dog! Dost thou run after thine own Master to kill him? But Asbades thrust his Lance forcibly into Totilas, and was himself hurt in the foot by Skipuar, that he could follow no further; Skipuar also being wounded, stood still: And the four men with Asbades followed no further, but carried off Asbades. Those who accompanied Totilas road on amain (thinking the Enemy pursued still) and drew him after them, mortally wounded, and ready to expire. Having run about ten miles, they came to a Town called Caprae; there they rested, and dressed the wound of Totilas, who soon after gave up the ghost: There they buried him and went away. Such a conclusion of his life and reign had Totilas, having been King of the Goths eleven years; an end not suitable to his former actions and successes. Fortune in him insulted upon the frail condition of man, showing her strange proceeding, and absolute will. She had without any apparent merit bestowed on Totilas a long time of happiness; and now upon the sudden she hurried him at her own pleasure into cowardice, and an ignoble death. These are things to men incomprehensible, but in all ages have been discoursed of according to men's conceits and fancies, to comfort their ignorance with some seeming probabilities. But the Romans knew not of the death of Totilas, till a Gothish woman told it, and shown his Grave; who distrusting the report, opened the Grave, digged up the Coffin, and took out the body, and finding it to be Totilas, they put him into the ground again, and reported all to Narses. Some report this overthrow otherwise, that the Goths did not make that unadvised retreat; but that in the first skirmishing with the Romans, suddenly an Arrow, and by chance lighted upon Totilas. For being armed like a common Soldier, and ranked among them in the Battalion to conceal himself, he could not be known, nor purposely shot at. But that being mortally wounded, in great pain he galloped away with some few with him to Caprae, and, after much misery and languishing, died under the cure. And that the Goths amazed to see their King thus mortally wounded, and gone off, being otherwise too weak, then became wholly out of heart, and fell into that astonishment and shameful running away.   

CHAP. XX.  
BUT howsoever this fell out; Narses rejoicing at the success, took the True course, to attribute all unto God: And he took order in the present occasions; and first, to be rid of his unrulely Lombard's, who were infinitely disorderly, and burned houses, and ravished Women that fled into Churches. He bestowed store of money on them for their Service, and sent them home; commanding Valerianus, and Damianus, his Sister's Son, with their Troops to conduct them out of the Roman Confines, that they might do no mischief in their way homeward. And so soon as these were out of the Roman Territories, Valerianus besieged Verona; and the Garrison in it came to some Capitulation with him for rendering the Town: But the Francs Garrisoned in the Towns of Venetia hindered it, seeking with all their endeavour to get the whole Country to themselves; whereupon Valerianus retired without effecting any thing.  
The Goths who fled from the overthrow, went over the River Poe, and put themselves into the City of Picenum, and other Towns about it, and made Teias their King. He with the Treasures left by Totilas in Picenum, sought to draw the Francs to his aid, and governed the Goths as he could in that Estate, assembling them together. Narses advertised thereof, commanded Valerianus to keep his Troops about the River Poe, to make the Goths rallying difficult: Himself with the rest of the Army marched towards Rome. In Tuscany he took in Narnia, and put a Garrison into Spoletum, with direction to re-edify the Walls demolished by the Goths. He sent Troops also to attempt Perusia, commanded by two Fugitive Romans, Meligedius, and Vlithus; who being one of the Lifeguard to Cyprianus, was won by the allurements of Totilas to murder him, Commander of the Roman Garrison there. Melegedius accepted the offers of Narses, and consulted with his own Followers to yield the Town; which Vlithus with his Friends openly opposing, was slain in the Fight, and the Town was rendered to the Romans. Thus by God's just Vengeance was Vlithus slain in the very place, where he had murdered his Commander Cyprianus.  
The Goths Garrisoned in Rome, hearing of the approach of Narses, put in readiness to encounter him, as they could. At his first taking Rome, Totilas had burnt most of the Buildings of the City; and then considering how the Goths had not men enough left to Guard the whole Circuit of it, he took in with a lesser Wall a small part thereof, about Adrian's Tomb, joined it to the City Walls, and so made it as a Castle; wherein the Goths laid their things of Value, and guarded it carefully, neglecting the rest of the Walls. Yet then desirous to try the Enemy, they left a few to guard that Castle, and put themselves upon the Battlements. The Circuit of Rome so vast neither could the Romans encompass, nor the Goths guard; so that the assaults, and defences were accidentally in several places, as the occasions were. Narses charged one part with multitudes of Archers; in another John, Sister's Son to Vitalianus, fell on with his Troops. Another part Philimuth and his Herulians infested, and they were far distant from one another: the Goths bravely resisting their Charges; and being assembled all where the Romans fell on, the rest of the Walls were empty. Dagisthaeus, with Narses consent, took some Troops with the Ensigns of Narses, and John, and scaling Ladders, and set upon a part quite destitute of Guards, and at his ease he mounted by his Ladders, none resisting; and then set upon the Gates: the Goths seeing this, left their Guards and ran all away; some to their new Castle, others to Portus. Writing this, it comes into my thoughts, how Fortune plays with poor men; changing her looks with the times and places, and varying suddenly not only her own humour, but even the value and worth of the men. Bessas' formerly lost Rome unworthily, and afterward recovered Petra in Lazica very bravely. And on the contrary, Dagisthaeus poorly ran away from Petra, and now soon after recovers Rome itself to the Emperor. These things have been done from the beginning, and will be, while there is Fortune among men. Narses then marched against the new Castle; But the Goths yielded it and themselves, 
Anno 26. Just. Rome now had been taken five times in his Reign.  upon assurances for their Persons; Justinian being now in the 26th. year of his Reign. Thus was Rome taken five times in his Reign, and Narses sent the Keys of it to the Emperor. To the Roman Senate and People, this Victory proved an extreme ruin; So to men that must have a mischief, even their seeming good Fortunes turn to their destruction; that having had a fair course, they both lose it, and undo themselves. For the Goths, now despairing of the Dominion of Italy, in their flight killed all the Romans they found; And the Barbarians of the Roman Army also, at their entering the City, used them all as Enemies. Many Senators also confined by Totilas in Campania, and now repairing to Rome (when they heard it to be in the Emperor's possession) the Goths quartered in the Towns of those parts, killed, and left not one Patrician alive. Maximus was then slain, whom I have mentioned formerly. Totilas also, going against Narses, called for all the Sons of the principal Romans, and choosing out 300. of the goodliest of them, pretending to breed them, but indeed holding them for Hostages: And he sent them beyond the River Poe; whom Teias now finding there, killed them all.  
Moreover, Ragnaris a Goth, who commanded in Tarentum, and had compounded with Bacurius, (as I have said) to yield the City to the Emperor, and given six Goths for Hostages: Now hearing of the Election of Teias, and that the Francs were desired to aid him, and he immediately to march against the Romans, he refused to perform the composition; and to get his Hostages again, he sent one to Bacurius for a convoy of Soldiers to Otranto, from whence (he said) he would go to Constantinople. Bacurius, not suspecting his plot, sent him 50. men, whom Ragnaris imprisoned, and sent word to Bacurius, that if he meant to have his Shoulders, he must restore to him his Gothish Hostages. Bacurius led out his Forces against him, leaving some few to guard Otranto. Upon this Ragnaris killed the 50. Soldiers, and sallied out against the Romans, and in fight was defeated, lost many men, and ran away into Acherontia, Tarentum being blocked up by the Romans. The Romans soon after took Portus by composition, and Nepa in Tuscany, and Petra Pertusa. Teias finding his Goths too weak for the Romans, sent to Theudebald King of the Francs, importuning him with the offer of great sums of Money to join with him. But the Francs took the resolution best for themselves, not to bestow their lives upon Goths nor Romans, but to adventure them only in the Conquest of Italy for themselves.   

CHAP. XXI.  
BUT Narses (hearing how Totilas had laid the most part of his Treasures in the Castle of Cuma in Campania, with a strong Garrison under his own Brother & Herodian) sent to besiege the said Castle, staying himself at Rome to repair the ruins, and sent others to besiege Centumcellae. Teias fearing the loss of this Castle, and the Treasures; and having no hope from the Francs, commanded his Troops to be ready for a Battle with the Romans. Narses finding his intention, commanded John and Philemuth, to march with their Forces into Tuscany, to stop the Enemy's passage into Campania, and to assist in the taking of Cuma. But Teias left his nearer way, which was to the right hand, and made a huge compass; passing along the Sea coast of the Ionian Gulf into Campania. Narses thereof advertised, remanded John and Philemuth, and sent for Valerianus, who besieged Petra-Pertusa, and with his whole Army, in order to fight, marched into Campania. Mount Vesuvius in Campania (as I have said before) often sends out a noise like the lowing of Oxen, which is ever accompanied with a vomiting out of huge quantity of Cinders. Besides (as Mount Aetna in Sicily) in the middle it hath made itself hollow from the top to the bottom, and below the fire burns perpetually: The fire is so deep, that peeping in from the top, you cannot easily discern it. When the Mountain vomits, the flame forces off pieces of rocks from the highest ridges of it, shooting up the smaller pieces far above the Mountain, and scattering the greater round about. From the top also of this Mountain runs a Torrent of fire to the foot of it, and something further, as in Mount Aetna. This fiery stream on either side makes high banks, undermining the ground below; and when the flame comes upon it, it looks like a flood of water set on fire. So soon as the flame is quenched the stream stops its course; and the Sediment or Lees of that fiery substance looks like dry Mud, and heaps of Cinders. At the foot of the Mountain are wholesome Springs, from which comes the River Draco close to the City of Nuceria: On either side of this River both Armies encamped; it hath a small stream but not to be passed, being deep, as having worn out the ground under the banks very low. The Bridge which is upon it the Goths had gotten, and being encamped near it, they had made upon it wooden Towers, and many Engines, and set up Balistas to shoot down upon the Enemy. This River being such, there was no possibility for a close standing Battle. So that each part got as near as they durst to the banks, and plied one another with Arrows. Some Duels there were also, sometimes Romans and sometimes Goths pasting over the Bridge, and challenging all comers. Two months were thus consumed; and while the Goths were Masters of the Sea, their Camp being near the Sea, was supplied with provisions: But after the Romans had gotten their Ships by the Treason of the Commander of them a Goth, and were reinforced also with many other Ships out of Sicily and other Roman Dominions; and that Narses had set up wooden Towers upon the River's bank, the Goths hearts were absolutely dejected; and for fear and famine were feign to fly up to a Mountain near there, called Mons Lactis. The Romans for the fastnesses could not come at them: But the Goths being there in more want, and having no way to get any provision for themselves or their Horses, repenting their coming up, and choosing rather to die by fight then to starve, came suddenly upon the Romans, who stood against them as they could, being taken unexpectedly, not being embattled, nor under their several Captains; not any way in order, nor at all observing what was commanded them. The Goths quitted their Horses, and stood in a deep Battalion; the Romans left their Horses and stood in front likewise. This fight, and the valour of Teias in it, deserves a long discourse; being equal to that of the ancient Heroes. Despair made the Goths venture all, and the Romans stood them, though seeing them mad, yet ashamed to yield to beaten men; and so the one weary of their lives, the other for demonstration of valour, fought with much fury, beginning in the morning betimes. Teias accompanied with some few stood in the first rank in open view, holding out his Shield and shaking his Lance. A great number of Romans knowing that by his fall the Battle would be ended, combined themselves against him, some charging, some throwing their darts at him. Which he received all upon his Shield, and then slew out, and killed many. His Shield being stuck thick with Darts, he gave it to one of his Targeteers and took another. He continued thus a third part of the day, when he had twelve Darts sticking on his Shield, that he could not move it as he would, nor beat off the Assailants. Yet he quitted not his rank, nor gave the Enemy an inch of ground; he did not so much as turn his body, or rest his back upon his Shield; but stood upright, as if he were pitched into the ground, killing with his right hand, and warding with his Shield; and calling by name his Targetier to give him a new Shield, for his old was loaded with Darts. And in that instant, his breast lying open, was hit with a Javelin, upon which he immediately died. The Soldiers put his head upon a long Pole, and shown it to encourage the Romans, and to cause the Goths to despair, and to quit the fight. But the Goths, though they saw their King slain, yet gave it not over, and at night both retired, and lay in their Armour. Early the next day they began again, and fought till night, not turning to any side, nor giving back; and though many were lost, yet their savage hatred held them still buckled to one another: The Goths knowing it to be their last fight, and the Romans disdaining to be overmatcht. At last the Goths sent Agents to Narses, to tell him; That they perceived their fight to be with God himself, and saw the power which stood against them; and their true estate now, by their former success; that they would lay aside desperate resolutions, upon condition not to be put under the subjection of the Emperor, but to live free with some other Barbarian Nation. They entreated the Romans also to afford them a peaceable retreat, and in a moderate consideration of their fortune, to bestow their own Goods upon them for their journey, such as they had left in any Castles of Italy. Narses held a consultation hereupon, where John advised him to grant the Petition, and to contend no more with men weary of their lives, nor to stir a courage growing from desperation, which commonly proves fatal, both to the men possessed with it, and to such as encounter them. To moderate men (quoth he) it is enough to be Victorious, whereas the desire of too much may end in some inconvenience. Narses allowing the advice, they agreed upon conditions. That the Goths should have their Goods, and immediately go out of Italy; and that they should never bear Arms against the Romans. About a thousand Goths of this Company went away to Picenum, and the parts beyond the River Poe, commanded by Ildulph and some others; the residue stayed and ratified this agreement by their oaths: And the Romans took in Cuma and all the rest. And so ended the eighteenth year of the Gothick War, written by Precopius.  
Finis Lib. 4. ●ell. Goth.   
Δόξα σοὶ ὁ Θεὸςν ἡμῶ, δὸξα σοί  
FINIS.