The Substance of a SPEECH Made in the House of Commons BY WIL PRYNN of LINCOLNS-INN, Esquire; On Monday the Fourth of December, 1648, TOUCHING The King's ANSWER to the Propositions of both Houses upon the whole TREATY, Whether they were satisfactory, or not satisfactory. Wherein the satisfactoriness of the King's Answers to the Propositions for settlement of a firm lasting Peace, and future security of the Subjects against all feared Regal Invasions and encroachments whatsoever is clearly demonstrated. As likewise, That there is no other probable or possible way to settle a speedy, firm and lasting Peace, but by the Houses embracing and proceeding upon the large extraordinary Concessions of the King in this Treaty, for the Kingdoms present weal and future Security. And that the Army's Remonstrance, Nou. 20. is a way to speedy and certain ruin; and a mere Plot of the Jesuits to defame and destroy us. Put into Writing, and Published by him at the importunate request of divers Members, for the satisfaction of the whole Kingdom, touching the House's Vote upon this Debate. The third Edition.  MATTHEW, 5. 9 Blessed are the Peacemakers; for they shall be called the children of God. PSALM 68 30. Rebuke the company of Spearmen: scatter thou the people that delight in War. 
London, Printed for Mich, Spark at the blew-bible in Green-arbor, 1649.  
All flesh is Grass, the best men vanity!  
This, but a shadow, here before thine eye,  
Of him, whose wondrous changes clearly show,  
That GOD, not men, sways all things here below.   

TO THE Christian Reader.  
Courteous Reader,  
THE importunity of divers eminent Members of the House, and the multitude of false and scandalous Aspersions publicly cast upon myself, and other secluded Members, not only in common Discourses, and 
a john Goodwin Right and might well met: The Moderate: A word to M. William Prynne, (a Libellous empty New-nothing.)  News-books, but in sundry Libellous pamphlets, published by the Officers of the Army, and their Confederates, since their late Treasonable unparallelled violence to our persons, and the Houses and our privileges and freedom, without the least pretext of Authority; have necessitated me to put this Speech into writing, and publish it to the whole Kingdom and world, which else had expired within those walls where it was spoken, with that breath that uttered it.  
The scandals wherewith they have publicly aspersed the secured and secluded Members in print, are these; 
b The humble Answer of the General Council of Officers of the Army, etc. jan. 3. 1648.  That we are a corrupt Majority, and apostatising party; self-seeking men; old Royalists; New-malignants; Neuters; Traitors; Men biased from the common Cause, powerfully carrying on their own designs to secure themselves, and work their own advantage, by a corrupt closure with the King; and by subtle endeavours making way for the bringing him in on TERMS DESTRUCTIVE to the Public; a corrupt Majority, designing the establishment of a lasting Dominion between the King and themselves in a perpetual Parliament No wonder those Saints degenerated so far to act the 
h Rev. 2. 10.  Devil's part, as to carry and cast us prisoners into hell itself, and there keep us waking upon the bare boards all night without any accommodations, when they seized us; were we such perfidious Judasses' or incarnate Devils, as they would render us to the Kingdom, and those for whom we serve, before ever they vouchsafed particularly thus to charge us, or bear our just defence, either as Members, or Freemen of England. However, were we every way as vile as they would make us, yet it is as clear as the Noonday Sun, That these very Officers, and the Army, being not our Masters but Servants, particularly 
i 
A Collection, etc. pag. 224 425, 599, 623, 694● 705, 227, 267, 300, 380, 464, 537, 686, Appendix, p. 4. 23.  
Exact Collection, p. 35. to 42.   raised, waged, and engaged by solemn Leacue and Covenant, among other things, to protect and defend the Parliaments and Members Rights, privileges, and persons from all Force and violence whatsoever, in such manner as both Houses and the Committee of both Kingdoms should approve, cannot pretend the least shadow of reason or authority from the Law of God or man, thus traitorously to seized, imprison and seclude us, without the Houses licence, before any particular charge against us; it being a far more detestable and inexcusable Treason and Rebellion, than 
k 
Exact Collection, p. 18, 200, etc.  
A Collection, p. 705.   Jermins or Percies attempt to bring up the Northern Army to over awe the Houses, or the 
l Exact Collection, p. 35. to 40. 48, to 57, 215, to 232, &c,  Kings coming to the Commons House to demand the five Members, only (formerly impeached of High-Treason,) without seizing or secluding them the Hause or any other Members; or 
m A collection, p. 201, etc.  waller's, Tompkins and Chaloners Treason, to seize several Members of both Houses, and bring them to a legal Trial, as they pretended, and to awe and master the Parliament (for which they were condemned and executed as Traitors, though never actually attempted:) or the Reformadoes or Apprentices unarmed violence for a few hours, without seizing or secluding any Member; which yet the 
n The General's Letters from Bedford, july 30, 1, 647. and his and the Army's Remonstrance. August, 18. ●c 4.  General, Officers, and Army in their Remonstrances, Letters, and papers, declared to be Treasonable, and pressed for speedy and exemplary justice against the chief Actors and Abettors of it, to prevent the like attempts and force for the future.  
But what is the true and only ground of all this outcry? Surely the General Conncell of the O●ffi●rs of the Army in their Answer of jan. 3, 1648. Pag. 7, 8. 9, 10. ingenuusly confess; 〈◊〉 it was nothing, but our vote upon the long night's debate, on the fisth of December last; That the Answers of the King to the Propositions of both Houses were a ground for the House to proceed upon for the settlement of the peace of the Kingdom; being the largest, the safest, and benefioiallest ever yet granted by any King to his Subjects since the Creation: and that we resolved to settle a speedy and well grounded peace, upon most honourable and secure terms for the Kingdom's public interest and felicity, not our own particular advantages, after seven years bloody expensive wars; and refused to follow the pernicious treasonable jesuitical advice of these Enemies of peace, (who intent to make a lasting trade of war) in breaking off the Treaty with the King, upon the first tender of their Treasonable Remonstrance, N●vemb. 20. (some few days before the Treaty expired) contrary to our public Engagement both to the King and Kingdom: and would not directly contrary to our Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, our 
o See Exact collect ●ons: And a Coll●●c●cti●on of all orders, etc. passim, And the At 〈◊〉,  Solemn Protestation, League and Covenant, our multiplied Remonstrances, Declarations ', Petitions, Propositions, and Engagements to the King, Kingdom, People, Scotland, Ireland; all foreign Protestant States and the World, immediately imprison, arraign, condemn, depose and execute the King; disinherit and banish the Prince, and Royal line as Traitors, dispose of all the Crown revenues towards their arrears; dissolve the present Parliament forthwith, subvert all future Parliaments, and the ancient Government of the Kingdom by King, Lords, Knights, Citizens and Burgesses duly elected, and alter all the fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm, set up a new Utopian Representative, and supreme anarchical Tyranny of the people, to destroy both ● Magistracy, Ministry, Government, Peace, Religion and Liberty at once; betray bleeding, dying Ireland (then near its ruin) to the bloody, Popish, Irish Rebels; and bring speedy inevitable destruction on our three Kingdoms, and those respective Counties, Cities and Burroughs for which we serve; the only contradictory ways to peace and settlement, which they prescribed in their longwinded Remonstrance, and the only 
p The humble Answer, etc. jan. 3, 1648. p. 2.  good intentions (though the worst that ever entered into the hearts of Saints) to justify their unparallelled force upon our persons, and our false imprisonment ever since, which they confess in itself to be irregular and not Justifiable.  
1 do● therefore here in my own behalf (there being nothing case that can be objected against me but this Speech and vote, which was carried clearly in the House without any Division at all, and by 140. voices to 104. that the question should be then put, (though I be not obliged to render any account or reason of anything I spoke or voted in the House to any mortals but the House alone) appeal to the great and righteous judge of Heaven and Earth, (to whom the Army and Officers have so oft appealed in this cause) to the Burrow of Newport in Cornwall, and all the free Burgesses in it, (who without any privity or desire elected me for their Trustee and Burgess) to all the Counties, Cities, Burroughs, and Freemen of England and Wales, to the united Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland, to all the Protestant Churches, Kingdoms and States in foreign parts, yea to the Judgements and Consciences of the General, Officers and Soldiers of the Army, and to all the rest of the world who shall peruse this Speech, and the Reasons inducing me cordially to consent to the former Vote, and descent from the Army's Remonstrance; whether I, and the rest of the secured or secluded Members, whom they so oft term, THE CORRUPT majority OF THE HOUSE; or the GARBLED MINORITY who dissented from us and the General, and General Council of Officers in the Army, be the greatest Apostates and Renegadoes from our public trust and duties; the greatest Betrayers and Renowncers of the Law and doctrine of the people's Liberties and Freedom; the greatest boils and plague-sores of the Kingdom; the greatest madmen struck with a Pestilential Frenzy, the greatest self-seekers of our own particular corrupt interests, the realest re-imbroylers of this miserable wasted Nation in war, blood, oppression and Tyranny. And whether we or they be most guilty all those Calumnies and Censures they have thus rashly and censoriously published and cast upon us, before any proof, hearing, or conviction of us, to wound us, and render us odious to the present and all future ages? And whether our d●ryed Vote, 
q The humole Answer, p. 9  till the passing whereof, they affirm, they said or acted nothing in relation to the Parliament, or any Member of it, (as if their Remonstrance of Nou. 20. their High Declaration full of Menaest against the dissenting numbers, Novemb. 30. their removing the Houses former guards, and marching up to London against the Houses command, Decemb. 1. to over-awe the Members in their debate before the Vote passed, were nothing to the House or any Member) or their undutiful Remonstrance, Novemb. 20. be the more honourable, safe, just, conscientious, speedy and certain way to settle a firm and lasting Peace in all three Kingdoms, with most security and advantage to the Kingdoms, and all honest men's public interest, both for the present, and all succeeding Generations?  
And if upon the serious perusal and consideration of the entire Treaty, and of this my ensuing Speech, comprehending the principal graunds and reasons of that Vote (though much more was spoken by many worthy and more able Members in that most solemn debate, which I leave to them to publish if they please,) the Burrow for which I serve, and all others to whom I have here appealed, shall give up their verdict for me, and the other secured and secluded Members, that I and they have herein faithfully discharged our Trusts and duties to God and Man, to the King, Kingdoms, Church, people, and Army too, (as we have sincerely done it to our own consciences, in the uprightness of our hearts and spirits;) we shall then hope, that all these 
r 2 Per. 2. 11. jude. 9  railing accusations against us, [and their violence offered to our persons and privileges] will vanish into smoke, and return upon their own pates with highest infamy and dishonour, as being most really guilty themselves of all these false Calumnies against us and that we shall appear spotless and innocent from these great pretended transgressions both before God and Men. Howsoever, seeing our own consciences pronounce us innocent, we shall cheer up our hearts with this sacred Cordial, Matth. 5. 10, 11, 13. Blessed shall you be when men revile you 
s Luke 6 22.  AND SEPARATE YOU FROM THEIR COMPANY, and say all manner of evil against you falsely for my name sake; rejoice and be exceeding glad, for great is your reward in Heaven, for so persecuted they the Prophets which were before you: till God in his own due time and way 
t Psal. 37. 6.  shall bring forth our righteousness as the light, and our judgement as the noon day, in this present world, or acquit us of them at his own tribunal in the world to come, at the great day of judgement, when the secrets of all learis shall be revealed, and every man condemned or absolved before the Angels, and all mankind by Christ himself 
u I Per: 1. 17. Rev. 20. 13.  according to his works, not good or evil intentions, or Hypocritical pretensions, which may delude the world for a time, but never God nor Christ 
x Heba 4.13.  before whose allseeing eyes, all things are bare and unridged, appearing in their proper colours.  
In the mean time, Christian Reader, I submit this plain-dealing Rude speech to thine impartial censure, by which I desire to be acquitted or condemned, justified or impeached of the good or evil of the forementioned Vote (the only crime I am guilty of) against all these calumnies and the Army's violence to my person: who have only two pleas to justify their treasonable violence upon the secured and secluded Members, which I shall here briefly examine.  
The first is 
Y The humble answer, p. 2.  their honest intentions of public good.  
To which I answer, First, that no pious nor ●onest intentions can justify or excuse any irregular actions, though neither scandalous nor prejudicial unto men, but seemingly pious and devout, as is clear by the examples of the 
z 1 Sam. 6, 14. 15. 19 20.  Bethsheemites, 
a 1 Sam. 15. 13. 14. etc. c. 13. 68 to 15.  Vzza, 
b 1 Chron. 13 9 10.  Saul and 
c Matth, 6. 7. c. 15. 9  others, much less can they excuse or justify any treasonable, scandalous and flagitious acts of violence and oppression (as yours are both against the King and Members) against your Oaths, Trusts, Covenants, which are moral sins and evils against many 
d Rom. 13. 1. 2 Tim. 2. 2. 3 Tit. 3. 1. 1 Tit. 2. 13, 14, 15. Gen. 6. 11, 12. Psal. 11. 15. Psal. 55. 9 Isay 59 6. Rom. 1. 29, 30, 31. 2 Tim. 2. 3, 4.  express Scriptures and that very divine charge to Soldiers Luke 3. 14. Do violence to no man, etc. 2 That Christians must in no case do evil that good may come of it: Rome 3. 8. their damnation being just that do it, Therefore not so great an evil, so many complicated evils as you now act upon any intents of public good. Thirdly, Christians 
e 1 Thes. 5. 22. 1 Cor. 8. 21. Rom. 12. 17.  must abstain from all appearance of evil: provide things honest in the fight of all men; and 
f Mat. 18. 17, 18. 1 Cor. 10. 32. Rome 4. 20. 2 Cor. 6. 3. 1 Cor. 8. 13. 2. 1 Pet. 2. 11. c. 3. 12.  give no offence to the Gentiles, Churches of Christ, or any others whatsoever, to the scandal of Religion, under pain of severe condemnation. Therefore no pretences of honest intentions for public good can justify, or extenuate your present irregular and most scandalous actions, which offend all sorts of conscientious, moral and carnal men, and the worst of Turk● and beathens will condemn.  
4. Your pretended honest intentions for public good are nothing ilse but the most. Treasonable destructive designs and irreligious Projects against all public good, peace and settlement, that ever entered into the Hearts of Christians, expressed at large in your Remonsteance and Declaration of Nou. 20. & 30. to which you refer; as, the disposing and murdering the King etc. the●evils and wickedness whereof I have here and elsewhere demonstrated at large; and to justify your horrid force on us, by such detestable intentions, is the very height of wickedness and atheism; which highly aggravates not extenuates your violence and crimes.  
5. If intentions or preventions of public good, may be pleaded to justify this force of yours, the gunpowder Traitors, Jermin, Percy, the Apprentices, chaloner, Jack Cade, Jack Straw, all Rebels, and Cavaliers, who all pleaded their honest intentions of public good: yea, every Idolater under Heaven who worshippeth any Idol or Devil with a religious and pious intention, as the true and only God, and those bloody persecutors, John 16. 2. who thought they did God service in killing the Apostles and Saints of CHRIST, shall by this new Army Divinity, justify their Idolatry and persecution to be no sin nor crime at all: For shame then let not such an absurd irreligious and wicked excuse and justification as this● be ever henceforth named nor owned among Saints, which very Pagans would blush to avow.  
The second and chief excuse and justification, is, an 
* An humble answer p. 2. etc.  extraordinary necessity for public good leading them thereunto: This they endeavour to manifest by sundry particulars: which as they are apparently false and scandalous is themselves, over tedious to re●u●e, and waved by them in their ●ixt head of necessity, reducing all the grounds of our seizure & sequestration from the House to our vote of Decemb. 5. So it is but a mere false pretence, and no justification at all if true.  
But to take away this ple● of necessity altogether, it stands but upon these two general feet. First, that the Members secured, and secluded, were a corrupt Majority of the House, Secondly, That if they had not thus secured and secluded them, they would have proceeded to the settlement of a speedy peace with the King in pursuance of this their Vote: Ergo the Army were extraordinarily necessitated to secure and seclude them. This is the Logic of the whole answer, all surmises concerning forepast miscarriages in the House, and packing of New Elections [in which themselves and their own party are most peccant, few of their Elections being due or fair, and divers of them voted void, as Mr. Fryes, Blagraves, and others who now sit and vote] and all miscarriages concerning Irel. which are false, [specified only without verity or proof against any of us] relating nothing at all to our present seclusion of which they confess the vote of Decemb. 5. to be the only impulsive cause. The plain English of the first ground of their Necessity is this. The Majority of the House of Commons [which in all debates is and always hath been the house] over-voted the Minority or lesser part. Ergo there is a necessity, that the Army should seclude them, that so the smaller Number might sit alone without them and vote what they please, [as now they do] and thursdays and repeal what ever the Major part had voted repugnant to the Armies designs.  
This new Utopian necessity [never heard of nor pretended in the world till now] aught to be eternally exploded, as the horriddest destructive Monster to Government, and States, ever yet produced in the world, as I shall clear by these particulars.  
FIRST, It utterly subverts, the undoubted rights, privileges, and constitutions of all Parliaments or Counsels whatsoever. from the beginning of the world till now, whether civil, military, or Ecclesiastical, wherein the Majority of voices upon the question, ever carries the Vote, and is still reputed the act of the whole Council or Parliaments adly, It overthrows the legal form and proceedings in all popular Elections of Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Mayors, Bailiffs, Coroners, Verderers, Wardens of Companies, common-councel-men & all others, ever carried & determined by the plurality of voices, of those who have right to elect. 3dly, It overturnes their New Babble, to wit the Agreement of the people, and new Representative, in which themselves resolve, the Majority of the Electors ought to choose their new Representatives, and the Votes of the Major part of them who meet, aught to bind all the rest, and not the minor part to seclude or sway the rest. 4thly, It will soon dissolve their new erected strange general Council of the Officers of the Army, where all matters are yet concluded by plurality of voices, where if the major part should vote against the King's traitorous beheading, or the agreement of the people, the Levellers, being the lesser part, upon this pretended n●oessity, that they are a corrupt Majority, may forthwith forcibly soize on & secure them, and make themselves the only General Council though the fewest, and act what they please, when the others are secluded. 5ly, It subverts all rules of Judicature & Justice in all Courts of. Justice, where there are more Judges & Justices than one, where the majority of voices (as likewise at Committees) overrule the minority: who upon the pretence of necessity, and being a corrupt majority, may be kept forcibly from or pulled off the Bench, by any persons who suspect they will incline or give judgement against them, in any cause depending before them. 6ly, It lays a foundation for all the Tyranny, villainy & oppression that can be imagined, which the Levellers begin in some places to pursue, & the Army too. For example. The King (say they) if he & monarchy continue, will in time grow too strong for the people. Ergo there is a necessity we should pull down monarchy & him now, & have no more Kings to rule over us. The house of Lords will be too potent for the Commons & have a negative voice to cross what they shall Vote. Ergo we are now necessitated whiles we have power in our hands, to pull down the house of Lords and lay their honour in the Dust. The City of London was too powerful, rich and wealthy for the Country and us heretofore, and kept down Sectaries from public Offices, Ergo whiles we have the power in our hands, we must break down all their out works, divide & lay aside all their Militia, empty their bags, pull down their pride, throw out their old Officers, put in new ones of our own faction, take away their Liberties and freedom of Elections contrary to their Charters, & sundry Acts of Parliament, dispense with Common-councel-mens' Oaths; and so enslave the City to our vassalage. This is their present practice. The Landlords & Rich men in the Country are too potent for their Tenants, & the poor, Ergo we must by force of Arms out of extraordinary necessity, now abate the Tenants Rents, alter their Tenors and Customs, share their Lands and wealth amongst ourselves and the poor: and if any poor man by forging an Act of Parliament or otherwise, pretend a Title to any rich man's Lands, turn the rich man out of possession, and put the poor into it: as some Levellers and Soldiers have lately done in Essex in the case between Sir Adam Littleton and one Pointz: against all rules of righteousnesse● Law and conscience, Such a Monster is this plea of necessity for public good, already grown unto through the Army's power, and how soon it will proceed to draw the blood of many gallant Gentlemen, Lords, and Members now secluded (for fear they should prove the stronger as well as the major number, and therefore must lose their heads to prevent all future dangers & revenge) God only knows.  
The second ground for the necessity of our seizure and seclusion is this: that the pretended corrupt majority of the House would have closed with the King, & settled the Kingdom's peace before this time had they not been secured. Erg● the Officers and Army were necessitated to secure them as Apostates from, and infringers of their trusts.  
I answer: This is very ill Logic, and worse Divinity. For first, is not the 
o 2. Sam. 10. 19 Deur. 20. 10. 1 Kings 22. 41.  end of all just wars whatsoever, nought else but peace? 2. Is it not Gods command and every Saints and Christians duty 
p Psal. 122. 6. 8. jer. 29. 7.  to pray for peace? 
q Heb. 12. 14.  to follow peace with all men● to 
r Psal. 4. 14. jer. 29. 7. 1. Pet. 3. 11.  seek peace and pursue it? to 
s 1 Thes. 4. 11. Cor. 10. 36.  study to be quiet and live in peace? to 
t Rom. 12. 18. 1. Tim. 22.  live peaceably with all men, as much as in us byeth? And is not our God a God 
u Rom. 15. 33. 2 Cor. 13. 11. 1. Per. 4. 9 1. Thes. 5. 16.  of Peace? our Saviour Jesus Christ 
x I say 9 6, 7. Heb. 13. 20.  the Prince of peace? the holy Ghost 
y Gal. 5. 22. Eph. 4. 3.  a Spirit of Peace? the Gaspell itself 
z Rom● 10. 15. Eph. 5. 16.  a Gospel of peace? and can, or dare● any Saints than pretend a necessity to levy war even against the Parliament and Members themselves (which is high Treason) only upon this pretended necessity, that they desire and endeavour to settle peace in our Kingdom?  
Thirdly, Is not peace the greatest Earthly blessing that God can bestow upon us? and 
u Leu. 26. 6. Numb. 5. 26. 2 Kings 4. 20. 19 Psal. 128. 6. Psal. 147. 4. I say 26. 12. jer. 14. 13.  hath promised out of his love to give us as a most SIGNAL favour? is it not the thing we have all paid for, fasted for, fought for, paid for, longed for and earnestly desired for many years? do not all Counties, Cities, Villages, Families, yea every sort [except those who make a trade of War to enrich themselves by the Kingdom's ruins] but more especially distressed Ireland, cry all out unto us with one unanimous cordial and continual clamar, Peace, Peace, for the Lords sake, No more Wars, no more blood shed, no more plundering, no more free quarter, no more taxes, but Peace, Peace, or else we perish? And if so, the generality of the people and Kingdom, being by the Army's principles, the original and fountain of all just power, there is an absolute necessity lies upon us, who are their trusties to make and setlle. Peace, but no necessity for the army to hinder or secure us from effecting it, yes a necessity for them to assist us in it, and release us to accomplish it, which by God's blessing we had done ere this.  
Object All that they can object, is; That we would have made an unsafe and dishonourable peace with the King, upon his own terms, to the people's prejudice and enstaving.  
Answ. To which I answer: 1. It is the foulest, falsest, and most malicious scandal that ever man could invent, which the ensuing Speech will abundantly refute, to the shame of those who dare to aver it in print. 2. Admit it true: yet an unjust and unequal peace, is better, safer, and more honourable for us, (now we are quite exhausted, and can manage war no longer, and Ireland so near its ruin) than the justest War; which ought not to be undertaken at first without absolute necessity, and nes to continue one hour longer than that necessity endures, especially if it be a Civil War between those of the same Nation, blood, Religion; or a defensive War, as our War is, who have now no armed Enemies to encounter; and so there can be no pretence of necessity to continue a War, or so great a recruited Army, unless it be to enslave us to martial Law and Tyranny, in stead of peace and Liberty. 3. Neither God, nor the Kingdom, nor Majority of the people, ever made the Army judges of the goodness or badness of the intended peace, but the Parliament only; the only proper judges likewise of the necessity of peace or War: And therefore for them thus forcibly to wrest this judicatory out of the Houses bands, without a lawful calling to it, and to imprison those who are judges of it, is neither 
b Luk. 12. 13, 14. 1 Per. 4. 15. Thes. 4, 11. 2 Thes. 3. 11. Heb. 5. 4.  Christian, nor warrantable, but the highest insolency and Rebellion ever offered to any Parliament in any age: And upon this account, every Soldier who hath a cause depending in Parliament, or in any Court of justice, may by as good justice and reason pull all the Members out of the Houses, and judges from the Benches, that would not give judgement for him, be his cause never so unjust, and make himself, or the General Council of the Army his only judges, who may proceed to judgement on his side, before any hearing or appearance before them by his adversary, in such sort as they have proceeded against us.  
But admit there were an extraordinary necessity for public good, as is pretended; yet to make necessity a plea for to justify any m●rall sin or evil, is monstrous in an Army of Saints. 
e Tertul. Apologia.  Nulla est necessitas delinquendi quibus una est necessitas non delinquendi, was the Primitive Christians Maxim; who chose rather to die the cruelest deaths, then commit the smallest sin: Had Hugh Peter, John Goodwin, and these Army-Counsellors lived in our Saviour's days, they could have taught St. Peter how to 
e Matth. 26. etc.  have denied his Lord and Master thrice together with Oaths and curses, (as the Army have denied and imprisoned their Lords and Masters, and cast them into bell, with Oaths and curses too;) and to have justified it, in stead of going forth and weeping bitterly for it, as he did: because be did it only out of necessity, to save his life when he was in danger. If these Army-Saints had lived in julian the Apostate's days, they could have instructed his Soldiers how to have sacrificed to his] Idols, by throwing but a branch into the Fire, out of necessity to sare many precious Soldier's lives, rather than to be mariyred for refusing it: And had Catesby, Faux, Winter, and Piercy wanted an advocate or Ghostly father to encourage them to blow up the Parliament-House, King, Nobles and Commons at once, and justify it when they had done it; the General officers, and Council of this Army, and their two forenamed Chaplains, (had they been called to that Confederacy at they are to this) would have justified not only the contriving but the effecting of it, with their plea of extraordinary necessity for the public good: there being no difference between the Armies proceedings and theirs; but, that they would have blonn up the King, Lords and Parliament with Gunpowder; and the Army hath now pulled and battered them down with Gunpowder and arms violence; and what they did only attempt modestly and covertly in a Vault, (for which they were condemned and executed as Traitors; though they had no Engagements on them to protect the Parliament;) the Army hath done impudently, in attempting and affecting it in the open view of all the World: against their trusts, duties, covenants. And whereas some of them repent and were sorry for it, these Saints do not only not repent of it but persevere in and justify this Treason in print, Therefore those very powder-Traytors shall condemn them, as being more modest and less sinful than they, who have so many obligations and Vows upon them not to do it, but detest it.  
2. This plea of necessity for public good, is the very justification and Foundation of 
f Joan Mariana: de Rege et Regum Instit. l. 1. c. 5. 6. 7. 8. Bellarmin. De pontiff. Rom. 8. 5. 1. 6. 78. Ludovicus Richehom Apol. pro societate jesu. Franciscus de Verona. Apol. pro joanne castle. Aphorismi Doctrinae jesuitarum.  the Jesuits treacherous practices to murder, stab, poison all Christian Kings and Princes whom they deem heretical or obstructive to their designs; to equivocate, lie, dissemble subvert whole Kingdoms, blow up Parliaments, and act any kind of villainies. If you interrogate them, why they do it? or what arguments they use to engage others in that service? they will inform you; That necessity of public good, and honest intentions to promote the Catholic cause and Pope's authority, are the only grounds and warrant for such irregular and extraordinary proceedings. And for the General Council of the Officers to take up this very Jesuits plea, as the only argument to justify their last jesuitical force and powder-plot upon the Houses; is an infallible argument unto me, that they are swayed and steered by Jesuits in all their late Counsels and proceedings.  
3. This plea of necessity, if admitted, will be a perpetual precedent from the Army's practice and rebellion, to justify and encourage all kind of factious and discontented people in all suture ages, be they Papists, Malignants, Neuters, Jack Cades v●lgar Rabble, or Royalists and Cavaliers, when ever they have sufficient power in their hands, to seize upon, or secure and exclude any Members in all succeeding Parliaments, who vote not what they please, as a corrupt Majority, who have betrayed their Trusts; since an Army of Saints, specially raised, waged by both Houses to defend and protect them from any violence, and engaged by a solemn League and covenant to preserve them from it; have publicly justified it upon these grounds to the Members now sitting, and to all the world, and their Chaplain John Goodwin 
* The Tit. Page,.  in his Right & Might well- (he should have then said ill-) met, vindicates THE EQVITY & REGULARNES of the ARMIES PROCEEDINGS against us, VPONUNDENIABLE PRINCIPLES, (as ●e styles them) as well of REASON AS RELIGION, (o monstrous Divinity worthy to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman) which will totally subvert the privileges, freedom, honour and power of Parliaments in all times to come, if not vindicated by some exemplary Act of justice, and a professed law and declaration against such insolences, as in the 
* Exa●● Collect. p. 31, to 48.  five Members cases. And so much the rather because the Members now sitting under the Army's force, on Thursday the 11. of january, 1648. passed this stupendious Vote, destructive to the privileges, freedom, honour, safety and being of the present and all future Parliaments and most injurious and scandalous to the secured and secluded Members, prejudged and condemned both by them and the Army, without ever being heard, or any proofs or witnesses produced, to make good any general or particular charge against all or any of them; which vote we must totally disclaim, and publicly protest against, as the most dishonourable that ever passed within the Houses Walls, being repugnant to the Protestation of both Houses, the solemn League and Covenant and many Declarations of the House, inviolably to maintain the Rights, Privileges, and freedom of Parliament; and the highest breach of Privilege ever offered by Members to their fellow-Members since there were Parliaments in the world. The Vote is this, That THE HOUSE DOTH APPROVE OF THE SUBSTANCE OF THE ANSWER of the General Council of Officers of the Army, to the demand of this House, touching the SECURING and SECLUDING SOME (to wit, above 200 besides those frighted thence, being half as many more) MEMBERS THEREOF; And appointing a Committee of 24, (whereof most are new elected Members and Mr. Fry, whose election is voted void) or any five of them, to consider what is fit further to be done upon the said answer of the General Council of the Officers of the Army, and present the same TO THIS HOUSE; and the Committee to meet this afternoon in the Exchequer Chamber. The injustice of this vote (beside the breach of Privilege) will appear by these particulars.  
First, in justifying the most horrid and treasonable force of these Officers of the Army that ever was offered to any Parliament or Members in any age contrary to the express Statute of 
* Rastal Armour. 1.  7 E. 1. which the Houses heretofore so deeply resented that they oft declared against it in case of the King, who did only come and demand but 
* Exact. Collect. p. 34 to 4g. etc.  five Members, 
* A Colcon-lect. p. 201:  but feixed neither of them; and Impeached Jermin and Piercy of High Treason, only for tampering to bring up the Northern Army; And executed Chaloner and Tomkins for Traitors for conspiring to force the Houses, and seize some Members under a pretext to bring them to justice.  
Yea, the Parliament in 4 E. 3. n. 1. among other charges, condemned and executed Roger Mortimer, as a Traitor and Enemy to the King and Kingdom, for offering violence to some few Members of Parliament sitting at Salisbury; and forcing others thence. And the Parliament of 21 R. 2. cap. 12. condemned the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, and Duke of Gloucester as Traitors for forcing the King and Parliament, by a power of armed men arrayed in warlike manner, to consent to Bile against their wills; & to adjudge some of the King's liege people therein, (much more them, if the King himself, as now) to death and to forfeit their Lands and Goods: in the Parliament of 11 R. 2. Ten the Parliament of 1. H. 4. ●. 21. 22. articled against Richard the second, that he held the Parliament of 21. R. 2. Viris armatis & sagittariis immensis, and kept an extraordinary Guard of armed men brought out of Cheshire, (who forced, abused, and took freequarter on the people) the better to over-aw the Parliament, and take away the lives of some Noblemen. And the Parliament of 31 H. 6. cap. 1. adjudged and declared Jack Cade, to be a most horrible, odious, and errand false TRAITOR, for forcing the King and Parliament held at Westminster, in 29 H. 6. to grant some Petitions, and stirring an Insurrection, and Rebellion UNDER COLOR OF JUSTICE FOR REF ORMATION OF THE LAW; And proceeding upon the same grounds in such manner as the Officers and Army now do; and made void, an nulled all judgements and proceeding whatsoever made under the power of his Tyranny; Which the Officers and Army have far exceeded; in seizing, imprisoning and securing so many Members; (and having the King himself to an illegal trial for his life) which Jack Cade, and his Levellers and Reformers never did. And therefore for them to approve this Act and Answer of theirs, against so many Precedents, declaring it high Treason, must be an unexpiable offence.  
Secondly, In prejudging, scandalising, and condemning above two hundred Members at once, without any proof, evidence, or hearing; when as they ought in justice to have been heard, and some particular impeachment against them by name, before thus censured.  
Thirdly, In approving the many false calumnies. laid and suggested against them only in the 
* Condemned by the Houses in the King. Exact Collect. p. 10● 20. ● 3.  general; the falsity whereof is well known to themselves and the world, and tacitly confessed by the release of above twenty of them by the General and Officers, without any cause assigned for their restraint or particular charge against them; they confessing some of their restraints to be injurious and mistakes.  
Fourthly, In being judges in their own cases, and accusers and witnesses too against the secluded Members; sundry Members of the Commons House, being both Members of the General Council and Army (contrary to the 
* A Collection p. 634.  selfdenying Ordinance) as Cromwell, Skippon, Ireton, Harrison, Ingoldesby, Sir William Constable, Henry Martin, etc. and sitting and acting in both; hammering all things they design in the General Council first, (as the Agreement of the people, and the like) and then presenting them to pass for current in the House, and penning their Declarations, Remonstrances, etc. against the Privileges and Members of the House; A thing never practised by any Members till these: who make the Council in the Army the principal engine to carry on all their projects in the House. From which intolerable abuse all the late distempers of the Army, and mutinies against the Houses have for the most part proceeded.  
Fifthly, In that they being but between 40 and 60 Members only, have presumed by this vote and a Declaration of jan. 15. to censure above 200; and to consent to their long restraint and seclusion, in stead of righting and releasing them; and impeaching or committing the chief Authors of and actions in their securing and secluding, and bringing them to speedy justice according to their Covenant and 
* Exact Collect. p. 34. to 46. 156; 162. 201. 206.  Declarations against seizing any Members.  
Sixthly, In presuming to pass such a Vote as this, whiles under a visible armed force; when as this House adjourned and refused to sit upon the King's demand of the five Members, till they were righted. And Mr. Speaker, and most of the Members now sitting, deserted and fled away from the House, upon a far smaller force than this; even after the force was ever, refusing to sit till the Houses were restored to a condition of honour, freedom and safety; and declared all Votes, Ordinances, Orders and proceedings merely null and void, during their absence; though not made under any such apparent force as is now upon the House, and when there were at least twice as many Members sitting as now, and not one secured nor secluded from coming freely to it without fear.  
Seventhly, In justifying these two jesuitical and destructive grounds and pretences of this violence upon the House and Members of honest public intentions, and necessity for public ends, which I have proved so absurd, impious and dangerous in sundry respects, and such as by any armed Party whatsoever may be made use of upon all occasions to force and destroy all future Parliaments.  
Upon all which considerations, I shall now take out the Solemn League and Covenant, these Members of the House, and Officers of the Army have so solemnly taken and made to God, with hands lifted up to heaven, and most apparently violated in this and other particulars of late; and (in case they proceed still obstinately in these violent and perfidious ways) shall use the same words as 
* Knols Twkish history, p. 297. 298.  Amurath the second (six King of the Turks) once uttered in the great battle of Varna, when Uladislaus King of Hungary broke the truce he had made, sealed and sworn to him in the name of Christ, and gave him battle and was like to rout him; Upon which occasion and extreme danger, Amurath beholding the picture of the Crucifix in the displayed Ensigns of the Christians, plukt the Writing out of his ●osome, wherein the late League was comprised; and holding it up in his hand, with his eyes cast up to heaven, said. Behold thou crucified Christ, this is the League thy Christians, in thy name, made with me, which they have without any cause violated. Now if thou be a God, as they say thou art, and as we dream ', REVENGE THE WRONG NOW DONE UNTO THY NAME and ME, and SHOW THY POWER UPON THY PERJURIOUS PEOPLE, WHO IN THEIR DEEDS DENY THEE THEIR GOD. Upon the uttering of which words, the Battle presently turned, the perjured King Uladislaus, Cardinal Julian, and many other Bishops and others, (the principal Authors of this scandalous and detestable perjury and breach of Covenant) were slain; with many thousand common Soldiers, and the whole Army routed and sattered. The like exemplary punishment or divine Vengeance these perfidious 
* Rome, ●. 3●.  Covenant-breakers cannot but expect will speedily befall them, (now they have the fervent prayers of most godly Ministers and people against them, as they had formerly for them) unless they seriously repent, reform, and retract all their late perjurious, scandalous actings and proceedings against their multiplied Oaths, Protestations, Covenants, Votes, Remonstrances, Declarations, Promises, Engagements, and Public Faith both to God and men, at which conscientious Christians and profane persons every where stand amazed, and I hold myself in duty and conscience obliged. to 
k Levi●● 19, 17●1 Tim. 1. 20. T●● 1. 13.  reprove them for it in public, that they may be ashamed, and brought the sooner to reform their detestable exorbitances in this kind; to the Kingdoms, Parliaments, Kings, Army's ruin, and their own.  
Before I conclude, 
Object  I shall answer only two Scripture-Texts, 
* Right & Might, p. 20. 21.  produced by John Godwin, and others, to justifis the force upon us. sThe first is, David's eating of the Shewbread, which was lawful only for the Priests to eat; which yet was lawful for him and his men to eat in case of necessity to preserve life, there being no other bread, 1 Sam. 21. 4, 5, 6. Matth. 12. 4. And that to save the life of a man, ox, or beast fallen into a ditch; a man in such a case of necessity may break the Sabbath, Luke 14. 4. Ergo, The Army in case of necessity may lawfully imprison and seclude the Members. The sum of a his Book.  
I answer, 
Answ.  That the Argument is a mere inconsequent, if granted: I or, first, The eating of Shewbread in itself was no moral evil; nor the saving of a Man's, ●x, or Ass' life, but a thing lawful and commendable: But the resisting of lawful Authority contrary to Duty, Oath, Covenant, and offering unjust violence to the persons of those whom the Army are obliged to protect, and have no authority by the law of God or Man to seize or imprison; is a moral sin against the Fifth Commandment, and many express Texts forequoted. Therefore the cases are no ways parallel.  
Secondly, The eating ●of Shewbread, in case of necessity to preserve life only, is neither within the intention nor meaning of Exodus 25. 30. 31. as Abimelech himself acknowledged to David in these words, The Bread IS IN A MANNER COMMON, etc. 1 Sam. 21. 5. And our Saviour himself seems to intimate, Matth. 12. 4. That the pulling out of an Ox or Ass on the Sabbath day, being an extraordinary act of mercy and necessity too, was not within the intent of the Fourth Commandment, though within the words. Whereas the violence done to our persons and the Houses is both within the words and intention of the forecited Texts.  
Thirdly, These two necessities were present, absolute, certain, and that only to save the life of a hungry or sick person; or of a perishing beast. But the Officers and Armies lives were not now in any imminent danger of death for want of bread; nor their Horses of Asses cast into a ditch by us: and the imprisonment of our persons was neither to preserve their own, nor their horses lives from present death; but to hinder us from preserving the lives of three dying Kingdoms. Therefore these examples and Texts are very extravagant.  
Fourthly, Though David and his Youngmen did eat the Shewbread; yet it is observable, that they did not take it away violently from the Priests, though it were to save their lives, (as soldiers now take freequarter against men's wills) nor offered any violence to Abimelech's person, nor put him by his Priest's Office, (as some Soldiers now forcibly enter into our Ministers Pulpits, when there is no necessity:) But they stayed, till they had his opinion in point of conscience, whether they might take it, and till the Priest 
* 1 Sa●●● 21. 6.  GAVE HIM THE HALLOWED BREAD: So as the Argument from hence must be; David and his men, even in case of necessity to save their lives, would not take so much as a loaf of bread, till the Priest voluntarily gave it them: Ergo, the Officers and Army may lawfully take Freequarter upon, and forcibly seclude and imprison the Members of Parliament against their duties, Covenant, and their consents. Is not this pretty Logic and Divinity from John Goodwin, who deems himself the only complete Disputant and Divine in the Kingdom? Doth not the contrary directly follow from the Text: Ergo, they ought not to take Freequarter, nor offer the least violence to their persons without their consents; according to John Baptists Doctrine to Soldiers, Luke 3. 14. Do violence to no man.  
Fifthly, The other Argument is as absurd. It is lawful to pull an Ox or an Ass on the Sabbath day out of a ditch, to save their lives: Ergo, It is lawful for the Officers and Army forcibly to imprison and seclude 200 Commoners out of the House, and keep a force upon the House; (yea, to send armed Regiments of Morse upon the Sabbath day round about London streets and the Country when there is no necessity) to destroy men's lives and liberties, and three Kingdoms too.  
Sixthly, Could Oxen and Asses fallen into a ditch speak, as well as men in a ditch, they would call for help to draw them forth to preserve their lives. So that this Act of Charity, (not Violence in pulling them out on the Sabbath day, is with their full and free consents and desires. Then set the comparison right, and the Argument thence must be this: A man on the Sabbath day) out of mere charity and necessity may lawfully pull a Man, Ox, or Ass out of a deep ditch at their requests and desire, (where as the jew at Teukesbury perished in the jakes, out of which he would not be pulled on his Sabbath;) Ergo, the Officers and Army may lawfully cast the Members of Parliament by force and violence into Hell, prison and use them worse than any Ox or Ass, without and against their consents and privileges. I hope 
* 2 Pet. 2. 16.  Balaam's Ass with a man's voice, will rebuke the iniquity and madness of this false Prophet, and absurd disputer; who is like to 
* Ps. ●. 3 2. 9  David's Horse and Mule, without understanding, whose mouth must be held in with bit and bridle, lest he fall upon us hereafter, in such foul scurrilous language as he hath done already, in his Might overcoming Right, which will vanquish Might at last, in despite of all the Forces on Earth.  
I have no more to add, but only this, That if holy David himself had now been a Member of the Commons-house, or King of England, he had certainly been seized, secured and secluded the House by the Officers of the Army, and condemned by some sitting Members for this one Divine sentence of his, 
* All Pet●oners for Peace are now disabled to be, or elect Officers, by some late votes since out seclusion. Mat. 26. 52.  Psalm 120. 6, 7. My soul hath long dwelled with him that hateth Peace: I am for peace; but when I speak thereof, they are for War: This is my only crime, and those secluded with me, That we passed a Vote for the settlement of Peace upon the Treaty. But let me speak to these Members, Officers of the Army, and their Chaplain Peter, who are such Enemies to our Peace, (which had by God's blessing been firmly settled and secured before this, had not the Army thus violently interrupted us, and put us upon jesuitical dangerous new ways of new Wars and certain ruin instead of peace) in the words of our Saviour unto Peter, when he drew his sword, and smote off the High-priests servants ear: Put up thy sword into the scabbard, for all they that take the Sword, shall perish by the Sword: He that will causelessly lengthen out a War to the ruin of Kingdoms, when he may have Peace upon safe, just, and honourable terms, shall be sure to perish by the sword of War, or justice upon earth; (The true meaning of that Text, Gen. 9 6. Who so sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed; more properly appliable to Soldiers in the letter, who have slain men in the Wars, then to the King himself, who never actually shed any man's blood; who is none of those Heathen Kings within Hugh Peter's Text, Psalm 149. 7, 8. Whom the Army-Saints have not only bound in 
* These chains are only Metaphorical, the chains of God's Law and Word, (nor real) Ps. 2. 3. Is. 45. 14. Rom. 20. 1, 2.  Chains, but intent to Execute, not with the two-edged sword of the word of God according to the words of the sense of the Text, but with the A● and Sword of justice, contrary to the Text, without and against all Precedent, Law, and Justice, to the eternal infamy of our Religion, which detest such Jesuitism:) And shall never enjoy temporal, spiritual, or eternal peace in earth or heaven, nor any blessing or protection from the God of Peace, who in his own due time, i● despite of all the Devils in hell, and Jesuits, Forces or Armies upon Earth, will create peace for, and settle it amongst us to our own hearts content: The speedy accomplishment whereof, as it always hath been, so it ever shall be the constant prayer and endeavour of  
Thine and his Country's wellwisher, and the Armies Captive, William Prynne. From the sign of the Kings-head, june 22. 1648.   

Mr. PRYNNES LETTER To The Borough of NEWPORT in Cornwall, for which he serves in PARLIAMENT.  
GENTLEMEN,  
BEING freely and unanimously elected by you (without my privity or seeking) to serve as one of your Purgesies in this Parliament, I have since my entrance into the Commons House (the 7th of Nevem. last) endeavoured to the best of my skill and judgement, faithfully to discharge that trust and duty you reposed in me, (according to my Conscience) to put a speedy and happy period to our unnatural long-lasting bloody Wars, and settle a firm well-grounded peace, upon such terms of honour, freedom, safety, and advantage, as no Subjects under Heaven ever yet enjoyed from the Creation till this present. What my indefatigable endeavours were herein, in drawing up all the Bills upon the King's Concessions in thellate Treaty, is well known to most of the Members then sitting, and what I delivered in the House upon the Debate of the King's Answers to our Propesitions upon the whole Treaty (with a sincere and public spirit, aiming at nothing but yours and the whole Kingdom's felicity and prosperity, not any private interest of mine own) I have sent you here in print, being falsely charged by a new erected General Council of Officers of the Army (who have traitorously usurped to themselves the supreme Authority of the Kingdom, and against the known Privileges of Parlia. the Liberty of the Subjects, and the Law of the Land forcibly seized on myself, and divers other eminent Members going to the House to discharge our duties, on the 6th. and 7th. of Decemb. last, in pursuance of the Treaty, and secluded me and them from sitting there ever since, to yours and the whole kingdoms prejudice) among other secured Members in the gross, for an Apostate from the public trust which you reposed in me, only for this SPEECH, and the VOTE of the whole House; for the settlement of the kingdoms peace, made in pursuance of it; they having no particular matter celse to charge me with (had they any just power to impeach or seclude-me, which they have not) but this alone. How perfidiously and injuriously they have dealt with, and how scandalously they have traduced and libelled against me, and the other restrained Members in print, upon this occasion only, you may read in the Epistle to the Reader, though mine and the other Members innocency be so perspicuous, that they confess, they have yet no particular matters of impeachment against us, after above 7 week's imprisonment, but promise shortly to produce some [if they can:) whereas their own Treasonable Rebellions, violences, perjuries, and crimes written with Sunbeams in their very forcheads, are visible to all the world, and need no witnesses to prove their guilt; their late unparallelled exorbitances and proceedings both against the King, Parliament, Lords, Members, City and Country being known and apparent unto all I shall therefore appeal from these usurpers, (who have no more Authority to question or restrain me, for any real or pretended breach of my Trust, as a Member, were I guilty of it, than the meanest servant hath to call his Master to account for mis-governing his family or to shut him out of doors:] unto you alone, who elected me, and are best able to know and judge of your own Trust; desiring your speedy resolution of this question, Whether in that herein spoken or voted by me, I have any ways violated the trust or faith which you and every of you reposed in me? For which Speech and Vote, though I am judicially accountable only to the Commons House, which knows the true grounds upon which I went, and can only truly judge of what was there spoken and voted (none being 
* Si judicas, cognosc●. Scneca.  fit to judge any thing but those who know and hear it too) the majority of which House concurred with me in the vote, without any division: yet, I hold myself in some sort ministerially accountable unto you for whom I serve, as the properest judges, without the House doors, of what I spoke or voted in your behalf. From whom I shall humbly request so much right and justice, upon the perusal of the enclosed Speech and papers, (which I desire may be read openly before all my Electors at your next public meeting) as to testify to the world under your hands and seaiss (which you set to the return of my Election) your own judgements and opinions, whether I have betrayed or broken the Trust you reposed in me or not, by what I spoke or voted in this debate? and what sense you have of the Armies forcible secluding and imprisoning me [your Burgess] from the House, among other Members, above seven week's space together, contrary to mine and your undoubted Privilege; how far you conceive yourselves obliged by aught that hath been or shall be concluded, or voted in the House during the Army's force upon it; and your Burgesses [and most other Members] violent seclusion thence, against all Law and Precedent, and what reparations you expect for this high Injustice to yourselves and me: With what else you-think fit to determine touching the premises: And if you deem it necessary, to return your results herein to me, with all convenient speed: who shall make the best advantage thereof for yours, mine own and the kingdoms benefit: whose peace by (Gods blessing) had been fully settled to your hearts content before this time, had not the Enemies of Peace (who gain their livings by the Wars) interrupted our proceedings, by imprisoning and secluding the greatest part of the Members, and particularly  
From the King's Head in the Strand jan. 26. 1648. Your most affectionate Friend and faithful Servant and Burgess WILLIAM PRYNNE.  
To his honoured Friends the Vianders and free Burgesses of the Borough of Newport in Cornwall, these present.   

The substance of a Speech made in the House of Commons, by William Prynne of Lincoln's Inn Esquire, on Monday the 4th. of Decemb. 1648. touching the King's Answers to the Propositions of both Houses upon the whole Treaty, whether they were satisfactory or not satisfactory?  
Mr. Speaker,  
BEing called to be a Member of this House without my privity or seeking and against my judgement (having formerly refused many places freely tendered to me) by the unanimous election (without one dissenting voice) of that Borough for which I serve, and by a divine providence entering within these doors in this great conjuncture of the highest public affairs that ever came within these walls, wherein the very life or death, the weal or ruin of this Kingdom, (if not of Scotland and Ireland too) consist in our Ay or No, upon the question now debating, I shall with the greater boldness, crave liberty to discharge my conscience towards God, and duty to my dying country, which now lies at stake: and so much the rather because [for aught I know] it may be the last time I shall have freedom to speak my mind within this House.  
That I may, in this great debate more sincerely speak my very heart and soul without any prejudice, I shall humbly crave leave, briefly to remove two seeming prejudices, which may (perchance) in some members opinions inervate the strength of those reasons I shall humbly represent unto you, to make good my conclusion touching the satisfactoriness of the King's answers to the Houses Propositions.  
The first, is that wherewith some Members have upon another occasion 
The● first prejudicet  the last week, and now again tacitly aspersed me, That I am a Royal Favourite [alluding to the title of one of my books, out of which some have collected an abstract in nature of a charge against the King, and this day published it in my name] and am now turned an Apostate to the King's party and interest.  
To which I shall return this short answer, [I hope without any 
The Answer there● unto.  vainglory or boasting, being thus provoked thereunto.] That I have opposed and written against the King and his Prelates Arbitrary power & illegal proceedings more then any man. That I have suffered from the King and Prelates for this my opposition, more than any man. That if the King and Prelates be ever restored to their pristine Arbitrary power and illegal prerogative, I must expect to suffer from them as much, if not more than any man.  
That all the Royal favour I ever yet received from his Majesty or his Party, was the cutting off both my ears, two several times one after another, in a most barbarous manner; the setting me upon three several pillories at Westminster and in Cheapside, in a disgraceful manner, each time for two hours' space together: stigmatising on both cheeks: the burning of my licenced books before my face by the hand of the hangman: the imposing of two fines upon me of 50001.2 piece; expulsion out of the Inns of Court and University of Oxford, and degradation in both, the loss of my calling almost nine years' space, the seizure of my Books and Estate, above eight years' imprisonment in several prisons, at least 4 of these years spent in close imprisoment and exile in CARNARV AN in North-wales, and in the lsle of JERSEY, where I was debarred the use of pen, ink, paper, and all books, almost but the Bible, with the least access of any friend, without any allowance of diet for my support. And all this for my good service to the State in opposing Popery and Regal Tyranny; for all which sufferings and losses, I never yet received one farthing recompense from the King or any other, though I have waited above 8 years, at your doors for justice and reparations, and neglecting my own private calling and affairs employed most of my time, studies, and expended many hundred pounds out of my purse, since my enlargement, to maintain your cause against the King, his Popish and Prelatical party. For all which cost and labour, I never yet demanded nor received one farthing from the Houses, nor the least office or preferment whatsoever, though they have bestowed divers places of honour upon persons of less, or no desert nor did I ever yet receive so much as your public thanks for any public service ●on you, (which every preacher usually receives for every Sermon preached before you, & most others have received for the meanest services) though I have brought you off with honour in the cases of Cant. and Macg. when you were at a loss in both; & cleared the justness of your cause when it was at the lowest ebb to most reformed Churches abroad, (who received such 
* Learned Giber●●s Voc●ius in his Letter to Mr Walter Strickland, Agent fos the Parliament at the Hague Feb. 2 1644. writes thus of my Sovereign Power of Parliaments etc. Accept nuperrime commodato adhoras aliquot librum Guilford, Prynne jam diu mi●i desideratum, & rationes cum respensionibus tam solid & ●ru. dite pro Parliamentto 〈◊〉 adversarios instructas atque explicatas deprehendi, ut non videam quid ultra desiderari possit. Debebat Tractaus ille Latin & Gallice extare, ut a Reformatis Theologi 〈◊〉 Politicis in Europa legi possit.  satisfaction from my books, that they translated them into several languages,) & engaged many thousands for you at home by my writings, who were formely dubious & unsatisfied. Now if any Member or old Courtier whatsoever shall envy my happiness for being such a royal or State favourite as this, I wish he may receive no other badges of Royal favour from his Majesty, nor greater reward or honour from the Houses than I have done; and then I believe he will no more causelessly asperse or suspect me, for being now a Royal favourite, or Apostate from the public cause.  
True it is (which it behoves me now to touch) that about 4 years since I published a Book, entitled, The Royal Popish Favourite; wherein [as likewise in my Hidden works of Darkness brought to public light; published a year after it] I did, with no little labour and expense, discover to the world, the several plots and proceedings of the Jesuits, Papists, and their foreign and domestic confederates, to introduce and set up Popery throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland, and how far they had inveagled the K. not only to connive at, but to countenance and assist them in a great measure, more fully & evidently then any else had done. And those worthy Members of this House who drew up that Declaration whereupon they voted, No more Addresses to the King, ploughed but with my heifer, borrowing all or most of their real materials from my writings; A convincing evidence, that I am yet no more a Royal favourite than themselves. Yet this I must add withal, to take off that aspersion, of being an Apostate from my first principles, that I never published those Books (as I then professed in them, and now again protest) to scandalise or defame the King, or alienate the people's affections from him, much less to depose or lay him quite aside, though I am clear of opinion, that Kings are accountable for their Actions to their Parliaments and whole kingdoms, and in case of absolute necessity, where Religion, Laws, Liberties, and their kingdoms will else be inevitably destroyed by their Tyrannical and flagitious practices, be deposed by them, if there be no special oaths nor obligations upon their consciences to the contrary, (which is our present case:) much less did I it out of any malice or revenge for the injustice I received from him in the executions done upon my person and estate, which I have long since cordially forgiven, and do now again forgive him from my soul, beseeching God to forgive him likewise: but merely to discover his former errors in this kind unto himself, that he might seriously repent of them for the present, and more carefully avoid, and detest them for time to come: and that the Parliament and whole kingdom might more clearly discern the great danger our Religion was in before we publicly discerned it, and the several ways and stratagems by which Popery got such head and growth among us, that they might thereby the better prevent the like plots and dangers for the future by wholesome Laws and edicts, as I have more largely declared in the books themselves.  
This grand prejudice against me being thus removed, 
The second prejudice.  I proceed to the the second, to wit, that I am an enemy to the Army; and therefore what I shall speak, may be interpreted to proceed only from opposition against them, and their Remonstrance, 
The Answer to it.  concerning which I freely uttered my sudden thoughts immediately after its reading in the House.  
To this I answer, that I have always been a real friend, and wellwisher to this Army from their first modelling till now, in what ever they have acted in their sphere, as Soldiers for the public safety. When they were first form into a body, the Committee of Accounts (whereof I was a Member) & those they engaged, advanced about thirty thousand pounds of the fourscore thousand, to set them out. Since that, I have freely contributed towards their pay, prayed constantly for their good success, joined in all public thanksgivings for the Victories obtained by them; made honourable mention of them and their heroic actions in some of my writings, and particularly dedicated one Book, I since compiled, to the General himself, (as I had done former Books to others of your Generals) for to do him all the honour that possibly I could, for his renowned Actions. Besides I have lately signed Warrants to get in their Arrears, and promoted an Ordinance for that purpose, all I could since my entrance into this House. All which considered, with this addition, that some of them have been my ancient intimate friends, & never did me the least injury, I hope no Member can be so partial, as to report me such a professed enemy to them, as in this grand debate to go against my judgement or conscience in opposition only unto their desires. True it is when the Army have forgot their duty, or offered violence to the privileges, Members, freedom or proceedings of Parl. or endeavoured to engage them to break their public faith to the King or kingdom, in breaking off the Treaty, contrary to their votes and engagement, or to infringe their solemn League and Covenant, or to enforce them to subvert the fundamental Government, Laws, & Liberties of the kingdom, or the very freedom and being of Parl. as they have done in their late Remonstrance, and Declaration, and some other printed papers since, & heretofore, I have then (in discharge of my covenant, conscience, and duty) opposed and spoken against these their exorbitances, as much as any, not out of malice, but out of love, to reclaim them from their evil destructive courses and counsels, according to Gods own precept Leu. 19 17. Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart, but shalt in any wise rebuke thy Neighbour, and not suffer sin upon him. And seeing I have always with like freedom opposed and written against the exorbitances and error of the King, Court, Prelates, Parliament, Committees, Presbyterians, Independents, Lawyers, and all other sorts of men in reference to the public good, the Army and their friends have no cause at all to censure me as their enemy, but rather to esteem me as their friend, for using the like freedom towards them, and their exorbitances, especially in this House.  
Having removed these two prejudices, I shall now address myself to the question in debate, which hath been thus propounded,  
Whether the King's answers to the Propositions of both Houses taken altogether upon the whole Treaty, 
The Question.  be satisfactory or unsatisfactory?  
This being an equivocal question not hitherto clearly stated and debated by those who have spoken to it, most of them being much mistaken in it, I must crave leave to give you the true state of it, 
The Question truly stated.  before I shall debate it; for which purpose I must distinguish, in what sense it is not satisfactory to any in this House, & yet in what respect it will appear satisfactory to all or most of us, who are not blinded with passion or prejudice agaisnt the King, or misled by affection merely to please the Army, which many have made their principal argument, wherefore it is not satisfactory.  
If the question be propounded and intended in this sense, Whether the King's answers to all the Propositions be satisfactory? that is, whether the King hath granted all the Propositions sent unto him in as large and ample manner as both Houses did propound them? then it is certain, his Answers are not satisfactory, in tha which concerns Delinquents, Bishops and Bishops Lands, and the Covenant, though they are voted satisfactory as to all the rest by both Houses. And in this sense only, those who have concluded them not satisfactory, have stated and disputed the Question.  
But this, under favour, neither is, nor can be the state or sense of the question, for these reasons.  
First, because these Propositions were sent by the Houses to the King, not as Bills of Parliament, to be granted in terminis without debate or alteration, but only as Propositions to be debated & treated upon personally with the King, as the Votes of both Houses, and instructions to the Commissioners sent to the Isle of Wight, resolve past all dispute: now it is directly contrary to the nature of all treaties, especially such as are personal, to tie up the parties of either side so precisely, that they shall have no liberty to vary from their first proposals in any particular, or if they condescend not to what ever was at first demanded by the stronger party, that the condescensions should not be satisfactory though they yield to all just things, and fall short only in some few of least concernment.  
This is evident by all Treaties heretofore between England, France, Spain, and other foreign Nations, if you peruse their first demands, which were never condescended to, but always receded from, and qualified in some particulars on either fide, Iniquum petas, ut justum fer as, being a rule in Treaties amongst Statesmen. There have been many Treaties during these Wars, between the Officers of the Parliament and King's party about surrenders of divers Cities and Garrisons, wherein the first Propositions on either side have been moderated or changed, and yet agreed and accepted at last as satisfactory to both sides. In all ordinary Treaties concerning Marriages, purchases, and ordinary bargains in Fairs, Markets or Shops, there are usually greater sums of money demanded at first on the one, and less proffered on the other side, then is accepted and given at last, and yet both parts close, agree and are full satisfied: so may we do now with the King upon the whole Treaty, though the King grants not fully all that we at first proposed.  
Secondly, because the Houses have already voted, the King's Concessions of the Great Offices of England and Ireland to be at their disposal for 20. years, to be satisfactory; though their demand was for perpetuity: which they would not have done, had the satisfactoriness of the Kings answers depended upon the full concession of that Proposition as amply as it is penned.  
Thirdly, because the Houses in their last propositions demand far more than ever they did in most former Treaties, and the King hath granted them more now in this then they have demanded heretofore; And therefore having granted more than what would have fully satisfied them in former Treaties, his Concessions in this may be fully satisfactory to us, so far as to close with him, to settle a firm peace in the Kingdom (now at the brink of ruin) though they fall short in somethings which we now propounded.) which do not much concern our security, as I shall prove anon. The true state then and sense of this Question must be this, and no other.  
Whether the King's final Answers to the Propositions of both Houses in this Treaty, 
The Question truly stated.  considered and weighed all together, be not so full and satisfactory in themselves, that this House may and aught to accept of and proceed upon them, for the speedy settlement of a safe and wel-grounded Peace, both in Church and Commonwealth, rather than reject them as unsatisfactory, and so hazard the life of all, and the perpetuating of our wars and miseries?  
In this sense, I humbly conceive and hope to evidence them so clearly & fully satisfactory, that we can neither in point of duty, prudence, justice & honour, or conscience reject them as unsatisfactory, but aught to embrace them, as the only safe & ready way to our peace and settlement, though they come not up so fully to some of our Propositions, as I could have heartily desired, for the avoiding of this hazardous debate. For my clearer progress in this grand debate I shall observe this method.  
First, I shall clearly manifest, that the King in this Treaty hath granted us whatsoever we can well desire for the present settlement & future security of the Commonwealth or state, when ratified by Acts & a regal oath, as is intended; yea, far more than ever our Ancestors, or any Subjects in the christian world enjoyed or desired of their Ks. for their security & preservation against their armed power, or legal prerogatives.  
Secondly, That the King hath granted as much in this Treaty, as will settle and secure the Peace and Government of our Church and Religion against Popery and prelacy on the one hand, and profaneness on the other hand; and more than we or any Protestant Churches ever enjoyed, or demanded heretofore for their security and settlement.  
When I have made good these particulars and answered the Objections made against them; I hope every one of us, who have any ingenuity, reason, or conscience in their breasts, and are not transported with passion, or private engagements to the contrary; will, and must of necessity vote these Answers satisfactory in the sense forestated.  
I shall begin with the first of these; namely, the King's Answers to all these Propositions which concern the present settlement, and future security of the State and Republic against any armed force, or invasions of the Regal Prerogative, to the enslaving or prejudicing of the Subject; which in my poor judgement are so full and satisfactory, that little or nothing can be added to them; and if we well consider them, we have cause to say; O fortunati nimium bona si sua norin●! I shall give you a full view of them all, because many of them have not been so much as once remembered in this debate, and apply them to our present settlement, and future safety, as I mention them.  
The first Proposition, for the settlement of a safe and wel-grounded Peace, 
The first Proposition fully granted; and the benefits ac●●ing to us ther●● by.  is that which concerns the justification of the Parliaments War, declaring it by an Act of Parliament to be passed, to be in their just and lawful defence: justifying the Solemn League and Covenant in prosecution thereof: and repealing all Oaths, Declarations, and Proclamations heretofore had, or hereafter to be had against both or either Houses of Parliament, their Ordinances or proceedings, or against any for adhering unto, or executing any Office, Place, or Charge under them, and all Judgements, Indictments, Outlawries, Attainders, & Inquisitions in any of the said causes, and all Grants thereupon made, had, or to be made or had, to be declared null, suppressed, forbidden, and never put into execution. And this to be published within all Parish Churches, and all other places needful within his Majesty's Dominions.  
To this proemial and advantageous proposition, the King hath fully and readily condescended at first, in every tittle, as was desired.  
By this concession, the Parliament hath gained sundry considerable advantages, tending to their present honour and future security.  
First, a full public acknowledgement of the justness of their War and Cause, to be ratified and perpetuated to posterity by the highest record that can be, an Act of Parliament, and that to be read in all Parish Churches throughout England, Ireland, and other the King's Dominions; and proclaimed in all Counties, Cities, Corporations, and at Assizes and Sessions of the peace; that so all men may take public notice of it. Which is such an honour to, and justification of them and their Cause, as was never condescended to by any King that took up arms against his Subjects since the creation to this present: and so low a humiliation and Legal disclaimer in the King of his War against the Parliament, and disavowing of his Cause and Party, as could possibly be imagined or expected.  
Secondly, It secures the Lives, Liberties and Estates of all the Members of both Houses engaged in these Wars, and of all persons whatsoever that have adhered to, or acted for them, against all former, present, and future Impeachments, Prosecutions and Judgements whatsoever; and makes void and nul, what ever hath been, is, or may be objected against them. Which coupled with the Act of Indemnity and Oblivion, proposed by the King, and agreed to by the Houses, will extraordinarily secure, pacify, & content all well-affected Members, and persons who have adhered to them in this Cause, and preserve them from the danger of 25 E. 3. and other Laws concerning Treasons, which otherwise upon any revolution of times and affairs, might by corrupt Judges and Instruments be extended and rested to their prejudice and undoing.  
Thirdly, it lays a foundation for the lawfulness of a defensive War by Authority of both Houses, upon the like occasion, in all future ages, without incurring the guilt of Treason or Rebellion; which will be a great encouragement and security to the Subjects, and engagement to them to adhere to the Parliament in aftertimes.  
Fourthly, It will very much discourage and deter all kind of men from taking up Arms in the Kings, His Heirs and Successors behalf, against the Houses of Parliament, when they shall cast their eyes upon this Act and behold the King himself passing such a censure upon all his own proceedings, and retracting his own Oaths, Proclamations, Commissions, Inditements, Grants, against such Members & all others who have now taken up arms against him, for the Houses & Kingdoms defence.  
So as this very first Proposition only, if well weighed, without any others added thereunto, being so fully and freely consented unto by the King, tends very far towards our present settlement and future safety, being more than was ever thought of, or desired in the Treaty of Peace, in February and March, 1642.  
The second Proposition fully granted by the King for the settling and securing of the State and Religion too, 
The Militia fully consented to, and the Kingdom's advantage and security thereby.  against the King's armed power, is the settling of the whole Militia by Sea and Land, and Navy of England, Ireland, and the Isles and Dominions thereunto belonging, by Act of Parliament, in the hands and disposal of both Houses, and such as they shall appoint, for the space of twenty years: with power to raise moneys for all forces raised by them for Land or Sea service, during that space or time; which forces are authorised to suppress all forces raised or to be raised in, or any foreign forces which shall invade the Realms of Engl. Ireland, or the Dominions and Isles thereunto belonging, without Authority and consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament: And it further provides, that after the expiration of the said 20. years, neither the King, his heirs and successors, nor any person or persons, by colour or pretence of any Commission, power, Deputation or Authority to be derived from the King, his Heirs or Successors, or any of them, shall raise, array, train, employ or dispose of any of the forces by Sea or Land of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, the Dominion of Wales, Isles of G●ernsep and jersey; or of Barwick upon Tweed, nor execute any power or authority touching the same, invested in the two Houses during the space of twenty years, nor do any thing or Act concerning the execution thereof, without the consent of the Lords and Commons first had and obtained. And that after the expiration of the said twenty years, in all cases wherein the Lords and Commons shall declare, the safety of the Kingdom to be concerned, and shall thereupon paffe any Bill for the raising, arming, training and disposing of the forces by Sea and Land of the Kingdoms, Dominions, Isles and places aforesaid, or concerning the levying of moneys for the same, if the King, his Heirs and successors shall not give the Royal assent thereto, within such time as both Houses should think conveent, that then such Bill or Bills after Declaration made by the Lords & Commons in that behalf, shall have the force and strength of an Act or Acts of Parliament, and be as valid to all intents and purposes, as if the Royal assent had been given thereunto.  
After which it disables any Sheriff, Justice of the Peace, Majors or other Officers of Justice, to leavy, conduct, and employ any forces whatsoever, by colour or pretence of any Commission of Array, or extraordinary command from the King, His Heirs or Successors, without consent of both Houses. And concludes, That if any persons to the number● of 30 shall be gathered together in warlike manner, or otherwise, and not forthwith disband themselves, being thereunto required by the Lords and Commons, or command from them, or any other specially authorized by them, that then such person or persons not so disbanding, shall be guilty and incur the pains of High Treason: any Commission under the great Seal, or other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding, and be uncapable of any pardon from His Majesty. His Heirs and Successors, and their estates disposed of as the Lords and Commons shall think fit.  
To all this new grand principle security of our present and future peace and settlement, the King hath given his full and free consent in terminis. And what greater security than this we can imagine or demand against the King's armed power and sword of War, transcends my capacity to imagine. Therefore if we have not lost our brains and consciences too, we cannot but vote and conclude it satisfactory, and restabundantly contented with, yea exceeding thankful for it. And that upon all these ensuing considerations.  
First, both Houses in their Treaty with the King in February, and March, 1642. 
* An Exact Collection, p. 88, 89, 9●, 909. etc.  demanded only the Militia of England not of Ireland, yet so, as they did leave the Nomination and disposing of the chief Commanders, Officers, and Governors of the Militia, Forts and Navy of the Kingdom, to the King: provided only they might be such persons of honour and trust as both Houses might confide in: 
A Collection of all the public Ordinances, &c pa. 49, 50, 51, 57, 58, 77, 84.  and likewise promise restitution of all Moneys, Forts, Garrisons, Arms and Ammunition of the Kings which they had seized upon, or to give him present satisfaction for the same; which being granted and performed, they professed, it should be their hopeful endeavour, that His Majesty and His people might enjoy the blessing of Peace, etc. and be derived to Him, and to His Royal Posterity, and the future Generations in this Kingdom for ever. Whereas in this Treaty the King denudeth himself of the Militia of England, and Ireland too, and of the Nomination and approbation of all Officers, Commanders, Governors of the Militia, or forces by Sea or Land; and leaves all the Forts, Navy and Magazines only to the Houses disposal, without any compensation for his Magazines or Arms formerly seized by them. And if far less was deemed sufficient for our settlement and security then, much more will all this be thought so now.  
Secondly, Because the King hath wholly stripped Himself, His Heirs and Successors for ever, of all that power and interest which His Predecessors always enjoined in the Militia forces, forts, Navy, not only of England, but Ireland, Wales jersey, Garnsey, and Berwick too, so as He and they can neither● raise nor arm one man, nor introduce any foreign forces into any of them, by virtue of any Commission, Deputation, or authority, without consent of both Houses of Parliament, and hath vested the sole power and disposition of the Militia, Forts and Navy of all these, in both Houses in such ample manner, that they shall never part with it to any King of England, unless they please themselves. So as the King and His Heirs, have no military power or authority at all left, to injure or oppress the meanest Subject, much less the whole Kingdom, or Houses of Parliament, had they wills to do it; and the Houses having all the Militia by Land and Sea, not only of England, but even of Ireland, Wales, Garnsey, jersey and Berwick, to assist and secure them in case He or His Heirs should attempt to raise any domestic, or introduce any foreign force against them, is so grand, so firm a security in all probability, for insuring and preserving of our Peace, Religion, Laws, Liberties, Lives, and Estates, against regal force and tyranny, that none of our Ancestors ever demanded or enjoyed the like, nor no other Kingdom whatsoever since the Creation, for aught that I can find in Histories or Republics (who have perused most now extant to do you service) and such a selfe-denying cond●sconsion in the King to His People, in this particular, as no age can precedent.  
In the 17 year of King john, the Barons having by force of Arms, 
* See Matthew Paris, Matthew Westminster, Hollinshead, Speed, Daniel in his life.  compelled him to confirm the great Charter at Runningmead, near Windsor, thought this their greatest security, that 25 of the eminentest Barons should be made Conservators of the Magna Char. and that all the rest of the Barons and people should take an Oath to be aiding and assisting to them in their preservation thereof; and that the King should surrender into their hands his four principal Castles, that so it he infringed his Charter, they might compel him to observe it. This was the highest Militia, and security of that kind our Ancestors ever demanded or enjoyed; (which is nothing comparable unto that now granted us by the King,) who rested satisfied therewith.  
3. Because the King and his successors are hereby not only totally disabled to raise any forces to oppress the people, or disturb their peace, and settlement, but all persons discouraged from aiding or assisting them by any Commission or authority whatsoever, under pain of high Treason, and loss both of life and estate, at the pleasure of both Houses, without any benefit of pardon from the KING, disabled for to grant it. So great a discouragement for any persons of fortune or quality, to appear for the King or his party in the Field for time to come, that in all humane probability, none ever will or dare to appear in arms hereafter for the King, against the Parliament, being sure to forfeit all without any hopes of pardon. And if this Act had been passed as a Law before our Wars, I dare presume not any one English Lord, or Gentleman durst once to have appeared in the Field for the King, and we had never felt the miseries of a civil War.  
Fourthly, Because the Militia of Ireland, Ier●y, Guernsey, and Wales as well as England, is wholly transferred from the King, to the Houses, so as we need fear no danger thence; and the Militia of Scotland being in their Parliaments disposal, if we hold a Brotherly correspondency with them, I know no other enemies we need to fear; for the Navy being in the Houses power, we need not fear any foreign invasion that can hurt us, if we can agree at home.  
All which considered, I dare assert, we have now the greatest security of any people under Heaven against all armed regal force and power, the King having given up all his Military power into the Houses actual possission, 
The King hath granted the Houses for 20 years the disposing of all great Offices, Civil, Judicial, and Military for twenty years both in England and Ireland. The security and consequences thereof.  and resigned his Sword and Arms into their hands. And if we refuse to accept it now he so freely resigns it, we may fight till doomsday, but never win nor hope for the like security or advantage; yea the present age and all posterity will curse and abhor us, for not embracing, and resting satisfied with such unparallelled security.  
But is this all the security the King hath granted us in this Treaty? No verily: there is yet much more behind, which hath not yet been opened. The Kings of England, have always held two swords in their hands, which when ill managed, have hurt & destroyed their Subjects. The first is the sword of Mars, in times of War, which is already sheathed, and resigned into the Houses hands by the precedent concessions, so as it can never wound them more. The other is the sword of justice in times of Peace; and this likewise the King hath wholly given up into the Houses power, for twenty years, as he hath the Militia; so, that it can never hurt them nor any English man or other Subject hereafter, at least for twenty years.  
This sword was formerly entrusted by the King in the Judges and great Officers hands● had they been so courageous, so upright as they should, the King could never have wounded or ruined the meanest of his Subjects with this Sword. Shipmoney, Kingh●hood, with other Grievances & Monoplies, neither would nor could have been imposed on the people by the King's Prerogative or power, had the Judges, according to Law and duty, declared them illegal. The Kingdom can do no injustice to any, it his Judges be so just and stout as to do justice. Whereupon this House impeached only the Judges, not blamed the King, for the project of Shipmoney, to which their opinions in Mr. Hampdens' Case, gave life & vigour. Now the King in this Treaty, hath for twenty years at least, granted to both Houses the nomination and appointment of all the Great Officers, Civil or Military, and of all the Judges and Barons of his Courts and Exchequers within England and Ireland, to continue in their places only, quom diu bene se gesserint. So as these great Officers & Judges having now no dependence at all upon the King, who can neither place nor displace any of them, but wholly upon the Houses of Parliament, and such as they shall appoint to nominate them in the Intervals of Parliament; if the Houses have a care to make good Officers and Judges in all Courts at first; and to displease and punish them (as they may and aught to do) when they degenerate, or misdemean themselves, the King with all his legal power now left him, can neither injure nor oppress the poorest Subject in body, goods or, Estate; nor protect the greatest malefactor from justice. And what more can we desire to expect for the security of our lives, liberties, or estates than this?  
Besides, as the● King hath entrusted you with the Sword and Courts of Justice and Revenue, so hath he with his Conscience and Courts of Equity too: You have the nomination of the Lord Chancellors, Lord Keepers, and Commissioners of his great Seals of England and Ireland, of the Chancellors of the Exchequer and Duchy, and Masters of the Rolls, as well in Ireland as England, who are the Dispenser's of his Equity & Conscience to his Subjects, the Issuers of all his Commissions, Writs, Patents, and keepers of all his public Records. If this be not enough, you have the disposal of his purse, and Treasure too: The nomination of the Lord Treasurers both of England and Ireland, of the Chancellors and Barons of the Exchequers in both, and of the Vice-Treasurer and Treasurer of Wars in Ireland. Would you have yet more? You have the nomination of the Lord Deputy, and chief Governor of Ireland, and of all the Precedents of the several Provinces of that Kingdom for twenty years, and of all other forenamed great Officers, Judges and Treasurers there; a great strength and real addition to the Militia of that Kingdom, which can never do us harm, if we accept of these concessions, which invest us in such power there, as no Parl. of England ever yet expected nor laid claim to. What is there yet remaining for your safety? Perchance you will suspect, the King may have many secret designs and intercourses with foreign enemies and States, and grand Malignants at home, to undo all, which we shall never discover without some further provisions than yet we have made. Truly no: you have a remedy already provided and granted for this; The nomination and appointing of the Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports, the principal gates to let in, or keep out Foreign Enemies or Spies; and of the Secretaries of State, who will be privy to all his Maj. secrets and transactions of public concernment, receive all letters of intelligence directed to him, and most commonly return all Answers to them. There is now but one thing more wanting to make this security complete and firm, the King's Great Seals of England and Ireland, the greatest Regal Assurance & confirmation he can give you; and of these you have both the custody and disposal, having the nomination & appointment both of the L. Chancellors, L. Keepers, and Commissioners of the Great Seal in England and Ireland. To sum up all these Grants together; Some Parliaments in former times have had the nomination of the Lord Chancellor, some of the Lord Treasurer, some of the great justiciar or some few Judges of England only: But never any Parliament of England claimed or enjoyed, the nomination and appointment of any the Great Officers, Barons, judges, or Treasurer's places in Ireland, nor yet of the L. Warden of the Cinque-Ports, Chancellors of the Exchequer and Dutcby, Secretaries of State, Master of the Rolls, or Barons of the Exchequer of England; yet all these the King for peace sake hath parted with to us; and shall we be yet so froward and peevish, as not to be satisfied with all those Offices? We have a long time mocked and abused the world, with a selfdenying Ordinance, disabling any Member to retain or receive any Civil or Military Office, by grant from the Houses, whiles he continces a Member; though there is scarce one day, or week at least doth pass, but we are still bestowing some place or Office upon Members, for which we are weekly censured and reviled in printed Pamphlets, and become odious to the Kingdom. But here is a selfdenying Act and Ordinance in good earnest, in the King, in parting with so many Offices, (of which He and his Predecessors have had the sole disposal for some Ages without interruption,) to the Houses; & shall we not yet rest satisfied? If not, what will the whole Kingdom, what will all foreign Kingdoms and Nations report of us? but that we are so foolish, so unreasonable, that nothing can or will content us, because we are resolved not to be content with any thing that the King shall grant us, be it never so advantageous for our present or future safety, and settlement.  
But seeing we have the disposal of all these Officers in England and Ireland, both Military and Civil, of his Sword of War and Peace, his Justice, his Conscience, his Purse, his Treasury, his Papers, his public Records, his Cabinet, his Great Seal, more than ever we at first expected or desired: I must really for my own part, profess myself abundantly satisfied with these Concessions, and so must every one who hath so much judgement, as to understand the latitude & consequences of them for the whole Kingdoms, and dying Ireland's safety, settlement, especially at this season, when they are so near their ruin.  
To this I shall add another grant of great concernment for the Peace and safety of this Nation, which the King hath fully consented to in this Treaty, and I presume no Member of this House will rest unsatisfied therewith, when he fully understands it.  
Both Houses of Parliament upon the Lord Keeper Littl●tons deserting of the House, and conveying away the Great Seal; 
The King hath confirmed the new Oreat Seal, & all that hath passed under it, nulled the old, and what ever passed under its authority since its carrying from the Houses.  were pleased for the better distribution of Justice, and transaction of the great Affairs of the Realm, to appoint a new Great Seal to be made. The Ordinance for its approbation and use sticking long in the Lord's House, who were somewhat doubtful in point of Law, I thereupon compiled and published a Treatise, entitled The opening of the Great Seal of England, which fully satisfied them, and opened the doors to let it out, for public use, though some who have had the custody of it (as Mr. Speaker knows) have but ill requited Me for this my pains & good service. Many Grants, Commissions, Presentations, Writs, Process, Proceedings, and other things have passed under this Great Seal, (and some Patens for Offices and Bishops Lands, to Members of this House, who differ in opinion from me, and yet would be glad to have their Patents confirmed by an Act of Parliament.) The King in this Treaty, hath not only consented to ratify all the Grants etc. that have passed under this new Seal, by Act of Parliament; and to enact them, to be as effectual to all intents & purposes as if they had passed under any other Great Seal of England heretofore used, but to continue it to be used hereafter for the Great Seal of England, and hath likewise so far disclaimed his old Great Seal from the day it was carried from the Parliament, that he is content, to make and declare all Grants, Commissions, Presentations, Writs, Process, Proceedings and other things whatsoever passed under, or by any Authority of any other Great Seal, since the 22 of May 1642. To be invalid and of no effect, to all intents and purposes; except one grant to Mr. Justice Racon, to be Judge of the King's Bench, and some other Writs, Process and Commissions mentioned in that proposition: And he hath further yielded, That all Grants of Offices, Lands, Tenements, or hereditaments, made or passed under the great Seal of Ireland, unto any person, persons, or body politic, since the Cessation in Ireland, the 15 Septemb. 1642. shall be null and void, with all Honours and Titles conferred on any person or persons in that Realm since that Cessation.  
By this Concession the Houses of Parliament and their adherents, have gained these extra ordinary advantages, most of them not to be paralleled in any Age of King, from Adom till this present.  
First, an acknowledgement of both House's Authority to make and use a new great Seal of England, without the King, in cases of extraordinary necessity.  
Secondly, a power in the Houses to null and void the King's usual Great Seal upon the making of their New, and conveying the old Seal from the Houses without their consent.  
Thirdly, a ratification of all Judicial and Ministerial Acts, Writs, Process, presentations, Grants, Decrees, Commissions and other things which have passed under the New Seal since its making till this present; which tends much to the qulet and settlement of many men's Estates; to the confirmation and justification of all legal proceedings in all Courts of Justice, and at all Assizes and Sesstons of Peace, held by virtue of Commissions under this Seal, and of Justices appointed by it (whose authority and proceedings might else hereafter prove disputable, and be drawn into Question:) and to the fight constitution of the Parliament itself, many Members of this House being elected, and some Members and Assistants of the Lords House being called thither, by Writs under this New Seal.  
Fourthly, an absolute disavowing and repeal of all Commissions whatsoever, or other things passed under the old Great Seal, against the Parliament or its proceedings, and an exposing of all those of the King's Party, who have acted any thing by any Commission or Authority under the Seal against the Parliament, to public Justice, who cannot plead it in Bar or excuse in any Court, after it shall be nulled and repealed by an Act.  
Fifthly, a great disparagement, dishonour, and disadvantage to the English Cavaliers, Irish Rebels, and their cause and proceedings, with a future disingaging of them and all their Party from the King and his interest, who hath so far dishonoured, deserted, and disclaimed them, as thus to null and repeal all Honours, Titles, Grants of Offices, Lands, or Tenements bestowed on any of them, for any services done, or Assistance given by them to the King in his Wars against the Parliament: A very high point of humiliation and self-denial in the King, and such a blow to his Popish and Malignant party, that I dare presume they will never engage in his behalf, nor trust him for the future: which will much conduce to the settlement of a firm and lasting peace, and prevent new Wars, if accepted of.  
6ly. Indemnity and security for all the Commissioners of the new Great Seal, against all scruples which may arise upon the Statute of 25. E. 3. for using and sealing with it, if ever the times alter: which every prudent man will readily embrace, where it is freely offered, and not peevishly reject, in such an age of danger and incertainty as this, in which no man is secure of his life, liberty, or estate on either side.  
The next Concession of the King in this Treaty is this: 
The Repeal of new Peers and other Honours granted by the King, with the consequence thereof.  That by Act of Parliament, all Peers made since Edward Lord Littleton deserted the Parliament, and conveyed away the Great Seal on the one and twentieth day of May 1642. shall be Unpeered and set by. And all other titles of honour, and precedency (as Lordship, Knighthood, and the like) conferred on any without consent of both Houses of Parliament since the twentieth of May, 1642. shall be revoked and declared null and void to all intents, and never hereafter put in use. And that no Peer who shall be hereafter made by the King, his heirs or successors, shall sit or vote in the Parliament of England without consent of both Houses of Parliament; This Concession of the Kings is of great concernment to the Kingdom, and I conceive, without precedent, or example in any age or King in the Christian world.  
First, it secures us from our formerly feared danger of a design in the King, by new created Peers, to make an overruling party at any time, in the Lord's House, wherein the judicatory of the Parliament principally consists: which danger and inconvenience, by secluding the Bishops out of that House by an Act already passed, and by this disabling all new Peers hereafter to be made, to sit in that House without consent of both Houses, is for ever totally prevented.  
Secondly, It gives such an extraordinary new power to the House of Commons, as they never formerly enjoyed or pretended to; to wit, that no Peer created by the King himself, or by the King or Lords in Parliament, (who usually created Peers in Parliament without the Commons privity or consent in former times) shall be henceforth inaabled. to sit or vote as Peers of Parliament, but by consent of the House of Commons as well as of the King and Lords. By which provision, the Commons are made not only, in some sense, the Judges of Peers themselves (which they could not try or judge beforeby the express letter of Magna Charta chap. 29. and the 
* Sec Cook! n●stitures on Mag. Cham cap. 29.  Common Law) but seven their very Creators too.  
Thirdly, It is an extraordinary prejudice and blemish on the King's cause, and an extreme dishonour, dissatisfaction & disengagement upon his own party, than which a greater cannot be imagined. For what higher affront or disgrace could the King put upon those Nobles, Gent. & others who have spent their estates, lost their blood, limbs and adventured their very lives in this cause against the Parliament, and received no other reward for it but an empty title of honour [perchance a Kightship, Lordship, or the bare title of a marquis, Earl, or Viscount, which they have enjoyed but a year or two, with little benefit and less content,] to be thus by Act of Parliament with the Kings own Royal assent, (who conferred those titles on them for their gallant services in his behalf) thus suddenly degraded and divested of them all, as if they had never been? A perpetual brand to them & their posterity, who must be enforced to give place to such of whom they have had precedency & place by virtue of these dignities. Which high affront and scorn, I am verily persuaded, will pierce and break many of their own, at least their Lady's hearts, and for ever disoblige them in the highest degree.  
4thly, It will make all the ancient and new Nobility and Peers of England less dependent on the King, & less complying to serve his ends upon all occasions, being never able to gratify or reward them (though never so ambitious) with any new Honours or Peerships, without consent of both Houses of Parliament, whom they dare not displease, or disoblige, for fear of crossing them in their desired dignities and titles, as well as in their great Offices, which are both now in their disposal not in the Kings alone.  
In brief, the King in his Concession, hath manifested the greatest humiliation and self-denial, that any King since there was a Kingdom in the world hath done. It is, and hath been the ancient and undoubted prerogative of all Kings in the world, but especially of the Kings of England, to confer honours & dignities of all sorts (especially Knighthood) on whom they shall think meet, and more principally on those who have merited it by their gallantry in the field; as Mr. Selden proves at large in his Titles of honour, and others who have written of that Subject. Now for the King out of a desire only of a happy peace and settlement, not only to part with much of the Royal Prerogative which all other Kings in the world enjoy for the future, but to repeal the Honours and Titles conferred by him on his adherents, for reward of their services in times past, during all these wars, is such a miracle and high degree of selfe-deniall, as no age hath produced the like, and that which most of this house, had the King prevailed, would have rather lost their lives (had they conferred any such Titles on their Generals and Commanders) then have condescended to, should the King require it: And therefore I cannot agree with those over-censorious Gentlemen, who so oft inculcate this, that they can see no humiliation at all or change of heart in the King, when I find so great a change, and deep a humiliation in Him in this, and all other forementioned free Concessions, without any or little hesitation; and I heartily wish their own hearts were as much humbled as his, and then I doubt on: but they would thankfully embrace, & rest fully satisfied with his concessions for their own and the Kingdom's benefit. The next proposition tending to the peace and settlement of the Kingdom is this.  
That the King do give his Royal assent to such Act or Acts for the raising of moneys for the Parliament, 
The proposition for raising moneys for payment of public debts, artears, etc. granted; with its benefits  & satisfying of the public Debts and Damages of the Kingdom, and other public uses as shall hereafter be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament. And if the King do not give his assent thereto, than it being done by both Houses, the same shall be as valid to all intents and purposes, as if the Royal assent had been given thereunto. To this Proposition the King hath condescended, so as those Acts be passed within two years after the Treaty ended: which the Houses have now voted to be satisfactory.  
This Proposition secures all moneys lent upon the public faith: all arrears due to Officers & soldiers, yea all moneys advanced by any who have purchased Bishops lands, for their losses by reversions after 99 years or any present rents, to be reserved to the Crown for the use of the Church, (with which those Members who have purchased such lands or advanced moneys upon them, declare themselves most unsatisfied) & all those who have sustained public losses. Yea, if the King denies his royal assent thereto, it enables both Houses, to make a valid Act of Parliament without the King in this case, and in case of the Militia likewise, which was never challenged by, nor granted to both Houses in any King's Reign before; & takes away the Kings Negative voice as to these particulars: which those who conclude the King's answers unsatisfatory, have so much contended for, yet now stand in their own light, in not accepting of these Concessions as satisfactory, and striking at the Negative voice.  
The next Concession of the Kings for the settlement of the State, 
The court of Wards and Tenors in Capite etc. abolished: with the advantages.  is the taking away of the Court of Words, and of all Wardships and Tenors in Capite, or by Knight's service, which draw on Wardships, Primer seizures, liveries, and such like encumbrances, to the intolerable vassalage and prejudice of the Nobility and Gentry of England, and great landed persons, and that only upon giving the King and his successors one hundred thousand pounds yearly for compensations, being one principal part of his Royal Revenue.  
This Concession is of so vast consequence to the Kingdom, to enfranchise the Subjects from the Norman yoke of bondage (as some stile Wardships and Tenors in Capite, though others deem them more ancient than William the Conqueror) that our Ancestors never enjoyed the like: It exempts men's heits under age, and their estates from being made a prey for hungry Courtiers, or overreaching Committees of them & their estates: It exempts them from being married to any against their free consents, without any single or double forfeiture of the values of their marriages, to which they were formerly liable; from marriages to persons of small, or no, or broken fortunes, and different dispositions, which have ruined many families, from many chargeable suits, expenses, & excessive fees & gratuities to Escheators, Feodaries & all sorts of griping Officers in the Court of Wards, and from vast expenses and extraordinary vexation in finding, and traversing Offices, suing out Liveries etc. and many suits and questions arising thereupon, which have undone too many: And it deprives the King of such an over-awing Prerogative over the persons and Estates of the Nobility and Gentry, which usually fell into his custody after every Tenant's decease, as will very much weaken his interest in, and their over much dependence on him, and make them less subject to engage for, or with him against the Parliaments or Kingdoms common interest.  
The next Proposition relating to the Kingdom's safety and settlement, 
The Proposition concerning Delinquents how far granted even to satisfaction.  not so immediately and directly as any of the former, is that which concerns Delinquents: in which alone (as to the State) the King's answers are pretended unsatisfactory, not in all, but only in some particulars, of no extraordinary concernment in my apprehension, though so much insisted on by many, as to vote all the Treaty unsatisfactory. In opening the state of the King's Answers to this proposition, I shall do these 3. things: First I shall show how far the King and you are both agreed. 2dly, In what particulars you really or seemingly differ. 3dly, I shall examine, whether these differences herein be of any such moment, as to induce the House to vote, the answers to this and the other Propositions upon the whole Treaty unsatisfactory, and so reject and lose whatever the King hath granted in the rest, because he hath not satisfied our demands in this one, and two others concerning the Church.  
For the first, both Houses by their Votes, have thought this Proposition touching Delinquents, so needless to beinfisted on in every punctilio, for the public settlement [which will certainly more obstruct then promote it, merey & moderation being the nearest way to peace, and union] that you have reduced, since the Treaty, the persons excepted in the first qualification both from life & composition, from 37 to 7 only: six of those are beyond the Seas, quite out of your power, the 7th, aged, scarce worth your Execution. The King consents that they should be banished during the pleasure of both Houses, which is a civil death, banishment being next to death, the severest punishment, and to some men, more grievous than present Execution. But if that will not satisfy, than he leaves them wholly to your justice, to proceed against them, if you please, according to Law, and promiseth not to interpose, nor pardon any of them if legally condemned; only he adds ex abundanti, that he cannot in justice or honour, assent to any Act, to take away their lives by a mere Legislative Power, ex post facto, if they have done nothing that was formerly capital by the known Laws of the Land, by which He leaves them to be tried. This Answer many Gentlemen who have spoken, have coucluded very unsatisfactory, and made many large descants on it, because they did not rightly weigh nor understand it; when as in truth, it Answers the very Proposition in terminis: as I shall clearly manifest to all who understand what Law is.  
First, it is apparent that one of the first quarrels and cause of taking up Arms on our parts, was to bring Delinquents to condign punishment, according to the Laws and Statutes of the Realm, as you have declared to the Kingdom in many printed Declarations, and in your Petitions to the King, you always desired him, 
* Exact collection p. 464. 585 619. 631. 633. 908.  to leave Delinquents to the course of justice; not to cut them off by a mere Legislative Power, when as you could not do it by any known Law.  
Secondly, you have professed to all the World, and to the King and Delinquents themselves, that you have taken up Arms to defend and preserve the Ancient fundamental Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom, and to oppose the introduction of any Arbitrary and Tyrannical Power; Yea, yourselves and the Army likewise, have declared against all extraordinary proceedings and trials in the Lord's House to fine or imprison without any indictment, or legal trial by Jury or Verdict according to Magna Charta, and the Common-Law. Therefore your bringing Delinquents to punishment for Life and Estates, which in the first branch of this Proposition must be intended only of a just and Legal TRIAL (as yourselves have always professed) not by a new Law in the post: And if so, than the King, in case you will not rest satisfied with the seven excepted persons banishment, is content to leave them to your Justice, even for Life and Estate, according to the known Laws of the Realm, and will no ways interrupt your proceedings therein, nor pardon them. Therefore in this he fully consents to the Proposition.  
But it hath been objected, 
Object.  First, that the King denies to yield them up to Justice, or to have any hand in their prosecution; and therefore his Answer is unsatisfactory. Secondly. That this expression, That he ca● neither in justice nor honour consent to any Act for to take away their Lives or Estates, is as high a justification of them and his own cause, as possible, and contradictory to the first Proposition, and declares the King's heart to be still in the same and unchanged.  
To which I Answer: 
Answ.  First, both these are so gross mistakes and inconsequences, that I wonder how any intelligent man can insist upon them: For first, the King in positives terms, if you will not accept of their banishment, yields them up to a Legal trial, in which himself must be the Prosecutor, the Indictment being in his name, the prosecution at his suit by his Counsel at Law, and the Witnesses produced on his behalf, as all men know, who understands what belongs to a Legal trial. Therefore to infer from the King's Answer, that he disclaims all prosecution of them, is direct contradiction and falsehood.  
Secondly, the King's very condesconsion to their banishment and forfeiture of their Estates for adhering to his Cause and putting them upon their legal trial, is an express disavowing of his own cause as just, and an acknowledgement of its badness and illegality; and if the Parliament should yield up those who have acted for and adhered to them to banishment, confiscation of Estate, and legal trial for their lives, I am certain the Objectors themselves would protest, that therein they had betrayed their righteous Cause, and deserted their best affected friends. Thirdly, Expressum facit cessare tacitum: the King having in direct terms, justified your Cause and War as just, in the first Proposition, acknowledged those persons exempted in this, and treated for under the very name & notion of Delinquents, to be such, in this very Proposition, and consented to their banishment and loss of Estate, cannot without apparcht absundity be averred to justify them and their Cause in this his Answer, which yields them up to the strictest legal Justice, as Delinquents. 5ly, Those words of the King [so much excepted against] that he can neither in honour nor justice, consent to any act to take away their lives, who have acted any thing by his command, used and intended by him only in relation to his regal consent to a new Law to condemn them, ex post facto, where there was no Law before, are so far from any exception, that for my part I should have held him neither just nor honourable had he omitted this expression. For can it be just or honourable for a King, to engage men in his service by special Commission or Command, when there is no known Law to make their obedience criminal, and yet afterwards to give his Royal consent to a subsequent Law to take away their lives, & forfeit their estates for obeying his own Royal commands? Suppose we were now in the King's condition and he in ours, and he should press you to consent to a new Law, to make all those who have acted for you and by your Commission in this war, Traitors, and to lose their lives and estates for it, when there was no former Law to punish them, would you not all give the self same answer as he doth, that you could neither in honour, nor justice (nor yet in point of conscience) consent to such a Law? and would not yourselves and all other protest, you had neither justice nor honesty in you, should you be so base and perfidious as to condescend unto it to betray all those you had engaged, and to give them such a requital for their services? Would any person ever after honour, serve or trust you, should you do it? or could you or any other honour, trust or serve the K. in any dubious employment after this, if he should thus unworthily ex post facto betray his own party now? This answer therefore of his clearly discovers to us, that there is yet so much justice and honour in him, as by no fear or danger to consent to such an unjust and unworthy Act, as by a new Law to cut off the heads of those himself engaged in his service, when there was no Law extant then to do it, makes it more satisfactory unto me, than otherwise, and shows he doth not dissemble but is real in his answers; and I shall sooner trust and believe him now, then if he had consented to such an unworthy act. 6ly, This answer is both just and honourable, because if the King should assent to a new Act to forfeit their lives and Estates, he should condemn them rashly and unjustly without hearing their defence or evidence.  
And for the King to condemn any for Traitors by a Bill without hearing the cause or evidence against them, or to make men Traitors by a law subsequent to their offences, is neither just nor honourable in every just man's judgement, and of very dangerous precedent, as 
* 4. Instir. ●. 1. p. 37. 38.  Sir Edw. Cook, informs us, the Lord Cromwell, the inventor of such Acts of Attainder, being the first that lost his head by this new invention. All which considered, there is no rational man but must conclude, the Kings Answer unto this branch touching Delinquents, to be fully satisfactory even to your own demands, as well in words as substance, notwithstanding the Objections against it.  
But admit the answer as bad as any have made it, shall we therefore conclude it so unsatisfactory as to break off the Treaty upon it, and involve the Kingdom in another War of which no man can know the end or issue? God forbid we should ever be so unadvised. The persons whose lives you desire for a Sacrifice to public Justice, are but seven in number, fix of them out of your power in foreign parts, where a new war will not reach them: the 7th an aged man, who may chance to die before judgement or execution pass against him: you have all their whole estates at your disposal already, and their persons too by way of banishment, during both House's pleasure: And will you adventure another seven years' war, and the loss perchance of seventy thousand men's lives, and as many millions of Treasure to the ruin of the Kingdom, for the bare lives of seven Delinquents only, or in truth of one alone, who is fully in your power, which you may take away by a legal trial without a war? will not all the Kingdom, nay all the three Kingdoms, and whole world cry out upon you for such a frantic unadvised act as this? yea and for such an unjust and wicked resolution, to hazard the lives and shed the blood of many thousand Innocents', and gallant men to take away the head of one or only of 7. vile Delinquents? the sparing of whose lives will 
* Sec 2 Chron. 28. 2. 10. 16.  more conduce to settlement, and real unity, than their deaths by the axe of Justice. For shame then let us not vote the King's answer to this branch of Delinquents so unsatisfactory, as to break off and lose all upon it, since I have proved it fully satisfactory in all things to your own last demands.  
As to the Delinquents specified in the 2d. and 3d. Qualification, the King and you are fully agreed. Besides, the King consents to the exclusion of the Delinquents specified in the first qualification from sitting in Parliament, being of his Counsels, coming within the verge of his court, bearing any office, or having any employment in the State, during the pleasure of both Houses. Thus far you are both agreed: only he desires this mitigation of their penalty in case they shall offend herein, that they may not be guilty of high Treason and uncapable of any pardon, and forfeit all their estates, nor that those who shall return from banishment without leave may incur so high a penalty, but a more moderate, suitable to the Law they shall offend. And to break only upon this excess and extremity of punishment (too high even in many wise men's opinions for such offences, and of dangerous precedent to posterity, it being the wisdom of our Ancestors, to make as few 
* See Rastalls Abridgement, Tit. Treason.  new treasons as possible, being only for the King's advantage and people's prejudice) when as a lesser penalty may as well, and sooner too, prevent the mischief, is neither safe nor prudent.  
As for the compositions of such persons, the King only desires their moderation, if you think fit, even to such proportions as the Army itself in their proposals to him in Aug. 1647. thought reasonable; and if you please not to grant it, than he leaves them to compound at such rates as you and they shall agree: and those are only such as you have already fixed on in former compositions, from which you will not vary; and in case they will not compound at your rates, you have then the benefit of all their sequestered estates till their composition be made, which is your benefit and their loss. Therefore in this [though some have pleased without any colour of reason to assert the contrary] you are both fully accorded.  
To the Delinquents in the fifth Qualification, the King consents to all your desires, with this exception only: That such Delinquent Ministers who are not scandalous in their lives or Doctrine, & are already sequestered, may enjoy the third part of the profits of their Livings, for the support of them and their families, and be capable of future preferments if they be thought fit to enjoy them. This some have concluded very unsatisfactory, because it craves some little favour for Malignant Ministers: But I beseech you consider, how inconsiderable the difference is, and how just and charitable the King's request is in their behalf. Yourselves, both by Ordinance and common practice, grant the full fifth of the profits of sequestered Livings to the Wives and Children of sequestered Ministers, as well in case of scandal and insufficiency, as Mulignity: the King desires only, that such who have been sequestered merely for Malignancy, and are not scandalous, may receive a third part in stead of a fifth, and for their future encouragement, having spent their time in fitting themselves for a Ministry, and being fit for no other calling, and having lost their former livings, he requests only, that in this scarcity of able Ministers, they may be capable merely of future preferments, for which they shall be adjudged meet in such way as you shall appoint, not he or they. A just, a charitable request, and that which yourselves have done, there being many able godly Ministers of eminent parts and exemplary life who have not been so clearly convinced in point of conscience, as to concur with you in the late Wars, for which they have been sequestered, and have since been better satisfied: and God forbid that such should be made utterly uncapable of the Ministry, and they and their families starve for want of bread. I beseech you therefore, of all other things let us not break with the King upon this Act of Charity, of Piety, lest all the world condemn us for uncharitableness, and judge the King to be more pious and charitable than we. And no doubt it will be the greatest charity to ourselves, to our Church, our Religion, our Kingdom at this time, rather to close with the King in this particular, then hazard all for a few third parts, and to be as charitable as his Majesty. The more charity we show, the greater unity, peace, amity, and better settlement we may expect.  
But the greatest dissatisfaction of all (referred to this head of Delinquents) is in the King's answers concerning his present recalling of marquis Ormonds' Commission, to Treat with, and unite the Irish Rebels.  
To which I answer: first, that this was no part of the propositions first sent, but a collateral emergement discovered since the Treaty upon Col. jones his letter, and so the unsatisfactoriness of the Kings Answer as to this alone, can be no just cause or ground, to vote the other Answers unsatisfactory, or break off the Treaty.  
2dly, The Kings granting of this Commission to Ormond at the time he did it, is no such heinous thing as many have made it, all circumstances considered. The King when the Army would not close with him upon their own terms the last year who treated with him without your privity, and against your Orders, even then when they unjustly impeached the eleven Members for holding secret intelligence with him and his party (of which themselves were only culpable;) was shut up close Prisoner in Carisbrooke Castle in the Isle of Wight by their procurement, and by the Votes of both Houses (proceeding originally from the Officers and the Army's projection, promoted by their Declaration, and engagement to join with the Houses in settling the Kingdom without & against the K. and forcibly passed the Lords House by the Armies garrisoning White Hall, & billeting a Regiment of Horse in the Muse to terrify them to a concurrence with the Commons) quite laid aside like a dead man out of mind, and no more addresses to be made to him by the Houses, or from him to them, and no access of any to him under pain of high Treason, without both House's licence: the King in these extremities, the better to procure his own enlargement and the Kingdom's settlement by a Treaty, grants a Commission to marquis Ormond to unite the Irish forces then divided for the foresaid ends. Extremities certainly put honest and wisemen too [as the Armies friends grant] upon hard shifts for self-preservation, and this extremity put the King upon this of Ormond.  
The King is flesh and blood as well as we, and nature teacheth him to use the best means he may for his own preservation, and deliverance in such a straight: The Army the last Summer refused to disband or suffer any of their forces to go for Ireland; to preserve and secure that Kingdom, only from this ground of self-preservation, upon which they would now enforce you by their REMONSTRANCE, and marching up to your doors with their forces, to break off the Treaty, or vote it wholly unsatisfactory● whence most Gent. that differ in opinion from me have made this their sole or chief argument that the King's answers are unsatisfactory, because the Army else will not be satisfied. If then your own Army may thus disobey your votes, and force your consents, only upon a pretence of self-preservations and defence, when they are in no visible danger, the King by as good or better reason in this extremity of danger, might justly make use of Ormonds' endeavours for his better safety and enlargement. And if some Members have affirmed in the House, (as hath been alleged in this debate) that they would join with Turks or the worst of Nations, and call them in to their assistance rather than the King should come in by conquest: then the King by like reason might join with Ormond and the Irish, rather than be thus laid aside and destroyed. And what we ourselves would do in his or the like condition, we cannot justly blame in him. Thirdly, The King did never absolutely deny the recalling of Ormonds' Commission, but only suspended it till the Treaty ended, and if you then close with him, you have his engagement presently to recall it: if then you agree with him upon this● Treaty, your demand in this is granted, and danger prevented, but if you will not agree at all, it is very hard measure to press the King to a present disadvantage, who is like to receive no advantage by you, nothing being obligatory on either side till all be concluded. In fine, the King hath so far condescended to satisfy you in his final answer, as to write a letter to Ormond, to suspend the Execution of his Commission for the present, and engaged to revoke it so soon as you and he agree in future, and more than this, as the case stands, we cannot well in justice require, and we should hardly grant so much were it our case as it is the Kings: and seeing all our dangers may be prevented by our agreement with the King, and this demand then fully granted, there is no reason to vote this unsatisfactory, when we may have all we desire if we please ourselves. However: I see no such differences between the King and Us, in this of ORMOND and that of Delinquents, as to vote the final answer to them and all the rest unsatisfactory and so to lose England, distressed Ireland, and all the former Concessions for an unconsiderable dissatisfaction in these two particulars.  
The last Proposition relating to the security of the State, 
That Propositions concerning London fully granted, and the Consequences of it.  is. That the City of London shall enjoy all their Rights, Liberties, Franchises, and usages in raising and employing the forces thereof, for its defence; in as full and ample manner as they used and enjoyed it heretofore. That the Militia and City and Liberties thereof, shall be in the Ordering and Government of the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Common-council, or such as they shall appoint, and be employed and directed as both Houses shall direct; so as no Citizen, or forces of the City shall be compelled to go out of the City or Liberties for Military service without their own free consent. That an Act shall be passed for the granting and confirming of the City's Charters, Customs, and Franchises, notwithstanding any Non-user, Misuser, or abuser, and for confirmation of all by-Laws and Ordinances made or to be made by the Lord Major, Aldermen, and common-council concerning the calling, convening and regulating their Common-council: That the Tower of London may be in the Government of the City, and the chief Governor thereof nominated and removable by the Common-Councell● and all Propositions, which shall be further made and approved by both House's consent, for the future welfare, and Government of the City, confirmed by Act of Parliament. To all which the King hath fully confented; so as his Answer thereto cannot be Voted unsatisfactory by any, but such who envy the City's weal and security, that themselves may the better seize and trample on it, to its enslaving and ruin.  
This Concession is, First, A great Honour to, and justification of your cause; the 
* Exact Collection p. 45. a Collection● etc. p. 33. 495. 496.  City having been more cordial to, active for, and bountiful towards you upon all occasions and exigencies than all other parts of the Kingdom, the harbourers, and relievers of all who have fled from the Enemy's tyranny thither, for safety or relief, yea the only Treasury to advance moneys upon all exigencies, and those to whom (under God) you pricipally owe your victories and preservation. Now for the King to honour the City with such concessions as these, which hath been most hurtful to, and deepest engaged against him in this War, is almost as high and full (if not a greater) justification of, and countenance to your cause, as this consent to the first Proposition.  
2dly, A great satisfaction to the City for all their services and expenses, and a firm security against all future fears and sufferings for engaging so deeply in your Cause.  
3dly, An extraordinary Engagement to the City, faithfully to adhere to you and all succeeding Parliaments, upon the like cause and occasion, and to other Corporations to do the like.  
4thly, A great security and advantage to the whole Kingdom, whose weal and safety principally consists in London's welfare, its principal Magazine, Mart, Bulwark, Refuge, and Military security both by Sea and Land, wherewith the whole Kingdom stands or falls: had the King once gained London in these Wars, the Parliament, and all England had been quickly lost, without hope of recovery, which will be in a secure or recoverable condition at all times, if it be safe and true to the public interest, from which some have studied of late to disengage it, to ruin it, and the Parliament too, which were always free from eminent danger whiles cordially united, and near to both their ruins being now disjointed.  
I have thus as briefly as I could, (with discharge of my conscience and duty) run through all the propositions which concern the security and settlement of our State against the KING'S armed violence, or Exorbitant civil Sword or Prerogative, and other particulars relating to its peace and safety, with the King's respective Answers thereunto.  
And for mine own opinion, I humbly conceive them so fully satisfactory, and abundantly sufficient for our Weal and safety, against all future Dangers, and Encroachments on our Liberties: that if we conjoin them with those other acts, the KING hath already consented to this Parliament, We can neither desire nor expect any additions to make us more completely happy and secure then any people or Kingdom under Heaven.  
The KING hath already by Acts of Parliament condemned and suppressed Ship-money, his own Monopoly of making Gunpowder and Saltpetre, Fines for Knighthood, Impositions upon Merchant's goods, Tonnage and Poundage, without grant by Parliament, Coat and Conduct money, Forest bounds and Laws, the grand grievances under which we groaned, heretofore, so as we need never fear their revivals, nor any others of that nature: Especially since we have the Nomination of all great Officers and judges, the chief promoters of them. Besides, by Act of Parliament, he hath for ever suppressed the Bishops sitting and voting in Parliament, (a great disadvantage to him, they commonly voting what he pleased, and being wholly at his devotion) together with the three Grand Oppressive Courts and shops of Tyranny, Oppression, and Injustice in the Kingdom, the great Terrors of men's Spirits, the Invaders of their Rights, Members, Liberties, the chief inlargers and maintainers of an unlimited prerogative, and Authors of all our late illegal projects, pressures, the Starchamber, the HIGH COMMISSION, and COUNCIL TABLE: the King's chief Engines to screw up his Prerogative to the highest, and lay his Subjects lowest; to which a fourth is since added in this Treaty, the Court of Wards. All which being totally abolished, the KING hath now no Court nor instrument left (that I can think of) whereby to injure, or oppress his people as in former times. The oppressions likewise and extortions of the stannary Courts, and of Clerks of the Market, are rectified by acts this Session, yea this Parliament by Act perpetuated, without any power in the KING to adjourn and dissolve it, till all concur to dissolve it by an Act of Parliament: and when this shall be so determined, for our future security and redress of all growing mischiefs which may endanger us, there is a provision by another Law for a Triennall Parl. with power to summon it, in case of the King's refusal, without him or his writ, and authority for the Houses to sit for a convenient time (sufficient to redress all grievances, punish all public Offenders and settle useful Laws) without dissolution or adjournment.  
To which I may add, the Act of Oblivion, Pacification, and union with our Brethren of Scotland: Upon granting of four of which Acts alone, the House of Commons in their 
* An exact Collection p. 6.  Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, 15 December 1641, did with much thankfulness, acknowledge, that His Majesty had passed more good Bills at that time, to the advantage of the Subjects, then have been passed in many ages. And if he shall now accumulate all the forementioned Propositions turned into Acts, to those already enacted; with some few Laws more for the regulating of some grievances and corruptions in the Common Law: the punishing and restraining of some public mischiefs and crimes, and punishment of Extortions, (which will be readily assented to, there being no loss or prejudice to the Crown in passing them) We may through God's blessing, in all humane probability, (if our sins deprive us not of so great a felicity) be the freest, happiest, securest, most flourishing and best ordered Kingdom, and People in the World, and enjoy such privileges, and immunities, as our Ancestors never so much as once imagined, much less aspired after. And if we will not now rest satisfied, and thankfully contented with all these large extraordinary Concessions, and bless God for this tender of them to our hands, the present, and all future ages, will Chronicle us, for the most unreasonable and ungrateful Creatures that ever sat within these walls, or the world produced since the Creation.  
Having now at large demonstrated (I hope to every rational and honest man's conviction) the satisfactoriness of the King's Answers to all our Propositions relating to the safety and settlement of our State: 
The satisfactoriness of the King's answers to the Propositions concerning the Church & Religion.  I shall in the next place proceed to those Propositions and Concessions which concern the Peace, Settlement, and Security of our Church and Religion, wherein there appears the greatest difficulty; the most whereof I shall dispatch with greater brevity than the former.  
There are three things especially which may endanger and disturb the Peace and settlement of our Church and Religion, 1. Popery, Popish corruptions and innovations, introduced by Jesuits, Papists, and superstitious Clergymen Popishly addicted; 2. Profaneness; 3 Prelacy: and one chief thing to promote Religion and the Church's happiness; the propagation of the Gospel, by settling preaching Ministers throughout the Kingdom, and establishing the public Worship and Church-Government in such sort, as is most agreeable to God's word. For all these there is sufficient ground in the King's answers to our Propositions concerning them, to vote them satisfactory, as I humbly apprehend, and hope to manifest.  
For the first of these dangers to our Church and Religion, there is as good security and provision granted us by the King, as we did or could desire, even in our own terms. First, he hath fully consented to pass an Act for the more effectual disabling of Jesuits, Papists, 
Propositions and Concessions against Papist, Popery and Popish Innovations.  and Popish Recusants, from disturbing the State, and deluding the Laws; and for the prescribing of a New Oath for the more speedy discovery and conviction of Recusants. Secondly, to an Act of Parliament, for the Education of the children of Papists by Protestants, in the Protestant Religion. Thirdly, to an Act for the due levying of the penalties against Recusants, and disposing of them as both Houses shall appoint. Fourthly, to an Act, whereby the practices of the Papists against the State may be prevented, the Laws against them duly executed, and a stricter course taken to prevent the saying or hearing of Mass in the Court, or any other part of the Kingdom; whereby it is made Treason for any Priests to say Mass in the Court or Queens own Chapel; and so no place left for the suying of Mass throughout the Kingdom, no not in the Queens own Chamber. Fifthly, to an Act for abolishing all Innovations, Popish Superstitions, Ceremonies, Altars, Rails, Crucifixes, Images, Pictures, Copes, Crosses, Surplices, Vestments, bowings at the name of jesus, or towards the Altar, etc. out of the Church, and to prevent the introduction of them for the future. By all which Acts added to our former Laws against Recusants. I dare affirm, we have now far better provision, and security against Papists, jesuits, Popish Recusants, their Popish pictures, Innovations, Superstitions, and Ceremonies, both for our Churches and Religion's safety, and States too, than any Protestant Church, State, or Kingdom whatsoever; So as we need not fear any future danger from Papists or Popery, if we be careful to see those Concessions duly put into execution, when turned into Acts, and our former Laws.  
Secondly, against the growth and danger of Profaneness, His Majesty hath condescended to an Act of Parliament, 
Propositions and Concessions against Profaneness.  as large as can be drawn, against all Profanations whatsoever of the Lords day, with severe punishment for the prophaners of it in any kind; and against all such who shall write or preach against its morality, and due observation. And likewise to an Act to be framed and agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament, for the reforming and regulating both Universities, and of the Colleges of Westminster, Winchester, and Eton, the seminaries of Learning and Education of youth, to serve and rule in our Church and State. By which two Grants, if duly executed, all impiety and profaneness which can endanger our Church and Religion, will easily be suppressed for the present, and prevented for the future.  
Thirdly, Against the danger and revival of Episcopacy, and the appendances thereunto belonging, the King hath clearly condescended to these particulars in terminis. First, to an Act for the abolition of all Archbishops, Chancellors, Commissaries, Deans and Sub-Deans, Deans and Chapters, Arch-deacons, Canons, Prebendaries, etc. and all other Episcopal, Cathedral or Collegiate Officers both in England, Wales and Ireland: and to the disposal of all their Lands and Possessions for such uses as the Houses shall think meet: So as there is no fear at all of their resurrection to disturb our Church. All the question and difference now between the King and Houses, is only concerning the Office and power of Bishops, and their Lands and Possessions; in which two I find most Members declare themselves to be unsatisfied, especially, those who have purchased Bishops Lands, who are very zealous in that point for their own Interests.  
For the clearing of these two scruples, I shall examine and debate these two particulars.  
First, how far the K. hath consented to the Houses Propositions for the abolishing of the office & jurisdiction of Bishops in the Church?  
Secondly, how far He hath condescended, to the sale and disposal of their Lands and Possessions? And whether his Concessions in both these be not sufficiently satisfactory, in the sense I have stated the question in the beginning of my debate of it?  
For the first of these; It is clear, that the King in his two last Papers hath abolished and extirpated that Episcopacy and Prelacy which we intended, and have so earnestly contested against; and contends now for no other but an Apostolical Bishop, which is but the same in all things with an ordinary Minister or Presbyter; which Bishop being Apostolical, and of divine Institution, we neither may, nor can, nor ever intended to abolish by our Covenant. To make this evident to all men's consciences: 1 The King hath yielded to take away all the power and jurisdiction whatsoever exercised by our Bishops in point of censure or discipline, in his former answer: and contends for nothing now but their power of Ordination only: and that not solely vested in the Bishop, but in him and other Presbyters jointly: yet so as the Bishop should have a negative Voice in Ordinations. But the Houses voting this unsatisfactory, because that the Bishops for three years, during the continuance of the Presbyterian government, should have the chief power of Ordination; & after those three years the sole power, there being no others vested or entrusted with that power after the three years expired; so as Bishops might by this means creep in, and get up again by degrees as high as ever. Thereupon the King in his final Answer hereunto, though not fully satisfied in point of conscience, but that the power of Ordination is principally vested only in Bishops by Divine Authority, hath yet for our satisfaction, thus far condescended to us: First, that for three years' next ensuing, during the Presbyterial Government, no Bishops shall at all exercise this power of Ordination in the Church. Secondly, That if he can be satisfied in point of Conscience within that time, upon conference with Divines, That this power of Ordination, so far as to have a Negative voice in it, belongs not only unto Apostolical Bishops by a divine Right; then he will fully consent to the utter abolition even of this power of Ordination in the Bishops. Thirdly, That after the three years are expired, if the King can neither satisfy his Houses in point of conscience, nor they him upon debate, That this power of Ordination belongs jure Divino to Bishops; that yet the exercise of that power shall be totally suspended in them till He and both Houses shall agree upon a Government, and by Act of Parliament settle a Form of Ordination. So as if both Houses never consent that Bishops shall hereafter have a hand or negative voice in Ordination, this power of Bishops is perpetuaily suspended, and as to the exercise of it, perpetually abolished even by this Concession, so as it can never be revived again without both Houses concurring assents. And by this means, Episcopacy is totally extirpated root and branch, according to the Covenant, which hath been so much pressed in this debate, though the words of it have been somewhat mistaken, that we therein absolutely covenant to extirpate Episcopacy; when as the words are only, That we shall endeavour the extirpation of Prelacy, that is, of Archbishops and Bishops, etc. And that certainly we have done, and in a great measure accomplished, so far as to satisfy both the words and intention of the Covenant, though a concurrent power of Ordination be left in Bishops, which yet is now totally suspended: For as we covenant in the same clause to endeavour to root out Popery, Superstition, Heresy, Schism, Profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound Doctrine, and the power of Godliness; in the extirpation of which, I am certain we have not proceeded by an hundred degrees, so far as we have actually done in the extirpation of Episcopacy, there being no Proposition at all in the Treaty for the extirpation of Heresy, Schism and Errors, as there is of Episcopacy;) and yet the Gentlemen who are so zealous for the Covenant, persuade themselves, they and we have not violated it in these particulars: therefore much less in the point of Prelacy and Bishops, since we have left them nothing at all but a mere power of Ordination, actually suspended from any future execution, but by both Houses assents. Fourthly, the King by abolishing Archbishops, and Deans and Chapters, hath also therein actually abolished all Bishops too for the future, except those who are already made. For by the Laws and custom of the Realm 
* See the Book of Ordination of Ministers, & Bishops, etc. 1. & 2. Ph. & Mar. c. 8.  No Bishop can be consecrated but by an Archbishop, or some deputation from him, in case of sickness; nor any Bishop made or consecrated, unless he be first elected by the Dean and Chapter, upon a Congee deslier issued out to them to choose one. Now there being no Deans and Chapters left to elect, nor Archbishop to consecrate any Bishop for the future, there can be no Bishop at all hereafter made in England or Ireland: and so the Bishop being thereby abolished and extirpated, his power of Ordination must be destroyed with his Function, as well as suspended. All which considered, I cannot but conclude, the King's final Answer as to the Office of, and Ordination by Bishops, to be completely satisfactory to our demands.  
And so much the rather, because the King in this particular of Ordination, pleads only dissatisfaction in polnt of Conscience for closing with us in this seeming punctilio; and if it were not merely Conscience (though some have over rashly censured it for a mere pretence to keep up Bishops still) he that hath granted and yielded us the greater, would never contest with us for the lesser, nor go so far in the abolition of Episcopacy as he hath done. And truly, I doubt not, but His Majesty by conference may soon be satisfied in this point: Nay, had his own Divines dealt faithfully with him, in the Isle of Wight, He might have been easily satisfied in this particular: in which I doubt not by God's blessing to undertake to satisfy him both in point of Episcopacy, that it is in all things the same with Presbytery; and that the ordination of Presbyters and Ministers by divine Right, belongs only to Presbyters as such, and not to Bishops as Bishops; who for above a thousand years after Christ claimed the chief, but not the sole interest in it, not by divine Right and Authority, but merely by Canons and Custom long after the Apostles time; which I have proved at large long since, in my unbishoping of Timothy and Titus, which none of the Bishops or their Patrons ever yet attempted to answer, though I particularly challenged them to do it.  
Only this, I shall now say in brief, for some satisfaction in the point to other Members.  
1. That there is no one Text of Scripture to prove, that Bishops jure divine are distinct from Presbyters in any thing, much less in this particular of having a negative Voice, or sole, or principal interest, as Bishops (so distinguished) in the power of Ordination● but a direct Text to the contrary, 1 Tim. 4. 14 to omit others.  
2 That the pretence of impropriating Ordination to Bishops distinct from Presbyters by divine Right, is grounded upon these two gross mistakes, that Timothy and Titus were Bishops properly so called; the one of Ephesus, the other of Crete; and that this power of ordaining Elders, was vested in them quatenus Bishops only, and not otherwise by divine institution; for proof of the first, the Postscripts of Paul's Epistles to them (and no one Text of Scripture) are cited; and the 1 Tim. 5. 22. Tit. 1. 5. relating only to Ordination, for the latter. But it is clear as the noonday Sun, by Scripture, that Timothy was never a Bishop properly so called, much less the first or sole Bishop of Ephesus, as is evident by sundry texts, especially by Act. 20. 4, 5, 6, 15, 17, 18, 21, 29, 30, 31. compared together; nor Titus a Bishop properly so termed, distinct from a Presbyter; much less the first or sole Bishop of Crete: nor do either of those texts prove, that they had the power of Ordination by divine Right vested in them two, merely as Bishop's distinct from, or superior to Presbyters, as I have undeniably manifested in my unbishoping of Timothy and Titus. And as for the Postscripts to these Epistles, terming Timothy ordained first Bishop of Ephesus, and Titus of Crete, they are no part of the text, first extant in, and invented by 
* This I have fully proved in my unbishoping of Timothy & Titus. And of the Antipathy of English Prelacy to Unity and Monarchy, par 1. 2. c. 9  Occumenius (none of the authentickst Authors) above 1050 years after Christ, and annexed only to the end of his Commentary on those Epistles, not adjoined to the Text; and they are not only, omitted in most Manuscripts and printed Editions and Translations of these Epistles, but apparently false in themselves, as I have at large demonstrated in some printed Books. Therefore this point of conscience may soon be satisfied.  
3 That no Bishops for 1200 years after Christ, did ever claim the chief power in Ordination by any Divine Right as Bishops, but merely by Canons or Custom long after the Apostles; and that in the Primitive times, before any restriction by Counsels, Presbyters in many places did not only 
* See my unbishoping of Tim. and Titus, where this is largely proved.  ordain Ministers and Deacous without Bishops, and Bishops never but jointly with Presbyters; but likewise ordain Bishops themselves, as Jerome, Epiphanius, Augustine and others assure us; and sometimes joined in the consecration and enstallment of Popes themselves and Archbishops, for defect of Bishops.  
4. That it is the 
* See this largely proved in my unbishoping of Timothy & Titus, and in Gersom. Bucerus de Gubernat. Ecclesiae.  constant tenant of all the eminentest Protestant Divines (and some learned Papists too) and the practice of all the reformed Churches, that the Divine right of Ordination belongs originally to the whole Church; but ministerially to Presbyters as such, not to Bishops as Bishops: and that which undeniably clears it up to me, is this. That in the New Testament we find both Apostles, some of the 70 Disciples, Evangelists and Presbyters equally ordaining Elders or Presbyters: but not any one who is once in Scripture styled a Bishop, either conferring orders upon any, much less eonomine & jure, as a Bishop. And since the Apostles time we find in point of use and practice, Popes, Patriarches, Archbishops, Metropolitans, Cardinals, Abbots, in some places (who are not jure Divino, nor Bishops properly so called, but distinguished from them in degree) ordaining Presbyters and Ministers as well as Bishops quatenus Bishops; and that never by themselves, but all by the Presbyters joint concurrence then present, who by the fourth Council of Carthage, the Canon law, the very Canons of Trent also, and our own book of Ordination and our Canons ought also to join with them in the Ordination: Now all these distinct Orders and Degrees, claiming and exercising this power by a Divine Right, and many of their Functions being confessed not to be of Divine Right, (as Popes, Patriarches, Archbishops, Metropolitans, Abbots and Choral Bishops) who yet ordain; and these always necessarily calling Presbyters (who are clearly of Divine Right) to join with them in their Ordination, and not doing it alone, is an unanswerable proof to me, that they all concur in this action in no other right or notion at all, but merely as they are Presbyters, in which they all accord, and have one and the same authority; not in their own capacities, wherein they are all discriminated, and are not all of Divine, but only of humane institution; Presbyters, quà Presbyters, being the properest persons to ordain others of their own degree and function; as Doctors of Divinity, law and Physic in the Universities, create Doctors of their several Professions; and Bishops consecreate Bishops and Archbishops; even as a man begets a man of his own quality and degree; and all other creatures generate those of their own kind, without the concurrence of any her distinct species paramount them.  
As for the Angel of the Church of Ephesus (much insisted on in the Isle of Wight, to prove an Episcopacy jure Divino distinct from Presbytery) I never read that this Angel ordained any Presbyters; either quatenus Angel or Bishop: nor find I the name of a Bishop in any of St. John's Writings, but the title of a Presbyter or Elder very frequent, by which himself is styled. And I wonder much the King or his Bishops should now so much insist upon this Angel, and assert him to be a Lord Bishop, not an ordinary Minister.  
For first, 
* See my Antipathy of the English prelacy, part. 2. pag. 479. to 484.  King james himself, and all the Bishops of Engl. with those learned men employed by them in the last Translation of the Bible, in the very contents prefixed to this Chap. Rev. 2. resolve the Angels of those Churches to be Ministers, in these very words: What is commanded to be written to the Angels, THAT IS THE MINISTERS (not Bishop) of the Churches of Ephesus, Smyrna, etc. If then the Angels, by their joint confessions, when these Contents were first composed and prefixed, were only the Ministers (not Bishops) of these Churches, and have ever since been constantly admitted, confessed, and this published to be so even in our authorised Bibles used in all Churches, Chapels, Families, and printed cum privilegio five or six times a year, without any alteration or disallowance of this Exposition: I marvel much how the Bishops now dare inform the King, That these Angels certainly were only Bishops but not Ministers, diametrally contrary to these authorised Contents of their own or Predecessors affixing, with learned King james his approbation; or how his Majesty when He knows it can believe them, though they should aver it, against His own Fathers, and the whole Church of England's resolution, which hath so long received and approved this Translation (excluding all others in public) and these Contents thereto prefixed.  
Secondly, Admit this Angel of Ephesus to be a Diocesan Bishop, distinct: from an ordinary Presbyter, yet he was but an Apostate, who had lost his first love, ver. 4. And if Timothy (as they affirm) was sole Bishop of Ephesus, he must be the Apostate (being at that time living) unless he resigned his office to some other, which is improbable. And for our Bishops to father that divine Right of their Prelacy upon an Apostate Angel, is no good Divinity, and less Policy at this instant. And this their rotten foundation upon an Apostate, may probably be the ground, why so many Prelates in this and former ages have turned Apostates after they were created Bishops.  
Thirdly, if those Angels in the Revelation were really Lord Bishops, then certainly the Elders therein mentioned can be no other than Presbyters, not Bishops, as the Prelates themselves will grant: And if so, then verily the Presbyter is the supreme of the two, both in point of Dignity, Ministry, and precedency; which is very observable. For first, I find the 24 Elders there mentioned, sitting upon twenty four seats round about Christ's Throne (and nearest to it) Rev. 4. 4. c. 11. 16. but the Angels standing (not sitting) round about it and them, without any seats at all provided for them (as inferior attendants,) Rev. 5. 11. c. 7. 11. Secondly, I find these Elders not only sitting on seats next Christ's throne; but likewise clothed with white raiment and having on their heads Crowns of Gold the emblem of supreme Authority, power and honour) Rev. 4. 4. 10. whereas the Angels had neither white raiment nor Crowns; so it seems Bishops had no lawn sleeves, nor Rochets, nor Mitres then, though they have since usurped and robbed the Presbyters of them.  
Thirdly, These Elders, not the Angels, are there always introduced 
* Rev. 4. 10, 11. c. 5. 8, 9 c. 11. 16, 17, 18.  worshipping and falling down before Christ's Throne; holding harps and golden viols in their hands full of odours, representing the prayers of the Saints, and singing the new song to him; as the principal Officers and Ministers of Christ) when as the Angels standing by, act or speak little in these kinds, like our late dumb unpreaching and rare-praying Prelates.  
Fourthly, the 24 Elders (not the Angels) sing this new Song of praise to Christ, 1 Rev. 5. 9 10. Worthy art thou to take the book, etc. And hast made us Kings and Priests (not Angels or Bishops) to God the Father; and we (not the Angels) that REIGN on the Earth, therefore in all these respects, if the Angels in the Apocalypse be Bishops, as our Prelate's dream; the Elders must of necessity jure divino, be their Superiors and Lords paramount in point of dignity, honour, Sovereignty, Ministry, and they inferior in jurisdiction and power unto Presbyters, not superior, as they would really make themselves. When his Majesty shall be informed of these, and many other particulars of this kind, I doubt not but his conscience will be so much satisfied, as wholly to forgo and lay aside his pretended Apostolical Bishops, both in point of function and ordination too, as being the same with Presbyters. And since in his last paper but one, he hath professed to retain no other Bishops, but such as are Apostolical; he must presently quit all those about him, and their possessions too, since neither of them are Apostolical, 
* Acts 20. 17. 28. Phil. 1. 1. Tit. 1. 5, 6, 7.  the Apostolical Bishops being many always over one Church and Congregation, not one over many Churches, or an whole Diocese, as ours are: and having no Palaces, Manors, Lands and Possessions: as I shall prove in the next particular, which comes to be now debated, having fully cleared this to be satisfactory.  
For the second question concerning the sale of Bishop's lands, how far the King hath condescended to it? And whether the King's answers to the first branch of that Proposition be satisfactory in the premised sense?  
I confess I find this the grand and most swaying Argument of all others used by those who differ from me in the Treaty, as not satisfactory, because the King absolutely refuseth to agree to the sale of Bishop's Lands, for the satisfaction of those public debts, for which they are engaged by both Houses, whereby purchasers and lender's upon that assurance, will be not only defrauded but cheated of their debts and purchases, many of them quite undone and ruined, and the honour and public faith of both Houses for ever forfeited and laid in the dust. And indeed this is a very sensible argument, especially to such Members who have either purchased Bishops lands, or advanced moneys upon their security, very fit to be fully answered; which I shall endeavour to do, I hope to their full satisfaction and content.  
I confess it to be most just and equal, that all who have purchased Bishops Lands, or advanced moneys to the State upon them, should receive full satisfaction, and be no losers by it, but rather gainers: And I could have as heartily desired as any Member in this House, that the King in this particular of Bishop's lands had given us plenary satisfaction; the rather because I was employed by the Houses as one of the Contractors (though without my seeking, and to my prejudice, by neglecting my calling, and receiving as yet not one farthing salary for it, though I have spent and lost some hundred of pounds in and by that employment) and had he really done it, I presume few Members of this House now of a different opinion, would have voted the King's Answers to the whole Treaty unsatisfactory. But to take them as they are.  
First, the King hath so far condescended to their sale and disposal, made or to be made; as that the purchasers shall by Act of Parliament enjoy a lease of them, not from the Bishops themselves but from the Crown for 99 years' space, reserving only the reversions afterward to the Crown, and that for the use of the Church in general terms.  
Secondly, The King will be content with the reservation only of the old, or some other moderate rent to Him and His Heirs, to be employed only for the Church's use and benefit.  
Thirdly, That for the absolute sale or alienation of them, he cannot in point of conscience consent unto it, being Sacrilege, and an unlawful Act in the opinion of all Divines, as well in foreign Reformed Churches as Domestic.  
This (I remember and conceive) is the sum of his final answer to this Proposition.  
To examine these particulars a little in the general, and then by parts.  
First, I must make bold to inform you in the general; That the King and His Predecessors, Kings of this Realm, were the 
* See Goodwin, Catalogue of English Bishops. Rastalls abridgement, Tit. Bishops sust fruits & 〈◊〉,  Original founders of all our Bishoprieks, and patrons of them. That all their Lands, Rent and Revenues whatsoever, originally proceeded from the Crown and Kings of England, of whom they are bolden; and that in times of vacancy, the King enjoys the profits of their temperalities, as a part of His Royal Revenue, and receives both tenths and first-fruits out of them upon every death or translation of the Bishops. And therefore there is very great reason and Justice too, they should be still held of the Crown, and not totally translated out of it, and that the King and His successors should receive some reasonable Revenue or compensation out of them, parting with such an interest in recompense for them.  
Secondly, That in the several Treaties with the King, Februar. 1. 1641. and july 11. 1646. All the Lands, Possessions, Rents and Reversions both of Archbishops and Bishops, and likewise of Deans and Chapters, and other Officers of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, were by Act of Parliament to be settled in the very real and actual possession of the King, His Heirs and Successors for ever, to their own proper use, except only their Impropriations, Advowsons', Tithes, and Pensions which are not now to be sold. And, that the 
* A Colllection etc. p. 124● 125. 902.  Ordinances for settling of Bishop's Lands, Rents and Possessions in Fe●ffees, 
* A Collection, etc. ●. 922, 23, etc.  and engaging and selling them for the moneys lent upon the Public saith and doubled, to raise 200000. l. for disbanding of the Scotch Army, passed on the Houses till October and November, 1646: till which time there was no thought nor intent at all, to sell or alienate them from the Crown. If then the King in two or three former Treaties, by both Houses full and free consent, and a 
* A Colllection p. 124, 125.  Bill passed by them for that purpose; was to enjoy to himself, his Heirs and Successors all the demesne Lands, Manors, Possessions, Reversions, Rents, Inheritances and Revenues of Archbishops and Bishops; and likewise of Deans and Chapters, prebend's, and the like, it seems to me very just & reasonable, that he should demand and enjoy the Reversions of them after ninety nine years, and such a moderate Rent as he and both Houses shall agree on. And that this Answer of the Kings, wherein he demands so little now, only for the Church's use and benefit, not his own should be fully satisfactory, because we were very well content in former Treaties, He and his Heirs should enjoy the whole, only to their own use.  
Thirdly, That near one moiety of the Archbishops and Bishops possessions and revenues, consists in Impropriations, Tithes, Pensions, and the like, which the King is content wholly to part with for the increase of Ministers means, and the benefit of the Church, without any Reservation or Recompense: And with all Deans and Chapters Lands and Revenues to boot. Therefore it should be unsatisfactory, or unreasonable in no man's judgement, for the King to reserve some interest in the Reversions and Rents only of their demesne lands.  
Fourthly, The King demands the Riversions of the Lands after ninety nine years, and some present moderate Rent, not for the use and support of the Bishops, and to keep a root for them to grow up again in our Church, (as hath been mistaken by some;) Archbishop's and Bishops too, being extirpated root and branch by the King's former Answers (as I have manifested;) but only for the use of the Church, in such manner as the King and we shall agree to settle them who shall take care that no Bishop shall be a sharer in them, all being to be settled in the CROWN alone, and nothing in Reversion or Possession to, in or upon the Bishops.  
Fifthly, The King consents, that the Purchasers of Bishop's Lands shall by Act of Parliament have a Lease of them for ninety nine years, reserving the Reversion only after that term: which I conceive is no ill, but a very good bargain for the Purchasers; such a Lease by Act of Parliament, being far better than the whole Inheritance by a bare Ordinance of both Houses, which for aught I know, if not confirmed by a subsequent Act of Parliament, will prove little better than a Tenancy at Will, or a Lease so long only as this Parliament continues; Ordinances of both Houses only without the King's Royal assent thereto being a new device of this present Parliament; to supply some present necessities for our necessary defence and preservation, during the King's absence and hostility, never known nor used in any former Parliaments, what ever hath been conceived to the contrary. Therefore this offer of the K. is no prejudice at all, but a great advantage to the Purchasers, wherewith they should rest fully satisfied. But admit it be any loss at all to them, and not rather a gain (as things now stand in our tottering condition,) yet it is only of the reversion of these lands after ninety nine years, worth not above one quarter or half a years purchase at the utmost; which considering the low values at which Bishops lands are sold, and the cheap rate now that most purchasers gave for Bills of Public faith, with which they bought them, they may be well content to lose, to secure their purchases for ninety nine years, in these tumultuous and fluctuating times; when some wise men who have made such purchases, would very gladly give two or three years' purchase, if not more, at the assurance Office, to any who will ensure their estates in Bishops lands for so long a term, and think they had a good bargain too, at leastwise far better than the Bishops in case they should revive again, as some fear, who must be kept starving for 99 years, in expectation of a dry Reversion. All which considered, the King's Answers touching such Reversions, I humbly conceive will be very satisfactory to the purchasers of Bishop's lands themselves; who are most displeased with it.  
As to that which hath been objected, 
Object.  that some have purchased Reversions of Bishop's Lands after 99 years in being, who must absolutely lose their purchase money after this rate, which is neither just nor honourable for the Parliament.  
I answer, 
Answer.  that this is but the case of three or four only: that their purchases are of no considerable value: nor bought singly by themselves, but jointly with Lands or Rents in possession of good value; in which they had the cheaper purchase to take off the Reversion after so long a term, which loss in the Reversion they may contentedly undergo to purchase their own and the Kingdom's peace, and enjoy what they have purchased with these Reversions in possession, without trouble or eviction by Act of Parliament for 99, years space, or receive other satisfaction from the King and Parliament to their contentment in such manner as I shall presently inform you.  
Sixtly, To that concerning the present Rents which the Kingdemands out of Bishop's Lands which sticks most with Purchasers: many of them having purchased nothing but Rents, and others more rents than Lands in possession, which Rents must all be lost, if they must pay their old rents over to the King to their undoing, which would be both unjust, unconscionable, and dishonourable to the Houses, upon whose assurance and engagement to enjoy their bargains, they were induced both to lend money on, and to purchase these Lands afterwards, and would be no better then plain cheating, and render them odious to all the world, as some have objected.  
I will not answer it with Caveat emptor, but desire them to observe that the King in his answer, doth not peremptorily require the Bishop's old rents during the 99 years, but only disjunctively, either the old Rent, or some other moderate Rent to be agreed on, and if only a moderate proportion of the old rent be paid to the King, the Purchaser is sure to enjoy, the residue during the 99 years, and so his purchase money not totally lost, as is objected. Besides, the King will not reserve these Rents to the use of himself, or the Crown, but only to the Church, and maintenance of the Ministers, in such manner as He and his Houses shall agree in the Bill for settling these Lands, in the way propounded by him. Which offer opens this just and honourable way for the Houses to give all Purchasers of Bishop's Land and Rents full satisfaction both for the loss of their reversions after 99 years, and for the present rents which shall be reserved to the Crown out of Bishop's Lands to the Church's use, which I believe the King and Houses will readily consent to; and that is, to settle by Act of Parliament, so much of the Dean and Chapters demein Lands and Rents, upon the Purchasers, as the loss of their Reversions after 99 years, and present Rent to the Crown shall amount unto, upon a just computation. By which means the Purchasers, by way of Exchange of Deans and Chapters Lands and Rents for their Bishops, shall have such full and satisfactory content, even in kind, as will clear the Honour, justice, and Reputation of the Houses fair dealings in this particular, throughout all the world, and give the Ministers full satisfaction likewise, for the augmentation of whose livings and maintenance the Deans and Chapters Lands and Rents are designed; by settling the reversion and Rents reserved to the Crown out of the Bishop's Lands, for the Church's use, upon those who should have enjoyed the Deans and Chapters Lands thus settled on the Purchasers by exchange, which being of equal value, can be no loss nor prejudice to any.  
This is such a visible and real satisfaction to all purchasers, as none of them can justly open their mouths against, being both for their own security and advantage, and the Kingdom's settlement. But if any of them dislike this real satisfaction (which the King no doubt will yield to) there is an other means provided by this very Treaty for their satisfaction; and that is, by ready money, for what ever they shall lose by Bishop's Lands in possession or reversion, by this Reservation to the Crown, which I am sure they never will nor can refuse in Justice or equity; they having the Bishop's Lands conveyed to them only, by way of Mortgage or security for Moneys lent upon the public faith. And the houses by the 12th. Article of this Treaty have time within two years' space by Act or Acts, to raise any sums of money for the payment of the public debts of the Kingdom, whereof the moneys lent upon Bishop's Lands and the public faith, are a principal part; and the same Justice of the Houses which hath already provided by several Ordinances, a sufficient recompense and satisfaction for purchasers of Bishop's Lands in cases of eviction, or of emergent charges and encumbrances discovered after the purchases made, may be a sufficient assurance to them of the Houses Justice, that they will give them as good or better satisfaction by one of these two ways I have here propounded, for any thing they shall part with to the King or Church for the settlement of the Kingdom's peace.  
Seventhly, it hath been the solemn Protestation and Declaration of both Houses of Parliament, in all their Remonstrances to the King, Kingdom and foreign States, that they have taken up defensive Arms against the King's Party, only for the maintenance of Religion, Laws, Liberties, etc. and to bring Delinquents to condign punishment. Now Bishops Lands and Rents, I am certain, are neither our Religion, lawyers, nor Liberties; and I think they are no Delinquents, though most Bishops are. And shall we now after seven years' Wars, and sixty day's Treaty, make Bishops Lands, which for five years' time or more of our Wars were never thought of, the sole or principal cause at least of our present breach with the King, and the only ground of a new War? God forbid: will not the world then justly censure us for notoriouns hypocrites and impostors, pretending one thing, and intending another? will they not then say, that Bishop's Palaces and Lands were the only Religion and Liberty we have fought for, the only Delinquents we have brought to public Justice and execution? that we would never have suppressed Archbishops and Bishops, nor entered into a solemn League and Covenant, with bands listed up to heaven, to endeavour to extirpate them as Antichristian, but only to gain and retain all their Lands and Revenues, and never condemned their Functions, but only to seize on their Possessions? And that we must now maintain an Army upon their exhausted Purses and Estates, only to defend these Parchasers Titles to the Bishop's Inheritances? If so, for shame let us never break off this Treaty, nor ruin two or three Kingdoms upon such an absurd dissatisfaction as this: And if our Parchasers of Bishop's Lands shall still refuse to rest satisfied with that twofold recompense I have formerly mentioned, and keep up an Army to maintain their Purchases, rather than yield to any reason, I shall humbly move, that not the whole Kingdom, but themselves may defray the Army's Taxes and Quarters, and then I am certain they will have a dearer bargain than what the King or I have proposed for their satisfaction.  
And the better to persuade them to embrace this compensation I have only this more to offer both to them and you; That if you break off with the King upon this point, or close with the Army, they are most certain to lose all for a bare Ordinance of both Houses in no legal Title, nor good security against King or Bishops, without the King's concurrence and Royal assent unto it, and valid no longer then maintained by the Sword, the worst and most hazardous Title of all others, which will quickly cost the Purchasers and Kingdom triple the value of all the Bishop's Revenues: and if they close with the Army to break the Treaty, they tell them in direct terms in print, in The Case of the Army truly stated (presented to the General by the Agitators of the Army at Hampstead, October, 15. 1647.) pag. 16. That whereas the times were wholly corrupt, when persons were appointed to make sale of Bishop's Lands; and whereas Parliament-men, Committee-men, and Kinsfolks were the only buyers, and much is sold, and yet it's presended, that little or no money is received: And whereas Lords, Parliament-men, and some other rich men, have vast sums of Arrears allowed them in their Purchase, and all their moneys lent to the State paid them, while others are left in necessity, to whom the State is much indebted, and so present Money that might be for the equal advantage of all, is not brought into the public Treasury by those sales: It's therefore to bea insisted on, that the sale of Bishop's Lands be reviewed, and that they may be sold to their worth; and for present Moneys for the public use, and that the sale of all such be recalled as have not been sold to their worth, or for present money.  
This particular among others, they profess they have entered into a solemn engagement to prosecute, and are now marched up to London accordingly to pursue it, as their late Remonstrance and Declaration intimates, and themselves profess by word of mouth; which I desire the Members who have purchased Bishops Lands (who are generally most unsatisfied with the King's answers, especially in this particular) seriously to consider, and then to make their Election; Whether they will now close with the King's Concessions, and what I have here propounded for satisfaction of their Reversions after 99 years, and present Rents they may chance to part with, and so secure their purchases for this term by Act of Parliament, and have full compensation for what they part with, either in ready money, or Deans and Chapters Lands and Rents, and so be no losers, but great gainers by the bargain; or else break with the King to please the Army, and so be certain to lose all between them, not only once, but twice over: for the Agitators in the Army tell them plainly, That all their Purchases shall be reviewed; and if they have purchased them to an under rate, or not for ready Money (which not one of them hath done, but by Tickets of their own, or bought at very low values of others, which 'tis like they will also examine) that than their sales shall be absolutely recalled, and sold to others at full values for ready money, and so all is lost in good earnest; or else they must re-purchase them for ready moneys at higher values, without any assurance from the King by Act of Parliament, and so lose them again the second time, if ever He or his Prelatical party should prevail, and yet be enforced to answer and restore all the mean Profits they have taken to boot. A very hard chapter and bargain to digest, if they advisedly consider it, which by accepting the King's offer is most certainly prevented: Who perchance in shore time, upon second thoughts, and conference with learned men for the satisfaction of his conscience in the point of sacrilege, if he should consent to the total alienation of these Lands from the Church, may come up fully to our desires, and part with the very inheritance to the purchasers, as amply a● they have purchased it, rather than leave his own and the Kingdom's interest wholly unsettled.  
And for my part, I make little question, that had the Prelates and Clergymen with the King at the Isle of Wight, dealt candidly and clearly with him in this particular, of the sale of Bishop's Lands, that might have easily satisfied his conscience in this very thing, as well as in others; from these grounds and matters of fact, which I shall but point at, to satisfy others, who perchance are scrupulous herein (even in point of conscience) as well as the King.  
First, the King in his last Paper 〈◊〉, in express terms protesseth, That he hath abalished all but the Apostolical Bishops, invested with a Negative Vay●e or Power in point of Ordination: And if so, than I am certain, he hath likewise abolished all Bishop's Palaces, Lordships, Revenues, Rents and Possessions; it being most certain, that neither the Apo●ls themselves, not any Apostolical Bishops of their Ordination, in their days, or for above 300. years after, had any Lands or Possessions annexed to their Apostleships, or Bishoprics, but lived merely upon the 
a Mat. 8. 22. Luke 8. 2. Acts 3. 6. c. 4. 34. 35. 36. 37. c. 10. 10 5. c. 20. 34. 1 Cor. 4. 12. 1 Thes. 2. 9 Phil. 4. 10. 10. 20. 1 Cor. 11. 7, 8, 9 Gal. 1. 8.  a●ms and voluntary contributions of the people, (as Christ himself, Paul and the other Apostles did) as all 
b See M. Seldens Hist. of Tithes.  Historiant accord If then his Majesty will retain none but Apostolical Bishops, he must necessarily take away their temporal, Lands and possessions annexed to then Bishoprics, to make them such, if he hath not already done is by his final Answer to this proposition, as I conceive he hath.  
Secondly, it is generally agreed by Historians, that Constantine the great, (our own Countryman borne, and first Crowned Emperor at York, 
c Polychron. l. 4. c. 26. See. D. Crakenthorp of Const. Donat. Euseb. de. v●●a Constamin.  to the eternal honour of our Island, he being the first Christian Emperor, and greatest advancer of the Christian Religion, and destroyer of Paganism) was the first who endowed the Church and Bishops with any temporal Possessions, about 350. years after Christ, though his pretended donation to the Pope, be but a mere fable; as Doctor Crakenthorp and others have manifested at large. Now 
d c. 22. in vita Sylvestri.  joannes Parisiensis, Nauclerus 
e Hist. l. 4. c. 26:  Polychronicon, our English Apostle 
f Dialog. l. 4. c. 15, 16, 17. 26.  john Wickliff, our noble Martyr the 
g Fox Acts and Monu. p. 517. 522.  Lord Cobham, 
h Answer to the Preface of M Moor's Book, p 116.  john Frith a Martyr, learned 
i Ser. on Hag. 1 p. 176. Defence of the Apology. part 6. c. 9 divis. 3.  Bishop jewel, and 
k Tho. beacons Reports of certain men, vol. 3. f 341.  others out of them record, That when Constantine endowed the Church and Bishops with temporal Lands and possessions, the voice of an Angel was heard in the Air, crying out; Hodie venenum insunditur in Ecclesiam, this day is poison poured into the wheel Church of God: And from that time, say they, because of the great Riches the Church had, she was made the more secular; and had more worldly business, then spiritual devotion; and more pomp and boast outward, than holiness inward: Religio peperit divilias, & filia devoravit matrem, which our Bishops and Translators of the Bible likewise mention in their Epistle prefixed to it. And 
l Opus 90. Dierun, c. 124.  Ockam saith, and others observe, That whereas all or most of the Bishops of Rome before that time were Martyrs, scarce one of them proved a Martyr afterwards; but in stead of being Martyrs, fell a persecuting and making Martyrs. And if this voice of the Angel (perchance a Bishop, since our Prelates will needs have the Angels in Rev. 2. to be Bishops) weretrue, and subsequent experience hath found it so, That Bishops and Church-mens Temporal Lands, Possessions and endowments, are no other but poison to the Church, and his Majesty be convinced of the truth of this story, I hope he will be satisfied in point of Conscience, that it is no sacrilege, but wholesome Physic, to take away this poison from the Church, which hath so much infected, corrupted, and would in fine destroy it and the Bishops too, and eat out all their piety and devotion.  
Thirdly, most Bishops long after Constantine's time, had very small or no Revenues, Lands, and no other Palaces to reside in, but poor little Cottages; it being all men's opinion in those days, 
m Fox Acts and Monu. vol. 2. p. 609. 610.  That stately Palaces belonged only unto Emperors and Princes, and Cottages and Churches unto Bishops. The 
n Gra. dist. 41.  fourth council of Carthage, about the year of our Lord 390. decreed, That the Bishop should have HOSPITIOLUM, ali●tle COTTAGE or Hospital to dwell in, near the Church, not a Palace. And in the 
o Spel. Concil. tom. 1. p. 261. 263.  Excerptions of Egbert Archbishop of York, An. 750. I find the same Canon renewed among us, as the Canon Law of this Realm, That Bishops and Presbyters should have Hospitiolum, a small Cottageneer the Church to live in; not a stately Mansion. So as our Bishops in those days had no great Palaces, Manors, Temporalities, and their very Cathedrals were built only with Wattle, or a few boards pieced together, and covered but with reed; Stone-Churches covered over with Slat or Lead, being not in use among the Britians, Scots or Irish for many hundred years, as 
p De Brit. Eccl. Primordiis c. 4. p. 661. 736. 737. 13. 14.  Bishop Usher himself asserts out of Beda, Eccles. hist. l. 3. c. 4. 5. and Bernard in the life of Malachy: And if their Cathedral Churches were so mean, their Palaces certainly were but answerable (poor little Cottages) and their revenues little or nothings but the people's Alms. Saint Augustine that renowned Bishop of Hippo, had but a mean house to live in, his Dishes and Trenchers were all Earthen, Stone, or Wood, his Table furnished with Pulse, Herbs and a little Pottage only, for the most part, seldom with Flesh: he had no Plate, but five or fix Spoons, and when he died he made no Will at all, because the poor Saint of Christ had nothing to bequeath; as 
q c. 21, 22. etc.  Possidonius records in his life. 
r See his Life before his Works, ho. 33. in Matth. 21. in 1 Cor.  Saint chrysostom the Great famous Patriarch of Constantinople, ● and Gregory Nazianzen his Predecessor, had no stately Palace, Furniture, Household stuff, train of Attendance, nor any goods or Revenues at all, nor 
t Niceph. Eccl. hist. l. 18. c. 39 n Niceph. l. 8. c. 42. Socra. eccls hist. l. 1. c. 12.  john the Almoner that succeeded them, nor that famous 
s Naz. ora● 35.  Spiridion, who kept a stock as a mean Shepherd, though a Bishop: and eminent Saint Hierom (though no Bishop, yet the learnedst and famous Scholar in his age, or any after, and of great repute, 
x Epist. 2.  writes of himself, that he lived in pa●peri Tuguriolo, in a poor little cottage, having scarce clothes to cover his nakedness. So 
y M. Wheten. p 44, 45, 46.  Saint Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, was very poor, broke the Chalices in pieces to relieve poor people, and used this Maxim, Gloriosa in Sacerdotibus Domini paupertas. And if these great Lights, Bishops and Fathers of the Church (in whose Names our Prelates so much triumph) were so poor, that they had no Palaces, Houses and temporal Possessions, as our Archbishops and Bishops had; I can yet discern no matter of conscience in it, why our Bishops should have more than these Pillars of the Church, either enjoyed or desired, they being content with food and raiment as Paul was, and desiring no more. It is 
z Sulpitius Scverus sacr. hist. l. 2. Vssertus de Brit. Ec. Primordiis, p. 196.  storied of our ancientest Bishops that I read of, present at the Council of Ariminum, Anno Domini 379. That they were so poor, that inopia preprii, publico ust sunt, they were maintained at the Emperor's public cost, for want of private maintenance of their own; yet they were eminent both for Piety and Learning. And if their Predecessors were anciently so poor, it is no point of conscience to deprive our Lord Bishops, not only of their Lands, but Function too, for the peace and settlement of three Kingdoms, now at the point of ruin. When the Church of Christ was miserably rend and torn in Africa by the schismatical Donatists, who would have no Prelates and Bishops; that eminent Bishop of Hippo Saint Augustine, and almost three hundred African Bishops more, were content to lay down their Bishoprics wholly for that Church's peace: and thereupon Saint 
a August. de Gestis 〈◊〉 Emeri●a, Dona●. Tom. 7. parl. 1. p. 772.  Augustine uttered these memorable words, which I heartily with all our Bishops would consider, and then they would lay down both their Lands and Bishoprics too, for our three Kingdoms present peace. An vero Redemptor noster, & c? What verily did our Redeemer descend from Heaven itself into humane members, that we should be made his members, and do we fear to descend out of our Chairs, left ●is very members should be torn in pieces with cruel divisions? We are ordained Bishops for Christian people; that therefore which profitith Christian people to Christian peace, that let us do concerning our Episcopacy. What I am, I am for thee, if it profit thee; I am not if it hurt thee. If we be profitable Servants, why do we envy the eternal gains of our Lord for our temporal sublimities? Our Episcopal dignity will be more fruitful to us, if being laid down, it shall more unite the flock of Christ, then if it shall desperse it being retained. If when I shall retain my Bishopric, I shall disperse the flock of Christ, how is this damage of the flock the honour of the Pastor? for with what forehead shall we hope for the honour promised in the world to come from Christ, if our honour in this world hinder Christian Unity? They had no Bishops Lands then to part with, but yet for Peace and Unity sake, they were thus content to part with their very Bishopdoms themselves. And will not the King then in point of conscience part with the Bishop's Lands for our present Peace, when he shall know or be truly informed of all this?  
Fourthly, for the Judgement of Divines, I could produce divers against the great Possessions of Bishops in all ages; as making them secular, proud, vicious, lazy, which I have 
b ●n my breviate of the Prelares Usurpations Epist. Dedicatory and Appendix; The antipathy of English Prelacy, par. 2.  formerly published at large: but I shall only at present inform you, that our famous 
c Dialogo●um, l. 4 c. 15, 16, 17, 18. 26, 27. Walsing. hist. p. 305. 302 to 307. Fox Acts & Monuments 398. 414. 431. 434.  john Wickliff professedly maintained, That the King and temporal Lords grievously sinned, in endowing the Bishops with large temporal possessions, which hath reversed Christ's Ordinances, and procreated Antichrist; and that they were bound in conscience to take away their Lands and Temporalties from them, which they had abused to Pride, Ambition, Discord etc. His Disciples, or noble Martyrs, William Swinderby, john Purvey, Sir john Oldcastle; and after them, Pierce Ploughman, Geffrey Chaucer, Mr. Tyndall, Doctor Barnes, john Firth, Sir john Borthwike, (a Martyr) the Author of a Supplication to King Henry the eight, the Author of the Image of a very Christian Bishop, and of a Counterfeit Bishop: William Wraughton, in his Hunting of the Remish Fox; Mr. Fish, in his Supplication of Beggars; Henry Stalbridge, in his exhortatory Epistle, and others, are of the like judgement; and Roderick Mors, in his Supplication to the Parliament, (in Henry the eight his Reign;) to omit Penry, and others, in Queen Elizabeth's Reign. And why there should be more Sacrilege in taking away Bishop's Lands in England then in Scotland, or Abbey Lands heretofore from Abbeys and Priories, I cannot yet discern. All which considered, I hope his Majesty's conscience may and will be rectified in this particular, before the Treaty be absolutely confirmed by Acts of Parliament; so as this of Bishop's Lands shall make no breach between us: In clearing which, I have been the more prolix, because it is most insisted on of any thing, in point of dis-satisfaction, both by the King and us.  
As for all our other Propositions, relating to the Peace and settlement of the Church, the King hath fully assented to them interminis: as namely, to the Bill for the better advancement of the preaching of God's word, and setting godly Ministers in all parts of the Kingdom: To a Bill against Pluralities, and Non residency: To an Act of Confirmation for the calling and settling of the Assembly of Divines: To an Act for the confirmation of the Directory, and abolishing the Book of Common-Prayer throughout the Kingdom, and in the Kings own Chapel too (yielded unto in the King's final answer, though formerly stuck upon;) to an Act for taking the covenant throughout the Realm, only the King sticks at it (as yet unsatisfied in conscience) as to the taking of it himself without some qualifications in it, which a Committee were appointed to consider of, but have not yet reported aught to the House. Besides, he hath approved the lesser Catechism as far as you desired, who rest satisfied with his answer concerning it: And as for the Presbyterial Government, he hath absolutely consented to settle it for three years.  
But it hath been much insisted on by many, 
Object.  That the Kings Grant of the Presbyterian Government is no weigh'st satisfactory, because only for three years; And therefore they will break off the Treaty for this reason, and vote the King's answers upon the whole unsatisfactory, because too short in this particular.  
To which I answer, 
Answ.  That the King in terminis hath granted as much as we desired. We desired its settlement but for three years, and many who most pretend dissatisfaction in this point now did, and do indeed desire no settled Government at all, no not for three years' space: Therefore if there be any default in this, it was in the House's Proposition only, not in the King's answer, who was not obliged to grant us in this particular, or any other, more than we desired. Secondly, after the three years' expiration the Presbyterian Government must remain till a new be agreed upon by consent of the King and both Houses, upon conference and advice with the Assembly of Divines, or that further established if found best and most suitable in the interim.  
So as now upon all the branches of this Treaty, and the King's answers thereunto, I conceive the King's answers to be completely satisfactory in that sense I have stated and debated the question, as well for the safety and settlement of our Church and Religion as Kingdom; though the King's Answers come not up fully to the Propositions in some two or three particulars only.  
It is storied of 
* Plut. Apop●th.  Alexander the Great, that one demanding of him to give him a penny, he returned him this answer; That it was too little for Alexander to give: Whereupon he demanded a Talon of him; whereunto he replied, It was too much for a beggar to receive. We have demanded of the King in our own and the Kingdom's behalf in former Treaties, but a penny in comparison, and then the King refused to grant it, though we would have been heartily contented with it, or less: But now we have in this Treatty demanded a Talon, and the King hath not thought it overmuch for him to grant, or for us to receive, and if we shall now ungratefully reject it, we know not why ourselves, unless it be that God hath infatuated, and designed us unto speedy ruin for our sins; I must needs take up our Saviour's Lamentation over dying jerussalem, in relation unto England: 
* Luk 19 42.  O that thou hadst known in this thy day, the things that belong unto thy Peace; but now they are hid from thine eyes. And I pray God they be not so far hid, that we shall never live to see any peace or settlement at all in Church or State, if we embrace not those Concessions now; the best, the largest, the honourablest, the safest, and most beneficial that ever was tendered to any People by a King; and if we now reject, we shall never have the moiety of them granted us again, no though we soek them carefully with tears, as Esau did his last blessing, when he had overslipt his time but a very little.  
For mine own part, I value no men's bare opinions in this debate, but their reasons which enforce them; and if I have not quite lost my reason and senses too, I have not heard one solid reason given by any Gentleman that differs from me, why the King's Concessions upon the whole Treaty should be so unsatisfactory as utterly to reject them, and proceed no further. Most of the reasons to the contrary have been either clear mistakes, both of the question, and Kings Answers, or our Propositions; (and mistakes are no reasons, but irrational;) or a fear in some Purchasers of Bishop's Lands of an ill bargain, which I presume I have fully satisfied, 
Object.  or that which is to me the most unreasonable (though many gentlemen's chief and only reason) the Army's discontent and dissatisfaction, in case we vote it satisfactory: to which I shall give this Answer:  
That though I honour the Army for their good services heretofore in the Field and Wars, 
Answ.  and should as readily gratify all their just desires as Soldiers, as any man; yet I must with just disdain and censure look upon their Magisteriall encroachments upon our Counsels, and prescriptions to us, what to vote in our debates, or else they will be incensed, as the highest violation to the Freedom, ● Honour and Privileges of Parliament, not to be Presidented in former times, nor now to be endured. We all sit here, freely to speak our own Minds, not the Army's pleasure; to follow our own consciences and judgements, not their imperious dictates; to satisfy the whole Kingdom, and those who have entrusted and sent us hither, whose Representatives and servants we are (not the Armies) by pitching upon that which is most conducing to their welfare and our own too; not to satisfy the Army in all their unreasonable extravagant demands, (who are but ours and the Kingdoms servants, not Masters) to the Kingdoms, Peoples, our own ruin, and the Armies too. And so much the rather, because I have observed a dangerous practice in some Officers and Members only of the Army, to make use of the whole Army's name, (without their privity or consents) forcibly to drive on their own private pernicious Designs in the House, and to fright and cudgel us into Votes (as some say we were cudgeled into a Treaty) with the very name of the Army, without any reason at all; and if that will not do the feat, than they presently mutiny, and bring up the Army itself to or near the Houses doors against them, contrary to our express commands (as heretofore and now they have done) to force us to Vote against our judgements, consciences, reason, and the public safety, what ever they shall dictate, be it never so absurd, dishonourable to ourselves, or destructive to the Kingdom; and though the Army, and those who usurp their name be not present at our debates (as they seldom are, though some of them are Members) yet if they suit not with their foreplotted Designs, they will presently censure them and those that pass them, without hearing or weighing of their reasons: And though they contend most earnestly for Liberty of Conscience for themselves, and all others of their confederacy out of the House, and for a Liberty for their own Party, to enter 
* Remonstrance of the General and Officers, Novemb. 20. 1648: p. 6, 7 69.  their particular Protestations and Dissents to the House to any Vote they like not; yet they will admit no Liberty of Conscience, nor Freedom of dissenting unto us, nor us to be Masters of our own reason, Votes or discretions in the House itself, where we should have most freedom, (as is evident by sundry Magisteriall, overruling, censorious Passages in their late 
* Pag 62. to 70. ibid. Their Declaration, Novemb. 3. and Answ. jan. 3.  Remonstrance, November 20.) and if we vote not fully with them, they presently take us for Apostates and violaters of our trust, fit, not only to be secluded the House for the present, but not to be entrusted for the future; to such an height of insolency are they grown. Therefore for any Members to make their pleasing, or displeasing of the Army, whom they thus abuse, the sole or principal reason of their Ay, or No, is such a Solecism and breach of Privilege, as ought not now to be named, much less pressed as a reason, without some severe censure or exclusion from the House; especially in this instant debate, for the settlement of our Peacè, to which those who make a Trade of War, will certainly be most averse, having little else to live on, or support their present greatness, if the wars be ended.  
Yea, but they further object, 
Object.  That if we discontent the Army by voting the Answers satisfactory, we are undone, they will all lay down their Arm (as one Commander of eminency hath here openly told you he must do) and serve us no longer, and then what will become of us, and all our faithful friends?  
I Answer, 
Answ.  That I hope the Army will not be so sullen, as to desert or turn against us, for voting what our consciences and judgements prompt us, is most for theirs, ours, and the Kingdom's safety; and that without hearing or scanning our debates: If they be, I shall not much value the protection of such unconstant, mutinous, and unreasonable servants; and I doubt not but if they desert us on so slight a ground, God himself and the whole Kingdom will stand by us who else I fear will both unanimously rise up against us, to ours, and the Army's destruction: And if the King and we shall happily close upon this Treaty, I hope we shall have no great need of their future service. However, fiat justitia, ruat coelum, Let us do our duty, and leave the issue to God. It is better for us to perish doing our own duties, then to be justly destroyed by following other men's wills against our duties and consciences too. He that thinks to save himself or the Kingdom, by such a sinful and unworthy compliance, shall be certain to lose both himself and it in conclusion.  
However, both the Arguments of displeasing the Army, and the ill consequents of it, are altogether extraneous and impertinent to the question, and amount but to this Non sequitur. The Army will not have us proceed further upon the Treaty to settle peace; Ergo, the King's Answers are unsatisfactory. What will all wise men, what will the Kingdom, what will Scotland, Ireland, and our friends abroad (whose eyes are all intent upon the result of the Treaty, and must be satisfied in the reasons of our breach upon it lest they all fall foul upon us) think of such absurd Nonsense as this? Had the Treaty been only between the King and the Army, not him and the Houses, this reason might have contented some men; without expressing any grounds of their dissatisfaction (of which they think the Army more competent Judges than the Parliament:) but the Treaty being only between the King and both Houses, not the Army; that we who are the only Parties to the Treaty, and Judges of the satisfactoriness thereof, should set aside our own reasons, consciences, judgements, and make the Armies absolute peremptory will, the only principal reason of our dissatisfactorinesse with the King's Concessions, (which I am confident not ten men in the Army ever heard of, but by report alone and never seriously scanned, as we have done) is such an absurdity, as will render us for ever both ridiculousand odious to all our friends and foes, to present, to future Ages. For shame therefore let us no more insist upon such extravagancies.  
Having answered these two Iron Arguments, against the unsatisfactoriness of the King's Answers, and all others hitherto insisted on: I humbly conceive, I have fully satisfied every rational man's conscience, that the King hath granted us all we have demanded, that is really necessary or conducing to the speedy settlement of a lasting and well-grounded Peace, and the future security of our State, Kingdom, Church, Religion, against all feared dangers from the King or any others; and I shall challenge and put it to the conscience of any Gentleman dissenting from me, whether he can propound any one thing more (except an Oath which is intended when all is concluded) essential, for the fuller and firmer settling of our Laws, Liberties, Privileges, Lives, Estates, Religion, Kingdoms, Parliaments, Army, and satisfying of all public interests, then what have been already propounded and the King completely granted in this Treaty: If then the King hath granted us every thing, ourselves during seven years' advice and consultation could possibly think of for our security and settlement, far more than we ourselves demanded in two or three former Treaties, and would have been glad with the moiety of it within these few months, & ten thousand times more than we can gain by a breach with the King upon such disadvantages; why should we not all rest thankfully contented, and bless our God, that he hath at last inclined the King's heart to grant so much, whereas heretofore he refused to condescend to the tithe of that he hath granted now● Doubtless we can never answer such a peevish absurd ingratitude either to God or men, and those Counties, Cities, and Buroughs, who sent us hither in their steads, will con us little thanks, for refusing Peace, upon such honourable, beneficial and safe Concessions, as neither they nor we can ever hereafter hope for, if rejected now; upon no grounds of reason, but peevishness and will.  
If any object 
Object.  (as some have done) that the King indeed hath granted all we can desire; yet he is so perfidious in his Oaths and Promises (as we have found by sad experience, in all his Reign) that we cannot trust him; and therefore all he hath granted, is to little purpose.  
I answer, 
Answ.  That if all he hath granted were still in his own power to dissolve or recall at pleasure, this Argument were material: But since he hath put all our desired security in our hands alone, and such as ourselves shall appoint, and left nothing unto his sole or joint disposal with us, the objection is but weak, and recoils upon ourselves, that we dare not trust ourselves with our safety. It a Sha●k come to borrow some money of a Usurer, whose word and hand he dares not take; yet if he give him a Pawn or Mortgage of his Lands in hand, he will then trust him without any scruple: The King hath given such a sufficient Pawn, Mortgage, and put it into our own hand, therefore we need not doubt him now.  
Besides, if we cannot trust him for what he hath granted, it was a mockery of him and the Kingdom to treat with him to grant it: and if so, the Kingdom will say, they have little cause hereafter to trust us for such palpable dissimulation, as the King. For my part, I have seen so much experience in the world, that I dare trust none with my own or the Kingdom's safety, but God● alone. 
* Psalm. 145. 3. P●al. 118. 8, 9  Put not your trust in Princes, nor in any son of man in whom there is no help: It is better to trust in the Lord, then to put confidence in men or Princes, have been my Maxims, and we have seen such strange Mutabilities and perfidiousness in men of all sorts since our troubles, that we cannot trust neither the King, nor Prince, City nor Country, this General, nor that General; this Army, nor those that were before it, nor yet ourselves who are jealous one of another, treacherous one to another, distrustful of all; and now disinherited by all, ever since we began to confide in men, and found out a new generation of confiding men: Let us begin to trust in God alone in the first place, and then we need not distrust the King for time to come any more than others, or ourselves, whose dear bought experience of breach of former trust and promises, will make him more careful of violating his present Concessions for the future, especially having put such security unto our own hands to bind him to an exact performance.  
But it hath been objected by the General and Officers in the Army, in their late 
* Object. Nou. 20. p. 32, 33, 34, 35.  Remonstrance, and by some who have spoken in this debate (who would teach the King before hand how to elude and vacat all his grants and promises) that all the King's Concessions are and will be void, because made by duresse of imprisonment whiles under restraint.  
I answer, 
Answ.  That the King during all this Treaty hath been in such a condition of honour, freedom, and safety, and had such free liberty of consultation and debate upon his own earnest desire and his parties too, as well as the Houses; that he can neither with honour nor justice avoid those. Concessions by any pretext of Duresse; especially since he hath denied some things, and had the same liberty not to have granted other things, had he been pleased not to grant them. Besides, the King is to confirm the whole Treaty by Acts of Parliament, to which he is to give his Royal assent (and Oath too) when all is concluded, and that in a free condition; & then no Duresse can avoid them, nor more than Magna Charta itself first gained by the sword, and oft confirmed in Parliament by our Kings against their wills. In the year of our Lord 1222 
* Matth. Paris, p. 305. Speed, p. 597.  The Barons demanding of King Henry the third, the confirmation of the great Charter, and their Liberties according to his Oath upon the conclusion of the Peace with Lewis of France: William Brewer one of his (evil) Council, answered; That the Liberties they demanded were not to be observed nor confirmed, because they were forcibly extorted: Whereupon words growing between the Barons, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Brewer; the King closed up the strife with this honourable Answer: All of us have sworn to these Liberties, and that which we have assented and sworn to, ALL OF US ARE BOND TO OBSERVE. We to this day enjoy these Liberties, being confirmed by Act of Parliament, and sworn to by our Kings, though forcibly extorted at the first. And so may we much more enjoy the King's Concessions when turned into Acts, and sealed with a sacred Oath, superadded to a Royal assent.  
Mr. Speaker, I have now waded through the whole Treaty, and given you the best reasons I can out of every parcel of it to prove the satisfactoriness of the King's Answers, and answered all Objections hitherto made against my conclusion, I shall now, by your patience and leave, proceed a step or two further, to evidence by clear demonstrations and reasons to your consciences.  
First, that our closing with the King upon these Concessions, is the only, the speediest, best, loyallest, safest and certainest way to settle a firm and lasting Peace, between the King, Parliament, and his three Kingdoms.  
Secondly, that the new way to Peace and settlement proposed and prosecuted by the General, the Officers of the Army, and their friends in the House, is a most desperate, dishonourable, unsafe course, and certain way to speedy ruin, both of our King, Parliaments, Army, City, Country, and three Kingdoms too; yea, a ●eer project of the Jesuits, to destroy the King, dissolve this present, and all future Parliaments, betray Ireland to the Popish Rebels, subvert our Religion, Reformation, Laws, Liberties, Kingdoms, introduce Popery, Tyranny, slavery, and makes us a prey to our foreign Enemies: and if I make this clearly appear to all your consciences and reasons, I beseech you lay all your hands upon your hearts, and consider what you vote in this debate, lest you become instrumental to the Jesuits, & accomplish these their designs, in stead of settling a safe and well grounded Peace upon their new-fangled foundations of liberty and safety, but indeed of slavery and ruin.  
To begin with the first branch of the first of these assertions; That our closing with the King upon these Concessions, is the only way to settle a firm and lasting Peace between the King, the Parliament, and his three Kingdoms. Not to insist upon this general; that Treaties in all Ages have been the usual and only way to conclude and settle Peace and Unity between Kings and their People, and all dissenting Kingdoms, States, Persons, and therefore this Treaty now is the only way to our present Peace and settlement: I shall pitch only upon particulars.  
First, that yourselves in this House, and the Lords in their House, have severally and jointly voted and resolved over and over heretofore, and published to all the world from time to time in sundry Declarations, Remonstrances, and other printed Papers since the King's departure from the Houses, and the late Wars: 
* Exact Collect. p. 607, 911. A Collection of all Orders, p. 49. 51, 57, 58, 91. 446. 463, 879. 900.  That it hath been, is, and always shall be their cordial desire, and sincere unwearied endeavour to settle a speedy, firm and well grounded Peace between His Majesty, his People, and three Kingdoms; and that this hath been the only end they have aimed at in all their Wars and Treaties with the King. 
* Exact Collection p. 102, 103 114, 115.  That the King's presence with, and Residence near his Parliament, is of so great necessity and importance towards the removal of our Distractions, Fears, jealousies, the happy beginning of contentment between the KING and His People, and the settlement and preservation of the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom, and KING'S Person. That they thought they had not discharged their duties until they had declared and backed it with some Reasons. That those persons who advised His MAJESTY to absent Himself from His Parliament, are an Obstruction, and Enemies to the Peace of this Kingdom, and justly suspected to be favourers to the Rebellion in Ireland. 
* Exact Col. p. 907. etc. A Col. of all public Orders, &c., of both Houses, p. 49, 53, 58, 71, 72. etc. 61, 118. 456, 463, 879, 900.  That the sending of Propositions, and a Treaty with the KING, and a good close with Him and His Commissioners thereupon, is the only way to settle a firm, safe, and lasting Peace. And this is the only way and means you have hitherto pursued to obtain such a Peace and settlement.  
Secondly, the Parliament of Scotland and their Commissioners here employed, have voted and resolved this, the only way and means to such a 
* A Coll. p. 900.  Peace and Settlement, both for this kingdom, and their own too, and have joined with us in all former Treaties, and promoted this.  
Thirdly, the generality of the People, and all the wisest and most cordial to the Public Interest both of the Parliament and kingdom, have approved and desired a Treaty and close with the KING, as the only means of Peace and settlement, as is evident, by their frequent and multiplied Petitions to both Houses.  
Fourthly, the 
* Exact Col. p. 911. 912, 913. A Coll. p. 51, 52, 110, etc.  KING himself and all his party, when tired out with the miseries of War, have desired and embraced a Treaty, as the only means to close our bleeding wounds, and make a firm Union between the King, Parliament and three Kingdoms.  
Fifthly, the General, Officers, and Council of the Army themselves, when in their right senses, and not intoxicated with self-conceit and jesuitical Principles, have Publicly declared, that compliance by a Treaty with the KING, and restitution of Him to a condition of Honour, Freedom, and Safety, was the only way to a lasting Peace and settlement; yea, the Grandees of the Army were so over forward to comply, treat, and close with Him upon terms more dishonourable, 
Note this.  and less safe than these we are now a closing with him in this Treaty; that when they falsely impeached the eleven Members the last Summer in the House of Commons, for holding secret intelligence and correspondence only with Him, without consent of the House; themselves at that very instant, without and against consent of the Houses were secretly treating and complying with him upon proposals framed by themselves, and persuade the King to reject the Houses Proposition sent to his Maj. 
See Putnery Projects Animadversions upon the Army's Remonstrance. The Army for a Treaty. The King's Answer to the Propositions sent to him, to Hampton Court. 7. Sept. 1647  to Hampton Court, to treat upon those they had tendered to him privately, without the Houses privity, as more advantageous to him, and his party, than the Parliaments, declaring to all the world; that they were as cordial to the King, as desirous to bring him up to London, & to restore him to a condition of honour, freedom, and saftey, and more favourable to Delinquents in mitigating their fines and punishments, than the Houses. All which they are not ashamed to acknowledge in their last Remonstrance Novemb. 20. p. 43. 44. yet with this detestable brand upon themselves, That their compliances with him were but negative: Secondly what we declared of Moderation, was but hypothetical: with careful caution, and saving for the ●publique interest, according to OUR THAN UNDERSTANDING OF IT, etc. Yet however, in that degree of compliance admitted in that kind, we find matter of acknowledgement before the Lord, concerning OUR ERROR, FRAILTY, UNBELIEF, and CARNAL COUNSELS THEREIN, and we bless him that preserved us from worse. If their compliance and Treaty with the King etc. was but hypothetical [as I fear this very Remonstrance and their acting since all are, or at least wise jesuitical,] I hope our Treaty shall be real, and not in their power to make it Hypocritical, as they have attempted, by endeavouring to force us, by this Remostrance and their subsequent advance to London to break it off, to render us odious to our King and kingdoms, God and all good men, and translate the Odium of it from themselves to us. And because themselves may discover their own Apostasy from their former principles, which they would falsely father upon us, and how justifiable and advantageous to the kingdom our closing with the King upon these Propositions, are before all the world, be pleased to take notice of these following passages in their own Letters, Declarations, and Remonstrances: made upon mature advice a year before this Treaty.  
In the humble Remonstrance from his Excellency and the Army under his command, presented to the Commissioners at St. Alban, june 23. 1647 p. 12. they print. Whereas there has been scandalous informations presented to the Houses & industriously published in print, importing, as if his Majesty were kept as prisoner amongst us, barbarously and uncivilly used, We cannot but declare, that the same and all other suggestions of that sort, are most false, scandalous & absolutely contrary not only to our declared desires, but also to our principls, which are most clearly, for a general Right and just freedom to all. And therefore, upon this occasion, we cannot but declare particularly, that we desire the same for the King and others of his party, (so far as can consist with common right and freedom, and with the security of the same for the future) And we do further clearly confess, 
Note.  we do not see how there can be any peace to the kingdom firm or lasting, without a due consideration of, and provision for the Rights, quiet and immunity of his Majesty's royal Family, and his late partakers: And herein we think that tender and equitable dealing [as supposing their cause had been ours] & a spirit of common love and justice, diffusing itself to the good and preservation of all, will make up the most glorious conquest over their hearts [if God in mercy see it good] to make them, and the whole people of the land lasting friends. And in the Representation of the Army, June 14 1647. there are the like expressions of their judgements, in relation to the King and his party too.  
In a Letter of St. T. Fairfax to both Houses of Parliament, giving an account of some transactions between his Majesty and the Army, dated from Redding July 6. 1647. there is this passage [which he there declares to be the general sense of all or most part of the Officers in the Army.] In general, we humbly conceive, that to avoid all harsh●ness, and afford all kind usage to his Majesty's person, in things consisting with the peace and safety of the kingdom, is the most Christian, honourable, and prudent way: and in all things we think, that tender, equitable and moderate dealing, both toward his Majesty and his Royal family, and late party, so far as may stand with the safety of the kingdom, and security to our common rights & liberties, 
Note.  is the most hopeful course to take away the seeds of war, or future seeds amongst us, for posterity; and to procure a lasting peace and a government, in this distracted Nation.  
Since this: the Officers and Army in their proposals 1 Aug. 1647. for the settlement of a firm peace: have this for one, That His Majesty's person, 
Note.  Queen and Royal issue, may be restored to a condition of safety, honour, and freedom in this Nation, without diminution of their personal Rights, or further limitation to the exercise of the regal power, then according to the particulars aforegoing.  
These proposals of the Army, were so pleasing to His Majesty, that in his answer to the propositions presented to him at Hampton Court the 7 of Septemb. 1647. by the Commissioners of both Houses and of the kingdom of Scotland, he refused to grant the Propositions by them tendered, as being destructive to many principal interests of the Army, and of all those whose affections concurred with them. And he gave this further answer to them. That his Majesty having seen the proposals of the Army to the Commissioners from his 2 Houses residing with them, and with them to be treated in order to the clearing and securing the Rights & liberties of the kingdom, as to the settling of a just & lasting peace. To which proposals, as he conceives, his two Houses not to be strangers, so he believes they will think with him, that theymore conduce to the satisfaction of all interests, & may be a fitter foundation for a lasting peace then the propositions which at this time are tendered to him. He therefore propounds (as the best way in his judgement in order to peace) that his two Houses would instantly take into consideration those proposals upon which there may be a personal Treaty with his Majesty, & such other proposals as his Majesty shall make, hoping that the said proposals may be so moderated in the said Treaty, as to render them the more capable of his Majesty's full concessions, wherein he resolves to give full satisfaction to his people, for whatsoever shall concern the settling of the Protestant profession, with liberty to tender consciences & the securing of the laws, liberties, and properties of all his subjects, and the just privileges of Parliament for the future etc. In which Treaty, his Majesty will be pleased (if it be thought sit) that Commissioners from the Army, whose the proposals are, may likewise be admitted.  
●oe, here we have the General, Officers, and Army itself so zealous of a personal Treaty with the King, for settlement of this kingdom's peace, and the carrying on of their own interests, that themselves draw up proposals for a Treaty with him, without the Houses privity: yea, prevail 
* See Putneyy Projects.  with him to lay aside the Houses Propositions to treat upon theirs, as more advantageous to him and his, and less beneficial to the kingdoms interest.  
In which Treaty he desires, that Commissioners from the Army (whose the proposals were) might likewise be admitted: & yet these Zealots for a Treaty then, are most furious to break off our Treaty now, even by open force and violence, almost upon the very close, though they never made any opposition against it during 
* From July 30. till Nov: 20.  all its Agitation; perchance to bring on another Treaty with the King upon their own proposals; wherein the King and they will be the only traitors, and the Houses but idle Spectators, to rob them of the honour and benefit expected by our present Treaty and of settling of the kingdoms peace, on so good terms for the public interest.  
In fine, the General and Army under his command, in their Remonstrance, of the 18 of August, 1647. [approved and printed by Order of the House of Peers,] p. 14. do thus express their readiness and desire for the Parliaments closing with the King, upon good grounds, and his bringing up to LONDON [though now they cry out for nothing bu● Justice and execution to be done upon him, as their capital Enemy;] For our parts, we shall rejoice as much as any, to see the King brought back to his Parliament, [and that] not so much in place, as in affection and agreement, on such found terms and grounds as may render both him, and the kingdom safe, quiet, and happy. And shall be as ready as they to bring his Majesty to LONDON, when his being there may be likely to produce (not greater disturbances or distractions, but) a peace indeed, and that such, as may not [with the Shipwreck of the public interest] be shaped and moulded only to the private advantages of a particular party or faction, but bottomed chiefly on grounds of common and public welfare and security.  
The General, Officers and Army therefore, being so zealous for a Treaty and close with the King, in all these several Remonstrances, Papers, and Proposals, as the only hopeful way of settling and securing the kingdom's peace, cannot without the highest injury, and most detestable juggling, Hypocrisy, and Apostasy from their own engagements & principles (wherewith they do now falsely charge the House) dislike our present proceedings in the self same way, upon his Majesty's Concessions in this Treaty; which by all these particular resolutions, and the Armies own acknowledgements, is the only way of Peace and settlement.  
Secondly, As it is the only, so the speediest way of all other: if we now accept of these Concessions, (the most whereof I have turned into Bills already, and shall turn all the rest into Bills by our next sitting) I see no reason but we may in one fortnight, at least by the first of jan. next, have fully settled and concluded all things in difference between the King and us, to the general content and safety of all honest men: and so end the old and begin the new year with peace. Whereas if we now break off and let go all the King hath granted, I see no end of our Wars and miseries, nor any probable means of peace and settlement in many years at least, if ever in this or the succeeding Generation. And the speediest remedy in this case (especially considering the kingdom is so far exhausted, that we know neither how to pay our public debts, our Fleet, or Army their present Arrears, much less their future) must needs be the best, and be preferred before all others that will require more time, and expense, and be more hazardous and contingent in the event.  
Thirdly, As it is the speediest: so the best, and legallest, safest and certainest way of all others.  
First, there is no danger nor hazard at all in it, nor any expense of money or effusion of blood: 'tis but accept, and then confirm by Acts and Oaths, and the work is presently done: If we think of settlement in any other way, we must fight again, and that will be both costly & hazardous: and when all is done, we must Treat again, perchance upon worse terms, else there will be no peace nor settlement.  
Secondly, This is the way we have ever formerly pitched upon, the way all parties have consented to and approved, but those alone who desire neither peace nor settlement: Therefore best, safest, and durablest.  
Thirdly, It is the legallest, certainest, because a peace and settlement by Acts of Parliament the highest security to English men under heaven, to which King, Lord, Commons, & in them the whole kingdom consent, & will all acquiesce in what is done, without question or future dispute: What peace soever is settled otherwise, either by a bare Order or Ordinance of the Houses, or by the Sword & power alone: will neither be sure, safe, nor lasting, no longer then maintained by the Sword, & every man will be sure to question and unsettle all again upon the least advantage given. The highest security that England ever had, was Magna Charta, and the Charter of the Forest: these were gained by the Sword, but not held by it.  
That which hath kept & perpetuated these since their making was those Acts of Parliament which confirmed them, These are only security for what ever we enjoy, which will survive all other we can think of, Nullum violentum est diuturnum: Whereas privileges kept and held by public Acts will last for ever, and be entailed to us and our posterities, with peace and happiness attending them. This was the way of settling peace between Kings and Subjects heretofore in Henry the 3. Edward the 2. Richard the 2. Henry the 6. Reigns, and an Act of Pacification and Oblivion was the only safe and usual way the Parliaments both of England and Scotland lately fixed on, to settle a firm and lasting peace between both Nations, kingdoms. All other settlements will be but like an ul●●r skinned over, which will soon break out again, with greater pain and danger then before.  
2dly, For the new way proposed by the Army, for a firm peace & settlement, it is certainly the most desperate, dishonourable, dangerous and destructive that can possibly be imagined, and such as we can neither in honour, justice, conscience nor prudence embrace. To examine it a little by parts:  
The first way to peace and settlement propounded by them, is presently to break off the Treaty: and that, contrary to our public faith to the King and kingdom, yea, to our own votes, before the Treaty was fully ended: this is the drift of their whole Remonstrance. Which as it will totally, if not finally deprive us of the fruit & benefit of all the K. Concessions in the Treaty, [all which are by mutual agreement no ways obligatory to either party in any particular unless all be agreed] being all that we can possibly think of for our safety and advantage, and more than any Nation under heaven yet enjoyed, so it will inevitably cast us upon present ways of new distractions, confusions and civil wars, now we are quite exhausted, and end at last in our absolute destruction, instead of a wel-grounded peace, and those blessings we may forth with enjoy for the very accepting, without further charge or trouble. But if God, beyond our hopes, should after any new embroilments give us peace, yet it must be upon a new Treaty, and that perchance upon far worse terms than now are offered. Therefore it must needs be dangerous to reject a safe way, to follow a hazardous or destructive one.  
The next thing proposed by them for a speedy peace and settlement, is the bringing of the 
* Remonstrance p. 60. to 64.  King to speedy justice for all his treasons and bloodshed in the late wars, and then to depose and execute him as the greatest capital malefactor in the kingdoms  
This certainly is a very dangerous aund unlikely way to peace and settlement, First of all, 
* Zech. 13. 7. 1 King. 22. 17.  The smiting of the Shepherd, is the way to scatter, not unite the sheep. The slaying of the King or General in the field, 
* Zech. 13. 7. 1 King. 22. 17.  scatters and dissolves the Army, not secures them. To cut off an aching head, is the next way to destroy, not cure a diseased body: such kind of State policy may destroy, or disturb, but never settle us in perfect peace: The Prince, his next heir, the Queen, the Duke of York, all his Children, and Allies both at home and abroad, will certainly meditate revenge, and all Kings in Christendom will assist them, even for their own interest and safety, lest it should become a precedent for themselves. And will this then secure or be a likely way to peace or settlement?  
2. The greatest part of the Members in both Houses, the Lords, Gentlemen, and all sorts of people throughout the kingdom, the whole kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland, (who have as great an interest in the King's person being their lawful King, as we have, and are obliged by Allegiance and Covenant to protect his person and Crown from violence) will unanimously, as one man oppose and protest against it, and by force of Arms, endeavour to bring those to execution who shall presume to advise, or attempt to depose or destroy the King in any kind, contrary to their Allegiance and solemn Covenant: Yea all Protestant Realms, Churches, States in foreign parts will abhor both the fact, and adjudge it contrary to their principles and Religion, and that which may irritate Popish Kings and Princes to take up arms to ruin them, lest they should fall into the like Jesuitical practice. And can this be a safe or speedy way to peace and settlement, especially when we know not what Government shall succeed upon it, and can expect nothing but bloody consequences from such a bloody Jesuitical advice?  
Thirdly, I never read of any peace or settlement in any kingdom, where King-killing was practised or approved. When the Roman Armies began once to kill their Emperors, and cut off their heads, 
* See Eutropius and Grimstones Imperial History.  they were scarce ever free from civil wars. One Army set up one Emperor, another Army another, the Senate a third, who always warred till they had cut off one another's heads. Most of those Emperors had very short reigns, few of them above a year or two, and some of them scarce two months, but most of them untimely deaths. In Sclavonia and Norway, where they had a Law, that he that slew a Tyrant King, should succeed him in the Throne: They had almost every year a new King, perpetual wars and discords, and not one of all their Kings for above one hundred years together ever came to a natural death, but was murdered as a Tyrant, and succeeded by a worse and greater tyrant: as 
* Danicae Histor. l. 8. p. 120.  Saxo grammaticus and Nubrigensis testify.  
And in the sacred story itself, 
* Rerum Anglicarum l. 3. c. 6. 2 Chron. 5. 5, 6. 2 King's c. 1. to cap. 25.  it is very observable, that after the ten Tribes revolted from Rehoboam, though by God's justice and approbation for Solomon's sins; they had never any peace or settlement, but perpetual Wars with one Kingdom or another, or between themselves; Their Kings, or most of them were all Tyrants and Idolaters, and by the just hand of God, for the most part tumultuously slain and murdered one of and by another, who succeeded them: he that murdered his Predecessor, being usually slain by his Successor, or his Predecessors Sons, Servants, or by the People of the Land, in a tumltuous way: In the 2 Kings 15. We read in that one Chapter of no less than 4 of those Kings slain one by another: and as for the people under these Kings they had never any rest, peace, settlement, or freedom, but lived under the greatest misery and oppression that ever any Subjects under Heaven did, as the sacred History records. This King-killing certainly can be then no probable way at all to peace, safety, settlement, freedom, but the Jesuits policy to deprive us eternally of all these, and of God, and Religion to boot; as it did the ten Tribes heretofore.  
Fourthly this way to peace and settlement, is directly contrary to all the former Engagements, Oaths, and several Petitions, Declarations, Remonstrances, Protestations, and professions of both Houses of Parliament to the King, Kingdomed people, wherein were have always protested and held forth unto them both before and since the Wars. 
* Exact Collection, p. 1, 21, 644, 100, 101, 102, 103, 125, 214, 281, 307, 458, 464, 466, 474, 584, 587, 588, 605, 631, 632, 637, 641, 642, 661, 16, etc.  That we will preserve and protect the King's person from danger, support his Royal estate with honour and plenty at home, with power and reputation abroad, and by our, loyal affections, actions and advice, lay a sure and lasting foundation of the greatness and prosperity of his Majesty, and his Royal posterity in future times. That we are still resolved, to keep ourselves within we bounds of faithfulness and allegiance to His sacred Person and Crown. That we will with our lives, fortunes, estates, and with the last drop of our blood endeavour to support His Majesty, and his just Sovereignty and power over us● and to prevent all dangers to His Majesty's Person.  
That we took up arms as well for Defence of His Majesty, to protect His Person, as the Kingdom and Parliament; without any intent to hurt or injure His Majesty's person or power: professing in the presence of Almighty God, That we would receive Him with all honour, yield him all due obedience and subjection, and faithfully endeavour to secure His person and estate from all danger; and to uttermost of our power to procure and establish to Him and His People, all the blessings of a glorious and happy reign; which both Houses several times professed and remonstrated to the world. 
* Ibid. pag. 657, 648, 645, 687, 617, 621.  That the allegation that the Army raised by the Parliament, was TO MURDER and DEPOSE THE KING, was such a scandal, as any that professed the name of a Christian could not have so little charity as to raise it; especially when they must needs know, the Protestation taken by every Member of both Houses; whereby they promise in the presence of Almighty God, to defend His Majesty's person; and all their addresses and Petitions to him expressing the contrary: That they never suffered it to enter into their thoughts to depose the KING, abhorring the very thought of it, much more the intent. That they never suffered the word DEPOSING the King, to go out of their mouths, nor the thing to enter into their thoughts, That they rest assured, both God and Man will abominate that monstrous and most injurious Charge laid upon the Representative Body of this whole Kingdom by the Malignant party, against the KING● as designing not only the ruin of His MAJESTY'S person, but of MONARCHY itself: The Authors of which malicious horrid scandal, they profess to make the Instances of their Exemplary justice, so soon as they shall be discovered. Now for Us after all these multiplied reiterated Protestations, Promises, Engagements, Declarations, Remonstrances to all the World, from the beginning of the differences and wars till now, to think or talk of deposing and destroying of the King, and altering the Government, as the only safe and speedy way to peace and settlement, as the Army-Remonstrants prescribe; would be such a most detestable breach of Public Faith; such a most perfidious, treacherous, unrighteous and wicked act, as not only God, Angels, and good men; but the very worst of Turks and Devils would abhor: and therefore it's a miracle to me, that these, precious Saints should thus impudently, before all the World propose to the House, and force you to pursue it, to stain your reputation, and make you exerable to God and Men.  
Fifthly, the very Oath of Allegiance, which every one of us hath taken, upon our first admission to be Members, engageth us in positive terms, Not to offer any violence or hurt-to His MAJESTY'S Royal Person, State, or Government, to bear faith and true Allegiance to His MAJESTY, His Heirs and Successors; and Him and Them to defend to the uttermost of our power, against all Conspiracies and attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against His: or Their PERSONS, CROWN, or DIGNITY: And from our hearts to abhor, detest, and abjure as impious and heretical, this Jesuitical and Popish Doctrine, That Princes excommunicated or deprived by the Pope, (as it seems the KING'S is now for extirpating Episcopacy, Popery, Mass, and Prelacy out of His Dominions by His present Concessions, without any possibility or hopes of replanting) may be deposed or murdered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever. Which Jesuitical contrivance and practice as our whole State and Parliament, in the Statutes of 3● Ia● cap. 1● 4, 5, 35. Eliz. cap. 1. and other Acts resolve, is the only way to unsettle, ruin and subvert, not to settle and establish the Peace and government of our Realm. And both Houses since this Parliament, have by a Solemn Protestation first, and by a Solemn League and Covenant since, with Hands listed up to the most High God, engaged both themselves and the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by a most sacred and serious vow and protestation (purposely made and prescribed by them, For the Honour and Happiness of the King and his Posterity, and the true public Liberty, safety and peace of the three Kingdoms, as the Title and Preface declare) sincerely, really, and constantly to endeavour with their estates and lives, TO PRESERVE AND DEFEND THE KING'S MAJESTY'S PERSON AND AUTHORITY, in the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom, (which he hath now fully and actually performed by his Concessions in this Treaty) That the World may bear witness with our Consciences, OF OUR LOYALTY, and that WE HAVE NO THOUGHTS OR INTENTIONS TO DIMINISH HIS MAJESTY'S JUST POWER AND GREATNESS. And shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of all such as shall be Incendiaries or evil instruments, by DIVIDING THE KING FROM HIS PEOPLE: That they may be brought to speedy trial, and receive condign punishment. And shall not suffer themselves directly, or indirectly by whatsoever combination or terror, to be withdrawn or make defection from this Covenant; but shall all the days of their lives really and constantly continue therein against all opposition, and promote the same against all lets and impediments whatsoever. And this Covenant we all made in the presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all Hearts; WITH A REAL INTENTION TO PERFORM THE SAME, as we shall answer at that great day, when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed.  
Now how we, who are Members of this House, or any who are subjects of our three kingdoms, or Officers and Soldiers in the Army who have taken this Oath of Allegiance, Protestation, League or Covenant, or any of them, (as some of them have done, all or two of them at least, sundry times over) can, without the highest perjury to God, Treachery to the King, perfidiousness to the kingdom, Infamy to the World, Scandal to the Protestant Religion, and eternal dishonour to the Parliament and themselves, Atheistically break through or elude all those most Sacred and Religious ties upon our souls; by a speedy public dethroning and decolling of the KING, and disinheriting his Posterity; (as the Army Remostrants advise,) and ●that in the open view of the World, and that All-seeing God, to whom we have thus appealed and sworn, by that jesuitical equivocations or distinstions, (of which the Army's Remonstrance is full or professions of our damnable hypocrisy in the breaking of them, transcends my understanding. And for those who style themselves SAINTS, and charge this as one of the Highest Crimes against the King, His frequent breach of Oaths and Promises, to transcend him & Jesuits in this very sin, is such a monster of impiety as I conceive could never have entered into the hearts of Infidels, or the worst of Men or Devils, And to act this under a pretext to preserve and settle the Peace of the Kingdom, 
A Collection of all the public Orders, & c● p. 422, 423.  is such a solecism, as militates point-blank against the very words and scope both of this Oath, Protestation, League and Covenant, which crosseth not the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, but more strongly engageth all men to preserve and defend the King's Person and Authority; in the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom; as the Assembly of Divines, and both Houses affirm in their Exhortation to take the Covenant, which prescribes this as the only means of securing and preserving peace in all the three Kingdoms; to preserve the Person and Honour of the King, his Crown and Dignity, from any such violence and invasion as is now suggested by the Army; which all three of them engage us, and all three Kingdoms, with our lives and fortunes really and constantly to oppose, against all lets and impediments, etc. and to bring those to condign punishment as Incendiaries and evil Instruments who suggest it. So as if the Army will proceed in this Jesuitical destructive way, of Treason and ruin; We, and all three Kingdoms are solemnly engaged with our estates and lives unanimously to oppose and bring them to Justice. And is this then the way to public peace and settlement, to raise another new War to murder one another in this new Quarrel, wherein the Army and their adherents, must be the sole Malignants and enemies we must fight with, & c? No verily, but the highway to the Kingdoms & Army's ruin, whose Commissions we are obliged to revoke; whose Contributions we must in conscience withdraw; and whose power we must with our own lives resist, unless we will be perjured, and guilty of breach of Covenant in the highest degree, if they persist in these anticovenant Demands.  
7. Both Houses having held a Personal Treaty with the King so lately, and he having granted us in that Treaty whatsoever we have or can demand for the safety and preservation of our Religion, Laws, and Liberties; and both Houses engaged themselves by Vote in answer to the King's Propositions, to restore him to a condition of Freedom, Honour, and Safety, according to the Laws of the Realm (which was the Armies own proposals in his behalf in August, 1647.) We can neither in honesty, honour, justice nor conscience (were he ten thousand times worse than the Army would render him) depose and bring him to execution. It being against all the rules of Justice, and honour between two professed enemies, who had no relations one to another; much more between King and Subjects in a civil War, and a thing without precedent in any ages. To this the 
* P. 61, 62.  Army Remonstrance answers, That this would be thought an unreasonable and unbeseeming demand in a personal Treaty, between persons standing both free, and in equal balance of power; but not when one party is wholly subdued, captivated, imprisoned, and in the others power. But this certainly is a difference spun with a Jesuitical thread; For to treat with any King in our power, or out of it, on articles of Peace, upon these terms; That if he consent to them, We will restore him to his Throne with Honour, Freedom, Safety; and when he hath yielded us our Demands, then to depose and out off his head, is the highest breach of Faith, Truth, Honour, and Justice, that can be imagined: and those who dare justify such perfidious and unchristian dealing deserve rather the stile of Turks and equivocating Jesuits, then pious Saints.  
8. There is no precedent in Scripture, that the General Assembly, or Sanhedrin of the Jews or Isrealites, did ever judicially imprison, depose or execute any one of the Kings of judah or Israel, though many of them were the grossest Idolaters, and wickedest Princes under heaven; who shed much innocent blood, and oppressed the people sundry ways. We know that David himself committed adultery with Vriah his wife, a faithful Servant and Soldier, whiles he was with his General joab in the field: and then afterward caused him to be treacherously slain. Yet neither the Assembly of the Elders, nor joab and the Army under him, did impeach or crave Justice against him for these sins, though he lived impeniently in them. And when he numbered the people afterwards, for which sin seventy thousand of his Subjects lost their lives; yet was he not arraigned nor deposed for it: and God who is Sovereignly just, though David was the principal malefactor in this case, i● not the sole; 
2 Sam. 24. 27  and thereupon when he saw the Angel that smote the people, cried out; Lo, I have sinned and done wickedly; but these Sheep, what have they done? Let thy hand be against me and my Father's house: Yet God spared him and his household, though the principals, and punished the people only with death, for this sin of his. After him Solomon his son, a man eminent for wisdom and piety at first, apostatised to most gross Idolatry of all sorts, to please his idolatrous Wives, and became a great oppressor of his people, making their burdens very heavy; yet his Subjects or Soldiers did neither impeach nor depose him for it; 
1 King. 11 & 12.  and though he were the principal offendor, yet God spared him for David's sake, in not taking the ten Tribes from him for these sins, during his life; though he rend them from his son Rhehoboam, who was at most but accessary, for his Father's sins, not his. True it is, some of the Idolatrous Kings of Israel, by the just avenging hand of God were slain by private conspiracies, and popular tumults, in an illegal way; but not deposed nor arraigned by their Sanhedrins, or General Congregations; and those who slew them, were sometimes slain by others who aspired to the Crown, or by the people of the Land, or by their children who succeeded them; and came to untimely tragical ends.  
9 Though there be some Precedents of Popish States and Parliaments deposing their Popish Kings and Emperors at home, and in foreign parts, in an extraordinary way, by power of an armed party: Yet there is no precedent of any one Protestant Kingdom or State, that did ever yet judicially depose or bring to execution, any of their Kings and Princes, though never so bad, whether Protestants or Papists; and the Protestants in France, though some of their Kings, when they had invested them in their Thrones, became Apostates to Popery and persecuters of their people; albeit they resisted them by force of arms in the field to preserve their lives; did never once attempt to pull them from their Thrones, or bring their persons unto Justice: And I hope our Protestant Parliament will never make the first precedent in this kind, nor slain their Honour or Religion with the blood of a Protestant King, against so many Oaths, Protestations, Covenants, Declarations, and Remonstrances made and published by them to the contrary.  
10. For the precedents of Edward the Second, and Richard the Second in times of Popery, they were rather forcible resignations by power of an Army, then judicial deprivations, neither of them being ever legally arraigned and brought to trial in Parliament. And Mortimer who had the chief hand in deposing King Edward the Second, in the Parliament of 1 E. 3. was in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. impeached, condemned, and executed as a Traitor, and guilty of high Treason, for murdering Edward the second after he was deposed, at Berkley-castle, and Sir Simon Bereford, (together with Thomas Gurney and William Ocle) were adjudged Traitors for assisting him therein; one of them executed, and great rewards promised to the apprehenders of the other two. And as for Richard the second though he was deposed after Henry the Fourth was crowned by pretence in Parliament; yet this deposition after his resignation only, not before it: and without any formal trial or arraignment, or any capital judgement of death against him; for which I find no precedent in any Parliament of England, Scotland, France, nor yet in Denmark itself, though an elective Kingdom; who, though they justly deposed Christiern the second, for his most abominable Tyrannies and Cruelties, yet they never adjudged, or p●t him to death, but only restrained him as a prisoner. I shall only add this, that though the elective Kingdoms of Hungary, Bohemia, Poland, Denmark, and Sweden, have in their Parliaments and Diets deposed sundry of their Kings for their wickednesses and tyranny yet they never judicially condemned any one of them to death, though Papists, And for a Protestant Parliament (to please an Army only, acted by Jesuits in this particular; to render both Parliament, Army, and our Religion too for ever execrable throughout the world; and set all men's pens and hands against them to their ruin) to begin such a bloody precedent as this, upon a most false pretext, of settling peace; contrary to the express command of God himself; who commands Christians To pray for Kings, and all in authority, that they may live a quiet and peaceable life under them in all godliness and honesty, (not to depose or cut of their heads; as the only way to peace and settlement; will not only be scandalous but monstrous.  
The next thing they propose for a present peace and settlement; it the executing of the Prince if he come not over upon summons at a short day, and give not satisfaction to the Houses: or else to declare him and the Duke of York, if they appear not upon summons, to be uncapable of any Trust or Government in this Kingdom, or any Dominions thereunto belonging, and thence to stand exiled for ever as Enemies and Traitors, to die without mercy, if ever taken or found therein. A Jesuitical inevitable way to civil Wars and ruin. For the King being deposed and cut off; the Prince no doubt is next heir to the Crown, both by the common Law, and the statute of 1. jacobi cap. 1. to which I doubt a Vote or Ordinance of both Houses only, will be no such legal bar in any Lawyers or Wiseman's Judgement, but that he will claim his right; and the generality of the Kingdom (at least ten thousand to one proclaim and embrace him for their lawful King, and assist him with their lives and fortunes, both to regain and retain his right, being bound by their Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance, and their Solemn League and Covenant so to do. And must not this of necessity beget a present lasting War; in stead of a speedy settled peace? undoubtedly it will. But consider further, that the Prince is not only Heir apparent to the Crown of England, but of Scotland and Ireland too: and though we reject; yet undoubtedly Scotland and Ireland will readily embrace him as their lawful King, notwithstanding any Votes of ours; and will both unanimously assist him with their lives and fortunes to recover his right to the Crown of England: and those two Kingdoms falling off wholly from us, and proclaiming War against us, and joining with that potent party here, which certainly will appear in his behalf, out of a natural inclination to the right undoubted Heir, or hopes of favour and preferment (since Plures solem orientem quam occidentem adorantur) and with all his friends and allies Forces from abroad; whether this will not be an unavoidable occasion, not only of a present war, but of certain destructions and desolation to this poor Kingdom, and more especially to the Army and their adherents in this desperate advice, (who must stand or fall upon their own bottom, without the least aid or contribution from any other,) I desire them, and all others who have either eyes or brains in their heads most seriously to consider. But that which makes me most of all detest this desperate advice, is this, That it is the only way that can be thought upon to accomplish the Popes and Jesuits designs, to set up Popery, and subvert the Protestant Religion, and professors of it in all our three Kingdoms, and in all foreign Realms beyond the Seas. For if this reforming Parliament, which hath pretended so much to the extirpation of Popery, shall so far play the Popes and Jesuits (the undoubted contrivers of this Arms New-model of our peace and settlement) as to depose and behead the King his father, and forever disinherit him of the Crown, & bring him as a Traitor to die without mercy, if he come hither: It will so far provoke and exasperate him & the Duke, being both young and of generous spirits, not throughly grounded in our Religion; and under the Queen's tuition, and in the power of this popish party abroad, who will aggravate these high affronts and injuries put upon them to the utmost, and on whose protection they will be in this case necessitated to cast themselves; that there is great fear and probability, they will immediately renounce such a bloody and detestable Religion, as shall instigate us to such horrid actions and Counsels, and abominate all the professors of it, so as totally to abandon them, and turn Roman Catholics in good earnest; and then match themselves to great potent popish Alliances: and by their purses, forces, and assistance; and of the Popes, and all his Catholic sons in Foreign parts for the advancement of the Catholic cause; and of the popish, Malignants, and discontented parties in England, Scotland, and Ireland (which will questionless receive and assist the Prince as their Sovereign Lord and King) invade our poor, impoverished, divided and distressed kingdom with such a power, as in all humane probability would speedily over-runne and destroy this mutinous Army, and the Houses too, put them with their adherents to the Sword, without mercy or quarter, and disinherit them and their heirs for ever, to revenge their Father's blood, and their dis-inherison of the Crown, etc. And then Popery and Prelacy will both return with greater authority, power, & approbation then ever; overspread our whole three kingdoms, and extirpate our Religion, & the professors of it, as the most anti-Monarchical, treacherous and perfidious bloody Miscreants under heaven; & excite all other foreign States and kingdoms to do the like to prevent the springing up of a new generation of treacherous King-killing, State-subverting Agitators, and Hypocritical & perfidious Army-Saints; and engage all Protestant kingdoms, Churches, and States, for their own security and vindication to disclaim and declare against us.  
This questionless will be the sad inevitable issue of this Jesuitical advice if ever the Houses or Army shall put it into actual execution, and not speedily prevent it; it being long since fore-plotted by the Jesuits, as I shall prove anon, at the beginning of the late War against the Scots.  
But if the Prince and Duke be set aside; I would gladly learn of these Statists, who, and what King they would set up? Not any of the King's posterity certainly, since they disinherit two at a blow; and the blood being corrupted by the Kings and their attainders, no other heir can inherit it by descent; it must escheat to the Houses or Army's disposal, and become no kingdom at all but an Elective one, if any: And is this the next way to peace and settlement? If so, I have certainly lost my reason and senses too. No, it will be a seminary of lasting Wars; of which few elective Kingdoms are long free, every new election producing commonly a new War, where there is no pretence of an hereditary succession, much more where a right heir is forcibly and unjustly disinherited: I shall give you but one instance, (though I could name you divers) and that is a memorable one at home in our own kingdom.  
King Henry the first, having one only daughter 
* Mat: Paris, Speed, Daniel in the 〈◊〉 of King Stephen.  Maud, to reserve the Crown unto her after his death, caused her to be crowned, and made all the Prelates and Nobles swear to receive her as their Queen and Princess after his decease. But she marrying afterwards to the Emperor; and being out of the Realm when King Henry died: The Archbishop of Canterbury with the rest of the Prelates and Nobles (contrary to their Oath and agreement) elected Stephen Earl of Bloyes for their King, and put by Maud the right heir; Stephen taking an Oath to grant and confirm those Laws and Liberties for the kingdoms peace and settlement, as they propounded to him before his Coronation: A very likely means to settle Peace and prosperity as they imagined. But was the event answerable? No verily; this cursed perjury and policy brought all the chief contrivers of it to great calamity and miserable ends; and engendered a bloody civil War in the bowels of this kingdom, which continued no less than seventeen years together, with interchangeable successes; till the whole kingdom was laid waste and desolate, most Houses, Towns, and Villages burned to the ground; their Gardens and Orchards quite destroyed, their moneys and estates exhausted and plundered; their Cattle and flocks consumed and eaten up, their Fields over grown with weeds in stead of Corn, most of the people devoured by the Sword, Famine and Pestilence, and eleven hundred Castles, Holds, and Garrisons erected, which were no other but dens of Thiefs and Plunderers. This was the peace and settlement this policy produced. At last both Parties weary of the Wars, out of pure necessity, came to a Personal Treaty, and in conclusion made this agreement, That Stephen having no issue of his body, should enjoy the Crown during his life; and Henry, son and heir to Maud, and next heir also to Stephen, should succeed him, after his death, and in some sort officiate with him in the kingdom's Govenment during his life. And so these long lasting Wars concluded; after which there were at least eleven hundred Castles demolished by order of Parliament erected during these wars, to the Country's utter undoing. But if we disinherit the Prince and Duke, for aught I discern, if they suddenly recover not their possession of the Crown of England, after one seven years of War already elapsed, we may have seventeen years more, and seventeen after that again, and be reduced to a more miserable condition than our Ancestors were in King Stephen's days: And that upon these two grounds. First, the contest then, was only between two Competitors for this one kingdom, who had no other kingdoms of their own to side with them. But the Prince and Duke being successively heirs as well to the Crowns of Scotland and Ireland, as England; will have their aid and assistance, and of their foreign Friends too, to carry on the wars, till they have got possession of the Crown of England, upon better terms then ever they are like to enjoy it, if we accept of the K. Concessions, which we can never expect from them, if we depose and kill the King, and disinherit & banish them for Traitors. Secondly, Stephen the actual King than had no issue at all, and Henry was next heir to the Crown, both to Maud and him, so as both Titles meeting in him, the controversy and wars must needs cease. But if we shall now set up a new King by Election, either of the King's line or otherwise; as long as there is either an Elective King, or hereditary, to exclude this Prince or Duke, or either of their heirs to whom the inheritance of the Crown belongs of right, we can neither hope for, nor expect either peace or settlement in this kingdom, as the bloody and long lived wars between the two Houses of Lancaster and York will inform us, which never ended till they were both united in King Henry the seventh.  
The Armies next proposal to settle the kingdoms peace, is as bad as any of the former; to wit, 
* Remon: Nov: 20. 1648. pag: 65, 66, 68, 69, 70  the speedy dissolving of this present Parliament: which if not presently consented to, for aught I discern by their last Declaration, they are resolved to dissolve it by open violence on the Houses, which they threaten. A Tempest (certainly) of the Jesuits raising, to blow down this Parliament, as they would have blown up that of 3 jacobi with Gunpowder. But is this a way to safety and settlement, to dissolve the only visible means of both? If the King, Prince, Duke, Parliament be all dissolved, and quite laid aside, what means or hopes at all of peace, of safety, of settlement, can any man in his right senses rationally see or imagine? Is the overturning of the very Foundations and Pillars of our Church and Kingdom, the best and safest way to settle and preserve them? Is it not the only certain way to subvert and ruin them? Such ways of peace and settlement a● these are fitter for Bedlam, than a Parliament house.  
Yea, but they have one infallible way more (to which all the rest are but preparatory) to settle peace and safety in our Kingdoms, which they idolise, almost; to wit, 
* Remonst. pa 14, 1E, 16, 66, 67.  A new Representative, or mo●k-Parliament, to be immediately subscribed to and set up in post haste, constituted neither of King, nor Lords, (the brats of Tyranny and the Norman Conquest, as some of themselves pretend, as this Representative is of the Armies,) nor yet of Knights, Citizens and Burgesses duly elected, but of a selected company of politic Mechanics, pragmatical Levellers, and Statesmen of the General Council of the Army, (as they style themselves, by what Commissiom I know not) who have usurped the whole Power both of King, Parliament, Assembly, and all Courts of justice before their Representative be settled, as a true pattern of it, which they are to imitate. A mere whimsical Utopia and Babel of confusion, invented by the Jesuits to please the vulgar rabhle, and stir them up to mutinies against King, Lords, Commons, Gentlemen, and their Superiors of all ranks, that they alone may possess and sway the reins of Government, Magistracy and Ministry, to which they have now prepared their tumultuous spirits. Much 
* See Mr. Ashl●ursts reason● against it.  might be said against it; but I shall contract myself, because nothing can be so much as probably pretended for it.  
First, It is a new Jesuitical, popish Gunpowder Treason with a witness, which blows up and destroys at once the King, Prince, Duke, Lords, Knights of Shires, Citizens, Burgesses, this present and all future Parliaments, and noblest, ancientest Cities and Boroughs of England. It not this a blessed invention to settle peace and safety?  
Secondly, It blows up both our Magistracy, Ministry, Laws, Liberties, Judges and Courts of Justice at one crack, and breaks them all in pieces, to raise up this new Bab●● out of all their ruins. And is not this a blessed new invention of Jesuits and Saints to settle peace?  
Thirdly, It blows up all our Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance; Protestations, solemn Leagues and Covenants, all former numerous Declarations, Remonstrances, Votes and Resolutions of one or both Houses of Parliament, 
* A Collecti. etc. p 425, 698 700, 877, 878.  not to alter the present form of Government by King, Lords, Commons and other ordinary Magistrates and ministers of public justice; or●●e● lose the golden reins of government to Blasphemies, Heresies, Errors, Libertinism, Profaneness, Schism, & all sorts of Religions. It unsettles all things, to settle that which is worse than nothing. And is this the way to safety, tranquillity or settlement?  
Fourthly, it enforceth a● 
* Remon. p. 64. 66. And Agreement of the People, formerly Printed, and of late new modelied.  Subscription more unjust, unreasonable, illegal, tyrannical and penal then ever the Bishops or Pope invented: invents and sets up the very worst of Monopolies, a Monopoly of Electors of Elections, and of Representatives elected; engrossing all men's ancient Rights, Liberties, privileges of election without consent or title, into the hands of those who never had a right unto them, the people; who are no Freeholders', no Free-Burgesses, free-Citizens, or men capable of Votes by Law: and these people no other than the Army themselves and some of their levelling Confederates: who must possess, judge, rule, usurp the Rights and Privileges of the whole Kingdom, in point of electing Parliament Members, without Charter or Title: A cursed Monopoly, which will discontent all men who are thus injuriously deprived of their Rights, and produce nought else but infinite animosities, factions, fractions and tumuls throughout the Kingdom, and discontent all wise, all honest men; who will rather die, than not oppose it unto death, as carrying the death a●d funeral of all peace, settlement, Parliaments, & the Kingdom in its bowels. And is this a fit tool to piece and unite our shattered Kingdom, and settle peace amongst us?  
Fifthly, It no way extends to Ireland or our Islands, but to England only; it will require many years time and trial to settle and secure its own being, privilege & power, and gain any general obedience to its new erected Sovereignty: so that our Church and State will be sunk and drowned, and Ireland inevitably lost, before this Ark will or can be prepared for their safety.  
Sixthly, This New● Representative in this new Remonstrance is (in terminis) nought else, but the very Agreement of the people, presented to the House by the Agitators, accompanied with some Jesuits, on the 9 of Novemb. 1647. (then and in that very month twice, by two express Votes upon solemn debate, and an Ordinance of both Houses in December following; resolved, to be destructive to the being of Parliaments, and to the fundamental Government of the Kingdom; and a signal brand of disability and imprisonment imposed on the contrivers and presenters of it; and then condemned by the General and his Council of War, who shot one White to death for abetting it; of which more a non.) Therefore it seems a miracle to me, that they should be now so virtiginous, rash, and audacious as to tander this to the House again with such posthaste and violence, as the readiest, safest, and speedyest course to settle peace and safety, and set aside the only means of settlement, the Treaty. O the inconstancy and strange intoxications of these new Saints and Statists, who would make the Houses as unconstant as themselves!  
Since than I have clearly manifested, that all these Proposals of peace and settlement in the Army's late Remonstrance, are all and every of them most apparent precipices, Jesuitical contrivances and labyrinths of speedy, imminent, unavoidable ruin and confusion to our King, Prince, Kingdoms, Magistracy, Ministry, Church, Religion, Laws, Liberties, Government, the present and all succeeding Parliaments, and the Army too, it must needs be the very extremity of madness to let go that speedy, safe and sure way to certain peace, security and settlement I have propounded, by accepting of the King's Concessions, to catch at such a false deceitful shadow of settlement as this, which will engelke us in endless wars and miseries. It is a Rule in Policy and Divinity, Ex duobus malis minimum eligendum. But of these, one being a most certain destructive evil, and the other a certain good and advantage of the highest nature, it can admit of no deliberation, which of them to embrace: And so much the rather, if we sadly consider of our deplorable & almost desperate condition both at home and abroad, pertinent to the point in hand.  
We are all weary of a long and costly War (and yet God hath so infatuated many, that though in words they desire, yet in deeds they reject always of Peace, and cast them out of their hands when put into them; as if they delighted to have our Wars spun out (like Amalecks) from generation to generation. We are unable any longer to maintain a War, and yet are unwilling to give it over. But I beseech you now seriously to consider into what great straits and difficulties you are already brought, and how the true state of your Affairs stands in relation to your Forces and Friends, both at home and abroad.  
There are many thousands of Reformadoes who have formerly served you in your Wars, who lie daily clamouring at your doors for Arrears, complaining they are ready to starve, and some of them to ●ot in prison, desiring but some inconsiderable Sum to satisfy their present necessities, and you return them answer, you are unable to raise it; and after many debates upon their general Ordinance, you cannot in divers months pitch upon any probable means to secure their Arrears, amounting (as is conceived) to above two hundred thousand pounds. The Arrears alleged to be due to the Army (who now take free quarter, and eat up the Countries where they lie) amount to above three hundred thousand pounds: and how to raise money to discharge this debt, or so much as to disband the supernumeraries, and reduce the Army into their Winter Quarters, hath put you to a stand for many weeks, and as yet you know not how to do it: So as free quarter must still continue to ruin us on the one hand, and your debts and arrears be daily multiplied to undo us on the other hand. Your Navy is now coming in to harbours, and your Mariners expect a present considerable Sum, amounting to many thousands, to pay them off; and you have not yet one penny in your Treasury to satisfy their arrears, and can pitch upon no way to raise any present moneys but only by the Earl of Arundels' Composition; amounting in all but to six thousand pounds, and the moiety of it not to be paid till three months' end at least. What your other debts of the Navy are, and how many thousand pounds you owe to Mariners, Masters, and Tradesmen, the Committee of the Navy can best inform you. Your debts to your Artificers, Waggonars, and such who have advanced moneys upon the Public Faith, amount to two or three Millions at least: Besides, your debts to Plymouth and other Garrisons are so great, that they are all ready to mutiny and disband for want of pay. Your Debts to the Soldiers and Officers in Ireland are vast; and if speedy and large supplies of Men, Provision and moneys arrive not there within one month, Colonel jones, and your other Officers there profess, the whole Kingdom will be utterly lost: and you (for aught I finde) have no possible means to supply them with either.  
If then your Debts are already so great, to Reformadoes, Tradesmen, the Army, Navy, Garrisons, and those who have lent you moneys, that you know not how to satisfy any one of them: If you have not money to pay your Army or Navy at the present, nor to maintain them for the future why do you now refuse that Peace which is tendered you upon such great advantages, and choose a War which you know not how to maintain, and must needs break yours and the Kingdoms backs in few months more? Your credits are quite lost and broken in all places, in City, Country, and the Houses too; You cannot now borrow ten thousand pounds (for aught I know) upon any sudden occasion, were it to serve the Kingdom: Your breaches of Faith and security heretofore, and clashes with the City, have made you almost Bankrupts, if not altogether. Goldsmith's Hall, the Excise, Camb●en-House and Custom-house are already charged with more Debts than are likely to be paid in many years: Compositions are almost at a stand or end: Sequestrations generally disposed of to each particular County, or other uses: Bishops Lands engaged for far more than they are really worth: You have nothing of your own or the Publick's left to rais● either present moneys, or credit whereon● to borrow them● Besides, the City, Country, and whole Kingdom are how quite exhausted, and almost as poor as naked job was. Many Countries of the Kingdom are so impoverished and exhausted with the last Wars, (especially the four Northern Shires next to Scotland) that (as their Knights and Burgesses assure you) they are so far unable to pay any Taxes, that they already starve and perish in most places for want of food, and are petitioners to you for some reparation towards their great losses, and present support to keep them from starving. The rich Associated Counties have been harressed and undone by the last Summer's Wars, that they are grown poor, unable to lend or contribute to you any more force or assistance. The excessive dearth of corn and provisions the last year, the great destruction of corn by unseasonable weather this present year, which makes that which is wholesome exceeding deer; The extraordinary rot among sheep, and murrain among cattle (which should raise moneys) 〈◊〉 Counties; the general scarcity and decay of Trade by Land, of Merchandise by sea, and apparent probability of their decaying every day more and more, by reason of the revolted Ships and Irish Men-of-warre; and the Sequestrations of the Malignant, and plunderings and losses of the well-affected Nobility and Gentry have so impoverished all sorts of men, (but the Soldier and Army; and some sow Treasurers and Officers) that they know not how to live or subsist almost, much less to lend or contribute to maintain such a numerous Army by Land and Sea, and supply Ireland's pressing necessities. If you cannot tell how to pay your present Debts, what folly is it to augment them for the future? If you cannot pay your Army or Navy now, how will you be able to do it hereafter?  
If then you will have no peace with the King upon the Treaty, but break it off, and keep up a War and Army still without colour or reason in this your impoverished and exhausted condition, then mark the consequences: Your Forces being not duly paid, will live upon freequarter still, and that will undo the Country, & make them desperate: And when they have eaten out all the poor, than they will mutiny, and fall on all that are rich, put them to present Fines and Ransoms at their pleasure, eat them out of House and home, share their Estates and Offices, which many of them already profess to be thei●s by Conquest; and then the longest sword will be the only true Judge and measure of all men's properties, and divider of their Estates, as well in this as former ages; of which we already begin to feel some sad experiments. And as the Soldier on the one hand, so the penurious poor people in every place, for want of work and employment, and bread to put into their head, encouraged by the Soldier's uncontrolled insolences, will fall to plunder and level all rich men on the other side. And if the Army Remonstrance and Agreement of the People (now in hot pursuit) take place, Ministers shall receive no Tithes, Landlords no Rents, Creditors no Debts, and oppressed ruined persons no Law not Justice. King's must go down, Princes and Peers quite down, Parliaments down, Judges, Justices, Magistrates, Laws, Tenors, Enclosures down, all rich and landed persons down; their very wealth and estates will be sufficient cause to make them Malignants to a starved Peasantry and al-conquering unpaid Army; and than what follows but immediate and irrecoverable ruin? I beseech you therefore consider in what a desperate, hazardous condition we and the whole Kingdom now stand at present; how near we and Ireland are to the very brink of ruin. If we will now put into that safe and sure harbour of Peace which the present Treaty invites us into, without any further cost, or fear of shipwreck, we may yet through God's blessing be safe and happy: But if we now wilfully put forth to Sea again, among so many rocks, shelves & quick sands which surround us on every side, and will yet choose War instead of Peace when the golden and silver nerves that formerly maintained it are quite shrunk up, we can expect nought else but drowning, & sudden shipwreck of all our Kingdoms, Parliaments, Liberties, Estates, and of our Church and Religion too.  
Yea, But (say some) though all this be truth, we must not displease the Army, 
Object.  who are our present strength and safety; for than we are are lost indeed.  
I have answered this Objection once before in one sense, in relation to the Treaties satisfactoriness; I shall here answer it in another. I say then,  
1. That we have a God to please, who will be displeased, if we please the Army in their unjust demands: And better is it to please God, then to please any Army whatsoever: If God be with us, who can be against us? We need no Armies protections, if the Lord of Hosts be our Guardian.  
2. We have a conscience to please, as well as an Army; and we must satsifie that, though the Army, (who pretend so much for liberty of conscience, yet will allow us none, or very little) be never so unsatisfied with it.  
3. We have a Kingdom, nay three Kingdoms to please, and to save too: And we must rather please and save them, by rejecting the Army's Proposals, which will inevitably ruin them, then please the Army in being any way instrumental for their destruction, by embracing their destructive counsels: If our Kingdoms be preserved, we may have another Army, though this be disbanded, dissolved, yea destroyed; but if the Kingdoms perish by our pursuing their rash Proposals, we shall neither have Kingdoms: nor yet an Army, nor this Army, who must certainly perish in and with the Kingdom's ruin.  
4. We have a Navy to please as well as an Army; and which is more considerable to us then an Army: A new Army may soon be raised, though the old be disbanded; but a Navy being once lost, Ships will not grow again, nor another Navy built in many years. And will not the pleasing of the Army in this, displease and lose the Navy now, as it did the last Summer, to your great loss and danger? And can the Army guard the Kingdom against any Foreign Invasions if the Navy be lost? No nor triple their number. Look then you please your Navy as well as Army.  
5. We have many 
* 
See the Remonstrance of the Northern Associations, printed 1647.  
The humble Petition, serious Suggestions, etc. of the Gentlem●n, Yeomen and Freeholders' of the Eastern Association.   hundred thousands of well-affected and cordial Christians and Covenanters to please, who have adventured their estates, lives, limbs, in the present Cause, and done as gallant Services (many of them) in the Field, both this last Summer and before, as any in this Army, and are considerable for number, quality, estate, wisdom parts, and real piety and love to the public Interest, than the Army: all which (I am certain) we shall ●ghly discontent, and grieve, nay palpably overreach and cheat to their very faces, if we should please the Army in their present demands, to their prejudices, and scandal, and our Religions too. There was no man of public Spirit that engaged with, contributed towards, or took up Arms in the Parliaments service or Cause at first, but merely upon these five grounds, expressed in all the Houses Remonstraces, Declarations, Petitions, Protestations, and in the Solemn League and Covenant: 1. To defend and maintain the true Protestant Religion, against Popery, Error, and Superstition. 2. To defend the King's Royal Person, Dignity, and legal Authority, against violence, treachery, and usurpation. 3. To maintain the Privileges, Rights and Freedom of Parliaments, and the Fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom, against State-Innovations, and Tyranny. Fourthly, to rescue the King's person from evil Counsellors; and bring such Incendiaries and Delinquents to condign punishment, Fifthly, to settle the Kingdom in freedom, safety, and peace, against Cruelty, Dangers, and imminent Wars and tumults.  
Upon these grounds, and for these ends only, did both Houses, and all who adhered to them, or took up Arms for them, by their Commissions, engage, and so did this 
* A Collection, pag. 599. 623.  very Army. I appeal then to every man's Conscience, Whether the Houses, or any who engaged with them, did ever contribute any Moneys, Plate, Horse, Atms, or march out as an Officer or Soldier under them in these Wars, with any such intention as this, to depose and bring the King to Justice; disinherit the Princes, and King's posterity; dissolve the present Parliament, and pull all future Parliaments, and ' their Privileges up by the roots, subvert the Fundamental Government of the Realm, and set up a new representative to dash all these in pieces, and destroy Religion, Magistracy and Ministry? Did they not all abhor and disclaim in Public all such thoughts and intentition as these? and when objected by the King and his party out of jealousy and fear; did not the 
* Exact Collection. p. 298. 657. 658. 695, 696, A Collection, p. 117.  Houses presently resent and remonstrate against it as the grossest scandal, and their adherents too? Or would ever a man have engaged with the Houses, or the Houses with them in this War, or enroled his name even in this New Modelled Army, had he been told at first, That he must fight to depose and bring the King to execution, to disinherit his posterity, dissolve this Parliament, and the very Rights, Privileges, and being of all future Parliaments, to set up a new Government and representative in our Church and State, to alter and change all things at their fancies, and to break every clauses and article of the Solemn League & Conant? If not one of these was the true end of our Wars and Engagement against the King at first, and all along till now, but the clean contrary to them; then how can they now be propounded as the only fruits of our wars, and means or conditions of our Peace and Settlement? Will they not all say, (if the Houses or Army proceed in their Proposals for Peace and Settlement, mentioned in their last Remonstrance) that they engaged and took up Arms to do quite contrary to what they now propose to the Houses, and endeavour to enforce them to put it in punctual execution? And will they not now say, That they are by their original Engagement and Covenants obliged with their lives and estates to oppose and oppugn the Army in all these particulars; that having thus declared and resolved, they cannot pray for, but against the Armies late successes herein; that they cannot henceforth contribute towards their future pay and support in point of conscience or prudence, but must withdraw and withhold their contributions, and resist them to their Faces, declare their Commissions null, and not look on, or take them as an Army, but as a tumultnous rout of persons, assembled without Commission, to act over jack Cades Treasons again, and quite pull down that frame of Government and Order which they have been building up and supporting these many years, with such vast expense of Treasure and blood? Better then displease the ARMY, then that all these Covenanters and Engagers should suffer, to theirs, the three Kingdoms hazard, Ireland's certain loss, and this very Armies overthrow, which these Jesuitical designs will certainly destroy in a very short space, if they jehu-like, drive on so furiously in prosecution and execution of them, as they have done of late.  
Consider I beseech you of the desperateness and excessive unavoidable destructiveness of these monstrous ways to the speedy peace and settlement of our Church and State, and of the safety and security of the things yourselves have pitched on for Peace and Settlement in and by the Treaty; and Lord guide our Hearts and Votes a right therein, that we choose not death in stead of life; the ways of misery and destruction in stead of the way of Peace, which Armies seldom know, or prescribe to themselves or others.  
Mr. Speaker, 
HAving thus demonstrated to you the unavoidable destructiveness and confusion of those Counsels, and pretended ways of settlement which the Officers of the Army have propounded, and would imperiously and forcibly thrust you upon to the Kings, Kingdoms, Parliaments, Religions, their own, our and Ireland's certain and most speedy ruin; I must now crave leave with much sadness of heart to unbosom my very soul unto you, and discover you that secret which God hath so clearly manifested to my understanding, that I dare not (under the highest penalty) but acquaint you with; That the Jesuits, and Roman Priests and Catholics are the original contrivers and principal somenters of the late and present distempers, and undutiful mutinous proceedings and counsels of the Officers and Army, and chief contrivers of the new Babel, or model of confusion which they have tendered to you in their late Remonstrance as the only way to peace and settlement. And if I shall clearly demonstrate this unto the House, I hope every Member present, and the whole Army and Kingdom, when they know it, will eternally abhor and renounce it, and never henceforth countenance or promote this Jesuitical and Romish design: which I am persuaded the General, and most of the Officers and Soldiers in the Army, in the simplicity of their hearts (with honest and public intentions of Justice and common Freedom) have been ignorantly drawn into, by overreaching pates and Machiavilian Policies of these cunning Jesuits, who can metamorphose themselves into any shapes, and invisibly insinuate themselves into their counsels and actings, to promote their own interest and our destruction.  
I do not profess myself to be any great Statesman, or exactly to know what ever is secretly transacted among us: But this I can say, without disparagement to others, or vainglory to myself, That I have for many years last passed been as curious an observer of all the great transactions of Affairs in Church or State, and of the instruments and means by which they have been covertly contrived and carried on, as any man in this House or Kingdom: and that God hath honoured me in being one of the first discoverers and opposers of the Jesuits and Papists plots to undermine our Religion, and usher in Popery by degrees into our Church, by making use of our Popish and Arminian Prelates and Clergymen as their Instruments, and broaching one Arminian and Popish Doctrine and introducing one Popish Superstition and Innovation after another; of which I have given this House and the Kingdom the fullest and clearest discoveries of any man; and likewise of introducing Tyranny, Arbitrary power and civil combustions in our State, of which I likewise made seasonable discoveries and opposition, the ground of all my sufferings, close imprisonment and banishent, to prevent the like detections and oppositions. And since my return from exile, I have in my ROME'S MASTERPIECE, The ROYAL POPISH FAVOURITE, HIDDEN WORKS OF DARKNESS BROUGHT TO PUBLIC LIGHT, The ANTIPATHY OF ENGLISH PRELACY TO UNITY and MONARCHY, and The HISTORY OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBVRY's TRY ALL, and other Writings, given the World such an exact account of the Jesuits and Papists plots and influences upon our Church, State, Court, Counsels, Prelates, corrupt Clergy, and all sorts of people to reduce us back to Rome, supplant Religion, subvert Parliaments, set up tyranny and involve us in civil Wars both in England, Scotland, and Ireland, (concealed from most, and scarce known to any before these discoveries) as none else before or since me have done; all which both Houses have since approved and made use of in several Declarations and Remonstrance And therefore I may with greater confidence and better grounds adventure on this discovery, of which most here present (who are little acquainted with mysteries of State or Politics ' and trouble not their heads with such inquiries after them as I have done) are utterly ignorant, and so apt to be deluded, and easily overreached; the plainest open-hearted men being easiest to be overwitted by Jesuits and their Instruments; especially when they transform themselves into Angels of Light, or become new lights, to broach new strange opinions, or revive old errors under the notion of New-light; as they have lately done, to lead captive silly people.  
To make out this discovery so clearly evident that none can rationally deny, but be sufficiently convinced of its truth, I must mind you of these particulars of undoubted truth and certainty which this House and the House of Lords have jointly and severally published and remonstrated to the whole Kingdom, King, and World in several Declarations and Remonstrances, and other printed papers.  
1. That the 
* This is in terminis asserted by the Commons in their Petition to the King at Hampton Court, And, Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, presented with it 15. Dec. 1641. Exact Collect.  Jesuits, and other Engineeres and Factors for Rome, for the alreration of Religion, the setting up of Popery and Tyranny in this Kingdom, and subversion of the fundamental Laws and Government of it; did long before the beginning of this Parliament, compose and set up a corrupt, malignant, illaffected party, consisting of corrupt Bishops and Clergymen, some great Officers and Counselors of State and others of trust and nearness about the King, his Children and Court, to carry on these their designs, who were acted by their subtle practices: and that by this means those Jesuits and Romish Engineers had a very powerful operation upon his Majesty's Counsels, 
* pag 1 to 20  and the most important Affairs and proceedings of his Government both in Church and State.  
2. That the most dangerous divisions, preparations and Armies to make a War between England and Scotland, were made and carried on by the practice and counsel of the Jesuits, Papists, and their Confederates, 〈◊〉 Scottish jesuits' being sent from London into Scotland not foment the divisions there; and a General Convention of all the principal Roman Catholics in this Kingdom, and of sundry Priests and Jesuits (whereof Con the Pope's Nuncio was Precedent) being held in London; wherein great Sums of money were granted towards the raising of the Army against the Scots, & Treasurers and Collectors appointed by them in every County; and Popish Commanders sent for over and employed in that Service, as was apparently proved before a Committee, and reported to this House soon after the beginning of this Parliament, as your own Journal manifests. And it furthers appears by one who was privy to that plot, sent from Rome as an assistant to Con; who out of conscience revealed all the secrets of it to Andrea's ab Habernfeld (Physician to the Queen of Bohemia at the Hague) under an Oath of secrecy, and he to Sir William Boswel and the King, the Originals whereof are in my custody, and published by me (at your appointment) in my 
* See Rome's Masters-piece. p. 13. to 26.  Rome's Masterpiece,) that the ●end of he Scottish Wars was to engage the King to cast himself wholly on the Papists and their party, (the Puritans and Protestant party, being averse to this War, and inclining to the Scots, who would not engage to assist him, unless he would condition with them, to grant an universal toleration of Popery, and free exercise of that Religion to the Papists, if their party prevailed: To which if he should show himself unwilling or averse, than they would presently dispatch him out of the way, and poison him with an Indian nut, which they had prepared (kept in Con's custody) as they had poisoned his Father King james: 
Not●●.  And the Prince being next Heir to the Crown, educated near his Mother, accustomed to the Popish party, and easy to be perverted in his Religion, being but young and under age, they would get him into their power, educate him in their Religion, and match him to a Papist; & so all their work accomplished, Popery set up, & the Protestants and their Religion so 〈◊〉 extirpated both in England, Scotland, and Ireland's In which discovery he further relates, that there were under the command of Cardinal Barbarino the Pope's Nephew, protector of the English Catholics, and Con the Nuncio resident in London, four several Orders of Jasuites most active in these designs and wars, & disturbers of Christian kingdoms.  
The first, ecclesiastics, whose office it is to take care of things promoting Religion. The second politicians, whose employment it is, by any means whatsoever to shake, troube, reform, and alter the state of Kingdoms and Republiks'. The third Seculars, whose property it is, to intrude themselves into offices & places about Kings and Princes; and to insinuate and thrust themselves into civil affairs, bargains, contracts, and such like civil business. The and fourth, Spies or Intilligencers, men of inferior condition, who submit and become household servants to Princes, Barons, Noblemen, Great men, Gentlemen, Citizens, and others of all protessions, to discover their minds, and make use of them to promote their designs. That these Jesuits usually met at one Captain Reads (a Scotchman, a Soldier and Lay Jesuit, ●●ing in Long Acre) in the habits Gentlemen● Soldier, and Laymen: and many of them followed the Camp as Soldiers in those intended Wars. That there were near as many of all these several Sorts of Jesuits residing and lurking privily in and about London, in September 1640. (where were then above 50 Scottish Jesui●s●as were in all Spain, Frat. c: & Italy; who have ever since been promoting the same designs and devisions among us all these Wars, as that which follows will demonstrate. 3dly. That the dissolving and breaking up all the Parliaments in this King's Reign in discontent, proceeded from the counsels, and practices of the Jesuits and their Popish confederates to disaffect the King against them, and prevent the calling of Parliaments for the future, the principal obstacle to prevent and counter-worke all their designs, to promote Popry, and subvert our Religion laws, and Government.  
4thly. That the Jesuits, Popish Priests, Papists and their Confederates ever since this Parliament, have by policy & power endeavoured to dissolve, and put an end to this present Parliament, as the only basis and support of our Religion and Liberty, the only Bulwark between and Tyranny, Popery and superstition, ready to overrun the three Kingdoms, the dissolution whereof would not only deprive us and our posterities of the present, but of the hopes and capacity of any future Parliament: 
Exact collections, p. 1. 10. 20. 195 to 230. 265. etc. 661. to 666. 907, etc.  and that they have indefatigably used and left no means unattempted to dissolve this Parliament: the continuance and close whereof with the King in a happy Peace & settelment, would frustrate all their hopes and Popish-designes; as the Lords & Commons both have most fully declared in their Remonstrance of M●y, 19 and 26. 1642. in their Declaration of March, 23. 1643. in their propositions of Feb. 1. 1742. and May, 11. 1642. and oft since. That to effect this they have: first slandered and traduced this Parliaments proceedings both to the King and people, to render them odious to both.  
2. Endeavoured to bring up the Northern Army to over-awe and force the Houses to act according to their dictates and interests, or else for to dissolve and destroy them.  
3. Persuaded the King to impeach the Lord Kimbolion & the five Members, & then to come personally with a strong armed guard to demand & seize upon their persons, which was first plotted in France.  
4. Raised up a Rebellion of all the Papists in Ireland, to destroy the Protestants there, and dissolve the Parlia, here, against whom they have publicly declared, and sent over forces to the King to assist him in this war, to suppress the Parliament by force of arms.  
5. Persuaded the King & many Lords & Commons to desert his Houses of Parl. to dissolve & destroy the Parliament, and then to raise war against them, in w●● the Jesuits & ● Papists at home and abroad have been most active, & deepest engaged both in purse & person: they being the principle contrivers, abettors & somenters of this war, to subvert our Religion, Liber. etc. set up Popery & tyranny.  
9 Plotted the 
* A Collect etc. p● 95. 97. 101. 203. 204. 205. 227. 252. 253. 287. 457. 148. 704. 705. 752.  seizing and apprehendig of some eminent leading Members by a confederacy and commission here in London, for which Tomkins and others were executed, as the Lords and Commons in their Declaration of October 22. 1642. and March. 23. 1643. and humble de●●●es, Feb. 1. 1642. with other Declarations since, remonstrate.  
7. That these Jesuits and their party have 
* Appendix page 1.  obstructed, diverted, prevented the relief and supply of the Protestants in Ireland, with men and money, to betroy us into the power of the Irish Rebel●s, and extirpate the Protestants and their Religion there.  
All these are remonstrated & cleared to all the world by near one hundred of your own 
* Exact 〈◊〉 lect●o. etc. p 28 & ● Exact col● lect. p. 10 to 20 61. 65. 69 70. 78● 8. 84. 88● 89● 93● 94. 95.  Declarations, & every man's real experience. All w●● the army in their late proceedings have punctually pursued & exceeded & therefore certainly are acted by the self same counsels & principles contrarily, it is as evident by your own Declarations: That this army & all your other forces, were purposely raised & engaged both by Commission, Oath, Covenant, & their own solemn Protestations & Remonstrances, 
* A Collection, & c● p 30. 49. 79. 167. 169. 181. 187. ●03. 204. 211. 216. 217. 218. 227. 244. to 267. 275. 283. 3●9. 313. 354. 360. 363. 370. 379. 412. 4●7. 424. 412. 457. 458. 470. 489. 504. 5●6. 537. 548. 576. 627. 620. 20●. 64. 87. 624. 666. 704. 7●5. 70●. 724. 7●0 etc. 795. 8●2. 803. 806. 811:. to 829. 832. 873. 882. 883. Appendix p. 7. ●1. 15.  To defend the King's person, in the maintenance of our Religion, Laws and Liberties; to maintain the ancient 
* A Collect on, etc. p 8. 13. 34. 41. 43. 44, 49. 51. 61. 64 75 96. 97 99 18●● 187. 201. 204. 205. 210. 227. 257. 300. 32●. 310. 458. 424. 425. 496. 537. 599. 623. 686. 696. 807. 808. 879.  Government of this Kongdome, by King, Lords, and Commons, The Right and Privilege, and Members of Parliament, against all force and violence to them, and the Fundamental laws of the Realm, and to exterpate (as much as in them lay) all Popery, idolatry, error, superstition, schism, and what ever is contrary to sound Doctrine.  
This engagement they really performed in the field till all the Kings Popish and Prelatical party in arms were utterly routed & broken in pieces, & their garrisons reduced to the Parliament, till which time the Priests, jesuits, & Papists, joined all the focre and power they could raise, with the King's forces against the houses & this Army to conquer & destroy them. But their hopes & designs being wholly frustrated by the King's total defeat, these Jesuits & their Engineers who transform themselves into all shapes and leave no means unattempted to compass their ends, then faced about from the King's party, and secretly insinuated themselves into the Parliaments Army, to mutiny and deboyst them against the Parliament, 
* Appendix p. ● 15. 23.  and engage them to put a speedy period and dessolution to it. To this end they attempt to hinder and dissuade them from disbanding and going over to relieve distressed Ireland, according to the Houses votes, and to engage them against the houses in March, April and May, was twelvemonth, till which time the Army had ever showed themselves most dutiful and obedient to the Houses commands. But then to divert and hinder all relief of the Protestaant party in Ireland, then broughtlow, and ready to be swallowed up, when we had no need at all of above seven or eight thousand standing forces in England, where there was no visible enemy, & might have spared ten thousand men for Ireland, who would soon have quelled the Robles & Papists there. These jesuits and their popish instruments at that very instant (which is very observable) of purpose to preserve their party in Ireland, and destroy the protestants there, not only dissuaded those of the Army who were engaged and drawn off for Ireland from going thither, but discouraged and enforced them to desert that service, yea hindered other forces from going over for their relief, persuading the Army, that this dividing of them was but a plot of Mr. Hillis & other Members to destroy them: & then by fomenting this jealousy, & raising up a new order & Council of Agitators of the Army (some whereof were verily suspected, if not known to be Jesuits) they caused the Army at a general randezvous to enter into a soleme● engagement not to disband, but to march up to London to force the the houses to alter, null, repeal divers Votes and ordinances they had passed; published divers scandalous Declarations and Papers against their proceedings, to disengage and draw off the City and Country from their defence: impeached no less than eleven of their MEMBERS at once (when as the KING impeached only five) demanded their present suspension from the House before any legal charge or evidence, else they would march up to the Houses doors, & pull them out by violence; as the King would have done: After which, they fall to seclude & drive away more Members by a New ex officio proceeding, enforcing them now at last to accuse themselves, and draw up their own cases; & in Aug. 1647 drive away most of the house by their open force & 
* The Generals & Army's Remonstrance, Aug 8. 1647.  high Menaces. Then they set up several Counsels of Sat in the Army: and waving their demands as Shoulders, formerly insisted on, fell to new model the State (contrary to their former engagements) to set up a New model of Government, to put a speedy and limited time for the period of this Parliament, & a new & more equal election of Members & representatives, & beginning & ending of Parliaments for the future; receive Petitions, order all matters of Church & State without the Parliament, who must only ratify and confirm their Votes! & fell to treat with, and tender proposals of their own to the King, without the houses privity. Besides, to pick a quarrel with the City of London (who had first raised, and were so cordial to the Army & Parliament) and make a irreconcilable breach between the City & Houses, to destroy them both by degrees: they caused the houses on a sudden, upon a Letter from the General, in one afternoon, without having the City or giving them the least notice of it, to recall the New Ordinance for settling their Militia: wherewith they being justly offended, thereupon on july 26. 1647. the Lord Mayor, aldermans, & Common-Councel, presented a Petition to both Houses, to resettle their Militia as before, being in a full and free house settled without any dissenting Votes, by all their consents; which was seconded by a Petition from the Apprentices; who being over-earnest, offered some unarmed violence to the Houses; and got the Ordinance of repeal nulled, and the Militia resettled as formerly: Hereupon, they persuaded the Army to March up speedily, to London (not only without, but against the Houses Order, not to Quarter within forty miles of the City) to protect the Houses from any further violence; to bring the Authors of this force to speedy and exemplary punishment, and 
* See their Remonstrance, Aug. 18. 1647.  restpre the Houses to a condition of honour, freedom and safety: and that by offering a greater force to the Members, who continued sitting in the absence of those who repaired to, and engaged with them, then that of the Aps prentices: driving the eleven Members formerly impeached out of the House & Kingdom, expelling them, & others out of the House, forcing away most of the Commons, nulling all Votes, Orders and Ordinances, from july 26. to August 6. & after that marched through London in Triumph, broke down all their Forts and works about the City, took the Tower out of their possession, divided the Militia of Westminster and Southwark from them, impeached & imprisoned sundry Aldermen and others, who appeared most active for the Parliament from the beginning, impeached, suspended & imprisoned seven Lords at once for sundry months together; afterwards released without any prosecution. And by this means raised such a breach between the City and Houses, sets the Members one against another, and put such a stand to their proceedings, by these disturbances in the Parliaments Army, as they could never effect before by all their military power & forces. Now lay all these distempers & proceedings together, & compare them with the Armies late Remonstrance, Declaration, Menaces & present March to London, to force and levy War against the Houses, & their Members, in case they concurred not with them, in their Jesuitical whimsies and desingnes: and we shall find them all so opposite & repugnant to the Armies former obedience, professions and principles, so suitable to the Jesuits practices in every particular; all tending only to force and dissolve this present Parliament, to null and invalid its proceedings, and weaken all its interest, both in the City and Country: And then every rational man must needs acknowledge, they all originally spurng from Jesuitical suggestions and Counsels? and that Ignatius Loyala then and now road in an open and triumphal Chariot in the Van of these, and all their late actions of this nature.  
Add to this, that the Monstrous opinions broached publicly and privately in the Army, 
See Mr. Edward's Gangrena, etc.  and their quarters, against the Divinity of the Scriptures, the Trinity, the D●ity of our Saviour; That Antichrist is only within us: That conscience ought to be free, and all Religions tolerated: That every man is a Minister, and may lawfully preach without ordination: That the civil Magistrate hath no legislative nor coercive power in matters of Religion; That titles are Antichristian, and the like, seconded with public affronts to our Ministers, climbing up into their Pulpits interruping them publicly in their Sermons, and making our Churches common Stables in some places, and receptacles of their excrements, their open revile at the proceedings of Parliam, and their Members, and all to render our Religion and the professors of it odious to the people, to make them readier and better inclined nnto Popery, disgrace and undo our Ministers, and render them and their preaching in effectual: subvert the power of our Magistracy, make the houses odious to all, and put all things into a present confusion; I am confident all these were nothing else but the projects and practices of Jesuits and their agents, who crept into the Army to feduce and distemper them, being so diametrically contrary to the Generals, Officers and Soldiers former practices, principles, professions, and that piety they have professed.  
But that which further demonstrates it is this; That after the General & Officers of the Army had confessed their error * in meddling with * State affairs, & settling & reforming the Commonwealth, in the * General Council at Putney [where they voted & acted more like a Parliam. than a Council of War) & promised to proceed no further in it, but acquiesce with the houses determinations: these Jesuits, by the help of their instruments the Agitators, to carry on their design of putting a speedy period to the present & all future Parliaments, draw up a moddle of a new Representive, which they entitled The Agreement of the people, subscribed by divers Regiments of the Army (9 of horse and 7 of foot) and then caused it to be presented to the house of Commons in November 1647. The matter end, and time of it conpared together, and the houses votes upon it, are very considerable; and discover a Jesuit in the front and rear of it: We all know, that the Jesuits and their popish confederates, ever since Queen Elizabeth's Reign, when so many strict laws were made against, have had an aching tooth against Parliaments, Their first and most desperate attempt was in the third year of King james, to blow up the K. and both houses of Parliament with Gunpowder, the orginal plotters of this horrid Treason, were the Pope and Jesuits: as is clear by, Deal Roi. his book, & other printed papers almost a year before: the chief actors in it, were discontented Gentlemen and Soldiers, Catesby, Percy, Winter. Faux, and others, as our stories 
* See the arraignment of Traitors, Mr. Vicar's History, Speeds Chronicle and others  relate, fit instruments to blow up Parliaments: The day when this was to be executed, was the fifth of November: but this treason, being through God's great mercy discovered on that day, the King and Parliament adjudged these jesuits, and Popish Traitors to be executed, and that day by Act of Parliament to be perpetually observed for a Thanksgiving day of this happy deliverance from that treason. The Jesuits who have broken off all former Parliaments in this King's reign till this, and would eternally dissolve this, and all succeeding Parliaments, by way of revenge for their ill successes then, have these two last years together, in this very month of November, conspired to blow up or pull down this and all other Parliaments; so as the very circumstance of the month and time, discovers in my apprehension, the Jesuits to be chief actors in this tragedy. The first attempt of this kind was on the fifth of November, 1647. the very day of the powder plot, but by the Houses occasions put off till the 9th. Then the Agreement of the People was ushered into the House of Commons, with a Petition by the Agitators: when this Agreement of the people and Petition was presented, Gifford a Staffordshire Gent. and a Jesuit (a year before sent from beyond the Seas, who at first feigned himself a convert to our Religion) was present in the lobby with the Agitators, and promoted it all he could, expressing his approbation of it, being gotten into the Generals own life Guard, and the next man to him, when he came to bring the Speaker unto the House of Commons, August, 6. 1647. He was afterward very active to persuade the Staffordshire supernumerary forces not to disband, and prevailed so much with them, that there were several orders from the house & General ere they would obey: therefore its propable he and they persuaded the Army at first not to disband, or to go for Ireland After which he was taken this summer at a meeting in Ram-alley to raise a new War, and being carried prisoner to the Committee of safety, made an escape from thence, by bribing his Keepers, as is conceived, having offered fifty pieces to a Captain to suffer him to escape. This Petition and Agreement of the People, thus presented by the Agitators, and this Jesuit, Upou reading and debate thereof this House passed these Votes against it.  
Die Martis 9 Novemb. 1647. A paper directed, To the supreme authority of the Nation, The Commons in Parliament assembeld, and styled, The just and earnest Petition of those whose names are subscribed, in behalf of themselves, and all the free born people of England, together with a printed paper annexed, entitled, All Agreement of the People for future and present peace, upon grounds of common right, avowed.  
Resolved etc.  
That the matters contained in these papers ARE DESTRUCTIVE TO THE BEING OF PARLIAMENTS, 
NOTA.  and TO THE FUNDAMENTAL GOVERNMENT OF THE KINGDOM.  
Resolved, etc.  
That a letter should be sent to the General, and those papers enclosed, together with the Vote of this house upon them, and that he be desired to examine the proceeding of this business in the Army, and return an account hereof to this House.  
By which Votes is apparent, That the house than deemed this Agreement of the people, a second Gunpowder Treason, Destructive to the being of Parliaments: That some Jesuits, or ill affected persons in the Army, had put these Agitators upon it, and therefore desired the General to examine and give them an account of it.  
The General and Council of War in pursuance of this vote, condemned one of the Agitators who fomented it, and shot him to death at Ware: wherewith they acquainted the house, and by this means this jesuits' brat and Engine to blow up this and future Parliaments, was no further prosecuted in the Army, but some of their confederates in the City, on the 23. of the same November, most audatiously sent it into the house, to the Speaker, enclosed in a Letter with a petition: whereupon the House unanimously passed these votes concerning this agreement, for the committing and prosecuting those who presented it, & giving the General thanks, for the Execution done at Ware, & desiring him to prosecute the business further, to the bottom, where they thought they should find a litter of Jesuits, and a Garnet, a Catesby and Faux, together in the Vault.  
Die Martis, 23. Novemberis 1647. A Petition directed, to the Supreme Authority of England. 
A Title now owned by them though then disclaimed  The Commons in Parliament assembled, and entitled, The numble Petition of many free borne People of England, sent in a Letter, directed to Mr. Speaker, and opened by a Committee thereunto appointed, was read the first and second time.  
Resolved upon the question  
That this Petition is a seditious and contemptuous avowing, and prosecution of a former Petition and paper annexed, styled an Agreement of the people, formerly adjudged by the House to be destructive to the being of Parliaments, and fundamental government of the Kingdoms.  
Resolved, etc.  
That Thomas Prince Cheesemonger, and Samuel Chidly, be forthwith commtted prisoners to the prison of the Gatehouse, there to remain prisoners during the pleasure of this House, for a seditious and contemptuous avowing and prosecution of a former petition, and paper annexed, styled An Agreement of the people formerly adjudged by this House, to be Destructive to the being of Parliaments and fundamental Government of the Kingdom.  
Resolved, etc.  
That Jeremy Ives, Thomas Taylor, ani William Larner, be forthwith committed to the prison at Newgate, there to remain prisoners during the pleasure of this House, for a seditious and contemptuous avowing, and prosecution of a former petition and paper annexed, styled, An Agreement of the People, formerly adjudged by this House to be Destructive to the being of Parliaments, and fundamental Government of the Kingdom.  
Resolved etc.  
That a letter be prepared and sent to the General, taking notice of his proceedings in the execution according to the rules of War [of a mutinous person] at their Randezvouze near Ware, and to give him thanks for it, and to desire him to prosecute the examination of that business to the bottom, and to bring such guilty persons as he shall think fit, to condign and exemplary punishment.  
Resolved etc.  
That the Vots upon the former Petition and Agreement annexed, and likewise the Vots and proceedings upon this Petition, be forthwith printed and published.  
Yea, the houses were so sensible of the treasonablenes and danger of this agreement, that in an Ordinance of the 17. of Decem. 1647. For electing of Common Council men, and other Officers in London, they expressly ordained, that person who hath contrived, abetted, persuaded, or entered into that engagement entitled, The agreement of the people declared to BE DESTRUCTIVE TO THE BEING OF PARLIAMENTS, AND FUNDAMENTAL GOVERNMENT OF THE KINGDOM be elected, chosen, or put into the Office or place of the Lord Mayor of the City of London, Sheriff or Alderman, Deputy of a Ward, or Common Council man of the said City, nor shall have any voice in the electing of any such Officers for the spase of one whole year, and be made uncapable of any of the said places. Upon this treable sentence of condemnation that passed against this Agreement of the people by these Votes & Ordinances, this stratagem of the jesuits to blow up this and future Parliaments, by putting a certanperiod to this Parliaments dissolution on the last of Sept. 1648. and settling a more equal Representative for the future, with a fixed time for its beginning and ending, and of a new Parliament of Commons alone without King or Lord● [the substance of this whole agreement] was for that year trustrated, and totally laid aside till the beginning of Novem. last. At which time the jesuits and the Agitators, to hinder Ireland's relief, and our settlement, prosecuted it again a fresh in the Army, & the better to disguise & carry it on more closely, they inserted it verbatim into their Remonstrance to break off the Treaty with the King, & prevailed so far with the General and his general Council of Officers [who formerly condemned it, and shot one to death for abetting it but in Novemb. before] as unanimously to approve it, at St Albans the sixtenth of November 1648. and sent it to this House the twentieth of that month to break of the Treaty presently, and to be forthwith considered and confirmed, and which is most observable; ushered it in with this jesuitical preface, and these disloyal popish demands.  

* Remonst. p. 62, 63. etc.  That the Capital and grand Author of our troubles, the person of the King by whse commission, commands or procurement and in whose behalf, and for whose interest only [of will and power] all our wars and troubles have been, with all the miseries attending them, may be speedily brought to justice, for the Treason, blood and mischief he is therein guilty of.  
That a timely and peremptory day may beset for the Prince of Wales, and Duke of York to come in, and render themselves, or else immediately made uncapable of any Government, or trust in this Kingdom, or the Dominions thereof, or of any right within the same, and thenceforth to stand exiled for ever, as Enemies and Traitors, and to die without mercy, if ever hereafter found therein, or if they render themselves, then to be proceeded against for their Capital Delinquency, in justice, or remitted upon satisfaction given. But however the land and revenue of the Crown to be presently sequestered etc.  
Then follows this Agreement of the People, for setting some reasonable and certain period to this Parliament, to be assigned as short, as may be, with safety to the Kingdom and public interest thereof, and for feeling the new Representative etc.  
And because it was twice voted down in November 1648. by the house, it is twice repeated and insisted on in this longwinded jemonstrance page 14, 15, 16. and page, 65, 66, 67. (so much are they in love with the jesuits Dalila) that so it might now be twice confirmed and settled by the house, in approving this Remonstrance.  
Now compare this third gunpowder plot with the two former in November last, to blow up King, Prince, Duke, Lords, Commons, this present and all future Parliaments at one attempt, to destroy the King, and Parliament disinherit his royal posterity, unpeer all the Lords & level them with the dust, to root up them & all Parliaments root and branch at once, against all our Oaths, our Covenats, our Remonstrances, our Declarations, our Lawos, our Protestant Religion, all here devoted to ruin together, as the only safe and speedy way to settel peace and safety in Church and State [to omit the horrid equivocations, dispensations with oaths & Covenants, and jeviticall distinctions, in that Remonstrance, they are such clear visible Characters of a Jesuits pencil, hand and head in this Remonstrance, so abounding with their bloody disloyal Tenants & parctises of killing and deposing Christian Kings who will not do homage to their Roman Pontif: & blowing up Protestant Stats, Kingdoms, Parliaments] so abhorent to all 
* See the Homilies against rebellion, Deus & Rex john Whites Defence of the way, c. 6. 10. Dr. Bilson of Christian subjection and unchristian Rebellion pat 3. Bishop Ic●els View of a seditious Bull  Protestant Principals, Professions practices, who never yet embrued their hands in, nor stained their religion with the blood of any King or actual deposition of any Protestant or Popish Pr. who was their lawful King, or disinheriting of his lawful heirs, or puling down a Protestant Reforming Parliament, that none but Jesuits and Jesuited Papists could possibly invent, or spur on the General, Officers and Army so violently and madly to prosecute them, as they do by a subsequent high Declaration discovering a very Jesuitical spirit in the penman, distinguishing the Memb. of the house dissenting from them in these Treasonable practices into a treasonable brach of trust, & usurping to themselves a power ro judge, censure, and exclude them, and make those Members who shall confederate with them herein, though never so few, materially a Parliament, though formerly and essentially no Parliament at all, and moving them to depart the house and join with them in these Jesuitical designs. Which they have since aggravated and backed by their disobedient march to Westminster and London against our commands, by force and open violence to over-awe us, & by our votes in Parliament to put all their treasonable Romish demands in present execution, to justify these very traitorous doctrines and practices of theirs, which our Parliaments have in direct terms in 
* ●Iac. 1. 4. 5.  sundry Acts condemned, and every one of us solemnly abjured in the oath of allegiance, which he must take immediately before his sitting in the house, & without taking whereof he neither is nor can be enabled to sit as a Member. I shall further offer this to your consideration, that as soon as ever this Agreement of the people was suppressed in Novem. 1647. and the king persuaded to reject the propositions tendered him by both Houses, by some officers in the army, of purpose to treat on their proposals: The agitators & Jesuits in the army, opposed these Proposals and threating to offer some violence to the King's person, caused him secretly to withdraw himself from Hampton Court, into the Isle of Wight, where they shut him up close prisoner, without the Houses privity: which done, they caused their confederates (when most of the Members were sent into the Country to disband the supernumeraries) to pass a vote in the Commons house, to make no more addresses to the King, not to set him aside, (as they then professed to many dissenting members) but only to induce the K. to seck first to them; without, which protestation, they had never carried this vote; which passed, & most of the Membrs departing, the 2. ensuing Votes were set on foot, & passed at an unseasonable hour, & gotten by surprise. The very next morning there came a Declaration from Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Gen: Council of the Army, jan. 11. 1647. signifying their resolutions, to adhere to the Houses, for settling and securing the parliament and kingdom, without the King and against him, or any other that shall hereafter partake with him. But the Lgrds sticking at these Votes, there was a regiment or two of foot sent from the Army to garrison White hall; and a regiment of horse bilited in the Mues, to fright and force the Lords to a Concurrence. And some few days after, a Book written by Dolman, (alyas Parsons the Jesuit) against King james his Title to the Crown; and concerning the lawfulness of Subjects & Parliaments deposing & chastising of their Kings for their misgovernment, & the good & prosperous secceesses that God commonly hath given to the same [printed out of Dolmans own printed Copy verbatim, except the word Parliament added to it now and then, was published to the world, with this Title: Several Speeches delivered at a conference, concerning the power of Parliaments, to proceed against their King for misgovernment: which Book with this false new title published at this season, intemated to the world, that this discourse of a lesuite (for which he was condemned of high treason) was nothing else, but speeches mad by some Members of the Commons house, at a conference with the Lords, The highest dishonour & affront ever put upon a protestant Parliament, to have the book and doctrine of a lesuit thus falsely fathered on them: of which, though I may self and others complained, there was nothing done to vindicate the houses from this gross imputation: And about the same time, there was another book entitled, Royal tyranny discovered: Discovering the tyranny of the Kings, of England from William the invader and robber & Tyrant, alias the Conqueror, to this present King Charles; who is plainly proved, to be worse and more tyrannical than any of his predecessors, and deserves a more severe punishment from the hands of this present Parliament, then either of the dethroned Kings, Ed. 2 or Rich. 2. had from former Parliaments which they are bound by duty and Oath, without equivocation or collution, to inflict upon him, he being the greatest delinquent in the three kingdoms, and the head of the rest; so the title. In the Table, there are these passages amongst others, Charles' Steward guilty of this treason. p. 92, 93, 94, 95, 97. C. R (Charles Rex) Ought to be executed, p. 57 where the houses are not only pressed to depose and execute him but his execution [in their neglect] foretold, & that in An exemplary manner, in despite of all his protectors and defendors. Which jesuitical books and counsels published at that instant, discovered clearly to my apprehension, their votes for laying the King then aside, & the deposing & executing of him to be then intended, [only interrupted by the Scots invasion & the last summer's commotion, occasioned by those votes of Non addresses] and the forcing on of them then & now by the army, with the violence they use, to be no other but a very plot and project of the jesuits to ruin and destroy the King and us.  
I shall only add to this, what I manifested but now, that it was the jesuits plot when they engaged and assisted the King in his war against the Scots, to dash the protestants in both nations in pieces one against another, & so be masters of both kingdoms, & extirpate our religion in both; and that if the King consented not to grant them a general free exercise of their religion throughout all his realms & Dominions, or did but stick at it, that then they would presently poison & dispatch him, possess themselves of the Prince, next heir to the Crown, & then by flattery or menaces draw him to their Religion, match him to a Papist, and then all three Kingdoms would soon turn Papists, and all Protestants be murdered, or burnt for Heretics. Now these Papists and jesuits understanding, that the King [beyond & contrary to their expectation] bathe granted all or most of our Propositions in the Isle of Wight, and fully condescended to five New bills, for the extirpation of Mass, Popery, and Popish innovations out of his Dominions, and putting all Laws in execution against them, and for a speedier discovery and conviction of them then formerly, and that their good friends and Confederates our Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Deans and Chapters, and other branches of the hierarchy, are tobe wholly routted out, both in England and Ireland, so as they are never likely to have any more footing in them again, after all their late wars, charges, hazards, plots and designs, to set up their Catholic Religion & party are so enraged with the King, & so inexorably incensed against him both at home & abroad [as I am credibly informed] that now they are mad against him, & thirst for nothing but his blood; which they think they cannot advantageously & effectually accomplish, but by engaging the Army to dessolve the Treaty, & force the Parliament, in case they vote his answers satisfactory: and then by themselves, are a confederate party in the House, to depose & cut off his head. Which done, the Prince being now beyond Seas in their power, destitute of his hopes of succession to this Crown, banished, and declared a Traitor and to die without mercy if he return hither, & to lose his head as well as his father, upon such high affronts put upon his Father & himself, & that by a Protestant Parliament, & Army of Saints, will be so enraged against all professors of our religion that he will probably profess himself a Roman Catholic (and his brother too) match with a Catholic Princes, & then engage all the Papists in foreign parts, England, Scotland and Ireland, to unite their forces, purses & counsels by way of revenge, to cut all the Protestants throats in all three Kingdoms, who have adhered to the Parliament, and hew the Army itself in pieces, when they have thus accomplished their designs: which will render them and the Parliament execrable and infamous to all posterity, and then farewell all Parliaments, and our Protestant religion for ever, not only here, but throughout all Christendom, where the Popish Princes will presently massacre the Protestants, lest they should fill to the like perfidious practices. This I am most confident is their design, by what I have met with in their papers, and in the Jesuit Con●zens politics and others, who have chalked out a way by degrees insensibly to crew Popery into any Protestant Church: by those very steps which our Prelates followed, who were directed by them, and to alter and subvert any Protestant State and Kingdom, by this new modelling of them into such a popular Anarchy, as is now suggested and presented in the Army's Remonstrance. This I am assured will be the unavoidable, desperate and deplorable issue, if we comply with them and the Army in it, unless God in his infinite mercy shall hold off their hands, and turn their hearts, from prosecuting their present designs.  
I shall only add one thing more, and so conclude. That many of the Agitators and Armies papers, [especially Putney projects, and some late Declarations] savour of a Jesuits stile or spirit. That I have been credibly informed, that not only Gifford a Jesuit, was one of the Generals own Lifeguard, and a very active man in the Army, but one Thomas Budds, alias Peto (the last Popish Priest, condemned at Newgate) was a Trooper in this Army, and by influence of some great Officers in it, obtained a Reprieve instead of an Execution: That the Papists beyond Seas wish very well to the Army, in whom now is their chiefest hopes; and that the jesuits Cells and Colleges in foreign parts, are of late very empty; that many Popish Priests and jesuits are now in England, not saying Mass, crying up the Pope and Popish Tenants as heretofore [that were to gross, and they easily discovered:] but using all manner of mechanic Trades, preaching in private corners, as Sectaries, Anabaptists, Seekers, broachers of new Light, or as gifted brethren, that many of them are turned Troopers, Agitators, if not some of them Officers in the Army, or at leastwise have so insinuated themselves into the leading Officers there, [who are much taken with their parts, their new Designs & Tenants to alter & unsettle States] that they have as powerful an influence now upon the Army's Cou●cels & Officers, as formerly they had upon the King and his Counsels, and have now thus deeply engaged them (beyond all expectation) to accomplish these jesuitical designs of theirs, to depose and destry the King● dissolve this Parliament, subvert our Magistracy, Ministry, Religion, Laws, Liberties, Government, and establish their Utopian New modale of confusion, in lieu of Parliaments and regal power, thereby to accomplish that now, which all their Popish conspiracies, armies and confederates from the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, could never yet effect by all their treachery, policy, power: and how far they have proceeded and engaged the Army and Officers unwillingly in it, out of honest intentions, we all now sadly behold to our great amazement, even in this instant of time when Ireland is in such eminent danger of being utterly lost, to ●eep off all Supplies from thence.  
I beseech you Mr. Speaker, let us all lay this speedily to our hearts, and go about to prevent it, ere it be too late. If we Vote the Kings Answer now unsatisfactory, and so break off the Treaty with him, our only means of peace and settlement; we have all our hopes and all these large concessions which the King hath granted both for our present and future security; our Monarchy, Magistracy, Ministry, Parliaments, Laws, Liberties, Kingdoms, and that which is dearest to us, our Religion also endangered, yea lost at once, and such a certain foundation laid to carry on all these jesuitical designs I have here discovered, and that by authority of this House, as will stain the honour of this most glorious and renowned Parliam. to all Posterity, and put a dishonourable speedy period to this and all future Parliam. for ever. But if we Vote it so far satisfactory, as I have stated it (and humbly conceive proved it substantially to every rational man's understanding & conscience) as that we may lay present hold upon it, and proceed therein without delay, to turn all the King's Concessions into Bills (which I have for the most part already drawn) and get the King's Royal assent unto them, I doubt not but by God's blessing on our endeavours, we may before this Month be ended, settle such a firm and well grounded Peace between the King & all his People and kingdom; upon such honourable, safe, and advantageous terms for the Public interest, & such strong securities, as no State, or Kingdom ever yet enjoyed the like since the Creation.  
And therefore Mr. Speaker, upon this long and tedious debate (for which I must humbly beg pardon of the House, being a business of such infinite concernment to our present weal or ruin) I must and do conclude, That the King's Answers to the Propositions of both Houses, are so far Satisfactory, at the least, as that this House may upon safe and firm grounds, and great advantages, forthwith accept of, and immediately proceed upon them, to the speedy settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom; and are bound both in honour, prudence, justice, and Conscience so to do, to preserve themselves, our three Kingdoms and the Army too, from perpetual bloody wars, and inevitable impendent desolation and confusion.   
FINIS.   

AN APPENDIX. For the Kingdoms better satisfaction of some occurrences since this SPEECH.  
THis Speech, uttered with much pathetic seriousness, and heard with great attention, gave such a general satisfaction to the House that many Members, formerly of a contrary opinion, professed, they were both convinced and converted; others who were dubious in the point of satisfaction, that they were now fully confirmed, most of different opinion put to a stand: and the Majority of the House, declared both by their cheerful Countenances and Speeches [the Speaker going into the withdrawing Room to refresh himself, so soon as the Speech was ended) that they were abundantly satisfied by what had been thus spoken. After which the Speaker resuming the Chair, this Speech was Seconded by many able Gentlemen, and the debate continuing Saturday, and all Monday and Monday night till about nine of the Clock on Tuesday morning; and 244 Members staying quite out to the end, though the House doors were not shut up (a thing never seen or known before in Parliament) the question was at last put, and notwithstanding the Generals and whole Armies march to Westminster, and Menaces against the Members, in case they Voted for the Treaty, and did not utterly eject it as unsatisfactory, carried in the affirmative by 140 Voices (with the four Tellers) against 104 that the question should be put, and then without any division of the House it was,  
Resolved on the question, That the Answers of the King to the Propositions of both Houses, are a ground for the House to proceed upon for the settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom.  
And to give the General Officers and Soldiers satisfaction, and keep a fair correspondency between the house and them, they so far condescended, as likewise further to vote at the same time  
That Mr. Peirpoint, Sir John Evelyn of Wilts, Mr. Solicitor, Col. Birch, M. Ashurst, Sir Thomas Witherington, and Mr. Maynard, are appointed to repair to the headquarters this afternoon, to confer with the Lord General and his Officers, to keep a Right understanding and a good correspondency between the House and the General and the Army.  
Which done, the House who sat up all the day and night before, adjourned until Wednesday morning; At which time the General and Officers of the Army highly displeased with the vote and those Members who assented to it, sent two or three whole Regiments of Foot and Horse to Westminster; set a strong guard at the Houses doors, in the lobby, stairs, and at every passage leading towards the house, admitting none but Parliament men themselves to enter into Westminster-Hall, or the back stairs leading to the Court of Requests, and excluding their servants who attended them; Col. Pride, Col. Hewson, and Sir Hardress Waller seized upon divers Members of the Commons house, some at the House doors, other in the Lobby, others on the stairs near the House, without any warrant, or reason alleged, but their sword and power, as they were going to sit and discharge their duties. Among others, Col. Pride, seized upon Mr. Prynne going up the stairs next the house, and told him, Mr. Prynne, you must not go into the House, but must go along with me; M. Prynne returned this answer, That he was a Member of the House and was going into it to discharge his duty, from which no man should or ought to hinder him, whether he would go, and he should not keep him back, and thereupon thrust up a step or two more. Whereupon Pride thrusting him down before, and Sir Hardress Waller, and others laying hands on, and pulling him down forcibly behind to the Court of Requests great door, Mr. Prynne thereupon demanded by what Authority and Commission, and for what cause they did thus violently seize on, and pull him from the house? to which Pride and Waller showing him their armed Soldiers standing round about him with swords, muskets, and matches lighted, told him that there was their Commission: to which Mr. Prime answered, that they were no legal commission, nor cause for them to seize upon him being a Member, and openly protested, that it was an high breach of the Privileges of Parliament and affront to the house, and desired the standers by to bear witness of this violence and his Protestation against it, and that they being more and stronger than he, and all armed and he unarmed, they might forcibly carry him whether they pleased, but stir he would not thence of his own accord, whereupon they forcibly pushed him into the Queen's Court, where some other Members a little before seized, were kept Prisoners by them.  
The house bein informed by Mr. Dodridge, a member who came along with Mr. Prynne, of this violence upon him and high breach of privilege in seizing him and other Members, sent the Sergeant of the House, to demand them of the Captain that guarded them, and to command their present attendance in the House: which message though delivered by him, and the prisoners thereupon requiring obedience, that they might accordingly attend the House: was yet slighted and disobeyed, whereupon the House ordered the Sergeant the second time to go with his mace and demand the Members, and bring them unto the house forthwith; the house refusing to do any business till their Members were restored, but Pride and his confederates stayed the Serj●ent in the lobby, and would not suffer him to go to the members; whereupon he returning into the House, acquainted them with the contempt, which was entered into the Journal. Thereupon the House concluded, not to proceed till their Members were restored, and sent a Committee to the General to demand them, Mr. Edward Stephens and Colonel Birch being in the house were sent for to the door by some of the Officers by false tickets, and pulled out from the house doors by violence, Col. Birch putting his head within the door, and crying out to the Speaker, whether they would suffer their members to be pulled out thus violently before their faces, and yet sit still?  
When night approached St. Peter (who now keeps the prison door keys of hell and Purgatory) released two of the imprisoned Members (Sir Benjamin Ruddiard, and Mr. Nath. Fiennes) by the same power of the Sword (as he said) that had taken and held them captive: belike they were all prisoners of War, and so their marching up to Westminster was a levying open war against the Parliament, and so Treason by their own Declarations and Remonstrance, in as high or higher degree, as that for which they demand the King to be brought to speedy justice and execution. Soon after, he and some other other Officers, promised the imprisoned Members, that they should be removed to Wallingford house, where the General and Lieutenant General would come and confer with them, and they should have all sitting accommodations, there provided for them; and that Coaches were provided to carry them thither; whereupon they all took Coach to go thither: but coming to Hell back gate, the Coaches were all there stayed, and the Members thrust all prisoners into Hell, where they were kept all that cold night, without either bedding or other needful accommodations, though some of them aged & infirm, & there enforced to lie upon the bare flower and Benches instead of Beds, few of them taking any rest at all that night. The next morning a little before Dinner, they were all carried fasting to White Hall, by the General's order guarded with foot and horse, before and behind, and on every side, like so many Traitors to attend the General, and his Council, who desired presently to speak with them, as the Marshal informed them under whose custody they were put. But when they came there, they waited on their more than Royal new Excellencies till six a clock at night, without eating or drinking: and then received this cold Message, without being admitted to the Generals or Counsels presence. That the General and Officers were now so busy in consultation about other important affairs, that they could not speak with them that night, but had given order for their accommodation at the King's Head, and Swan in the Strand, whither they should be carried that night, and the next morning some Officers would wait on them with Propositions: Which done they were guarded every man with his musqueteer at his back, and others by his side, and horse and foot before and behind their persons, like so many Rogues or felons, and so sent on foot through the dirty street, except six who were lame, who got a Coach) to these two Inns; and there kept prisoners several days till some were after by degrees without any condition, or cause assigned of their commitment, and others not released, removed elsewhere. The next day after those Members were thus violently seized, Mr. Gewen was seized at the House, and Mr. Vahghan at his Lodging, and sent Prisoners to the other Members: Sir William Litten was likewise seized that day, and kept Prisoner in White Hall: but after released by Sir William Constables Order: That day and five or six days following, above one hundred and sixty Members more, whose names were listed by the officers and soldiers that stood at the house Doors, who kept back every one that was so listed, were forcibly secluded and driven away from the House, which could hardly get above 45. or 50. (most confederates with the army to carry on their designs) and Vote their Counsels Imperial Dictates, as the houses votes & not above 3. or 4. Lords at most attended and made up that Honourable house: all of them still sitting under the armies armed violence & over-awing terror. These 45. or 50. only while under this horrid force, during the restraint and forcible seclusion of above 200 members by the army, (and so all their Votes, Orders, & proceedings merely null and void, by their own Ordinance of August 20. 1647. which declared, all Votes, Ordinances and proceedings during the members absence in the army, though not above 40. at most to be nul & void, from july 26. to August six, though the houses were then almost treble the number they are now, and no one member secluded or actually forced away from either house) have assumed to themselves the name & power of the house, and presumed to repeal all Votes concerning the Treaty as dishonourable and destructive: & among others the Vote made upon this solemn and long debate when there were 244 Members present at the Question, and above 340 at the debate when fullest through age & infirmity could not hold out all night till the question put, & some members contrary to the course of all former Parliam. after these Votes passed, have presumed to draw up & enter particular protestations against it: for which other members in former times have been suspended the house, & sent prisoners to the tower. The list of those who have entered their dissents & protests against it, follow: because the secluded Members & those who concurred in that Vote, being above three times their number, expect they will give the Kingdom and world some solid and satisfactory reasons of this their dissent, against which there is so great reason in the premises, dissents without reasons to back them, being no ways satisfactory to any man.  

20 December 1648.  
Col. Bosvill,  
Lord Grace,  
Peregrine Pelham,  
Col. Jones,  
Col. Temple,  
Col. Venus,  
Sir Tho. Malivory,  
Sir John Bouchier,  
Col. Peter Temple,  
Humphrey Edwards, (whose elect. is void,  
Mr. Tho. chaloner.  
Sir Gregory Norton,  
Michael Oldesworth  
Augustin Garland,  
Sir john Danvers.  
Mr. Dove.  
Mr. Hen. Smith.  
Mr. Fry, (whose election, is long since voted void)  
Mr. Serle,  
Nicholas Love,  
john Lisle.  
Col. Rigby,  
Cornelius Holland  
Col. Ludlow  
Gregory Clement  
Col. Puretoy  
Col. Stapely  
Mr. Dunch  
Mr. Cawley  
Col. Downes  
John Carey  
John Blackstone  
Thomas Scot   

December 21  
Col. Hutchinson  
Sir Henry Mildmay  
Sir Jam. Harrington   

25 Decemb.  
Col. Edward Harvey  
Alderman Pennington  
Alderman Atkin  
Dan. Blagrave (voted out of the house.  
Colonel Moor  
Gilbert Millington   
In a Letter from Paris, writ by an Independent Agent there, to an Independent Member of the House of Commons, a great friend of the Armies, dated Paris Nou. 28. 1648, there is this passage: I am fallen into the acquaintance of three or four Catholics of great ingenuity, and in their way, of much Religion: undoubtedly, it is an error to look at all Papists through the same prospective; for they are more to be differenced than English Protestant's can be. I find their opinion of, and dependence upon the Pope, little or nothing what we imagined it to be, and better principled To make Members of a free Commonwealth, than the most English. Their opposition to the King is not to be reconciled. 
Note.  Their hopes now are upon the Army, to whom they wish all prosperity as to the settling of a Representative, being extremely distasted with Regal hereditary Power through the world.  
This Letter compared with the close of the fore going Speech, the Armies late force upon both Houses and their Members to dissolve them, their imprisoning and removing the King to bring him to trial, their voting at their general Council of War at Whitehall the 23 of December last [carried by two voices] That all Papists should have free liberty and toleration of conscience, and all Sequestrations and forfeitures as Papists only, taken off. Their earnest prosecution of the new Jesuitical Representative, to divide the whole kingdom into bloody feuds and factions to destroy one another, and make way for the common foreign Popish Enemies, to invade and conquer us in our present low condition, without any opposition, and lose Ireland past all recovery; their casting of the eminent imprisoned Members into hell itself in highest contempt and scorn; their setting up a new Parliament of State, and a Convocation too at Whitehall, as the supreme Council, to vote, settle and determine all affairs of Church and State, and new mould the whole Government of this Kingdom; with the Petition of Robert de Luke to the General within these few days, for him and his fellowmessengers, authorized by the State to apprehend Priests and Jesuits, for his Warrant to apprehend the Jesuits and Priests in his Army and Quarters without any Officers disturbance, where they have discovered many of them since their march to London; their present compliance with Sir john Winter the archest Jesuited Papist (a person excepted in the Propositions) and using him and Sir Toby Matthews that pragmatical Jesuit, to draw Owen Roh Oneal, and the bloody Popish Rebels in Ireland, to join with them against Monarchy and the Prince's Title; with their late extraordinary favours to Priests and Papists, of which they boast; the repealing of the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance (made principally against the Pope, Papists, and their Jesuitical Usurpations, Innovations and antimonarchical practices of excommunicating, deposing, disinheriting and murdering our Protestant Princes; and their manifold Treasons, Conspiracies and attempts upon their Persons, Crowns and Kingdoms.) Their late illegal and treasonable murdering and beheading of the King, and the late Petition of the Army that all imprisoned for their conscience, or Religion, may be released, extending unto Popish Priests and Jesuits, and purposely intended for their benefit, there being none else but such restrained, and but few of them: And their present actings are a clear evidence to every rational man's conscience, that all the Armies present counsels, designs, force, and proceedings against the King, Prince, Parliament, Members and their new pretended Representative, are but the Jesuits and Roman Catholics Brats Impostures and undermining Projects, to accomplish their own ends; and that they have already got the greatest sway in all their consultations and proceedings, of purpose to work our speedy ruin, if the Officers and Army will neither timely discern nor repent of it, and be no longer spurred on and ridden with a full career by these Jesuitical Furies, who fear a discovery ere they have completed their work, and therefore make such post haste to accomplish it by the Armies present distempers, uncapable yet of better council, or timely informations, to recall them from their own approaching speedy ruin, their ears being so deafened, and their brains so intoxicated with their Jesuitical Enchantments, which all the Kingdom and world will now clearly discover, and I hope the Officers and Army will do so too by this discovery of them, and thereupon repent of all their violence and late proceedings, at which the Papists at ROME and in foreign parts do much rejoice and triumph.  
I shall close up all with these words of both Houses of Parliament in their Ordinance of the 1 of April 1643, 
* A Collection pag. 1●.  That nothing but RUIN AND DESOLATION CAN BE EXPECTED, unless God in mercy prevent it, and incline his Majesty's heart to the faithful advice of his great Council of Parliament (as now he hath done in this Treaty) which hath ever been, and is [under God] the chief support of his royal Dignity, and the security of all we have, or can enjoy.  
FINIS.