BLACKLO'S CABAL Discovered in several of their LETTERS Clearly expressing DESIGNS INHUMAN against Regulars, UNJUST against the LAITY, SCISMATICAL against the POPE, CRVEL against Orthodox Clergy men And owning the NULLITY of the Chapter, their opposition of Episcopal Authority Published By R. PUGH I. V DOCTOR.  Nihil absconditum quod non revelabitur 
The second edition enlarged in some few Notes.  
PERMISSV SUPERIORUM.  
MDCLXXX.   

The Epistle to the Catholic Reader.  
I Here present you with a collection of some Letters written by several of the Prime secular men of our nation: which discover their secret Designs against Regulars,— and the Papal Authority in England, without sparing those of their own Body, who were not susceptible of their schismatical spirit as may be seen in their procedure against Dr. George Leybourn legally installed their Vicar General by the Bishop of Chalcedon, whom they endeavord to get killed or at least banished by the Rebellious Parliament not for Religion, but as a spy, a Broullion, a factious man, and what else they pleased to represent him to the state.  
The Authors of these Letters are Very well known to most of our Ancient clergy men, yet because they may fall into some hands who may be strangers to them I will here give a short Character of them.  
The first, and as it were Primum mobile of all, is Mr Thomas white of Essex, commonly known by the name of Blacklo: who having studied his Humanity at S Omers, his Philosophy, and part of his Divinity at Valladelia, and the rest at Loven, all under the jesuits, was thence invited to Douai College by Dr Kellison when he set up schools, to teach Philosophy, where he began to employ the Doctrine he had learned Under the jesuits to impugn them: yet he professed there only rigid Thomistry which name to avoid that of a novelist he affected ever after, even when he had framed h●s new fangled system of Philosophy and Divinity althô he left scarce any footsteps of S. Thomas' Doctrine in either Being invited to Lisbo to teach Divinity in the English College, he began to discover some of those many errors which he then was hammering out, which coming to the Knowledge of the Inquisition, and his printed Conclusions being forbidden fearing the severity of that Tribunal he fled into England and was shortly after admitted into the Chapter.  
The first remarkable Action I knew of him after this, was his Approbation of the book Deus, natura, Gratia: A thing so odious to the till then orthodox Clergy, that at the next general meeting Mr. Broughton, and several others of the abl●st refused to meet, unless he were removed. To re-establish his credit, he printed some Controversiall Dialogues, composed by Mr. Rushworth, whose name they bore: a treatise good in its self, yet he left the print of his foot in it by foisted errors namely that of Scriptures being of no more use to dispute, than a beetle is to cut with, or a straw to knock a nail: which R. S. Bishop of Chalcedon deservedly called a Blasphemy. However this and some others of the same nature passed unobserved amongst many good things contained in the book which buoyed up his credit again, the book being attributed to him, and he either not at all, or but weakly disowning it  
His next work was to strengthen himself in the Chapter, by introducing into it his disciples, who out of respect to their master, and Gratitude to their benefactors would stand to him, which succeeded even beyond his own expectation for in a short time by the death of the ancient orthodox men, and numbers of other new ones, he became so powerful in it, that nether the opposition of the Bishop, and his officers nor the censures of Douai first, and Rome afterward of his writings nor the dislike of the Catholics nor the dreadful death of several of his A bettors without the Sacraments, a visible hand of God appearing against them, as Dr Leybourn truly said were able to put a stop to the Progres of his novelties.  
His temper was a deep melancholy which he increased by his Continual studies. He had a good wit, yet clouded with a certain natural obscurity, which accompanied him in all his writings, which he found too tough an imperfection for him to overcome, some think he affected it, that his sentiment not being Understood might be more esteemed: others, that that might give occasion of diue●s interpretations of his meaning, and beget several schools, as there are several in Aris●otle. In his Conversation he affected a certain gravity or stoical Apathia when he was amongst his admirers: but when he met with such as disliked his doctrine, none more violent than he, as appeared by what he writ against Dr. Leybourn, myself, Dr. Daniel, the Cardinals, and the Pope himself, so he verified his own saying, ●nto Divum parcimus ulli: At last in a very great age, when he had outlived his greatest disciples, his Doctrine and his own understanding (he was grown a mere child again) he died as several of his chief disciples had done, sine crux sine lux, without giving any sign of a Christian. Which shall appear more at large in his life which I have almost ready for the Press Doctor Henry Holden was as his own soul, for the uniformity of sentiments: A sun Dial doth not more exactly mark the motions of that Planet, then Holden represent the Doctrine of Mr. Blacklo. Besides his title of Dr. of Divinity of Paris, he had little to make him esteemed. He never Can write ten lines of true latin: and his Philosophy and Divinity were proportional, yet his presumption was so great that he thought none equal to him, except the all knowing Blacklo, as he used rashly to call him, applying to that proud man one of God's Attributes. He writ a book called Analysis Fidei●, Blacklo having furnished him with the materials, and afterwards corrected the stile to salve Priscian's head lamentably broken in it to which he added a chapter concerning things in which Princes are to be obeyed, and in which they ought to be resisted. A ticklish Point, and which required a greater moderation than his hot head was capable of in such a dangerous coni●●●●●re of affairs, when the People of England had cut off their king and kingship, and that of France seemed to design the same, if God had permitted it. So the chancellor of France caused the book to be examined; which shortly after was burnt by the Hangman, and the Author obliged to retract in an Assembly of the faculty of Divinity, and would have been banished France, had not Abbot Montagu interceded for him.  
This punishment would have made another wife but not him for naturam expellas furcâ licet usque recurret, Yet he meddled no more with Temporal Princes for fear of their sword; but spent his Pragmatical humour upon the spiritual Superior from whom he apprehended no such danger. This appears by his letters and Instruction for the Government of the English Catholics which, you will find hereafter.  
R. S. late Bishop of Chalcedon used to say of him, that he was an Unlearned Presumptuous rash man. His letters make good this Character.  
A third was Sir Kenelm Digby, a man of parts deserving all esteem, had they been accompanied with judgement: of a great natural wit a tenacious memory a graceful elocution, skilful in many languages, and expressing himself very well in several, but in English admirably, perhaps none before him and few after him more happily. This he knew and being above measure ambitious of honour he was easily wrought upon to help to bolster up and spread the Atomical Philosophy, which Blacklo persuaded him would shortly prevail in the Christian world, and banish Aristotle: which Honour they said, he should have of founding this new doctrine, & divinity itself, which was to be new modelled also, according to these unheard of Principles of that sacred science which till then had acknowledged no other than the Revealed word of God and the Decrees of the Holy Church.  
This conceit of himself engaged him in several negotiations of great consequence in all which he miscarried through lack of judgement in the managing of them. In so much as he was quickly forsaken by all who had employed him, seque & sua solus amavit: unless perhaps Mr. Blacklo was acorrival in that love: althô some with probability enough think his love was rather concupiscentiae then Amicitiae, rather grounded on interest, than any other quality: indeed in most of his letters we find many to be one ingredient, even when Sir K. was at so low an ebb of Fortune that it seemed to threaten his Bulging on the sands.  
The last Person, who furnishes any considerable number of letters to this Collection is Mr. Peter Fitton vere Biddul●h of Biddulph in staffordshire, of a very ancient family. A man of competent learning, moderate, and truly orthodox: althô b●ing made Precedent of the English College in Paris, and Dean of the chapter, and obsessed by Mr. Blacklo and D. Holden he was so far wrought upon by the importunity of the others, as to ground a suspicion, that for some time he sided with the Faction ultra fas, & Ius, yet I hope he retained even then his orthodox sentiments, because we find at that time Mr. Blacklo wishing he were deromanized, which shows he was not so: and he soon renounced all dealing with the affairs of that dogmatizing party, and retired to Florence, where he continued till his Dying day with an honourable Pension from the Great Duke, who commended to him the care of his Medalles.  
Some others are mentioned en passant as Dr. Georg Leybourn, Mr. Walter Montagu Abbot of Nantuil in Poietou, Dr. Humphrey Waring, or Ellis, Richard Russel, Bishop of Portlegre in Portugal, etc. who being partly alive partly very lately dead, are known enough to the greatest part of our English Catholics, famâ bonâ as is Mr. john Sergeant alias Holland, malâ.  
I publish these Letters out of the originals in their own hand writings, which for the satisfaction of such, as like S. Thomas, will believe nothing but what they see, I deposited in the English jesuits College at Gant, fearing the danger of being seized on or lost in England, should I keep them by me. Thos● who shall take the pains to visit them, will see my Fidelity in following the originals, which I here present thee: as also that there are several others of a much more odious nature, than any I here publish.  
My earnest request is that what is here in contained odious, be n●t attributed to the whole Body of the Clergy, whose honour is dearer to me, than my own life, but to the Blackloistical Party, under whose tyranny Orthodox m●n groan.  
Some things I have said of this Party already in my Letter de retinendâ Cleri Anglicani in sedem Apostolicam obseruantiâ: so me thing in My Amuletum Excantationis: more I will say in the life of his Patriarch Mr. White: which is almost ready for the Press. Many things have been said by others, viz Dr. Leybourn, Mr. Coniers, jonas Thamo, and others, yet nothing seems to bear so much of conviction as th●se Letters: where in they speak their minds themselves freely and deliver such sentiments, which none would have believed, with out such an undeniable evidence. Indeed these maxims althô contained in their other writings yet they are so obscurely delivered that they can not be clearly proved upon them.  
We shall see here that Bishop of Calcedons authority which they pres so much against Regulars trampled on: the Chapter, which they recommend as canonical, to be with out any foundation or right to govern, or give Facultys: the opposition of Episcopal Authority when offered by his Holiness, so odiously charged on Regulars, owned to be their own Action, and laid at their own doors: that they are Acephali, have no Authority no superiority no Government no subordinaton. In fine, that they resemble rather the confusion of Caluins' synagogue then the union of the Catholic Church: as we shall see in the 14 Letter written by Dr. Holden, Aug. 30. 1647.  
Which may suffice to excuse myself and such other orthodox Clergy men as out of a principle of conscience refuse Obedience to those to whom none is due, even by their own confessions and acknowledgements: and who do not own faculties, nor receive Dispensations or Power to give them, from such, as certainly have no Power at all. As also that such Catholics, as have care of their souls, their greatest concern, take heed of relying even for ordinary absolutions on them, whose Power is so disputable, and uncertain, or certainly null. Read and judge, and pray for  
Thy hearty well wisher and servant in CHRIST Robert Pugh  
Postscript:  
Note that the greatest part of these Letters came to my hands from Abbot Montagu whilst I lived with or near him: some very few were by him sent to me after my retreat from his service into a more laborious employment.   

A Copy of a LETTER Of Mr. White to Dr. Holden.  
Monsieur.  
THough I had nothing from you this week, but a notaries Act, yet I must write unto you. The occasion is a word you writ to sir Ken. that F. Hardiquan thanked you and that monsr Bernardiere was the cause. The which I wonder you should write: for the effect being against the Queen's intention, that is our state for the present, you cannot have deserved thanks if you have done according to her intention. The which nevertheless I suppose you have done, both because you have taken the trust upon you, and because you are none of those, who think that private men under pretence of Religion may dispose of Kingdoms, the which they do who think that Ireland must be put in its own hands, and our King to rely upon their faiths. For the Pope, or strangers to order things so I easily conceive it no inconvenience: But for an English man. I know not how he can do it with maintaining his duty to his country, that is, to God. God hath set divers degrees in our country, and having given the charge of governing to some eo ipso hath taken it from the rest who are to promote their Religion all they can, under and not oppositely to the steerage of the common. This I writ to be showed to mr. Fitton whom when I was in Paris, I found vehement in that kind: and told him then as much, as I writ now, but fear I moved him not. Let him consider that if Ireland be made a sovereign, both England and Ireland will be ruined temporally, and England by all probability also in Religion: for both will be engaged in a perpetual war, and England hardened in heresy by opposition, as we see it hath happened in Holland. But if the King for despair, or necessity submit to the Parliament and all the forces of Scotland & England fall upon Ireland? If the good of Ireland be to keep England in war, are they English men, that shall second this good of theirs? If I apprehend rightly, it is an easier matter to set England right, then to put the Scors out of Ireland: This is to be done by sieges of as strong places as any be in Holland, that by a Field, or two. England helped brings in Ireland: Ireland set up makes the helping of England more hard. If Religion have any footing in England, it will be mistress in Ireland, but it may be mistress in Ireland, and have no footing in England. For love of God be wise, and let all helps march together; for if one draw one way, and others other ways, all will be too little. And if all must go one way, it must be the Queen's way: for fittinger it is we should submit, than she. you have my sentiment, and I shall be glad, if you do not like it at lest that you should know what constructions others make.  
On the Back. Copy of Mr. white his Letter to Dr. Holden 29 May All in Sir Kenelmes Hand. 1645  
 
Annotation. What occasion Dr. Holden gave for this Letter, I cannot tell: certainly it must be of a very odious nature, otherwise the whole discourse of this Letter is nothing to the purpose: probably Dr. Holden with his usual rashness gave some ad●ice relating to Ireland, which displeased Mr. Blacklô, who was a Patriot even ultra arras beyond justice and without due regard to right. Which appeared by his book of obedience and Government: where he pretends the King's right to his Crown to cease, when it cannot be recovered without disturbance of the Commonalty. Preferring the Peace of a few citizen's before the just right of his King, the Nobility, and a great part of Gentry who were at that time trampled upon by the meanest of the Commons, in whose favour he writ that book.   

Sir. Ken. D. to Dr. Holden. Epist. 2.  
Sir,  
I have yours of the 3. currant: for which I humbly thank you. we need not trouble ourselves about the uncertanties, and disorders of our Letters, for now that commerce will be at an end: within two days after the next posts arrival I hope to be gone hence, and then shall make all possible haste to you, possible to so many as I travel with, 15. or 16. If 
It seems that Sir. Kenelm himself, how true soever he were to the Blackloistical party, could not escape this man's centsure  you understood my way of negociation, you could not dislike it: and to censure an important action, without knowing its principles, mr. Blacklow says tis french Levity. Upon occasion of your so much disliking what I do, I may without vanity say, that more is done for our good in this Court, than could have been expected and it is enough to go thorough with our business: nor is it in their power, you mislike, to hinder it. And what is given to them is accounted thrown into the river, but necessary to make them propitious to permit the work be done. Cerberus must have offam, to let Aenoeas, and other pious souls pass by him. But you will still Leap over the stile, 
b A true censure of Dr. Holden's procipitant way of proceeding in all things. This complaint is well grounded.  before you are at it. Give me leave then to say, it were both honesty, and wisdom in those friends you mention c. to forbear rugling under board, to embroil my businesses when peradventure I work upon the same principles, as they, and for many reasons know better than they, how to conduct it dextrously. But nothing serveth their turn, that is not done their own way. Remember what I say to you: 
d. This is akind of Prophecy: for in reality it happened as he foretells: as we shall see Letter 46.  At the end of my negociation, I shall be ruined (as much as the world can ruin me, which I value not a straw) for doing the just contrary of what you tax me for. And in the mean time those from whom I shall expect the most correspondence, make my negociation uncomfortable to me by false biases, and foisted cards. 
e. A very ungrateful proceeding of Dr. Holden's friends.  Sinc● they once thought me fit to be trusted with a business, they should have relied some what upon my dexterity in the managing of it, who though I be no wise man, yet they know I am not a natural fool. Neither should they think it became me att every time, and to every person to reveal the secret springs I wrought by: they should be content to see it done to their mind in the end: and in the mean time permit me some times, (without taking alarms) to look one way, while I rowed another. But the best js, I care not how any body taketh what I have done, from the hyghest to the lowest; nor what becometh of me, whither applauded, or scorned. I am sure I have done my duty honestly, and with some measure of Prudence: and God hath blest me with better success, then at the beginning I could have hoped: 
f. what he hoped for God knows; but it js certain he succeeded in no one point of his negociation, nether for the church, nor state: for he nether did the queen's business, nor the secular clergies. He neither got a Bishop, nor the chapter confirmed. He disturbed all English residing in Rome, disordered all their negociations, troubled the ministers of that Court, Laboured to banish this man, and to affront that. And at last after much time, and many spent in vain, with the queen's consent, he returned to France, leaving a bad opinion of his Person at Rome and bringing away with him a perfect hatred of the place and court: which he often expressed in virulent terms to many, and was for that sharply reprehended even by moderate and civil protestants, in Particular by my Lady Countess of Denbigh.  And I should have yet had better, if these over wise sticklers for Religion would have been quiett, for by raising diffidence, they have made my conditions the harder, which js all well, if the King assent to them; but if we make him blank at them, we ruin our business. And herein js the exercise of reason that giveth judgement, not only upon good appearing in one regard; but omnibus pensatis. But enough of this. I hope to see you shortly.  
On the back: Part of my Letter to mr. Holden of the 26. 9 by'r 1645.   

Most noble Sir.  
The Parliament of England hath endeavoured to sell some men's estates, but none will venture to buy them. It js thought they will give a general pardon, and so get a round sum of money by composition, since that they cannot get it by selling. I hear that the Scots have delivered three queries to the Parliament. the first whether they jntend to depose the King or no; The 2. whether they jntend to settle the crown upon the Prince. The 3. what js the reason that they do not establish Church Government according to the Covenant. The Scots in Ireland are very weak, and Preston js now entered into Ulster with his army, having reduced all to Conough. This is the sum of our news. And now jam called upon to recommend unto you our humble suit concerning the chapter in England. They cry out on all sides for want of superiors: 
a. Hence it appears that none of any side were satisfied with the settlement of the Chapter, otherwise they would not have been on all sides so clamorous for superiors, as having some already. This we shall see confirmed in the following Letters. Now if the chapter from its beginning was not canonical, how could it become so after ward●? Non firmatur tractu temporis, quod ab jnitio jure non subsistit: Is a Rule of the Law.  and none can be made until the chapter be settled. 6. Thu● with my wont respects to your noble self I cease 21. sept.  
your most humble servant Peter Fitton.  
on the back from Mr. fitton 21. sept. 1646. 
b. The secular clergy may then set their hearts at rest and be content never to have any superiors, for it js a folly to expect a Confirmation of their Chapter (without which there can be no superiors made) seeing the Chapter js so leavened with the Blacloist doctrine, and settled upon such a foundation, in opposition to the Papal Authority, that it can never hope for any Confirmation thence.    

Mr. White to Sir Ken. D. Epist. 4.  
Most Hon: Sir.  
This is only to acknowledge the honour you did me by yours of the last of sept. I think you will do God good service, and the King also, if you can get the Pope to employ 40- of our own sails, 
a. Take notice here of the Pragmatical spirit of this good man, who althô not called to it, must be giving Directions to the Queen's ministers without, and probably contrary to here's and the King's orders.  for by good managing they will become a fleet for him, and Religion. If you can further procure that he should send such orders, or rather such a man into Ireland, that may conserve the peace, and seek more after the substance then after the outside of Religion your journey will be well employed though you obtain no farther. As for my follies, I sent you half the first part by Mr. Skinner: the second half goeth to back this. The Appendix had been ready also but that a pedlar had more monies than I, and so a Catechism, that he had to sell at the next fair made my work stay. 
b. There may have been other motives for that retardment that the Printer had so much Learning as to see that work contained Errors and so much zeal as to be willing to take any pretence to delay its printing, althô thorough hopes of gain he was unwilling to Lay it quite aside.  I hope it will be ready for my next Letters unto you▪ so with my best respects to yourself, and your Colonel I rest this 25. of october.  
Yours as ever to my power. Thomas White.  
On the back, from Mr. White 25. october. 1646   

Mr. Fitton to Sir K. D. Epist. 5.  
Most Noble Sir.  
I Have yours 19 nou. And your hopes of a good success in our business doth beget an assurance of it in Dr. Holden, and myself. As for our adversary's they object the same against us, which the Parliament objecteth against Bishops in England, and with as little reason as they do. And if possibilityes of impertinencies may cross the discipline of the Church, there should be no Chapters, nor Bishops in any part of the world: & if there be more fear of such impertinencyes in England, then in any other place, it is because we have been abridged of that authority, 
a. Here he owns that our English secular clergy know not how to use Episcopal authority, if they had it amongst them. And indeed it appeared so, by the success of the Late Bishop, whom they engaged in several controversyes, to the great scandal of catholics and no less danger to Religion.  And so peradventure may in the beginning commit some errors in the managing of it, but this danger will be the greater, the longer we are deprived of that which we must have at last and the sooner we have it, the sooner we shall be acquainted how to use it without committing the objected impertinences. Howsoever the fear of impertinences be it never so great ought not to deprive us of the thing itself, but rather such caution is to be used as may prevent the Impertinences, and yet conserve the authority entire. I doubt not but you have procured this already. And as for our businesses since you do so kindly accept of the trouble, we shall not acquaint any body with them, but yourself, when they are of importance, as this is, neither have we acquainted Mr. skinner with this in particular, nor doth our clergy intent him to be their Agent, although my Lord Bishop hath styled him such in his Letter to the Protector: I suppose he means, that he js his Agent. Howsoever he expressed a great willingness when he went from hence to jndeavor to procure us a pension, for our house here, and I could not refuse his courtesy, for I have found it that the discreetest men are not always the best beggars. But I leave it wholly to himself, to do what he pleaseth in it as holding it desperate, yet foolish 
c. By co●uersing with Dr. Holden, something of his censorious spirit did work in him: Other wise so moderate a man, as Mr. fitton would not have thus censured Mr. skinner.  persons do some times prevail in this kind contrary to all expectation. Mr. White goeth to morrow from hence 
b. This was Mr. james skinner, known to some by the name of Bently: a ●ery orthodox man, and no friend to Blacklôs Novelties; And for that reason grateful to the Bishop of Chalcedon, a professed enemy to them.  towards you he offered himself to assist us in procuring an English Bishop. we have accepted of his courtesy with many thanks, when time shall require it: but we jntend not to meddle in that until this business of the chapter be over, nor then nether, unless you do advice us to it. 
f. This is the zeal for the Discipline of the Church and that Dignity established by Christ our Lord: which they by these words make to depend on the pleasure of a Lay man. No Bishop till the chapter be settled, that he may act nothing but what it shall appoint him. And no Bishop after that settlement, unless sir Kenelm like of is: So here is given to Sir Kenelm Digby an authority more than Episcopal, then Archi Episcopal, then Patriarchal, or even Papal: all these being by the Institution of Christ bound to provide Bishops, in due time where they are wanting; which here is left to the Determination of a Layman. Let the secular clergy boast as they please of their Endeavours to procure a Head to the English Church, & charge amongst their deluded disciples the Regulars with the odium of hindering it, never any Regular thought that grand affair So indifferent as to be left to the Caprichio of a private secularman, nor resolved to have it stand, or fall by his verdict.  you must charge Dr. Holden to send you French news, etc. 14. Dec. your most humble and faithful servant Peter Fitton. On the back : from Mr fitton 14. Dec. 1646. 
d. This was Richard White Esquire elder Brother to Mr. Blacklo, who resided long in Rome.  
e. Here we see, who they are that oppose the making of a Bishop: althô they odiously cry out on the Regular Clergy, as the only opposers of it. It js the Chapter they seek to get confirmed, and till that be done, ●ill admit of no Bishop: and have opposed a Bishop as often as he hath been offered. sometimes excepting against the Person, sometimes against his Authority, as contrary and consequently displeasing to the state. They are jmlued with some principles of Independantisme: unwilling to obey, after they have so long commanded, without control of any.    

Dr. Holden. to Sir Kenelm Digby. Epist. 6.  
Sir.  
Mr. Fitton's arguments ought to prevail, if the Pope be head of the Church, but not otherwise, for then the next Provincial Bishops ought to provide 
Hereis a pleasant condition put: If the Pope be head of the Church; but not otherwise. Is then the Pope's being Head of the Church brought to Iffs, & Ands? Is his supremacy become such a Topicke, as to be made to stand only as an Hypothesis by supposition, which way any impossibility may be said with Truth, as Sophists say of this other proposition: if a man flies he hath wings. what shall we say to the 2. general Council, acknowledging the Pope to preside over the Fathers of it as the Head presides ever its Parts? To the Council of Florence in which even the Greeks acknowledged it. To that of Trent which expressly defined it? whither will these men Led their Followers? upon what quick sand will they build, having rejected the Rock? in what Cockboat will they sail, having abandoned the ship of S. Peter? To what flock will they join, who forsake that of Christ.  for their neighbours.  
Adieu this 28. Of December 1646. H. H.  
On the back in Sir K. D. Hand: from Dr. Holden 28. December. 1646.   

Epist. 7.  
Most honoured Sir.  
I presume to enclose this in one to my Brother, though it be an answer to yours of the 24. of Dec. because it beareth nothing of haste. Idesire you to consider that the notes de Origine m●ndi are not a treatise, but an appendix added to show how Divinity depends of Philosophy, & so hath all its grounds in the former work, without memory whereof it is not well understandable. I thought once to have cited the places of the Institution, but finding it would ha●e caused some brovillerie with my printer, I easily declined to the sloughfull side. Who shall consider, that nothing conformable to nature hath hitherto been delivered of that subject, will require no ample discourses to make the Project probable. For my expr●ssions of your worth, they are far short of what I desired, & could have done afterwards. But I am a clod of Earth, & feel myself governed by fits & weathers, and what I put in my preface was the best that occured then. As for Divinity since the finishing of my Printing, partly expectation of my Brother, and providing for him, partly the weakness of my head, have kept me from such contemplations, and I fear will for some time. God knoweth what is best. I send you the catalogue of some more errors than are expressed in Print. I dare not say all, though the Printed were enough to shame us all, who had care of the Printing. God reward you for what you labour for the Clergy: though I do not understand why they desire it.  
Your most affectionate and humble Servant. Thomas White.  
I pray upon occasion press my brother to Print.  
On the back from Mr. White; but no date. It seems to be an answer to Sir Kenelme's of the 24. Dec. 1646. and so to have been written in jan. 1647. 
It seems he regarded not in his Panegyric ●r. Kenelm, what his merits were, but what the Panregyrist could say: for he doth not say his words were proportioned to the object; but to his own capacity. A pretty way of Praising indeed, in which much Sincerity is to le expected, when Reason is 〈◊〉 of d●res. & the only will consulted, yet if we consult the Practice of that party, and consider the Panegyrics they make of their own, and the ir●●cti●es of Others, we shall f●nd that Mr. Blacklo is no● the only, nor the chief offender in that kind.    

Mr. Fitton to Sir K. D. Epist. 8.  
Paris 1. feb. 1646. Most noble Sir.  
I have yours jan. 7 And as for a Bishop, I think it not convenient to move for one until our Chapter be confirmed, 
a. Here is the reason alleaded Letter 3. l. ●.  Which is of greater consequence. Nor then nether, until the times grow better, that we may have wherewith to maintain him. 
b. Here is a nother reason, why thèy would not have a Bishop: they have not means to maintain him: nor can have, till times grow better. yet Bishops are chief necessary in time of Persecution, in ill times, because of the Sacrament of Confirmation, chiefly necessary in th●se times: (still supposed that the Bishop's presence be not cause of the persecution) as these same persons often said in defence of the Bishop of Chalcedon. Now to refuse one barely upon the score of lack of maintenance for him, is so new in the Church, that I defy the whole party, to produce out of Ecclesiastical History any one Precedent for it. And moreover it is an affront to the body of English Cathholicks to surmise them unwilling to make him partaker of their Temporals, who Communicates unto them spiritual Graces. .  
On the back: from Mr. Fitton 1. Feb. 1647.   

Epist. 9  
Most noble Sir.  
I am glad to understand by yours feb. 18. That that busy man 
a. What you may have heard, and from whom, I cannot tell: but sure I am that F. Courtny stayed in Rome after Sir Kenelme's retreat thence and never left that place till his dying day.  Is commanded to leave the City. It is now no secret here, for F. john writ it to F. Paul in these terms: F. Courtney is commanded by the Pope to retire himself to Liege, & is banished Rome, at Sir Kenelm his procurement by order from the Queen of England. Yesterday I spoke to my Lord Iermin concerning him, & told him what I knew. Mr. Grant is now dispatched, & I hope he will settle all in Ireland, if Ormond prove not false, that is, if he turn not Parlamentiere. Mr. Bennet doth also return back with particular instruction to my Lord Digby. As for yourself I have given Mr. Grant a note to remember to dispose the Irish & the Nuncio according to your desire in your last Letter. The news from Ireland are these: the general Assembly sits, but as yet hath not published any thing: they were at first disunited by the Marquis of Ormond, and Clanrichards, faction: but afterwards by means of the Nuncio they were united again Clanrichard is in Dublin, and hath declared himself for Ormond. Where upon the general assembly sent a body of horse into Gallaway to plunder all his Tenants, & adherents as they did accordingly, only those excepted, who took the oath of Association, & now they are quartered upon his Lands. I am afraid Mr. Grant will come too late to dissuade Ormond from adhering to the Parliament, for Ormond writes in his Letter to the Parliament they should dispatch succours to Dublin, with all speed, because he cannot hold out longer than the 10. of March: in the mean time the Irish are sending both Preston and Oneale to besiege Dublin again. I understand now that Mr. Bennet his journey doth not hold, and that my Lord Digby is expected shortly. Dr. Holden will write unto you how F. Paul bestirrs himself against our chapter, but I believe to little purpose. He is afraid that F. john 
b. Father john never stirred out of Rome : so Sir Kenelm had as ill success in procuring his banishment, as that of F. Courtney.  will be sent after F. Courtney. Thus with my wont respects I cease  
15. March. Your most humble servant Peter Fitton.  
On the back. from Mr. Fitton 15. March 1647.   

Mr. White to Sir Ken. D. Epist. 10.  
Most Noble Sir.  
These are to thank you for yours of the 25. Of march and for the trouble 
a. This trouble was occasioned by some copies of Blacklow's Philosophy which being sent to Rome were seized on by the Inquisition, which Sir Kenelm labaured to retrieve.  you have had for me. I am sorry for your indisposition, which I hope summer will cure. I pray thank Sir Michael Angelo when you see him for his, & tell him I intended not to deserve so much honour as he doth me. I p●●y remember me all so to Monsieur Bourgeois 
b. Monsr Bourgeois was the Champion of the jansenists in France, and sent to Rome to defend their Errors,  And monsr Duchesne. What you tell of metaphysics is a long wound business. I pray all so commend me to F. john Points his Prayers. 
c. You see he was in Charity with one Regular, and thought his Prayers worth the ask.  I doubt not but you will easily answer the Father's Authorityes, which they can bring, for there is none 
d. Thus he rashly pronounces without knowing what was alleged against him  of which will come home. When you give me notice of S. Basil's, authority in particular, I shall give you the best account I can. But I fear it not 
e. with a like rashness he says, he feared not S. Basils' authority, althô he knew not what it was. The business then in dispute, blamed in Mr. Blacklo's Philosophy, Was whither Accidents could subsist without a subject? The Church teaches, they can, this Mr. B. denied. Against him were produced 1. Council of Constance, which in express words condemned that error, in Wiclef. 2. S. Basil : As appears by this following paper composed by Dr. Hart, as the inscription on the, bacl in Sir Kenelme's hand, proves.  My brother hath written to me, that my book will not sell in Rome, because of the opinion of the motion of the Earth. So that I may not trouble myself with sending the 72, disciples, unless you can put him in a better way, than he knoweth any. I told him he must get a stationer there to send to his correspondent here to take so many books, as he could vent either upon ready money, or upon a day.  
But he despaireth of it. The jesuits have been beaten here alsoe a little: but they will still fall on rheir legs. My health hath been so doubtful that I resolve as soon as I can get money to take some waters, I believe it will be about july. In the mean while I rest  
this 18. Of April. Your most affectionate servant. Thomas White.  
On the back: from Mr. White 18. April 1646.   

Testimonium Concilij Constantiensis et S. Basilij. Quod accidens possit existere absque omni subiecto  
In Concilio Generali Constantiensi Sess. 8. sub Anathemat is interminatione prohibetur omnibus et singulis Catholicis ne de caetero 45. Articulos Wicleffi vel eorum aliquem audeant publice praedicare, dogmatizare, tenere velquomodolibet allegare. Nisi ad eorum reprobationem:  
Inter hos articulos: numero 2. hábetur : Accidentia pani● et vini non manent sine subiecto in sacramento Altaris. Et ne quis dicat hanc censuram non urgeré, aut premere eos qui dixerunt Impossibile esse Accidentia sine subiecto manere: ●o quod dicta Censura prolata sit sess. 8. quando nondum erat definita quaestio de Legitimo Pontifice Rom●no supremo totius ecclesiae Catholicae Capite, a cuius approbatione decreta Conciliorū firmitatem ac robur habent, sed lis pendebat inter joanem XXIII. Gregotium XII. et Benedictum XIII. quis eorum verus ac legitimus Pontifex esset: Sciunt omnes Martinum Quintum in eodem Concilio sess. 45. quae est ultima praedictam Caensurā ac damnatioem approbasse ut videre est in epistola dicti Martini; ad finem concilij.  
Neque relevat si quis instet Concilium et Pontificem voluisse tantum reprobare Wiclefum, quod docuerit in Sacramento Altaris post Consecrationem sub speciebus panis et vini manere substantiam panis et vini: quod etiam intendit Lateranense sub Innocentio III. Cap. Firmiter. Tridentinum. Sess. 13. Can. 2. Et Textus. De Consecrat. D. 2. Cap. Species. etc. Nos autem. Vbi damnatur qui dixerit in Sacrosancto Eucharistiae Sacrmēto renanere substantiam panis et vini vn● cum Corpore et Sanguine Christi: et negaverit conversionem totius substantiae panis et vini in Corpus et Sanguinem Domini manentibus dumtaxat speciebus panis et vini. Ex quibus non colligitur accidentia manere sine omni subiecto, sed solum non esse substantiam panis et vini, in qua, tanquam in subiecto recipiantur:  
Hoc inquam, non relevat: nam Pontifex, et Concilium in dicto Constantiensi loco allegato distinguunt duos articulos Wieleffi: et 1. reprobant unum quo dicit Post Consecrationem manere substantiam panis et vini: Deinde reprobant alterum tanquam Articulum distinctum quo asserit : Accidentia panis et vini non manere sine subiecto in Sacramento Altaris.  
Atque haec ex Concilio circa accidentium extra subiectum existentiam in ssmo Eucharistiae Sacramento. Vnde Conibricenses expresse dicunt esse conclusionem de fide, de quo Christiano Philosopho dubitare non licet, posse deum conservare accidentia extra subiectum.  
Alia possunt afferri testimonia ad probandum accidentia posse extra subiectum existere ac conservari ● Vnicum adducam ex S. Basilio Hom. 6. De Opere sex dierum. Vbi docet in primâ rerum creatione lucem solia productam fuisse 1. mo die et mansisse tribus diebus sine subiecto ac tandem quarto die productum corpus solare, in eoque lucem illam primogeniam positam fuisse.  
Verba Auctoris sunt : Tunc (id est primo die) ipsa natura Lucis producta est: Nunc autem (id est quarto die) hoc s●li● corpus conditum est ut illi primogenitae Luci vehiculum esset. Haec ille. Ac ne quie exiscimaret ipsum nomine Lucis intelligere aliquam substanriam Lucidam, non qualitatem accidetalem; Addit paulo post : incredibile nemini videatur & a fool obhorrene quod a me dictum est: Aliud nimirum quiddam esse a luce splendorem: aliud item corpus subsidens Luci et subiectuns. Primum enim res onmes a nobis dividi solent in ipsam essentiam suscoptricem, et i● eam qua ipsi accidit qualitatem.  igitur diversa sunt natura, Albedo (inquam) et corpus dealbatum: sic et ea quae modo diximus, differunt quidem, unita tamen sunt potentiâ Creatoris. Itaque ne mihi dixeris fieri non posse ut lux a corpore solis separetur. Neque enim ego huius a solis corpore separationem mihi ac tibi possibile●● esse dico: Sed asserendum esse censeo, quae mentis solius agitatione cogitationeque (supple a nobis) disparari a se possunt, ea reipsa seiungi facultate Creatoris utriusque natura posse.  
Neque dicas S. Basilium eo loco velle tantum Lucem solis differre a sole, sicut vis ustiva ignis differt ab eius splendore, et posse divinitus separari, ita ut maneat sol absque Luce: sicut splendor ignis manere potest in igne absque eo quod urat: deo (ut Scriptura loquitur) intercidente flammam. Aliud est autem solem existere sine Luce; aliud Lucem solis existere absque sole vel alio subiecto.  
Respondeo. Licet Basilius hoc etiam ibidem asserat nimirum posse solem divinitus tantum separari a luce, in quo distinguit solem a luna, quae etiam naturaliter potest carere luce; tamen asserit etiam aliud; scilicet lucem solis tribus diebus mansisse extra corpus solis sine omni subiecto, ut constat ex verbis paulo ante citatis.  
Hoc testimonium Basilij, magni faciendum est. Siquidem in concilio Florentino sub Gregorio. FOUR Qucestio circa S. Spiritus processionem a Patre et Filio disputabatur auctoritatibus SS. Patrum, et praesertim Basilij ut vid re est in disputatio nibus Marci Ephesini et Provincialis Lumbardiae a collatione 14. ad vigesimam. Praeterea S. Thomas. 1. p. q. 66. a. 3. Ait caelum Empireum non posse naturali ratione investigari, sed poni propter authoritatem Basilij, Bedae, et Strabi. Alia ad hanc rem de Basilio dici possunt.  
Ex his patet Wicleffum mentitum esse 2. parte sermonum, serm. 58. Dum ait esse mendacium scandalosum dicatque ante Innocentium III. nunquam auditum fuisse accidens extra subiectum esse nam Basilius dixit inculcavitque accidens extra subiectum posse existere, & extitisse. Floruit autem Basilius sub Valente Imp. Anno Christi 360. Innocentius vero tertius anno. 1198. Othone IU. Imperium tenente. Ex Genebrardo in chronicis.   

Epist. 12.  
Most Honoured Sir.  
These are to give you account of the journey I intent to make, to wit first to the waters of Pougues, which are of vitriol. Thence I intent to see Paris, where if you please to command me any thing, I think the answers of these may find me. From thence if the wars do not hinder me, I think to go to Douai, whither the Precedent hath invited me to pass a vacation. He is a very able man, & all things considered peradventure behind none of our Clergy. He accounteth himself extremely beholding to you, and imputeth it to me, whom am not as yet guilty, but if occasion serve hereafter I shall be very glad to incur any obligation for him. My intention is to see whither I can plant any impression 
a. Tou see how he Laboured to so● D●rnel amongst the good Corn in that Field. How far he prevailed I cannot tell. Dr. Hyde seconded his design and countenanced his Labours; but he soon after dying, Dr. Leybourne his successor weeded those tares out. Amongst the venerable Fathers, of the H. Order of S. Bennet, he made one Proselyte, but by the Authority of R. F. Rudesin Barlow, and the industry of R. F. Stapleton, than professor of Philosophy, & since Dr. of Divinity & worthy Precedent general of the whole congregation that one man was removed, & that doctrine quite banished your house.  of my doctrine in that college for I conceive it may in time get a great root, if it were set constantly on foot therein. Old Mr. Smith passed by, & the good old man gave me order to testify his great obligations to you very heartily, & both his company, & all others, who passed here give extreme good reports of your person. But they tell me, that you would have a care of my health, have none of your own. Be it for the great pains you take, or as they think, that the air doth not agree with you. I Leave here a packet of an hundred copies to be sent unto you. The address is to yourself, the recommendation to Mr. Trichett whom my brother and Signior michael Angelo both know. It is your goodness, that is cause of your trouble. I doubt it will be a good while before they come. I pray let Dr. Bacon have 4. which I promised him. & if my brother desireth any, I must not deny him. Of yourself I say nothing, supposing you know you are master of all. Although I think you will not now Think of removing so soon (these last news having set new doubts upon your affairs) yet I shall observe your order of leaving a bill at my Lodging, & at the Escu de France. I have no news, but only that Plutark de Placitis Philosophorum L. 3. C. 17. attributeth my opinion 
b. It is no news to any, who are conversant in the works of ancient Authors, that Blacklo 's opinions should be found in them: for they will find them all in those works: Blacklo only reviving antiquated errors, which he exposes as of his own inventions, suppressing the Authors, from whom he borrowed, or stole them. Now he mentions those, whence he took that de Aestu maris to flop the mouths of the Italians, who accused it of Novelty.  de aestu maris to Aristotle, and Galisaeus to one Saleucus a mathematician: which peradventure will astonish your Italians, who take them for new inventions. Mr. Bourgous either is not yet passed, or at least called not upon me. The jesuits it seemeth have been to strong for him even in Paris 
c. It is no great wonder that in the town of Paris so Orthodox & zealous for the Faith of their Ancestors, monsr Bourgeois, who defended all the Errors of jansenists, and Arnauld, in his book of Frequent Communion, should be worsted. He had many supporters, & very powerful Patroness; but Magna veritas & prevalet. And the jesuits having in that controversy Truth, & the God of Truth, & the Church, which is the Pillar of Truth on their side, might easily overcome him.  No more but that I rest  
this 4. Of july. Your most humble & affectionate friend & servant. Thomas White.  
On the back: from Mr. Blacklow 4. july 1647.   

Epist. 13.  
Most noble Sir.  
I have yours Aug. 5. And I am glad that our business is in way towards an end: & I do not wonder that monsigneur Albize, & Padre Hilarione plead against us, being men altogether ignorant of the state of our country, & who never had their earls open to any but to our Enemy's. I wonder more at P. Luca: but when I consider, that he is a Friar, 
a. A pretty flurre on that whole Holy order.  he may be excused. That which doth most astonish is the weakeness of their motives. As first that they should call this an innovation in the Church, I am sure it is not, & for us in particular it hath been practised amongst us these 25. years. As for the 2. it is no wonder if they repent still the Government they gave us, for they never gave us any 
b. Yet they had given them two Bishops.  that was canonical, as this is. As for the 3. if they please they may change the title of Chalcedon, and call him the Bishop of England: for my part I see no inconvenience in it. Howsoever the Pope may erect our Chapter, 
c. Here again the Chapter is wrged; & the Bishop postponed.  and give us a Bishop, when he thinks it expedient. The 4. is of little force, for not withstanding Card. Millinos activeness in procuring such denials from the congregation, I am sure the congregation did never intimate to us any order to suppress our Chapter, or any mislike 
d. His Holiness and the congregation have always expressed a mislike of the Chapter.  of it 5. if they are fryghted to offend the English Regulars, they have no reason to discontent the Clergy, who I am sure will in the end be more able 
e. He is nether a Prophet nor son of a Prophet.  to do that court service, or disservice then the Regulars can be. And lastly whereas they apprehend danger of making 
f. Before long we shall see them nibbling at that very thing, or some thing worse.  a Patriarch it is so childish, that I know not what to say to it: but if any thing can put us upon such courses certainly it must be when we find by Experience, no hope of obtaining from that court any request we make, be it never so just. Yet after all this I cannot despair of a good success of our business, as long as I consider that our Protecteur, & yourself are Actors in it, & so I will pass from it to a matter that concerns us more nearly.  
You must know that at last not only the Independents, 
g. Here gins the treating with the Independants of which much hereafter.  but the King himself do give us solid hopes of a liberty of conscience for Catholics in England in case that we can but give security, that our subjection to the Pope shall bring no prejudice to our allegiance towards his Majesty or that state: it is true the King will not appear in it; but would have the Army to make it their request unto him: & so I understand he hath advised the Catholics to treat with the army about it.  
The business will be to frame an oath of Allegiance (for this it is which the army requireth of us) & I believe we shall do it without advice from that court, for we have found by experience so little success there in any business that tends to the good of Catholic Religion, if it be not joined with their interests there, who proceed upon principles of Policy, & are oftentimes guided by factious persons, as that we have little encouragement to hazard the embroiling of a business of concernment by putting it in to their hands before it be fully finished. Howsoever you may do well to see if you can discover any underhand dealing in that court concerning that business, for I doubt not but that the jesuits, and Benedictins there will be tampering underhand about it, yet I can assure you they will have little to do with it in England. 
h. This clears Regulars from the blame of dealing with those Rebels, & charges it on the secular clergy, & the chapter Party.  You may also of yourself take occasion to try the pulse of that court, & see how they will relish it if we declare that the doctrine of deposing Princes is no article of faith. To which I suppose, Monsig. Albizi will reply 1. That we are heretics. 2. That we will neither preach, teach, nor persuade that doctrine. 3. That we will discover all such as shall preach, teach, or persuade it. 4. That in case the Pope should actually free subjects from their allegiance in England, 
k. This all Catholics, even Regulars subjects to his Majesty, will readily sign.  we will renounce any such discharge from him. Some such thing as this I suppose will be done, if we cannot get it at a cheaper rate: & so 
i nether monsigneur Albizi, nor any can think, the Deposing Power to be an article of Faith: & so could not call any Heretics for denying it.  you may do well to dispose that court to it, but without taking notice as if any such thing were actually on foot; but only by supposing to his Holiness & others that you conceive the Independents will in conclusion exact some such thing as this from us. You may also make advantage of this business to get some thing from the Pope to oblige the Queen, & to keep the King in a good mind towards us. Ireland is in a poor case etc. Thus with my wont respects I cease  
30. Aug. Your most humble & faithful Servant Peter Fitton.  
On the back: from Mr Fitton 30. Aug. 1647.   

Letter of Dr. Holden to Sir K. D. in French Epist. 14.  
Monsieur  
Ayant veu celle que vous auéz pris la peine d'escrire a Monsieur Fitton, & me trowant a diné chez 
* Here is a compendium of the three states of France brought on the stage to judge of Clergy's government in England. A Bishop for the clergy: A Precedent for the nobility, & the Doctor for the third state. No wonder, that the Poet, who disposes the farce should make them say, what he please.  un President de mes amis de cette ville, ou il y auoit un Euesqne & un Docteur de nostre faculté, & leur faisant raport des peines que vous prennés d'obtenir l'establissement de quelque authorité chretienne & canonique en Angleterre, ilz se mirent tous a vous lover, & dirent des merueilles de vos beaux talents. Car vous estes cognu de presque tous ceux quy estoyent a table. Et comme le leurs ay conté quil y a plus de vingt ans de ma cognoissame quill y a en Angleterre plus de six cent pretres seculiers, & trois au quatre cent Religieux, & beaucoup de milliers des Catholics laiques, & tout cela sans Euesque, sans authorité, sans superiorité, sans subordination, sans gonuernement, 
a. This is false: for within those twenty years there were two Bishops : the later was then actually alive, & had his vicar General, in England: besides other subordinate offices. And the Chapter was then in Being: whose authority they recommended to those who depend on them, at the same time, that in corners they own it to be nothing.  chacun dit, chacun fait ce qu●il luy playst, vivants pelle melle sans ordre, & sans regime & qú'auec toutes les supplications, & toutes les solicitations, que nous auons peu faire en court de Rome, pour avoir quelque authorité, & quelque jurisdiction canonique nous n'auons jamais sçeu rien obtenir, & que vous meme y trowéz des difficultés insuperables. Le President dit en cholere tout haut, 
b. The case having been so ill stated, no great wonder the Gentleman should dislike the Proceed. Yet such words as these relish more of Dr. Holden's spirit & passionate heat then of a Precedent of the Parliament of Paris. Here is an embryo of schism which the faction hath ever since been licking into some shape.  Ces bougres d' Athées veullent ilz encore perdre ce peu qui reste de Religion en Angleterre? nous sommes heureux de n'estre suiets au maudites maxims de ceste court simonique & infame. Et le Prelate me diti Monsieur vous deuéz vous addresser au Clergè de France, c. ayant prealablement faitresoudre la question en sorborme, que cela se peut, & see doit fair. je vous asseure, Monsieur, cette Procedée dela Court de Rome fait crier vangeançe a tout le monde, & ruin l'authorite Papalle. C'est peu de choses quela confirmation de nostre 
d. The confirmation of such a Chapter as that of England is of so vast consequence, that it can never be hoped for by any wise man.  chapitre, vous nous devez faire donner quatre ou çing 
e. How unconstant these men are in their desires. Sometimes no Bishop, till they can mantain him; new nothing but four or five will content them: sometimes they solicit them from France; now Sir Kenelm must procure them from Rome : sometimes they must have titles in Partibus; now their titles must be English. And still clamours against Rome for not condescending to every request, whilst these men blame to day what they demanded earnestly yesterday, & will to morrow condemn, what they solicit for to day: proceeding with their spiritual superiors, the Pope, as the sectaries at the sametime did with their Temporal superior, the King Petitioning for what they please, & resolved before hand to be dissatisfyed with the Answer, whither it were a Grant, or a Refusal.  evesques titulairs du Pais, que pourroyent gowerner leurs Eglises selon l'institution de jesus Christ, & l'ordre du droit. jesuis resolu de voir ce qui dirá nostre faculté a ceste question, que je vous enuoye cy joint, car iamais il ny auoit tant d'apparence de liberté pour les Catholiques en Angleterre qù asteure, & il est par trop insupportable de viure tousiours soubs vn ioug si peasant, & dans un desordre si effroyable: nous resemblons plustost ala confusion du synagoge de Caluin, (deest aliquid) a l'vnion de l'Eglise Catholic. 
f. How the secular clergy will like this description of their state from one of their chief Brethren, I cannot tell: but should any Regular have made it, he would have heard of it with both his ears.  En fin vous sçauéz que extremis malis extrema remedia, ce que vous ne powes effectuer a Rome, l'espere le fair a Paris, ou je seray en attendant vostre retour, plus que jamais  
Monsieur votre tres humble & tres affectioné seruiteur Holden De Paris ce 30. Aoust 1647. 
g. He was deceived in his expectation: for nether Rome nor Paris thought convenient to grant such a favour to such a body of men.   
On the back: from Dr. Holden (in French) 30 Aug. 1647.   

A Question to be proposed to the Sorbon.  
Quaeritur an supposito quod sumus Pontifex respueret vel 
a. The Barbarisines, & solecisines contained in this writing, show its Author, who could never write five Lines without, them, as these who knew him very well assure.  negligeret Catholicos Angliae, 1. e. numeroso fidelium Anglorum gregl Episcopos providere, quodque iam per multorum annorum spacium exhibitis in hunc finem sedi Apostolicae infinitis propemodum supplicationibus, & variorum prestitis nunciorum sollicitationibus, dirâ constaret experientia, liceat ne sexcentum & amplius Sacerdotibus saecu laribus, & millium aliquot Catholicis Laicis omni superioritate iurisdictione 
b. Let the secular clergy take notice what opinion this man had of their Bishop, & Chapter, to which they exact obedience from others.  Regimine privatis vicinos Galliarum Episcopos appellare, ac deprecari, ut iuxta Conciliorum & Canonum decreta, acephalis sibi, ac perturbatis & incompositis Episcopos providere dignentur.  
Hanc ego proponam quaestionem facultati nostrae, cui haud ignoro quam mihi datura responsionem. Nempe appellationem licitam esse, & Episcopos Normanniae tanquam vicinioris provinciae posse ac teneri iure Canonico, & charitatis praecepto acephalis hisce, & incompositis Presbiterorum & fidelium Laicorum numerosis turmis Episcopos providere.  
Hoc facile praestabit, cum saepius sese obtulerit Archiepiscopus 
d. His Grace never would do any such thing: he was cleare-syghted enough to see the consequence of such an attempt, so contrary to the Practice of the Church.  Rhotomagensis. Effectum verò sustentabit parliame●tum 
e. He reckoned without his host here: the Parliment's intentions were far from so much kindness f●r any Bishops, or Papists, sufficiently appeared by the following persecutions in which the secular Clergy, notwithstanding their humble Applications to it, found little more favour, than the Regulars, who did not bend their knees to that Baal  Angliae. Quibus si quis restiterit, non Religionis; sed factionis causà puniendum, & ablegandum esse iudicabitur.  
On the Back: Dr Holden's question with his Letter of the 30. Aug. 1647. 
c. The concealing of the Answer of the faculty if the question was ever proposed. & that no effect followed it. shows that it was far different, from what he promised himself so confidently.  
f. Catholics may here see, what meek men they are like to find the Blackloist faction, if they ●et Power, or credit with those who have it. Here is Punishment, and Banishment, designed for all, who should not have acknowledged that illegal, & uncanonicall Government. And to bereave those Catholics of the Comfort of suffering for their Conscience, (althô that alone should move th●m to refuse to adore those Idols) they should be banished not for Religion but for Faction. Which is so fit a description of what Catholics have of late suffered, that we may think the contrivers of the Persecution took their Idea from this man. Which conjecture will be more confirmed, out of Larger explication of this design, in Dr. Holden's Instruction.    

Dr. Holden to Sir Kenelm Digby Resident for the Queen of Great Britain at Rome 6. of Sept. 1647. Epist. 16.  
Sir  
I have yours of the 12. of the last which came to me a week too late, for had it come before I sent you my Latin Question, & my French Letter, I should sure have written in a strange stile. 
a. It could scarce be in a stranger stile, than this is.  Upon the Proposition of an Oath of Allegiance in England Mr. White, i. e. Blacklow, & I met at Mr. Fitton's to whom we proposed the Oath of the Dialogue or discourse you mention: but he like a Roman could not digest it: we stood so strongly for the justice of the cause, that we declared no less should be offered, & so nothing is done. In the interim in England my Lord Brudenall the chief Actor with the Army in this business, and who consults only with jesuits, & Mr. Montagu whose zeal & fancy is stronger than his knowledge in this case, having discussed the business, & maturely considered all things, are sending or have sent to Rome, for his Holiness 
b. Very elegant, acute, and witty.  Bulls to beget English Calves. I am so mad at them, that I am going back to my hermitage, that I may hear of such fools, and factious fellows 
c. These Noble men are much obliged to him, for his character of them.  no more. I hope to be 15 days absent, & by that time I hope my choler will be appeased. I could find in my hart to go straight to the Independents Army, and make them demand 
d. He presumes very much on his credit with the Independants.  what either the Catholics should perform, or else be banished for Traitors; not for Religion. And the very truth is, Sir, that could I persuade myself the Independents would settle the Kingdom, I would have been in England ere this, I should either unite the foolish Catholics, 
e. More discoveries of h●s kindness to Catholics: before he would have them banished; now hanged: if they did not submit to his dictamen. It is well the Cursed cow had short horns.  or hang them; but I can not imagine that England must be settled 
f. This unsettled condition of the Nation saved the Catholics from the storm, with which this blustering man threatened them. The Clergy is much obliged to you, for your honourable opinion of them.  thus. The Presbiterians may make head, the Independants may be divided, & many other things may be which I fore see not, I can only confess my ignorance. Mr Fitton will be more careful of his correspondence hereafter, but I would have you come away, unless you can get a subsistence there, for our Clergy is not worthy 
g. I never heard of any that Dr. Holden wrought unless it were that writing, & talking at the rate we see here, none should have returned his civilities in some way proportionable.  the pains you take for them: nor will never dare go to the close stool without a Breve from Rome. I told you in my last, I wished you in England, there you might do good indeed, & if ever the Catholics have wit to make themselves considerable, now is the time. But Preston in Ireland & Sir john Cansfeld in Rome will never work g. miracles. I suppose its Dr. Leybourne 
h. Dr. Leybourn is very much in the books of the Blackloists: we shall hereafter find it; & have occasion to wonder they should treat in such a manner a worthy man, & a Brother.  puts Cansfeld on. I was going about to reprint the dialogue with the Petition, & Protestation of Fidelity, but there's no good to be done where the Instruments have such malevolcus, or malignant influences into a business. There's no money to be got any where, nether out of England, nor in France. Here's a letter from your son as I believe. The secrets sentiers dellamour de Dieu, shall be bought because this is the third time you have written for them. Here's Mr. Fitton's Letter which will tell you all news. A dieu this 6. of September.  
On the back, in Sir Kenelme's hand. From Doctor Holden. 6. Of Sept. 1647.   

Mr. Fitton to Sir K. D. Epist. 17.  
Most Noble Sir  
I have yours of Aug. 19 And as for our business I do now in a manner give it over for desperate. The truth of it is I do wonder at that court, & I do not understand it, if we would make as little account of our duty towards that court, as they do of justice towards us, I assure you we have at this present an occasion offered us to give them as deep a wound, as they do us, if we will but join with the Independents 
a. It seems all of that gang had great Confidence in the kindness of the Rebels.  & use their assistance, to vindicate our s●lues; & yet we need to do no more, then what shall be most justifiable in conscience. Besides I am certain at this present that if we will, it is in our power to thrust the jesuits 
b. It seems the jesuits were not so much in the favour of those Rebels. and I easily believe ●●. Yet I shall neither inquire what introduced the secular Clergy, nor excluded the Regular from that favour.  out of England. What we shall do, or attempt I know not, only this you may assure his Hol. That if what we have so long desired be now at last denied us, I believe we shall have little commerce 
c. To deny communication, or commerce with any Person or Church, was the old form of Excommunication, & when betwixt two churches it was a schism. This is threatened here because he says they resolved to have little commerce with Rome: not declared because they would retain some. How conscionable this is I need not to say, much less how far from Piety. The hang speaks of itself.  hereafter with that court: but relying upon the justice of our cause, we shall seek to redress ourselves the best way we can, & I hope we shall not be blamed, if we chance to set certain questions on foot 
d. Hinc illae Lachrimae. This is the root of all those Exotic opinions concerning Purgatory, Indulgences, the Pope's Authority, the Oaths, &c, which have been set on foot, & asserted with great boldness by the Secular Clergy of late, & almost ever since this ti●e. I wish all who hear them advance such Novelties, knew, that when they plead for their truth all their reasons are Non causa pro causà : for the true & only reason is that they are offended with the Pope: & do not intent to asserta Truth; but to satisfy their Passion.  which the Divines on this side of the Alps do hold may be disputed without breach of unity of the Church. But now to other business. The proposition of the oath goeth on 
e. This is a Flea put in his Holiness ear, with design to alarm him: Yet I never heard his H. was moved there with.  & several ones are already framed by us. If his Hol● chance to take it ill that we do not advertise him, of what we are doing in this kind, as I suppose the jesuits, & others do, you may tell him, that we have no encouragement to deal with that court in any thing, considering how they have dealt with us upon all occasions ever since the beginning of this schism. Howsoever let him not fear that we shall do any thing, but what shall be approved of by Learned & Catholic Divines. 
f. I easily believe Mr. Fitton was really persuaded of what he here writes otherwise he would have detested the whole, for which he pleads, whose persons he Loved; but much more the Church. Yet certainly the sequel hath proved, that there was ground to fear they would teach such doctrines, as no Catholic Divine ever taught Viz, that of Purgatory. Catholic Doctrine is like an Arch of which each part hath both a connexion with, & a dependence on all the rest: & no one can be removed without the fall of the whole, nor loosened, without shaking all. I am persuaded that scarce any of the Heresia●kes foresaw all the Errors, they breached at last▪ they thought only some particular Truth, which they thought saluâ Fidei Compage, might be denied. Then by natural consequence they were brought to question other Points, till little was left unstirred. So seditious men seldom propose open Rebellion, & a total dissolution of the Government, at the beginning of their commotions. They design to be free from some inconvenience, eased of some burden, redressed in some either real or pretended wrong: but when they are once engaged, they knew not how to withdraw, nor where to stop, & so are persuaded to persevere, & defend one seditious Action by another. .  
My Lord Brion is newly come out of Ireland etc.  
I am your most humble servant Peter Fitton.  
On the back. From Mr. Fitton 13. Sept. 1647.   

Dr. Holden to Sir K. D. Epist. 18.  
13. 7 by'r 1647. Sir.  
I thought to have been in my solitude ere this, but I have differred it until monday Labouring to think of some means how to free our foolish English Catholics 
a. Mark the opinion this good man hath of the Catholics of the whole Nation.  not only from losing that liberty which they were never in such hopes of since Queen Mary's days, but from that ruin, which they will run into for want of a little wit, or knowledge. Had you been in these parts some weeks a go that you might be in London now whatever become of business, 
b. The business, he speaks of, & desires he had neglected, other he had undertaken them, were those of the King, & Kingdom, recommended to him, by the Queen, which he th●●● promoted (with what earnestness is easily imagined) ● Rome.  you would easily have laid such grounds, as that an unspeakable good to Catholics would follow in time, though not presently. And truly could I persuade myself that the Independants would be able to settle the state, I would be in London within 10. days. I suppose Mr. Fitton will tell you that now Mr. Haggerston is dead, Mr. Brudenell the elder, Mr. Smith, &c, are our Agents sent down to the Army. I cannot read with patience the Letters our friends write. My former to you will fit the subject you writ of to Mr. Fitton, & if the Independants do continue to second us I fear not but Rome will content us, if not we shall find satisfaction else where. 
c. They build very much upon their Credit with Independants which what a quicksand it was, did appear soon.  I here send you a sheet, 
d. This sheet never fell into my hands: so what it contained I know not. But the Instructions. follow this Letter.  I have caused to be printed, whereof I have sent some copies into England with those Instructions in writing which I here send you also; you know how secret all this must be. These I have sent will I hope come to Parliament men's hands. I conceive you may freely give out the Independants 
e. By the effects we may guess at the intention of the Independants better than by their words.  intent us an absolute toleration, & that they declare themselves already, & that they will let Catholics have their Bishops, & the rather to counterpoint the Protestant Bishops, & therefore desire they may be titular of the Kingdom: that less than six will not be sufficient in England. Which if you make any stay there, & that the Independants go, & that the Pope will do what he cannot refuse, or what at least must be done without him, I shall easily specify here after the Bishoprics which are to be desired, 
f. Here the good man takes upon him by Authority Patriarchal, & Hyper-Patriarkal to dispose the whole Government of the Catholics to name Bishops, assign them their Residences, divide their Dioceses prescribe their limits, determine their Authority, & restrain their Power. By whose Commission doth he this?  with the shires of other Bishoprickes, which are to be annexed unto them de presenti with the names of those, who are fittest to be promoted. This you see I have already complotted the whole business in my idle Brain. But as soon as I get into the forest of Beaumo●t, I shall forget all these thoughts. I have got les secrets fentiers &c, but the Anatomia Animae is not to be found here. I should wish you to g●tt such a Breve as you got for Madam de Chamberge, that is leave to enter into the monastery of Saint Marie au Fa●bouig some times a year with one companion for Domina Lucia dela Roche foucault vid●a Domini de T●uruille, Domina adhono●●s Illustrissima Principis de Conde, etc. But I fear it will not be worth the labour: it is Mrs M●. G●rbier puts me on. What will become of her two sisters, I cannot tell you as yet. Here's one, from England, I know not from whom. I would you, & I were both of us there, though I know not as yet what effect the best endeavours would have. john Lee is newly come to London, & he hath undone me by his too long absence. I fear that Frere, & Be the book binder's will cozen me of Mr. White's books, because john Lee was so long absent, & the books were out of my hands, before I knew that they make difficultyes to pay me. Here's one from your Son. I am just now called upon to go into the town & therefore Adieu.  
Yours as ever H. H. 13. 7ber 1647.  
On the back: from Dr. Holden. 13 Of 7ber 1647. 
g. It seems the heat of his zeal is like a straw fire it quickly vanishs otherwise a journey of three hours riding could not blot all th●se thoughts out of his mind. Whether these transports were an effect of Passion, or zeal, let others guess. Their unconstancy shows them very imperfect.    

Dr. Holden's Instructions.  
If it shall please the Parliament to suffer the Roman Catholics to live amongst them with liberty, & freedom let it likewise please them to take this advice from a Roman Catholic for their greater & better security.  
First Let no foreign King or state intercede for them, nor meddle in the compounding of businesses for Catholics; but let the Catholics see the Parliament gives them freedom merely out of their own disposition, and good will towards them.  
Secondly 
a. By what Authority doth he propose this Oath, under pain of Banishment?  Let this Oath sent her with in print be universally taken by all Catholics of what profession soever. And if there shall be found any one Ecclesiastical or Secular, Religious or Lay who should refuse it Let him be desired to withdraw himself out of the Kingdom as an unfit member of the Common wealth, as things now stand. Thirdly let the Catholics have, or rather oblige them to have six or eight Bishops more or less by whom they may be governed. Let the Bishops be titulars of the Kingdom, causeing them to renounce, expressly by Oath all rents, revenues, & temporalityes belonging to those Bishops. By the first part of this clause th●se Bishops will be sufficiently Independent 
b. How can having titles in the Kingdom, make them Independent on Rome, seeing all Bishops heretofore were dependant, althô titulars in it?  of the Pope, which otherwise they cannot be; & by the second all suspicion of pretending to or hindering from the disposal of those Bishoprics, or Bishop's estates will be taken away.  
These Bishops will be (as all other ordinary Bishops are) in the belief of all Catholics successers to the Apostles, having authority immediately 
c. Can yours, or the Parliaments nomination make their Authority, ●e immediately received from Christ; & not the nomination of the Pope▪  from Christ jesus himself, & consequently independent of all other spiritual power, even of the Pope himself. For though all Bishops are bound to acknowledge the Pope their head or the chief Paster, yet he cannot impose any special command upon them of what nature soever unless both they, & the common wealth in which they live do think it fit. And this hath been the practice heretofore in Catholic times in England, is now in France, & in all other Catholic states & Kingdoms.  
Let all clergy or Ecclesiastical men, be they secular or Regular depend 
d. Here is another injunction contra●y to the Canons of the Catholic Church, imposed under pain of Banishment.  on these ●●shops, & make them renounce d. all immediate dependence of any other whomsoever out of the Kingdom. And this because divers Regulars pretend to be exempted by the Pope from all ordinary Episcopal power, & jurisdiction & to ●e immediately subject to the Pope, or the C●●●●all of their order ●n, & of a foreign nation. Wherefore let all Priests both secular & Regular take an Oath, & oblige themselves thereby not to exercise ●●y Eccles●asticall Function, or any spiritual authority, or jurisdiction, but by the leave & as derived from the said Bishops. Which whosoever shall withstand, or sh●l pretend to depend immediately of any foreign Prelate or power whatsoever, let him, or them be wished to with draw themselves out of the Kingdom, as unfit members of the common wealth, as now things stand.  
All the lay Catholics of the Kingdom (according to the belief of all Catholics) will be truly, & by Christ's institution 
e. Where did Christ ordain, that all Lay Catholics be sabiect to Bishops not canonically male; but nominated by such a Pragmatical Man, as this is? & confirmed by a Rebellious Parliament?  subject to these Bishops in all spiritual things, & consequently these Bishops may be in some sort made answerable 
f. What Law can oblige a Bishop to answer for all the Crimes of his subjects, unless they are chargeable on him, for having commanded, counselled, or abetted them, or that they are Committed through his negligence of his function? what Country ever Called Bishops, or any other superiors to account for the faults of their subjects, except on those scores?  for all their subject's Crimes (if any should happen) against the state. And Lest these Bishops should extend their spiritual authority 
g. Here he takes upon him to restrain that spiritual Authority of the Bishops, which before he taught was independent of the Pope, & not restrainable by him. For he takes to himself, & gives the Parliament a greater power over them, them he owns in the Pope the head of the Church. So his Power is Hyper-Papal.  too far especially in things, which have relation to the Temporal Government as in probates of wills; disposal of pious Legacies, judgements of marrages &c, It will be easy to limit their jurisdiction in these occations as it may be thought sit in the discussion of particulars.  
Now because 
h. Mr. Fitton in his Letter of this day speaks of an admirable advantage they had over the jesuits, & that it was in their power to thrust them out of England. (See Letter 16.) & Dr. Holden very charitably proposes it to the Parliament. But the Parliament had other business to think on, than this: & by slighting these maliteus suggestions, showed more discretion, then to follow or regard such lgnes Fatuos.  the jesuits do seem to be the most dangerous body, & are thought to be most factious by all Christian states not Catholic, if they, or any other Regular Order refuse either the Oath here with sent in print, or to be subject to these Bishops as before, let them be thought unfit members of the common wealth, as now things stand, & therefore let them be wished to withdraw themselves out of the Kingdom, not for their Religion. 
i. Here we have another hint at such a persecution, as Catholics suffer at present, not f●r Religion, says the Gazet; but for the state, & the suspicion it may have of them. Suppose after the jesuits, the Clergy should be under a like pretext banished? Is it not possible it may in a like manner give suspicion to the state? Hath it not effectually done so, even in Catholic times? What Policy is here to dig a pit for another, inten●ich they themselves may as well f●l●?  But for the saspition the state may have of them, which the rest of the Catholics will not oppose, 
k. 
Catholics, who have a care of their souls will not willingly part with Regulars as long as they see the secular Clergy promote so many erroneous dogma's contrary to Faith, & these schismatical principles contrary to Charity.  
W●re this scribbler a live, I should desire to know of him, by what Authority, by whose commission he makes this address to the Parliament? It contains things concerning all the Catholics of England, it imports the design of an Ecclesiastical Government unheard of in the Christian world from Christ's time till this day, & all imposed with so great a penalty as Panishment, had he an Order from Catholics to offer it? Had he their advice? Did he so much as communicate it to them, or the mayor, & chiefir part of them? Not one word of that. What doth this rashness deserve in a private man, to deal such businesses of so general concern of his own head?  
Addistion to these notes : Is there not reason to suspect, that this design did not die with Dr. Holden; but Live still in that party? & that Mr. Sergeant's great design in his going for England, is this s●me.   no more than they did in venice, & other Catholic states, much less in a Kingdom not Catholic.  
On the back: Doctor Holdens instructions into England sent me with his Letter of the 13. 7ber 1647.   

Larger Instructions in Dr. Holden's hand Writing.  
If it shall please the Parliament to suffer the Roman Catholics to live with the same freedom & enjoy the same liberty which the other free borne subjects of the Kingdom do, & which their natural birth right seems to challenge as due unto them Let it please them to take into their consideration these few heads proposed unto them by a Roman Catholic, who knowing the principles & maxims of the Roman Church, & belief, conceiveth them fit to be thought of, for their better satisfaction, & greater security of the state.  
First let no foreign King, nor state be suffered to intercede or meddle in the behalf of Catholics, to the end the Catholics may see their freedom doth only proceed from the Parliaments gracious disposition & willingness to settle universal liberty, & consequently that they are not to depend, nor hope, nor be obliged to none but them for their freedom.  
2ly, that such an Oath of Allegiance be framed (if it be thought necessary that any be requisite) as may stand with the principles of Catholic Religion (whereof there is a draught in Print will be easily made fully satisfactory) which may be universally taken by all Catholics of what profession soever, & if any either Ecclesiastical, or Lay should refuse it, let him be banished out of the Kingdom, 
a. Here Banishment is clearly commanded in case any presume not to conform to his injunctions : whichin the other. Instructions was expressed more sweetly, Let them be desired to withdraw out of the Kingdom. But the sense in both is the same.  as an unfit member of the Common wealth.  
3ly. Let the Catholics be obliged to have six or eight Bishops more or less, by whom they may be governed in matter of Religion & conscience. Let these Bishops have some of the ancient national titles of the Kingdom according to their several districts, & consequently have ordinary jurisdiction over the Catholics. By these means, that is for as much, as these Bishops have national titles, & consequently are ordinaries (as we call them) the Parliament is secured, the Pope can have no Po●er over them to the prejudice of the state. For they being ordinaries he cannot deprive them of, nor limit nor touch their jurisdiction at all; being a general tenet amongst Catholics that all Ordinaries are successors to the Apostles, & have their authority immediately from jesus Christ, & consequently a● immovable, & absolute in their kind, as the Pope's in his. So that all immediate influence from the Pope upon the Catholics of England is cut of by this means, & therefore no fear of the Pope's arbitrary power, which can be only suspected, & dangerous to the state. These Ordinaries will govern the consciences, & souls of their flocks by their own proper authority, which we hold to be innate into their offices & persons juredivino. Hence it follows that these Ordinaries are not bound to obey or receive any special command from the Pope of what nature soever, if either contrary to the customs, or canons of the Church or prejudicial to the temporal laws, & government of the state, whereof the state itself is to be judge. It is true these Ordinaries must acknowledge the Pope the first Bishop, & head 
b. Here is a new kind of head, without any authority, or Influence over its Body. A thing monstrous in Natural, & much more in mystical bodies.  of the Church; but not receive any of his commands without the leave of the state. Whereupon these two general tenets may be exacted of these Ordinaries, & of all Ecclesiastical, & lay Catholics of the Kingdom. First that no Catholic of what profession soever shall acknowledge any foreign, or outlandish authority, or superior either Pope, or other over his person, or personal actions in any civil or temporal practice, or business whatsoever. Secondly that no act of command, or authority either spiritual, or temporal from the Pope, or any other outlandish person of what quality soever shall be received, or admitted by any Catholic of what condition soever, without the knowledge, & consent of the civil magistrate.  
4ly Where as these Ordinaries above mentioned, who may & aught to oblige themselves not to receive any commands or orders from the Pope as above, without leave from the civil magistrates (which hath been the practice heretofore in Catholic times in England is in now in France, & all other states & Kingdoms) whereas I say these Ordinaries might seem by reason of their titles, to give suspicion of their pretention to the temporalityes of the Bishoprickes where of they should bear the titles, (which cannot be justly suspected) the lands being sold by order of Parliament yet may they be obliged by oath to renounce all claim & title to the lands, liveings, or temporalityes of those Bishoprickes under what pretence soever.  
5ly where as several sorts of Regulars or Religious are sent from the Pope to exercise Pastoral functions, & guide the Consciences of lay Catholics who pretend to be exempted by the Pope from all ordinary Episcopal power & jurisdiction, & to be immediately subject to the Pope himself, or to the General of their order in, & of a foreign country, let all such & all other Ecclesiastical & clergy men whatsoever oblige themselves by oath to depend immediately on the aforesaid Ordinaries, as they ought to do by the canons of the Church, & not to exercise any Ecclesiastical function, or spiritual jurisdiction but by the leave, & as derived & received immediately from the said Ordinaries. Nor shall any pretend to have any spiritual power, or faculty immediately from the Pope in any either spiritual, or temporal affair whatsoever, or from any other outlandish person whatsoever, save only from the above mentioned Ordinaries, or their officers natives of England. Which whosoever shall refuse, or withstand, or will pretend to depend immediately of any foreign Prelate, or Power let him be banished out of the state.  
6ly. Where as the lay Catholics of the Kingdom will be subject in matter of Religion & conscience to these Ordinaries, who are their true & lawful Pastors (according to the doctrine of the Catholic Church) & this by Christ's institution, & express command (as all Catholics do believe) & are therefore answerable for souls: & farther are obliged both by the principles of their Religion, & by their particular interests to be watchful over the persons, & actions of the Priests whom they appoint under them, to g●ide the consciences of the laity; It will be of no small security to the state to admonish, & charge these Ordinaries to be vigilant, & careful, that nothing be complotted, nor attempted against the state, & to discover it if they suspect or hear of any such thing, they being in some sort answerable to the state for such crimes, as may be committed by their subjects against the temporal power, or Government through their negligence, or connivance, either by the Priests, whom they appoint, or by any of the Catholic Laity.  
7ly lest these Bishops should extend their authority too far, especially in spiritual things, which have a near relation to the temporal Government, as in probates of wills, disposal of legacies, judgement of marriages, &c, it will be easy to limit their jurisdiction in these occations, as the state shall think fit in the discustion of these particulars.  
8ly. If any Catholic Ecclesiastical, or secular, or Regular shall refuse to submit to these 
c. Thus this Dictator enacts laws, with severe Penaltys, which our nation never owned the King himself could do, but in Parliament.  particulars, let them be banished out of the state, as unfit members of the common wealth: the state declaring their banishment not to be for their Religion, but for the suspicion it hath of their loyalty, whereat other Catholics can take no exception, no more than they did at the expulsion of the jesuits out of the state of Venice, & else where, nay much less considering a state not Catholic hath more reason to be cautious, & wary of such persons, than a Catholic state hath.  
Besides these general heads, 
d. Having determined by his own head the substantial points, he leaves some circumstances to be discussed by the body of Catholics, when the general heads require greater discussion, & more mature deliberation than the particulars.  wherein many particulars are comprehended, which would require several discussions & resolutions, there be many other particulars, which are to be referred to those who treat, & agitate this business with order, & Commission. As to what is to be done in case the Pope refuse to give Bishops to the Catholics upon these terms, conceiving 'twill exclude his power out of the state, & prejudice the greatness of his Court by giving such a precedent to other states to do the like, whether in case of refusal the Clergy & Layty may not have recours to France, or Ireland to have Bishops from thence? & whether some Priests may not be appointed in the interim, whose power by the state's assistance may be Equivalenr 
e. What a rash, & unheard of Proposition, is this: that an Heretical assembly of Rebel's can invest ordinary Priests with heretical Authority equivalent to that of Lawful ordinary Bishops? What opinion had he of the Authority of Bishops who advances this? ●et this man must be thought the Assertor of Epscopal Authority?  to this in effect?  
Whether these Bishops should not make known to the state the places of their ordinary abode?  
Whether the clergy should not make known to the state both at the first, & afterwards from time to time the names, & persons of those whom they choose to be Bishops, to the end that none be promoted: against whom the state may have any just exception?  
How, & in what manner the Catholics may have their Assemblies of Divine service, for number places, & c?  
What habits their Bishops, & Priests may wear openly?  
Whether & how the Catholics may be admitted to any public charge? or bear any office in the common wealth?  
What course is fit to be suffered for the education of Catholics Children in Learning, or other qualities, that they may not be sent over Sea to be brought up amongst forraines & strangers, mantained upon the Pope's & other Prince's pensions which draw many inconueniencyes into their dispositions.  
No writing upon the back, till of late about 3 Years a go: but is all in Dr. Helden's hand writing. 
Note, that there is a copy of Instructions in Mr. Fitton's hand, blotted & interlined, so as it seems to be the first rough draught of them. But the penalties annexed to non conforming Catholics are blotted out, yet so as they may still be read. I think this attempt of one or two private men to prescribe Laws to the whole nation A rash Presumption, not to be paralleled by any in sacred or Profane History.    

Mr. Blacklow to Sir K. D. Epist. 21.  
Most Hond Sir  
These are to humbly thank you for yours of the 29. of july: which I received at Paris, & to give you account of my return to Lions. The wars about Douai hindered me from going thither, & so miss of my mark yet I hope I have done some good at Paris As for the business of Ireland, by some discourse with Mr. Bennet I perceive that marquis Ormond had truly a design to keep low, if not ruin Catholic Religion by setting a division betwixt the nobility & clergy, he supporting the N●bility to ruin the Clergy. Alsoe that Owen Oneale is a man both of wit, & martial skill I am sorry you are so greatly troubled with the Clorgres' business, the which I wish to go well 
a. A very zealous man, for the Clergy, who regards less, how their general concern goes, then for the Personal concern of Sir Kenelm!  chiefly because you are engaged in it. My waters would have done well with me, had I not been fixed on my journey, which caused me rather to stay, th●n take them. So I stayed to days: yet I conceive thus much refreshed my body. I am not yet so Skilful in my disease, as to be able to give a good account of it, & therefore spoke but in common to Dr. Fludd of it I am glad you take that course with objections of Philosophy & Divinity, to examine them Joint by Joint: for that will carry you thoroughall: but am sorry you are inportuned in the kind. I shall be glad, & humbly thank you for what soever you shall do, for Mr. Hyde. I should be sorry you should venture there another winter, with so troublesome health Vix Priamus tanti 
b. The King is much obliged to this man who thinks, he doth scarce deserve, that for his service Sir Kenelm should hazard his health!  God send your business done in good time, that you be not put again to a winter journey. At my coming from Paris I found a letter from Mr. Chanron of Grenoble, in which he says he can give you satisfaction concerning the Mercury of Saturn I intent to send him word, that he be very well assured of it, & for the rest I shall expect your order. There is growing a business, wherein peradventure you will be importuned, concerning an Oath, the which Catholics should take to have the penal laws renuersed. But I hope it will not stay you there. For neither do I apprehend this present state will stand, nor that any thing will be done in Rome concerning such a subject, with that expedition or rationality as is necessary for our affairs: neither that there is the place to treat such a business which importeth the circumcizing of Papal Authority. I had not the honour to see your son George at Paris, for while I was at S. Germane his vacation came in & he was sent into the Country. Mrs. Marry Capland it seemeth hath found the way to apply Mathematical abstractions to materia sensibilis, which I fear her master will be long a doing. I am here out of news, the which I doubt not but these times daily afford you store of: wherefore I rest as ever. Lions Septem. 19  
Your most affectionate & obliged friend & servant Thomas White.  
On the back: from Mr. White 19 Sept. 1647.   

Sir Ken. D to Sir john Wintour.  
Rome 30. 7ber 1647. Sir  
Epist. 22.  
Till yours of the 5. Aug. (which I conceive you mistake for September) I had not heard of your 4. week's absence, & therefore was in pain at your long silence. My business here would allow me the like, for I have nothing to write to you about. But my respect will not see you remain long untroubled by me. Yet too I have a word to say unto you, concerning F. Courtney: 
a. See on the other side the Annotation. a.  He is hugely mortified, & afflicted that you should have showed my Long letter concerning his submission to the Queen, unto some body in Paris, that hath written hither to his General out of it things extremely to his prejudice. But I bade him rest secure on that hand, for that I know your prudence so well, & your understanding, so entirely what belongeth to a Prince's secretary, that you never shown to any body Letters of secret advice that concern the Queen's service, & much less such as might blast those whom the Queen receives into her graces & is pleased to make use of upon occasions. This comforted him a little, but withal I was feign to go to his General yesterday to do him good offices there: for upon his return to her maiesties service, all those who were formerly his declared friends, & supporters, are now his violent 
b. This is most malicious against the whole Court of Rome, as representing it to be fall of most bitter enemies to the Queen which is not only false, but incredible also & the easy acceptance of Sir Kenelme's intercession for F. Courtney proves the contrary.  enemies; & will in the end remove him with mortification from hence, 
c. This predictionis as false as the relation: they never did remove F. Courtney.  if her majesty avow not powerfully her protection of him, which as things stand in this court, & particularly with him, is most for her service that she do. Therefore of any thing be broken out in your quarters to his prejudice from my letter, I pray you silence it the best you can. The late defeat of Ireland maketh all Rinu●uenis friends, & most of this court hang the head. They now repent the breach of the peace with my Lord Ormond. In fine, they are much mistaken, who expect any good from this court, otherwise then merely for their own interests. Therefore our English Catholics are very simple, 
d. What follows is conform●be to Blacklo's spirit false, rash, & tending to schism.  that treat here any allowance of what they are transacting with the Army in England. Let them guide themselves by what is in itself just, & fit: for if they introduce this court into the treaty, they shall be cozened, & the business will be foiled unless it be managed wholly in pursuance of their end●: & th●n I am sure it will be very averse to ours. For they care no more for what Catholics suffer in England, than the Marechal de Gramont or my Lord Powis, 
e. 
A great & groundless reproach to those noble men: wh● being parts of the mystical body of Christ, cannot but be sensible of what it suffers any where.  
Here we have a tale of a tub, without sense, reason, or Probability: F. Courtney to be banish●, & yet stared there: the motive of his banishment, his submission to the Queen's orders, & Devotion to her service; yet stopped, & the sentence reversed upon a word spoken in her name. All his friends changed into bitter enemies, because he promoted her concerns; & changed again to be his friends, because they were told her Concerns required it. What a sick man's dream doth this great wit relate, being awake!  
What is certain is, that Sir Kenelm going to Rome as the Queen's Minister, undertook the business of the secular Clergy, which he thought required the removal from that place of all such as were not well affected to it, such as ●e thought were F. Courtney, & F. John, the one of the Society, the other a Benedictin. In this he thought to have prevailed once, as appears by Mr. Fitton's Letter of the 15 of March of this year. (vide lit. 9) It is now no secret here, for F. John writ it. He knew it therefore before, though as a secret. And probably to procure it, he had used her Maiesty's name, though doubtless without her order. At last finding his negociation fruitless, (F. Courtney being too well known, & seated in that Court, to be removed upon such frivolous reasons, as were alleged against him) to save his own credit, he pretends, F. Courtney was converted to the Queen's service (to which he never was averse althô he had been represented otherwise by her Minister to her) & that it was necessary for her service, he should be taken into her protection, & was stopped in Rome by his interest. Thus he colour's the ill success of that undertaking, & when he was really foiled, proclaims himself victorious, as the unlearned Pretender to Learning doth in Lucian.   or other such good natured men, do care for what the Christians suffer in China, or I●pan. God send us once wise, & to stand upon our legs. We shall then be upon good terms, with God, our Prince, our country, & all good, & wise men in the world though peradventure this court (not the Church) of Rome will scold at us. I pray you see my Letter to my Lord Iermin, & I rest.  
Your most humble & faithful servant Kenelm Digby.  
On the back: To Sir John Wintour 30. Sept. 1647.   

Sir Ken. D. to Mr. Fitton Epist. 23.  
Rome 30. 7ber 1647. Mosthonoured Sir  
I humbly thank you for yours of the 6. cadent. And am right glad to hear of so good disposition of the Independants 
a. Of this good disposition we never had any real effects.  towards us. For God's cause let us not forfeit it by tamparing indiscreetly with this court, to limit our duties to the King, & state. In such cases they consider not us, but their own fordid ends. It is a shame to see how deaf they are to true charity & piety, 
b. A very Charitable representation of the Persons in Rome.  & how eagle eyed to their own temporal emoluments. Some good men here say it hath not been always thus in this court, in so extreme a degree. But that it is your zealous friend Innocent & his tender conscienced Sister-in-law, that have brought all things to their own bias; according to the old law, Regis ad exemplum totus I hear the Pope hath already been written unto in the name of the English Catholics about what they have in agitation with the army. But I cannot believe it, much less, that Mr. Montague's hand is in it, who knoweth with what a disrespect it were to the Queen to balk her & her minister here, in such a case. Besides in the business itself we shall suffer much, if it be so treated.  
On friday last I gave the Pope a memorial for his resolution (after our so long patience) in your business: upon which he hath promised a speedy meeting of the Congregation about it, & a final determination of it. I beseech you thank most humbly & heartily Sir john Wintour in my name for his forwardness to oblige me in my business. I beg of him to continue his favour therein, & to get her Maiesty's order to effect it; which I doubt not but he will have upon his first moving it to her Majesty. And so with my humble & best respects to you, I rest.  
Your most humble faithful servant. Kenelm Digby.  
On the back: To Mr. Fitton 30. 7bre 1647.  
 
Postcript. You can hardly imagine how troublesone, & malicious Sir john Cansfild is against all you of the Clergy, & any settlement for you; & in particular beyond all measure against poor Hyde: whose fame he fears, & prosecuteth with all violence every where, sharply condemning the Clergy for making him Precedent of Deway College, an heretical minister, a man of unfound opinions in matters of faith, wrote, or signed some thing in England of that nature, unfit for Government, & God knoweth what not. And from him inferreth how unfit it would be that the Clergy should be trusted with any more important form of Government, then as yet they have, since they still make use of, & bolster out Vnorth●d●x men: 
c. I wish from my hart there was no real ground for this accusation; & that it were truly a Calumny. But when we consider how the Chapter Faction first bolstered out Mr. Blacklo, afterwards Mr. Sergeant his professed disciple, & how they fear the Reputation of their Orthodox brethren such as Dr. Leybourne : we must own this to be a great Truth.  This is his constant language not only to Cardinal Capponi, & publicly in his Anticamera where all the English repair; but every where else, even by way of Clamour among Italians the Pope's Ministers, & F. Luke: so as he hath pressed it into the Pope's Ears, & gives him shrewd doubts of him: even so much, that his Hol. asked me very odd questions of him, & shown much unsatisfaction. in his particular, upon occasion of my moving him at my last audience about his Chanonry. In earnest he, & Fa. john, & the others of their party, show themselves very factious both against you, & against the Queen, 
d. He never mentioned any one particular thing done, or said by Sir John Cansfeld, F. John against the Queen. which silence proves that to be a calumny.  & insult most insolently of their defeating, as they believe, your Chapter business, though her Majesty recomend it with efficacy, & I solicit it with all earnestness.  
I pray you see what I writ to Sir john Wintour concerning Fa. Courtney; & silence all prejudicial rumours in Paris against him.  
On the back: the Postcript of my letter to Mr. Fitton 30. 7bre 1647.  
 
Another Postscript. Sir john Cansfeld's & Fa. John's discourse of the English Deane & Chapter is that the Pope nether can, nor ought do it, for it is against his own interest &, authority: & that therefore he refuseth it. For the Clergy useth to be insolent, 
e. I wish there were no other proofs of this, but the words of those two persons. f. The Regulars accommodate themselves no further to the Pope's will, than it is conformable to the will of God & the Laws of the Church, & all rules of Conscience. And so far the Secular orthodox Clergy owns obedience to him.  & stand upon their own rights & legs: But the Re●ulars his Missionaries depend wholly upon his f. will; & to that accommodate themselves in every thing. M●nday 30. 7ber 1647. After I had written my Letter. Dr. Bacon.   

Epist. 24.  
Most Noble Sir  
I send you here a copy of a paper signed by the Provincials & by divers Secular Priests as also a copy of an Oath intended to be presented by the Catholics to the Parliament. For my part I do not approve, nether of one, or the other: howsoever you may do well to show them to his Haul: & to the Protector of England: & in case they dislike them, you may tell his Haul that until he give the Clergy a superior, & settle Ordinary jurisdiction 
a How strangely is Mr. Fitton altredl the Last year he was so indifferent for a Bishop, that he seemed rather to desire there should be none (s●e Letter 3. & 5.) & now Religion cannot stand without one. . amongst us, worfer things will be done, than this is: For besides animosity, that must needs be in the Clergy, by reason of the injustice (as they conceive) of that court towards them, in denying them their right, they being to suspect that that Court intends to introduce, & impose upon them an arbitrary way of Church Government, which they can no more brook. 
b. A fit comparison betwixt the Obedience of the s●culare Clergy, to the Pope, & that of the Parliament of the King.  than the Parliament would do arbitrary Government in the state: & so it is not to be wondered, it they fall into some extr●u●gances especially considering that there is no superior to restrain them, from doing what they please. Nether will they admit of any superior without Ordinary jurisdiction, & which is worse, I fear they will not ●●●e any more to that court for a superior, if you come down without effecting some thing to their satisfaction; but se●ke it else wh●re as well as they can. If you please you may give these very words I writ unto you, to our Protector, & to whom else you please, as from me As for myself I do not write to our Protector, or to any other, because (as long as things stand thus) I will not assume upon myself to meddle further in that which concerns the common, th●n the rest of my brothers do: & so that court must not expect any account from us, but take their informations from whom they can get them, & if they be misinformed (as happily th●y may be as well as they have been hitherto) let them blame themselves.  
Now you must know, that this Paper, which is signed, is to be dispersed amongst Catholics, & was signed only for that end, that the Catholics may know how to answer to these three propositions, which were sent from the army to my Lord Brudenal in these very words as they lie here. There is a more ample answer to be drawn for the satisfaction of the army, & the Parliament with a discourse touching every proposition in particular. The best jest is, that the Benedictins, who were always suspected to favour the Oath, do now scruple to sign this paper, & (as I imagine) seeking to carry favour with Rome, have refused to do it, & yet not withstanding their own refusal, they give leave to my Lord 
* This noble man before was said to consult only jesuits now none but Bened●ctins.  Brudenal to answer as it is signed.  
As for news etc.  
Oct. 4. Your most humble servant Peter Fitton  
On the back: from Mr. Fitton 4. Octob. 1647.   

Oath  
I A. B. Do acknowledge, testify, & declare in my conscience before God, & the world, that our sovereign Lord K. Charles is lawful King of this Realm, & all other his Maiesties Realms, dominions, & countries. And I do promise, vow, & protest, that I will bear all faithful, & true allegiance to his Majesty, his heirs, & lawful successors, & him & them will defend to the uttermost of my power against all Conspiracies, & attempts whatsoever which shall be made against his, or their persons, crown, & dignities. And I will do my best endeavour to disclose & make known to his Majesty, his heirs, & lawful successors all treasons, & traitors, or conspiracies, which I shall know, or hear to be intended against his Majesty, or any of them.  
And I do abjure as false, & most erroneous both assassinations of Prince, & People, & that Faith is not to be observed with all sorts of People. And I do detest them both as most repugnant to humanity, & not to be allowed by any Religion whatsoever. And further that I sh●ll be most ready to mantain, & defend with my power, life, & fortunes all my countries' liberties, the just rights & Liberties of Parliaments, the subjects lawful rights, liberties, & property, the peace & union of his Maiesty's three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, & Ireland, & in all just, & honourable ways endeavour the Punishment of those, that seek to work the contrary, as a dutiful & loyal subject is bound to do, & as a tru-born lover of his Country is obliged. And that nether for hope nor fear, or other respects I shall relinquish this promise, vow, or protestation which I make heartily, willingly, & truly, without any equivocation or mental reservation whatsoever. From which as I shall not desire absolution, so I hold & believe no power on earth can absolve me in any part. So help me God.  

Points.  
Upon the ground given in the 12. th' proposal printed Aug. the 1. 1647. by Authority from his Excellence Sir Thomas Fairfax that the penal statutes enforce against Roman Catholics shall be repealed. And farther that they shall enjoy the liberty of their Consciences by grant from the Parliament, it may be enacted that it shall not be lawful for any person, or persons being subjects to the Crown of England to profess, or acknowledge for truth, or persuade others to believe the ensuing propositions.  
1 That the Pope, or Church hath power to absolve any person, or persons whatsoever from his, or their obedience to the civil government established in this nation.  
2 That it is lawful in itself, or by the Pope's Dispensation, to break either word, or oath with any Heretic.  
3 That it is lawful by the Pope's, or Church's command, or dispensation to kill, destroy, or otherwise injure, or offend any person, or persons whatsoever, because he, or they are accused, condemned, censured, or excommunicated for error, schism or heresy.  
The premises considered, we under written set our hands, that every one of these three propositions may be lawfully answered unto in the negative.  
On the back: The Oath Points.    

Sir Ken. D. to Mr. Fitton Epist. 26.  
Rome 7. 8ber 1647. Most honoured Sir  
You would be extremely to blame, beyond all capacity of Pardon, 
a. Here is a new sin against the Holy Ghost, not to be forgiven in this world, 〈◊〉 the next, to retain any consideration for the Sea Apostolic.  if for any weak respects to this court (which yield you none) you should forbear making use of that happy coniuncture of affairs to procure your own advantages, which God 
b. Here the disorders caused in England by the Rebels, are called a happy coniuncture of affairs & attributed to God which althô it may be true through God's Permissive will, yet as commonly taken, they beget another sense, & that very bad.  hath opened you a door unto. The Pope, & his ministers apprehend you will not but I conceive you will do, what wise men in your cases would do. And therefore the Pope is in mind to send a Person to reside about the Queen who under pretence of her service may get countenance from her Majesty, besides the authority he shall bring with him from his master to keep you in aw●, & embroil your 
c. This is a malicious interpretation of the Pope's intentions, to frustrate the good he designed by that Legacy, by making the Legate be suspected.  affairs The person he hath pitched upon is sight. Ferrante Cappeni, whom I conceive you know well. But this, as from me, you must keep exceeding secret. For as yet if it be vented, whiles only three persons in this court besides my self do know it, there might ensue great harm to who is my confident. Knowing his end, & his instructions, I do what I can by all dextrous means to suspend his going, that you may have time to do your business first with the Army & Parliament. I must with all give you account of another thing, but in as great confidence as I can say any thing, & I conjure you let no body but Mr. Holden know any thing of this no more than of the former secret. It is that le P. Giles Chaissy at London is the man that mouldeth, & manageth all the Catholics business with the state there & sendeth a weekly account hither, & receiveth weekly Instructions from hence. You look upon my Lord Brudenall, & Mr. Montagu; but it is Monsieur de S. Giles (or le Pere Giles) that is the soul, who guides those Organs. And he disposeth all he can to have a strict dependence of the see of Rome, expecting speedily from hence a Bishopric in reward 
d. How could he know, that Father Giles was moved with such a sordid design; & not rather with a desire to procure some ease to Catholics without preiudicing their consciences?  of his Labours. Believe this is a certain truth, for I know it. Only make use of the advice in the governing your own affairs, & in speedy putting them to an issue.  
I hear nothing from Sir john Wintour, or any of our court this week. I slacken no endeaveurs for your service here. So humbly thanking you for yours of the 13. past I rest  
Your most humble faithful servant Kenelm Digby.  
On the back: To Mr. Fitton 7. octob. 1647.   

Epist. 27.  
Rome 7. of 8ber 1647. Sir  
I most humbly thank you for yours of the 13▪ past, & rejoice to see that our unhappy country is not yet so forlorn, but that there is one man of wit, & courage, seasoned with piety 
a. We see the opinion Sir Kenelm Digby had of Dr. Holden, for penning as be did those Instructions. How justly he deserved this elogium let others guess. Tha● he shown Courage, I grant, & also some wit; but I deny that there is any footstep of Piety in it.  who hath care of it. Your printed paper, & written instructions were all dictued by the Holy Ghost. 
b. Yet I believe nether the one nor the other will ever be admitted into the Canon of H. Scripture.  But act: let not all end in, designing, & discournsing. By any means print again your former Dialogue. Close with the Independants. 
c. A good advice for one who was actually employed by the Queen!  Make them see their interest to strengthen themselves, by union with Catholic party, which may adhere to them, when after the Parliament & Army dissolved, the Presbiterians will grow too hard for them single. And do all you can justly to compass fit conditions & advantages for us, without mingling this wicked & interessed court 
d. He must always have a fling at Rome: so dutiful a son is he of the Roman Church.  in our treaties: for I dare assure you, they will cooperate nothing to your good, but dependently of their own ends; & will endeavour to keep us always like Wards in a very servile pupillage. I wish with all my hart I were now in England: for in this great work I would gladly employ not only my pains, but my fortune, & my life. And under your direct on I should hope, that the interest I have with the now ruling 
e. He flattered himself extremely with the opinion of his interest: which how inconsiderable it was we shall see Letter 46.  persons, & such little knowledge as I have in affairs of the world, & particularly of this nature might produce some good worth leaving a desert for at least for so long a time, as would take up that treaty. And I should not care whom I displeased, 
f This zeal, & contempt of Humane respects, would be commendable, if directed by Prudence, & subject to true Charity to promote the common good, but being restrained to the illegal designs of one part, (which he calls Just ends) it is factious, & blame worthy.  so I compassed the Catholics just ends. But God knoweth best who, & what is best for every person & business. And to his providence I quietly submit all.  
I pray you use your utmost endeaveur to get P. Barbanson's Anatomia Animae, by means of your book sellers or friends from Flanders, or Cullen; for I hear it is the best, the solidest, the subtlest, & the hyghest book that hath ever been written in that kind.  
I shall have extreme difficulty, (if not impossibility) 
g. It is strange, that he who so lately boasted of his having the whole Court of Rome at his beck, who could banish, or retain men as he pleased, should now think it impossible to procure so slyght a business, as this, viz, Leave for a Lady to enter into a monastery of women!  to get the licence you ask for Dna Lucia de Roche foucault. Therefore I will expect your peremptory command to do all I can perfas & nefas to purchase it, before I embark myself with engaging all my strength for it. That is, consider of yourself whither it be of that importance or no, to be worth the labour.  
Mr. White's book will certainly be censured if I do not a miracle to preserve it. That business was very ill cast, that the faggot of books was not directed to me; but loosely turned into the Dogana in a bookesellers bale. It will be necessary that he dilate, & confirm the doctrine there of Original sin, & of non existence of Accidents without subjects. I pray God preserve Mrs Girbiers from all misfortunes; but I fear the worst. Indeed the Abbot hath been much too blame.  
I am Entirely yours Kenelm Digby.  
On the back: to Dr. Holden 7. 8ber 1647.   

Epist. 28.  
Rome 14. Octob. 1647. Most Hond. Sir  
I humbly thank you for yours of the 20. past. My chief business 
a. It's strange that the chief business of a public minister of so great a Princess, who had so many then on her hands should be to solicit private concern of one part of the Kingdom. Had he no other? or did not regard any other? Deberet fortè esse Persecution.  is now, & hath been this good while to press for a resolution, on or off, of your Chapter business as conceiving I may have speedily order to departed from hence & that it is as good as lost, if I leave it then depending. But all my industry & Art hath not as yet been able to obtain other answer, but that his Holiness is resolved forthwith to give all satisfaction to the English Clergy, as that which he 
b. The bulk of the English secular Clergy, deserves this, & greater commendations: & it is Lamentable those of virtue & learning should be trampled on by the blackloistical & factious part.  esteemeth in a high measure for their Piety, their constancy in their great prosecutions, & their Eminent Learning. But he doth nothing in the business, nor will enter into the particulars of it: but accordeth me all in general, & referreth me to the Congregation to draw up, & a just particulars: And this Benedetta Congregatione I can never get to meet. 
c. So inconsiderable had he made himself, by embracing blindly all the concerns of that Faction.  Card. Capponi doth his utmost to procure their assembling, assuring me, that they neither can, nor dare deny what you ask. But withal his E●●in. beleiueth they will seek what they can to sh●ft it off for the present, & lay hold of all pretences for delay. Yet he is confident he shall drive them from all their Evasions, though he stand single for you, & all the rest be joined against you. The Pope since the creation of the Card. Of Aix langheth 
d. Here is non causa pro causà. From the beginning his Holiness little regarded those threats of Bishops from France. He knew too well their zeal for the unity of the Church, to fear that. Other things alleged by Sir Kenelm moved him more viz, the credit of the Party with the Independants. But finding that to be imaginary, he looked on all those threats as words, & no more.  at all that hath been insinuated unto him, of the English Clergy procuring Bishops from the French, which at first did move him vehemently. Bu● now he maketh account he hath France at his beck: he sayeth himself he hath that Kingdom in suo pugno: & that now Card. Mazarin for his Brother's promotion will obsequiously, & implicitly obey whatsoever his Ho: shall wish him to do. So that he speaketh confidently, that if the Arch Bishop of Roven should but entertain any suit of our Clergies to such purpose, as hath been whispered here to him, the Card. Mazarin upon the least word of his Ho: would send him prisoner to the Bastile, or any other should dare to countenance the English Clergy to stand upon their own legs. Truly I conceive upon the whole matter that business is now upon such terms, as if you should not have fair Satisfaction before I depart from hence, it importeth both the Queen & you, & all the Catholics of England, to proceed in such a course as reason & Justice shall warrant you in: & that without it, after such intimations (not to say threats) of what you will do, you must ever henceforward expect 
e. Here he exhortes the Secular Clergy to lay aside all thoughts of redress from Rome : & charges the bad success of his negociation not on his ill management of it, nor on the threats with which it was accompanied, & which to superiors are always most odious; but on the Little regard that court had for the Sec. Clergy. Which either is false, or if true, it was caused by the faults of the prevailing factious Party in it, & would be changed, assoon as the offending cause was removed. It was therefore his Duty to have represented to those men the true ground of that alienation (if there were any) of his Holiness & his Ministers from the English Sec. Clergy. But this he would not do, the Doctrine of his Oracle, Mr. Blacklo, being concerned in it. And his own: For the Divinity of this Man is drawn, not out of Scripture, Tradition, Councils, Decretals, Fathers, the usual & only fountains, of all Divinity; but as he says himself, out of the DIGBEAN PHILOSOPHY.  to be very ill used, & trodden upon. And so I pray God to send you all happiness, resting  
Your most humble & affectionate servant Kenelm Digby.  
On the back. To Mr. Fitton 14. Octob. 1647.   

Epist. 29.  
Most Noble Sir  
I Hope that this Letter will find you yet in Rome, which if it do I would entreat you in case that our business is not come to a conclusion, that you would procure at Leastways a Letter from our Protector to this purpose, that we may proceed on with our deans & chapter, 
a. The desperate condition, which this Letter represents the chapters Confirmation to be in proves my conjecture, that the true cause of the miscarriage of that affair was the threats they used hoping thereby to quicken the dispatch, which f●ll out quite otherwise: for from that time their hopes visibly diminished, ●ill ●● last they quite vanished. And those, whom lately nothing could satisfy, but an absolute acknowledgement of their uncanonical Chapter, & Many Bishops, would now be satisfied with an ordinarily Letter from the substitute of the Protector, (Cardinal Barbarin the Protector being absent) with a provisional allowance of the Chapter, till the Pope provide another Governor. I wish by this lamentable experience they would learn, that sturdy Beggars are odious, & that Petitioners ought not to threaten with a Cudgal, as not demanding; but commanding.  as we have done hitherto until such time as it shall be otherwise ordained by his Haul: & that in the mean time the Dean may enjoy the faculties formerly granted to the Arch priest. This is a thing which the Protector may do without recurring to the congreg. by speaking a word only to his Hol. & by receiving order from him vivae vocis oracule: or if you yourself could propose it to his Hol. I doubt not but he will tell you we may; which will suffice us without proposing to the congr. who in all likelihood will deny this as they have done all the rest. You may show his Hol. or our Protector the necessity of it, because otherwise we shall be left for the interim without all Government 
b. Subsumo : but there was no such Letter granted: ergo the Secular Clergy is left without all Government. I wish those would consider this, who stand so stiffly for the Authority of the pretended Chapter, & call all those seditious men, who doubt of its authority: althô there is none, who understands it, but must doubt of it.  which must needs breed great harm and confusion, & there can be no prejudice to the Pope to grant this, it being only for an interim.  
I send you here the copy 
c. The Paper follows after this Letter. The Petition I could never find.  of a Paper delivered to Cromwell & Ireton signed by 5. or 6. Lords & 50. other gentlemen of quality, together with this paper they delivered a petition, which Cromwell & Ireton promised to deliver to the Parliament, in du time, as a thing avowed & approved by the whole army.  
I suppose you have seen a printed paper set forth by Dr. Holden, which is much cried out against in England, & as I hear intended to be disowned by the Catholics. 
d. No less could be expected from any wise, & moderate men, than a dislike in General of such an attempt of a private pragmatical man in a business of general concern, in which he ought not to have meddled without the order, or at least advice of the rest: I wonder Mr. Holden did not in a huff go over into England, to the Army, & either unite to his semiments the foolish Catholics, or hang them. As he very meekly said in his Letter of the 6. of September. Vide Lit 15.  Mr. Montagu in particular I hear is extremely offended at it although the things that exception is taken against I suppose 
e. Upon what is this supposition grounded of Regulars opposing this Act, but that all things which displease these men must proceed from Regulars, & ●e charged on them? Carnet the King ●e disclosed to see himself ranked with the Parliament, that is a Sovereign with his subjects, unless he have a Benedictin, or a Dominican● at his elbow, to 〈◊〉 him to it? Cannot the Catholic Nobility be offended to see the Pope & his Ministers accused & censured & their Catholic Ancestors condemned, unlese a Franciscan, or Jesuit stir them to it? Hath nether King, nor Lord nor Gentleman, nor Commoner any sense of wrongs done to them, the Church, or state, but what they receive from Regulars? But it seems Regulars must be charged with all odious; & displeasing matters, right or wrong, it matters not. No wonder Protestants should charge all mischiefs on Papists. They deal with them, as the secular Clergy a● with Regulars.  the greatest opposition proceedeth from Regulars out of animosity, are 1. those words : except perhaps in the Pope his Dominions. 2. Those words : Some rigorous proceed of the court of Rome, & several seditious combinations, etc. 3. Those words: If you find amongst your Petitioners any dregs of those pragmatical plotters &c 4. those words: (which being a pure gift of God ought not to be forced, or violented upon any) last the King is offended that he Joines him, & the Parliament together. I thought good to advertise you of this, because it may be, you will hear more noise of it there. etc.  
Your most humble servant Peter Fitton.  
Being ready to seal up my Letter, I received your of sept. 23. And assure you self that if an Oath be necessary, we shall do (as you advice) that which is just, let that Court think of it what they please.  
On the back: from Mr. Fitton 18. octob. 1647.   

This Act was deluered to the Army by 5. or 6. Lords & some 50. other persons of quality.  
The Roman Catholics of this Kingdom taking into consideration the 12. proposal in the declaration of his Excel Sir Thomas Fairfax lately published this present year 1647. And how prejudicial & destructive it might be to them, at this time tacitly to permit an opinion (by some conceived) of an inconsistency, in their Religion with the civil Government of this Kingdom, by reason of some doctrines and positions scandalously laid upon them, which might thereby draw on persons, that cannot conform themselves to the Religion here established, an incapacity to receive, & be partakers of a General benefit intended for the ease of tender consciences: have thought it convenient to endeavour the just vindication of their integrityes therein: & to remove the scandal out of all the minds, & opinions of moderate, & charitable persons, do declare the negative to those propositions following.  
1. That the Pope, or Church hath power to absolve any persons, or persons whatsoever from his or their Obedience to the civil government established in this Nation.  
2 That it is lawful by the Pope's or Church's command or dispensation, to kill, destroy, or otherwise injure any person or persons, under his Majesty's dominions, because he or they are accused, or condemned, censured, or excommunicated for any error schism or heresy.  
3 That it is lawful in itself, or by the Pope's dispensation to break either word, or oath with, any persons abovesaid, under pretence of their being heretics.  
And in further testimony that we disavow the said precedent propositions, as being no part of our faith, 
* I do not believe, that ever any Catholic Doctor thought, writ, or taught that those Positions, or any of them were to be held for articles of the Catholic Faith, delivered by Christ to his Apostles, & by them, & their successors handed through all ages down to us.  or ever taught us by our Pastors, we have here-ratifyed the same under our hands.  
On the back: The Act signed by the Catholic Lords, & others.   

Agentis Cleri Supplicatio ad sumūm Pontificem Ex Italico translata.  
Beatissime Pater.  
Agens Cleri Anglicani humilitèr expo●it Sanctitati vestrae, quod in Angliâ ob defect●m Episcopi, vel alterius, qui rebus Ecclesiasticis praesit, aut pro Superiore agnoscatur, omnes functiones sacrae obeuntur confuse & inordinatè administranturque Sacramenta sine facultate, & iurisdictione, cum nemo certus sit in regno, à quo obtineri queat, nec recurri possit ad Superiores transmarinos ob multas & notas difficultates. Ex quo oriuntur indies praeter innumera alia inconvenienti● & scandala, nullitates & invaliditates Matrimoniorum, Confessionum, etc. cui ut in posterum occurratur, supplicatur humiliter Sanctitati vestrae, ut dignetur benignè deputare unum vel duos Sacerdotes in reg●o qui provisionaliter concedant & communicent aliis facultates necessarias ad legitim●nt administrationem Sacramentorum, donec Sanctitas vestra ulterius quid resoluat circa Concessionem Episcopi, vel alius Superioris legitimi dictorum fidelium, & Cleri. Quod etc. Quam Deus etc. 
Note: whe● this Petition was presented to his Holiness I cannot tell: certainly it was since the return of Sir K. D. re infectà. We see here an acknowledgement like that of Mr. Fitton in his foregoing Letter, of the nullity of the Chapter    

Sir Kenel. D. to Dr. Holden. Epist. 32.  
Rome 21. 8ber 1647. Sir  
After my late Letter from hence (in which I have given account of the state of affairs here) & upon your knowledge how I have long expected my revocation (& therefore it were unseasonable to engage myself in new business) you will expect by this post little more from me, then to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 26. past. Yet I press for an issue & conclusion of the Clergys' business: So that I hope to obtain speedily a meeting of the Congregation, & a resolutior. Yet I must tell you, that if I prevail to have the Cardinals meet it is an act of mere importunity & violence: for nothing can be more against their minds. They dare not give us a flat denial 
a. The Pope hath great reason to stand in awe of half a dozen Blacloists.  of that Church Government which Christ settled in his whole Church. And on the other side they are so ●imbued with a belief of the secular Clergys' refractory, & turbulent spirit, 
b. I think this is true.  that if it be possible, they will evade coming to a conclusion. Sir john Cansfeld hath been much to blame▪ & very injurious to you. He cryeth a main of your whole ceconomy of Government, & against the persons of your Governors: Mr. Gage & Mr. Hid are two principal marks, he aim that. He hath much blested the later to hi●der his obtaining a Canenry. And it is reported here from his mouth, that there are not above 8. Alumni at Deway, & that the allowance which the Pope maketh unto that College is converted to far different uses, then is intended by the giver. Indeed he is a very froward spirit, which maketh me be very sorry, that he hath gotten an employment, & Letter, & money from this court into Ireland: for he professeth he will set all on fire. If he had not been recommended hither by the Queen's Letters he would not have had the credit to do th●se mischiefs: But for her Majesties sake he had respect, & credence here especially when he made use of it according to the sentiments of the People. The French Ambassador neth●r can, nor will do any thing for him. Much less can I, who would most heartily, nor any man else. This Pope will do no graces: who of all men living hath least reason to put himself upon the rigour of God's justice, if it be true that is said of him. I have nothing to trouble Mr. Fitton with particularly this week: & I make account that what I say to one of you I say to both. I humbly thank him for his of the same date with yours, & I pray you tell him, you of the Clergy are out of the way, 
c. The Secular Clergy will be well guided, if it follows Sir K. D. directions.  as long, as you solicit to have any good from hence. Abandon not yourselves. And when Justice is denied or de laid you here, seek it elsewhere. And remember, that they are only duped here, who have a mind to be so. It is true his Hol. is grown confident, & bold, & beginneth to speak big language & expresseth a great contempt of us, & what we can do, 
d. I have elsewhere given the tru● reason of this change in the Pope's Language, viz, the vain menace used in the name of the English Clergy.  since he hath obliged Card. Mazarin by promoting his Brother: beleiueth himself now able to dispose of all France at his Beck: & that an Arch Bishop of Roven▪ or even the whole Clergy of France & College of the Sorbone will be made say any thing he desires upon a bare Letter to Card. Mazarin. But I hope better of the Cardinal's Prudence & Piety, and of your Church (men's Judgement, & courage, then that we shall be abandoned to neglect, & sold into the servitude of our enemies, at the price of a red Cap.  
Just as I was writing what is above, F. Precedent john Wilfrid 
e. This K. Father was to be banished with F. Courtney, had Sir K. prevailed: but failing he feigns a submission, ●o save his own credit.  came to see me, with great protestations of duty, & affection to the Queen, & of respect to me. Unto which I replied that I had no ill talon to his person even when I Laboured with my utmost industry that no offices or endeavours of his might prejudice either her Majesties service, or the Clergys' interest.  
I intendere long to return him his visit. Upon which I hope Sir john Wintour will be well satisfied of me: who hath written to me several times with much earnestness, to receive, & use him fairly, if he should come with respect unto me. It is now time for me to leave you to your better thoughts. Only I must entreat you to get for me le facturm de Monsieur le Marechal de la Motte Houdancourt co●●re Monsieur le le Procurer General du Roy au Parlement de Grenoble. And so remembering my humbly service to Mr. Fitton, & hoping ere long to see you (therefore after your receiving this writ no more to me) I take my Leave, & rest  
Yours entirely Kenelm Digby.  
On the back. to Dr. Holden 21. 8ber 1647.   

Epist. 33.  
Rome 28. 8ber 1647. Most honoured Sir  
I have yours of the 4. current, which I humbly thank you for: I cannot discern what it is you mislike in the Oath, & Propositions, unless it be that you fear they are not home enough to satisfy the Independents: for I see no cause for Catholics to make any scruple at them. We do weakly to hazard our undoing for this court, that hath no Piety, nor Charity for us, nor considereth us beyond their private sordid interest. Without all doubt these Propositions, as they are universal ones, & not limited to particular cases, aught to be subscribed by every good subject. Fa. john (who now is most kind to me, & visiteth me daily) is of that mind. And you shall hereafter see the Benedictins as forward, as any of the pack. Father Rector here of the jesuits hath given in a copy of all, & asketh directions how to steer in this sea, & there is a congregation of 16. Divines (but hitherto very private) to fit upon it, & give their opinions to the Pope. It is a great fault to ask leave, when we need not, & where we are sure to have the question pared, & Limited to their own self interest. Though I have served you little here, I am not out of hope of being considerably useful to you in England, 
a. He flatters himself with expectations of great success in England : where as hard fate expected him, & much harder as we shall see his letter 17. 1650.  as things stand. Card. Capponi hath given me his Letter to you, & to your canons 
b. These are not such Letters as Mr. Fitton demanded Letter 28.  in England. They are the same, (as he telleth me) that he shown me 9 or 10. months ago, & differed them till now, upon expectation every week to have your Chapter business done to your mind. But he hath now lost all credit at court, I may safely say, for yours, 
c. That that good Cardinal lost his credit, favouring Blackloists, I easily believe, but that his zeal for the Queen's service should prejudice him, is improbable.  & the Queen's sake, in both whose interests he hath appeared boldly, & spoken loudly. Yet I send you not the Letters till next week, conceiving it possible there may be some sudden change here in resolutions Concerning us. I am withal sincerity Your most humble & faithful servant. K. Digby.  
On the back. To Mr. Fitton 28. octob. 1647   

Mr. Thomas White to Sir K. D. Epist 34.  
Most honoured Sir  
These are to humbly thank you, for yours of the 14. of octob. & more for the pains I have unluckily put you unto by sending you my books. The packet whereof had no other address from me, but unto yourself: howsoever for its littleness I suppose it was put into a greater to Mr. Trichet. I do not care what they do with the books, & should not be much sorry 
a. How little doth he regard the Roman Censures!  if they censured them. Only it troubleth me to have put you into an harsh business. If the refusal of the Chapter can Deromanise Mr. Fitton, 
b. Do these words speak an undervaluing of the approbation of the Chapter, or a desire of Mr. Fitton's abandoning Rome? Anger spocke them, that their affairs in Rome should be disappointed.  it will do more good, than the Confirmation would have done. Mr. Hid is extremely bound unto you, & I upon new respects for the good will you show him. But I should be sorry you should stay an hour in Rome to the prejudice of your health, for any of our occasions. I fear you will be troubled with the council of Constance. For the rest I fear not what will be cited out of F F. & CC. Those who writ against the motion of the Earth, or indifferently, generally conclude that scripture 
c. Mr. Blacklo foisted said Dr. Leybourne into Rusworth's dialogues a more general Error, viz, that Scripture was no Fit to convince any thing, than a Beetle to cut, or a straw to knock with. Which R. Smith late Bishop of Chalcedon s●rd was a Blasphemy : & expressly contrary to the Apostle: Omnis Scriptura divinitus inspirata utilis est ad redarguendum.  convinceth nothing which nevertheless is the ground of their decree, as Morinus, Gassendus, & I think Fromondus. I am told that a jesuite in this town hath a Loadstone so strong, that if a man keep the Iron from it with all his force, it will draw man & all to itself. I shall see what news I can get from Mr. Chanrond against your coming. There is another in town hath promised me the same, & sayeth he hath two other secrets, the one to tinct Luna to yield 30. for one: the other to draw a crown of gold out of an ounce of Luna. He is poor, but not needy, & hath a modest caraige. By the time you come I shall see whither he be worth your acqvaintance. Mr. Skinner presenteth his humble respects unto you, & desireth you would permit one of your Laquaiss to carry this enclosed to Mr. H●rt. God send you well & soon back.  
Your most humble & affectionate friend & servant Thomas White. Lion's octob. 31.  
It is long since I am acquainted with sendovigius upon Dr. Moor's recommendation. But I fear I shall understand little in him.  
On the back. From Mr. White 31. 8ber. 1647.   

Sir Ken. D. to Dr. Holden. Epist. 35.  
Rome 18. nou. 1647. Sir  
This is in answer of yours of the 25. of 8ber. your commands in which of making what hast I can to you, shall be obeyed by me. And if under your wing & directions, I may do any good there, I resign myself in your hands: do with me as you please, & in all things I will steer by the compass you shall assign me. 
a. He will then sail in danger of shipwreck.  I cannot sufficiently admire at the folly 
b. Another exhortation to break from Rome, that is, to a schism.  of our Enlish Catholics, who will depend so contemptibly upon this wicked interessed court, that neither careth for them, nor esteemeth them. But I am persuaded this Pope will do great good in this particular if God permit him (for the advantage of his Church) to live a little longer: for his infamous covetousness, & neglect of God's service is so gross that every body beginneth to be weaned from this Childishness, & to detest those Mammon's of iniquity, & to do their business 
c. To embrace which (schism) he alleadges the example of others; which no body heard of besides himself unless it were from him.  qvietly by themselves. I had long discourse yesterday with the Pope about Mr. Whites book, & gave him a memorial concerning it: I know not yet what will be the effect. The Magister Sacri Pala●ij is a scrupulous dry Pedant 
d. He bestows his Censures very liberally: & no wonder, for none can please him, but the All-knowing Blacklo. These Censures speak Sir Kenelme's Humility.  & is now busy censuring a jesuits book of Palermo, that holdeth a like opinion to Mr. Whites concerning the appearing accidents in the Blessed Sacrament. I gave Sir john Cansfield more respect, than belonged to him. But such intolerable pride, & self conceit e. as he hath is never satisfied. My former letters will have told you, I can do nothing for Monsueir le Gras.  
And this will assure I am Entirely yours Kenelm Digby.  
On the back: to Dr. Holden 18. now 1647.   

Epist. 36.  
Rome 18. nou. 1647. Most honoured Sir  
I am indebt to you for Letters of the 9 & 30. of Aug. & of the 20. 7ber. My slow payment hath proceeded from my weekly hopes of obtaining the promise of a Chanonry for you, (notwithstanding all your enemies opposition) that so my Letter might be the more welcome to you, then whilst it should carry with it barren expressions of my respects. And this my near hopes fluttering still before me hath drawn me into this great arrear: for which I humbly ask your pardon. Yesterday I got the Pope's promise for you of the chanonry vacant by the death of Monsieur del Clef, who died 14. 8ber last. I had notice of it by Mr. Fittens Letter just as I was going to my audience: & so I hastily scribbled a note myself, whereby to fix the Pope's promise so as to ground upon it the speeding of the bulls, without danger of his saying afterwards he forgot it & had there-upon given it a nother. I have also sent for Signior Zutti to follow it at the Datary; & I have spoken to Dr. Bacon to do the like: & have already likewise recommended it to Card. Capponi, to lend his hand to it, if there should arise some difficulty: which truly I doubt not, but in such cases, in these times one cannot be to sure.  
The french Ambassador hath spoken efficaciously 
a. Of those we never saw any sign, but in this Letter.  to the Pope to confirm your Dean & chapter; & further to give us Bishops: so fare he is from what is told you. I had large discourse yesterday with his Hol. here abouts: & he alloweth positively all I ask; only he is advised to delay time before he settle things, till he see what ply the affairs of those in England will take. Yet he assured me yesterday he would before my departure take some order to give content to the Clergy. He is of a nature easily diverted from doing any thing, in any kind. But he is so inefficacious 
b. Of late there hath been no Pope, to whom this could be less reproached, as appeared by many instances.  in all things of action (excepting accumulating money) that such thoughts usually pass not beyond impotent wishes. There was never any the least declaration of the Congregation against the Dean & chapter. They dare 
c. This is said to encourage the Party in their huffing way, which hath ruined their credit in Rome.  not discountenance it, much less deny it. But all the Cardinals of it excepting C. Capponi, & Monsigneur Albizi, are so divoted to the interests of some Regulars (& for some other regard) that they seek to cool the he●te which my pressures put in the business, by gaining time, especially till I should be gone: & then they hope they shall rest a while unmolested: for I spare them not. But rest you confident that happen the worst that may be, they neither can nor will, nor 
d. They both dare & have declared against them, when they condemned all Blackloes books, whose Protection they had undertaken.  dare declare any the least blemish against you, whatsoever they may whisper, & murmur amongst themselves. I must do the Pope, & our Cardinal Protector this right, upon this occasion, that truly the former is well affected towards you, & your business: & the latter is passionate, & earnest for you. I may chance go now away from hence with both giving & receiving some disgust: for I have dealed very freely & plainly with the Pope, as Mr. Fitton can inform you more particularly: And it is not new that truth frankly spoken should beget Enemies. I reckon them not, as long as that raiseth them, be they never so powerful. He that neither hopeth, nor feareth any thing in this world, hath a great advantage. And as little I am moved at the various discourses, which pass of me, to my prejudice. But much to see your great kindness & friendliness to me which I beseech you continue, & believe me to be worthy Sir Your most humble & affectionate servant Kenelm Digby.  
On the back: to Dr. Hyde Precedent of Douai 18. nou. 1647.   

Epist. 37.  
Rome 25. new. 1647. Most honoured Sir  
I have yours of the 4. cur. The thought of sending Signior Ferrante was charged unto Monsieur de C●ri●antes, who (to tell you true) I thought by no means so fit (all things conssidered, for he is Card Spadas creature, & Monsigneur Albezi's bottom friend) as the other: therefore I represented to him the rocks he might run upon, & steered him as dextrously, as I could to take hold of greater hopes, that dawn to him by accompanying the Duke Gvise, to Naples: where he now is the Minister for the Crown of France: for the D. of Gvise, goeth upon his own score with the Napolitanes without any dependence of France, but their leave to advantage himself what he can, expecting only assistance, & countenance from France, for their own interests in enfeebling the Monorky of Spain. So that now the treaty is come back upon Signeur Ferrante against, whose great rub is matter of money, for he will not spend of his own in such a public employment, & this prodigal Pope can find none to employ upon the penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos. If he go, rest a. confident he shall be armed with instructions from hence 
* In all beginnings of negociation he promises much; but in process performs little Parturiunt montes, nascitur mus.  to your mind, & besides you must know I shall have a great stroke with him, for I know how to wield the ressorts that govern him. But keep this to yourself. I am labouring to get such a declaration from the Pope, as you desire, in an interim, for your Dean & Chapter, & for the Arch Priests Facultys to you till all be settled: & I am not out of hope of obtaning it. I make it my own proposition (not to engage you, in case I should be refused) & will make this Court beholding to me, 
b. Still magnificent promises. But where is the effect?  to get you to accept it. Therefore be sure you keep your own secret, that if I should be refused you may disclaim me, & not seem to go less in your just requisitions. This court is inwardly much displeased 
c. When h● saw reasons fail to show the lawfulness of acting independantly of Rome, he endeavours to persuade it is the desire of that Court we should do so.  (though they must not show it) with some of our English ask their directions how to govern themselves about the Oath, & propositions. For this engageth them to make some declaration (which yet they will avoid if they can) against what is both lawful, & fit, (& so conceived here) for us to do in England, as matters stand. But they here must not declare a public allowing of what will be of huge consequence to the retrenching of their own pretences elsewhere. They would have been glad it had been done without ask leave: & then if there appear a necessity for them to take notice of it, they would have seemed to be unsatisfyed at it, & so have let it fall, without doing any thing. In deed they all condemn our discretion in not seeing this: which they did before hand plainly enough intimate to all of us, & warn us not to engage them in a matter, that of one side might force them to do what would be odious a broad, or on the other would be prejudicial to themselves at home. This was singly by Fa. Rector's work: who is so stitick, so formal, & so hidebound, that he is very unfit for any prudential charge. I must do F. john & F. Courtney this right, that they are mainly for doing what is proposed, & reqvired, of us, & do publicly declare themselves so, & have written discourses to maintain it. But they need not to convince the prudent Cardinals, & Prelates here: for they avow where they may be confident, that they have the same sentiments herein, as we have; but withal say it is not fit for them to declare so much. There have been several Congregations about this matter, & they last very long, many hours at a time, & are kept mighty secret.  
You are not well informed of P. Giles interest & power among English Catholics: He governeth wholly Mr. Modtagu, but that of late he seemeth to allow a greater liberty to what we may do, than Mr. Montogus devotion will digest. Besides he governeth all the Ambassadors negociation for Catholics, and hath a great hand with several of the Army & Parliament, & hath treated often with them, by order of the Ambassador, Mr. Montagu, my Lord Marquis of Winchester, my Lord Brudenall, & the King himself, & hath gone several times between the King, & the Ambassador, (all with great secrecy) in this business. He is well affected to us, & hath not bad principles of Judgement. But he would fain have his Bishopric dispatched, & till then will not displease this court. It is now resolved on, & the Brief for his Consecration is speedily intended to be sent to your Nantio: upon which he is to come to reside in France. I pray you be sure to do him no prejudice in his own private pretensions: but make use of what I tell you to have your eyes open. But take no notice to an, body else: & know that I shall be able to steer him to all that is sit.  
Card. Capponi hath answered your Letter, & I have sent them to you a Post, or two a gone. Your Postscript shows clearly how much it imports us not to trifle in giving the state satisfaction of our fidelity unto it, without such a blind dependence on a despotic Authority of theirs, as is conceived. For God's Love let no time be lost in our doing our utmost endeavours to root out that misconceit. Truly it is undutifully done of our jesuits Rector in regard of the Queen, as well as imprudently in regard of all our Catholics to move such a business of state of his own head, without acquainting her Majesties ministers with it. I have not else to trouble you with, but rest  
Your humble & faithful servant Ken. Digby  
On the back: To Mr. Fitton 25. nou. 1647.   

Epist. 38.  
Rome 13. jan. 1648. Sir  
As a fever welcomed me to Rome, so it ushereth me out. But Doctor F●nseca, & Gio. Giac●mo (Mr. Fitton's acquaintance) put me in hope, that upon once or twice Letting blood & two purges more than what I have made already, I shall be well. However I will set out, though in a litter, asloone as I have the answer of the congregation, that sat close on friday & is to sit again this week upon our affairs. If at least they will give me any answer, for I have so put them past excuses, that in truth they can give me no rational answer (as I hear most of the Cardinals do declare) but doing what I desire: And that the Pope cannot find in his hart to do, for it will cost him money, & will justify the existence of a society of honest men, that will not be fit for this courts sordid & impious ends. Nether my head, nor hand serve me well to write now: Therefore for more particulars I refer you to Sir john Wintour, who will have seen my Letter to my Lord Iermin. And so I rest  
Your most obliged & entire servant Ken. Digby.  
My hearty respects to Mr. Fitton. If I were out of this accursed air, & vexatious business, I should surely be presently well. Which I have not been (not thoroughly well) one single day, since I came hither.  
On the back. To Dr. Holden 13. Jan. 1648.   

Epist. 39  
Sir  
Yester night I received yours from Roven of the 24 of the last, 1649. & at the same time this enclosed, but from whence, or whom, I know not. I sent you some letters, & writ unto you saturday last by the ordinary post for England, which I should be very glad to hear you had received. At the same time I sent one to Mr. Watson. 
a. This Watson was I think Scout master General to Cromwell, a great Confident with the Blackloists.  I have little to add either concerning your private affairs, or the public occurrences of these parts to what I then signified unto you. I have nothing to say to your kind expressions, but that I should be infinitely glad to be assured of your safe arrival.  
I suppose you will know before this come to your hands that Dr. Leybourne went over hence from our English court well furnished with moneys by them, & with order, & instruction 
b. This is not true: he had nether Commission, nor Instruction from the English Court. Yet this is sard to set all the Rebels on his back.  to hinder the Priests, & Catholics of England not only from obliging, or engaging themselves to any subjection or fidelity to the present state of England; but even from receiving any favour from the Independants in matters of Religion. To fortify & strengthen his person, & power in this business, he hath procured my Lord of Chalcedon to make him his Vicar General over all England, 
c. This is true.  which my Lord hath given him by Patent. What dangers may hence follow both to Religion in general, & to the Clergy in particular, 
d. How strangely solicitous was the Cabal for their cause, & to sicure their footing in the Chapter when they could not endure one Orthodox man should be employed by their Bishop!  you may easily imagine. Mr. Fitton, Mr. Cur, & others here are extremely offended at this unfortunate accident. To prevent the future mischief which will infallibly follow this weak man's ambition thus employed, you may do well not to open your mouth of it, to any Catholic, save only in common terms (for your freedom of speech 
e. Medi●e cura ●eipsum● What freedom Dr. Holden gave to his tongue, & pen appearres by his Letters, & discourse.  ruins all your affairs) and advise secretly with Mr. Watson 
f. You see his Goodwill to a Prime clergy man, & their vicar General.  what course to take to have him at least sent back by the state. He was sent into Ireland, he was always on the Presbiterian faction, 
g. All this is false Dr. Leybourne never joined with Presbiterians, or any Rebels.  & a professed enemy to the Independants, & a chief author of all those horrid & wicked reports, which ran current here against yourself, Mr. Watson, Mr. Fitton, & I as causers of the King's death, & as labourers to submit the Catholics of England to the Independent Government I fear you will find Mr. Montagu infected by Mr. Leybourne's informations, bringing him Letters from the court here to persuade his concurrence with him: I doubt not but if Mr. Watson be rightly informed in the business, he will easily do us all that right as to procure means to prevent the harms which this factious & proud spirit 
h. This is the full intent of these bloody informations: to prevent all opposition to the Faction.  will effect. If those who now govern be informed of him, I fear they will not think his return in the way of banishment sufficient: & therefore I wish the business were discreetly 
i. He sees these informations may cost Dr. Leybourne more than banishment.  managed, & above all things that nothing be objected against him for Religion, 
k. Here is an Idea of the present Persecution : we may think (this present severe Persecution being a copy of what is here suggested) that s●me disciple of this man assisted in the Contrivance of it.  that whatsoever he suffer, it may be as a spy, a brovillon, & a factious fellow. But you will over do this, if you meddle in it yourself, & I pray therefore go along with Mr. Wa●son in the managing of it, & nether appear yourself, 
l. Thus having thrown a stone which might dash out the Doctor's brains, he hides his hand●: that he may se●me to have done nothing.  nor any other, but such as are ministers of the public affairs. I have often repent myself (for I must tell you all I think) that I gave you (against the dictamen of my own Judgement) the paper of the Catholic Government in England in my own hand writing, 
m. If the paper be good & such as all Catholics are bound to consent to, why was he afraid it should be seen? If it be bad▪ why did he comp see it, & show it to Parliament men?  for you can neither hold your tongue, nor your hand. We hear your stay was long in Diep by reason of danger by Sea. And though I fear not your security once landed, 
n. We shall find hereafter, that notwithstanding all this assurance grounded on their compliance with the Independants, Sir K. D. could find no safety in England : for as Sir K. writes on the 31. Aug. 1649 upon his arrival at London, he was ordered by the Parliament to departed the nation within twenty days, & not to return without Leave upon pain of death, & confiscation of his Estate.  yet I shall not be fully quiet in mind, until I hear from you, & of your safe abode at London. Let not Mr. Watson 
o. How solicitous the good man is for the safety of that Cromwellianl  hasten to fast over, let these vehement streams of men's Passions be a little allayed: for one told me this day to my face, that had he been here at the news of the King's death, 
p. Henc it appears that this Letter was written a while after that exccrable Parricide committed by Rebels on the Person of their King.  she would have helped to have stoned him. Adieu. Yours as you know H. H. Nothing written upon the back anciently. And though it hath no date, yet I believe it was written before that of the 24. of March, because this accuses Dr. Leybourne of having acommission from the Queen & that other retracts it. It was written a while after the Execution of his Late Majesty.   

Mr. Dr. Holden to Sir Ken. Digby. Epist 40.  
Paris the 24. of March 1649. Sir  
I have little to answer to yours of the 19 but that I am glad you have received the letter you mention, & I wish you would make good use of what I writ concerning your freedom of speech 
a. He spares not Sir K. D. you see.  if you knew what prejudice it is to you, & what is said of it, you would be more careful. What I writ of Dr. Leybourne 
b. He had been sent into England by the Bishop of Chalcedon, as his vicar General▪  is most certain, that is, for his Vicarship to my Lord of Chalcedon for his commission from the Queen, 
c. Here he retracts what he had written in the foregoing Letter.  that is said, but cannot be certainly known, but from himself, or those who gave it him, who I suppose can hold their Peace. However because I am certain he will be doing, it were fit his busy head were prevented. Mr. Watson hath sufficient information of him, 
d. By this hint we may see what good offices were done by the Cabal for Dr. Leybourne a prime officer of the Secular Clergy. By which we may guess what favours such men, as Regulars may expect from their hands: which are hands of Esau, though they affect Jacob's voice.  but I know not whether he will act in such a business, unless he be dealt withal by word of mouth. In the Letter I sent to you, to London (as supposing you would be there as soon as it) there was nothing of consequence, nor any Letters from Italy, for here they are. Monsieur La Mague hath received none of yours. Mr. More will let you have 40. pistols upon my score. For your negociation in England, I will hope well, nor can there be any hazard in them, save only by too much freedom with one, or the other party, for nether the Catholics, nor the Independants (if they settle) must know the means you intent to set on foot, to effect what you may declare to be your design, as being just in itself, & contenfull to both sides, I mean an assurance of the Catholics Fidelity to the common wealth, they are to live under. I cannot sent you any news of our English court, for I never inquire after it. Mr. Fitton must do it. I believe your passage by Calis would be much more secure for the Sea: but by Land I know not.  
I will send this morning to Mr. Ferrier. Our Deputyes are still treating, & are to continue until friday. I much fear we shall have no Peace. All your friends here salute you.  
Adieu Yours as ever H. H.  
Nothing written ancienly upon the back.   

Epist. 41.  
Most honoured Sir  
I received one from you without date of time or place. But to give it satisfaction my residence is at the Hague. My business at the present Geometry whereof I intent to set forth some few resolutions to whet the printers appetites 
a. This had a quite contrary effect, for the demonstrated faults of his Geometry proved evidently his Divinity was stuffed with like or worse errors, seeing he advices his Reader by that writing to judge of this.  to my Divinity, which as yet will not go down with them. I pray God I find means to continue until I can perfect it. I writ with these a letter to Mr. Du Bose to get some monies 
b. One point of most of his Letters, is this, want of money.  to hold out these hard days, for my Ink freezeth in my pen. I perceive well I grow old, yet must I lose time even against my will wanting money, & being put to shift to get some. I have a project to get moneys from Mr. du Bose, but it will be Easter first, and I doubt whither I can expect so long, or no. As for your opinion of the Blessed Sacrament, if it please God to make us meet, we shall discourse to the purpose, than I shall understand your grounds: & if I can get my Divinity to the press, peradventure you will see my intention the better therein. I am wondrous glad of your good health of body, & mind, though Dr. H●lden be not so credulous of this last, 
c. It seems Dr. Holden did not spare Sir K. & indeed whom did he spare?  I mean of the strength you promise yourself, & wishing you all happiness I rest this 21. of ●ec.  
Your most affectionate & humble servant Tho. White.  
On the back: from Mr. White 21. Dec. 1649.   

Epist. 42.  
Most honoured Cousin.  
I have sent a letter to the post for you. And since my doing so, I have received that which you have done me the honour of writing me on thursday, your 7 of this month. I am infinitely obliged to you for the friendly care you are pleased so nobly, and so charitably to take of my interests. And am ashamed of the troubles I so continually cause you. But I see your goodness is not to be wearied out.  
I concur with you in all that you say in this letter, and profess myself to have the same sentiments you so judiciously express. So that your writing this to one as supposing me to be of a different opinion, and consequently, your endeavouring to persvade me hereby (for my good) to be of yours, showeth I have not in my former letters clearly expressed myself: And therefore I will make bold to say a little now immediately and directly to what is the subject of this letter of yours. My other letter of this morning seemeth unto me to say somewhat to this tenor: and I think that most of my former ones do continually inculcate the unhappiness of my condition, that to save me and children from starving, did cast me upon courses and employments which I foresaw would cause exceptions against me. This I would have prevented, If I could but have had means otherwise to live. But being thrown upon these rocks, I could not avoid 
a. Guests by this how zealously he served the Queen, wh● employed him.  hearing sometimes things that went much against my Nature, and saying others that being malevolently interpreted might cause ill odor of me, & complying for outward decency with persons whose ends I no ways concurred with. For all these things I humbly beg a favourable construction. And do beseech those who shall look upon my life and actions, to consider the main bulk of them, and the active part of them, and what effects have resulted out of them; And by these to judge of my intentions; And according to my intentions (which have ever been sincere & cordial to the state) to ground their opinion of me. If in any thing through indiscretion I have given cause of mistaking me, or that through error of Judgement I have fallen into any error, so as offence may have been taken at it (which I protest was ever far from my intention) I do in most submissive manner beg indulgence & remission, & that it may be graciously passed by: And (let me borrow one further expression of the Papists doctrine) If I have, in running through so may straits & necessities & rocks, committed venial sin, I crave pardon for it, & that long & heavy Purgatory for so many years ●ay be deemed sufficiently expiatory for it. But as for mortal sin. I will crave no pardon for such. They admit none. They must proceed from a depraved & aversed mind from the state: such a one, as is not capable of favour & mercy: And upon which nothing but death & ruin ought to follow. For these it is that I standso peremptorily upon my justification. And which if I should admit but a possibility of having commited, by craveing favour for what I may have done in this kind, I should exclude myself from all favour; for I should not deserve the least. But for all other frailties, errors of Judgement, mistakes & unhappinesses that my extreme necessities & the natures of my Employments have cast upon me; as I acknowledge my weakness to lay me abundantly open to such beyond my intention; so I beg grace & pardon for them. And do humbly beseech the state, & those it shall design to sift & judge my actions, to look upon the effects of them, & to examine if ever any of them were in the least manner prejudicial to it; & accordingly to determine of my intentions: and by them to let me standor fall. This I direct my solicitor & Council & Friends to offer and crave in my behalf; whiles in the mean time, they put me upon my rigorous justification for these things which properly deserve the name of crimes. To all which I shall ever positively plead not guilty. And it must be legal proofs only, that can attaint me of these. Without such the Law declareth the accused person innocent.  
Ill opinons & aversions, may be entertained of one for only the forms; which though they punish not directly, yet they carry great weight & prejudice with them; & one time or other, before the year be ended they will come home to his door. So that he is in an unhapy condition, who liveth under them. But I hope my ingenuity & submission in order to the things that may beget them, will preserve me free from that burden & misfortune, so as (Dear Cousin) you will still honour me with your advices, & assistance, & the good offices of your friends: on which three, I repose the good success of, my cause. And whatsoever it be, I rest with all the greatest obligation that can be to you; & pesigne myself entirely to what God shall be pleased to dispose of it & me, now that I have used all the di●ligence that I am ware of (as I conceive I am bound in my duty to myself to do) adding this only to be represented unto them who shall decide it, that if they relieve me not I am utterly & irrecoverably ruined; the main stock of an ancient family is destroyed: & if they will be so good as to preserve me, they will preserve one who will employ his life & fortune & all that they shall enable him with in their service. All that I have written in this letter, I beseech you represent to as many as you can, where it may concern me: & be pleased to order my solicitor to do the like unto others where he shall judge it may import: as also to instruct my council to make use of it in due time & place. As I doubt not but he will do the like with what else I writ to him, or that you are pleased to let him see of my writing to you. I beseech you join my humble thanks with your obliging one's, to that noble gentleman, who for your sake did so worthily put by the calumny which would have been brought upon the stage against me. Truly, he is one of the galentest generosest persons, I have ever received fovours from. They are all upon your score. Therefore you are in obligation of making high acknowledgements of them. I take up too much of your time for one post-day; & the packet-boat is ready to be gone. Therefore remit unto my next, the reflecttions I make upon what you & your Cousin have Philosophically reasoned. By my two to you of the 19 of this Month, & by my third of the 14 you will perceive I have received those letters of yours which you mention in this now. But you will have reason to say I have no mercy, but weary you beyond all limits of good manners & discretion. Therefore without further lengthening your trouble by making an apology, I humbly take leave and rest  
Your most humble and faithful servant and most affectionate kinsman  
Kenelm Digby  
Lose not courage for that in my business you find so great difficultes; & that daily new ones arise; It is the nature of all great businesses, to encounter with great difficultes. And this is the greatest I ever had or can have. All my livelihood, & future well-being of my whole family dependeth of it. Industry & patience with God's blessing will mastter all. And then, the harder we were put to it, the greater will be our comfort & joy.  
Sir K. D. his case is not to be considered barely upon the blunt proofs as they lie before the Barons in an ordinary legal course (althô even in that consideration, it standeth fair; since, punishments ought not to be inflicted, but where the crime is evident & undoubted:) for that were too narrow a compass, for a business, & a person so much looked upon as this has been. Such as these are not only objects of private Justice; but do also carry with them the force of public examples; whereby the minds & apprehensions of multitudes of men are quieted & secured, and are encouraged to apply their industries to merit of the state; whose Justice & magnanimity (that hath larger & nobler rules, then do belong to a particular tribunal) is thence rendered conspicuous & beloved by all men. In this case then, (where the actions in controversy, have passed upon an eminent stage) the supreme Judges may please to consider, 1. the time, & the Persons behaviour before those actions; 2ly. The circunstances that he was in, when his behaviour seemed doubtful. And lastly, his carriage ever since. The first, compriseth all the time from Sir K. D. his entering into the management of public affairs, & his comportment in them, till his going out of England from Winchester house, by allowance of the Parliament. During all this time his carriage was such, as made him be looked upon as one 
a. Sir K. D. pretends to have been accused to the Court even before the Civil wars.  endued with the public spirit of a true Patriote, & averse to the bias & private interests of those who were in power & swayed in all that season; as may be evidently made to appear, by many notable examples in his management of the Navy, & of the Ordinance; by sundry actions of his out of England, & by several other Employments at home; if any one shall doubt there of: But no proof can be stronger, then that in the beginnings of the distempers between the Parliament and the late King, when all those who were affected to the ways of the Court embarked themselves in the interests of it. Yet he behaved himself so, that at his going then out of England, when he was allowed the honour of taking leave solemnly of the Parliament he received from it the greatest demonstration of kindness & the most obliging civilities, that it ever did to any private person; & withal, declared him innocent of all crimes that he stood accused of against the state (for even then, there wanted not some few who were adverse unto him) & ordered him the quiet possession of his estate, & g●ue him licence to carry over what he pleased of his goods; as may be seen in the Registers of the Orders of both Houses then.  
For the 2. Consideration; They may please to be informed how his unhappiness was such, that he was no sooner gone out of England; but some of the country committees who were not rightly possessed upon what fair terms he went a way, but understood his departure as a banishment, and s●ayed by popular Rumers, & took advantage of his absence sequestered his estate: so that he had not wherewithal to subsist abroad; & to maintain his 3 sons that he had by him then in France. Hereupon he often petitioned both houses, expressing the distressed condition he was in, & beseeching leave to return and justify himself of any crime might be objected against him, or receive punishment in his person as well as in his estate if he should be found guilty. But the great affairs of the Parliament could never allow the leisure to take his petition into consideration. Whereupon he wrote several letters to some of the eminentest Members of both houses, to acquaint them with the extreme necessity & exigents he was in, & with what was proposed to him to give him means of subsistence; namely an Employment (the mysteries whereof, & the reasons of pitching upon him, he has informed several of the Parliament) for France 
b. He pretends, that he was sent to Rome by the Queen of France, then Regent. How true this pretence is, let the world judge.  (but under the Queen of England's name) to Rome: which he was very unwilling to accept of; fearing the misconstructions at home that might follow such an Employment. though he was resolved and certain that in it he should do nothing in effect that was unfit for a faithful servant 
c. He was then resolved to be very faithful to the Q. who employed him  of the state. Thus, extreme necessity, to be able to live himself, and to give his Children bread, forced him (after frequent advertisments thereof at home, to deliver him of it, if it might be) to engage himself in that Employment which is the only thing that hath begotten any doubt concerning him: Infine, such a necessity, as ever by the law of Nature & of Nations, alloweth a man to take by violence, to break open doors, to steal food to keep himself & children alive when they are ready to starve. And yet the heaviest accusation against him layeth not to his charge, any particular negotiation wherein he may have deserved ill of the state (which certainly would have broken out to light in this long time; if he had acted in any) but only suspicions arising from a third persons letter, written in general terms, & upon God knoweth what particular designs of his own; & from the course he was in, which he could not avoid: And which the rather cleareth the candour of his mind towards the state; since in such difficult circumstances, he behaved himself so as nothing riseth to bear evidence against him.  
The last & most important consideration of all is how Sir K. D. hath behaved himself ever since his leaving to walk in those misty paths, that afforded some ground for suspicion. In which it is to be observed that as soon as he had settled a correspondence between France & the Court of Rome to which he was employed, he presently came away from thence. If those interests which are contrary to this states interests, had carried him thither; they would still have kept him there, for they daily pressed more and more. But as soon as a French Ambassador was settled there, he presently returned: which maketh it clear that his employment was but in order to that, & to the consequences thereof. As soon as he had given an account of his employment to the King & Queen of France that sent him (as they themselves do witness) he continued his former industries to have leave to return home, to justify himself, or undergo any severe punishment if he should be found guilty of any objected crime. It was then an active & busy time with the state of England; which caused, that few private businesses could be heard; & among others, his had no answer. Whereupon he came over himself into England, to encounter all that could be objected against him, without any protection or security at all, but what his Innocence & a clear Conscience could give him.  
Whiles he was there, all, that he petitioned for, was to be heard, to have severest Judges examine his cause, & to afford him nothing of Grace, but bare Justice. He was 
d. Where was that credit of which he boasted whilst he was in Rome with the Prime Independants.  commanded away, not for any thing imputed against himself, but for suspicions occasioned by others behaviour; which now since, by tract of time (that bringeth darkest matters to light) appeareth to have had no solid reflection upon him. But he hath still continued by his son & nearest friends, to press for Justice, & to be brought to further punishment if he deserve it. In the mean time he hath been exposed to all the sufferances, dangers & extremities, that want & dislike of those, near whom he hath been forced to live, have cast him upon. Add to these, invitations that cannot fail of having been offered to a person whose parts & experience in the world are sufficiently known. Yet all this hath not begot any impatience in him, nor tempted him to steer any other course, nor made him slack in endeavouring to do very important services to the state (as several in the Parliament do know very particularly) And, for a plenary proof & evidence of this candour & integrity to the state; they all know that during these 5 years that he hath been returned from Rome, in which time so many discoveries have been made of the closest men's darkest tempers & designs, by the taking of so many papers, by the surprising & examining of so many of their Enemy's Agents, & particularly now at the upshot of all by the perusal of all the King of Scots papers, & of all his secretest friends letters to him, from his first entrance into affairs to this last attempt) taken at Jersey; Not the least shadow appeareth of any thing to be suspected 
e. This proveth, that the Royal, Party had little esteem of Sir K. D.  in Sir K. D. which is an argument of so great an Innocence & integrity & soundness of hart in him as bloweth away & cleareth any mist of suspicion that upon any doubtful action of his, long since done, may be raised against him.  
, upon the whole matter; since acts of state in punishing eminent persons, are to be looked upon rather as public medicines & examples for the future, then as expiations for particular offences past long ago, (which is too narrow a consideration for the supreme body of a great state) certainly it belongeth to the majesty & honourableness of such a noble state as that of England, to pass generously over such few dark steps of his life as necessity did long since cast him upon, & that peradventure some narrow & scrupulous natures might a while stick at; And resolve to make use (some way or other) of the talents of such a person, as all men know hath been in a course that may have enabled him to be serviceable to his 
f. He hath a great esteem of of his own parts as also Blacklo. But I think nobody else esteemed him.  country; Or at least to allow him to live quietly & retiredly under the protection of the state, which he has been so industrious to serve (and with no small hazard to himself) as several in the house do know Sir K. D. hath been. This proceeding will win the affections of multitudes, 
g. He thinks the world much concerned for his case: so a boy who sold matches in Paris folling into the Seine, & being in danger of drowning said, what will become of Paris if I am drowned?  when they shall see that, even in doubtful cases, a good temper of their minds will draw upon them the benignity & favour of the state; & that all men are not exposed indifferently to the lash & severity of the laws but that the state is so generous as to make favourable constructions of such enforced actions as the necessity of broken times have cast well-meaning men upon, to keep themselves alive in a storm; which admitteth not a regularity in every piece of a man's behaviour: It will settle many wavering hearts: It will secure & quiet many men's fears: And in a word, it will work a like effect in the state of England, as the absolving of Fabius Maximus did in the Roman state; which is so judiciously observed by one of the wisest historians that ever was, in these words: Non minus firmata est R●sp●blica Romana P●ri●ulò Quinti Fabij Maximi, quam supplicio mis●rabili Titi Manlij. The freeing of men (who have merit or ability to plead for them) from punishment, in doubtful cases; conduceth as much to the settling of the laws & Justice in a common wealth, as the punishing of guilty persons.  
If there should be any clause in the exceptions of the Act of Oblivion, that may possibly be contrued to reach me (in case my business be not ended before it come out) Methinketh it should be a very good ground for my friends to move the Parliament in my behalf, that when so many thousands of delinquents are made happy by the grace and pardon of the state, it doth not suit with their high goodness & nobleness & gentleness, to let a person remain in want & misery & all kinds of discomfort (through some casual shortness of the act of Oblivion in his particular) that hath showed so much constant affection to the state; And is therefore looked upon with great animosity by the enemies of the state.  
Paris 27. March. 1652.  
In Mine of the 20. I sent you the heads of such considerations as I conceive are most important for my friends in the house to reflect upon; who, as being the judges of my cause, are to consider & speak of it in a higher strain and upon nobler & larger principles, then belongeth to Advocates or lawyers in a plain way; who attend only to what is positively proved in that precise cause which they plead in; without looking so far to the consequences & dependence of it, & to the Rules of Generosity that belongeth to a state or to a King. For I make account, that the Senate of Rome (unto which ours now is conformable) or Julius, or Augustus Cesar; were swayed, in cases pleaded before them, by other & higher notions, than such as were to govern the private Tribunals under them.  
Paris 30. March. 1652.  
I have no more to add concerning my business, but that you put my agents in remembrance of a consideration I have often writ unto them; which I conceive is one of the importantest & most moving one's to get me a good dimission of my seqvestration, that can be used. And it will come seasonably in, at the close & winding up, after the justice of my case hath been made to appear by some friends speaking in my behalf in the house. And it is; to represent to the state that in freeing me of delinquency, & in taking of the sequestration of my estate, they relinquish nothing that they already have; nor do give me, or part with aught that they have possession of, or can ever be in away or possibility to possess, but by first enabling me to be owner of it. For, my estate is now out in mortgage, & engaged for other debts that must succeed the mortgage; so that nothing will be to come to me (and consequently not to the state neither) in 20. years, & more, if it be let lie as it is. And all this while they have no tye upon my good behaviour; for, whatsoever I should do or attempt, I can be in no worse case than I am. Whereas setting me upright. And upon fair terms with the world, they will put me in a condition to make me use industry to recover what I can of my estate, & to pay my debts upon better advantage then to let them eat themselves out; And my Mother will do something for me, when I may be better for it. And thus the state will have a  tye (of some considerable fortune) upon me, to oblige me to duty & respectful behaviour to them, as well as the motives of affection and honesty in me.  
On the back: Reflections upon my case for some of my friends in the house. Sent to my Cos. Digby, & my son 20. 27. & 30. March 1652. All in Sir K. D.'s hand. This Letter is not printed in the order of its date; but after that other of the 21. Feb. 1650. It being a further explanation of it.   

Sir K. D. to Monsieur Du Bose. Epist. 43.  
Sir  
I cannot forbear writing to you; & yet I know not what to say. Such is the effect of extreme griefs, that they can neither be silent, nor speak to the purpose. In a letter yesterday from Mr. Holden I received news of the tragical accident befallen in your family; which almost struck me dead too. Believe me, Sir, I bear a great share in the excessive grief, you most needs have upon this occasion. As soon as I could recover myself out of my astonishment, I betook myself presently to adore his Providence that keepeth an exact account of every hair of our head, & without which not a sparrow falleth to ground. In a deep & entire resignation unto that, is all the comfort we can find in such bitter strokes. I wish you as many helps, & as great & true ones as I can to my own hart. But lest I should be importune to you, holding you too long with my broken sighs, I will turn them from you to God almighty in your behalf; who only can give ease to your Just sorrow. Whiles I shall have a deep sense of all that concerneth you, & shall ever be  
Sir your most humble & most faithful servant Kenelm Digby Calais the 9 Feb. 1650.  
On the back: To Monsieur Du Bose, when his son killed his own sister (that was with child) & then himself.   

Sir K. D. to Mr. Blacklow Epist. 44.  
Calais 25. Feb. 1652. Most hononred Sir  
Your letter of the 21. Decem. appeared to have made a circuit about, for it was of an old date before I received it. And it hath laid longer by me: for I made account every week to have from England means to answer it better than by bare acknowledging the receipt of it. But it is Gods will, that when my desire is strongest & my own need, & my best friends most urging, I should then be most destitute & forsaken. You would not easily believe what distresses & wants I have endured here, even in such necessary thing, as a person living in the world, cannot well be without. His blessed name be praised forit. My Mother assisteth me what she is able. But she is in apittifu●l sad condition herself: God help her. My friends in England bid me hope for a speedy relief out of my estate. But as yet it cometh not. And there is great animosity against me. I do what I can, & use all the Art & Dexterity, I am capable of, to become master of some thing, that I may transplant it among Christians. But the tide runneth strong against me. Yet I am confident, that with patience, & with constant & steady using those industryes I pursue, I shall bring my business to a reasonable issue. In the mean time I suffer not a little. I thank God my doing so is not the least trouble, or affliction to my mind. Nor, in regard of myself singly, would I cast away one bare hours thoughts, or care to remedy it all. But I conceive it is my duty to use those diligences I do: for I see very great goods that I might set on foot, & advance, if I had my own transferred into these parts. God hath been very merciful to me in weaning me by little, & little & in process of time, & by an admirable providence, (that I can read plainly in the great variety of accidents which have b● fallen me) from all desires, & affection to the world: not by a deep melancholy, upon any sharp misfortune, as once before, which made only the present face of things become displeasing to me; but by a through Change of my taste: 
a. Here are good dispositions to virtue, if he had fallen upon an orthodox, & able Instructor.  not wrought of a sudden; but after many vicissitudes in a long course of time, upon mature, & deep consideration of the emptiness, & unsatisfyingnesse of present, & fading goods, & of the reality & fullness of future ones. I long to be, where I may be instructed by you at leisure, & att full of these things: for I believe I am grown more capable of them, than you have ever yet known me to be: I find in myself the powerful effects of solitude, & silence: which I enjoyed (upon the matter) now above a year. In which time they have much ripened the seeds, that have been long sowed, & slowly growing in me. For though I have been often obliged to negociate my business with others (& other conversation than such I have avoided, & have not had) yet that hath not at all slackened or laid a sleep my love of retirement. But rather hath much increased it, by reason of the displeasingnesse, & uncouthness of such employments. Those only which be pleasing ones, do endanger the relenting, or eneruing of one's mind. Yet withal the distasteful busying of one's thoughts doth beget a disorder in ones soul, which hindereth it from being efficacious in good, though it win it not to a compleasance in what is bad. So that besides my natural incapacity & weakness, the dust that is railed in me by irregular motions of business hindereth me from advancing much, though through the mist of it I descry which way my Journey lieth. Paciencia con la P●z (that Gregory Lopez so much recommendeth, & that I hope I am not fare from being in a condition to be able to enjoy) will assuredly allay the one, & in the other I promise myself a happy betterment by your charitable help. What may be done at a distance, cannot be (I confess) so efficacious there unto, as what I shall learn from you when we may notas audire & reddere voces. Yet in the mean time I will beg of you to set down in writing some such considerations, as you who know my palate, & grounds (as having form the one in me, & given me the other) may judge will be profitable & moving to me. Without such I should, not lie, if I s●yd, that your redeeming me out of vulgar ignorance, hath b●n in some regard a misfortune to me: As the cure of madnesses was to the poor wretch, who then saw his misery, whereas before he lived contentedly, so your unsieling my eyes hath rendered those motives of Devotion, & Charity which work strongly upon others. Most unsavoury, & flat to me, and such as will by no means down with me. The only way to releieve me out of this distress, is to give me solid & true ones. I acknowledge I am not altogether unprovided of such from you. But I would be glad to have a complete body of Considerarions & Meditations upon weighty and subsisting grounds, to raise a strong love of the Vnum necessarium, & a prime and close adhesion to it. When I read in the spiritual books I meet with, 
b. Here he gathers such opinions as were insipid to his Palate, by reason of the taste. Mr. Blacklo had framed in him. Which (opinions) being for the most part taken out of Scripture, & commended therein by the Holy Ghost, it is ablasphemy to vilisy or contemn them. He blames, that in spiritual writters, some Actions, are said to please God others to displease him. And why should they not say so, seeing God commands some, & forbids others, & by consequence is pleased with the first, & displeased with the second? And he punisheth the later sort of Actions, & rewards the former, we read Mat. 25. And that he is astrict Judge, is clear, for he will exact an account even of every idle word. Mat. 12. 36. That aliqua opera operata, actions themselves, cancels sins, & increase Grace, is defined in the Council of Trent: & by them, & our own sup●eatural Actions, d●ne in obedience to the Law of God, the Merits & price of Christ's Passion is applied to us, as we learn from the same Council. Why he should loathe these (which he owns to be Truths) seeing the Holy Ghost, & the increated wisdom did vs● them, as Motives to virtue, I cannot see, but but that his stomach, & Palate was very much disordered, & cut of taste: Otherwise how could these things recorded in Scripture, as useful to Piety, make him forward, & be rebutted with devotion?  how pleasing some actions are to God almighty, how displeasing others: how he punisheth these, how he rewardeth the others: how the merits, & price of Christ's passion is to be applied to us, how strict a Judge he will be, how material actions, & opera operata do cancel sins, & increase Grace, & what they describe Grace to be, I grow froward, & am rebutted with Devotion, instead of being inflamed, as they intent it. Such discourses as usually dry spiritual masters are stuffed with, do move me as much, as Rhombus his Mocke-oration in Sir Philip Sidny's entertainment of the Queen (as intended by a foolish Pedant, for a pattern of Eloquence) did move the hearers. Yet I acknowledge that all they say of positive doctrine is true: but God knoweth it is true in a quite other sense, then as they afterwards explicate it. They unfold these high, & excellent mysteries (out of the knowledge whereof resulteth our way to beatitude) in a pitiful low strain, proportionable to their Narrow capacities, & mean learning. I would have them lively delineated accordingly as truly they are, without any figurative speakings, & doctrines grounded upon the mistaken senses of the words, which in their genuine sense we are bound to believe. I would be glad to 
c. What he here desires, viz to see, the Oeconomy of God's making & Saving us: what he is, what we are, &c, orderly set down, he may find it orderly set down in the spiritual Exercises of S. Jgnatius, or any of those others who follow him: & that with such reflections, as may move us to embrace that unum necessarium, in case rightly applied. But all these humble, plain & substantial Considerations, in those works are fastidiously despised by the Blackloists, as they were in Scripture by the Pagans, both out of a motive of Pride, & of their own contempt of what had not the character of the spirit, which animated them. Althô God knows, of all the considerable number of men in the world, the Blackloists have the least reason to harbour such diminutive thoughts of others, who are no ways inferior to their best, either in Piety, or Learning. I will say nothing of the Disciples, their master himself what hath he of his own besides shameful errors? What is good in him, is translated from others, & impaired by the translation. He hath printed a small book of Meditations, all borrowed of & to be found in the meanest of those Authors, whom Sir K. D. treats so contemptibly, except some v●ch tritable (& therefore very unfit) reflections on Religious virtues so that nothing but their ignorance occasioned the groundless esteem they have, for that Person. Now si Lumen quod in te est tenebrae sunt, ipsae tenebrae quantae erunt? If their Doctor be so ignorant, what are the Disciples? If their high Cordial be such dead Beer, what is their small Beer. To use his comparison.  see the whole oeconomy of Gods making & saving us, & the considerations that are entailed upon that (as what he is, who we are, & the like) orderly set down, in the method of Causes, & effects connaturally relating to one another: & due reflection upon them, to stir up affections, & resolutions in us. And for a crown of all, what is to be done on man's part, & what considerations he is at last to six upon, to bring himself into a disposition to receive at God's liberal hand (which is never scanty, where it finds adve preparation) the gift of contemplation, & of prayer without intermission, that S. Paul recommendeth unto us, & that the prodigious Gregory Lopez so highly practised. When one tells me barely, you must do such an action, beaufe God commandeth it. Or forbear such a one, because he forbade it, also he will be angry with you, & cast you into Hell, to be tormented by ugly Divils', & burned with fire & brimstone, & that if you will say such prayers, & communicate in such a Church on such a day, you shall gain a plenary Indulgence, & thereby balk Purgatory. I grow sick with hearing him, & my head acheth, & I become as one that should stand in need of some high Cordial, & a silly Physician giveth him small beer to comfort himself with. But when one showeth & convinceth me, how no created 
d. That not created good can fill the capacity of our soul, is no new thought of Mr. Blacklo. S. Austin hath it: Creasti nos Domine ad te, & inquietum est cor nostrum d●nec ●equiescat in te. S. Bernard, our soul Creatis rebus occupari potest, satia●i non potest. These & many such are cited by masters of spirit, in the contemplation of the love of God: of whom Mr. Blacklo Learned it. The same I say of th●se other Considerations, of the goodness beauty, order, & excellence of all Creatures in God, that Infinite goodness, beauty, &c: in all which Mr. Blacklo had been in the dark, if he had lighted his taper at then T●●ch.  good can satisfy. & fill the infinite capacity of the soul, & that what aff●ctions soever it goeth out of the body with, 
e. But it is peculiar to Mr. Blacklo that all the soul's affections when separated from the body, remain indelible for all Eternity. And that all its torment is to retain those, As he says, though he teaches, the soul joys in them, & in all other qualities, it pos●esses, as much as they deserve, althô they deserve more joy, than all this world can afford: this I say inpeculiar to him, & is so far from diverting men from unlawful Affections, that it is no weak incentive to them. For as Saints Love God, & love this Love of God, & des●re it may never be changed; So wicked men Love unlawful objects, & Love that Love, & desire it were perpetual, & are cooled in their Love when they think it may be Changed. And were men persuaded, there was no other Hell, nor other pains in Hell, but to enjoy those Affections; nor joys in Heaven, but to be free from them, I fear many would prefer Hell to Heaven in the life to c●me, as they prefer sinful affections to those which are pious, in this. And I have known s●me, who said, having read, & weighed these Doctrines: could I believe him I would play the Roman, & kill myself. Viz, to come sooner to th●se joys which he promises in the world to come, even to profligate sinners so weary would they be of the body of this death, & so desirous of that life, which at worst, is better & more happy, than all the joys in this life united can make: & yet they remain void of all Love of God, or true virtue.  they remain eternally indelible in it, & that the Activity of a separated one is infinitely beyond what is in an embodied one, whereby the pleasure & sorrow of it becomes unexpressible, than I confess, he setteth me on fire to learn carefully what affections, & Judgements I am to store myself with in this world: & he maketh me despise & hate all the objects I converse with here, which may hinder me from happiness hereafter. When he goeth a little further, & makes me have some glimmering of an infinite good, that will not only fill, but infinitely overreach the utmost capacity of the Largest intellectual created nature: In whom the goodness, beauty, order, & excellence of all creatures is resumed in an infinitely higher strain, then shineth in them, and whereof what they have are but faint shadows, & streaming from that substantial fountain: To whom all time, place, & Actions are present, as flowing in an unconceivable manner from him, from whom all things that are have received their being: And that all these truths, & that infinite others do spring up in us from the consideration of this simple selfe-Being. And that our understanding, & soul & Being will be so enlarged, & stretched out by this self Being, & eternal truth, as to become one with it, & be in a manner transformed into it, if we set our hearts entirely upon it, & make this affection the principle from whence all our actions proceed, & banish from our commerce all those objects that may draw us an other way. I then gr●w weary of the woeful, & wretched employments the Earth confines her children unto, And I become impatient, that I find none to deliver me from the body of this death, & to release me out of this prison, that I may take my flight to that happy state I see  me. And this I say only to give you some hint of what it is I would be a●t, wherein I crave your assistance, & instructions. I doubt not, but you have framed unto yourself an entire series of such considerations; and have at least beaten them often in your daily thoughts. But if you have not as yet committed them to paper, or reduced them to an ordely method, it will not be time l●st to yourself (whiles it will be a great charity, & contentment to me) that you vouchsafe att●n●y request to take your pen now & then (when you have entire leisure. & disposition of mind for it, & compose them into Meditations, & divide them into points, and several jointes: and set down practically those particular and familiar rules, which are necessary for one that intends a t●u spiritual life, after an intelligible, &  manner in the most ●fficatious way he can propose to himself, capable of. It may peradventure seem unto you (if I have not expressed myself well) that I entreat what you have already done, in that excellent treatise you wrote some years ago to me: (which I would to God you would give me leave to publish in print for an universal good) But you see I have my thought upon that whilst I desire this, & therefore you will conceive it is some thing else, which I now desire. That is a complete & perfect p●●ce in its kind. But to form a complete spiritual man, it requireth this other be added to it. That anatomiseth thoroughly the theory of what is to be aimed at in a spiritual life, & extendeth to the practical part likewise in some degree: but it descendeth not to such particulars, as I wish to have, & need. It leaveth off there, after it addresseth to them in general. To do this will be no tedious, nor voluminous work. A few considerations well chosen, & well pursued will serve the turn. And a few Rules will be sufficient to practise. In the making of which let me put you in mind of what I have often heard you say in commendation of Sales his Introduction, that you judged it the best book hath been written of that kind, because it descendeth to sundry minute practical directions, which have a great influence upon ones actions, & which all other writers do slide over. When you shall take this matter into your thoughts, I beseech you employ them also particularly in composing some meditations for receiving the B. Sacrament, 
f. The receiving of the B. Sacrament, is indeed the hyghest action of Christian Religion, by which we are in some manner concorporated with Christ, as S. Cyril of Jerusalem says in his Catechism. And our spiritual writers have not neglected the dispositions necessary for it. And besides that previous, of being free from sin (which S. Paul requires by those words: Prob●t seipsum homo) they require a great Faith, believing it to be, what it is, the true body of Christ. 2. Great Humility, which the Church recommends saying thrice: Domine nonsum dignus, when she gives the Communion. 3. Great Charity, to answer that, which Christ manifested in the Institution of this Divine Sacrament, giving himself to us. These I say we find in our spiritualists, & what Mr. Blacklo ever did say equal to these, if he would say any thing different from them, I cannot tell.  to instruct one to perform that byghest action of Christian Religion in such manner, as one may hope to obtain by it the happy fruit of it. I am now the more emboldened to entreat this Charity of you, because I understand you are ere this or are expected at Douai; where (for the time you design to stay) your mind will not be so much in suspense, & disquiet about disposing of yourself, as whiles you were in Holland. I shall be glad to hear from you, of your being there, & how long you are likely to continu so, & how you do, & are in circumstances to your liking. What 
g. I believe it was not long before Sir K. D. knew the Fate of those Geometrical Propositions, which no sooner saw the Light, but their deformity being discovered, they were by their publisher condemned to perpetual darkness. And doubtless the same Fate attends the Divinity of the same man: that being a like false, (& of a more dangerous nature,) though it may be a little longer lived, because its Falsehood is not so easily discovered.  becometh of your Divinity? And what of your Geometrical Propositions, that in your last, you told me you were publishing? I pray you cast now to lose as little time, as you can from the great design you have projected. And remember the first line of Hippocrates his Aphorisme●: Ars longa vita brevis. What cometh of me, you shall hear from time to time. If you be at Douai, I pray remember my respects & service to worthy Doctor Hyde. And recommending myself to your good prayers, & craving pardon for my tedious letter, which is spun out to this length before I am aware, I rest  
Your most affectionate & most obliged humble servant & true friend Kenelm Digby  
Father Clerk at Newport desireth much you should see his Poem, which he hath now finished, & put his last hand unto it, unless you cut him out new work. I writ nothing to you, of Monsieur du Bose, because I make account Dr. Holden doth all that is requisite. He is very bare of money (as we are all at present) & hath had lately a very great affliction in the loss of his children? And what say you to him? Those of his coat speak wonders of him: but you know their geese are all swans. And by the bulk of his book (as it is described to me) I should suspect, the Author is too heavy, & hath too little fire for so a yery at ask.  
On the back: to Mr. White 25. Feb. 1650.   

Sir Ken. D. to Mr. jacob Boeve. Epist. 45.  
Most Worthy Sir  
Your most obliging Letter of the 30. of Sept. had a long Journey about: for it went first to Paris, & after some delay there it was sent me hither. So that I received it not till yesterday. I have written twice to you since my arrival here: As being confident you were restored safe to your own home, since both Winds, & Seas & all the Elements, & whole Nature herself have an interest in preserving so excellent a person, 
a. What a sawning hyperbolical, abominable flattery, have we here.  borne for an universal good. But now that I read under your own hand the difficultyes & dangers that God delivered you from in your passage, I must again congratulate & rejoice with you for so signal a deliverance. And I do pray God you may enjoy long life for the comfort of your friends, & the benefit of all mankind: for they are not narrow circumscribed thoughts, that fill your noble breast. I would I had the soul of Ae●●ulapius in me, to contribute the better to that wished end. But such poor knowledge as I have acquired by Long experience (& chiefly upon myself) I shall always most readily Sacrifice unto you. Now to what you inquire of me in your Letter.  
Now Sir concerning the deafness 
b. I am informed this is a good remedy, & therefore I print it as such. For the common good.  of the person you writ of contracted some years since by a great cold. I conceive it likely to be some phlegmatic & viscus humour, that is congealed & hardened in the passage of the ear, and so hindereth the perception there of the airs motion. I will tell you an easy & familiar remedy for this: of which I have seen admirable & sudden effects, even in persons of 20. or 30. year's deafness. Make a posset drinké with one part of a pretty good spirit of wine & two parts of new milk, throwing away the cured. Before you use it, drop a little oil of sweet Almends into the deaf ear, & let it soak in, for half an hour or an hour, laying that ear in a fit posture for that effect. Then with a syringe without a little long pipe at the end; but blunt, so as to fill the orifice of the ear, to keep the liquor from rebounding too easily out, inject some of the posset drink lukewarm, do this as often as you shall see cause (not above twice at a time; but intermitting half aday between) & always when you have done, stop the ear with black wool dipped in a little civet, distempered with oil of sweet Almonds. If both ears needeth cure, apply it to the second when the first hath received its injection. I have seen at the first syringing a hard substance two Inches long (not unlike the pith of Elder) start out of the ear.  
I would be glad to see an act of Oblivion, or forgetting the molestation of persons that have never been delinquents: 
c. Here we see how much he was mistaken, when he boasted so much of his credit with the prime Rebels: seeing he could not obtain from them so much as security for his own person.  for this is my case, as I doubt not of making it appear assoon as it shall be heard, which is all I Labour for, ask no favour, but only justice. The act to take away laws against Papists, concerneth me not, for there never was any proceeding against me, as a Papist, so that in that regard I stand rectus in curia. Upon the whole matter I am confident it will not be long before I be allowed to return home, when one of my greatest contentment will be the happiness of enjoying often your excellent 
d. He continues in his abject sordid flattery.  Conversation. I wrote to you from hence the 5. of this month, by Mr. Ayliffe: & the 7. by john Lee. And I have with my tediousness trespassed too long upon you now. And I cannot of a sudden break off the conversation of a person I esteem, & honour so much, as I do you. I now commit you to God's blessed Protection, & with all respect do take leave of you & rest  
Calis 11. Nou. 1650. Your most humble & most affectionate servant Kenelm Digby.  
On the back: To Mr. Jacob Boeve 14. 9ber. 1650.   

Mr. Blacklow to Sir K. D. Epist. 46.  
Most honoured Sir  
Yours of the 12. of Nou. came to me on the 19 the very writing time which made me guilty of my own slowness to differr the answer until this next post. Your motion of writing a rule of Doctrine is very good & a thing I desire to do before I stir out of Paris. But S●heper Daniel having brought my packet so late, my hands are at the present full with reading over those papers, which I desire God willing to print in Paris by your assistance. Howsoever I desire to make it ready for your sight against you come, that you having perused it we may the better discourse of what is contained in them, whereof you seem to be curious. In those papers I believe will be some things which will make the jansenists in part side with me, & the treatise you speak of will come out with more authority if the Author be famed before. Besides this my brother hath written that he thinketh to be shortly here, & therefore I am not unwilling to refresh some geometrical notions, to give him content withal. As for desires of your return they easily frame in me without my own seeking, by the sole power of the object. But for hopes of it, I know not how to measure them, being not able to judge of the circumstances. As for my entertainment, I have more ado to keep of excess than defect, & nothing is wanting but your company. There lieth Rovens 18. livres for the Charthusians of newport from Mr. More in my command, if I could get an acquittance for which I have sent often to Douai, but get no answer. If you can get their acquittance sent, I shall see the monies delivered here, or in Douai, to whom they please. No more but that I am as ever Paris 23. of Nouem. 1650.  
Your most affectionately humble servant Tho. White  
On the back: from Mr. White 23. Nou. 1650. We see here a design to strengthen himself with the favour of the jansenists, which those Papers would procure him: & he needed not to doubt of the success, they being ready to join with any novelists, to increase the Difficultyes against the Church.   

Mr. Blacklow to Sir Ken. D. Epist. 47.  
Most honoured Sir  
These are not to complain of your long stay, the which I know to be very necessary, though ungrateful to him, that seethe himself by this means to spend your goods without affording you that comfort you seemed to aim at in his service. But to have your advice in an occasion proposed unto me from London. Whitaker a stationer, who printed my Institutiones Peripateticae is not so weary of that bargain, but that he is willing to print my Divinity. Mr. Austen, whom I believe you remember at Rome, promiseth to be the corrector. I have answered for the present, I could do nothing, because of your absence, & some engagement I had put you into. But being uncertain of your stay there, I thought it good to take your advice. I am not fond of Whitaker, for I saw a copy of my Institutions, which me thought were nether good paper, nor correctedly printed. But likewise your last letter hath put me out of hart with ●esse, seeing you  him to be the proprius of the sraterie which supposed it is impossible the book should not be suppressed before divulged. The reasons for which I desire your presence before I resolve this affair are chiefly two. The one to consult what were best for the book, & the divulging it here: which I think to be a circumstance of importance, & may be best done now when the jansenists begin to print books without approbation. The other is that yourself might have the perusing of it whilst I am with you: for besides the ambiguityes which I might clear to you, I apprehend you may find in this book what you wrote to me for in Douai: for I account true Divinity to be nothing, but the unueyling of those considerations which God hath prepared for the steering of our souls 
* This is true, & appears eminently in the writings of the Fathers, & several school Divines, if not all. Yet how far Mr. Blacklos' Divinity is from that, I refer to the judgement of those who have read it. I never knew any one the better man for reading it. It nourishes Pride, Faction, Contempt of Superiority, stubborness in judgement, & will, extinguishes feeling Devotion, & sense of Piety, & disposes to schism, and heresy. It may be known by its sivits. For amongst his Disciples little of ●●u christianity is to be found, whose life, is Charity, which is banished by a root of bitterness springing up out of it, Radix amaritudinis sursum germinans. Which is knewne by the perpetual calumnies against all who dislike their doctrine, without sparing even the eminentest Men amongst their own Brethren, as we have seen in Dr Holden against Dr. Leybourne, & do daily see, & hear in the ordinary discourse against Regulars. Can the T●●e be good, which brings forth such antichristian Fruit? See my annotation on Sir K. D.'s Letter 25. Feb. 1650. you will there find some reasons, why this man's Divinity is contrary to true Piety. Indeed two Passions have a main influence on all our Actions, Hope & Fear which may be termed the two wheels, on which all our Affections turn, or the two general fountains of all our Actions. By these God himself in his Divine Scriptures Endeavours to debarr us from bad, & stir● us up to good Actions. (vide Ecclei. 15. 18.) Setting before our eyes the Greatest of Evils, Hell fire designed for the wicked: & the greatest of good things the Heavenly Kingdom prepared for the good, & virtuous. Mat. 25. 34. & 41. Now this Hope, & this Fear is extiinguishe by the Doctrine delivered in this Divinity of Mr. Blacklo: which contains nothing, but mere Philosophical Notions mingled with some terms taken out of Christianity, or Scripture, but handled more as a proud Pagan than an humble Christian: & savouring more of an Epicurean Libertinism, than Catholic submission of the understanding to the yoke of Faith. This sentiment all must frame of it, who read it with a mind not prepossessed; but at liberty to judge of it, & not ablind submission to his sentiments, which is due to none but God, & his Church.  to its last End. This is my Proposition: the Judgement yours, I to obey as  
Your most affectionate & humble servant Thomas White. Decemb. the Last.  
On the back: from Mr. White 31. Dec. 1650.   

Mr. Blacklow to Sir K. D. Epist. 48.  
Most honoured Sir  
These are to accompany my Brother for bienseance, your goodness not permitting that he should need any company. Withal to have advice about a little treatise I intent to print unless your opinion be contrary. I intent to call it Institutionum Peripateticarum pars Theorica, & if you like of it, I would add that it is admentem of the author of the Immortality of the soul. There will be some matter of which our Divines may except against 
a. He guesses very right: f●r aspirit of singularity, & Novelty accompanies him in all his writings: which must needs give occasion of exceptions to Divines; who are taught to tre●d in the footsteps of th●ir Ancestors, & cum dicunt 〈◊〉, non dicere nov●, as Vinc●ntius Lirin. Hath it, to deliver old things in a new manner.  but peradventure will not whilst I live out of Action, & therefore I advertise you, that you be not engaged unawares, although for all this title you may disavow any part of the doctrine, seeing I may mistake your mind. I think the book will be at the hygh●st a Cardescu book. I could wish therefore to know how many you would advise me to print, 750. or only 100 for friends. This later way the cost will be less but wholly lost. The former way, if I can put them of, there may be some profit. But my writings are such 
b. No great wonder: for he writes unknown Doctrines in an ungrateful, insipid stile. Dr. Holden in a letter to Sir K. D. of the 9 of novem 16●6. sa●●: I fear that Mr. White will neither accept of the place you design for him, nor will be fit for it. It is lip learning which prevails amongst men: & we have so few mortal Angels, that all invisible knowledge is for the Deserts. Thus he, speaking of the obscure & unpleasant way of delivering his mind used by Mr. Blacklow both in ordinary discourse, & writing which way rebu●tes those, who retain to themselves a Liberty of discerning Gold from Copper, Truth from Fables, yet hath been of as great use to entertain his Disciples in the admiration of his sentiments, when they were but trivial, or worse, as the obscurity of the oracles meeting with minds prepossessed with an opinion of their Truth, served to entertain the Deluded Idolaters in that erroneous veneration, althô the answer were such as did not sarpasse the reach of an ordinary wit accompanied with craft.  as take with few. For other things my Brother can give you a better account than I whose chief worth is to be ever, (2. of July)  
Your most humbly affectionate friend & servant Le Blanc.  
Nothing on the back, anciently. I suppose it to be of the year 1651. seeing on nou. 23. 1650. he spoke of his Brother as to come, who now was past.   

Epist. 49.  
Most noble Sir  
I have received your Letter by my cousin Dermer, upon whom I have waited every day since his arrival at this city, which was this day seue● right, endeavouring to comply with your commands according to my power. The G. Duke, & his brother are absent from Florence, & have been so ever since he came, & so he could not come to ●●isse their hands. But this will be supplied at his return, for he intends to pass all the summer in this court. This morning he is gone for Rome. Thus much touching my cousin Dermer, & the obligation I have to serve him upon your recomendation. But there is another favour for which I cannot render you sufficient thanks, which is the present you were pleased to make me of Mr. Blacklo his Learned Divinity which at last I have received together with his other Opuscula. I did not think to have given you an account of this, until I had perused them all; but I find that the work is too tough, to be run over curscrily, it must be read with attention. I know not how it will relish amongst our Italian Divines, especially when they read his doctrine of Purgatory●: as yet I hear no talk of it, it seems either that they have not seen his book, or else they find it too hard a task to read it over. For my part I do not see how it can stand with that maxim of Tradition 
a. Mr. Fitton dislikes Blacklo's opinion of Purgatory. His first reason.  which is the ground of all our belief: & although some of the ancient Fathers might have been of the contrary opinion, 
b. This is not true; for not one of the Ancient Father's h●ld what Blacklow teaches of Pugatory.  yet that ought not to prejudice the present doctrine which for many ages hath been held nemine contradicente, & hath been Confirmed by the universal practice of the Church. For upon the same ground it might be denied also, that the Saints departed shall see God before the day of Judgement, for the same Fathers were also of that opinion. Secondly 
c. His second reason.  if all shall remain in Purgatory till the day of Judgement, without any alteration for want of their bodies to work it, what availeth it to pray for souls in particular, & yet it hath been practised in the Church for all ages from the times of the Apostles. 3ly 
d. His 3. reason.  Mr. Blacklo's Purgatory as I conceive it must needs be most grievous to those, who have most Charity, & were less charged with sins whilst they lived in this world, in regard that they have a greater desire to see God, than one who hath less charity & consequently a greater pain, then ane, who hath Less: & yet the one is to endure as long as the other.  
But to let this question pass till I see Mr. Blacklos' book, which I understand he hath written of this subject. I shall make bold to beg a favour of you for my own particular, having understood from my cousin Dormer that you intent short-to see England: wherefore you may be pleased to know that there is a debt due to me— &c, with my most humble respects to yourself, I remain Florence 30. oct. 1653.  
Your most humble & most obliged servant Peter Fitton.  
On the back: from Mr. Fitton 30. 8ber. 1653. Of Purgatory etc.   

A Letter of the chapter to Abbot Montagu about his being Bishop. Epist▪ 50.  
Honourable & Right Reverend.  
We have according to our Order formerly observed by our General Assemblies nominated six to be presented at Rome out of whom a Bishop is to be elected at his Holiness his pleasure; & with an unanimous vote your Honourable Self in the first place. Of whose unexceptionable worth, & inclinations towards our Chapter, & Body we have that assured esteem, that our naming any other besides is rather an effect of our respects to His Holiness, than a deemed competition or ballanceing of any second with your worthiest self. We hearty wish there were no more difficultyes to be overcome, then on our sides; where the resolution was so readily, & hearty made, that it was not judged worthy to admit any the least debate. Perhaps we may fear some difficulty at Rome to obtain that Authority, which only we dare admit, that is an Ordinary, or Bishop; but we more fear a modest disinclination on your part; whose very name and Person we with good reason hope might otherwise be a means to obtain us the thing we sue for. We become therefore humble suppliants to your Lordship by your goodness, & by the affection you bear towards us your Brethrren, (of which we are very confident) that you would please if his Hol. so think good, not to refuse a Charge, for which inward personal Endowments concurring with circumstantial considerations represents you to the eyes of the world as every way most fit. The rest of our Consultations & Orders, your Lordship will understand from our Common Letter, which accompanies this, & from our Agent, Mr. Holt; whom we have enjoined to communicate our Intentions particularly with yourself. Recommending the welfare of our Chapter, & Body to your Lordship's Condescendency to our Petition & yourself to the Protection of the almighty, we rest  
Your Lordship's most affectionate Brethren & most humble servants in Christ Humphrey Ellis Deane. Aug. 23. 1667. By order of the Dean & Chapter John Holland Secretary. Note: This Letter is a forerunner of several others, & mentioned in them, & for that reason is here published.   

Epist 51.  
29. July 1667. My Lord  
This day only I received your Lordship's civil Letter in one from Monsieur Tilier, to whom I am extremely obliged for his civility & curtesyes towards me, in so much that I believe with the help of your Lordship's interest my petition presented to his most Christian Majesty, & the Queen in order to this Community may find the success we desire. As to the Information your Lordship mentioneth, ●y Letter to Mr. Cl●fford, & Mr. Car will doubtless afford fullness of satisfaction unto your Lordship, & our good friend Dr. Gough. As to my proceed to expulsion, truly 'tis not in my power to expel 
a. That Power was taken from the Precedents of Douai, College by a decree of the Congregation de Propagandâ, anno 1662.  any Alu●●us without express order from the Cardinals of the Congregation de Propaganda side, to whom I have not hitherto writ, In order to the faction 
b. Seditious practices of Blackloists against their Superiors.  Mr. Blacklows spirit (which is crept into this family) has raised to expel me, if it had power enough, & really I wish it had, for these 15. years I have been tormented with it, & would esteem myself happy to be separated, as far, as R●me from it: & to that Purpose I have for 2. years, & more Solicited our Protector, & the sore said Cardinals; but now my design is to go thither myself, since Letters will not prevail. Vrget pras●ntia T●●ni. The enclosed 
c. It follows this Letter.  is the paper I offered to be subscribed, & 'twas rejected. Then I desired of our spirited two ghostly Fathers, which be the heads of the Faction, to refer themselves to your Lordship, Dr. Gough, Mr. Clifford, & Mr. Car. And 'twas replied saying will they refer themselves to the Chapter. Which reply did much displease me. Nevertheless some two days after, they signified unto me, that they were content to refer themselves, and write to Mr. Car unto that effect: but doubtless they have not, for they are pinched with the paper, & seek evasion after Evasion. This day they offered to take the oath of Pius 5. Pope which imports a Profession of Catholic Faith. To which I answered that I had order from the court of Rome to keep out Mr. Whites 
d. Blacklos.  spirit out of the house; but not to offer them Pius 5. Oath. Yet I wish them to write to the Cardinals, & if that would content their Eminences, it should content me. They be at their wit's end, & can invent no lie, nor plausible evasion for their preservation. And this day they endeavoured to make a quarrel, 
e. They talk of Peace, yet hate it, & banish it from all places, where they prevail seeking quarrels, as little agreeing with their brethren as with others.  saying I called them schismatics, for refusing to subscribe the paper. I answered I did not call them Schismatics, but that they would be esteemed for such. And wi●hed them to consult the chief Doctors of our University, who I assured me would wonder they should refuse such a paper, & judge it an argument of a Schismatical spirit. This is all I have to say at present in order to your Lordship's civil letter: relying on your Lordship's goodness, that you will be pleased to peruse what I have sent to Mr. Clifford, & Mr. Car, that is my own letter, though disorderly with my letter directed to the Chapter, in answer to one they writ me, & Mr. Gage his Letter writ me from Rome, when he was Agent there: & thereby judge how prudently my said Letter to the Chapter was made the ground of a Faction. I profess 
f. Dr. Leybourne's sincere intentions for the public good frustrated by the Chapter Faction.  to your Lordship sincerely I had nothing before my eyes, but an earnest desire of a good intelligence with the Sea Apostolic, & thereby union amongst ourselves: which will never be, if we continue in this 
g. Thy is most certain.  Schismatical exercise of authority & jurisdiction. I say Schismatical, which I have always a fore concealed: & I thus demonstrate it to your Lordship.  

h. Reasons, why the pretended Chapter's Authority cannot subsist. 1. The Late Bishop of Chalcedon had no power to establish the Chapter.  Our Bishop of Chalcedon was only Delegatus habent eam p●testatem & jurisdictionem in Regnis Angliae, & Sco iae, quam habent Ordinarij in suis civitatibus, & Diaecesibus. And the Pope as appears by his Breve conferred on him this power of an Ordinary, & consequently this Ordinary Power was a Personal Grace, which of necessity expired with him. Which our last worthy Bishop knew 
i. The Bishop himself judged the Chapter to have no power canonical.  well: for some years before his death, he ordered me, his Grand Vicar, as also Mr. Clifford, to confer faculties to the chief of our Clergy, saying : when I am dead, I knew not how they will come by them. And therefore thought fitting to give them, when he was alive, & in power. Out of these premises it is Evident, that the Chapter did not succedere in ordinaria Iurisdictione Episcopi defuncti: that Ordinary jurisdiction in him being a Personal Grace, that of necessity expires, the Bishop dying. This is the doctrine of all Catholic, Orthodox Doctors. But now let us suppose this ordinary power did not expire in the death of the Bishop; & suppose also that his Chapter had been Confirmed, & consequently did succedere in hac petestate Ordinariâ, nevertheless though it were a Chapter as good & valid, as that of S. Peter's at Rome, or as that of our Lady's Church at Paris, it could not succedere 
l. A third reason of illegality of the Pretended Chapter's proceed, their usurping without any grant from Rome, or colour of law, the extraordinary Facultys granted by a special deed to the late Bishop. To which no Chapter how Canonical soever, ever pretended.  in Episcopi autheritate, & jurisdictione extraordinariâ, that is such a Chapter could not lawfully exercise their Bishop's Faculties extra sortem, granted by the Pope, unless his Holiness gave express leave thereunto: & without his said Holiness Leave, & approbation such exercising of such Faculties is Schismatical, erroneous, 
k. A second reason of the nullity of the Chapter: all Doctors condemn it, Dr. Leybourn after the said Bishop's Death consulted the ablest Doctors of Divinity, & Canon-law concerning the pretended Chapter: who a● vnan●musly (though unknown to one another) answered, that the Chapter was Null : which he here hints at. Nay the chief Canons know this nullity, as appears by the Letter of Mr. Fitton to Sir K. D. 11. Octob. 1647. & the Petition of the Agent of the Clergy, which follows it.  & Sacrilegious. But our Dean & Chapter exercise our Bishops exterordinary Faculties, give our Bishop's exterordinary Faculties, & make Vicars, & Arch-Deacons as many as they please, without his Holiness Leave, having never asked of him either ordinary, or exterordinary Faculties. When in England I demanded of the Dean, Dr. Warren allias Ellis, 
m. Dr. Humphrey Waren, alias Ellis, acknowledges the nullity of the Chapter, of which he was Dean, & acted as such, who only pretended the Pope's knowledge of what they did. But he did not take notice, that the Pope had expressed frequently, nay on all occasions, his dislike of what they did as being schismatical Usurpation. With a like reason the London Rebels might have excused their seditious Actings, because the King knew what they did, Indeed that Rebellion in the State against the King, & this in the Church against the Pope, began at the same time, (which is worth the noting) & was defended in some sort with the same pretences.  quá auctoritate, quâ Conscientiá he could give exterordinary, or indeed any Faculties? he replied, the Pope could not but know what they did: & that was Sufficient. My Lord, how deplorable it is, that such a Clergy, as we are, should have no better authority & jurisdiction, as to exterordinary Faculties, than what is presumtive, & interpretative only, Deus bone in quae tempora s●ruastinos! The thought 
n. The like sadness of hart this consideration would give to all other Clergymen, would they weigh the pernicious consequences, which flow from it: viz, Nullity of Dispensations, Inualidity of Absolutions, & Sacrileges without number, of all kinds, which naturally flow from unlawful authority, in matters so unlimited, as they pretend to, & exercise. Let them consider what account they can give to God of the deluded souls, who rely on them.  of this has given me often a sad heavy heart: & my Lord I will die 
o. A zealous resolution in the pious old man.  rather than breed my Children to swear Obedience to such a Chapter: but the two Confessarij; which have sworn obedience 
p. Another sacrilegious practice, to take illegal vows of Obedience of Persons, in opposition to the legal authority of their lawful superiors.  unto it, as I am now (too late) certainly informed, have gained the greatest part of my young Priests, & Divines, to side with the Chapter. My Lord I have now entrenched on your Lordship's Patience: & therefore beg your pardon, & swear Obedience to your Lordship's commands, who am in all cordial manner  
My Lord Your honours most humble & obedient servant Geo. Leybourne.  
Haec raptim.  
I would willingly write my Letters twice over,  
but truly my hand shakes, & I am old.  
The writing offered to be subscribed sent with this Letter. Infrascripti Praeses, Profess●res, & Officiales Pontificij Collegij Duaci declaramus nos esse paratos acceptare, & stontanèe, & libenter amplexari eam autoritatem, & jurisdictionem▪ qu●n sa●ctissimus Dominus Noster Clemens 9 Papa assignavit, & cersti●it pro Regimine Cleri Secularis in Angliâ.   

Opinion of the Clergy men in Paris Concerning the points in debate in Douai College.  
1 It appears upon reading the papers, & Letters directed to us from Mr. Precedent on the one side, & the Seniors of the College on the other side, that both parties have sent their case to Rome: & therefore we judge it altogether improper for us to pronounce any determinate sentence.  
2 It seems to us most necessary not only in regard of the unsettled condition of our Ecclesiastical affairs in England, but of the Seasonableness of this conjuncture, wherein it hath pleased God to give us a supreme Pastor, who hath a particular inclination to help us & doth at this present express a desire to be informed of our affairs (as we are informed by letters from Rome) that an Agent be sent to his Holiness withal possible speed; which Person 
a. Althô they do not presume to decide the difference betwixt the two contending parties, yet they approve what Dr. Leybourne required & tacitly condemn the dissenters.  cannot appear usefully there without carrying with him the signature of some engagement to the effect of this proposed paper, now in question, from the Clergy of England, & together wi●h it from the College of Douai, & that of Lisbon also, soon as it may be had.  
3 In pursuance of this opinion of ours, we do presently write into England, for the hasting away of a fit Agent with ample instruction, concerning the state of our affairs & with the afore mentione Subscription of the Clergy.  
4. In the mean time for the peace of the College, we desire Mr. Precedent 
b. This provisional advice to suspend the exaction of the subscription is no blame to Mr. Precedent who exacted it; but only a suspense of that affair, to avoid greater disorders, which might be feared though the refractoriness of these, who having Vowed illegally obedience to the usurpation of the Chapter, did adhere more tenaciously to that, then to their Duty their Lawful Superiors, or the Pope, who appointed them.  to suspend the urging of any subscription, till the Agent be ready to go with the unanimous subscription of the Clergy, which we hope shall be hastened with all possible expedition.  


Wa. Montagu  
W. Clifford  
Thomas Car Stephen Gough.     

A Letter from Ab. Montagu to D. Ellis. Epist. 53.  
Colombe. 27. Sept. 1667. Mr. Doctor Ellis.  
I have conceived the readyest way, to convey my acknowledgement to all our friends, 
a. He thanks the Chapter for their kindness to him, in naming him to his Holiness, for their future Bishop: which he understood by their Letter of the 23. August 1667.  from whom I have received so great a testimony of their affection, & esteem, is by your conveyance of my resentments, relying much upon your particular friendship for the delivering of them to the best improvement of such a return, & I must entreat you to represent to them the ingenvity of my persuasion, which moves me to decline the Proposition. I have declared to Mr. Car at large the reasons, that move me to this determination, and as he professes himself satisfied, so he hath promised me his offices towards the persuading the rest of our friends of the justness of my considerations in the matter: & truly for no motive but that of securing the cause from prejudices, which the notoriousness of my person, joined with the obnoxiousnes of the office doth determine me in the declining of it.  
Wherefore 
b. He declines the Office.  I am persuaded that upon f●ll discussion of the question, you will all conclude my motives to be justified by the sight of inconveniences, which are so visible in the exposure of my person to the view of our adversaries, & as I presume your judgements will conclude with mine, in this point, so I must entreat your opinions, to grant me the belief of my gratitude in this occasion & my zealous application in all occurrencyes, wherein I may hope to honour & serve there society.  
I must now proceed to deliver the common sense of our brethren here upon the consulting Mr, Holes Commission and Instructions: & we conceive you mistake us much in the end of our proposal of the signature of that short profession of obedience to our great superior. The true intention 
c. The intent of the subscription misunderstood by the Chapter, as appeared by the the Instructions given to Mr. Holt.  on our part being to conciliate & dispose the power we acknowledge to determine that sort of Government we all desire, which is Episcopal, & we are not determined by this civil advance of our duties, to accept that form, which we intent to decline as much, as you, so that our propose in this general submission in our first address is to dispose our judge to conform his sentence to our conveniences, which is certainly best provided for by a general deference to his proposals, which doth not bind us, as to the first offer, but rather give us a justifiable freedom to represent our sense, in what shall be suggested to us.  
And by this so acceptable entrance into the deliberation we may be very confident, of a fair proceeding from our Judge, & of his concurrence with our Unanimous judgement: & as to the scruple of our being concluded by this civil address in what order soever shall be first discoursed, & offered to us, we answer that this dutiful advance of ours doth but dispose our superior to a fair communication & debate of the matter, & not bind us up in the first ouer●ures.  
For these reasons, Sir which leave no apprehension of having that government imposed upon us, which we do all unanimously decline, we do very earnestly propose 
d. He urges the subscriptioni  to you again the signature of this little subscription we sent you: & to prevent all apprehension of public offence, in the rendering such an act publicly notorious, we have conceived that expedient, which is that the submission proposed to be signed only by the Dean & Secretary, as the other addresses are, & this we undertake to have approved at Douai: 
e. Dr. Leybourne's inclination to Peace on any just terms, not doubted of.  & we persuade ourselves, that it will be sufficient with our superior, & cannot endanger the notoriety you object, as dangerous in this conjuncture.  
We therefore pray you to consider whether the proposal be not already in the court we are to plead, & whither the difficulty of this concurrence will not be strained to a great undutifullnes, & we pray you to judge what operation this dissension in the submissive part will have in a court, to which an entire conformity is appropriated, the debate being thus i● argument already upon the stage we are to enter, you may easily conclude what compliance we may hope without this Uniform respect & recommendation to our Judge.  
We have therefore opened our Judgements freely to Mr. Holt, 
f. Mr. Holt approved of the reasons for the subscription.  who hath undertaken to represent them to you as efficatiously, as the concurrence of his Judgement with ours c●n promise, & we approve so much your choice in him, as we promise ourselves your concurrence with his & our judgements in the matter. Upon all these we are confident of your sending to overtake him with this subscription of the Dean, & Secretary, which may have the same comprisure of the whole body, as the rest of his credentials: & we the proposers to you of this facilitation of our common wishes are so persuaded of the Piety & Prudence of his proposal, as we will not doubt of your present concurrence wherein if you shall make a dissenting difficulty, we conceive ourselves bound to declare to you, that we shall labour to inform our superiors of our Judgement, & disavow 
g. Threatens not to communicate with the Chapter, if they persist in their resolution not to subscribe.  our correspondence with the dissenting party.  
And on the other side, if the paper of submission be sent to the Agent with the instruction for demanding a Bishop, we are persuaded 
h. No danger to be feared from the subscription.  that by the Queen's mediation with his Holiness, & other remonstrances we will offer, that the government you apprehend, will not be so much as offered you, & though we are not ignorant of all the apprehensions of this conjuncture, yet all circumstances considered, we are persuaded, that your demand of a Bishop ought to be retarded.  
Thus desiring all possible dispatch of your answer, we rest Your most affectionate brothers, & servants  
On the back: Copy of the answer to the Clergy at London 28. Sep. 1667. All in Abbot Montagus own hand.   

A Letter of Dr. Ellis to Abbot Montagu. Epist. 54.  
Oct. 3. Right Honourable.  
We cannot but much resent, that the concurrence of unhappy circumstances afford your Lordshp so strong & enforcing motives for the refusal of that degree 
a. Of a Bishop.  amongst us, the acceptance of which would have rendered us all most happy. Now we must rest content, that we have discharged our duty in offering our Obedience, & in the Satisfaction we receive of your Lordship's  inclination of making us partakers of that happiness: for which we all return our most humble thanks, & grateful acknowledgements.  
We have had divers Consults about that little paper of Subscription. In the first consult we had resolved to comply entirely with your Lordship's desire, & to sign as you prescribed, & I myself, with the Secretary, had order to sign, & seal it, & send it away by the next post. But before the next post day came, other Chapter men 
b. He lays the fault on many Chapter-men which was but of one: whom we shall find hereafter to be mr. john Sergeant.  coming to town, it was brought into debate again, & many difficultyes were moved, so that we could never come to a resolution of it again. Wherefore we bethought ourselves of an other, & concluded in this, which I here send your Lordship: which we hope may give satisfaction. I have not time at present to give your Lordship an account more at large of our procedure: for just now we ended our consult, wherein it was resolved: & now my letters are called for. By the next post I shall give your Lordship a fuller satisfaction, & in the mean while rest  
Your Lordship's most obedient servant Humphrey Waring  
The writing proffered by the Chapter.  
Ego Onuphrius Ellis●us S. T. D. & Decanus Capituli Ecclesiae 
c. These tw● conditions make the whole subscription insignificant: it being always in their power to decline any Authority appointed by Rome on those accounts.  Anglicanae▪ Sede vacant, meo & eiusdem Capituli nomine declaro, nos (uti d●c●t Sacerdotes Catholicos) esse paratos acceptare, & spontancè a● libenter amplexari, in quantum status regni, & res Catholicorum permittunt, authoritatem, & jurisdictionem, quam SS. Dominus noster Clemens Papa nonus assignabit, & constituet pro regimine eiusdem Ecclesiae Anglicanae. 
d. They do not promise to acknowledge any authority to govern the Secular Clergy, or the Chapter, as resolving to continue in that way of Independence, into which they entered on their own heads. Yet the chief necessity of a Bishop was that, to prevent all those sinful inconveniences, which all good, & zealous men deplore, as well as Dr. Leybourne, whose sentiments are expressed in his Letter 29. july 1667.    

Epist. 55.  
Right Honourable  
By the last mondays' post I gave your Lordship a brief account of our resolves, & enclosed in my Letter a copy of the subscription, we had framed, & sent to our Agent. I could not then enlarge myself thrrough want of time: now I shall endeavour to give your Lordship more ample Satisfaction in the carriage of that business.  
Immediately upon the receipt of your Lordship's Letter, I called a consult, wherein it was resolved that we should comply with your Lordship's desire in the subscription: & the Secretary, & myself had orders to sign & seal it in the name of the whole Chapter. But before the post day came other Chapter men coming to town, it was thought sit, that a business of so great concern should be debated in a fuller consult: & our proceed authorised with more numerous votes. In this second Consult such difficultyes were raised 
a. By Mr. Sergeant who would yield to no reason.  against that subscription, that in divers succeeding Consults they could not be allayed: & so we were forced to lay it aside, & frame a nother, which we hoped might give satisfaction. It was urged that the two last general Chapters had voted, & ordered that as far as lay in us, we should not admit of any extraordinary authority, being Commanded so to do by Superior Powers. We therefore, as being substituted to the Chapter, had not power to act against their orders: which not withstanding, we had done, had we subscribed, that we would accept of what his Holiness should impose upon us. Besides it was much doubted whether the rest of our brethren would have approved that subscription, & not have rather highly censured, & condemned us for such an attempt: & have stood to their former resolves, & left us to make good what we had subscribed, which we had obliged ourselves to do. Hence by the rash management of this affair, we might have been guilty of a great Schism, & division 
b. Can those be guilty of Division in the state, who adhere to the King? Or in the Church, who adhere to its head?  amongst us, & whilst we endeavoured to establish our government have quite destroyed it. It was also represented, that if we made this subscription, it would not Lurk so in darkness, but that it would come to public light in Rome, & thence in Paris, Flanders, & England: & at length the state here would have notice of it; who having been conscious, that we had formerly engaged to them, 
c. This is a very remarkable point, discovering a secret never owned by the Party before.  that we would not accept of any extraordinary authority, & knowing now that we made this contrary subscription, would look upon us as so many knaves not to be relied on, & those who hitherto protected us, would then with good reason desert us, & leave us to the fury of our enimes who having even by forgery, & calumnies 
d. What farfetcht reasons are here! And all are non causa procausa.  endeavoured to fix upon the Catholics the burning of the City, & a hundred treacherous plots, to the end they might raise a Persecution against them, would certainly embrace this occasion & make good use of it, to drive home their design to their greatest advantage. From hence also would follow, that we should be made odious to all the Catholics of England, for drawing upon them so great a mischief.  
This subscription was judged also 
e. Here is the true, & sole reason of their dissent.  of dangerous consequence to our Chapter, & Government: for we we are not ignorant, that the court of Rome, & the Holy Congregation de Propagandâ Fide are desirous that all Missionaryes should have a total, & immediate dependence on them. How then can we be secured, that if we make that subscription, by which we give up our own liberty, his Holiness will not take us at our word, & reduce us to immediate subjection, independent of any other, but himself, by annulling our Chapter, or imposing upon us a Vicarius Apostolicus. 'tis true we do not so much fear the later, because your Lordship hath engaged your promise to oppose it, & the very constitution of our nation is like to exclude it: but for the former, we have much reason to suspect it will come to pass, when we consider how unsuitable 
f. Mark this.  this Chapter is to the inclinations of the Court of Rome, how opposed by Mr. Leybourne (who as we are informed was the first author of this Subscription out of a design to ruin it) & other most potent & active adversaries: & how we cannot be confident even of your Lordship's Patronage, being you have given us no promise to defend the rights of the Chapter; but only to oppose extraordinary authority. That we stand therefore, can be attributed to nothing else, but to Right of possession 
g. Here we have Dr. Waring's acknowledgement under his hand, that the institution of the Chapter is illegal, & against the Canons.  of which we cannot be deprived without much disturbance: which if we deliver up by this subscription, we cannot expect we should receive a refusal of so solemn an offer.  
Lastly we considered that the Court of Rome could never in reason 
k. This is a censure of those who required the subscription, as demanding a thing unreasonable, & of the Chapter itself, which at the first Consult appròved of it. So that of the Secular Clergy, none, but Mr. Sergeant, acted reasonably.  expect such a subscription from us, since it was never heard, or read of, that any Ecclesiastical body ever offered up the like. And indeed it could only suit with those, who after some great schism, or disobedience to his Holiness, were now become very penitent, & sensible of their duty, & by such a subscription would give an outward testimony of it. In us, who were never guilty of any such crime, it would be esteemed only a fraudulent mask for some design, especially seeing we have so lately made it known to his Holiness, & the court of Rome by Mr. Lois his means that our Resolutions were quite opposite to this subscription.  
For these motives, my Lord which we conceive very rational, & convincing, we thought fit to wave that subscription, & so to offer another which might nether argu us imprudent nor convince us to be fraudulent; but yet might satisfy the just, & rational expectation of his Holiness: the copy of which I have here sent your Lordship. And we hope your Lordship upon serious reflection will approve of our proceeding. How ever we are confident we shall not be found so highly criminal, as to deserve that heavy punishment, with which your Lordship is pleased to threaten us at the end of your letter, saying that you will inform your superiors of your judgement, & disavow all correspondence with the dissenting party. My Lord your judgement, as to the point of Obedience, & Submission to his Holiness is the same with ours: for your Lordship is as much resolved to oppose any authority inconsistent with the good of this Kingdom, 
l. As if that Subscription, which was demanded, was inconsistent with the good of the Kingdom! Or Dr. Leybourne, & the rest, who required it, were not as good Patritoes, as the Blackloists who courted the Independants!  as we can be. We offer only, that your Lordship thinks it most conducing to the end we aim at, to palliate that judgement, with a subscription signifying the quite contrary; whereas we apprehending that subscription may involve us in great mischief, & prove a snare to entrap us, think best to avoid it. And with submission to your Lordship's better judgement, I do not understand how this is a crime, that can deserve so great a punishment as breach of correspendence with us. Nay I am persuaded, that if his Holiness understood, that we made that subscription, meaning nothing less, than what it signify (which is the way your Lordship 
m. A biting reproach to Mr. Montagu.  prescribeth to us) he would be as much displeased with our Subscribing, as your Lordship now is for the refusal of it.  
My Lord, there is not a person in the world, whose good opinion we should more ambitiously covet, than your Lordships; whose zeal we have to our great comfort experienced, & whose power we know to be very transcendent. Had not your Lordship's demands endangered our very Being, we should not have been backward in complying with them. But when they are of so dangerous consequence, &, as we apprehend, tend to our ruin, let me humbly beg of your Lordship to give us the liberty of Using our own reason, & follow the dictamen of it without offence: & obtain the favour, that this may not be made a crime lessening any of us in your Lordship's esteem, & in particular  
Your Lordship's most humble & obedient servant Oct. 14. 1667. Humphrey Waring.   

Epist 56.  
My Lord  
Your Lordship's charitable designs for the good of our English Clergy puts me on the confidence of Saluting you, upon the occasion of the Subscription, you will have account of this post from Dr. Ellis. How much they are obliged to you & I with them as an Englishman, (though my concern here be the least 
a. His greatest concerns was his Bishopric in Portugal. ) our humble thanks to you, & our prayers for you, can only testify. How many meetings, & what pains it cost us to get a consent nemine Contradicente to the subscription, Dr. Ellis may tell your Lordship. But because 
b. This guess was very rational, & true: for indeed Dr. Ellis never named anyone in particular; but charged the dissent on many.  I suppose he will not tell you, who used all his industry to hinder it, I shall; that your Lordship may have an occasion to employ a little more of the charity, which put you upon what you have already done: that the Clergy may owe to you not only the having a Superior, but also their freedom, from a troublesome 
c. Mark this.  spirit that disturbs them.  
Their Secretary Mr. john Holland 
d. Mr. Sergeant.  used all the ways possible to disturb this business, for it being resolved in the first Consult, he & the Dean should sign it, he when 'twas sent to him (for he was absent) absolutely refused to sign it, with a most imperious controlling letter, pretending strange 
e. You see who is the Author of all those objections.  things to the Consult. Upon which at a second meeting I declared against the proceed of Mr. Holland, & resolved no more to come amongst them, 
f. Here is another, who refused to communicate with them in business as Mr. Montagu, & other Clergymen in Paris had done.  if this business passed not, nor own any more of their actions, as long as Mr. Holland thus Lorded it over them, for that as I detested being a Novelest, so I abhorred to be so esteemed: which I should not be able to avoid, if I continued amongst them, who suffered themselves 
g. The chapter governed, & controlled by Mr. Sergeant, the professed disciple of Mr. White.  to be lead by Mr. Holland; the professed disciple to Mr. White. But Mr. Ellis Mr. Curtis, & Dr. Godden conferring with me the next day, & promising all should be mended, I was prevailed upon to give them another meeting, where we agreed nemine contradicente, upon the Subscription. The clause in quantum status regni, & res Catholicorum permittent was put in by the advice of a great Lawyer, & Eminent Catholic, who was of opinion that without it we might endanger all. This secret I trusted him with, because he is a person trusteth me with the secrets of his soul, as well as his temporal concerns.  
Now my Lord it being thus, that the gravest part, & greatest of the Clergy are sensible of the injury they suffer by Mr. Holland 
h. Most of the Clergy displeased with Mr. Holland's being Secretary to the Chapter.  being, especially at this time, Secretary, if your Lordship with advice of Mr. Clifford, & Mr. Car, will but cause a letter to be written, signifying how much it is to the prejudice of the clergy, that he is in that place, 
k. 
Mr. Sergeant was shortly after displaced, & Mr. John Leybourne put into his office, probably upon the Letter, which was demanded.  
Here we see the true cause of Sergeant's being deposed, which was not by his own request, that he might attend to his controversy writings, contrary to the unanimous desire of the Chapter which was very well satisfied with his carriage in it, as was alleged, as I hear, in the Attestation produced against the Archbishop of Dublin, signed by Dr. Waring. & Dr Godden; but because many of the prime Chapter men could no longer br●●ke his insolent controlling humour, nor endure his erroneous sentiments. I am sorry, that those able men Dr. Ellis, & Dr. Godden, should give such ground ●o surmise, they have little regard to Truth, in the Attestations they give.   Comending Mr. Leybourne, as he is, as a fit person for it, I am very well assured it will take effect, & your Lordship will have the merit, of setting us in perfect tranquillity. For that I do assure your Lordship setting him aside, here is a Clergy as well stored with able, judicious, virtuous 
l. That there are very many such in the Secular Clergy, who deserve this character, I gladly believe: I wish the management, & direction of its affairs were put into the hands of such, & others, of contrary Principles were not employed in all places of Trust, or at least that they were so far discountenanced, as to prevent that generally malignant Influence they have on all transactions of common concern. For whilst these are permitted their full swing, their stubborn resolutions, & violent carriage doth dishearten moderate, & Orthodox men from defending the better Part, & forcibly draw them either to a real or seeming consent, to what they interiorly dislike: As Bishop Russel complains that Mr. Sergeant (though alone, & against all the Chapter-men. assembled) did by ●●ffing, & Hectoring in the business of the Subscription. So Factious men make a figure, & honest men are mere ciphers, whose value depends on the figure, & stand of themselves for just nothing.  persons, & as full of Obedience, & submission to the Sea Apostolic, as I believe any Clergy in the world. I humbly beg your Lordship's pardon in this & desire you will advice about what is fit to be done with the two persons I named. For my part, who am independent on England I am unconcerned: but still as an English man, & Brother seeing things tending so prosperously to quiet, & establishment, & that only this thing is wanting to perfect it, I confess I could not contain my pen (though I incur the censure of a too forward person) from letting fall from it to your Lordship these Lines, the trouble whereof your own charitable goodness has drawn on you. Thus commending this business to your Charitable Consideration, & your Person to the fountain of Charity, I rest  
My very good Lord Your Lordship's most devoted & Humble servant Rich. Russell. This Letter hath no date, but by its contents it appears to have been written on the same day, with the latter of Dr. Ellis Dean of the Chapter, that is, Oct. 14. 1667.  
FINIS.   

PReface lineâ 2. secular men. r. secular clergy men. Page 19 l. 17. your house, r. that house. Page 35. fine: the same. r. the same. viz. to get all Regulars banished.  
P. 40. linea 30. heretical authority, r. spiritual authority.  
P. 41. L. 23 to stay. r. to essay.  
P. 46. L. 2. knoweth with. r. knoweth well.  
P. 47. L. 17. fear r. tear.  
P. 49. L. 10. curry savour. r. curry favour. Ibidem L. 3. of the King. r. to the King.  
P. 57 L. penult. Although etc. r. Although I suppose the greatest opposiion proceeds from Regulars, out of animosity. The things that exception is taken against, are, 1.  
P. 65. L. 2. 17. r. 17. jan.  
P. 97. L. 14. forward. r. froward.  
P. 98 L. 11. children. Add. Have you seen Gregorius à S. Vincentio de Quadraturâ Circuli.