THE HISTORY OF Popedom, Containing the RISE, PROGRESS, AND DECAY Thereof, etc.  
Written in High Dutch BY SAMUEL PUFFENDORFF.  
Translated into English by J. C.  
LONDON: Printed for Joseph Hindmarsh, at the Golden Ball over against the Royal Exchange, 1691.   

Imprimatur,  
C. Alston. October 2 d. 1690.   

To the Right Reverend Father in God HENRY Lord Bishop of LONDON, Dean of the Chapel Royal, and one of the Lords of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council.  
This TREATISE is most humbly Dedicated By John chamberlain.   

CONTENTS.  
Paragraph 1. POlitic Reflections on the Spiritual Monarchy of the Pope.  
Par. 2. Of the Blindness of the Heathens in Matters of Divinity; what they proposed to themselves, by choosing the Paths of Virtue; wherein their Religion consisted.  
Par. 3. Of the Jewish Religion; why other Nations did not embrace the Religion of the Jews.  
Par. 4. That the Christian Religion is adapted to the humours of all People; that it admits no Respect of Persons; that it is not contrary to Civil Government; that there is no other sort of Religion or Philosophy that can equal it; why many of our Christians live like Heathens.  
Par. 5. Of the External Government of Religion; what is here to be understood by the External Government of the Christian Religion; of the Ministry of the Church; of the calling of the Apostles.  
Par. 6. The Division of this Question, that this necessity does not proceed from the nature of every Religion in general; how the External Government of Religion was transmitted from the Fathers of the Family to the Sovereigns of each State.  
Par. 7. That it is not inconsistent with the Christian Religion for the Sovereign to have the direction of it as to its External Government.  
Par. 8. The First Progress of the Christian Religion; the Divine Conduct in the Establishment of this Religion; how the Jesuits Preach the Gospel to the Chinese; why God called the Ignorant rather than the Wise and Learned Men.  
Par. 9 The Persecution of the Primitive Church; the New Christians Slandered and Calumniated; the Romans upon Reasons of State oppose their Religion; the Roman Persecution condemned.  
Par. 10. Of the Ancient Government of the Christian Religion; Differences arising about Religion Terminated by Assemblies; why the Authority of these Assemblies ought to be permitted under Heathen Emperors.  
Par. 11. That the External Government of the Church by being lodged in the hands of the Primitive Christians has produced strange disorders; that from hence some have supposed two Powers in the State; that Ecclesiastics ought to receive their Call from the Sovereign of each State.  
Par. 12. That it was not in Constantin's Power wholly to change the State of the Church; how the Bishops and other the Ecclesiastics came to Usurp the Sovereign Power; that the Sovereign may preside in the Assemblies where Controversies are treated of; the abuse of Councils.  
Par. 13. The Jurisdiction of Bishops abused; other Abuses concerning Marriages; Ecclesiastical Discipline abused; the Popes misuse the Power of Excommunication.  
Par. 14. The Rise of the Pope's Authority; that Ignorance and the Barbarity of the Age contributed much thereto; the causes of this Ignorance; that ignorance helped much to the Establishing of the Popedom; the Introduction of Pedantry into the Schools; that the Politics of the Greeks and Romans were contrary to Monarchy; two dangerous effects of the ignorance of Politics.  
Par. 15. Why the Monarch of the Romish Church has chosen Rome for the place of his Residence; how the Pope Established his Hierarchy; of the Metropolitan Bishops; how the Bishops of Romevsurped the Pre-eminence; Reflections on the Pope's Power.  
Par. 16. How the Pope came to Domineer o'er all the Western Part of the World; of the Confirmation of Bishops by the Pope; Decisions of the Pope; Dispensations; of the Pope's Vicar in France; of the Monk Winifred; the Pope makes him his Vicar, he advances the Grandeur of the Popes; of the Annates; the Popes annul the Decisions of Provincial Synods; they force the Bishops to swear Fidelity to them.  
Par. 17. The Riches of the Church, and how first gotten; the Avarice of the Churchmen, and divers effects thereof; the Institution of the Crusado a stratagem of Popes.  
Par. 18. Of the great number of Ecclesiastics; the Original of Monks and other Religious Orders; of the Multitude of Monasteries; of the Order of Begging Friars; why they chose that sort of Life; the Reasons that induce men now adays to choose a Monastic Life; that Monks have been very prejudicial to other Churchmen; that they alone hinder the Bishops from opposing the Pope 's Authority; that a great many Bishops would be glad to shake off the Yoke of Rome; that it is the Interest of Bishops to submit to the Pope.  
Par. 19 How the Church has shaken off all Temporal Jurisdiction; how the Bishops of Rome slipped their Neck out of the Emperor's Collar.  
Par. 20. The Pope implores the French Kings Protection against the Lumbards'; the French enter Italy; they bestow the Exarchat on the Pope; that the Popes did heretofore hold those Countries under them of the Emperor.  
Par. 21. The Popes Establish an Ecclesiastical Sovereignty; Pope Gregory Excommunicates the Emperor Henry the Fourth; the Pope endeavours to Domineer o'er the Emperor; a quarrel between the King of England and his Bishops; that succeeding Emperors have in vain endeavoured to regain their lost Authority.  
Par 22. The Pope exalts himself above all Temporal Powers; the use he made of his Excommunicating Power; how the Pope coloured his usurpations; the Pope takes upon him the cognisance of Matrimonial Affairs; that the Pope allured the most knowing Men into his service; the unbounded Ambition of Pope Boniface the Eighth.  
Par. 23. The Popes find their Authority opposed; that the great Schisms in the Church have much weakened their Authority; the first Schism; the second Schism; the third Schism; the fourth and last Schism; that the Pope has not been able to Lord it over Councils; the Confession of several Popes concerning the Authority of Councils; that Popes have been Deposed by Councils.  
Par. 24. The removal of the Pope's Seat from Rome to Avignon; that it was prejudicial to the Pope 's Authority; the Pope reduces to his Obedience the City of Rome; the History of Caesar Borgia natural Son of Alexander the Sixth; the Ecclesiastical State reunited to the Popedom.  
Par. 25. That the Papal Authority received a terrible blow by the Doctrine of Luther; the Virtues and Vices of Leon the Tenth; of Indulgences; Luther Preaches against them, and against the Power of the Pope.  
Par. 26. That Luther's opposition met with a seasonable juncture of the times; the miserable State of Christendom at that time; the ignorance of Luther's adversaries; Erasmus favours Luther; that his silence alone was very prejudicial to Luther's adversaries; that the Princes of Germany were unsatisfied with the Pope; why Charles the Fifth was willing that Luther's Doctrine should make some progress; the Pope's ill conduct in the Business of Luther; the imprudence of Cardinal Cajetan, the effects thereof; Luther appeals to a Council.  
Par 27. Why Luther's Doctrine did not make greater advances; a Schism among the Protestants; the Protestants abuse the liberty of the Gospel; of the Academy of Paris; of Zwinglius and Calvin; that Luther took a great many of the Romish Ceremonies; that the riches of the Church have been one cause of the progress of Protestant Religion.  
Par. 28. The Pope recovers from the fright which Luther had put him into; that he now acts more cautiously than heretofore; that Priests and Monks live more regularly at present; of the reestablishing of Learning in the Church of Rome; the ways of enticing Protestants to that Church; that the House of Austria has mightily contributed to the Papal Grandeur.  
Par. 29. Of the Temporal Dominions of the Pope; of the Countries that are under his Jurisdiction; of the Pope's Militia; of the Pope's Interest in relation to Germany, France, and Spain; that the Pope need not fear the Power of the other States in Italy.  
Par. 30. Of the Pope's Spiritual Dominions; that the Pope has different Interests from those of other Princes; the Foundation of the Papal Monarchy; that the absolute Power of Pope's can't be proved from Scripture, nor from the example of the Apostles in General, nor from that of St. Peter in particular; how the Papists Answer these Objections.  
Par. 31. Why the Sovereignty of the Roman Church could not well admit of any other Form than a Monarchical; that there could not be invented a more regular Monarchy than that of the Popes; why this Monarchy ought to be Elective; why the Popes don't Mary; of the Conclave; why the Popes are generally Italians; why they usually choose an old Man for Pope; why they don't choose one of kin to the last Pope, nor one that is too much devoted to the French, or Spanish Interest; of the College of Cardinals; of the Dignity of Cardinals; of their Number; of their Election; that the Popes always endeavour to enrich their Kindred with the spoils of the Church; of the Cardinal Patroon; why the chief Ministers of the Pope are his Nephews.  
Par. 32. Of the Celibacy of the Ecclesiastics; of their great number; the several sorts of Ecclesiastics.  
Par. 33. That the Doctrine of the Church of Rome does very well square with the Pope's Interests; that it prohibits the reading the Holy Scriptures; of Traditions; of Venial and Mortal Sins; of the Remission of Sins; of Works of satisfaction; of the merit of good Works; of Works of Supererogation; of Ceremonies and Feasts; of forbidding the Cup; of the Sacrament of Marriage; of the forbidden Degrees; of extreme Unction; of Purgatory; of the Adoration of Relics; of the Invocations of Saints and of Canonisation; other means that the Clergy uses to drain the Purses of ignorant People.  
Par. 34. That Universities have been no small means of supporting the Papal Authority; that the Professors were the Pope's Creatures; that the Philosophers were his Slaves; of the Scholastic Divinity and Philosophy; that the same Pedantry is yet in vogue.  
Par. 35. Why Jesuits intrude themselves into the Government of Schools and Colleges; the service they render thereby to the See of Rome; that they have insinuated themselves into the Courts of Princes; of the Censuring Books; that the Romish Priests inspire their auditors with an ill opinion against Protestants; of the false rumours they spread to their own advantage.  
Par. 36. That the Excommunication of the Pope's is not so terrible as it used to be.  
Par. 37. The Reasons that oblige these People to stick to the Romish Religion; that a great many of them do it for Interest, others through ignorance; why some of them are guilty of Atheism; that there is Preferment in the Roman Church for all sort of People; why the Princes of the Roman Religion do not abandon it.  
Par. 38. Of those States whose Interest it is to maintain the Authority of the See of Rome, of Italy, of Poland, of Portugal, of Germany; that Charles the Fifth neglected the occasion of making a Reformation in Germany; what had probably happened if Charles had turned Protestant; of Spain, of France, of the Formalities that the Nuntioes are obliged to observe in France; a project of making a Patriarch in France; that the Pope has an aversion for the French Monarchy; of the principal support of the Popes; of their conduct heretofore in respect of the Spaniards, and also in respect of the French.  
Par. 39 How the Popes stand disposed towards Protestants; why they have favoured them upon certain occasions.  
Par. 40. If there are any hopes of an accommodation between the Pope and Protestants; the Reasons of the Impossibility; that such propositions are chimerical and dangerous; of the strength of Protestants and Catholics; of the Protestant States; Divisions between the Protestants; other inconvenients; of the Jealousy that reigns between the Protestant States; of the Huguenots of France, of Poland; how strong the Protestants are in Germany, if they are able alone to defend themselves without the aid of France and Swedeland; that the security of the Protestant States does not depend on Treaties of the Sovereign States of the Protestant Religion; of the means of maintaining the Protestant Religion; whether the Lutherans and Reformed may be brought to any accommodation; of the Socinians and Anabaptists.   

THE HISTORY OF Popedom.  

THE POPEDOM may be considered Two ways; First, As its Doctrine, which is singular, and different from that of other Christians, does fall in with the Holy Scripture, and does either impede or promote the means of our Salvation; the consideration thereof, as 'tis taken in this Sense, we leave to the Divines. And Secondly, As the Pope does not only make a very considerable Figure amongst the rest of the Italian Princes, but does also pretend to the Sovereignty of Christendom, at least in all Spiritual Affairs; and does in effect, Exercise such a Supreme Authority over all the States of Europe, that have the same Sentiments in Religion, with him. 'Tis this second Consideration, which particularly and immediately belongs to the Politicians, since such a spiritual Sovereignty does not only bridle the Supreme Power of every State, but is altogether absurd, and inconsistent with the nature of such a Power. Hence is it, That Religion is so confounded and entangled with the politic Interests of Rome, that he who will understand the latter, must be perfectly informed of the Rise of that spiritual Monarchy, and by what means it is Arrived to so prodigious a Growth, and what Intrigues are used to preserve its usurped Greatness. For thereby, will likewise appear, what relation it has with the Controversies so rife at present among the Western Christians; and how far one may attribute those disagreeing Sentiments of Religion, either to different Interpretations of the Scriptures, or to the prospect of Temporal Interests: After a strict Examination of which, we will leave it to the Judgement of Wise and Impartial Men to determine, whether there can be any hopes of a Reconciliation.  
Sect. 2. If we will ascend to the first causes of the thing, we shall find that before our Saviour's Birth, the whole World, excepting the Jewish Nation, was benighted in the darkest Ignorance of Divine Affairs: For what they did hold forth in general, concerning the Nature of their Gods, etc. consisted mostly in improbable and impudent Fables. 'Tis true, some of the most Learned among the Heathens, could Discourse more rationally of the Divinity, and State of the Soul; but it was so dubious, imperfect and ill-grounded a Description they made thereof, that they themselves scarce known what they meant. The most of them, were well enough convinced, that they were obliged to the Exercise and Practice of Virtue, but they knew no farther Effects thereof, than that Advantage and Honour which they enjoyed thereby in civil Conversation; for as for what the Poets held forth concerning the Rewards which the just, and the Torments which the unjust, were to expect after this Life; those that would pass for the wisest Men, laughed at it, esteeming it nothing more than a witty Fable, and Bug-bears, invented to frighten the unthinking Mobile, into their Devoirs. The rest of the People, lived, without proposing to themselves any other ends, and in that which the Heathens named Religion, there was not to be found any Rules or Formularies, including the principal Matters of Divinity. The greatest part of their Divine Worship, consisted in Sacrifices, Ceremonies, and certain holidays, which were more spent in Plays, and Debauches, than any inquiry into Divine things; so that from such a Heathenish Religion, one could neither receive any Edification in this Life, nor any hopes of a future Happiness in the next.  
Sect. 3. In those times, the Jews were the only People to whom God vouchsafed to reveal the True Religion, and means of Eternal Salvation. But betwixt that and the Christian Religion, the difference is very considerable, not only in that the Redeemer of the World, and the Fountain of Salvation was represented to the Jews by Types and Figures, whereas the Christian Religion comprehends the reality, and accomplishment thereof; but forasmuch as the Religion of the Jews was dressed up with abundance of tedious Ceremonies, whereof the greatest part had respect to the Policy, and natural Inclinations of that People, which were great obstacles to the growth of their Religion, and rendered it morally impossible to become Universal, and serve for all the World. 'Tis true, the other Nations were not so totally excluded, that through Faith in Jesus Christ, they could not likewise be saved; to which end, there were among the Jews, some godly and zealous men, that made it their business to convert the Heathens, especially, those with whom they had to do; but it did not yet please the Alwise God to send out his Ambassadors or Apostles, honoured with especial and extraordinary Gifts over all the Earth, to turn all Nations to the Jewish Faith; and the pains that some particulars took in the Conversion of the Infidels, could not produce any great effects, in relation to the whole World. And forasmuch as the Jews in those times, being the Select People of God, had the advantage above all others, and that the only Temple of the True God was amongst them, they valued themselves highly therefore, and despised all the rest of the World in comparison with themselves. Besides, They were obliged, upon the Account of their Ceremonies, to abstain from a too free and familiar Conversation with other Nations, which produced an implacable and reciprocal hate betwixt them; so that they were set against all the World, and all the World against them; and consequently, destroyed all hopes of the propagation of their Religion: Again, the Heathens could not easily be persuaded, that when they would Solemnly pay their Adorations to God Almighty, they must make a long Journey to Jerusalem, as if they themselves could not build a Temple in their own Country, which should enjoy the same privilege, as that of the Jews. To which prejudice we may add, that those who were converted to the Jewish Religion, were not so much esteemed as the Natives of the Country, so that a very few could resolve for Religion's sake, to expose themselves to that contempt, which is usually the fate of strangers to endure.  
Sect. 4. But the Christian Religion has not only a much purer and clearer Light, and other Advantages above the Jewish, which we leave to be considered by the Divines; but it is also freed from those straightening Circumstances, which rendered the Jewish Religion so particular, and it has all the Qualities that are requisite to the composition of an Universal Religion, upon which Account, all men are obliged to embrace the same, which ought especially to be observed by one that will inquire into the Nature and Genius of the Christian Religion; for in this, God has not set apart any particular Land or Country, where he will more peculiarly be Adored, nor endued any with a privileged Holiness above the rest; so that, the inconvenience and great distance of God's Temple, can now no longer be a pretext to this or that People; for in all Nations, the offering of an humble and contrite heart, is equally agreeable to the common Saviour of the whole World; nor is there any one Temple, where God is more present, or our Prayers sooner accepted, than in another. No Nation professing the Christian Religion has such Advantages above the rest, whereupon to value its self, and undervalue its Neighbour. There is no distinction of Jew or Greek, Bondman, or Free, but we are all in Jesus Christ; there is no particular Race or Family selected by God for the performing Divine Service, as among the Jews; but all other abilities concurring, one has as much right thereto, as another. There is nothing in the Christian Religion that hinders us from maintaining a good Union and Correspondence with all men, or to render one another those mutual good Offices which the Law of Nature requires from us. The Christian Religion simply considered, and in its natural Purity, despoiled of all Worldly views and interests, has not the least jarring or discord with the Laws and Civil Society, in as much as they agree with the Dictates of right Reason, but rather contributes much to the cementing and corroborating of the same, tho' that is not its principal end or design. There is nothing that does clash with the ends of Civil Government, or that should hinder us from living honourably, quietly and securely under the Protection of our Rulers; so that every Christian may yield an exact and perfect obedience to every command of the Secular Power, as long as such commands do not recede from the Law of Nature, right Reason, and the Necessities of the State; as likewise, he may fill every charge and employ, that is necessary in a well governed Commonwealth: On the contrary, the Christian Religion is most fit thereto, for it does require in us, a strict observation of all the Precepts of the Law of Nature, and especially, those the breach whereof is not obnoxious to the punishment of any Civil Laws, and does recommend to every one, the performance of his charge, as far as it concurs with the Laws of Nature and Honour, with the greatest Zeal and Fidelity imaginable; so that there is no sort of Philosophy in the World, nor any other Religion whatsoever, that can compare with the Christian in those points; as may be seen at first sight, by any one that will take the pains to make a parallel of them together; so that, it is not only the obligation of every particular man, in as much as he is one day to give an account to God for his Soul, to embrace the Christian Religion; but all those whom God has entrusted with the Supreme Power, are particularly bound, for reasons before mentioned, to introduce and maintain it in their States, and that by an obligation, which does necessarily follow the exercise of their Office. Now tho' these effects are not every where equally visible among Christians, and that there are found some, who lead as irregular and disorderly lives, as the worst of Turks and Infidels; the blame is not to be laid upon the Christian Religion, but is to be imputed to the malice and perverseness of mankind, who only hid their impiety under that Sacred Veil, and do little trouble themselves to put in practice the most excellent Lessons, which the bestof Religions does continually suggest to 'em.  
Sect. 5. But as all these things cannot be doubted of by the more Learned sort of Men, so there occurs here a very considerable question, namely, Whether the Christian Religion does indispensibly require, that the external Direction of it, should depend of any other than those who have the Supreme Power and Administration of Affairs in every State? Or, (which is the same in effect) Whether the external Government thereof, should reside conjointly in the Priests and Clergy, or in any one of them, without any dependence on the Supreme Secular Powers? Or else, Whether there must be but one Sovereign Director of the Christian Religion, whom all other Christian States shall blindly obey? All which Queries, as some think, do finally terminate in this: Whether each State ought to regulate its self according to its own Interest and Advantage? Or, Whether all other States ought to make themselves Slaves to one, and seek to render it great and flourishing by their own Loss and Destruction?  
By the external Government, or Direction of the Christian Religion, we understand such a Power which exerts itself in the choice it makes of certain Persons to be employed in the public exercise of Divine Service, reserving to its self the Jurisdiction, and free Liberty of enquiring into the Carriage and Demeanour of those Persons: The Administration and Disposal of all such Goods as shall be Consecrated to Religion and Pious Uses; by Enacting such Laws as shall be thought necessary for the Support and Maintaining of Religion, in deciding all Differences and Disputes that upon any occasion may arise among the Clergy, and other things of the like nature.  
And we distinguish this external Direction from the Minister of the Church, which consists in Teaching, Preaching and Administering the Holy Sacraments, which beyond all dispute does alone belong to the Clergy: but this question is to be understood, de Ecclesia jam plantata, & constituta, non de adhuc constituenda & plantanda, of the Church which is already Established, and not of that which is yet to be founded. For the Christian Doctrine, originally proceeding from the Divine Revelation, and Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, no Human Power can be admitted to the Direction thereof, before that it be manifested and laid open by those that are immediately Authorised by God for that purpose. So likewise, when our Saviour after his Resurrection, sent out his Disciples as his Apostles and Ambassadors over all the World, to promulge, and introduce the Doctrine of the Holy Gospel, they did not receive this Commission and Plenipotential right of Preaching here and there from the Supreme Magistrate, but from God alone; to which therefore the King was as much obliged to submit, as the meanest of his Subjects, they being the immediate Messengers of God, and to receive their Doctrine with all humility and obedience: Besides, it would be very unreasonable and ridiculous to aspire to the Direction of Affairs, whereof they had not the least Cognizance.  
From whence it does also necessarily follow, that this question is to be understood of those Supreme Powers, which themselves do profess the Christian Religion, and not of Infidels or Heretics for to commit the Care and Direction of our Religion to such, were to set the Wolf to keep the Sheep.  
Sect. 6. This question may be considered three several ways. 1. Whether such a Necessity does arise from the Nature of each Religion in general? Or, 2. Whether it be a peculiar Effect of the Christian Religion? And Lastly, Whether it is grounded on any positive Command and Order of God? That such should proceed from the common and universal Nature of every Religion we can in no wise perceive. Nor can a sensible man be easily brought to believe, That to serve God rightly, he must of necessity, make a Schism in the State, and introduce two jarring Powers independent of each other: Such a Division or Composition of the Sovereign Power in the same Republic, is the ready means of fomenting an unquenchable Fire of Distrusts, Fears, and internal Jealousies; whereas on the contrary, there is no absurdity or contradiction in serving God, and committing the external Direction of Divine Service to the Sovereign Powers, with this restriction that the Sovereign will not undertake to impose any False or Heretical Opinions on us.  
In like manner, as every one is naturally obliged to serve God, so he likewise has the Power of Instituting such external Signs of his Adoration, as he is persuaded to be most pleasing and agreeable to God. But so soon as Mankind set themselves to the forming and composing of civil Societies, they abandoned all their right and power to those to whom belong the direction and management of the whole Society.  
The ancient Patresfamilias or Fathers of the Family, before the construction of any Republic, have this right solely seated in themselves, and which from them was wont to descend to the first born of the Family, as Haereditas Eximia, the more Excellent and Eminent Part of their Inheritance: But so soon as men with one common accord, united themselves into civil Societies and commonweals, this Power was transferred from the Head of each Family, to the Head of the Republic; and this was done upon very weighty reasons, for if it had been left to every man's fancy and pleasure, what sort of Ceremonies he would observe in the external Adoration of God, the strange and contrary varieties of serving God, would have produced nothing but Hate, Contempt, and irreconcilable Dissensions amongst the Subjects of the same State. And altho' among God's People, the Jews, the public Administration of Divine Service, was become hereditary, and tied to one certain Family; yet the Sovereign inspection and care of the Priests, did only belong to them who had the Sovereign Authority in the Civil Government. The same thing has likewise been observed by almost all the other Nations.  
Sect. 7. Nor can we perceive, that such a Direction must necessarily belong to any other than the Sovereign of each State, or the necessity thereof be proved from any Identity or particular quality of the Christian Religion as far as it does comprehend in its self something more than is suggested to us by the Light of Nature, concerning the Divine Worship: Whilst we always take it for granted, That the Sovereign, by Virtue of that external Direction, neither can, nor will introduce any thing contrary to God's Holy Word, nor hinder the Ministers from the performance of their Office, according to the Divine Precepts.  
Besides, There can no reason be given, why the Supreme Powers should be incapable of ever attaining those Qualifications which are required to this external Care and Direction of the Church; or at least, that they should not be able to commit this Direction to some of their Subjects, that are beyond exception qualified for such an employ: After the same manner as other parts of the Sovereignty are often Administered by the Subjects. So no body presumes to deprive the Sovereign of his Legislative Faculty, or pretends a better Right, tho' 'tis certain, that every Doctor and Professor of Law, aught to be infinitely better versed therein, than any King can be; who, as in all other Important Affairs, ought also herein, to make use of their Counsel, and profit himself of the Fruits of their long Study and Experience. For a Brave and Wise King, far from making it his Interest, that his Subjects should acquit themselves ill of those Offices he has entrusted 'em with, may rather (conformably to his Duty) extract incredible Advantages from the good and faithful management of what he has committed to them. For the more Diligent and Zealous he is in the Maintenance and Support of the Christian Religion, the more capable his Subjects are of serving him, and the more assured is he of God's Help and Assistance. Besides, caeteris paribus, 'tis impossible to give any Reason, why God Almighty should not grant his Grace and Assistance to an Orthodox Christian King, as well as to any other, in the good and laudable Administration of such a Direction. Lastly, Whilst the Christian Religion in no other point does encroach upon the Civil Laws and Ordinances, so far as they fall in with the Law of Nature, we ought not to believe, that it breaks its bounds in this, unless we had a formal and positive assurance thereof, from God himself. Those therefore that will persist in the Defence of such an Absurdity, are obliged to demonstrate, where the Holy Scripture in express Terms, deprives the Supreme Civil Magistrate of this Direction, to bestow it on another independent, and not acknowledging any Earthly Superior. In the mean while, we will proceed to examine, how, and by what steps, such a Spiritual Sovereignty, has attained to so monstrous a Degree in the Western Churches.  
Sect. 8. When the Apostles, after our Saviour's Ascension, had begun to Preach the Holy Gospel to all People, being appointed thereto, by their Master's immediate Commands; they did, in a short time, gain an incredible number of Proselytes, as well amongst the Jews as Gentiles, and especially of the common People, then oppressed with a miserable Ignorance, and leading a wretched and beastly Life. They therefore embraced this Doctrine with a great deal of Joy, wherein they found unspeakable Comforts against the inconveniences, and desperate Sorrows of this temporary Life.  
Besides, The Apostles being themselves of low Birth, and as to outward appearance, making a very inconsiderable figure, found an easier Access, and could better insinuate their Opinions into the minds of their equals. Whereas the great Men, and the most Learned, slighted this upstart Religion in the beginning, nor thought it worth their while to make any exact inquiry into the Mysteries thereof.  
If men may presume to examine the Reasons of the Divine Wisdom, and why it was pleased to make use of such means in the first Introduction of the Christian Religion; the most probable seems to be, that God forbore to make use of Power, or the Authority of the Supreme Magistrate, lest the Purity of the Gospel might be mistaken for a Politic Device, or a Philosophical Speculation. Whereas if a man compares the inconsiderable beginning with the wonderful Progress, he will easily observe, that there is something more than Humane in it; especially, considering that the most Learned among the Heathens, with all their Subtleties, with all their Helps of Art and Nature, could but slightly and superficially penetrate into the Reason and Causes of Divine Things; and that the Great Socrates amongst the rest, tho' he clearly discovered the blind Superstition and Ignorance of his Age, yet had not Power enough to introduce a better; but as a Reward for his good Design, suffered Death as an Heretic and Innovator of the Established Religion: Whereby we are given to understand, That the Wisdom of the World is but Folly with God, who could perfect a work, by the means of poor ignorant Fishermen, which all the united Wits of the greatest Philosophers, were not able to set on foot. Besides, The Apostles manner of acting, seemed very odd to the more rational sort of People; they thought it strange to hear a Crucified Jesus, the greatest Subject of their Sermons; and that they should name him the Son of God, and Saviour of the World, who was born among a People derided and despised as the scum of the Earth, and the abject of all Nations; nor was this Jesus in any great Repute in the World, nor had he signalised himself by any Famous Heroical Actions; or by a great many Years Preaching and Teaching, spread his Name abroad among the People; but on the contrary, was cut off in the Flower of his Age, by a most scandalous and shameful Death.  
Wherefore, the Jesuits in their endeavours of planting the Gospel amongst the cunning Chineses, do not begin it from the Passions of Christ, but do first Reason and Discourse upon Natural Religion, and then after a long round about, fall upon the Articles of the Christian Faith, which whether they can by these devices and politic Methods, better insinuate into those unbelievers, than the Apostles, I shall not now examine. One may also add, That it seemed good to God, to deliver first the most simple, and the meanest of the People out of that Heathenish Blindness, since they were maintained and kept under in a continual Superstition by the great ones, who, tho' they easily perceived the cheat and vanity of Paganism, yet, withheld by their Interest and Worldly Considerations, did not think it worth while to seek after a better. Thus God by his withdrawing the Mobile from their Heathenish manner of serving him loosened the very Foundations of this Grand Machine, and thereby destroyed the Form and Superstructure thereof. For the Ignorance and Credulity of the common People was the great Basis by which Paganism was alone sustained.  
Sect. 9 After that, the Christian Religion was communicated first to the common People, as we have before showed; the greatest Opposition it met withal, was from the Roman Emperors, for as in their Dominions, it had taken the deepest Root, and made the greatest Progress, so was it there most cruelly Persecuted and Oppressed; to which did not a little Contribute their Ignorance of this New Religion, what its Principles, and what its Design was; to which Cause we may add the great Number of Proselytes daily gained by the Publishers of the Gospel, who all of 'em, openly contemned the Heathenish Rites and Ceremonies. Besides, The Emperors thought it much below 'em, and a derogation from their Dignities, to enter into a more particular examination of this Doctrine. The first Christian's also, being for the most part, very unlearned, were not able to reduce their Religion into any Method or Form, wherein to present it to those that were in Authority, which was the occasion that the most malicious Lies and Calumnies of their Enemies were taken up for great Truths, even, by those that cast an indifferent Eye on that Religion. They were accused of practising all sorts of Debauchery and Immodesty, in their secret Nocturnal Assemblies; nay, they did not stick to traduce them of holding private Cabals and Conspiracies against the State. There were a great many, that had an Aversion for all Innovations, whose Argument was, That since the Roman Commonwealth had so bravely subsisted with its Old Religion for so many Hundred Years, Why could it not make the same shift still? And 'twas particularly, against all Rules of Policy, to suffer the Mobile, to begin so great a Revolution, as if they were wiser than their Lords and Rulers: And that which looked most suspicious, was, That the Christians had constituted among themselves, a sort of Ecclesiastical Government, which they considered as a Schism or Faction; as if the Christians had designed to erect a New Commonwealth, upon the ruins of the Old one, and by dividing the Forces of the Empire, at last, make themselves Masters of the whole. Lastly, Whilst the Heathen Temples began to be less frequented, proportionably as the number of the Christians increased, and that in the mean time, the Grandeur of the Roman Empire, was sensibly decayed, and weakened by the cruel shocks it had received from the Germans, Farthians, etc. a great many of the People possessed with Bigotry and Superstition, could attribute it to nothing else, but the contempt and neglect of their Gods, by whose favourable Assistance, Rome had seen its self Mistress of the World. They fell therefore upon the Christians, as wicked Atheistical Men, and sworn Enemies to all Religions; and because they refused to obey the Emperors Commands concerning the Adoration of Images, and underwent all the Torments inflicted on them, and Death itself, with an amazing Tranquillity and Sedateness of mind; they interpreted that, as a malicious stubborness, and hardness of heart, and therefore raged more Tyrannically against them, endeavouring by all sorts of Cruelties to maintain their Authority over these wretched People: But what Reasons soever can be alleged in Justification of those bloody Persecutions exercised against the Christians by several Roman Emperors, none can be sufficient to excuse them from the Title of unrighteous Tyrants, and shameful Abusers of that High Power, which God Almighty has entrusted them with. For their Subjects had embraced this Religion by the express Commands of God, which can neither be withstood or suspended by the Orders of any Earthly Sovereign, since the Sovereigns as well as their Subjects, are obliged to embrace this Religion; the omission whereof, is an high Sin against the Divine Majesty. Besides, They could not excuse themselves with the pretext of Ignorance; for since it was a New Religion, they were obliged with greater Care and Exactness to inform themselves of the Nature thereof, and not so blindly to sentence poor innocent People, for not obeying those commands which were not in the least Obligatory. For I ought not to condemn any one to Death, before I am fully informed of the Crimes, whereof he stands accused.  
Sect. 10. But since the Christian Religion did not owe its beginning to the Consent and Authority of the Soveraign● the Professors thereof, found themselves obliged on their own Heads, to establish their Religion and its external Administration after the best manner they could; as it usually happens in all Societies, that are founded in any State without the knowledge or permission of the Civil Magistrate, where the Members of the same are necessitated to find out all the means that can best conduce to the advantage of their fellowship, by choosing such Officers, and making such Laws as are requisite to attain the ends they propose themselves. 'Tis true, according to the Rules of the best Policy, founded upon the Law of Nature, the Administration and External Direction of Divine Worship, (as we had often repeated before) does belong to the Sovereign; but since he then neglected to perform that Function, the Primitive Christians were forced to constitute Church-Ministers, and to maintain them by the Alms of charitable People. And when any Difference or Controversy arose amongst them, which could not be determined by one Assembly alone, they imparted it to another Assembly, with which they kept Correspondence, or else it was decided in a Convocation of the Neighbouring Ministers. Now altho' it be against the Rules of Policy of all States, to permit the erecting of Fellowships (especially such as consist of any considerable Number of Persons) to Subjects and Particulars; yet it does not follow from thence, that the Assemblies of the ancient Christians and their Synods, were to be Interpreted seditious and unlawful Conventicles, since they had no other prospect, than the free Exercise of that Religion which God had imparted to 'em, and against which, no humane Constitutions were of any Efficacy. For if the Sovereign, does neglect his Duty and Care of his own Salvation, it is not necessary that his Subjects should imitate him, and reject the great Benefit that Heaven does offer to 'em; because, it is not accepted by their Sovereign, nor can his Authority extend so far as to oblige them thereto. And as each particular may take up Arms, and defend himself, when the Sovereign either cannot, or will not afford him his Assistance and Protection; so if he will not take care for my Soul, I am so much the more obliged to watch over it myself, as the Soul is of greater Consequence and Value than the Body; and that another is less prejudiced by my Religion, than by a violent, tho' self-Defence; since no man by submitting himself to any Civil Government, does renounce the Care of his Body and Soul. For otherwise, if it had pleased God to have begun the propagation of his Religion from the Conversion of Kings and Emperors; without doubt, they would have seconded by their Edicts the Preaching of the Apostles, abolished the Temples of their Heathenish Gods, prohibited the Exercise of Paganism; and by the Apostles Advice, they would have assumed and managed the external Direction of Religious Affairs, and forever afterward, have reserved it in their own hands; as we find it put in practice in some Countries where the Christian Religion was first embraced by the Princes thereof.  
Sect. 11. In the mean while, the external Government and Disposition of Holy Things, by the negligence of the Civil Magistrate, being devolved upon the Primitive Christians, was found too late, to be of a very dangerous Consequence; for from hence, some have pretended to infer, that the Election of fit Ministers, and the Management of Church-Affairs, does naturally and originally belong to the common People, as they are understood in opposition to their Sovereign or Rulers. 'Tis true, one ought not to force upon the vulgar, a Minister whom they extremely dislike, especially, if they have any probable reason of their aversion against him; for such a man, with all the Preaching in the World, can never Edify his unwilling Auditors; yet it does not follow from hence, that the Mob have any original right thereto, because they once enjoyed it by provision, whilst the Sovereign omitted the performance of his Duty and Function herein: For otherwise, it would have been as little in their Power, to call and appoint Ministers in their Churches, as it ever was to dispose of Civil Offices and Employs in the State. Therefore, if it happens, that in this Country or another, the common People have any Right or Privilege therein, 'tis to be understood, that they enjoy it by the permission and connivance of their Sovereign, whom we presuppose to be an Orthodox Christian. There are some also, who would from hence conclude, That the external Government of the Church, must necessarily be considered as something separate and distinct from the Supreme Civil Government, and therefore aught to be Sovereignly Administered by the united Body of the Clergy, or by some one chose from amongst them; and that so in every Christian State, there must needs be two Different and Independent Bodies, of which, one was be named, the Body Politic, and t'other the Body Ecclesiastic, and both Sovereign and Independent of each other. But this is absolutely false, and it is most certain, that that Power and Authority, which was provisionally usurped by the People, when that negligence of the Prince, by which it was forfeited, ceases, does justly devolve again upon the lawful Sovereign; nor does it follow that the Power which the Apostles had in the establishing the Church, can be challenged by the Ministers of the Church now established; for the Apostolary Function was something particular, and different from the ordinary Church-Ministery, as this is from the external Direction of the Church, and therefore as one that is chosen for a Minister, is not straight an Apostle; so neither does a King in assuming the Government and Protection of the Church, immediately become a Priest thereof.  
Now, tho' the Christian Religion is originally Divine, and therefore not to be comprehended by weak, Humane Intellects; yet that does not hinder the King, or whosoever is Supreme, from the Direction and Administration thereof, provided, that he make use of the Counsel and Assistance of those men who are best versed in such Affairs. From what has been now said, we may likewise draw this conclusion, that we are not obliged precisely to follow the Praxis of the Primitive Churches, in relation to the external Direction of the Church, or to observe it as a general Rule for Church-Government in those States where the Sovereign is an Orthodox Christian. For that Praxis is wholly founded on the Circumstances of those times, which can have no place in those States where both the Supreme Magistrates and the Common People, are united in one Faith; Why therefore should we make a Schism in the State, when there is none in the Religion?  
Sect. 12. Now, tho' by the conversion of Constantine the Great, to the Christian Religion, the Church assumed a New Form; for as much as the Sovereign was then capable of Administering the Function of external Governor of the Church, yet this could not be done so easily or commodiously, as if the Sovereign had always from the beginning been Head of the Christian Church, but there remained so many Relics of the preceding Provisional-Government, that they afterwards occasioned innumerable errors and abuses in the Western or Latin Churches. Besides, the People could not be brought to consent, that the Emperors, whom they as then, looked upon to be mere Novices in Matters of Religion, should immediately acquire the Supreme Direction of Ecclesiastic Affairs, in prejudice of the Bishops and Clergy, who could not see themselves, without a great deal of unwillingness and regret, despoiled of so considerable an Authority: Whereas the Emperors on the contrary (their Subjects being mostly Christians) were forced to depend on their Priests, and caress them continually, if they desired to have their Throne settled, and themselves secure from falling. To which Reason we may add, That the first Christian Emperors having as yet in their Service a great many Heathenish Officers, it was not reasonable that the Government of the Church, and the Affairs thereof should be taken into consideration, or deliberated of, in the Imperial Councils, where Pagans were always present. From thence it came, that in the Institution of Bishops and other ecclesiastics, the customs and manners introduced in the times of the Heathen Emperors were generally observed, and that not only the decision of Controversies in Matters of Faith, but also all Laws serving to the external Direction and Government of the Church; as also all other Differences arising amongst the Chiefest of the Clergy were deliberated of in Synods and General Assemblies, where the Prelates pretended that they alone had right to Preside and give their Suffrages. Whereas the right of calling Synods or other Assemblies together, was the Prerogative of Sovereign's alone, and in all other times did indisputably belong to them; besides that, that it was but reasonable that they should preside and have the Direction of such Assemblies, let the matter be what it would that was there Treated of, where their Consent was absolutely necessary to the ratification and passing into a Law of what was there determined. 'Tis true, in those Conventions, neither the Sovereign, nor the whole Body of the Clergy have any Power or Right to form new Articles of our Belief, or to interpret the Scriptures after their own Fancy; but since the whole Duty of a Christian, what he ought to do, and what he ought to believe, is contained in the Holy Bible, which God has equally given to all men, and not as the Oracles of the Sibyls, committed only to the Care of the Priests, and that all other men, as well as the ecclesiastics, can understand as much thereof, as is necessary for Salvation; it does not therefore in the least, seem unreasonable, that the Sovereign should preside in all such Conventions where they debate and dispute about the apparent Contradictions and different Interpretations of the Holy Scriptures, where the Presence and Authority of the Prince, might serve to moderate those Heats and Passions which usually arise from disagreeing Opinions in things of that nature, where he might hinder all Calumnies and Reflections upon Persons, spiteful and malicious Interpretation of Words, and finally awe them from pronouncing anathemas without a very just reason against innocent and well meaning Persons. But whilst the first Christian Emperor's neglected this their right, or could not conveniently maintain it, from hence it came, that things were very confusedly deliberated of, and determined by Councils; and that afterwards the Pope's usurping a Power above all the other Western Bishops; and Councils themselves pretended a right of determining in all Matters of Faith, and of introducing Canons or Ecclesiastical Laws wherein their own Profit and Advantage was their chiefest prospect, and have at last assumed the Supreme Jurisdiction in all Spiritual Matters, and thereby have withdrawn themselves from that obedience which they owed to their lawful Sovereigns the Roman Emperors.  
Sect. 13. Besides, It was the Custom in the ancient Churches, that the Primitive Christians, according to the Advice of St. Paul, would very rarely plead their causes before the Gentile Tribunals; but when any Controversy arose amongst them, they referred it to the decision of the Bishop, lest the Heathens should be scandalised thereat, and take occasion to revile the Name of Christ. Besides, it would have a very ill grace to see them so greedily plead for temporal things which they pretended so much to slight and contemn. Now this in itself, and at that time was a very laudable and useful design; but at last, whilst the Christian Emperors, far from abolishing this Custom, confirmed it more and more, and the Tribunals were filled with Christian Judges, the Bishops usurped a formal Jurisdiction, which did not alone encroach upon the rights of the Civil Magistrates, but did also distract the Bishops themselves from the exercise of that Charge, which did peculiarly belong to them.  
'Twas likewise the Custom of the Primitive Christians, when in their Marriages any scruple arose concerning the Proximity or nearness of Blood, to refer themselves to the Priest, and acquiesce in his Sentiments, who also in all quarrels between Man and Wife, interposed his Authority, to which we may add his Assisting always in the Celebration of Marriages, with his Prayers and Blessings; from all which Customs (tho' as we said before, naturally innocent and good in themselves) very pernicious Errors and Abuses have been derived, since the Pope has from hence taken occasion to draw all Affairs of Matrimony, which occur, circa statum hominum, Divortia, nullitates Matrimoniorum, Sucessiones, Haereditates, and all others of the like Importance into his Forum or Tribunal, and to colour his abuses the better, he has made a New Sacrament of Matrimony.  
The Primitive Christians by the Innocence and Holiness of their Lives, endeavoured to stir up a desire in the Heathens of embracing so laudable a Religion, and therefore they very severely punished those Calumnies and Slanders which the Civil Laws of the Gentiles did not reach; so that in their Churches when any, by a notorious ill Life, had given Scandal and a bad Example to the Brethren, there was some public Ecclesiastical Penance or other enjoined him, which never exceeded a temporal or total Exclusion from the Congregation; which Custom, could not but be very profitable in the present Christian States, provided that the Direction thereof resided wholly in the Sovereign's hands, whose Duty it would be to prevent that such Ecclesiastical Censures be not the effects of malice, private passions, and self-interests; especially when such Censures operate so effectually in foro & vita civ. li, as in the Eighth Century, when no man would converse with an excommunicated Person. Now the Sovereign Exercise of such a Power, can reasonably belong to none but the Supreme Magistrate in every State, without making a division in the Government. But how the Popes in following times have abused, and how far they have extended these Censures, is plainly enough laid open by all Historians; when they neither spared Emperors, Kings or Commonwealths that refused to Dance after their Pipes, but in excommunicating them, they forbidden them to assist at Divine Service, dispensed their Subjects of their due Allegiance, gave away their Kingdoms to others, and finally, obliged them to consent to the most disadvantageous and unreasonable things in the World.  
In the mean while, these Abuses have not spread themselves so wide in the Eastern Churches, whilst the Emperors of Constantinople did at least keep up their Authority so far, that the Clergy there durst never encroach upon it, nor had any of the Eastern Bishops that opportunity of lifting himself above his Colleagues, and assuming the Title of Head of the Church; for the Bishop of Constantinople himself had only the first place, and privilege of preceding all those that were not of his Diocese, but had no Jurisdiction over them.  
Sect. 14. But in the Western Churches, the different circumstances of things altered quite the Scene, whilst the Bishops of Rome had projected and begun to exercise a peculiar sort of Government and Supremacy, and which at the last they have brought to its highest point and perfection: A Sovereignty that in all the World cannot finds its parallel, being built upon quite different Foundations, and maintained by ways extremely disagreeing from the policy of all other States: Therefore after having made an exact enquiry into its rise and constitution, we will lay open its Intrigues, and describe the influences it has had, the Power it has usurped and maintained for so many Ages in all the Affairs of Europe, and with what zeal and fierceness this up start Sovereignty has been attacked by some, and defended by others; to which, we will add the reasons of that cruel blow was given to it in the last Age, and how it has recovered its almost lost credit in this Age, and is like to keep up itself in a very good posture.  
From which, the Wise may judge what hopes there remain of any accommodation or union of the Protestants with the Papists. One of the Causes (tho' something remote) which has not a little contributed to the monstrous growth of a Power so pernicious to all the other Sovereigns of Europe, was the Barbarity and Ignorance of Sciences, after the decay of the Western Empire; for counterfeit Wares are best sold and put off by dim, weak Lights, and an ignorant man is easier imposed on with bagatelles and improbabilities, than one that has a better insight into the nature of things, and a freer exercise of his Reason. This ignorance accompanied afterwards with so insupportable a Pedantry (whereas the preceding Age was more Learned) was promoted by different Causes: One of the Chiefest whereof, was the Invasion of a no less Warlike, than ignorant People, in the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, which for some Ages during an unsettled and inconstant Government, felt nothing but cruel Wars, terrible Disorders, spoiling, ravaging and laying waste of whole Countries; and in a Word, all the miseries that are the necessary consequences of a Barbarous Government. Whereas the Muses and Liberal Sciences are the Daughters of Peace and Prosperity; but in the Hurly-burlies and Tumults of War, Books are a dead Ware, and shall lie long enough on the hands of those that have 'em; Schools and Academies are then like Wildernesses, either quite empty, or haunted by none but wild Beasts; and the Gentlemen of the long Robe, will rather choose to shoulder a Musket, than trudge to Westminster-Hall, with a green Bag under their Arms, so that in such times, the poor Professors, Schoolmasters, etc. have nothing to do but shut up their Shops, pack up their Goods and begun, especially when the Victorious Enemy has no knowledge of Letters, and as little esteem or kindness for them.  
There are some that will maintain, that the Churchmen themselves did not a little Contribute to these dark times of Ignorance, for because the Philosophers had given them no small trouble under the Pagan Emperors, and that still under the Christian Emperors, there were found who opposed their Doctrine; the Clergy upon that account, conceived an irreconcilable hatred and aversion against the Philosophers and against their Opinions, and inspired the same Sentiments into all their Auditors, and in all places where they had any Authority or Direction of the Schools, they forbade the use of all the Heathen Authors, under pretence, that the youth might not be Debauched and Corrupted with the Errors of the Gentiles, and that it was a sin for them to Study in Books filled with the Fables and Names of the Heathen Gods, which no good Christian ought so much as to mention. 'Twas a very common Story too, which they spread abroad, that St. Jerom was whipped with Rods in a Dream by the Devil, because he read Cicero with too great an Application. And about the Year Four Hundred, the Council of Carthage strictly prohibited the Bishops the reading of any Heathen Book; and as in those miserable times, few applied themselves to the Study of Letters, except those that were destined to Divinity, so that the few relics of Learning were wholly engrossed by the Clergy, the Schools already ruined, were only used to attain the ends which they proposed to themselves, that is, the propagation of Ignorance; and the Students were very well satisfied with the remission and neglect of their usual Studies, as being mightily afraid of becoming too Learned. That such a Barbarity did not a little contribute to the introduction of Popery, we may learn from hence, that it would have been impossible in any but such ignorant times to have made the Epistolae Decretales (ascribed to the first Popes) pass for lawful, wherein they made the World believe, that it was always the right of the Bishop of Rome to give Laws, at least in Spiritual Matters, to all that bore the Name of Christians: But afterwards, when the Light of Knowledge began to glimmer a little in Europe, and that it was impossible any longer to contain the European Nations, now their Eyes were opened, in a slavery, a gross and blind Ignorance had given birth to; the Pope who had usurped the Care and Inspection of the Schools and Nurseries of Learning, introduced therein the most miserable Pedantry that ever could be imagined; and which even to this day, his Creatures teach and maintain with a great deal of zeal in all their Schools. But that which does chief seem to have powerfully contributed to this Greatness and Dominion of the Popes, was the Ignorance of the true Fundamental Politics, wherein is contained the Cause, Nature, and Perfection of the Right and Might of Sovereigns, and wherein amongst other things is demonstrated that to the perfection of any State it is absolutely necessary that the Supreme Authority, be neither lessened nor divided: And particularly, we find that even the Greek and Latin Politicians, did teach very pernicious Lessons concerning the mixture and division of the Sovereign Power, inspiring the common People with Sentiments of Love and Kindness for a Democratical or Aristocratical State, but an inveterate hatred against Monarchy, and that they were persuaded, that the more they could bind their Prince's Hands, the more happy would be the condition of the Republic. Now, these dangerous Maxims were not a little confirmed by the violent and tyrannical Government of the Emperors, who were mortally hated by the most part of their Subjects: so that it is no wonder, that this Science was quite overwhelmed and lost in an universal Ignorance, especially whilst the Clergy were of an Opinion that it was quite contrary to their Profession: From hence it came, that upon the first laying the Foundations of a Spiritual Sovereignty, the World so little considered or understood the consequences of such a Work, and how prejudicial it was like to be to the Supreme Secular Power, which if they had done, they would undoubtedly have opposed themselves to its first growth, and have quashed an Egg that should produce so terrible a Scorpion.  
And we see even at this Day, That in all Schools where Popish Priests bear sway, they do entirely stifle the Science of the Politics, or at least they do so turn and wrest the principles thereof, that it does not only not choke the Papal Authority, but does rather serve to establish and confirm it.  
Sect. 15. The reasons that induced the pretended Sovereign of the Church to make Rome the Seat of his Government, were chief the Authority of that City, which as it had been before the Metropolis of the Roman Empire, so was it afterwards the Residence of the first Christian Emperors; for as for what the Papists tell of St. Peter's Chair, that's a pure Fiction, and Story invented by them, to colour the usurpations of the Bishop of Rome, which is manifest enough from hence, that the Bishop of Constantinople (when that City became the Capital of the new Eastern Empire) enjoyed the second place after the Bishop of Rome; and that after the decay of the Western Empire, the Priority of the See of Rome has often been disputed by the succeeding Bishops of Constantinople. After that the Persecutions of the Heathen Emperors were quite ceased, and that the Christian Religion began to breath Liberty, and the Free Exercise of their Religion was confirmed by the Statutes and Ordinances of the Empire; the Clergy endeavoured insensibly to introduce an Hierarchy or Church-Government into the Republic, under the pretext of establishing the Affairs of the Church, and setting them in good order; to which end, the Bishops began to Lord it over the ordinary Priests, and to observe even a kind of Subordination amongst themselves, and to such as were Bishops of the Capital Cities in each Province, they appointed the Care and Inspection over the rest of the same Province, and named them Metropolitans, who about Eight Ages afterward, took upon themselves the Name and Title of Arch-Bishops; amongst these there were four that had the pre-eminence above all the rest; namely, the Bishop of Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria, those being the most considerable Cities of the Roman Empire, to which we may add, Jerusalem Famous for its ancient Holiness. And altho' the Emperor Phocas, out of the hatred he bore to the Bishop of Constantinople (who had refused to approve of the Murder of the Emperor Maurice) had given the pre-eminence to Boniface the Third, Bishop of Rome, who thereupon took the Name of Ecumenical or Universal Bishop; yet this Prerogative did only consist in a simple preference, and did not carry along with it any Power or Jurisdiction, which none of the other Patriarches would ever yield to him: And we read that the Bishops in Africa, when he of Rome would have obliged them to truckle to his Power, alleging to that intent, a falsified Canon of the Nicene Council, did very vigorously resist and baffle that his design. Besides, in the whole frame of the Papal Supremacy, we find nothing Divine, but all built upon Humane Institutions, and there is no more reason to be given, why the Bishop of Rome has the first place, than he of Antioch the third. And forasmuch as one State has no power to prescribe Laws to another wholly independent of it; therefore those privileges which have been granted to the Popes by the Roman Emperors, and the ancient Councils which were nothing else but a Congregation of the Clergy of the Roman Empire, cannot oblige any other State to obedience, nor extend themselves farther than the bounds of the ancient Empire. And if perhaps in succeeding times, some few Christian States have given the Pope any Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters within their Dominions, they did it without doubt, either because they knew upon what grounds that pretended Power was founded, or else they were surprised and cheated into obedience.  
If it be the first, there is no other probable reason to be given for it, than that it originally proceeding from some Covenant or Agreement made betwixt those States and the Bishops of Rome, whilst the former imagined that their Churches could not be well governed, till they abandoned the Care and Direction of 'em to the latter. Now such an Agreement primarily depending on the free will and consent of any Republic, according to the nature of all other obligations, is ipso facto, void and of no effect, when it turns to the extreme disadvantage of the Republic, or when the Popes abuse that Power which is granted to them. But if this Papal Supremacy be introduced dolo malo, by the tricks and cheats of the knavish Priests, than the abused and miss-led States as soon as they can discover how they have been imposed on, may lawfully cast off so unjust a yoke, and have right to pursue the cheater, and oblige him to refund all the Damages they have sustained by his usurpations.  
Sect. 16. But it was not all at once, that the Bishop of Rome was able to lay so heavy a yoke on all the Western Churches; on the contrary, he found himself obliged to insinuate this his usurped Authority by little and little, and steal it insensibly by divers Slights and Artifices; and where once he happened to fasten his Claws, 'twas impossible to make him lose his hold, till he had carried away a good share of the prey. Besides, the Bishops of Rome never were wanting to serve themselves very advantageously of a good occasion, of which the most advantageous to 'em (in my opinion) was the Emperor's leaving Rome, and choosing other Cities for their Residence; whereas if they had always continued to have maintained their Authority in that place, the Bishops thereof would have never had the confidence to have erected themselves into Sovereigns, as we see that the Bishop of Constantinople (who perhaps had no less vanity and itching after Gevernment, than he of Rome) was never able to raise his Authority to so high a flight.  
The division of the Roman Empire into several new Kingdoms founded by the Heathen and unlearned People did no less contribute to the aggrandizing the Bishop of Rome, for these People being all converted by the Prelates of the Romish Church, thought themselves therefore very much obliged to honour and respect them, and paid a deference to them, as the most ancient and most considerable Christians of the West. It is not our design here to deduce all circumstances at length, 'tis enough, that we represent the most remarkable in haste as it were, and enpassant; but one thing we can't let slip unobserved, that the Bishops beyond the Alps after the Fifth Century, were used to go in Pilgrimage to Rome to visit there the Graves of St. Peter and St. Paul, either out of Superstition and Biggottry, or else in sign of their approving and following those Apostles Doctrine; which voluntary piece of Devotion, was afterwards changed into an act of necessity, so that as many as afterwards neglected that Voyage, were excommunicated; from which Custom, without doubt, the Popes have pretended to oblige all Bishops to receive their Confirmation from Rome.  
The other Bishops too, and Churches had often recourse to that of Rome, as Novices to their Superiors, in all weighty Affairs consulting their advice in the use and explication of the Canons; now when the Bishops of Rome perceived that their answers were received as absolute Decisions, they began to make Decrees and Orders before e'er they were desired to do it, under the pretence that Rome, being the first and chiefest Seat of Christendom, it was the Right and Office of the Bishop thereof, to see that the Canons and Ecclesiastical Laws were put in execution; thereupon they constituted immediate Judges of the Differences amongst the other Bishops, encroached upon the Jurisdiction of the Metropolitans, deposed the Bishops, which were either not rightly Ordained, or that were accused of any great Crime, and forced them to come to Rome to plead their cause in person; after which, all such as desired to enjoy any prerogative or exemption from the ordinary Canons, went to Rome, where they were always well received, and gratified in their request, that so the Popes might there erect a general Office of all sort of Dispensations.  
Those also that had lost their Cause before the ordinary Magistrates, were wont, out of spite, to appeal to Rome, where they were always welcome, and seldom failed of a good exit: Thus the French Historians tell us, that when the Emperor Honorius had erected the City of Arles into a Metropolis over seven Provinces, the Pope made the Archbishop thereof his Vicar General in France, out of fear that the said Bishop might take an occasion to make himself Patriarch of the whole Kingdom, and he was very well contented to enjoy such a precarious Power over the seventeen Provinces, into which France was at that time divided, rather than have the right in himself, and an independent Authority over seven Provinces alone: And to render the charge committed to him more awful and respected, he omitted no opportunity of enlarging and extending the Papal Jurisdiction.  
Afterwards in the eighth Century, when the ecclesiastics and Monks were become very infamous for their exorbitant and irregular Lives, one Winefred an English Monk (afterwards named Boniface) being moved with an extraordinary zeal, took upon him to reform the manners of the Clergy, as also the introduction and plantation of the Christian Religion in some parts of Germany, and more especially in Turinge and Freezland: this man, to give a greater lustre and credit to his Work, devoted himself entirely to the Seat of Rome, from whence he first received a Bishop's Mantle, and afterwards was qualified with the Title of Archbishop of Mentz, and by Gregory the Third, was constituted his Vicar, who gave him a plenary Authority of assembling Councils, and making Bishops in those Countries which he had converted, with Recommendations to the People, and to Charles Martel Great Master of France, that they should take him under their protection, which they did with a very good will.  
And when Charlemagne his Son signified to Boniface, that he was very desirous of establishing the Church-Discipline, he readily took that employ upon him, to the no small advantage of the Romish Chair; to gratify the same Charlemagne, he held a Council in Germany, and several Synods in France at the request of King Pepin, and presided in all those Assemblies tanquam Legatus Sedis Romanae: And in the first Council, the Clergy signed a Confession of Faith, whereby they obliged themselves not only to persist in the Catholic Faith, but they joined themselves as Members to the Church of Rome, and vowed an eternal respect and obedience to St. Peter's Successors. 'Twas this same Boniface too, that persuaded the Bishops of Germany to accept of the Pallium from the Pope, who afterwards sent the same into France to bind them thereby the faster to his Interests; and so soon as he had once accustomed them to serve themselves of that sort of Robe, he afterwards made it a necessary obligation, and forbade them the exercise of any Episcopal Function before they should receive that Garment from Rome.  
The Pope's likewise pretended, That they only had the Power of removing a Bishop from one See to another, and obliged all the Western Bishops to receive their Confirmation from them, for which they must pay some little Gratification, that was afterwards converted into the Annates: Besides this, they took away the Authority of the Provincial Synods, and annulled their Decrees, which at last was the occasion that no more were called, when they perceived that it was all in vain, whilst the Pope abrogated all their constitutions, according to his fancy, without hearing their Reasons and Justifications. At last, Gregory the Seventh forced all the Bishops to swear Allegiance and Fidelity to the Romish Chair, and made a Decree, that no Prince or Sovereign should presume to condemn any man that made his Appeal to the Pope. They forgot not likewise to send their Nuncio's or Legates in all Countries, who exercised in the Pope's Name that Power and Authority which they had ravished from the Arch-Bishops, and Provincial Synods, and were double diligent in the advancement of their Master's Interests.  
Sect. 17. This Ecclesiastical Supremacy daily increasing, was extremely prejudicial to the Civil Powers, whilst the Clergy by their tricks and devices attracted infinite Riches, and by their Riches a great number of idle Priests and lazy Monks.  
'Tis true, the Church owed the greatest part of its Riches to the Charity and pious Intentions of Kings, Princes and others who were wheedled into a belief, That to bestow great Largises and Donations on the Church, was a most pleasing and acceptable Sacrifice to God; and this their liberality was afterwards much more promoted when the people were persuaded, That by good Works (amongst which the Donationes ad pias Causas, held the first rank) Heaven and Happiness were to be purchased: And whereas the Avarice of the Clergy increasing with their Riches, could not be satiated by the free and generous liberality of the people; they practised all sort of inventions, to squeeze Money out of 'em; upon which account, they instituted a great number of Fopperies and unnecessary Ceremonies, for which the Laity must dearly pay. 'Twas this their cursed Avarice, that was the occasion of Masses without number to be said and sung as well for the living as the dead, of Purgatory, Indulgences, Dispensations, Pilgrimages, Jubilees, and a thousand other Bagatelles. Besides, they took a special care to insinuate themselves into the good wills of dying persons, who were so much the less solicitous how they disposed of their temporal Goods, the desire of which did oftentimes make their Heirs think them too long lived, and — ante diem Patrios inquirere in Annos. And at last, if all means failed, they were not ashamed to fall to downright begging.  
Amongst other devices to get Money, the Popes served themselves very advantageously in the eleventh and twelfth Century of the Crusado, when the People, moved with a godly itch of reconquering the Holy Land, let themselves be marked with a Holy Cross; for the Popes challenged to themselves the management and oversight of such sort of Ghostly expeditions, and received into their more peculiar protection the Goods and Persons of all those Zealots that took the Cross upon them, so that they could not be proceeded against neither Civilly nor Criminally until their return from the Holy Land; whereby they had an occasion of promoting the commerce of their Indulgences and Dispensations more than ever: Their Legates had the administration of all the Alms, Collections and Legacies which were given to that end, and from hence they took a pretext of obliging all the Clergy to pay them Tenths; nay, they very imperiously forced Kings, Princes and great Lords to take upon them the Crusado, which Arms they afterwards turned against all such as they accused & condemned for Schism, and Heresy, declaring their Goods confiscated and void of all lawful Possessors, distributing and dividing them to such as had rendered them any considerable Service, and this Authority they exercised without ask the leave of Princes and States, under whose Civil Jurisdiction they were, who werel likewise awed into so slavish an obedience, that they durst not oppose themselves against these Investitures, tho' they easily perceived the injustice of 'em.  
Sect. 18. The Riches of the Church increasing, the number of the ecclesiastics was likewise proportionably augmented, whilst there were not a few that were glad to be fed by a fat Kitchen, and make good cheer, without taking any care for the provision thereof: and it was not enough that each Church had its ordained Priests, Chaplains, and other necessary Servants; but the most considerable must have an addition of Canons and prebend's, which places consisting of so great profit and so little pains, were soon filled by men of all sorts and sizes; and thus the inconveniences of a single life, which the Popes, not without a great deal of pains and opposition, had introduced in the eleventh and following Centuries, were sweetened by the Honours, and large Revenues of these Charges which they so quietly enjoyed.  
Besides, all Christendom swarmed with a prodigious number of Monks and Nuns, which springing up in the times of Persecution in the fourth and fifth Centuries, have afterwards strangely increased. These sort of people at the first, were content to get their living by their own Industry: many of 'em gave all their goods to the poor without being in the least obliged thereto, and lived under the care and inspection of the Bishops, according to the Discipline that was prescribed them in the Canons. In the seventh Century, through all the Western Empire, was the Monastical way of living extremely in fashion, and all places were filled with Cloisters, in the founding of which, the Princes and Great Men did seem to vie with each other; but after that, their Liberality was, as it were, quite exhausted by the Endowments and Gifts made to so many old Monasteries, and that there was not place enough for such as desired to be received into those Orders: There was at length in the thirteenth Century formed an Order of Mendicants or Begging Monks, which made a greater show of Holiness, forasmuch as they would not be thought to go into a Cloister in hopes of a plentiful and lazy Life; but renouncing all the pleasures of the World, they would live by Alms and the Beggars-Basket.  
The Fancy of a singular Merit and Supererrogative Holiness, induced the People to this Austerity and Hardship of living, or rather an unbounded Ambition and Pride so natural to all mankind, that not contented to live up to the Commandments of God, and barely to fulfil what he prescribes, they had rather deserve Heaven than accept it as a pure Gift of their Creator, or purchased for them by the Merits of their Redeemer; and the desire they have of Superiority, and Preference above the rest, does even extend itself to the other life. To the embracing of this single and solitary Life, some are carried by despair, others out of a prospect of ease and laziness; others are thrust into Cloisters by their Parents and Relations, either out of a motive of Religion or Poverty, or else for fear of ruining their Family by the division of their Goods amongst a great many Children. From these Monks has the Pope formed his Praetorian Band or Regiment of Guards, whom he has not alone quartered as troublesome Companions upon the Laity, but does make use of 'em also as spies over the actions of the Bishops, and rest of the Clergy: Therefore it is that the Popes have with so much zeal maintained the privileges of the Monks, especially when in the thirteenth Century they would have forced themselves from the Bishop's Jurisdiction, and subjected themselves immediately to the Pope, and the Pope has found out the way to carry himself so evenly with them, that altho' there are great Jealousies betwixt their Orders, as for example, betwixt the Franciscans and Dominicans, yet he holds the Balance always so even, and dispenses his Favours so impartially, that one Order cannot be oppressed by the other, nor has reason to complain of the Pope's injustice. These Monks are very prejudicial to the ordinary Priests, insomuch as they attract to themselves the greatest part of the Alms, Legacies, and Gains proceeding from the Burials of the Rich, besides the Direction of Consciences, and Administration of the Sacraments, which has drawn upon them the immortal hatred of the Bishops and Secular Priests, which those other don't much value, whilst they are under the care and protection of the Pope; and besides, when a Bishop at any time opposed the Pope, the Monks like so many Blood Hounds were immediately after his heels, and by their bawl and exclamations, soon made him lose his Credit with the People, by whom their Hypocrisy and pretended Sanctity made them much respected; so that the Bishops were forced to truckle to the Pope's Authority, because the People would afford them no Support or Assistance; thus the Monks were set as so many spies over the Conduct of the Bishops, which when they found blamable, they did not fail immediately to signify to the Generals that resided always at Rome, so that the Pope might make a timely opposition against their practices. In short, these Monks were not the least cause of the Bishops not resisting the growing Power of the Pope; for finding it always in vain, they were forced with the rest to yield to the mighty Torrent. Tho' there were a great many of 'em likewise, that were well enough contented to submit to this slavery, in hopes of sharing the Prey with their Chief, and because they were thereby freed from the Jurisdiction of their Temporal Princes, whose power they more dreaded, than that of a distant Tribunal, the Judges whereof being of the same Trade as they, were not so terrible to them, for one Crow will not pick out its fellow's Eyes. In the mean while, 'tis most certain, that a great many Bishops, especially of this side the Alps, do with a great deal of impatience groan under the yoke of Rome; which did appear sufficiently in the Council of Trent, where the French and Spanish Bishops did with great earnestness endeavour, that it might be declared, quod Residentia Episcoporum sit Juris Divini, or, that by the Divine Appointment each Bishop is obliged to reside in his own Church, as all the Jansenists of France and the Low-Countries do maintain. Now the wisest could easily penetrate what lay hid under this specious Doctrine; for if God has commanded that, it must necessarily follow, that he would afford the way and means of putting it in practice, qui dat jus ad finem, dat jus ad media; and then by consequence it is no longer needful to run to Rome, and buy the permission of exercising their charge. And it cost the Pope a great deal of pains and a great deal of fears, before he could oblige the Council of Trent to desist from a design which extremely shook his usurped Authority, and therefore we may be assured that that shall be the last General Council, nor will the Pope ever more venture his Authority in such like Assemblies, which besides will be but very useless things as long as the Jesuits and others, teach, That the Pope is above the Councils, and, That he cannot err, and, That the Councils themselves must receive their vim obligandi à confirmatione Papae. In the mean while, let a man say what he will, it is certainly the Interests of the Bishops to truckle to that power which they at first permitted the Pope to exercise over them, for it is certain that if they should withdraw themselves from his obedience, they would fall into the hands of the Secular Power; especially since they could never be able to make good their party against the Pope, without the Protection of their Sovereign, who must be a very powerful Prince to afford it them, therefore of two evils, 'tis best that they choose the least.  
Sect. 19 But altho' the Church had been never so rich and populous, yet to the erecting of a Spiritual Monarchy, it was absolutely necessary that the Pope should in no wise be subject to any temporal Jurisdictions, and that he should hold his Residence in such a place, which being free from obedience to all other Potentates, should depend on, and own no other Master but him, as also to be possessed of such Revenues as might enable him to live honourably and splendidly, and not be ruined by the dismembering of his State, and where his Partisans, when at any time pursued by their offended Sovereigns, might find a secure and certain Refuge; but before he could compass all these advantages it has cost him a world of pains, time, and a powerful Resistance, besides a thousand secret Practices and Intrigues. 'Tis true, the Bishops of Rome whilst the Empire of the West flourished, and as long as the Kingdom of the Goths lasted in Italy, had no opportunity to think of, much less to put in Execution these their ambitious designs; but after that the Goths were driven out of Italy by the Emperor Justinian, and Italy with Rome reduced to a Province of the Grecian Empire, the Pope could not let slip so fair an opportunity of freeing himself from the Jurisdiction of the Emperors, to which did not a little contribute the contempt of the Imperial Authority in Italy, partly caused by the ill Government of the Exarchate or Viceroy of Ravenna, and partly by their weakness, whilst the Lumbards' were much more powerful in Italy by the continual quarrels of the Emperors about the time of Justinian the second; to which reasons we may very well add the Eastern Emperors prohibiting the adoration of Images; for Leo Isaurus threw them out of all the Churches, whilst the respect that was paid 'em did degenerate into open Idolatry, and the People began to be persuaded that a greater Reverence was due to their Saints, than to God himself. Against this Reformation, Pope Gregory the second, violently opposed himself, and defended the Image-Worship with a great deal of zeal, partly because it was one of the chiefest Heads of the Romish Superstition, and did bring in no small gain to the Pope's Coffers; and partly because it vexed him extremely, that the Emperors should meddle with Ecclesiastical Affairs without his knowledge, and against his consent, whilst he was employed in the Introduction of his Spiritual Monarchy: And besides, this seemed a very fit time for him to shake off the Authority of the Grecian Emperors. In short, it was by his Instigation that the Romans and Italians, who, till then, had been very faithful to the Emperor, refused to pay Tribute to him any longer; and there happening about that time a tumult at Ravenna, which was the Seat of the Exarch, he himself, defending the rights of the Emperors, was killed in the Tumult. And thus ended the Rule of the Grecian Emperors in that part of Italy, which ever since has been free, and in subjection to none.  
Sect. 20. 'Twas thus the Popes shook off the Jurisdiction of the Grecian Emperors, but were in danger of falling into the clutches of a new Lord, whose yoke would have been much more insupportable, than that of the far distant Emperors, for the Kings of the Lumbards' endeavoured to possess themselves of those Lands which were fallen off from the Emperor, and consequently to render themselves Masters of all Italy; and in effect, they seized upon Ravenna, and several other places, so that there was no body in Italy, that could withstand their usurpations; thereupon, the Pope knew not to what refuge he should betake himself, unless to the Kings of France, who endeavoured first to adjust the differences amicably and by fair means, and because the Lumbards' refused to hearken to any accommodation, they resolved to oblige them thereto by force; and they took upon them the Protection of Italy the more willingly, not only because the Pope Zacharias had approved of Pepins' deposing his lawful Sovereign; and from Great Master, making himself to be declared King of France; but also because they found thereby so good an opportunity of making New Conquests in Italy, a Country which had often made the French Mouths water. Now whilst Pepin, and after him Charlemagne made War very successfully against the Lumbards', and had reconquered the whole Kingdom of Italy, they presented the Pope with all that part of it, which was comprehended under the Exarchate; which fat Donation, That they might more peaceably retain, the Popes in after Ages gave out, that it was the gift of Constantine the Great; which shame, passed very easily upon the ignorance of those barbarous times. In short, the French Kings were much obliged to the Pope for the Reasons already mentioned, and therefore by this gift they sought to express their Gratitude, especially whilst by a present of what was none of their own, they could acquire a great reputation of Charity and Holiness; which in these times, was valued according to the Liberalities and Donations made to the Clergy; insomuch, that the Kings themselves endeavoured to free their Foundations and Settlements on the Church, from all sort of Subjection or Homage, and to assure to the Clergy the free possession of what they had given 'em. Now these too extravagant Donations have not been the least reason, why the Clergy has taken so much pains to shake off the Royal Supremacy, whilst they justly apprehended, that the Successors of those that had been so liberal to them, coming to see their Error should recall all that had been given to them; and from hence it is, that the Politics have made this remark: That Kings by the Concession of too great Privileges and immunities have made themselves more Enemies than Friends, whilst the Receivers live in a continual fear and suspicion of the Givers lest they should one day recall or retrench their immoderate Liberalities; and therefore to prevent that Inconvenience, they are never quiet till they have tied them so fast, that it shall not be in the King's Power, if it were in his will, to deprive them of 'em. The most Impartial of the learned are of the opinion that the Popes did heretofore design to erect into a Sovereignty, those Lands which were thus bestowed on them, but that their people opposed it, desiring rather to be free: especially whilst it seemed very strange to them that the Pope (who was a Clergyman) should likewise be a Temporal Prince; 'twas upon this Account that Rome took up Arms, and drove out of their City Pope Leo the third, who betaking himself to Charlemagne, was by him re-established in his Popedom. But on the other side, the Pope conjointly with the People of Rome declared Charlemagne Emperor, whereby he became Sovereign over the Exarchate of Ravenna, and other places of Italy which had raised themselves into free States out of the Ruins of the Western Empire, so that afterwards the Pope himself held those Lands, dependently. of the Emperor who was likewise named Advocatus et Defensor Ecclesiae, which lasted till the time of the Emperor Henry the fourth.  
Sect. 21. But at last this Advocacy or Protection of the Emperor began to seem tedious to the Popes, because they could not be elected without the Emperor's consent and confirmation, who used likewise to curb them, when they grew insolent; and proceeded even sometimes to the deposal of them. Now to shake off this heavy Yoke of the Emperor, the Popes left no stone unturned, and took a wonderful deal of pains before they could attain to their desire. 'Twas therefore they laboured so earnestly to give the Emperors their hands full of work, sometimes in Germany, sometimes in Italy, thereby to weaken their power and authority. To which the Germane Bishops did not a little concur, who were not well pleased to be under the Subjection of the Emperor, and receive their Bishoprics at his hands. Therefore they conspired with the Pope to establish an absolute Sovereignty in the Church. And to put this their design in Execution they found no time more convenient or proper than the Reign of Henry the fourth, who by reason of his dissolute life and Government was in perpetual dissension with his States of Germany. Therefore when Gregory the seventh, who was before named Hildebrand, ascended the Papal Chair, being a proud, ambitious, and resolute man, he began to exclaim against the Emperor, giving out that the distribution of Ecclesiastical Benefices did not belong to him, because he made a scandalous Traffic of them, selling them to people of an ill repute, and installing them therein before they had taken Holy orders; and because the Emperor undertook to defend his just Rights, the Pope thundered out an Excommunication, and animated the Bishops and the other States of Germany against him, and gave him so much trouble and vexation, that at last, he was fain to abandon his Right of bestowing the Bishoprics, and leave them wholly in the Pope's disposal. But the Pope's main aim was not so much to free the Bishops from the Emperor's jurisdiction, as to make himself Supreme in Italy, and to bring all the Princes in Subjection to the Papal Chair: And some are of opinion that he might at last have effected, what he had begun, whilst Europe at that time was divided into so many little Lordships, and most of 'em had weak, and inconsiderable Princes, and a great many of them, either out of devotion, or else for fear of being swallowed up by the Great Ones, chose freely to submit themselves to the Papal Chair, and to pay him Tribute. So that if there had but succeeded three or four Popes, as Courageous and cunning as Gregory, covering their design with the veil of Religion, and taking the specious pretext of Defending the people's interest against the oppression of their Princes, they had made themselves temporal, as well as Spiritual Monarches. And the Pope did not only pretend to slip his neck out of the collar, and free himself from the Emperor's power, but he did likewise endeavour to make him take his turn, and to submit him to his own Authority; for he made himself Judge of the Emperor's Actions, summoned him to appear before his Tribunal, and answer to the Complaints which his Subjects made against him, and by reason of his Non-appearance, he declared him Excommunicated, and fallen from the Empire; and altho' his Son Henry the fifth, endeavoured to recover what the Popes had squeezed out of his Father, and seizing upon Pope Paschal, obliged him to restore to him his right of investing the Bishops; yet the Clergy of Europe were so discontented therewith, and teased him continually till they had forced him (in the Year 1122.) to resign (for ever) that Right to the Pope. Not long before, the same dispute arose in England, which at last (in the Year 1107.) was thus adjusted: The King should no longer insist upon his Right of investing the Bishops; and they in acknowledgement of that Favour should do him Homage, which Article was not very pleasing to the Pope, who had been better contented if they had refused to pay any sort of submission to their King, as he did effectually forbid the Bishops of France to do; but Lewis the sixth and his Successors stood up so stoutly in defence of this their Right, that the Pope was forced with shame to quit his pretensions: Besides, fearing to draw upon his Head two Powerful Monarches of Germany and France, he thought it better to keep in with one, whom he in time of need might oppose against the other, especially whilst it was not so much his interest to weaken the French King, with whom he had not so many Feathers to pluck, as to humble the Emperor, who was then very Powerful in Italy, and endeavoured to bring into subjection the City of Rome; besides, he knew that Germany was not so straight United as France, and whilst the other Princes were jealous and apprehensive of the Emperor's Greatness, they easily agreed with the Pope to humble him a little, which design they palliated with the pretence of Protecting the Papal Chair and the Church's Authority. 'Tis true, Frederick the first and the second used all their efforts to re-establish the Imperial Power o'er the Pope, but ineffectually, whilst Italy was divided into the two Factions of the Guelphs and Gihelines; the former of which held with the Pope, the latter with the Emperor, and caused so obstinate and implacable quarrels, that it was impossible for the Emperor to reduce Italy to a perfect Obedience. And after the death of Frederick the second, whilst all things were in a strange confusion by reason of the long Interregnum that then Succeeded, the following Emperors thanked God that they could maintain themselves Peaceably in Germany, without troubling their Heads any more with the affairs of Italy; so that the Popes have quietly exercised their Sovereignty as well personally, as in respect of the Goods of the Romish Church.  
Sect. 22. But this Greatness could not terminate the Pope's Ambition, but was the occasion of his starting another Doctrine, which served to extend his power far beyond that of all other Princes; for it maintained a sort of an indirect Authority, right of examining and animadverting on the actions of all the temporal Sovereigns; and tho' it was not said in downright terms, that the Princes did depend on his Holiness in mere Worldly Affairs, yet he thought that that absolute power which he had acquired in Ecclesiastical Matters, did sufficiently Authorise him to judge of their Actions, whether they were good or bad, to advise, and correct them; and in fine, to forbid what he thought unfit, and to command what he approved of.  
Thus when at any time the Princes were in War with one another, the Pope made use of his Authority to command a Cessation of Arms, and that they should bring their Quarrel before him, and expect his decision thereof, threatening the obstinate, not only to Excommunicate their persons, but likewise to Suspend through their whole Kingdom the exercise of Divine Worship, and use of the Holy Sacraments, whilst he imagined that it belonged to him only to remove all occasions of Scandal in Christendom, to secure the oppressed, and in short to administer Judgement and Justice to the whole World; therefore he willingly harkened to, and took upon him to redress the injuries of all such as made their complaints to him; nay, he proceeded farther, taking cognizance of those injustices which Princes did to their own Subjects, as also of the new impositions that were laid on them, and forbade sometimes their proceeding any farther, under pain of Excommunication: Sometimes the Pope declared confiscated the Goods of such as he had excommunicated, and lawful prize for the next that should lay hands on them, exposing thereby their lives to very eminent Dangers, and dispensing their Subjects from all Oaths of Allegiance, under the pretence, that it was not fit to leave the Government of Christian People to Princes that should rebel against the Church; and such Hellish Maxims several Popes have dared to maintain and put in execution against Crowned Heads; and to render more plausible these their execrable Designs amongst the ignorant people, they served themselves of a forged Decretal, whereon they began to found a new Jus Canonicum, which ascribed to the Pope an unlimited Power over all Christians, and impower'd him as common Father to command or forbid the Faithful the exercise of whatsoever had any relation to their Salvation and good of the Religion, and to punish such as refused to obey. And the reason why the Predecessors of Gregory the seventh, did not exercise such a power over the Emperors, was (say they) either because the Emperors lived so well, that there was no need of it, or that the Popes lead so bad a life, that they ought rather to be corrected by others, than think of correcting others.  
And to give the more Authority to the Pope's pretensions, the did not fail to quote what St. Ambrose had done against the Emperor Theodosius, and that the Bishops of Spain, had obliged their King Wamba to submit to so extraordinary a Penance, as the renouncing of his Kingdom; as also, That the French Bishops had deposed Lewis surnamed the Godly, who afterwards durst not reassume the Crown, without the Consent of another Assembly of the Bishops: That Fulk, Archbishop of Rheims had threatened Charles the Simple, to Dispense his Subjects of that obedience they owed unto him, in case he proceeded to make any Alliance with the Normans, who at that time were Heathens. Now, no body could doubt, but that the Pope's Authority extends itself farther than all the Bishops, since it had no other bounds than what the Canons of the Councils and Decrees of the Popes themselves prescribed it; which had never forbid them to depose Kings; but their Predecessors could not prevent that which they could not foresee, nor did they ever dream, that they should arrive to such a height of impudence. And since the Popes had taken upon 'em to bestow the Royal Title, and that there were found Princes, who either out of a motive of Ambition or Superstition, did seek their Confirmation from Rome, they imagined they had no less a right to deprive those of their Crowns, whom they esteemed unworthy to bear them. They could not a little incommode the Princes likewise by their forbidding all Marriages within the seventh Degree of Consanguinity, and the fourth of Affinity, for whilst among great People, there can seldom any Match be proposed, where one of those Degrees will not occur, they were in continual fear of the Pope's troubling their Negotiation, if they did not humbly crouch to him, and implore his Dispensation; so that let it happen how it would, they found themselves obliged to dance after his Pipe.  
Lastly, The Popes by the great number of Affairs, to be dispatched in their Courts, allured the greatest and most learned Men of Europe to them, who came with a design either of procuring themselves some employ, or else to accomplish themselves in this great School, to be able to serve their Countries at home. Now as most of these expected their Fortune from the Pope, they devoted themselves entirely to his will, as well as all the Clergy who unanimously owned him their Head and General. And this Pope Boniface the eighth, did very evidently demonstrate by the Jubilee which he published in the year 1300. where he appeared first in the Habit of an Emperor, then in his Pontificial Robes, ordering two Swords to be carried before him as Marks of his Authority in all Civil as well as Ecclesiastical Affairs.  
Sect. 23. In the mean while the Popes could not long enjoy this usurped, and intolerable power without a great deal of opposition; so that they were forced more than once to change their Notes, and to manage their pretensions more slyly and cautiously. 'Tis true, in the Quarrels which they had with the Emperors Henry, and Frederick, they often got the better; yet sometimes they met with cruel rubs, and were forced to hear things which were not much to their credit; and from which the impartial may judge, That it was not the Glory of God, but Worldly Honour and Advantage, that were the ends of all their Designs.   

But when Boniface the eighth would have played some of his tricks with Philip the Fair of France, he opposed himself so seasonably against the Pope's encroachments, and defended his rights so courageously, that that dispute turned wholly to the shame and confusion of the Pope. And Philip, that he might not give any occasion of scandal by his prosecuting and revenging himself on Boniface, gave out, that he did not attack him as the Vicar of Jesus Christ, but as a wicked Prelate, who by unlawful ways had usurped the Papal Chair, and therefore desired the calling together of a General Council to deliver the Church of so unjust an oppressor.  
But the Schisms which afterwards followed, made a much greater breach in the Pope's Authority, when by the division of the Cardinals, two Popes were at the same time elected, who excommunicated and anathematised one another; and, the better to maintain themselves in the Papal Chair, they were forced to flatter and caress the Kings, and tacitly own thereby, that they could not subsist without their Support; and such a Schism was a very evident Mark that it was not the Holy Ghost, but devilish Intrigues that presided in those Elections; and therefore the most prudent of the Clergy were of opinion, that neither of 'em ought to be admitted to the Papal Authority, but that they should proceed to a new Election, which afterwards was practised by the Council of Constance. The first Schism as I take it, happened in the year 1134; or as others reckon, 1130. when after the Death of Henry the fifth, two Popes, Innocent the second, and Anacletus, were chosen both together; and tho' the first had gained the most partisans, yet the latter was vigorously maintained against him by the King of Sicily and the Duke of Aquitain: But he dying, his Friends chose a third in his place, named Victor, whom Innocent brought to an Accommodation, so that he at last ceased from his pretensions, and freely submitted himself to Innocent. But after the Death of Adrian the fourth, there were again two Popes elected, Alexander the third, and Victor the fourth; with the first held England France, and Sicily; with the latter, Frederick the first, all Germany, and most of the Clergy of Rome; and after his Death, his followers chose three others successively in his place, who were all outlived by Alexander; now all these cursed, and excommunicated one another after the most infamous manner in the World, and each of 'em were forced to show more Obedience than Authority to their Protectors.  
But the greatest and most scandalous Schism was that which arose after the death of Gregory the eleventh, when in like manner two Popes were chosen, one of which kept his Residence at Rome, and the other at Avignon, and this lasted amongst their Successors at least Forty years, whilst both Parties vomited out all the injuries imaginable against one another: The Pope of Avignon was maintained by France, Scotland, Castille, Savoy and Naples, but the rest of the Christian States held with the Pope of Rome; both of 'em bragged of the Great and Holy Persons they had of their side, as likewise the Revelations, and Miracles which Heaven in their Favour had produced, and so many reasons were brought in the Favour of each of 'em, that there was no other way to be found than to Cite them both before the Council of Constance, where they were forced to Renounce their Popedoms, and a new Pope was elected. The last Schism happened in the Year 1433, when the Council of Basil deposed Eugenius the fourth, and chose in his place Pope Foelix the fifth. But the first refused to submit to their Authority, and the Dissension lasted till after the death of Eugenius, when Nicholas the fifth being chosen, Foelix desirous of Peace, yielded all his pretensions to him on very good Conditions, about the Year 1438. Now 'tis easy to imagine how much these Schisms and Quarrels exposed the Pudenda Paparum, whilst the Councils were obliged on these occasions to interpose their Authority, and Bridle the Irregularities of the Pope, to which people began to appeal from the Pope, as to the Higher Powers; so that when the Popes began at any time to be unruly, there was no such Bug-bears as to threaten them with a Council. 'Tis plain that the Popes could not lord it over the Councils, since Gregory the seventh himself, when he had renewed the old quarrel betwixt him and the Emperor Henry the fourth, declared that he would call a Council, in a place of Security, where both the Friends and Enemies, Ecclesiastic as well as Secular, might come without any danger, and judge whether he or the Emperor had violated the Peace, and to propose means for the re-establishing of it. The same Protestation was made by Pope Gelasius the second, in his quarrel with Henry the fifth; to which he added that he was contented to stand to the Decision of his Brethren the Bishops, whom God himself had made his Judges in the Church, and without whom he durst not take in hand an affair of so Great Importance. Innocent the third declared also, that he durst not undertake to judge of the Marriage betwixt Philip August, and Ingeburg of Denmark, without ask the Opinion of a General Council; and if he should presume to do it, he should be in danger of losing his Charge and Dignity, whereby he seemed to own, that a Pope, by the abuse of his Office, might Lawfully be deprived of the same. But when the Princes in following times insisted upon those Confessions of the Popes, all the answer and satisfaction they could have, was, that truly their Predecessors had used such sort of Expressions, but they were only Compliments, and bare Ceremonious words, and that the Modesty which they had shown in that matter, ought not to be prejudicial to them.  
Thus in the Year 1409. The Council of Pisa deposed the two Antipopes, Benedict the twelfth, and Gregory the twelfth, and in their place chose Alexander the fifth; but the Council of Constance did not only confirm the Election of the said two Popes, but also deposed John the twenty fourth who succeeded Alexander the fifth.  
The Council of Basil proceeded in like manner against Eugenius the fourth, and made a Decree beside, That neither at Rome, nor in any other place, should there be any Expedition-Money given for Ecclesiastical Matters. All which Proceed struck at the very Foundations of Papal Government; and therefore 'tis no wonder that the Popes were afterwards so shy in calling the Council of Trent, and that they then used so many Artifices to impede its decreeing any thing prejudicial to their Authority, and that, since that time they have bidden an Eternal adieu to all Councils.  
Sect. 24. Amongst all these Schisms the Translation of the Papal Chair from Rome to Avignon, did not a little weaken their Authority; the First that began it, (if I am not deceived,) was Clement the fifth at the persuasion of Philip the Fair, King of France, who had quarrelled with Boniface the eighth, and was Excommunicated by him; the effects of which he designed to prevent if he could but once oblige the Popes to reside in France, especially whilst thereby most of the Cardinals should be chosen out of the French Nation; and indeed the Pope, did reside in that City more than seventy year, without reckoning the time of the Anti-popes', which became very prejudicial to the Papal Sovereignty; for till then, amongst other pretences on which the Popedom was founded, one of the Chiefest was, That St. Peter having been Bishop of Rome, by his personal Residence there, had communicated a particular Advantage and Holiness to that City, which, whether the Popes could transport to Avignon, was very much doubted of; so that from thence, the Pope found himself very often obliged to dance after the frenchman's Pipes, and to be wholly at his Devotion; tho' the French, who did then much brag of the prize they had got, do now complain, that by the Residence of the Court of Rome in France, they had gained nothing, unless it be the Art of Chicaning, Simony, and another abominable Crime, which it is hardly lawful to pronounce; to which we may add, that the Papal Court being thus translated from its natural Seat into a Foreign Country, its imperfections were the more easily exposed, and consequently the Popes became more despicable. This absence of the Popes was no less prejudicial to the Ecclesiastical Lands in Italy, for after that the Emperor had lost all his Authority there, every petty Prince was for erecting himself into a Sovereign, and by the divisions of the Guelphs and Gibelines, all things were brought into confusion. The neighbouring Princes, without any scruple, pillaged the Church's Patrimony, whilst the absence of the Pope had made them forget all the respect they owed him; the most of his Cities at the persuasion of the Florentines, drove out his Legates, and either erected themselves into Free States, or chose them a Prince of their own City; to which we may add, that the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, having quarrelled with the Pope, and gained the Subjects of the Ecclesiastical State, to his Interests, made himself Master of most of the Country, as being a Feoff of the Empire, and invested therewith such as took his part against the Pope; so that St. Peter's Patrimony was at that time in a very bad condition; nor have the Popes been since able to reduce the better part of what was thus taken from them, into their power, but are forced to leave the possessors thereof in a free enjoyment of what they have gotten.  
In the mean time, the City of Rome was at last obliged to submit to the Pope's Sovereignty, which it had so long opposed; after that, Pope Boniface the ninth, in the year 1393. had fortified the Castle of St. Angelo, which served to bridle the City, and keep it in subjection. Alexander the sixth, was chief the cause that the Patrimony of the Church fell again into the hands of the Pope: he had a natural Son, named Caesar Borgia, who, upon the account of the Dukedom of Valence, brought to him as Dowry by his Wife Charlotte d'Albret, was commonly called i'll Duca Valentino. Now whilst the Pope used all his endeavours, to make his Son a powerful Prince in Italy, to attain to his ends, he bethought himself of this expedient: He drove out those little Signiori that were possessed of small parcels of the Church's Territory, making himself Master of those places which they held, and then gave his Son the Propriety thereof. This his design succeeded very happily, and he made a shift to reduce either by force or treachery, most of those little Lordships into his subjection, and tho' Borgia used a great deal of temerity in the management of this affair; yet he said, he knew well enough what he did, since his Father, who was inspired by the Holy Ghost, approved of all his actions.  
But when he wanted Money to pay his Soldiers, he plotted with his Father to poison several of the richest Cardinals at a Banquet designed for that purpose, and thereby, not only to put himself in possession of their goods, but likewise to be rid of hateful persons, who, he feared, might oppose themselves to his design; but in the mean time, the Servant he had employed in this his devilish design, by mistake, gave the Pope and his Son the empoisoned drink, so that the Pope died immediately thereof, and the Duke very hardly escaped, at the expense of a terrible sickness; nor could he afterwards with all his Authority oblige the Cardinals to choose a Pope that should be in his Interests.  
Thus Borgia's vast ambitious projects dwindled into nothing, for after the Death of Pius the third, who held the Chair a very few Weeks, came Julius the second, the sworn implacable enemy of Borgia, to succeed him, who reduced all that he had taken, and drove him at last out of the Country; and this Pope prevailed so far by his Bribes, and Artifices, that he regained all that the Church had had before in its possession, except the Duchy of Ferrara, which likewise, at the latter end of the last Age, the legitimate Race of all the Princes of Est being ended, fell into the Pope's hands again; he also hindered the French from making themselves Masters of all Italy.  
Sect. 25. But now whilst the Popedom seemed to be in its greatest Splendour, and at as high a point of perfection as it could ever aspire to, all the West having joined itself to the Communion and Fellowship of the Roman Church, excepting some few relics of the Vaudois in France, and the Hussites in Bohemia, which were altogether inconsiderable; and the quarrel betwixt Pope Julius the second, and Lewis the twelfth of France, which had easily occasioned a new Schism, being happily composed after that Pope's death by Leon the Tenth; and the old complaints that were used to be made against the ambition of the Court of Rome, being almost all laid asleep; there happened upon a very slight occasion, so terrible an Insurrection against the Papal Chair, that a great part of Europe did withdraw its self from the Tyranny thereof, and did run the risk of an irrecoverable destruction. In which Affair, as in all other, we will only observe, how much humane prudence and designs contributed thereto, and will rather adore with an humble respect and admiration the Counsel and Work of God Almighty, than presumptuously penetrate into his Holy Mysteries; and here we may not unfitly quote that expression which Tacitus uses in his History; Abditos Numinis sensus exquirere illicitum, nec ideo assequare. Now Leon the tenth, was a peaceable, magnificent and very liberal Prince to Wise and Learned Men, and might have passed for a good Pope, had he had but an indifferent knowledge of Religion, and inclination to Piety, for both which (on the contrary) he was very insensible: He living very splendidly, and having exhausted his Treasures by the extravagant Pomp and Magnificence of his Court, did not understand the Art of making Gold, but was forced in his necessities to have recourse to the Cardinal Laurentius Puccius, who finding all the other means of getting Money quite exhausted, bethought himself of Indulgences, which the Pope dispersed for Money through all Christendom, in the most ample form, for the service as well of the dead as of the living, with permission to eat Eggs, and Milk-Victuals on Fast-days, with several such like privileges; and the Money which he hoped to collect by this infamous commerce, was already disposed of, and that especially, which was to be gathered in Saxony, and in all that Country to the Sea, was destined for Magdalen the Pope's Sister; and that they might extract greater gains from this sort of Merchandise, a Commission of collecting such Money was given to one Arcimboldus a Bishop in name and habit only, but a man that was incomparably well versed in the tricks of the Genoa Merchants, and that would only deal out Commissions to such as bade most for them, and whose only prospect was the advantage and gain that could be made of 'em. Now 'twas anciently the Custom in Saxony for the St. Austin's Hermit's to preach the Indulgences, but Arcimboldus his Commissioners knowing the great Experience they had in that sort of work, durst not trust them for fear of being out-witted by 'em, therefore they made choice of the Dominicans; this procedure touched the Austin Monks to the quick, whilst they saw it reflected on their reputation, and infringed their rights and privileges.  
But the Dominicans to show their diligence in their new employ, preached up their Merchandise extremely to the great scandal of their Auditors, whilst the Commissaries spent in riotous Debauches what the poor peasants had scraped together, to redeem their sins withal. Thereupon Luther, a Monk of St. Austin's Order, took occasion to preach against this impudent and scandalous commerce; and after that, he had throughly examined the whole contrivance, he proposed Ninety Five Theses upon that Matter at Wittenburg, in the year 1517. against which, John Tetsel a Dominican Friar of Frankford on the other, proposed as many quite contrary; the dispute being thus commenced, they began both to write at large in defence of their propositions; but whilst Luther had the Scriptures and Reason on his side, his Adversary could not defend his Opinion by any stronger Arguments than the Church and Pope's Authority; this obliged Luther to go farther, and to search into the ground and foundation of the Pope's Authority, and to examine in what condition the Church then was, whereby he more and more discovered the errors and abuses thereof, and sharply reprehended the scandalous Lives of the Popes and Monks, and proved that the Sovereign powers were obliged to reform such abuses; and to the end that he might be supported by them, he very advantageously represented their condition, power and grandeur, whereof the Priests had before given little and contemptible Ideas, and vilified them extremely, by which means his Doctrine was received by a great number of persons, and spread itself mightily in a small time.  
Sect. 26. But that we may the better understand how a poor inconsiderable Monk could give so terrible a blow to the Pope's Authority, we must observe that next to the Divine Direction and Concurrence, the fit juncture of time did not a little contribute to the so strange success of this mighty Work, as likewise the Dispositions of the people's minds at that very time.  
For first the Cause of Luther, concerning the Indulgences, was so just and reasonable, that several Famous Divines ranged themselves on his side, (though they afterwards fell off from him) as well as some Cardinals, and George Duke of Saxony himself: And his Adversaries were such persons, that all honest men were scandalised at their ignorance and malice: Besides, there was no body at first that could have been persuaded, the business would have gone so far. Luther himself did not then dream of his revolting from the Pope. Maximilian the Emperor was not averse to Luther's Doctrine; and when he heard of him, he is reported to have said, They should keep that Monk for him; there were only a few Monks, and the Commissaries of the Indulgences, whose Trade was like to go to wrack, that opposed themselves; and they made such , that by their folly and imprudence they raised a little spark of fire into a mighty and dangerous combustion.  
Now Christendom at that time was in a very miserable condition, the whole World was plunged into unnecessary Ceremonies, the malicious Monks ruled uncontrouledly over the minds and consciences of the Laity, which they had fettered in undissoluble bands. The Divinity of those times, was degenerated into mere Sophistry and Bantering. The Priests defined their opinions, and laid down their propositions without ever putting themselves to the trouble of proving them; and the way of living of the then Clergy from the highest to the lowest, did contract the Odium and contempt of all the World; the two preceding Popes, Alexander the sixth, and Julius the second, had made their Memory stink, and left a very bad name behind 'em upon the account of their vices, their quarrelsomness infidelity, ambition and other such qualifications very much disagreeing with the requisites of a Clergyman; the Bishops if they were any thing worth, were nevertheless deeply embroiled in worldly Affairs, and most of 'em lead a very scandalous life, being better versed in the hunting of Beasts, than in the Apostolic way of catching Men; the Priests and Monks were plunged over head and ears in ignorance, and gave a great Scandal to the common People by their Debauches and irregular Lives, as they were become unsupportable to all the World by their insatiable Avarice and Thirst after Riches.  
Besides, those that opposed themselves first against Luther, were miserably ignorant, and for the most part infamous Monks, who not being used to his way of disputing, were at the first bout confounded, and could not tell where to lay hold on him; and tho' in the preceding times the Clergy were as bad as then, yet the universal ignorance of those barbarous Ages did not let it appear; but afterwards, when Europe began to be enlightened by the blooming dawn and restoration of Letters, their Spots and Deformities were exposed to every man's naked Eye: And therefore it was, that the Priests and Monks, whose Eyes were offended and dazzled by the new-appearing Light, were so much incensed against those Instauratores literarum, and sought all ways to suppress 'em; and because they would do it with good grounds, they made a Work of Religion of it; which obliged the Men of Learning to ridicule their simplicity, and to labour more and more to discover their shameful ignorance.  
Thus the Monks began an impudent Quarrel against Johannes Reuchlinus, and, right or wrong, would prove him a Heretic; where they shamefully confounded themselves, and gave occasion to that learned Gentleman Ulrich van Hutten (as I take it) to rally them most strangely in his Epistolis obscurorum virorum.  
Now whilst the War was carried on with a great deal of heat and bitterness, between the Champions and Persecutors of Learning, the business of Luther very opportunely fell out at the same time; therefore the Monks used all their Arts and Persuasions to engage the Learned to oppose Luther, thereby to suppress both Parties with their own Arms: Which was the occasion that most of the Cultores bonarum literarum ranged themselves on Luther's side; as in effect, no man can deny, but that the learned Erasmus of Rotterdam had a great share in this Reformation, by discovering and publicly reprehending a great number of their Errors and Abuses; by rejecting their Scholastic Divinity; by exciting the People to the reading of the Bible and the Ancient Fathers; by turning into Ridicule the Barbarity and Ignorance both of the Priests and Monks; and in short, by favouring in general the Cause of Luther at the first, though his hot and violent way of writing was not altogether approved by him.  
Now the bare silence of Erasmus was extremely disadvantageous to Luther's Opposers; for whilst Erasmus at that time was looked upon to be one of the most learned Divines of Europe, it was universally believed, that he would engage himself in this Quarrel against Luther, had he not perceived, that he had reason of his side; for when he afterwards put forth his Book de Libero Arbitrio, it did not meet with many Partisans; whilst it was very remarkable, that he writ it more at the Solicitations of others, than as his own real Belief and Persuasion: Besides, it was a thing which had but little reference to the matter in hand: And moreover, it was very solidly and pertinently answered by Luther.  
Then again, the Germane Princes and States were very much disgusted with the Court of Rome, upon the account of the manifold unreasonable Exactions laid on them; for they saw well, that the design was only to fool them out of their Money, and thereby to support the Pope's extravagant Pomp and Magnificence. The imminent danger of War with the Turks did not a little contribute to the good success of Luther's Affairs: And the Divisions and Quarrels happening between Charles the Fifth, Francis the First, and Harry the Eight, made so great a bustle in the World, that no body was at leisure to mind the petty Disputes of the Clergy. Some are of opinion, that Charles the Fifth was not sorry to see the Doctrine of Luther make so great a Progress in Germany, for thereby the Empire being divided into Parties, he might the more easily oppress the States, and build an absolute Monarchy upon their Ruins; for otherwise he could not have found the least difficulty or opposition, had he undertaken to stifle the upstart Doctrine in its infancy, and in the year 1521, had seized upon Luther at Worms, which might have passed for an excellent Coup d'etat. But for all that, I can't believe that this Doctrine had been so easily suppressed, though Luther had been put to death against the Imperial Promise and safe Conduct which was given him. But 'tis much more probable, that the Emperor being then a young Prince, could not penetrate into the consequence of the Affair, and besides, did not think it convenient to oppose the Elector of Saxony, who was then in great credit; and the Wars with the Turk and French King hindered him from attempting any thing against the Princes of Germany, whilst Francis began to make Leagues and confederate himself with 'em. Though 'tis most certain, that he served himself afterwards of the Pretext of Religion, to make War upon the Protestant States, that by their fall he might make himself a way to universal Monarchy. But tho' Fortune smiled on him at the Battle of Smalkald. he could not perfect the so-luckily begun design, whilst the assistance of the Germane Princes was so necessary to him both against the Turk and French, and whilst he designed to place the Imperial Crown on his Son Philip's Head. In short, the Pope himself (Paul the Third) did so much dread the Fortune of the Emperor, that he excited the French to oppose his growing Greatness, and to hinder the total ruin of the Protestant Party: Nor did he scruple to use the Turkish help thereto, so mightily was he afraid of a Reformation in his Court. In fine, the Pope had prejudiced himself and his own Affairs by his ill Conduct; for it was a great oversight in Leon the Tenth, so violently to support the Cause of the Indulgence-sellers, as also his Decision by a Bull in the Month of November 1518. of the questions which were begun to be disputed on, whereby he cut off all means of an Accommodation, and deprived Luther of his hopes of Pardon or Reconciliation: Whereas he had done much more prudently, had he declared himself Neuter, and imposed in the mean time Silence on both Parties, till he could have found out some expedient to appease Luther. So likewise the Cardinal Cajetan acted very imprudently at Ausburg, in the following year 1519, in handling Luther so roughly, and not embracing his reasonable Proposition of Silence, on condition that the Cardinal would oblige his Adversaries to do the same; for he forced him thereby to Extremities which perhaps he had never otherwise thought of, and to fly into an open Rebellion against the Papal Authority: But nothing would satisfy, unless he retracted all his Writings; whereas they might have easily granted him, That there was a great Corruption of Manners, that he might desist from the Reformation of their Doctrine.  
Besides, whilst the Pope was very instant with the Elector of Saxony, that he would deliver up Luther, he found himself more and more engaged into a Proof of the Pope's Injustice, as also to show upon what grounds his Cause was founded, that so he might induce the Elector to shut his Ears to the Pope's Request. But when Luther afterwards appealed to a Council, the Pope rendered himself very much suspected, whilst he temporised and spun out the Affair into a great many delays; for it was very visible, that he could never be able to defend his Cause, if it came once to be examined by impartial and uninterested men. It happened likewise very unluckily, that the Pope embroiled himself not long after with Harry the Eight, who to revenge himself of the Pope, opened the Door to the English Reformation: As also the House of Navarr did mightily contribute to the introducing and establishing of the same Religion in France, out of hate, as some think, to the Pope, who had excited Ferdinand the Catholic, to seize upon and possess himself of that Kingdom.  
To all which we may add, That there were a great many honest men among the Papists, who were not sorry to see the Pope a little curbed and checked, as Luther used him. Thus all things wonderfully concurred to the executing the Divine Will and Decree of the Almighty.  
Sect. 27. But why Luther's Doctrine has not made a greater progress nor overthrown the whole Popedom, there may be several strong and weighty Reasons given thereof: For, first you must take notice, That so soon as several States had renounced the Pope's Authority, the chief direction of Ecclesiastic Affairs must necessarily devolve on the Supreme Magistrate: For though some of them would have assumed the Authority over the rest, that were of the same Belief and Persuasion, the others that thought themselves quite as good, and as fit thereto, would never give their consent; which did much weaken their Union, and hindered them from acting so unanimously against the Pope as he could do against them. Besides, at the first they did not proceed deliberately to a Reformation, as if they would after a mature consideration form a new state, but they fell into this Change insensibly and unexpectedly, and the business was carried underhand, and went on very slowly; and though Luther was the Bell-wether of the Flock, yet his Followers would not conform themselves in every point to his Sentiments, but pretended that they had likewise something to say for themselves. Hence did arise several Differences and Disputes among them, which whilst there was no body whose Authority was sufficient to decide 'em, and each one obstinately persisted in his Opinion, quickly occasioned Schisms amongst them, and made them, forgetting their Common Enemy, to fall foul upon one another. This gave the Papists a very fair occasion to say, The Heretics were confounded amongst themselves, not knowing what they should believe; and were wand'ring in an inextricable Labyrinth, since their falling away from the Romish Church. Hereto did not a little contribute those, who abusing the Name of the Holy Gospel, led an impious and scandalous life; as if the Gospel-Freedom consisted in the abandoning themselves to all sorts of Debauchery. This their ill Conduct gave occasion to the Pope's Followers to blacken the Doctrine of Luther, because he had so severely reprehended the scandalous Lives of their Clergy, and thereby had gained himself a strong Party. And it was likewise a great misfortune, that a very little after the preaching of Luther, there sprung up great swarms of fanatics, as the Anabaptists, and suchlike; and that the Boars in Germany made a dangerous Insurrection; all which Disturbances were by the Pope's Creatures attributed to Luther's Doctrine; so that a great many Princes began to suspect it, as if it were the Introducer of all sorts of Licence and Irregular Liberties amongst the Mobile, which they esteemed a greater Evil than the Oppression of the Clergy: So that they opposed themselves with all their might against this new and seemingly seditious Doctrine of Luther. Some are of opinion, That the Academy of Paris had a great share herein; for Luther imagining that the French Clergy were discontented with Leon the Tenth, upon the account of the Pragmatic Sanction, concerning the Election of their Bishops, and therefore would not let slip so fair an occasion of revenging themselves on him. 'Twas in these Thoughts that Luther was so willing to submit to their decision his Disputes with Eckius; but unfortunately for him, for they condemned his Opinions in very rude and jocquant terms. Spain too found it to be her Interest to take into her protection the Chair of Rome, and therefore violently opposed the Protestant Religion, and so vigorously supported the solemn League in France, that Henry the Fourth, to gain the Crown, was absolutely forced to abjure his Religion. Some have likewise observed, that the advancement of the Protestant Religion was not a little retarded first by Zuinglius, and afterwards by Calvin, who introducing a too great and hasty Reformation, as well in things relating to the external form of the Church, as in the essential points of Faith, fell from one extreme into the other. Now Luther had changed very few of those things to which the People had been accustomed; for he left in the Church the Ornaments, Bells, Organs, and Candlesticks, and retained likewise the greatest part of the Mass, excepting that he added thereto several Prayers in the Vulgar Tongue; so that he was looked upon by the greatest part as a Reformer only of some Abuses that had slipped into their Religion. But just as it appeared that this Revolution was like to be universal, Zuinglius intervened in Switzerland, and Calvin in France, who, instead of observing Luther's method, began immediately to preach against the Presence of Christ's Body in the Eucharist, abolished entirely all sort of Ornaments and Ceremonies, broke in pieces the Altars and Images, extirpated all sort of Order in the Hierarchy, or Government of the Church, and despoiled the Religion of all that which might serve to attract the Eyes and the external Senses: Whereupon the common People conceived a great aversion against them, and cleaved with much more zeal and attachment to the Religion which they received from their Ancestors.  
The Riches of the Church did also not a little contribute to the progress of Luther's Doctrine, whilst several laid hold on the opportunity of appropriating them to themselves, and perhaps did no less hinder it, whilst most of the great Prelates stuck fast to the Church of Rome, who perhaps would have ventured to have shaken off the yoke, if the fear of losing their fat Benefices, had not kept them faithful to their Master's Interests; as we see that it happened in France, where the Prelates themselves, as well as the common People before the Reformation did mightily despise the Pope's Authority, but afterwards were great sticklers for the Chair of Rome, and stirred up the people's hatred against the new Doctrine, as soon as they perceived that if that prevailed, they must out.  
Sect. 28. But after that, the Pope and his Creatures were a little recovered out of the terrible consternation so puissant an opposition had put them in, and that his Adversaries began to fall out among themselves, he established his Affairs in a much better condition than at first, and stood so vigilantly upon his Guard, that the Protestants are not only incapable of doing him any more mischief; but he does proceed every day to get signal advantages over them; for that which Luther took an occasion to hurt him most by, is now quite taken away; or at least, is more prudently and modestly practised by him, si non castè, saltem cautè: And the Weapons which Luther used against the Pope, are now by the same advantageously turned against their Master; for the Popes do no longer so impudently insult over Sovereign Princes as they were wont to do, but use them with much more civility and moderation; 'tis true, in the last Century, Paul the fourth did handle the Spaniards something roughly, as Paul the fifth in the Age wherein we live, did deal with the Venetians much after the same rate; but their differences were quickly termined by a prudent mediation, before the business came to be too high; and the Popes have been since convinced, that such heats are very prejudicial to their States; as in effect, Paul the fifth was immediately brought to reason, when the French Ambassador made him believe, that the Venetians had sent for Ministers from Geneva, and that he should shortly hear they were all turned Protestants. Besides, the Papal Chair has no more been filled by such notorious Debauchees as Alexander the sixth, or by any of so Martial and fight an humour as Julius the second; but on the contrary, they endeavour to put their plots in execution with less noise, and more cunning, and by appearing outwardly very zealous for the peace and quiet of Christendom.  
The scandalous Merchandizing of Indulgences, and a too gross Simony is by them suspended, whilst they endeavour to drain the People's purses by more honourable and plausible means; the Bishops likewise in general, are much mended, and comport themselves with more modesty and gravity than they did before Luther's time, and there is now to be found amongst their Clergy, very Wise and Learned Men. They have likewise in the Romish Church, made a great Reformation amongst the ordinary Priests and Friars, and that brutality and ignorance which heretofore was so common amongst them, is now no more to be seen. The brave and learned Sermons of Luther was that which at first procured him and his Disciples so great a concourse of people; they edified a great many by the excellent Books which they put out in their Mother tongue, to excite them to Meditation, Piety, Prayer, and Spiritual Exercises; both which the Papists have since imitated; and there are found amongst them a great many good Preachers, and wholesome Books of Prayer and Meditation; so that at present, the Protestant Clergy have no longer reason to reproach the Romish with their want of that modesty and excellent conduct which they observe in the external Service of God. They are also well versed in all Controversies, and are ready with whole dozen of distinctions for every objection made against them; for example, whereas there is nothing can be more ridiculously invented, than the Pope's distributing out Indulgences for twenty or thirty Thousand Years, they give it a colour with the distinction of intensiuè and extensiuè, potentialiter and actualiter, wherein the young Students take a great deal of pleasure, and the ignorant imagine some great Mysteries to be enveloped therein; whereas also in Luther's time, the ignorance of the Clergy, and their hatred to Learned Men was so prejudicial to the Popedom; those of that Communion, and especially, the Jesuits have since found remedies for that inconvenience; for the Jesuits have not only taken upon them the Information and Instruction of the youth, but in the Countries where they are established, they have as 'twere made a Monopoly thereof, so that learning is now so far from being any longer prejudicial to 'em, that it procures them great advantages: Lastly, They desisted from the propagation of their Religion with Fire and Sword, and endeavoured to allure the chiefest of the Protestants, with good Words, great Promises, and effectual Preferments.  
Those that will go over to 'em, if they have any parts and capacities, are sure to make their Fortunes; to which, upon the account of their Church's Riches they have the best opportunity in the World: Whereas on the contrary, if any one of them would turn Protestant, and does not bring means along with him, or is not of a more than ordinary understanding, he has nothing but contemptible poverty to expect.  
Lastly, The House of Austria has much contributed to the raising up and restoring of the Popedom, by driving out the Protestants, not only out of its hereditary Lands, but likewise from Bohemia, and the depending Provinces, and lately out of all Hungary, or else by obliging them to embrace the Romish Religion.  
Sect. 29. From what has been said before, may easily be understood, how, and by what means this Spiritual Monarchy has insinuated itself in the Western part of Christendom, but that you may the better conceive the structure and all the resorts of this Machine; 'twould not be amiss, if we considered the Pope two ways, first, as he is one of the Princes of Italy, and secondly, as the Ghostly Sovereign of the Occidental Churches.  
As to the first, we say, That the Pope may very well pass for one of the greatest Lords in Italy, but under this consideration, must he yield to most of the Potentates of Europe; his Territories are the City of Rome with its Dependences on both the sides the Tiber, the Duchy of Benevento in the Kingdom of Naples, of Spoletto, Urbino and Ferrara, the Marquisate of Ancona, several places in Hetruria, as also the Romaniola or Flaminia, containing the Cities of Bolonia and Ravenna; in France he has the County of Avignon; Parma is a Fee of the Church, which Paul the third invested his Son Peter Lewis Farnesse with, tho' since that time, it has been resolved, that for the future, it shall not be in the Pope's power to alienate the vacant Fees, nor invest any one with the Church-Lands, for fear of weakening the Papal State; and to the end that the Pope might have wherewithal to maintain his Court, if it should happen that any part of his Foreign Revenues should fail or come short. The Kingdom of Naples is likewise a Fee or Copyhold of the Church, in acknowledgement of which the King of Spain does yearly present the Pope with a white Hackney, and five Thousand Ducats. As for the Pope's Pretensions upon other Lands, they are now no longer passable. All these Countries are peopled, and fertile enough, and do comprehend a great many considerable Towns and Cities, from whence the Pope does yearly draw about two millions of Gold; and his Officers are very careful that the People may not grow too rich.  
Though there are good Soldiers enough to be found in the Pope's Dominions, yet his Militia is not very considerable, whilst the means he uses to maintain his Countries are quite contrary to those of other Princes. He keeps ready equipped about Twenty Galleys, which usually lie at Civita Vecchia.  
The politic Maxims of the Pope, which he, as temporal Prince, puts in practice, do mostly consist in the maintaining of the Peace in Italy, and retaining it in the same posture and condition as it is at present, and especially in suppressing any upstart Power that may give Laws to all the rest. Besides, 'tis his peculiar Interest to hinder the Turk from getting footing in Italy, and in case of any Invasion, to unite not only all the Italian Princes, but likewise all Christendom against him, who likewise ought not to suffer that this noble Country fall into the hands of those Barbarians. The Pope has now no reason to be alarmed by Germany, as long as it does continue in its present form of Government: But if it should happen to fall under an Absolute Monarchy, it might easily revive its old pretensions. Spain and France are those which can only give the Pope his hand full of business, and therefore in respect of those it is the Pope's Interest to foment a continual Division betwixt them; or to balance them so equally, that neither may be able to trample upon the other. I don't doubt but the Pope wishes with all his Heart that the Spaniard were not so near a Neighbour to him in Italy, and would not be sorry to see him driven out of Naples; but there's no probability that he could effect that himself; and to call in the French to drive out the Spanish, were to leap out of the Frying-pan into the Fire. Therefore the Pope must be contented to hinder the Spanish from making any greater Progress in Italy; and if at any time Spain should attempt it, France and the rest of the Italian Princes would soon be upon their backs. Nor is it less the Pope's Interest to hinder France from getting so sure footing there, as to be able to sway the Affairs of that Country, according to its own will and pleasure. The Pope has nothing to fear from the other States of Italy; for though they cherish a secret hatred against him, whilst a spiritual power is become very formidable to them, and some of them have been shrewdly handled by him, yet they are forced to respect him outwardly, and dare not undertake any thing against him openly: But on the contrary, they will never suffer him to aggrandise himself by the Ruins of any one of them; whilst that crafty Nation is very jealous of keeping the balance equal amongst them.  
Sect. 30. But if we consider the Pope the second way, that is, as the spiritual Monarch of Christendom, and Vicar of Jesus Christ upon Earth, we shall find the whole basis of that Government so artificially and ingeniously contrived, that a man may well say, there was never a more subtle Machine invented whilst the World stood, than is the POPEDOM, the which to support and maintain does require so much the more Cunning and Intrigues, as its Interests are different from those of all the World beside, and the Title to such a pretended Sovereignty more weak and impertinent. The Prospect of other States is, to secure to themselves an external as well as internal Peace and Tranquillity: 'Tis to this end that each Member of the Commonwealth does contribute as much as in him lies, not sparing Limb nor Life to put themselves into a condition of resisting the Injuries and Violences of Strangers; as also each particular aught to procure to himself a competent Subsistence by his proper Labour and Industry: But the aims and designs of the Papal Government is, that the Pope and his Clergy endeavour to make themselves rich, powerful, and considered in the World, and to provide for their own ease and security by the Sweats of other men's Brows, which they effect by all sort of allurements and plausible persuasions. And whereas other States are at excessive charges in the maintaining of standing Armies and a number of Garrisons; the Pope on the contrary makes his Militia subsist, how great soever it be, at the Expenses of others, and yet does serve himself thereof much more advantageously than all others.  
Besides, other Princes find it to be their Interest not to neglect the Maxim de imperio intra terminos coercendo; or of not extending too far the limits of their Territories: But the Pope has no reason to observe the same measures, for 'twould be neither dangerous nor troublesome to him, though his Empire should reach both to the East and West-Indies.  
The Right of Sovereignty is grounded upon clear and  Reason, and on the Institution of God himself; so that without it, it were impossible for men to lead an honourable, safe, and orderly Life; but I am sure, 'tis impossible to find so plain and well-grounded a Title of the Papal Power; or to prove, That a Spiritual Sovereignty is as necessary to the Welfare of Christendom, as Temporal Powers are to the Peace and Tranquillity of Mankind: And he that will not believe this Position, let him only bring one solid Argument to the contrary, and we will yield with admiration to the Subtleness of his Wit. But if the Popish Doctors will appeal to an express and positive order of God, they are obliged to bring clear and indisputable proofs from the Holy Scripture to demonstrate, that our Saviour, when he sent forth his Apostles into all Countries to preach the Gospel, gave them power not only to teach all Nations, preferably to all humane prohibition, (which is not doubted) but also without the Sovereign's Consent, though he should profess the same Christian Religion, to establish in the public Ministry, who, and how many they themselves thought fit, and afterwards to resign to them the right of augmenting their Order without number, and without measure, whilst no body must contradict them, no, not so much as he whose Right they so boldly usurped; and that in consequence of these their Proceed, since those they had thus established, can't live by the Air, like Chameleons, to empower them to scrape together by all sort of Tricks and Inventions, not only what may be necessary for the preservation of Life, but likewise to subministrate to Luxury and Superfluity; and that besides all such as were resolved to embrace this Profession, should be freed from the jurisdiction of the Supreme Magistrate; as also their Goods, howsoever acquired, nay, though they immediately proceeded from the Revenue of the Republic, and were protected thereby, were yet to be independent of the Higher Powers: Nor might it be permitted them to lay any Taxes thereon, to limit their immoderate Bounds, or to convert them to any other use in the greatest case of necessity: And that the Supreme Direction of the Affairs of this Order, as well in the administration of all Offices, as of their Revenues, should belong to one of the same Order, on whom they should absolutely depend; whilst their lawful Sovereign might not pretend to a more prevalent Right, although the Multitude, or the Rebellion of such a Spiritual Order, should tend to the ruin of the State; or that it could not be saved, but by the communication of their Goods, unless the Director of the Order gave his Consent to it.  
Besides all this, there remains clearly to be proved another Hypothesis, which consists in Matter of Fact; as for example: That Jesus Christ conferred on St. Peter alone the spiritual Sovereignty over the Church, without the admission of any of the other Apostles into the Government, and that such a Prerogative was not confined only to his person, but that by an equal right it should eternally belong to such as should succeed him in the place whereof he was Bishop: As also that St. Peter was actually Bishop of Rome, did there exercise such a Sovereignty, and that he did irrevocably communicate it to this place alone excluding all others where he afterwards preached. Now, as the proof of these Propositions is extremely difficult, the Doctors of the Romish Church ought to take care, that they do not form them too accurately before their Auditors, but only in general terms, and to cover 'em with the Fox's Tail; for 'tis much more their Interest to buzz into the People's Ears a number of Reasons, which are but little to the purpose; as for example, the Promises made in Scripture, that the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against the Church; of the Greatness and flourishing estate of the Church; of its Antiquity; of the Succession of the Popes; of the Fathers, Councils; of the Authority of so many Nations and times; of Wonders, and suchlike stuff, very proper for a noisy Declamation. 'Tis an Expedient likewise which they have found very profitable, without much Debate, to brand those with the Title of Heretics that dare to begin any Dispute with them; for it is just as much as if they should term them ignorant and impertinent Novices, that have not yet learned their Trade, that don't know how to speak with Honour before their Masters, but deserve to be burned.  
Sect. 31. In the mean while 'tis very plain, that this Spiritual Sovereignty was absolutely obliged to assume the form of Monarchy, and that it is altogether inconsistent with either Aristocracy or Democracy, as well upon the account of several other inconveniences, as because it would be morally impossible to erect any sort of Democracy or Aristocracy (where so many different opinions always occur) that could be so well modelled by the most exact and severest Laws, as not be plagued with a thousand Divisions, Schisms and Factions, whereby the whole structure built upon so weak Foundations, would soon fall to ruin; but amongst the several sorts of Monarchy, they have pitched upon so good a one, that it is impossible to find any other more agreeing with their Interests, than that they have chosen; and it is certain, that all the most subtle Speculations of politic Writers, is nothing in comparison of what we see here actually performed; 'tis true, there have been Kings who have made themselves and their Countriesvery Famous, for as much as they have given out that they were descended from Divine origin, or that their States were founded either by the special command of the Gods, or confirmed by Miracles wrought in their favour, or else they have by their Heroic Actions procured their Deification, and made their Subjects adore them after their Death; but the Pope has been able to persuade the people, that he is the true State-holder, and Vicegerent of Jesus Christ, who has all Power in Heaven and on Earth, and that too, to be understood in a much higher Sense, than when it is sometimes said of the Supreme Powers, that they are Earthly Gods; for he gives out, that he is the Dispenser of that Grace which is procured us by the Merits of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and that he who does not acknowledge his Power, can have no hopes or pretence to Salvation. Now there is nothing in the world that can more attract the most profound respect and veneration of men, than the Divine Majesty; and consequently, nothing more prevalent in the obliging them to obedience, and a blind submission to all sort of trouble and charges, than the fear of God's wrath, and the damnation of their Souls; and when once the Pope can insinuate the belief thereof into the People's minds, there needs no other demonstration of all the other Articles of Faith, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Pope has said it.  
Besides, tho' most other Nations look upon hereditary Kingdoms to be the best and most secure; yet this sort of Government does not square with the Pope's Interests; for where the Crown descends from Father to Son, 'tis impossible but that sometimes the minorities of Kings must happen, which would sound very absurd, that God's Vicar upon Earth should sometimes ride upon a Hobby-Horse, and that the Monarch of all Christendom, should stand in need of a Tutor. Besides, 'twould be very difficult for a young Prince to assume such a Gravity as is absolutely necessary in the acting of that personage, nor was it to be hoped that all the Successors and Posterity of the Pope could have equal inclinations to such an employ. In a word, the hereditary Right would have turned it into a bare temporal Kingdom, which could not have been long supported by so weak and unnatural a Title; not to add, that the Ministers of State, and those that enjoyed the chiefest Employs, would have endeavoured to turn out their Master, and put themselves in his place, whereas they now contain themselves in a very exact obedience, in hopes that they or theirs, may also by Election one day ascend to this Supreme Dignity; to which, force can never give them any right. Lastly, If this Monarchy had been made hereditary, the extinction of the reigning Family would have caused horrible Debates about the Succession, and perhaps at last, have overturned the whole Machine.  
They have farther found it to be the Interest of the Popedom, that this Monarch should lead a single Life, which does very well agree with the Gravity of that Court, especially whilst a gaudy Attendance of young and airy Court-Ladies would have made an odd figure, and have been an ill example of a more than ordinary Piety and Devotion; 'twas likewise a piece of politic Hypocrisy, to seem to have so great an attachment to Heaven as to be quite insensible to all fleshly motions and desires; nor was it easily to hoped, that a Man who had Wife and Children could defend himself from being debauched by them, and become more addicted to their particular Interests than to the public good, since there is no consideration or prospect that can come in competition with that a man has for the welfare and prosperity of his Family, whereof one may find a very remarkable example in the natural Children of Alexander the sixth, and Paul the third, to which we may add, that perhaps it was feared, lest a Secular Prince becoming Master of the Ecclesiastic States should make it hereditary in his Family, which, by obliging them to celibacy, can never happen.  
The Conclave is likewise a good expedient to bridle the immoderate ambition of any Pope, and prevent those Schisms which heretofore did mightily weaken the Papal Authority, and to hinder the long interregnums. And it is much more easy by the way of Election to find a person fit to exercise all the Cheats, Slights and Intrigues required in such a Government, and whom they may better persuade the ignorant Vulgar, Strangers to the Arts of the Conclave, to be, by an especial Order of God, as the best and most capable, called to be his locum tenens, or Vicar on Earth. At least by such an Election they are able to find one that understands the Affairs of the World, and the Art of Governing, and who having laid aside the Heats and Extravagancies of Youth by his Age and Experience, may render himself venerable. 'Tis also very politicly provided in the Election of the Pope, that two third parts of the Voices must concur to the admission of any one to this Dignity, to the end that the Choice may not be displeasing to a too great number of Cardinals.  
In the Election of a Pope, the greatest caution at present is, that he be not a Transalpine, that is, a Foreigner of any Country beyond the Alps, but a Native of Italy, which does not alone happen upon the account of their being more favourable and desirous of transferring so great Honour and Profit on one of their own Countrymen, rather than on a stranger; but chief, because their preservation and surety, depends on the keeping the balance equal betwixt France and Spain, which equilibrium a French or Spanish Pope would quickly ruin, and by a too great partiality to his own Nation, render himself hateful to the other. They usually choose an old man rather than young, that others may have some hopes of quickly attaining to the same Dignity, and that the Pope who governs, may not by a too long sitting at the Helm, change the Maxims of State, nor transferr too much Power or Riches on his own Family, nor make so many Creatures as to render the Popedom hereditary thereto. As to the rest, the Vigour of youth is not in the least necessary to the exercising all the Functions of this charge, for they are not required to head an Army, or make any Campaigns, but only to set a grave and starched face on the matter.  
The Conclave in the Election of the Pope, does likewise take care to choose such a Successor, that is not too nearly allied to him that preceded him, for fear that all the Ecclesiastical Benefices should fall into one Family; and to the end, that the succeeding Pope may more earnestly redress those abuses and grievances that have crept into the Government in his Predecessor's time. Lastly, They willingly make choice of such a one as is not too much in the French or Spanish Interests, nor that is hated by either of those Nations, as in effect, both those Crowns do usually propose him that they most desire to be excluded from the Papal Dignity; but it often happens, that he who was least thought on arrives to this Honour when the Cardinals are weary of disputing and intriguing, and are glad with all their Heart to get out of the Conclave.  
It often happens also, that they find the same person, when possessed of the Papal Chair, much different from what he was whilst Cardinal. Nevertheless, they do not prescribe him any Conditions before he enters upon his Government, since it would not be handsome to tie up his Hands with Humane Laws and Ordinances, who is supposed to have so extraordinary a measure of the Holy Ghost always residing in scrinio pectoris: Yet the College of Cardinals is like a perpetual Senate of the Ecclesiastical state, whom the Pope consults in all important Affairs, though he and his Nephews don't always follow their Counsel, but do what seems best in their own Eyes.  
The chiefest Privilege of the Cardinals is the power of choosing a Pope, who must be one of them, and one that has lived long and is well versed in all the Affairs of the Court of Rome; their usual number is Seventy, tho' seldom complete: Vrban the Eight first gave them the Title of Eminentissimi, being only named before Illustrissimi, which Title grew very mean and common in Italy; but since the Cardinals have augmented their Titles, the Princes of Italy would ape them, and instead of being contented with Excellenza's, as they were ordinarily styled, they must now be called Altezza's, or Their Highnesses. The Election of the Cardinals is wholly in the power of the Pope, who has usually regard therein to the Recommendations of France, Spain, and other Potentates. The Flatterers of the Papal Chair are not ashamed to maintain, That the Dignity of a Cardinal is equal to that of a King; at least, they challenge the Precedence of the Germane Electors.  
Since the time of Sixtus the Fourth, in the year 1471, the Popes have particularly endeavoured to enrich their Friends and Relations at the expense of the Church. As for example; Sixtus the Fifth, in five years, left to his Family more than three millions of Ducats. Gregory the Fifteenth, in 27 months' time, more than three millions of Crowns in Goods, besides ready Money. The Barbarini, after the Death of Urban the Eighth, were left in possession of 227 Charges and Benefices, each amounting from three to five, eight and ten thousand Crowns. So that the Riches of that Family were valued at about thirty millions of Crowns. And though a great many were scandalised at this way of proceeding, yet if we rightly consider it, 'tis not so blame-worthy; for since the whole Popedom is founded on the Riches and Authority of the Clergy, 'twould be great Imprudence in the Pope to stifle that natural Inclination he has to his own Family, and not to promote the Grandeur thereof, as long as it is in his power to do it; and nothing is more common, than to see Favourites, and such as Fortune smiles on, envied by those who are only desirous of the same condition. But for the rest, 'tis certain that the Popes would not know what to do with their Money, without that way of bestowing it, since the Charges of their Militia is very inconsiderable. Since the time of Urban the Eighth it has always been the Custom to make one of the Pope's Nephews chief Minister of State under the Title of Cardinal Patroon. Amongst the Motives that induced the Pope to intrust his Nephew with the sole Management of his Affairs, these are the most weighty: First, because nothing is more natural than to seek the Advantage and Preferment of ours, before that of any other; and secondly, because the Person of the Pope is thereby much more secure, which is otherwise exposed to far greater dangers than that of Hereditary Princes is, whose death their Successors are wont to revenge; and we may from hence guess how much the Popes stand in fear of being poisoned, forasmuch as the Chaplain, whenever the Pope communicates, must taste both of the Bread and Wine, before he gives it his Master.  
The Government of the Pope's Nephews has yet this farther advantage, That the other Governors and Ministers of State, who were used to heap up great Riches by an impudent and scandalous Sale of Offices, and by the supplanting of each other, were thereby kept in greater awe and modesty: Besides, the Nephews being inconsiderable as to their number, are therefore the more easily satisfied. Nor will they let the other Officers squeeze and oppress the Subject, whilst all the Hate must fall upon them. They are also more necessary to the Pope, because by them he is more truly and exactly informed of the Interests of the Princes, than he is by his ordinary Ministers, who are not so much devoted to the Pope's Service as are his Nephews, whose Interest it is likewise to take good care for the Government, for fear lest they should be one day called to an account: And 'tis upon that account that they more particularly endeavour to oblige one Prince, who in case of need may yield them a secure Refuge. In a word, by their means the Pope's Secrets are better kept; and it is most certain, that without them he must be obliged to depend on the Cardinals, who are mostly partial, receiving Pensions and Benefices at the hands of other Princes.  
Sect. 32. The Subjects of this Spiritual Monarchy may be divided into two Classes: Under the first we comprehend the Clergy; under the second all other Christians that make Profession of the Romish Religion, whom they commonly name the Laity. The first of these we may compare to the standing Forces of any Princes, who having made great Conquests, does thereby maintain them, and keep the conquered from shaking off their Yoke. The others are poor Tributary Slaves, doomed to maintain so great a Militia at their own Expenses. The first are singular in this, That they are obliged to abstain from Marriage, which they pretend is upon the account of a more particular Holiness, and that they may uninterruptedly addict themselves to the exercise of the Charge: But the true reason is, That they may not be embarassed with the care of Wife and Children, to the prejudice of the Church's Interest, or obliged to side with the Prince under whose Dominion they live; nor cheat the Church of its Income, to supply the necessities of their Families; but that they may devote themselves wholly to the Pope, and yield him a blind Obedience, and execute his Orders against all, but more especially against the Princes whose Subjects they are, whose Anger they dread the less, because they are not joined or united to the Republic by so straight Bands as the rest are, and have but one body to take care for; whereas a Wife and Children are looked upon to be the greatest and dearest Pawns of our Fidelity; but a single man can easily get his Bread in any Country. In fine, the Pope endeavours by all sort of ways to free them from the Dependence and Jurisdiction of their lawful Sovereigns, to subject them entirely to his own.  
The Clergy also could never have satisfied their Avarice with so rich a Harvest, had they been obliged to have scraped up for their Wives and Children; nor so fair a Pretext of begging for the Church, and not for themselves: But in the mean while those that first introduced Coelibacy or a single Life among the Romish Clergy, were wonderfully overseen, in not finding out at the same time a fit Receipt for the Gift of Continency, which had been very seasonable. We may guests at the multitude of the Clergy, by the computation which Paul the Fourth is said to make thereof, viz. That he had under his Jurisdiction Two hundred and eighty eight thousand Parishes, and forty four thousand Cloisters, especially if that of the Convents be just.  
We may again divide the Clergy into those that are simply Priests, and those that have made particular vows, as the Monks and Jesuits, which may pass for the Pope's Life Guard: The pay of these Troops consists in honourable Charges, great Revenues, an easy Labour, idle days, and a constant Kitchen; but those that are kept more strict, have their Heads filled with a particular Holiness and Merits and Advantages above the rest.  
Sect. 33. The means which the Pope makes use of to keep the Laity in subjection, are the accustoming them to a belief, that he and his Ghostly Militia are the Promoters of their Salvation, and the Lords of their Consciences, which is the strongest Argument in the World to lead them into a perpetual Slavery and Submission to their Wills; but that it may be more serviceable to their Spiritual Monarchy, they have accommodated thereto some of the Articles of the Christian Religion, and since made some additions of others tending to the same end. So that if you take good notice of the Disputes and Contestations which they of the Romish Religion have with their Adversaries, you will always find some Interest mingled therewith, concerning the Authority, Power, or Revenues of the Clergy: The chiefest of these Doctrines is concerning the Power and Authority of the Pope, of his Superiority over the Councils, and of his Infallibility; which last point the Jesuits have stretched as far as possible; for that being once granted, all the rest is an easy and natural consequence thereof. But the Sentiments of the Ancient Christians, with whom (if I am not mistaken) the Sorbon at present holds; viz. That the Councils are at least equal if not above the Popes, are directly opposite to the grounds of the Papal State; for this Opinion once stiffly maintained, would destroy the Monarchy, and on its Ruins erect a Democracy; and in effect, to grant the Pope such almighty Prerogatives, and yet subject him to his Creatures and Vassals, are things incompatible, and inconsistent with one another: For that which the Holy Writings of the Fathers have attributed to the Church, must be only understood of the Pope, just as in ordinary Discourse we ascribe that to a whole Kingdom, which is done by the King alone.  
The reading of the Holy Scriptures is forbid the Laity, and only permitted to the Clergy; which does not alone contribute to the Grandeur of the Priests, as if they were the only persons worthy to approach the Divine Oracles, but does also more particularly hinder the Laity from finding any thing contrary to the Interests of the Clergy, and becoming too wise, and refusing any longer blindly to receive the Fables of their lying Priests. So that the Laity not being permitted to search into Matters of Divinity, nor to examine them seriously, are obliged to refer themselves wholly to their Priests. Hence is it that they appropriate to the Pope the Right of interpreting the Scriptures, and of giving an absolute decision of all controverted points, to the end that none may be alleged that are prejudicial to his Interests.  
They give out too, That the Scriptures are imperfect, and therefore to be supplied by Traditions, to the end, that when they would preach up any Doctrine advantageous to the Holy Chair, of which there is not the least tittle to be found in the Scripture, they may appeal to Tradition, and so spare themselves any farther demonstration.  
In the Doctrine of sins they have a distinction betwixt venial and mortal sins, as also of particular cases and exceptions, all which does only tend to the profit and advantage of the Priests; and all that infinite number of Books of Confession, enough to lad a whole East-India-Fleet, are not writ for the amendment of sins; but to the end, that by the Taxes therein contained the Dominion of the Clergy may be confirmed, and their avarice satiated.  
The comfortable Doctrine of the Remission of Sins, is entirely accommodated to their Interest; for whilst it is no advantage to the Clergy, that a truly penitent sinner should obtain remission of his sins by the confidence he has in the merits of Christ alone; therefore they teach, that to the attainment of a full and perfect forgiveness of sins, a man must reveal even the least particulars of all and every sin to the Priest, whereby they do not only make the people to be at their Devotion, and give them such impressions as are most conformable to their Interests, but they do more particularly thereby, discover all the secrets and designs of Families, and the humour and inclinations of the people, and by that means, have the best intelligence of all that is done, tho' they are forbid to reveal what is imparted to them at Confessions; for without that caution of secrecy, they could never have been able to have established a thing so contrary, and so ungrateful to humane nature.  
They promote also the works of Satisfaction according as the Father-Confessor shall find convenient to impose them; now these bring no small profit to them; for tho' the imposed penance mostly consists in Prayers, Pilgrimages, Fast, Whip and such like; yet the rich are always condemned to some pecuniary mulct, which must be converted to the Benefit of the Convents, Churches, and the Poor, under which they comprehend the Begging Friars, who therefore them themselves minimos Fratrum, according to the fifteenth of St. Matthew, that their bag might be the better filled: Now this interpretation of the Scripture, has burdened Christendom with more than an hundred thousand idle Bellies.  
Besides, The first sort of Penitence may easily be redeemed by Money, if they on whom 'tis imposed, should find it too grievous; and in effect, What rich man is there, that would not show himself respectful and liberal to his Holy Father, that he may be merciful to him, and make his penance more light and easy? 'Tis no hard matter to guests, why good works are reckoned amongst the means of obtaining Salvation, for as soon as they proceeded to give the definition of good works, they placed in the first rank, all Gifts and Liberalities bestowed on the Clergy, Churches and Convents, and other acts introduced by the Pope and his Creatures out of a principle of Hypocrisy, and Superstition; to which they added this Doctrine, That the Monks and Friars could not only satisfy for their own sins, but that they had also an inexhaustible stock of Supererrogatory Merits remaining to be bestowed for the use and service of the sinful Laity; from which Superfluity they have erected a Magazine of an extremely profitable Merchandise, which cost them nothing either to stow, or keep, which neither grows mouldy nor musty by length of time, which never diminishes; and which in a word, cannot be restored by the buyer, tho' he should afterwards chance to discover the insignificancy and unprofitableness thereof. They have likewise burdened the exercise of Religion with so many unnecessary Ceremonies, holidays, and superfluous Processions, built so many useless Churches, Chapels and Altars, only that the swarming drones of the Clergy may have just something to do, and not seem to be always and wholly idle, and to the end, that they may still get a little by these and the like Fopperies.  
This is likewise the reason of their multiplying the Sacraments to the number of seven, since the administration of each one brings in grist to the Priest's Mill: They have introduced the Mass without Communicants, baptising it a Sacrifice for the Living and for the Dead; to the end, that the Dead as well as the Living, may be put under Contributions: Besides, nothing of Importance is taken in hand by a pious Catholic, till he has made a Mass be said for his good success. There is no Man of Quality, that dies without ordering a good number of Masses to be said for his Soul, for which the Priest must be well greased in the Fist. It happened once by chance or forgetfulness, that the Cup was not administered to the Laity, afterwards it became a Law; and tho' the Institutions of Christ and the practice of the Church for several hundred Years together, was directly contrary to this encroachment; yet they obstinately persisted therein, lest it might be said, the Church has erred, and that the Clergy might enjoy a Prerogative above the Laity; nay, so far their impudence proceeded, that as if they designed to mock both GOD and Man, they give the Laity the unblessed Cup, which in a scornful manner they name the Washing Cup, as if they had eaten some unclean thing, and must wash their Mouths after it. Marriage must be turned into a Sacrament, tho' it seem never so absurd and ridiculous, that the Clergy alone may take cognizance of all Affairs thereunto belonging, which being almost innumerable, are very profitable to them; and of no less consequence, for thereon depend the Estates, Inheritances, and Successions not only of private Persons, but many times of Kingdoms also; hence it was that Mary the first, Queen of England, found herself obliged to re-establish Popery in her Kingdom, whilst without the Pope's Authority, she could never have passed for Legitimate; thus Philip the third, King of Spain, saw himself indispensably engaged to espouse the Pope's Interest, because amongst other obligations, it was not the least that he permitted him to be born of his Father's Sister's Daughter, which could hardly have received a Dispensation amongst other Christians.  
Now the same Religion that scruples not to dispense with the nearest Bonds of Consanguinity, has introduced an endless Roll of forbidden Degrees, and likewise forged a new sort of spiritual Affinity. Why? To afford the Priests a more frequent occasion of Dispensations, which brings in an inestimable Revenue. In the extreme Unctions, the Clergy have found out a very proper expedient of giving the dying person a friendly admonition to make some pious Legacies, all which tends to their profit.  
Nor is there any other design in the Fiction of Purgatory, than to wheedle those that are just departing (and who then little value the goods they must leave to others) to give a good part thereof to the Clergy, to the end that by their Prayers and Masses they may the sooner get out of a place so terribly hot and thirsty. The adoration likewise of Relics, does not make the least part of the Clergy's Revenue, for with an old rotten knuckle-bone, they will reward the greatest Services that the Pope's most faithful Creatures shall have rendered to him. The Invocation of Saints has furnished them with a very fair and specious pretext of building so many the more Churches, of Instituting more holidays, of providing more Priests to officiate, and of extorting more Money from the Laity to maintain them. Besides, the Canonization of Saints which depends on the Pope's breath, does contract a greater respect and admiration of his power, as if he could dispose of Charges and Offices in Heaven, and that God Almighty were obliged to receive all the Candidates the Pope should present him, by which means he can dispose of the wills of other Prince's Subjects offering so considerable a Reward to their Ambition and Credulity, on condition that they will maintain his Interests to the very last. To which we may add, That since Superstition has got the upper hand, none but ecclesiastics have been admitted into the number of Saints, and especially such of them, who by some rare Masterpiece of Hypocrisy, and a false and affected Devotion, have rendered themselves Famous o'er the World. And if this Honour has at any time been granted to a Secular Person, either he, or those that solicited it for him, must have merited it by no common Services.  
As to the rest, I shall not trouble myself to particularise how the Clergy have cheated poor simple people of their Money, by the invention of Miracles, Images, Apparitions, Exorcisms, Indulgences, Jubilee-Years, forbidden Meats, and a thousand such like Tricks and Devices.  
Sect. 34. After these means the Universities have not a little Contributed to the establishment of the Pope's Authority, which have been sounded partly by the Pope, and partly by other Princes; yet after such a manner, that most of 'em must receive their Confirmation from Rome; and the Pope has arrogated to himself the chief management of them, and the consequences of such a Polity are plain enough, whilst the Professors, who are all the Pope's Creatures do not only establish the opinions of Rome during their Life, but do likewise perpetuate them, by leaving such Successors as are debauched and corrupted, with the same Doctrine.  
Hence is it, that the Academies and the Studies exercised therein have been accommodated, as much as possible, to the Pope's Interests: So that the Professors of Divinity (who challenge the first rank in the University) were not alone the Pope's Creatures, but the Professors also of the Canon-Law were very zealous in defence of the Pope's Authority, and mingled his Decrees that he had forced upon Christendom, with the Chicane of ordinary Processes; for 'tis the Canon-Law that has caused that tediousness of Law-Suits, since the Clergy have usurped so great a Jurisdiction, the better to satiate their eternal Avarice with the Bribes and Presents which both Parties fee their Advocates with. The most part of the Philosophers were also the Pope's Partisans, so that no one of 'em durst examine the business seriously for fear of being opposed by the others: Besides, the Divinity and Philosophy which was taught in the Schools, was not taught with the design of rendering the Auditors more knowing and learned, but that they might amuse and blunt the more penetrating Wits with a parcel of silly, nonsensical terms, and by that means be hindered from acquiring a fundamental knowledge of those things which might enable them clearly to discover the Papal Cheats. Their School-Divinity did not consist in the search and interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, but mostly in the decision of unprofitable questions proposed by Peter Lombard, Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, and other such Patriarches of fulsome Pedantry. That likewise which they name Philosophy, is nothing else but ridiculous Chimerical Propositions consisting of barbarous Latin, and inexplicable terms, the understanding of which was more prejudicial than profitable to the young Students: So that all knowledge consisted in knowing nothing rightly.  
And they have had the confidence to teach these Bagatels and idle Speculations not only in barbarous ignorant times, but even at this present, that all Arts and Sciences are in their Meridian, is that leaven spread abroad, and propagated with all the industry and cunning imaginable: On the contrary, good and solid Sciences are oppressed, and especially such as serve to open our Eyes in humane affairs, as chief the so necessary Doctrine of Morals, which is quite spoiled by them, and turned into a Labyrinth, out of which it is impossible to disentangle one's self, which they make use of to ensnare People, and load their Consciences with so many doubts and uncertainties, that being no longer able to regulate their Actions by clear and evident Principles, they must let themselves be guided by the Will of an interested Confessor.  
Sect. 35. But because it was observed, that in Luther's time the study of Letters did not a little diminish the Pope's Authority, the Jesuits being the faithful Guards of the Papal Chair, did afterwards take upon them the management of all Schools and Colleges; but not content therewith, usurped likewise the Instruction of little Children, to the end that they might so form their Studies, as not only not to prejudice the Kingdom of Darkness, but rather to promote and advance the Interest thereof. And indeed the Education of Children has not only enriched their Society, and brought it into great credit, but is also a mighty prop to the Papal Authority, to which they are more devoted than all the other Orders, for thereby they inspire the tender and flexible Youth with Sentiments of an extraordinary respect and veneration for the Pope, as also with any other Inclinations that may render them serviceable to their Interests, and therefore accustom them from their Youth to an obstinate persistance in the Opinions which they have once embraced, and a resolution of never yielding to contrary Reasons, so that they are incapable of ever attaining to the knowledge of the Truth. The Jesuits also learn from thence the Constancy and Affections of their Scholars, of which knowledge they serve themselves very efficaciously, when these come to be employed in State affairs; but those that are dear to them either on the account of their Wit or Riches, they most industriously endeavour to draw into their own Order, by which means the famous Discipline of their Schools only tends to the supporting of the Pope's Authority; and though they are famed for an excellent method of teaching Children Latin, yet they are very cautious of rendering their Scholars too learned, unless they are destined to their Order.  
Besides that, as the Jesuits, by the Government of Colleges have had occasion to draw into their Society a great many learned men, and that in their Conversation and way of living they are extremely civil and polite, differing much from the courseness and rebutting Pedantry of the other Monks; under the pretence of Confessors, they have insinuated themselves into most of the Courts of Europe, and by cunningly arrogating to themselves Intrigues of State, they sway the Councils of Princes, and direct them to their own advantages, which as they are inseparably annexed to the Pope's, so is his never forgot by them. Yet nevertheless, in some places they have made themselves extremely odious, by their insatiable Avarice, and earnestness of interposing in all sort of matters. And they are no less envied by the old Orders of Monks, as having much encroached on their Rights and Authority. One of the means which are also used to maintain the Grandeur of the Chair of Rome, is the Power which the Pope and his Creatures have attributed to themselves, of censuring all Books, so that nothing may appear in print that is contrary to their Interests; which Censure they use with so much rashness and impudence, that they do not only retrench what they dislike in old Authors when they are reprinted, but they have the confidence to insert whole passages, which may be serviceable to their designs.  
If any new piece happen to be written and printed in the Pope's Territories, 'tis presently taken into a strict examination, and whatsoever has slipped in that is contrary to their Interests, 'tis put into the Index expurgatorius, that in the second Edition it may be quite omitted: But the Books that are written by their Adversaries, are absolutely forbidden to be introduced into their Country: Nor may any man read them without a special permission, or such alone as are so much prejudiced against them that they do not fear will be debauched. So that by this means they may brand their Adversaries, and blacken them as they please, since it is not allowed their people to read either their Writings or Refutations. Besides, some have observed, that the scandalous Lives of the Pope's having been extremely prejudicial to the Romish Religion, because they were exposed to all the World by the Writings of the Protestants, they do now endeavour to retort the same Reproaches on the Protestants, not only by declaring the Faults and Oversights of some few particulars, but by charging them with the most scandalous Vices, and desiring them afterwards to prove the contrary; whereby they prepossess their Followers with notions extremely disadvantageous to the Protestant Religion.  
They have likewise Impudence enough to cry up the Miracles and Exploits of their Martyrs, done in very remote Countries, by which they acquire a great credit, at least with the more simple sort of people: Which Trick of theirs, amongst many others, is exactly remarked by Edwin Sands an English Gentleman, in his View of the Religions of Europe.  
Sect. 36. But there are yet more violent ways which the Pope uses to support the Majesty of his Character, amongst which the chiefest was that terrible Ban or Excommunication, whereby whole Countries have been forbidden the exercise of their Religion, and Kings and Emperors have been forced to truckle to the Mitre; but now a-days these Arms are no longer so dreadful as they were heretofore, unless it be to some of the petty Princes in Italy: But in Spain and Italy they have erected a singular Tribunal, which they christian Officium Sanctae Inquisitionis, wherein they inquire and proceed against such as are any ways suspected of Heresy; the worst of which is that which destroys the Credit, Doctrine, and Decrees of the Pope: By which means the people are kept in an intolerable Slavery: And the Pest is not so dreadful to the Inhabitants of those Countries, as is this sort of Justice, which is so rigorously put in execution, that he who falls into the Inquisitor's hands, shall not escape without the loss of a great many Feathers.  
Sect. 37. Now, though the Direction and Administration of the Popish Religion, together with other means which we have already shown, are sufficient to keep the People in the Bounds of their Duty, especially since the Romish Clergy do so well manage the business, that they can content every one; and that most of those that live under the Pope's Jurisdiction, credulously swallow for great Truths all that their Priests tell them; nor have they any opportunity of knowing the contrary: Yet I really believe, that the most politic and learned among them plainly see how matters go, and would never continue under so ridiculous and intolerable a Yoke, without a great many worldly Prospects; and if I may pronounce my Judgement in the case, I fancy, that most of 'em are kept back from declaring against it, because they are unable to oppose it alone; nor are they willing to ruin a good Fortune, which they enjoy amongst the Papists, and to go over to the Protestants, where they are to expect nothing but Poverty and Contempt, which is too sharp a trial of their Faith, and therefore they think it is enough if they believe in Jesus Christ and his Merits, and that thereby alone they shall be saved. And as for the other Opinions which are the additamenta religionis, they yield an external compliance to them, but think they may believe as much of them as they please: Whether the common people and Women, who are usually delighted with strange and incredible things, believe them in good earnest, or not, is of no great importance: Besides, there are, without doubt, a great many that are not able to distinguish what there is of Divine in their Religion, and what the Clergy for their own Interests have added; therefore if they happen to discover the Impostures of the last, they look upon all the rest as a mere Fable, but are forced to conceal their Atheism from the World, for fear of bringing themselves into trouble. And let any wise man judge how easily an Italian or Spaniard, that has never read the Bible, nor any good Protestant Book, may fall into such impious Thoughts so soon as he gins to discover the Cheats of his Clergy. 'Tis likewise certain, that since Luther's time, the Popedom has put on another face, and does proceed much more cautiously than heretofore.  
Besides, there are a great number of People, of all Conditions, that find their Advantage in the Romish Communion, either by entering into several Orders of Knights, or but putting themselves into Convents, which is oftentimes a great ease, and sometimes the aggrandizing of a whole Family; and at the least, the superstitious Parents are very well contented therewith, and think they merit not a little, by an early dedication of their Children to God. In fine, such as can't make their Fortune in the World, have no more to do, than to cast themselves into a Cloister, and there they are provided for all their life; which Advantage they could not enjoy, if the Papacy should be exterminated, and the Ecclesiastical Goods confiscated to the State. The Popish Doctrine is also so deeply rooted in those Countries where it does at present reign, that if any should undertake to abolish it, he could never attain his ends, whilst the Priests would not fail to move Heaven and Earth against him, or find a Clement or Ravaillac to shorten his days; but most of the Princes find it their Interest to maintain the established Religion; or at least, they find no profit, but rather a great deal of danger in beginning a change.  
Sect. 38. But Italy especially, has no small Advantage in maintaining the Papal Dignity, because that Land is become very considerable by the continual Residence of the Pope, and by that Prerogative it has, that the Pope must always be an Italian, and because there is no Noble Family in all Italy that does not receive some profit from the Pope.  
As in Poland, the Bishoprics and richest Prebendaries, are possessed by the Nobility of that Country, who there enjoy likewise the Sovereign Power; they have great Interest in the Popedom, since the Bishops as Senators of the Kingdom, are there in great Credit. In Portugal, the Clergy is also very Powerful, and would easily embrace the Spanish Faction, if their Prince should go about to make any Innovation in the Religion; and therefore we have seen in this last Age, that the Portugueze have not dared to mutter against the Pope, tho' he in favour of Spain has used 'em very scurvily about the Collation of New Bishoprics, and given them reason enough to slip their Necks out of so uneasy a collar. In Germany, several of the States of the Empire stick close to the exercise of the Popish Religion; and amongst the Imperial Cities, Collen, as well as some other of less Importance, swarms with idle Priests and Monks; and amongst the Counts, and Orders of Knighthood, all such as have any prospect of attaining to Ecclesiastical Charges and Benefices; among the temporal Princes the Elector of Bavaria, has always persisted obstinately in his Religion, in hopes of aspiring one day to the Imperial Dignity, of which he would be totally frustrated, if he should abandon the Pope's Interest; and why some Protestant Princes have returned unto the Romish Yoke is, I think, very well known. That the Bishops and Prelates of Germany, are so good Catholics is no wonder, because 'tis a much sweeter and agreeable Life, to be a rich Prince, than a poor Preacher. Besides, they are deterred from any thoughts of change by the example of two Electors of Collen, whose designs were very unhappy and fatal to them.  
In Charles the fifth's time, Spain by its Intrigues, impeded the progress of the Reformation, and since the loss of so fair an opportunity, the Emperor par raison d'etat, cannot abandon the Pope's Interests, tho' he should desire to do it; and the Ecclesiastical Princes are forced to hold with him, that they may have a support against the temporal ones; but if the Emperor should really design to leave the Pope, 'tis most certain, that he would first have all the Clergy upon his back, nor could he be assured, that the Temporal Princes would stand by him, especially, whilst the Princes of the most Ancient and Noble Families, whose Religion is the only Bar of their Pretences to the Empire, might then with as much right aspire to it as any, and openly rival the House of Austria; the Pope too, would move Heaven and Earth against the accomplishment of a design so terrible and pernicious to his Dignity; nor would the French King let slip so good an occasion of advancing himself to the Imperial Dignity, to which in such a juncture the Clergy would not fail to invite him.  
The Spaniards would pass for the most zealous Defenders of the Holy Chair, but the true reason is, because the Pope's Favour and Protection is absolutely necessary to the peaceable maintenance of their Kingdom of Naples and Duchy of Milan; and thus we see them usually cloak their erterprises with the pretext of defending and propagating the Catholic Religion, but unsuccessfully for the most part; I will not speak here of the intolerable Greatness of the Spanish Clergy, nor of the strange things which they make the people believe, are contained in the Doctrine of the Protestants. France does not outwardly appear so passionately to espouse the Interests of Rome, nor have the Popes been able to persuade the French Church to so absolute and slavish a submission as most other Churches have yielded them, so that when they endeavoured to infringe or encroach upon their privileges; the Parliament of Paris did presently take Cognizance of the Affair, and the Sorbon has likewise often rejected several unreasonable Propositions advanced by the Flatterers and Sycophants of the Pope; they likewise spy the Nuncio's Conduct, and will not allow him too great a liberty, who when he comes out of Rome, bears his Crosier erected, but so soon as he Arrives on the French Frontiers, he carries it Reversed, till he obtains leave from the King to exercise his Function, and then too, they are forced to promise him, that they will use it no longer, nor no otherwise than he shall think fit. Besides, they are obliged to make use of French Secretaries, and when they go away, to leave a Roll of their Negotiations, and their Seal behind them, and to use several other such Formalities, without which all their Proceed would be null and void of effect; so that the French say, the Pope's Nuncio receives his Commission as well from the King as the Pope, and that it is Precaria & ad Nutum Regis revocabilis; hence it is, that the Nuncio lays aside his Crosier, if he happens to come where the King is, as if his Jurisdiction were dissolved by the Presence of the King. Nay, in Richlieu's time 'twas debated of, whether or no they should make a Patriarch in France; which design tho', in my opinion, could not have been very advantageous for France, for the Clergy would never have been brought to consent thereto, having reason enough to fear, lest the King upon such an occasion should considerably retrench their fat Revenues. Besides, if the French King should ever have any thoughts of aspiring to the Empire, his separation from Rome would be very disserviceable to him; for should so powerful a Prince as the French King is, become Master of the Empire, he would not only revive the pretences of the ancient Emperors which are now, as 'twere, buried in oblivion, of which most depend on Rome, but also the Defence of the Romish Church would be a very specious pretext of claiming several rights and privileges which the Popes have suffered to be lost. On the contrary, the Pope has a terrible aversion and fear of the French Monarchy; since it is not to be doubted, but upon such an occasion, France would make a great Reformation in the Court of Rome, and bridle the Pope's Authority so much, that he would signify no more than a simple Patriarch; and he must attend the same fate if Spain should aspire to the Universal Monarchy; in the mean while, it would go very ill with the Protestants; and from hence we may conclude, that the greatest Support of the Papal Chair is the Jealousy and Aequilibrium which Rome wisely maintains between the two Crowns of France and Spain, and therefore 'tis the nearest and dearest of the Pope's Interest to hinder any one of those Kingdoms from trampling on the other, or aspiring to the universal Monarchy of Europe; which also is easy to be observed from the Pope's Conduct for several Ages; for when France was extremely low and weakened after the Death of Henry the second, the Pope was forced to declare himself for the Spanish Interests, to which the Spaniards were resolved to oblige him, both by fair means and by foul. They gained the Pope's Nephews, who were glad to enrich themselves during the short Life of their Uncle, and willingly devoted themselves to Spain, whilst they could receive large Pensions, Benefices, and considerable Charges; and in case they did not render themselves very serviceable to those from whom they received pay, they were sure to be cruelly persecuted after their Unckle's Death; they also used all their efforts to exclude from the Succession, any Cardinal that they suspected to be inclining to their Adversaries Interests: but so soon as France began to lift up its head again, the Popes resumed their former Indifference and Liberty, and would show themselves no more favourable to either party, than as they were serviceable and addicted to the Papal Interest; and therefore Guichard declared publicly in a Sermon at Paris, in the Month of July, 1637. that the War which France made then against Spain, was a Holy War, and in Defence of the Religion; for had not the French King made use of that means to bring Spain to reason, the King of Spain would certainly have placed his Almoner in the Holy Chair.  
Sect. 39 As for those that have revolted from the Pope, tho' he would not be sorry to find them reduced again under his Jurisdiction, yet he does not desire, that by their ruins any Prince should become so great as to render himself formidable to all Europe, for 'tis better to give my Enemy his Life, than to seek to deprive him of it at the cost of my own; thus we see how great fears and jealousies the Victorious Progress of Charles the fifth's Arms against the Protestants, occasioned at Rome, since it obliged Pope Paul the third to recall those Troops which he had destined to the Emperor's Service; and had Philip the second subdued England, Sixtus the fifth would too late have repent his rash promoting that Catholic Design. So Gregory the fifteenth in the War of the Valteline, sided with the Grisons against the Spaniards, tho' the first were of the Reformed Religion; nor was Urban the eighth, displeased to see the House of Austria mortified by Gustavus Adolphus King of Suedeland, because the Emperor in the business of Mantua, had shown as little mercy to the Catholics, as before to the Protestants; and 'tis said, that when Ferdinand the second desired a sum of Money, which the same Pope had promised him, instead thereof, he sent him and his Army a plenary Indulgence at the hour of Death, that they might with greater confidence expose themselves to all dangers.  
Nor was the Court of Rome less apprehensive some years ago, when the French King made so great Progresses in the United Provinces, that the ruin of the Republic, seemed inevitable. But tho' the Pope does not desire the weakening of the Protestant party by which rough means, yet it cannot be denied that he uses all sort of slights and devices to allure them from their Religion; amongst which, the principal are, to maintain a discord amongst the Protestants, to flatter the Princes of that persuasion, and by giving them Popish Wives, to place a Serpent in their bosom, to entice the cadets or younger Brothers of great Families by Spiritual Dignities and fat Benefices, by making all those extremely welcome that go over to 'em, and instead of amusing themselves unsuccessfully to write Books against the Protestant Divines, to cherish those disputes and quarrels that are amongst them; and it is visibly certain, that the Romish Clergy have made very great progresses in this last Age, and are in a condition of making greater, comforting themselves with a malicious joy, to see that their Adversaries, by internal Schisms, weaken and destroy each other.  
Sect. 40. From what has been here said, may easily be judged, Whether ever any Accommodation can be expected between the Protestants and Papists, whilst each Party abandoning some of their Tenants, shall make such Advances, as at last to agree in one common Confession of their Faith, and leave the rest, as obscure and useless, to be disputed of in the Schools; or else, that both might keep their Opinions, and that notwithstanding the difference of Religions, they might live with one another as Brethren in Christ, and Members of one and the same Communion. Yet if we rightly examine the state of affairs, and the Principles of the Popish Religion, we must own, that all such Accommodations are morally impossible; for we do not only discover an extreme jarring and contradiction of Doctrines, but the Interests of each are quite opposite and contrary one to another: For, first, the Pope would willingly re-enter into the possession of the church-good, but he will find it hard to get so sweet a Morsel out of the Protestants Clutches.  
Then again, the Pope would fain be acknowledged the Head of Christendom, but the Protestants will never part with the jus circa sacra, the choicest Jewel of their Sovereignty; and it is a contradictio in adjecto to live in good intelligence and friendship with the Pope, and not own him at the same time the supreme Monarch of the Church: Just as if any Stranger should desire to be naturalised, and made a free Denizen of England, and yet refuse to acknowledge the King his Sovereign Lord.  
The Infallibility of the Pope is likewise the Cornerstone of the Popedom, which if once taken away, the whole Structure will fall to the Ground; and therefore the Pope par raison d'etat, cannot yield the least of those points which occasion the Division betwixt the Protestants and Papists; for if the Pope should own that any the least part of that Doctrine, which he has hitherto maintained, is false, he must grant at the same time that he is not infallible: Can he therefore err in one point? He may easily err in another: But if the Protestants grant that one Article of the Pope's Infallibility, they must also give him all the other controverted points. Now 'tis nonsense to imagine that the Protestants will ever retract all that they have written against the Pope; and should the Laity be brought to do it, what will the Clergy do? Where will they dispose of their Wives and Children, & c.?  
Therefore how good and how pious soever their Intention may have been, who have proposed any means of an Accommodation, between the Protestants and Papists, which they call by the name of Syncretism, yet they are in reality nothing but pure Whimsies, and serve only to furnish matter of Raillery, and Diversion to the Papists, who are also very well contented, that the Protestant Divines should amuse themselves with such Chimaeras, since they are sure to get by it, but never lose any thing, forasmuch as the Protestants do not only fall foul upon one another, on the account of this pretended Syncretism, but the common and united zeal which they heretofore bare against the Papists, is thereby extremely weakened; for any one that does not understand the matter to the bottom, when he hears them talk of an Accommodation, will easily be persuaded, that the Difference betwixt us is not so great or capital as has been represented. Now he that admits such thoughts, will at the same time be apt to revolve in his mind the benefits and advantages he may find in the Roman Communion, and then he'll make no great scruple to bid adieu to the Protestant Religion; for 'tis with their Religion as with a Maidenhead, or Town besieged, which run a great risque of being lost, when once they begin to parley.  
Sect. 41. 'Tis a quaere whether the Pope, with the united help of all of his Persuasion, can bring the Protestants by force under his Jurisdiction? We answer, That the Papists do considerably excel the Protestants in number; for on the Pope's side is all Italy, Spain, Portugal, France, and the greatest part of Poland, as well as the weakest Cantons of Switzerland. In Germany are all the Austrian Provinces, the Kingdom of Bohemia, almost all Upper Hungary, the Bishops and Prelates, the House of Bavaria and Newburg, the Marquisate of Baden, and some other Princes of less consideration; a great number of Counts, Lords, Free Knighthoods, and Imperial Cities, besides a great many in Protestant Countries, which all together, according to my Estimate, will amount to two thirds of Germany. In Holland we find a great many Papists, and there were a great many of the same leaven in England, though (God be thanked) since the Happy Coming of Their Present Majesties to the Crown, the Land is pretty well scoured of them.  
On the other side, we reckon among the Protestants the Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with all their dependences, Suedeland, Denmark, Holland, the most of the Temporal Electors and Princes, together with the Imperial Cities of Germany. The Protestants of France are at present disarmed; those of Poland are not in a condition to undertake any thing; the Cities of Prussia and Curland have enough to do to maintain the free exercise of their Religion; Transylvania can do but little: And the Papists have besides, this advantage above the Protestants, That they all of 'em own the Pope for Supreme Head of their Church, and do, at least with their Mouth, and externally, profess one and the same Faith. But on the contrary, the Protestants have no visible Spiritual Head, but are miserably divided amongst themselves; for, not to mention those little Sects of Arminians, Socinians, Anabaptists, and the rest, their Body is divided into almost two equal parts of Lutherans and Calvinists, amongst which a great many are as much imbittered against one another, as they are against the Common Enemy, the Papists: Besides, there is no general Policy or Government in the Religion amongst them, but in every state the particular Sovereign regulates the Affairs thereof according to his own will and pleasure: Nor can it be denied that (commonly speaking) the Papists do with more Zeal, Labour and Industry promote the advancement and propagation of their Religion, than do the Protestants, who have mostly in view how they may conveniently subsist by their Benefices, as the chiefest prospect of Handicraftsmen is, how to get their Living by the Trade to which they apply themselves: So that the search of the Kingdom of God is as the reserve, and the last thing they take care for. Whereas the Monks and Jesuits, on the contrary, have brought themselves into great repute by their Missions, both into the East and West Indies; and though in the relations they give us thereof, they intermit a thousand fabulous reports, yet the thing in itself is extremely laudable.  
In fine, there is such an irreconcilable Jealousy among the chiefest of the Protestant States, that it is morally impossible ever to persuade them to submit to one Head: As for example; Betwixt England and Holland, Suedeland and Denmark, not to mention the rest. Though again it must be owned too, that there are no less Jealousies between France and Spain, which will scarcely permit them to act unanimously against the Protestants. So that notwithstanding the great inequality in strength that there is between the Protestants and Papists, the former need never apprehend the Oppression of the latter.  
In the mean while there is a great difference between the Protestants that form an Independent State, and those that are under the Yoke of Popish Lords, for these are not half so well assured of the maintenance of their Religion as are the others.  
Thus the Security of the French Protestants depends on the bare word of the King, and the Edict of Nantes; so that they would be in a sad condition, if the French King should at any time be possessed with a Spanish or Austrian Zeal: Yet I don't believe he will ever undertake to force them in the matter of Religion, as long as they live peaceably and contented with that Liberty he allows them; especially if he considers the good Service they rendered to his Grandfather Henry the Fourth, and that he himself, without their assistance, had never arrived to the Crown of France.  
Nor can Poland easily suppress the exercise of the Protestant Religion in Curland and Prussia, as long as Dantzick enjoys its Liberty. In Germany the Protestants are strong enough: So that if they were united under one Head, they would make a formidable Kingdom; but the great number of their Chiefs, the diversity of their Interests, and their distance from one another, diminishes their Strength very considerably; so that the Emperor, in the space of an hundred years, had twice reduced them to such a condition, that their Religion and Liberty, (which are so inseparably annexed, that the loss of one would have been a necessary consequence of the other's loss) had both been ruined without the assistance of France and Suedeland.  
'Tis true, of late years some have pretended to hold forth this new Maxim, That the Protestants in Germany are able to subsist and maintain their Liberties without the help of those two Crowns, and that Brandenburg is very fit to have the management and direction in Chief of all their Affairs. And 'tis indeed the real Interest of the House of Austria, that such an Opinion should prevail among the Protestants. 'Tis with this Pretext that the Brandenburger and the House of Lunenburg cover the desire they have of putting themselves in possession of those Lands which the King of Suedeland has in Germany; whilst they give out, They are as well able to maintain them in the enjoyment of their Liberty and Religion, as the other Protestant States. Yet it is most certain, that if these two Houses should attain their ends, their additional Grandeur would render them less formidable to the Emperor, than they are at present, whilst backed and supported by the King of Suedeland. And they are no less deceived, if they think to find as sure a Support from Denmark or Holland, as they have received from France and Suedeland. And thirdly, Should the Emperor once attain to his desire, and dispossessing those two Crowns of what they have at present in Germany, introduce again the Spanish Faction, and mortify the States by the maintenance of a standing Army, and other Inconveniences of War, who at such a time could oblige the Emperor to disband his Victorious Troops? And if, for example, the Emperor could find no Pretext to keep his Army together, and to oblige the Protestants to maintain it at their cost, will Brandenburg and Lunenburg make head against him? And fourthly, If in case the Protestant States should not find themselves equal to so vast a Work, Whether those two Crowns would at their Call come and help them? And whether their own Affairs would permit them to undertake so important a design? Or, lastly, Whether there would fall down from Heaven another Gustavus Adolphus, to redeem them from the very brink of Destruction, and make as great a progress as that mighty Conqueror once did?  
And as for such as believe, that the Security of the Protestant Religion can consist alone in Parchment and Seals; or that the Emperor will not attempt the Sovereignty of Germany, if ever a fair occasion presents itself; whilst he can pretext so specious Causes as is the restauration of the Catholic Religion, and Goods of the ecclesiastics, they must have quite lost all knowledge of preceding times; besides, the Treaty of Nimmigen has shown how vain and fruitless all such Projects are.  
The Independent Protestant States need not fear being obliged to abandon their Religion by any violent means; for as the uniformity of Religion cannot remove the Jealousies of State, which is notoriously evident from France and Spain, England and Holland; so neither can the difference of Religion produce this effect, that in case any potent State of the Romish Persuasion should undertake to oppress a neighbouring Protestant, all the Papists should forsake the one, and immediately join with the other, especially if they had any Interest in the preservation of the State, that should be in danger of ruin.  
The lastingness and conservation of the Protestant Religion in those States where it is professed, does chief consist in the care that is taken to maintain it within the Country; whereto they have no need of such subtle and artificial Devices, as are used in the support of the Popedom, but the most simple and ordinary means are sufficient; for it mostly consists herein, That the Schools and Churches be provided of learned and pious Teachers; That the Clergy, by a sound Doctrine and virtuous Life, give a good Example to their Flocks; That every one be easily grounded in the true Fundamentals of their Religion, and especially such as are to be employed in Affairs of State, that they may be able to defend themselves against the Artifices of the Papists, chief when they happen to travel in Popish Countries. And lastly, That the Clergy qualify themselves so as to be able to baffle their Adversaries, and refute all their Quirks and Sophistical Arguments.  
Some are of opinion, that it would be no small advantage to us, if the two head Parties of the Protestants (which only differ in some particular opinions, whilst the Interests of their Religions is one and the same) could be brought to an accommodation and union under one head; the which they imagine to be very feasible, if we would lay aside all Hate, Animosities, Self-Love, Pride, Opiniatrety, and unreasonable Preventions.  
But if we examine well the Genius and Humour of most of the World, we shall find this postulatum to be extravagant; for if a man should consider the Controversies written on the subject of Religion impartially, and unprevented, he would stand amazed to see how the writers turn and wind themselves on all sides, to maintain the opinion they have once laid down, without having the least regard to its Agreement or Repugnance to the Scriptures; And how often they renew Disputes and Questions which have been refuted a thousand times. Besides, It can never happen that one opinion should be thought as good as the other; for such an indifference in any one point, would show that they did not much matter all the rest. Furthermore, 'twould be very dangerous to make those Articles, wherein we cannot agree, problematick; nor can I tell by what Authority we presume of our own Heads to make any Article Fundamental or Problematick. Some are likewise of the mind, that we should draw up a Scheme of all the points, in which both parties agree, and try if from thence may be formed a perfect System of Divinity, which from the beginning to the end, should be composed, ad formam justae Artis. So that if this project could succeed, altho' there should remain some different opinions, yet if they did not dissolve the union and continuity of the whole body, we should in the main, agree concerning the means of attaining Eternal Happiness; and all the rest would not be sufficient to hinder us from uniting in one Church. But to judge rightly of this opinion, one ought first to see a model of such a projected System. For my part, I know no better means, than to commit the matter wholly to Divine Providence, which in its own time, will perhaps furnish expedients, that the Wit of Man could not have imagined. For 'tis certain, that unseasonable means will only serve to create new Schisms and Divisions: In the mean while, both parties, notwithstanding the diversity of their Sentiments, aught to unite against the common Enemies, and to be really persuaded, that the Pope is no better a Friend to the Lutheran, than to the Calvinist. As for what belongs to those little Sects of Socinians, Anabaptist, and such like, 'tis impossible to hope for any reconciliation with them, whilst those believe that the Christian Religion is nothing but a Philosophy purely Moral, and these know not what to believe themselves; to which we may add, That these last, have filled their Heads with a sort of a new Polity, which would render them very dangerous to a State where they had the upper hand; but whether the Socinians have the same Sentiments, I cannot well determine, since they are not as yet become so powerful in any Republic, as to be able to occasion any Troubles or Revolutions.   
THE END.  
Laus Deo.