A LETTER TO A friend in the Country: Being a Vindication of the Parliaments whole Proceed this last Session. With the State of the PLOT, and manner of its Discovery. SIR, I Received yours of the 20th. instant, wherein I perceive some disaffected Person hath been labouring with you, to give you an evil Character of this present Parliament; as also to occasion in you some Jealousy concerning the Truth of this Plot, by reason of the dependence you say it hath upon two single persons Evidence, viz. Mr. Oates, and Mr. Bedlow: Therefore since you are pleased to condescend so far as to rely upon my poor Judgement, and desire my Opinion in the matter, I shall to the best of my power present you with the stare of the Case. The many and great Advantages that of late years have accrued to the Popish Party, from the success of the French Arms abroad, (whereby they hoped in time of need to be assisted here at home) first emboldened them to undertake this Design, which was then on foot of subverting our Religion and Government. This made them despise and wish ill to the Emperor, and King of Spain, because (though they were no less Catholic than the other) they were not so ready at hand, nor so necessary for the carrying on of their Design, as would be Lewis the 14th. if he proved successful: wherefore nothing could be ill, nothing could be dishonourable that he acted. Now however at this time I can laugh as hearty at any design of a Massacre from the Papists, as any one; yet on the other side I must affirm, that had not this Plot been discovered, nothing was more feasible: when the King had been destroyed, and a Popish Successor so established, that all had been Traitors who opposed him; when all Offices of Trust were put into the hands of Papists, as Hull was then in the hands of the Lord Bellasis, etc. when all the Commonalty of England were (by that Statute for the Preserving of the Game) disarmed and not left so much as a Musket or Pocket-Pistol, for fear killing a Popish Bird; when we had a mercenary Army on foot, ready raised and filled with Popish Officers, to have joinâ–Ş d that Party at an hours warning; when the French was ready to have assisted them with Men, Money, and Ammunition, being through their contrivance at Peace with all the rest of the World; when at the same time the Spaniards (under the name of Pilgrims) had designed to Land amongst us 12 or 14000 men, which is attested by a Captain who was on board their Fleet, before they were dispersed by ill weather; when all our own Ships had been bestowed upon Popish Commanders; when all our strong Forts and Militia had been under the conduct of Popish Officers; when at the same time our City had been Fired, and every man taking care of his own particular concern, so that none were left to mind the public; when you might have searched twenty Houses, before you met with one that had more Arms in it, than some old rusty Gun or Pistol, and that perhaps without either Flint, Power, or Bullet: when all these things concurred together, as they did at the time of the Plots discovery, you must needs confess, That they had it in their Power to act Massacres, or any other Villainies they pleased. But now, Sir, blessed be God the Scene is changed, and however it is to be feared that their wicked Engines are still at work, yet I cannot but hope the best, since this prodigious Discovery. For having observed the miraculous Providence of Almighty God, who in the midst of these our Troubles hath raised us up such a Parliament, whose Wisdom is sufficient to search into the most intricate designs of our Enemies, whose Religion prevails above the Superstition of our Adversaries, whose Courage slights their Godferizing Tenants, and whose Wealth and Fortunes are sufficient to contemn all Indirect Bribes or Pensions, knowing no other Service but that of the Public. Having likewise observed the stupendious love and care which the great Creator hath had for our protection, in his wonderful Discovery of this so general and so damnable a Plot; how he first raised up Mr. Oates, to be an Instrument of their detection; whose single Evidence being censured for want of a second, how (according to that old saying, Quos Jupiter vult perdere, hos prius dementat) God so blinded that Popish Party, as to suffer them to commit that execrable Murder upon that worthy Magistrate Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, who as he had made the Plot known in his Life, so did he make it be believed by his Death: After this, how the Almighty raised up Mr. Bedlow, who by his Testimony did not only discover the aforesaid horrid Murder, but also in the main confirmed the former Evidence of Mr. Oats: And then, when their Evidence grew something cold, and to be censured for their reflections upon some Great Persons, how he likewise raised up first Mr. Prance, next Mr. Dugdale, and then Mr. Everard, together with divers Letters and Writings, which did not only confirm the former Evidence; but were of themselves sufficient to prove the verity of this Plot, merely by Circumstances, admitting Mr. Gates and Mr. Bedlow to be as great Liars as the Papists report them to be. Having thus therefore observed such a Chain of Providence linked in our defence, I cannot but rely upon it, and hope that the Storm may light more heavy upon our Enemies, than ourselves. However, if any amongst us have betrayed us into ruin, when it come, I am sure for our parts we shall have the same satisfaction which Aesop's little Fishes had, who being pursued to shore by the great ones, when the little ones lay broiling in the Sun, and just before they gave up the Ghost, they had the pleasure to behold those great Fish (who had brought them into that ruin) to lie broiling as well as themselves. And this, Sir, is what I have to inform you of concerning the Plot. But now concerning our True English Parliament, As every Englishman is represented by them, so ought every Englishman to justify their Proceed; he that reflects upon them, reflects upon you, me, and every one; whereas he that vindicates them, vindicates himself. Therefore in right of the People who chose them, give me leave to justify their Proceed unto you, against all such Objections as their enemies have suggested. First then, The Papists (whose only interest it is to speak against them, and therefore all who do so are such) have under the pretence of Friends and moderate Church of England-men, inveighed against the Proceed of this Parliament, as too hot and too rash both against Thomas Earl of Danby, and James Duke of York; never considering that a man cannot be too zealous in a good Cause, and now the Nation lies at stake, Non progredi est regredi, to be lukewarm would be to countenance the Plot. What! would they have Danby banished? bid him take up his Bed and walk? A pretty punishment for a man that is guilty of so many Crimes, that he wanted words to express them by: You have ruined the Nation, cozened the King of so much Money, go 20 miles off and enjoy it; if this be all, England is the cheapest Treason-Ordinary in the World. If he had robbed a man upon the Highway of a Crown, (although to rescue himself from starving) he had surely died; but now having committed so much greater Crimes, it will be clemency (forsooth) to pardon him: Parva scelera puniuntur, magna in triumphis feruntur; As the Pirate said to Alexander, Because I rob with but one Ship, I am a Rogue, a Pirate, and deserve hanging, but you that rob with a hundred are for so doing called a great and gallant Prince. In the next place, I will acquaint you something concerning this Lord's Pardon, whereof I presume you cannot but have heard. It is a Pardon that comprehends all the Crimes that mankind could invent, although perhaps all little enough too for so great a sinner; however this Pardon is the chief and only Plea he depends on, saying, it was granted him by the King, and therefore 'tis good in Law. Here first, Although I deny not it came from the King, yet every good Subject hath great reason to believe that he never acquainted his Majesty, either of what Crimes he was guilty, or what Crimes were comprehended in the Pardon, for we are all too well assured of his Majesty's Justice, to believe he would have granted such a Pardon wittingly: Therefore this Pardon may rather be said to have been stolen from the King, than granted by him; also it's not passing through all the Offices, (which were appointed only to prevent such Pardons as these) show in what an illegal and clandestine manner it was obtained. But secondly, Admitting it did come from the King, yet is it at best but a disputable thing whether it be therefore good; I am sure if it is good, the consequences are evil; since if a Pardon stands good against such an Impeachment in Parliament, what redress hath the Subject (notwithstanding all his Magna Charta) against any Courtier, who when he hath ravished his Wife or murdered his Children, produces such a Pardon from his Master? Is not the King in this case as absolute as the great Turk, when he may send for our Heads in a black Box, since 'tis but pardoning the Messenger that fetches them? Lastly, As to the manner of his Trial, if any Person reflects upon the Commons Proceed in that Matter, it shows that he had not a true understanding of their Reasons, since quitting the least part of their Right, might perhaps have been a means of saving all the other five Lords in the Tower, as well as the Earl of Danby; And if the Spiritual Lords had no Right to sit and Vote at his Trial, which 'tis not yet proved they had, than the Commons had as much reason to oppose it, as one of us have reason to except against the Sons being on the Jury for the Father, from whom he hath received his whole Estate. And this I hope may prove satisfactory to you in behalf of the Commons, and may also suffice in answer to all those, who condemn them for their Proceed against Thomas Earl of Danby. The next thing wherewith they are charged, is their Bill for the excluding of James Duke of York, as if it were not only hard measure to accuse him without being heard, but also unjust to exclude the Heir to the Crown upon any account whatsoever. First, That it is not hard measure to exclude him without being heard is evident, for that several Letters from Cardinal Howard, the Pope's Nuntioes, and other grand Papists, in Answer to what he had either sent or caused to be sent, show him to be the Original of this Plot, both against the King's Person and Government, as it hath already been voted in the House of Commons. Secondly, For that his being a Roman Catholic, must of necessity produce some ill effects against the Life of his most Sacred Majesty, (whether he be consenting thereunto or no) since nothing would so highly advance the Popish Interest as the Duke's being King; whereas if he were a Protestant, they could have no advantage by plucking down one Protestant to set up another. Thirdly, A prince doth not run so much hazard from any Person living as from his next Heir, whose Attainder (if he kills him) is immediately wiped off by the Crown. Here some may object and say, Why had it not been a better way to have proceeded by a Summons and an Impeachment? To which I answer, That the Parliament had too lately had experience what a tedious and difficult way that of an Impeachment was, from the Proceed against the Earl of Danby; and if the Trial of a Treasurer was so impeded, how much more unaccessible would the next Heir to the Crown have been, where every one would sing a Placebo to the rising Sun. Secondly, Others will have it to be unjust to exclude the next Heir from the Crown upon any account whatsoever; but this I will prove to be contrary to the Law of Nature and Custom of all Nations. First, That it is contrary to the Law of Nature and Reason, to suppose that the King and Parliament together cannot alter the Succession, is evident, since the Heir apparent may sometimes happen to be a Fool, a Madman, a Turk, a Heretic, or one deprived of his Senses, from whom nothing but public mine could be expected, should the Government be put into his hands: Which doth sufficiently prove, that propinquity of Birth or Blood, without other circumstances, is not alone sufficient to be preferred to a Crown, for that no Reason or Law, Religion, or Wisdom in the World, can admit such Persons to the guidance of a Commonwealth, from whom no good and nothing but destruction can be expected; Government being in its primitive institution ordained for the benefit of the Public, and not for its destruction. Secondly, That it is lawful for King and Parliament to alter the Succession, is evident from the Law of all Nations: And here let us begin with the People of Israel, (1 Reg. 8.) to whom, after God had granted the same Government of Kings that other neighbouring Nations had, (and whose Kings did then rule by Succession as ours now do) yet nevertheless God did at the very beginning and first entrance of their Kings plainly show, that though this Law of Succession by birth and propinquity should for the most part prevail, yet that it was not so precisely necessary, but that upon just Causes it might be altered: As for instance, Albeit he made Saul a true and lawful King over the Jews, yet after his death, God suffered not any one of his generation to succeed him, not withstanding he left behind him many Children, and among others Ishbosheth, a Prince of 40 years of age, (2 Reg. 1 and 21.) whom Abner the General Captain of that Nation followed for a time as his lawful Lord and Master by Succession, until God reproved him for it, and induced him to cleave unto David newly elected King, who was a stranger by birth, and no a kin at all to the King deceased. Now if any shall reply here, That God put by Saul for his sins, that is no Answer at all to us; for we pretend not that a Prince who is next in blood, can be justly put by but for his own defect. Again, After David was thus invested with the Crown, yet do we not find the Law of Succession to be performed to any of his elder Sons, nor to any of their off spring or descents, but only to Solemon who was his younger and tenth Son. The next example of this kind among the Israelites was that of Prince Reboboam, lawful Son and Heir to King Solemon, who after his Father's death, refusing the People's request, to take off some heavy Impositions which were laid upon them by his Father, they deemed to admit him for their King, (3. Reg. 11.) but rather chose one Jeroboam, Rehoboam's Servant, that was a mere stranger, and but of poor parentage, making him their King, and God approved thereof, as the Scripture in express words doth testify: And when Rehoboam that took himself to be openly injured hereby, would by Arms have pursued his Title, and had gathered together and Army of an hundred and fourscore thousand chosen Soldiers, (as good as any French Janissaries) to pubnish these Rebels, as he calls them, (5. Reg. 12.21.) God appeared unto one Semeith a holy man, and bade him go to the Camp of Rehoboam, and tell them plainly, that he would not have them fights, against their Brethren, who had chosen another lawful King. Now if God permitted and allowed of this in his own Commonwealth, which was to be the example and pattern of all others that should ensue, no doubt but he approveth also the same in other Realms, viz. that the ordinary of Succession be altered, when just occasions are offered, either for his Service, the good of the People and Realm, or else for the publishment of the Plots, sins, and wickednesses of some particular Princes. Having thus therefore showed you the most authentic Precedents and Authorities out of Scripture, I shall for brevity sake (as unwilling to turn an Epistle into a Volume) omit those innumerable other examples, which I could here produce out of all other Histories and Kingdoms, as well ancient as modern, both from Greece, Rome, Spain, France, and other Countries, and will only touch upon England, and so conclude this Point. To begin then first with King Edward, who dying in the year 900. left behind him two Sons lawfully begotten of his Wife Edgina, Edmond and Ethelred, and a third illegitimate Son, whose Name was Adelstan, born of a Concubine; but yet forasmuch as this base Son Adelstan was esteemed to be of more valour than either of the other two, he was preferred to the Crown before them, although they were legitimate and he not, Polyd. hist. Ang. lib. 5. In fine, He that will consider the passing of the Crown of England, from the death of Edmond Ironside, (elder Son of King Etherled) until the possession thereof gotten by William Duke of Normandy, may easily see, what Authority the Commonwealth hath in such Affairs, to alter Titles of Succession, according as public necessity shall require. Again, After the Conquest, we see the Conquerour's eldest Son Robert Duke of Normandy disinherited, and his two younger Brethren, William Rusus, and Henry the First, preferred before him. But to conclude this Point, I need trouble you with no other Arguments, to prove how justifiable such an exclusion of the next Heir is by our Laws, since by the (13th. of Eliz.) he is guilty of a praemunire, who affirms that the King and Parliament together cannot alter the Succession. This, Sir, is all that I can say in the Matter, which if it may prove effectual to convince you of your former Error, of the Parliaments being, too hot, you will then with the desire nothing more, than that they or their Ghosts rise again with the same brave Spirits they left us, and fall upon the same Subject, to wit, the Trial of the Traitors; so will our Enemies get no advantage by this Prorogation, so will the French, the Pope and the Devil, have just occasion of mourning, when the cause of that Triumvirate is in so great danger. This, Sir, is all at present, from the Person in the World that loves and honours you most. Sir, Your most humble Servant, J. P.