A TREATISE OF Three Conversions of England FROM PAGANISM TO Christian Religion. 

I. Under the Apostles, in the First Age after CHRIST.  
II. Under Pope Eleutherius and King Lucius, in the Second Age.  
III. Under Pope Gregory the Great and King Ethelbert, in the Sixth Age; with divers other Matters thereunto appertaining.    
The First Two PARTS.  
Dedicated to the Catholics of England; with a new Addition to the said Catholics, upon the News of the late Queen's Death, and the Succession of His Majesty of Scotland to the Crown of ENGLAND.  
By N. D. Author of the Ward-Word.  
Inquire of ancient times before you; remember the old days of your Forefathers; consider of every Age as they have passed; ask your Father, and he will tell you; demand of your Ancestors, and they will declare unto you.  Deut. iv. 32. 
LONDON, reprinted by Henry Hills, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty for His Household and Chapel. MDCLXXXVIII.   

THE Epistle Dedicatory TO THE CATHOLICS of ENGLAND.  
Tho'' when I wrote the Preface that doth ensue, I had no purpose to add any Epistle Dedicatory (most dearly-beloved and worthy Catholics) yet afterwards thinking of some other circumstances both of Matter and Time, I deemed it not amiss to say somewhat also in this kind of Dedication, both for presenting this Work to whom principally it is due, as also for Advertisement in some few Points which the present State of your Affairs doth seem to require.  
2. And for the first, 
'Cause of Dedication.  Who doth not see and consider that this Treatise of the first Planting of Christian Catholic Faith in England, with the Continuance and Preservation thereof from Age to Age unto our Times, doth chiefly and principally belong to You that are Catholics at this day, most worthy Children of so renowned Parents, most honourable Offspring of so excellent Ancestors, most glorious Posterity of so famous Antiquity, whom future Ages will both esteem and extol above many of your Predecessors, for retaining That in times of War, which they left unto you in possession of Peace, and for defending that by so singular Constancy of Sufferings, which they both received and bequeathed unto you by quiet Tradition?  
3. Which Tradition being set down, proved, and declared most clearly in this ensuing Work, I do by offering the same unto you, but present you with your own, to wit, the History of your own House, the Records and Chronicles of your own Family, the Pedigree and Genealogy of your own Forefathers, the Antiquity and Nobility of your own Progenitors, together with your just Title and Claim to their Inheritance, producing jointly for the same your undoubted Charters, enrolments, Evidences, Writings and Witnesses, which no man with reason can deny or call in doubt.  
4. And furthermore I do add in the end, 
The substance of the Book.  for more full Compliment of this whole Cause, all such former false and wrong Suits, Pretences, Pleas, Intrusions, Surreptions, or other like Shifts or Wranglings, which any Heretics to this day (but especially these of our times) have made hitherto about the same, for show of some Title or Right on their part to this Inheritance and Succession of yours. And lastly, I do produce also the Judgements, Censures, Sentences and Arrests of all Christian Parliaments of the World, to wit, the Determination of all the highest Ecclesiastical Tribunals in your favour. By all which I doubt not but that your Right and Title remaineth most evident and clear to all Men of Judgement, even to the Enemies or Adversaries themselves. Wherefore most justly I do Dedicate this Treatise unto you, which so many ways, and for so many reasons, is your own. And so much for the first Point.  
5. The second also, about the Circumstances of the present Time, is already somewhat touched in that we have said: How by God's holy Providence you are born in this time of War, Tribulation and Contradiction, instead of that large and long Peace and Tranquillity which your Ancestors enjoyed in the use of that Catholic Religion for which you strive and suffer now; which thing, tho' for the present it seem unpleasant and distasteful to Flesh and Blood, yet will the hour come when it shall prove a most singular Benefit and Privilege to such as have received Grace to manifest themselves by this occasion, 
Time of Trial.  seeing that, according to the Apostle, this is one principal End, in God's Everlasting Wisdom, for permission of Heresies, ut qui probati sunt manifesti fiant, that those that be of proof be made manifest by this occasion. 
1 Cor. 11.   
6. Wherefore seeing, as the same Apostle saith in another place, it is given to you (dear Catholics, that live in England at this day) not only to believe in him, 
Philip. 1.  but also to suffer for him, (a singular privilege by his account;) yea, and that we may say of You, as he said and gloried of Himself and his Fellows, Vincula vestra manifesta fiunt in Christo in omni praetorio; 
Ibidem.  Your Bonds for Christ are made notorious throughout all the Tribunals and Judgment-seats of our Country. And yet further, as he wrote to his dear Thessalonians in their highest praise and commendation, You are become such Followers of Christ and his Apostles, 
1 Thes. 1.  as receiving the Word of God with Joy of the Holy Ghost in great Tribulation, you are made an Example or Spectacle to all other faithful people in Macedonia and Achaia, for that from you is divulged the Word of God not only in Macedonia and Achaia, but also in all other places, by reason of your Faith, which is published everywhere throughout the World.  
7. Seeing, I say, all this may be truly written of you, and that our Country hath gotten more honourable Renown in Foreign Catholic Nations, and the Church of God more Glory and Comfort, by this your Patience and Sufferings in these few latter years, than by the peaceable Calm of many former Ages of your Ancestors; I know no true Servant of God, that, together with the commiseration of your present hard afflicted state, receiveth not also particular Consolation by your Integrity and Constancy, praying for your perseverance in that most honourable Course which hitherto you have held of true Obedience to Almighty God in matters of your Soul, 
The honourable course of English Catholics.  and Loyal Behaviour of Duty towards your Temporal Prince in all worldly Affairs; which course, tho' it have not escaped the calumnious Tongues and Pens of some carping Adversaries, yet is it justifiable and glorious, both before God and Man, where Reason ruleth, and not Passion: And I doubt not but that the Wisdom and Moderation both of her Majesty and her sage Council, will rather in this Point ponder your own facts, than your Adversaries words; as also consider how rare such Examples of Patience are in these our days, where so great a multitude for so many years hath passed under the Rod of so sharp Afflictions, which is your singular commendation with all wise and godly men, let Cavillers and Calumniators say what they will to the contrary.  
8. But God's holy hand hath not stayed here in proving you by these external conflictions only, but hath passed to the internal also, 

Internal Tribulations.  
Esai. 1.   that he might say of you as he did of his dearest people when he meant to do them most good: Convertam manum meam ad te, & excoquam ad purum scoriam tuam; & auferam omne stannum tuum; I will turn my hand upon thee, and will boil out by fire all thy rust even to the quick, and will take from thee all thy Pewter, thereby to leave thee pure Silver; he would equal you in this Point with the Privilege of his Apostles, that you might say with them truly, 
1 Cor. 7.  Foris pugnae, intus timores; We have fights abroad, and frights at home. You know what I mean, and others will easily guests, that have heard of the late storms past: Only I will say, to your high commendation, that your moderate and sage deportment hath been such also in this Point of not admitting the scandal offered, as all men have been edified by your Wisdom and Piety therein; seeing fulfilled, on your behalf, that which the Holy Ghost prophesied of holy wise, and peaceable men, truly fearing God: 
Psal. 118.  Pax multa diligentibus Legem tuam, & non est illis scandalum; Those that love thy Law (O Lord) do enjoy their inward Peace, and are not scandalised with what external tempests soever do arise.  
9 In respect of which Piety of yours, it is to be presumed that Christ our Saviour hath wrought again by his Substitute (and this upon the sudden) that famous Miracle recorded by St. Matthew, St Mark, and St. Luke, of calming the Tempest that put his Disciples in fear and jeopardy: Exurgens, 
Matth. 8. Marc. 4. Luc. 8.  imperavit ventis & mari, & facta est tranquilitas magna; He rising up, commanded the Winds and Seas to cease, and thereupon ensued a great calm and tranquillity; which kind of Miracle is not lightly made among Protestants, for that they want the means thereof. And therefore, as a thing peculiar to the Subordination of Christ's orderly Church, and wrought by his Divine Power and Virtue, I do the more admire and reverence the same; assuring myself, that no good Catholic will ever hereafter so much as move his finger against it, but cooperate rather to the firm establishment and continuance thereof, as is most behoveful, to the end that as we are all one in Faith and Belief, so we be also in Life, Speech, and Actions, especially in this time of trial. Which God of his infinite Goodness grant: To whose holy Protection I commend heartily both You and myself, this first of March, 1603.  

An Addition of the Author to the foresaid Catholics, upon the News of the Queen's Death, and Succession of the King of Scotland to the Crown of England.  
SInce the writing of the precedent Epistle, Advertisement is come, that Almighty God of his infinite Mercy hath delivered you at length (dear Catholics) from your old Persecutor, and, as we hope, will also shortly from your Persecution; His Divine Majesty be thanked everlastingly for the same. Here generally the applause is no otherwise, than it was in old time among the Christians, upon the entrance of Constantine into the Empire after Dioclesian, or of Jovinian after Julian. But the former Example seemeth more like, for that good Constantine was of a different Religion when he entered, yet of singular hope to become such as afterward he did, both in respect of his excellent Parts, 
S. Paulin. ep. 11. ad Severum.  and of his pious Mother St. Helena. The difference of the two Mothers is, That the Empress Helena did assist her Son here upon Earth, as St. Paulinus writeth, towards the Truth and Piety of Religion; but Queen Mary of Scotland and France, being violently deprived of this Life, will do it (we trust) by her Prayers in Heaven. The Comparison also is not improper in this, for that perhaps this our new King is the first that hath been absolutely Lord of the whole Island of Britanny (with the Parts annexed thereunto) since Constantine.  

Gallican. orat. in Panaegyric. 1. Constantini.  2. We know what Commendation a Heathen Author gave to Constantine while he was yet no Christian; and this in public Audience, at the day of Marriage with the Daughter of Maximianus Herculeus, both the Emperors being present, and hearing him: 
The moral virtues of Constantine before he was a Christian.  Neque enim (saith he) Forma tantum in te Patris; sed etiam Continentia, Fortitudo, Justitia, Prudentia, sese votis gentium praesentant; Not only the Form and Beauty of your Father (Constantius) doth appear in you; but also his Continency, his Fortitude, his Justice, his Wisdom, do represent themselves in you, according to the full desire and wish of all Nations. 
Euseb. l. 8. hist. c. 26.  Thus said he of that Constantine: Whereupon Eusebius showeth, That the Christians of that time conceived so great Love towards him, (tho' he were not yet a Christian) as his Adversary Maxentius hearing of his coming towards Rome, was glad to feign that himself would be a Christian also, to retain somewhat thereby of their affections from Constantine.  
3. We read of divers excellent Men in Christian Religion, who were presumed and foretold that they would be such, before they were Christians indeed; and this only upon the foresight of their good Natures and virtuous Inclinations; as, St. Martin, afterwards Bishop of Tours; St. Nectarius, Archbishop of Constantinople; St. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, and St. Augustin Bishop of Hyppo: albeit of St. Augustin's Conversion from the Heresy of the Manichees to Catholic Religion, St. Ambrose added another Conjecture also, or rather Prophecy; to wit, that the Prayers and Tears of his good Mother St. Monica, could not suffer such a Son to perish. All which you see how far it maketh for Us, and for our Hope, of this second Constantine, who wanted not also a holy Mother to Pray and shed Tears abundantly for him whilst she lived, that he might be such as we most desire now; whereof myself amongst others can be a true Witness, and this from her own testimony.  
4. And for that I cannot persuade myself that so holy Endeavours of such a Mother in such a Cause, can be frustrate with Almighty God, I do not only hope well, but do attribute hereunto in great part the many Blessings that have fallen upon this King ever since; but principally His Majesty's Preservation and strange Delivery from infinite Dangers, 
The strange deliverances of His Majesty from many perils.  and most imminent Perils, as all men know; so as neither Cyrus, nor Romulus, nor Moses himself, was more strangely preserved than this King hath been since his Infancy. And for that God doth never commonly work those great Effects but to great Ends, you Catholics of England may with reason hope well thereof, especially if any thing came by his said good Mother's Intercession, who loved you all so dearly, as whatsoever she asked at God's hands for the Life and Prosperity of her dear Son in this World, a great part thereof was meant (no doubt) for You, and your Good, if ever you came to be under his Government, as now God hath brought you.  
5. Another effect of this holy Queen's Prayers for her only Son, I hold to be that other Blessing beforementioned of so many rare Parts discovered in His Majesty's Person; which truly, tho' I have had ever in great esteem upon the reports of other men, yet hath the same been exceedingly increased upon the late reading of a Book, written (I suppose) some years agone by His Highness, but printed in London this very year, 1603. 
The King's excellent Book entitled Basilicon Doron.  This Book is entitled in the Greek Tongue, Basilicon Doron; to wit, A Kingly Gift sent by His Majesty unto the Prince, his eldest Son, (now also our Lord) being in truth a Golden Gift in respect of the excellent matter contained therein; and it discovereth so many rare Parts in the Writer, as may justly give all Catholics good hope to see one day that fulfilled in His Majesty which most they desire. And would to God this singular Treatise had appeared earlier to the World.  
6. For setting aside one Point only therein handled, which is Religion, (wherein His Majesty must needs speak according to his Persuasion and Education in that behalf;) all other matters are such, and so set down, as you will exceedingly delight therein, and profit also thereby, if you read with attention, and ponder all well; but especially Three Points above other I noted, with no small admiration to myself, which I speak in all sincerity of truth, as in the sight of Almighty God. The first is, 
Three rare Points of His Majesty's Book.  the great variety of select Learning, in such a Person, and so occupied otherwise, as His Majesty is. Secondly, the great maturity of Judgement, in applying the same so fitly to the peculiar Affairs of Scotland. The third is, the fervent and extraordinary affection of Piety towards God and Godliness, uttered in so effectual words, and upon so good occasions throughout the whole Book, as a man may easily see it cometh from the heart. And how highly this one Point of Piety is to be esteemed in so High and Mighty a Prince, especially in these our days, when Contentions in Religion have wrought so great coldness of Religious Piety in many Great men's Hearts, every Wife and Pious Man will easily consider.  
7. But I will go no further in this matter, lest I may seem to flatter, which I hate with my heart, and His Majesty detesteth the Vice most prudently and Christianly in this his Book: Only I will add for our common comfort, That it seemeth impossible unto me, that such a Wit, and so godly-affected a Mind, as God hath bestowed upon His Majesty, can be long detained with the vanity and inanity of Sects and Heresies, where no Ground, no Head, no certain Principle, no sure Rule or Method to try the Truth, 
No reason to be yielded why a man should be rather of one Sect than another.  no one Reason at all can be found, why a man should rather be of one Sect than another; but only every ones own Will, and particular Judgement, grounded (as each one will pretend) upon the Scriptures, whereof yet himself only will be the Judge and Interpreter. Which things being of themselves most absurd, in so weighty a Cause as Religion is, that concerneth the Eternal Salvation of our Souls, it is to be hoped that His Majesty, having the former two parts of Judgement and pious Affection in that Excellency as hath been said, will easily come in time to discover the same, and therewithal the contrary substantial Grounds and clear Demonstrations for the Catholic Religion, whereunto this Treatise also of the first planting of Christian Religion in our Country, may (in my Opinion) give no small help and light, if it might please His Majesty to bestow the casting of his eye upon the same.  
8. Wherefore, to conclude this Addition to my former Letter, God having wrought so strangely this Change, as here is reported, with so general Peace and Applause of the whole Realm, you are to expect at His Divine Majesty's hands the Effects that are conform to his Fatherly Love and Care, ever hitherto showed towards you. And as for the Person now advanced, I know most certainly, that there was never any doubt or difference among you, but that ever you desired his Advancement above all others, as the only Heir of that Renowned Mother, for whom your fervent Zeal is known to the World, and how much you have suffered by her Adversaries for the same. Yet do I confess, that touching the disposition of the Person for the Place, and manner of his Advancement, all zealous Catholics have both wished and prayed, that he might first be a Catholic, and then our King; this being our bounden Duty to wish, and his greatest Good to be obtained for him. And to this end, and no other, I assure myself, hath been directed whatsoever may have been said, written, or done by any Catholic, which with some others might breed disgust.  
9 Now, it hath not pleased Almighty God to give us our desires in the order of our wishes, but first to make him our King, 
1 Reg. 3.  and then to leave us in hope of the other at his due time. What shall we say in this and all the rest, but, as Heli did, Dominus est, quod bonum est in oculis suis, faciat: He is Lord, let him do as he thinketh best? And with Patience, Humility, Longanimity, and Obedience, seek by continual Prayer to hasten that time of our full Joy by His Majesty's Conversion, which we trust in his everlasting Wisdom and infallible Providence is already determined to be suo tempore. And in the mean space, seeing it is here reported, that Catholics, according to their Abilities, have showed themselves in every Country both ready and forward to advance His Majesty's present Admission to the Crown, I do not doubt but they shall find the Effects of his Clemency for their delivery out of such Afflictions, Calamities and Oppressions, as lately they have suffered by the instigation principally of such people, whose Manners are most excellently and prudently described by His Majesty in the second Book of his worthy Treatise, as to himself well experienced.  
10. And it is no small comfort in this behalf to have a King of whom we may truly use the words of St. Paul, 
Hab. 5.  which he spoke of Christ, Didicit ex eis quae passus est, etc. He hath learned by that himself hath suffered by the same kind of Men. And truly, tho' in his own Person he cannot be said (nor would perhaps) to have suffered properly for Catholic Religion, as You have done; yet if we respect his nearest, either in Nature, Blood, or Affection, and their Number, Rank, and Quality, that among them have suffered for the same Cause, He may be said to have suffered perchance far more than You; for that more of his Princely Blood hath been shed in England, France, and Scotland, about the quarrel of Catholic Religion, than of all other Christian Princes joined together.  
11. And forasmuch as His Majesty doth vouchsafe of his Princely Gratitude to profess in one part of his Instructions to his Son the Prince, That in all his Troubles, straits, and Dangers, he hath found none so sure and confident unto him, as those that remained Loyal and Faithful to his good Mother the Queen, (who all for the most part were known to have been good Catholics) it is to be hoped that he will make the same Account also of You, that remained Constant and Dutiful, not only to Her Majesty while she lived, but to God's Divine Majesty also, in standing and suffering for your Conscience in Religion; which was the Mark and Badge (if you remember) whereby the foresaid famous Governor Constantius, Father to our Constantine, did try his Christian Courtiers, tho' he were a Pagan himself; rejecting those who upon his Commandment and Invitation had yielded, 
Euseb. l. 1. de vit. Constant. c. 11.  and done against their own Religion; and retaining and honouring others, that had been Constant even against himself: Which fact Eusebius recounteth, with exceeding praise of the Man's Judgement, Justice, and Piety therein; whose Example I hope our now King will imitate, and you follow the Example of the better sort of those Christians, whom Constantius for their Constancy so much esteemed and advanced.    

THE PREFACE TO THE CHRISTIAN STUDIOUS READER, CONCERNING THE Edition and Argument of this Treatise, and of the Method held therein, and principal Points to be Treated.  
MAN, to be mutable, or (as the Scripture speaketh) uncertain in his foresight and Providence, 
Sap. 9  if no other Arguments were to prove it (as there be infinite) yet my own Experience (gentle Reader) of the success of this Treatise were sufficient, having altered so often my first intention about the same, as it being now ready to come forth, it seemeth nothing less than that which at the beginning I had purposed.  
2. My first design was to have written only some few Leaves or Sheets of Paper in answer to Sir Francis Hastings, 
Sir F. Hastings in his Reply, pag. 192.  who in his Reply to the Seventh Encounter of the Warder (which Encounter concerneth principally the Bishop and See of Rome) would seem to diminish that obligation of gratitude, which the Warder said that England had above many other Nations to that See, for Two Conversions of our People to Christian Religion received from thence. The Knight (I say) endeavoured to strike out or diminish that Obligation, by calling in doubt the said Conversions, or cavilling at least at some particulars thereof: Whereupon I thought it needful not only to confirm that which had been written before of the Two foresaid Conversions under Pope Eleutherius and Pope Gregory I. but also to add a Third, more ancient than these Two, to wit under S. Peter himself, and some other Apostles. And albeit all this was meant so briefly (as I have said) in the first designment; yet when I came to the Work itself, it grew more long, and could hardly be dispatched in so many Chapters, as I had purposed Leaves or Sheets at the beginning.  
3. The reason of this increase was, for that coming to the examination of the matter, I found Sir Francis to have taken all that he had said concerning that Point, out of John Fox, tho' he cited him not; and Fox again the most part of his Cavils out of the Magdeburgians: So as of necessity I was forced to encounter all these Three Adversaries together, to examine their Arguments, discover their Frauds, and refel their Follies. Which to do with any sufficiency, 
How the first Part of this Treatise was increased.  (as also with the clearness and perspicuity which I desired) drew the matter on to a bigger Bulk than well could be set forth as a Part only of that Encounter whereunto it belonged: Whereupon, at the persuasion of some Friends, resolution was taken to have it divulged in a several Treatise, as before hath been showed in the end of the Second Encounter already printed.  
4. But now, when it was taken in hand to be reviewed for the Edition▪ divers things occurred to be added for the more fullness of the Treatise; and namely, that not only the Planting of Christian Faith in England should be averred by these Three several Conversions, but that the Continuation also thereof (I mean of One selfsame Faith and Belief) should be showed and demonstrated from the First to the Second Conversion, and from the Second to the Third, unto our days. And with this came the Discourse to occupy a dozen whole Chapters; which was more than twice as much as in the first design was purposed.  
5. But being arrived hither, there offered itself a new cogitation of adding a Second Part, no less important than the First, for searching out our Adversaries Religion in all this time; 
Arist. in topicis. Cicer. 1. ad Heren. & de Orator.  according to the Advertisement both of the Philosopher and Orator, That it is not sufficient only to confirm our own Cause, except we infringe and refute the contrary. Whereupon it seemed necessary not only to show the first, second and third Planting of our Religion in England, together with the manifest and visible Continuance thereof unto our Age; but also to demonstrate the contrary in the Religion of the Protestants; 
Why the second part of the search of John Fox's Church was added.  to wit, That it was never planted in England, (I mean in such Points of Doctrine wherein they differ from the Catholic) nor ever was received, nor had essence or being under the name of Christian Religion, from Christ's time to ours. And for that John Fox above all other English Protestant-Writers taketh upon him of purpose and by promise to prove the contrary in his huge Volume of Acts and Monuments, 
Fox in the title of his Acts and Monuments, & in his Protestation to the English Church.  to wit, to show the course and race of his Church (for so are his words) from the beginning of these latter Ages, I was forced to join Issue with him in particular upon both these parts: I mean, in showing the beginning and continuance of our Church and Religion, and the not being or continuance of his; for performance whereof I have had occasion (as you see) to peruse over the first Part of the said Volume, from the beginning of Christian Religion to King Henry VIII. containing above 500 Leaves.  
6. But for that the second Part of that Volume, from K. Henry downward (being of no less bulk than the former) treateth of the principal Pillars of his Religion since that time, 
Why the third part of this Treatise was added about the examination of Fox's Calendar.  whereof some he maketh Confessors and other Martyrs, and distributeth them into a certain Ecclesiastical Calendar according to the days of every Month wherein their Festival memories are to be kept, and placeth the said Calendar in the front of his Acts and Monuments; it seemed convenient also, to the end that nothing should remain wholly unsearched or unexamined in that Work of his, to add a third Part to the former two, for the discussion of this Calendar, and some other necessary Points belonging thereunto.  
7. Lo here, good Christian Reader, a brief sum of all my cogitations about that matter; which, if they may serve thee for thy spiritual utility, either for confirming or establishing thee in Catholic Religion (if thou have it already) or for thy reducing unto it, if hitherto thou be not partaker of so high and heavenly a Blessing; I shall be glad, and think my Labour happily bestowed therein, well knowing of what importance this matter is for thy Eternal Salvation.  

The diligence which men ought to use for informing themselves of the truth of Catholic Religion in time of Heresies. Possidon. in vit. Aug. & Aug. l. 4, & 5. confess. Athan. in Symbol. verse. 2. Mat. 13. Aug. l. de morib. Eccl. c. 17. Chry. hom. 14. in c. 24. Mat.  8. In respect whereof thou oughtest also, if thou be in any doubt, not only to take upon thee the labour of reading this, or any such Treatise, that may help thee therein; but also to travel both by Sea and Land, Countries and Kingdoms (if we believe S. Austin, that both said and practised the same) to seek out the Truth and Certainty of Catholic Religion; whereby only, and by no other ways and means under Heaven may a man be saved, or escape Everlasting Damnation, as holy Athanasius protesteth in his Creed. Wherefore this aught to be unto us (as the same Father saith) that rich Jewel found in the Field, for buying whereof we should not stick to sell or lose all other temporal Goods or Riches that we have, seeing Christ our Saviour doth so much commend them that did so, and thereby inciteth us also to do the like.  
9 And the same Doctor S. Austin, together with S. Chrysostom and other Fathers, do reprehend greatly the sluggishness of divers men in their days, that seeing Sects and Heresies to arise, and diversities of Religion in almost every Country, did not bestir themselves to try out the Truth, but were content either to accept of every Novelty thrust upon them, or to remain doubtful or indifferent, which in some sort is a worse state than the other: For as the Prophecy and Prediction of our Saviour is clear, that such times of Heresy and Contradiction should come, when one Sect would say, here is Christ; and another, there is Christ: One Heretic would cry, 
Matth. 24. Marc. 13. Joann. 7.  here is the Church, here is the true Doctrine, here is Reformation; and another deny it: So the Apostle expoundeth the hidden Providence of Almighty God in this permission of his; to wit, ut qui probati sunt, manifesti fiant; 
1 Cor. 11.  that those who are men of proof should be made manifest among us. And how then in a time of proof, and of so special trial, when so great a Crown is to be gained, are men so negligent, slothful, and fearful in showing and declaring themselves? S. Chrysostom yields this reason, which is severe: 
Chrysost. opere imperfect. in Matt. cap. 23. pag. 962. Chrysost. ibid.  Quia neque promissio beatitudinis ejus (saith he) desideratur, neque judicium comminationis timetur, etc. It is, for that neither God's promise of Eternal Felicity in the next Life is desired by these slothful people, nor his threat of Judgement feared. And yet, saith the same Father, si Vestimenta empturus gyras unum negotiatorem & alterum, etc. if you were to buy a Garment, you go about from one Seller or Merchant to another, to see and examine where the best is to be found: And how much more ought this to be done to try out true Religion?  
10. If a pretention were made (saith one) to take away your Temporal Lands and Livings, or that any new doubts should be put in the Title of your Inheritance, 
A representation of such as are negligent in examining the truth of Catholic Religion.  or that it should be called in question by any Promoters, or busy people, whether you were true Owners of such and such Lands and Livings or no; you would quickly start and bestir yourselves, looking out Records and Writings for confirmation of your Right and Title, and would seek Lawyers to plead and defend the same, and you would make account of ancient Witnesses for proof thereof. All which you neglecting in this case of trial about Catholic Religion against Heretics, (which is more clear in itself, if men would attend unto it, than any other proof of Possession, Right, Interest, Title, or Inheritance whatsoever) this negligence (I say) doth clearly declare, that men have more care and cogitation of Temporalities, than of Eternity; of Earth, than of Heaven; and of this miserable, short, and vanishing Life, than of God's Everlasting Kingdom, and their Immortal reigning with him.  
11. And thus much be spoken by the way concerning the judgement, sense, and feeling of ancient holy Fathers about the care and solicitude that every true Christian ought to have for informing himself sound and substantially, (but especially in time of Heresies) what the truth and certainty of Cath. Religion is; lest being negligent therein, and yielding overmuch to the cogitation of worldly affairs, he be deceived before he be aware, and carried away to Perdition by the present surge and sway of Innovations, under the colour and name of New Reformations; persuading himself that he goeth right, and hath no need of further advice or information therein.  
12. For preventing of which most perilous course, held, (alas!) by too many of our Country at this day, (who persuade themselves, 
Dangerous cogitations.  that either matters of Religion appertain not greatly unto them, or that they go well as they are, or that they may remain indifferent, or attend to worldly affairs, and let the other alone, or at leastwise do imagine by the multitude of contradictions which they see and hear every where, that it is a hard matter to discern which Party hath the Truth, or where that Certainty lieth:) For help (I say) in all these Points, (but especially the last) I have thought best to publish this Treatise, which I trust shall be a sufficient Light for discerning Truth to them that will vouchsafe to peruse the same; for that it doth briefly, clearly, and in whole sum or view, lay before them the Verity of Catholic Religion, the Offspring, Increase, and Continuance thereof, together with the Fraud and Falsehood of all Sects whatsoever, but especially those of our time.  
13. And it is here to be noted, that, as in Suits and Controversies about Temporal Lands and Livings belonging to any Estate or Lordship, a man may take two ways of proof and trial against Quarrellers, that craftily and falsely would intrude or make pretention thereunto: The first, by alleging particular Evidences for every part and parcel thereof severally, as for this Close, this Meadow, this Park, that Pasture, those Woods, that Glebeland, and the like; which way (as you see) is more prolix and troublesome: There is therefore a second more short and general, whereby a man proving One point, proveth All; as if we would take upon us to show, that the chief Mansion-house of the said Lordship in Controversy (whereunto all the rest belong) is Ours, and hath been ever held by our Ancestors, and that we are true Successors, Heirs and Inheritors to them. This Issue (I say) were more short and sure; and this is that in which I do now join plea with our Adversaries, especially with J. Fox, in name of all his Brother-Protestants; to wit, that whereas other men hitherto have taken upon them to defend and prove particular Points of Controversies severally: As for example, the Real Presence, Purgatory, Prayer to Saints, Seven Sacraments, and the like, which are but Branches of our whole Cause; my purpose is to prove all together, by joining the foresaid Issue about the chief Mansion-house, and true Owners thereof; that is to say, the true Catholic Church, and lawful Family thereunto belonging, descending from Christ himself; for that we proving this only, we prove the whole; no man being able to deny but that where this House and Family is found, there is all the Right and Interest that may be pretended to the State and Dignity aforesaid.  

The contention about the House and Manor place.  14. But now again, for proving of this Point divers ways are or may be held by different Men; mine shall be at this time after the fashion of Two that strive and contend about the Mansion-house before mentioned, and thereby pretend to the true Title, and lawful Inheritance of the foresaid State and Lordship: the one part pretending only in general terms, That there is such a Noble House, well and strongly built, with great and excellent Qualities and Commodities, and richly furnished, whereunto belongeth the said State and Lordship; and that the Owners and Inhabitants thereof have great Privileges and Preferments before all other People; and that there are certain ancient Records extant also of this matter, out of which Records, according to their own exposition, they gather these Properties of the said House and Family, and apply both the one and the other to themselves.  
15. But the other party denying their pretence and exposition of old Records, saith, That all this is false; 
The Catholic Parties Plea for the House.  and that according to the true exposition of the said Writings, and the marks and tokens thereby given, the said House and Mannor-place appertaineth to them only, and therewith consequently the whole State and Lordship without controversy; which they offer to try by coming to particulars, showing when and where, and by what occasion, the said House was first built, what were the Stones and Timber that went thereunto, how the Title of the whole State and Lordship was tied or annexed to this House, together with the Dignities and Privileges thereof; & then to what Family this House was assigned at the beginning, who were the first Inhabitants, Dwellers, Guiders and Governors thereof, and how it hath continued ever since from hand to hand, and from time to time, always under the same Family by lawful Succession, and hath defended itself from all sorts of assaults made against it, as well of secret domestical Thiefs, as open Enemies; and that at this day the same Family is in possession thereof, etc.  
16. And as for the other Pretenders, these men offer to show further against them, that they have been always contemptible & vagrant persons, dispersed here and there in several Cottages of their own building or patching, nor ever dwelled in any House, worth the naming, much less in so excellent a House as this; and that if any of them have at any time heretofore been of this House or Family, they were either dismissed and cast out for their disorders, or have run away as Fugitives for guiltiness of their own Consciences.  
17. Now than this being so, who doth not see to which party the said House and Mansion-place is like to be judged? And this is the true figure or representation (good Christian Reader) of our present Controversy with J. Fox and his Fellows thro'out all this Treatise, for that he and his pretend a certain title to the true Church and Religion of Christ from all Antiquity, but produce no better proofs to challenge the same, than the Pretenders before mentioned for the said House and Mannor-place, if not somewhat worse, as shall be declared.  
18. But we on the contrary side do follow the course of the other party in coming to particulars, setting down first how Christ's Church and Religion began, by whom, 
The application of the two former Examples.  and under whom; who were the first beginners, promoters and professors thereof, what they taught, what they did, whom they left their successors, with what promise and assurance of continuation, and finally how they endured unto this day. And all this is handled in the first part of this Treatise. And then in the second is declared the other point before mentioned; to wit, that the adverse heretical part, had never any house at all, and much less any such as hath been spoken of; that is to say, they had never any Church or certain Family agreeing with itself, nor ever any certain Profession of any one Faith or Religion like in all points to itself, or to that of any others, were it good or bad, false or true, Heretical or Catholic. And this is observed from the beginning of the world to our time, as you shall see manifestly proved afterwards in the prosecution of this work; desiring thee (gentle Reader) to take the pains to read it over with some attention for thine own utility; tho' I presume that thy contentment also in reading thereof will easily equal thy pains, the argument being historical, and not devoid of grateful variety both of times, men and affairs.  
19 But now, for that my end and scope in writing this Treatise, 
Four points of consideration about matters of Faith.  and in handling this important Argument of discerning between Religion and Religion, is not indeed so much (if I shall confess the truth) to delight, as to move and profit thee (good Reader,) I have thought convenient for the second part of this my Preface, to adjoin 3 or 4 points of principal consideration about this Subject of Faith and Belief, and thereof deduce as many inferences of no less importance, for thy good disposition in this behalf, and therewith leave thee for the rest to thine own judgement, and more mature deliberation.  
20. The first of which points is, 
The first point how our articles of Faith are above man's Reason.  That Almighty God for man's greater humility and merit in believing, hath placed the greater part of the object of our faith and belief (that is to say, the things which are to be believed) above the ordinary reach of man's reason, and environed them with such difficulty and obscurity, in respect of our frailty, as without the light of his grace, and the concourse and free motion of our own will and good endeavour, they are not to be attained unto. And this (as I said) as well for man's humiliation, in respect of the height of God's mysteries revealed by faith; as also that man may merit by his free and willing concourse to belief; which he would not do if the articles or object of our faith were so clear as there were no obscurity or darkness in them: for then, according to the grounds of philosophy, man's understanding perforce must yield thereunto, and consequently our will also; whereof would ensue the loss of all merit and reward, according to that Saying of S. Greg. Non habet fides meritum, 
Greg. hom. 36. in Evang.  ubi humana ratio praebet experimentum; Faith hath no merit where man's reason doth make the thing evident. And long before him S. Athan. Fides de re evidenti concepta, 

Athan. tract. de advent 1. cont. Apollin.  
Aug. trast. 79. in Joan. & ser. 1. de festo S. Trin.   Fides dici non potest; Faith conceived of an evident matter, cannot be called Faith. And briefly, but pithily S. Aug. Laus fidei est; si, quod creditur, non videtur; The praise or merit of Faith stands in this, that the thing be not seen which is believed. And in another place, Credo, quod nescio: & propterea scio, quia scio, me nescire quod nescio; I do believe that which I know not: and thereby I come to know, for that I know myself to have been ignorant in that which indeed I knew not. And finally S. Paul to the Hebrews maketh this plain, when giving a definition of Faith, he writeth thus: 
Hebr. 11.  Est autem fides substantia sperandarum rerum, argumentum non apparentium; Faith is the substance or ground of things hoped for (in the next life) and an argument of such things as be not apparent or manifest to humane sense or reason. Thus teach they. And the matter is clear in itself, and confoundeth the politic vain heads of our days, who will believe no more than they see or feel, or can comprehend by their own understanding.  
21. But now concerning the causes of this difficulty or obscurity in matters of belief, 
First cause of obscurity in Faith.  the same Fathers do assign 2 or 3 for principal. The first is the height and sublimity of the the articles and mysteries themselves that are to be believed, which being of God's Secrets, do surpass the base capacity and reason of man. As are (for example) the creation of the world of nothing, the trinity of persons in one nature of divinity, the incarnation of the Son of God, and his birth without violating his mother's virginity, the resurrection of our bodies, the being of Christ in the Sacrament, and the like; which human reason cannot reach unto, 
Second cause.  tho' they be not contrary to it, but above it. Another cause is (as S. Ambrose noteth) the Majesty of Almighty God, who will be believed at his word, 
Ambr. l. 1. de Abraham c. 3.  without being asked for proof or reason for the same. For if (saith he) a grave honourable personage in this life, (especially if he be of high authority, and our superior) will take it in disdain to be asked a proof for that he affirmeth; how much more ought God to be credited without proof of human reason, when he proposeth unto us a matter above our reach or capacity?  

Third cause.  22. The third cause is that which before I touched, that Man might merit more by believing that which he seeth not evident, according to the Saying of Christ to S. Thomas, 
Joan. 2.  Quia vidisti (Thoma) credidisti, beati qui non viderunt & crediderunt; Because thou hast seen, Thomas, thou hast believed; but happy are they that have not seen, 
How God proceedeth in revealing his Mysteries.  and yet have believed. And for all these causes, if we consider the matter well, we shall find that God hath proceeded strangely to man's eye from the beginning of the world, in revealing the mysteries of our Faith unto us; discovering his will on the one side, with infinite testification of his love and desire that we should know them; and yet on the other side, with such reservation in those revelations, as the matter might still be difficult, hard, or obscure, in some respect; and this for the greater merit (as hath been said) of the believer. 
Gen. 2.6.7.8.  As for example, before the flood he appeared to divers Patriarches from time to time, causing them to preach and open to others his will, and the truth of that Faith which they were bound to believe; but yet he appeared not to all in those days, which he might have done if he would, and thereby have made the matter more clear and out of doubt: but he would have them believe others by words and tradition. And the like manner of proceeding he used after the flood with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob for instruction of their posterity. 
Gen. 20.22.23. Exod. 1.2.3. Deut. 33. Act. 7. Jos. 15.  And then again four or five hundred years after that, when he determined to bring the Hebrew people out of Egypt, and to give them a written Law, he appeared not evidently to all the people, but chose Moses to send unto them in his name, and spoke to him out of a fiery bush at the beginning, and at other times out of a cloud on the top of a hill. All which things had still their doubts and difficulties for him that would wrangle, or had not good will to believe and credit them.  

How Christ our Saviour proceeded in revealing his Mysteries, and why he appeared not to all.  23. And finally, when the Son of God came himself in flesh to preach, tho' he used many and sufficient Arguments to draw men unto him, and believe the Mysteries revealed by him, as in the next Point shall be showed; yet used he the same course notwithstanding, that had been used before: for neither appeared he to the whole world (as he might have done by his Divinity and Omnipotency) but to those of Jewry only, nor there to all; nor did he work Miracles in every place, but where he thought expedient. Nor when he rose again from death (which is a Point principally in this matter to be considered) did he appear to all men, or publicly in the Streets of Jerusalem, as he might have done, and thereby have made his Resurrection clear and out of controversy; but he appeared only to his Apostles and Disciples: which he expresseth in these words: 
Act. 10.  Hunc Deus suscitavit tertia die, & dedit eum manifestum fieri, non omni populo, sed testibus praeordinatis à Deo: nobis, qui manducavimus & bibimus cum ilio, postquam resurrexit à mortuis. Et praecepit nobis praedicare populo & testificari, etc. God hath raised up this his Son from death the third day, and gave him to be made manifest, not to all the people, but unto such as were preordained beforehand by him to be witnesses thereof; that is to say, us that did eat and drink with him after his Resurrection; and to us he gave commandment to preach and testify to the people, etc.  
24. Behold here the reason why Christ after his Resurrection did not appear to the whole people in Jewry, but to his Apostles and Disciples only, who were his appointed witnesses, to testify and preach the same to others, to the end their Faith might be of more merit, 
Joan. 20.  according to his former speech to S. Thomas, Happy are they who have not seen, and yet do believe. And for the self same causes we may not doubt, 
Christ's Resurrection, how, and to whom it was made manifest.  but that these his apparitions and manifestations, which are recounted in Scriptures to have been made by him at divers times, in sundry places, and upon different occasions, during his abode on earth, for the space of forty days after his Resurrection, (which apparitions arrive to the number of 13 or 14) were made in such particular manner by him, as the Scripture recounteth them: First to those godly women, 
Matth. 28. John 20. Act. 2.10.13.17. Rom. 4.8.14. 1 Cor. 15. 2 Cor. 5. 2 Tim. 2. Luc. 24. Marc. 16.  then to the Apostles, then to the disciples going to Emaus, and after that to others: All, I say, were so made, as still remained place for our free will to merit in believing them, and divers did doubt at the beginning, as the Scripture saith; and Christ was often forced to reprehend their coldness and backwardness in belief, as when he said, O stulti & tardi corde ad credendum! O you foolish and slow of heart to believe! And at his last departure from them, Exprobravit illis (saith S. Mark) incredulitatem eorum & duritiem cordis; quia iis, qui viderant eum resurrexisse, non crediderunt; He did exprobrate unto them their incredulity and hardness of heart, for that they had not believed those who had seen him risen from death again. Which doubt and hardness of heart in believing, he cured wholly afterwards by sending the Holy Ghost.  
25. But yet hereby we may evidently see, that Christ required humility and obedience of belief, even in things where our reason or sense resisted, 
1 Cor. 10.  requiring us to captivate our understanding (to use S. Paul's own word) unto his obedience in matters of faith; and not only to himself immediately, but to those also that teach and preach unto us by lawful ordination and authority from him, albeit they deliver us matters above our capacity, reach and understanding; and this under pain of eternal damnation: for that our Saviour himself having given the Commission of preaching in S. Mark's Gospel aforesaid, Ite & praedicate, Go and preach, he addeth presently, 
Marc. 16.  Qui non crediderit, condemnabitur; He that will not believe, shall be damned. And this is sufficient for the first Point, about the obscurity of the Object of Faith, and Causes thereof.  
22. The second Point of this consideration is, 
The second Point of this consideration, that notwithstanding the Articles of our Faith cannot be demonstrated by Reason, yet have they sufficient Arguments of credibility. Rom. 12.  That albeit Almighty God will have us to yield obedience of faith unto him, as well for his due honour, as for our own utility; yet doth he not leave us without sufficient testimony of the truth, nor requireth at our hands this obedience, but as rationabile obsequium, (to use S. Paul's words) a reasonable obedience, or an obedience founded in all reason of probability inducement and credibility. For proof whereof we must understand, that albeit the most parts of Christian Belief do so surmount (as in the former Point hath been showed) the reach and capacity of human reason, as they cannot be comprehended thereby (tho' of some other there may be also demonstration made, as shall be showed in the fourth Point of this consideration;) yet for satisfaction of our understandings, his divine Piety and Providence hath left unto us so many other proofs and arguments of persuasion and inducement, called by Schoolmen Argumenta credibilitatis, Arguments of credibility, which being laid together and well pondered, may justly move any indifferent, prudent, and discreet man, to yield his assent thereunto, and to rest fully satisfied of the truth, as learnedly you have seen proved these days past, by a Treatise set forth in English, for answer of the new challenges of the Minister O. E. this matter is handled more largely. But for my present purpose it is sufficient to record unto you, that of these arguments of credibility are full fraught all the books and volumes of the ancient Fathers, thereby to prove the credibility, probability, and convenience of Christian Religion, and of every part and article thereof, thereby to leave them inexcusable that will not believe the same: whereof it shall be sufficient, that I allege only the example of S. Peter, who going about to persuade his audience, useth these words, 
2 Pet. 1.  Non indoctas fabulas secuti, etc. Not induced by vain fables (as the Gentiles were) have we believed and made known to you the power and presence of our Lord Jesus Christ, but for that we have been made eye-witnesses of his greatness, etc.  
27. Thus began S. Peter to persuade his Hearers, 
Arguments of credibility used by S. Peter.  alleging 2 or 3 strong Inducements of credibility for the same. First, that he and the rest of his Apostles had conversed with Christ himself upon earth, and had been eye-witnesses of all his doings. And secondly, he allegeth that famous Miracle upon the Mount Thabor, when he with S. James and S. John were present at his transfiguration, 
Matth. 17.  and heard the voice from heaven. This is my beloved Son, hear him. And thirdly, he allegeth the Predictions of the old Prophets concerning Christ's coming, life, actions, death and resurrection; which S. Peter doth prefer before his sight, knowledge and experience had with Christ, and worthily; for that the Predictions of the Scriptures and Prophets being written by God's Spirit so many Ages before Christ was born, and now fufilled so evidently in his Person, the Apostles sight and experience thereof, was but a testimony to the others verity and nothing so certain as the foretellings of the said Prophets so evidently verified in their sights.  

Arguments of credibility are not so evident as are philosophical Demonstrations.  28. And yet were all these things but inducements and arguments of credibility (as I have said) and not demonstrations. For albeit the truth of Scriptures be most certain and infallible in itself, yet to me, who must take them upon credit of others, either concern the books themselves, traductions or interpretations, or some other such circumstances, they cannot have the clearness and evidence to convince our Understandings, which philosophical Demonstrations have; albeit the assent of our Faith induced by these Arguments of credibility (together with the help of our pious affection, and assistance of God's grace) be much more sure, firm and immovable, than that which is gotten by human knowledge; which is partly seen, in that a stronger reason coming against my knowledge, I do change my judgement; but not in Faith, if it be sound. The cause whereof is, for that Faith is grounded upon a more certain foundation than is human science, to wit, upon the credit and authority of God himself: wherein also is to be noted, that these Inductions and Arguments of credibility, may be much more evident to some than to others. As for example, the Miracles done by God in bringing home of the Jews from Egypt, were much more evident to those Jews that then lived, and were present and saw them, than to others that came afterwards. Albeit the Faith and Belief of some of the later, might be as firm and constant as the former. And so the Miracles of Christ and his Apostles were more evident to those that saw them, than unto us that hear them only by relation; tho' yet our Faith may be as good and firm, yea more commendable and meritorious than theirs, in that we believe them without seeing, according to the aforesaid Saying of our Saviour to S. Thomas. And this is the great Piety and Mercy of Almighty God, that we that come after in the end of the World shall lose nothing (if we will) by our so late coming, but may be equal in merit to the first.  

Arguments for proof of Christian Religion.  29. Well then, this is the second Point, what Arguments of credibility Christ hath left unto us for proof of Christian Faith, whereof (as I said) all the ancient Father's Books are full; and you may see many in Eusebius' Learned Books De praeparatione, & demonstratione evangelica; but especially in those that before him wrote Apologies for Christians in times of Persecution, as Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and others, S. Austin also in 22 excellent Books that he wrote De Civitate Dei, gathered many. And you may see good store laid up in our English Tongue, in the first Book of Resolution, c. 4. entitled, Proofs of Christianity. Which Arguments being indifferently weighed together, with the absurdities of all other Religions besides the Christian, do make our Faith most credible, and sufficient to move any wise considerate man to believe the same, tho' they do not enforce him.  

Arguments of credibility for Catholic Religion against all sorts of Heretics.  30. And the like may be said and showed concerning the Arguments for Catholic Religion against all Sects and Heresies whatsoever; which are so many and pregnant in themselves to him that will consider them duly, as there can be no probable doubt in the world, which is the truth, and which is falsehood; tho' oftentimes for want either of diligence to know them, or pious affection to consider indifferently of them, (which is the third Point here to be mentioned) many men's Judgements are so obscured or perverted, that they cannot, or will not see the truth. Of these Arguments of credibility for proof of Catholic Faith in general against Heresies, you may see many put together by Tertullian in his excellent Book De praescriptionibus adversus Haereses; and in S. Augustin's Books De utilitate credendi, & de moribus Ecclesiae, and other such Treatises; and in all his other Books against the Donatists, Manichees, and Pelagians. And in that Golden Treatise of Vincentius Lirinensis contra prophanas haeresum omnium novitates, who wrote soon after S. Austin; and in our times Bosius de signis Ecclesiae, and divers others, have handled the same Argument. And more than this, there want not also store in our English Tongue of like matter, as Dr. Bristow's Motives and others; and you shall find no small number of these Arguments in this Treatise, if you read it over. So as this Point maketh any man inexcusable that will pretend ignorance herein.  
31. But now there resteth the third Point, which (as I said) is the Key of all the rest, to open the Gate to true Faith and Belief; which is, 
The third Point of consideration about pious affection. Marc. 6. Act. 24.  a pious and purged Affection, without which all the Arguments of Credibility in the World will do no good to move a man to true Religion, no more than the persuasion of S. John Baptist did with Herod, nor the often speeches and Conferences of S. Paul prevailed with the Proconsul Foelix: the reason whereof is, that albeit naturally our Judgement and Understanding should yield to that which appeareth truest, and that our Will and Affection by the same natural course ought to follow our said Judgement and Understanding; yet through the corruption of mankind we find daily by experience that our Will draweth after it our Judgement, and as she is affected or disaffected, so goeth our Judgement and Understanding also.  
32. This Point touched Christ our Saviour, 
Evil affection perverteth the understanding. Joann. 5.  when he said in S. John's Gospel to certain ambitious Jews: Quomodo vos potestis credere, qui Gloriam ab invicem accipitis, & Gloriam quae à solo Deo est, non queritis? How can you believe in me, which do take and seek Glory one of another, and do not seek that true Glory which is only to be had from God? Here you see that an ambitious affection did impossibilitate their Understanding to believe; notwithstanding what Arguments, Reasons, or Motives soever to the contrary. S. Paul also giving the reason why certain Infidels did not believe the Gospel preached by him with many Signs, Miracles, and other Arguments to move them, he noteth the whole impediment to be in their affections, saying, In quibus Deus hujus saeculi excaecavit mentes, 
2 Cor. 4.  ut non fulgeat illuminatio Evangelii gloriae Christi, qui est Imago Dei: In whom the God of this world hath blinded their Minds and Understanding, so that the light or illumination of the glory of Christ's Gospel cannot shine in them, who is notwithstanding the very Image of God, etc.  
33. Here you see that there wanted not external Light on the behalf of Christ and his Gospel, (whose Glory shined by so many Miracles) in those days of S. Paul; but that the love of this World, and disorderly affection to Honour, Ambition, Riches, and other Sensualities thereof, (which here by the Apostle are called, the God of this World, for that worldly men do adore them:) This God, I say, (or Devil rather) of corrupt affections had so blinded their Judgements and Understanding inwardly, as they could not see this shining Light of Truth. 
How necessary pious affection is.  So that where this pious affection is not, or at leastwise where it is not so purged from sinister humours, as it remaineth with some indifferency of desire to know and follow the Truth if it be discovered, no good can be hoped for: 
Luc. 23. Matth. 13.  In regard whereof Christ refused to do Miracles before Herod, or in his own Country, for that he knew them so obstinately averse in mind, as they would not profit by them; And for the same cause he refused to reason or argue with Pilate about his own Cause, when he gave him occasion, 
Joan. 24. Joan. 18.  for that he knew his affections to be so tied to the World, and himself so addicted to please the People, and to gain the good will of Tiberius the Emperor, as his labour would be but lost in seeking to persuade him, being so obstinately disposed otherwise. And thus much of this third Point of pious affection, and the necessity thereof to a Man's Salvation.  
34. The fourth and last Point of this Consideration is, 
The fourth Point of this consideration, whether some Articles of our Faith may be demonstrated, and how.  That tho' it be true (as is said in the first Point) that ordinarily and for the most part the Object or Articles of our Faith are above the reach of man's Reason, and were first revealed to man from God himself, yet are there some Points thereof which by force of human Reason may be known and demonstrated. As for example, that there is a God, and that he is but One, and cannot be Many, and that the World was made by Him, and that he hath Providence over the same, and other suchlike Points. Which Points and Articles notwithstanding, for that on the other side they are proposed also in the Scriptures, and in the Nicene Creed, 
Exod. 20. Heb. 11. Symb. Nicaen.  as Articles of our Faith, that must be believed by Christians as revealed from God: hence ariseth no small question among School-Divines, whether these Points here set down may be known by two distinct ways or no; to wit, evidently, by force of human Reason or Demonstration; and inevidently, by Light of Faith, and Revelation from God? 
Alex. Halens. 3. par. q. 79. Alb. Mag. in 3. p. d. 24. art. 9 Alrisidior. 3. p. tract. 3. c. 1. Bonav. in 3. p. d. 24. art. 2. Durand. in nu. 39 & alii.  And the more common and probable Opinion of Schoolmen, and more conformable to the Scriptures and ancient Fathers, is, That they may; for that our Understanding may have two Lights to know one and the selfsame thing: the first by Revelation from God, which always is with some darkness and obscurity to our Reason, (as before hath been declared,) and consequently our Judgement being not forced to yield thereunto by the clearness of evidence, it followeth that our assent by Faith is more free, and greater place is given to pious affection of our will, and thereby also more merit to assent, as before hath been showed.  

How Science may stand with Faith.  35. The second Light may be by force of Man's Reason and evidence of Demonstration, which sometimes is so clear in itself, as it admitteth no doubt at all; as when we show this Principle, That every Whole is greater than its Part or that man is a reasonable Creature, or like evident things; and then is our Understanding forced to yield thereunto, and consequently hath the less Merit, by how much less freedom it leaveth to our will and affection to give our assent, or no. But yet this knowledge gotten by human Reason doth not so take away the merit of the other, that proceeded of free assent of Faith, but that both may stand together in one and the selfsame man about one and the selfsame thing, (to wit, Faith and Demonstration) as distinct lights gotten by different and distinct means, the one by Revelation from God, the other by Demonstration of Reason; 
A great inconvenience.  for that otherwise this great inconvenience (say the Authors that hold this Opinion) would follow, that learned men should be in far worse case for their merits in Faith, than the ignorant; for that whensoever the said learned men do come by means of their study to see clearly by Reason the truth of any Conclusion of Divinity, or Article of Belief, which simply before they did believe only as revealed from God; (which thing may very well happen, and often doth to learned men,) that then they should lose their former Faith, or at leastwise the Merit thereof, if it be granted that Faith and Science may in no case stand together.  
36. But, to leave this to be disputed in Schools and to return to our purpose: There is no doubt, but that some Points belonging to Christian Faith may plainly and absolutely be demonstrated and proved by human Reason & Science, as those which I have here touched of One God, his Omnipotency, Providence, and the like. Some other there be, 
Demonstration by supposition.  which tho' they cannot be altogether so absolutely convinced by Demonstrations, yet may they in part, by way of supposition; that is to say, by supposing some one or two Points belonging thereunto, which the Adversary will either grant, or cannot deny. As for example, Supposing there is a God, and that he hath appointed any Religion to mankind, and that the Prophets and Prophecies of the Old Testament are to be believed; it is not hard to prove and demonstrate the Verity of Christian Religion against either Jew or Gentile. And the like is it in this matter here treated by me in this Book, against J. Fox and his Fellows, about the Beginning, Planting, Growing, and Continuance of Catholic Religion: For if you suppose only that Christ is God, and that he hath appointed any Religion at all, and that the first Religion and Church instituted by him was true, and truly meant by him, and that he was able to perform his promises made to the first Christians for the Preservation and Perpetuity thereof: This (I say) being granted, what I infer in this Treatise followeth by necessary consequence of moral Demonstration, as you will find in the perusal.  

The inference of the first Point.  37. These four Points than I thought good (gentle Reader) to touch briefly in this Preface, meaning to make four several Inferences out of the same, not unprofitable (in mine opinion) to the purpose we have in hand: For out of the First Point, concerning the height and sublimity of matters of our Faith, above the capacity of Man's Reason, I make this inference, That every one ought to come to treat and talk of such things as belong to Faith and Belief, with great reverence, respect, modesty, and submission of mind, not condemning that which his sense or reason reacheth not unto, nor making the Depth of his own Capacity the Rule and Measure of his Belief. A thing noted in the Sect of Manichees by S. Austin, who writeth, 
Aug. l. de util. cred. c. 1.  That for this cause principally he was nine years of their Company, for that they told him still (he being a young man desirous of Knowledge) that Catholics did superstitiously require Faith before Reason, and that They (the Manichees forsooth) did teach nothing but that which should clearly be discussed by force of good Argument and Reason before it was believed, etc. Upon which occasion also the said Father wrote that excellent Book beforementioned, de Utilitate Credendi, 
S. Augustine's book de utilitate credendi, what it treateth, and why it was written.  of the great utility and infinite commodities which Catholic Christian People have, in believing simply, by Tradition of their Ancestors, that Faith which is established in the Universal Church of Christ, tho' their own Reason arrive not to penetrate the same; for whosoever openeth once his Ears, (especially the Unlearned sort) to hearken to Human Reasons against the Mysteries of their Faith, he is in danger presently either to lose his Faith, or at leastwise the Merit thereof, together with the peace, comfort, and tranquillity of his mind, and thereby openeth a wide gap to the Devil and all his Instruments, as well Infidels as Heretics, to enter in, and trouble the House of his Conscience.  
38. And as for Heretics, it hath been an old practice to trouble or draw men from Catholic Religion, or make them stagger, by this means of pretending human Reason against Belief; as we have showed by example of the Manichees, who took this trick from the old Heathen Philosophers, whom S. Hierom for this cause principally calleth, 
Hier. l. 2. con. Ruffinum.  the Patriarches of Heretics. The Arians also deceived many by the tricks of human Reason, drawing out their Napkins (as Theodoretus saith) and ask the common people whether Three corners thereof could be One, or no; and then inferring deceitfully thereupon, said, No more could Three Persons be One God. The Sadducees founded their Heresy against the Resurrection of the Flesh, upon the contrariety it seemed to have with human Reason; which prevailed afterwards with divers sorts of Heretics, 
Many Heresies founded in reason against Faith.  that had infinite Followers, as, Simon Magus, Basilides, Hymenaeus, Philetus, Valentinus, Martion, Appelles, the Ophites, Cerdonists, Cainites, Albigenses, and others. And now in our days with Zwinglians, Calvinists, Anabaptists, Trinitarians, Family of Love, Brownists, and divers other Sects, who do nothing but rave and blaspheme against the Real Presence of Christ in the Blessed Sacrament, upon the same ground, that it seemeth contrary to Sense and human Reason. And finally, this is a way to all Misbelief, Atheism, and Infidelity, etc.  
39 Out of the Second Point, concerning Arguments of Credibility for our Belief, I infer, 
The inference upon the second Point about Arguments of credibility. Intolerable sloth and negligence in not viewing our Evidences for Catholic Religion.  That (seeing God hath left us such store and variety of Arguments for our comfort and consolation in that we believe) every man ought to be diligent and careful to seek out and use them, and not suffer himself to be overborne by deceitful quarrelling people in a suit of so great importance, without looking upon his Writings and Evidences that he hath for the same. For how greatly would we condemn the sloth and negligence of a Man, who descending for many Ages as lawful Heir from a most Ancient and Noble House, of great Riches and Possessions, and seeing false Pretenders to make claim thereunto, and by slight and intrusion to put both Him and his Posterity from the same: How much (I say) should we condemn him, if (having whole Chests full of Writings for his Defence) he should never so much as look them over, or take a view of them, but should suffer himself to be cast and overthrown in the whole Suit, without pleading at all for Himself or his Interest? Which is the very case of many negligent Christians in our days, who seeing so many assaults to be made by different Sectaries against the old possession of Cath. Religion (which was their Ancestors Inheritance to Salvation, and must be theirs if ever they be saved, do yield so dastardly in this conflict and injury offered them, as they never so much as examine what Proofs or Evidences they have, or may have, for their Defence. A negligence no doubt inexcusable, and worthy of infinite rebuke and confusion.  

The inference upon the third Point about pious affection.  40. Out of the Third Point, concerning the necessity of pious Affection in him that must profit by these Arguments of Credibility, I do infer, how highly it doth import every man that meaneth seriously to treat of his Salvation in this behalf, to dispossess himself of his Passions and sinister Affections against the Truth, (at leastwise while he treateth this Great Affair) and that he place himself in such an indifferency, equanimity, and serenity of mind, as he may be able to discern and look upon the Truth with an unpassionate Eye, if she chance to appear unto him.  

A dreadful threat of our Saviour.  41. The saying of our Saviour in the place before-alleged of S. John's Gospel, to such as were ambitious, and entangled with the Wealth and Honour of this World, and thereby letted to believe the Truth, is terrible and dreadful: For having demanded, How it was possible for them to believe, and thereby come to Salvation, that were so entangled and evil-affected in mind; 
Joan. 5.  he addeth presently, Nolite putare, quia ego accusaturus sim vos apud Patrem; est qui accusat vos: Do not you think that I shall have need to accuse you to my Father, (for these corrupt affections of yours rising of Ambition,) for there wanteth not one to accuse you. Whereby Christ insinuateth, amongst other things, that Himself, at the Day of Judgement, was not to be Accuser, but Judge; and that the Condemnation of these men was to be most grievous, who for Ambition, Honour, Wealth, Dignities, and Promotions, had neither Time nor Will to attend to matters of Faith and true Religion, whereby only Eternal Salvation may be achieved; which is a Point greatly to be considered and born in mind; especially by such who are in the same or like Case with those Men of Jewry, to whom Christ our Saviour used that dreadful speech.  

The inference upon the fourth Point about demonstration by Reason.  42. Out of the Fourth and Last Point is inferred, That considering all the premises, and that this matter of true Religion is of so great Moment, as hath been showed, and that in this Treatise so short and clear a way is taken for discussion thereof, as by only joining Issue about the Planting Continuance, Succession, and Descent of Christian Religion in England, from the Apostles Time unto Ours, the whole Controversy between Us and the Protestants may fully be cleared; and that with such evidence of Reason and necessary Consequence, as, supposing only that Ghrist was Christ, and his Promises true, all the rest doth follow by most certain sequel of Argument, and moral Demonstration. All this (I say) being so, it may encourage and animate the studious Reader to run over this short Treatise. Which if he do with that indifferency and attention which in the Second and Third Point of this Discourse have been touched, I do not doubt but that he shall not need to read many other Books for resolving himself either about the grounded certain Truth of Catholic Religion, or the Vanity, Inanity, Inconstancy, Lightness and Folly of all Sect and Heresies that ever have or shall arise up against the same. And with this (good Reader) I leave thee to the holy Protection and Benediction of Almighty God, and to his merciful direction of thee in so weighty an Affair. This Vigil of the Nativity of our Saviour, 1602.   

The First PART of this Present TREATISE CONCERNING Three Conversions OF ENGLAND TO THE Christian, Catholic, Roman Religion.  
The ARGUMENT.  
THe purpose of this first Part (gentle Reader) is, to declare by evident demonstration, both of Histories, Reasons, Antiquities, and Succession of Times, and by confession and other testimonies of the Adversaries themselves, That this our Isle of England, and People thereof, the Britan's, Saxons, and English, have at three several times received Christian Faith from Rome, and by Romish Preachers. First, under the Apostles, in the first Age after Christ; And then under Pope Eleutherius, in the second Age; And thirdly, under Pope Gregory, in the beginning of the sixth Age: And that this Faith and Religion was no other than the Roman Catholic Faith, generally received over all Christendom in those days; And that it was One, and the Selfsame Faith, at all these three times; and that the same was continued and professed afterward in England publicly for almost 1400 years together, to wit, from the Apostles days, unto the Reign of King Henry VIII. under divers Nations, States, Governments, and variety of Times, by Britan's, Saxons, Danes, Normans, and English; and that the selfsame Faith continueth at this day in the Church of Rome, and Christian Catholic World abroad, without change or alteration of any one substantial Article, or Point of Belief; and that all Cavils and Calumniations of Heretics and Sectaries in this behalf are vain and foolish, and most manifestly here confuted. And finally, a most clear; easy, evident, and infallible deduction, visible to the Eye and Understanding of every mean intelligent Reader, is set down, and brought from hand to hand, without interruption, from the first Conversions of our Realm unto this day; and this so perspicuously, as no man, that will not wilfully shut his eyes, but can see and behold the same, as by the Chapters following (God willing) more particularly shall appear.  

CHAP. I.  
Whether England and Englishmen have particular Obligations to the See of Rome, above other Nations? And of the first Conversion of Britan's to Christian Religion in the time of the Apostles.  
AFTER a certain Narration made by me in my Answer to Sir Francis Hastings, 
Taken out of the fourth chapter of the seventh Encounter.  about the seventh Encounter between him and N. D. wherein I declared what Reverend Respect other Nations and Kingdoms of the Christian World have ever born to the See Apostolic, and Bishop thereof, until this miserable Age of Heretical Spirits, who ridiculously do hold the same to be Antichrist: I do infer the conclusion and comparison following, about the particular Obligation of Englishmen towards the same See and Bishop, above many other Kingdoms, saying in my Ward-word thus:  

Ward. pa. 103.  2. And if all Christian Nations have, and aught to bear, such Reverence and Respect to the See of Rome; 
The particular obligation of Englishmen towards the Bish. of Rome.  then much more out little Island of England, (as this man calleth it) for that it hath received more singular benefits from thence, than any one Nation in the World besides, having been twice converted from Paganism to Christian Religion, by the especial Diligence, Labour, and Industry of the same See. Once, in the time of the Britan's, about 180 years after Christ, at what time Eleutherius, that holy Pope and Martyr, converted King Lucius and his Subjects, by the Preaching of St. Damianus and his Fellows, 
Bed. lib. 1. hist. Ang. cap. 17, 18. etc. Guil. Malmesbur. lib. 1. hist. Ang. & Pont. Ang. lib. 1. cap. 1.  sent from Rome to that effect; And the second time, 400 years after that again, when our Predecessors the English Saxons were converted by St. Augustin and his Fellow-Preachers, sent by St. Gregory the Great, than Bishop of Rome, to the same end. And if it be most certain, and cannot be denied, that these two so great and universal benefits rightly considered are the highest under Heaven that our Land could receive from any mortal then, and that the Obligation of this double Spiritual Birth of ours is so much greater than the Bond we owe to our carnal Parents, by how much more weighty and important is our Eternal Salvation than our Temporal Life and Generation: let all men consider the barbarous ingratitude of this man, that barketh with such spite against the See of Rome, the Mother of our Christianity, and against her Bishops, the Workers of so high a Blessing to us. And with this consideration I leave the modest and discreet Readers to judge of the matter, as Reason and Religion shall induce them, and not as the rage of this and other such raving people would incite them.  
3. Thus I wrote then, and to this declaration and conclusion of mine, our Knight taketh upon him now to answer in these words: Whereas this Roman Advocate saith, 
Wast. pag. 192. An impertinent and cavilling Answer of the Knight.  That this Land ought to bear more reverence to the See of Rome than other Nations, for that it hath received more singular benefits from thence, namely, that it was converted from Paganism to Christian Religion by the special Diligence, Labour, and Industry of the same See; I answer, First, That it is apparent by sundry Testimonies, that this Land was converted to the Faith long before that time by you specified, and not by the Bishop of Rome. Gildas testifieth that Britanny received the Gospel in the time of Tiberius the Emperor, and that Joseph of Arimathea was sent by Philip the Apostle from France hither, where he remained till his death. And Bede (our Country man likewise) doth testify, That in his time this Land kept Easter after the manner of the East Church; by which my be gathered, that the first Preachers came hither from the East parts of the World, and not from Rome. More proofs might be set down, but I spare them.  
4. Mark (good Reader) what manner of Answer this is to my former Speech. and how directly these people do go to the matter. I said before, That the Isle of England, wherein so many at this day do rail against Rome, hath more obligation of Love towards the same for benefits received, than divers other Countries; for that the people of this Island have been twice converted by men sent from thence; once, under Pope Eleutherius, almost 200 years after Christ, and again under Pope Gregory the Great, about the year of our Lord 600. Now to this the Kt. thinketh to have answered well, by affirming two or three things; First out of Gildas, That Britanny received the Gospel in the time of Tiberius the Emperor, before any or these two Conversions named by me: Which how likely it is, (Tiberius living but five years after Christ's Ascension) shall after be examined. Secondly, That Joseph of Arimathea was sent by Philip the Apostle out of France into Britanny, which yet the true Gildas hath not: But by these two Examples the Knight would show, That in Britanny the Faith of Christ was not first of all planted from Rome, nor by the Popes thereof, or by their industry. And to the same effect he allegeth out of Bede, the used of observing Easter after the manner of the East Church remaining amongst the Britan's in his time; whereof he inferreth, as you see, That it is most like that our first Preachers were from the East, and not from the West Church.  
5. But suppose all these things were true; do they overthrow that which I said before in my Ward-word, that the Britan's were converted under Pope Eleutherius, or the Saxons under Pope Gregory, and by several Preachers sent from Rome by them? 
How impertinent the Answer of the Knight is.  They prove only that before these two public Conversions, which we owe to the Church and Popes of Rome, there might be some sparkles of Christian Faith also in Britanny by other means; which I never denied, but only said that I would have Englishmen grateful to Rome for these two; which Conversions no man can deny, without apparent impudence, as after more amply shall be showed, where also these Examples alleged out of Gildas and St. Bede shall be examined, how far they are true, or do make for the purpose here in hand.  
6. So that this first part of Sir Francis' Answer being nothing to the purpose, as you see, tho' all were granted, which he allegeth; Let us hear his second part. Secondly, (saith he) tho' it be granted that Eleutherius sending hither Preachers from Rome in King Lucius his time, did frist convert this Land to the Christian Faith, 
* I say.  I say that there is not now the same Faith in Rome that was then: There were then no Masses said, no setting up of Images in Churches, etc. Here now, if we will take Sir Francis' word, we have a sure warrant by his [I say] that the Faith in Rome is not the same now, that it was in Pope Eleutherius his time; and that in particular, there were neither Masses then, nor Images. Wherein you may note, first, that cunningly he holdeth his peace of the Conversion of Englishmen under St. Gregory, (which most concerneth us that be of this Nation) for that he dareth not deny that both Mass and Images were in use in his time in the Roman Church and Faith; and so brought into England by St. Augustin that converted us: 
Bed. lib. 1. hist. Ang. c. 34.  which is evident in St. Bede in every place of his Story, and particularly where he relateth the first entrance of St. Augustin and his Fellows into Canterbury, in Procession, with a Cross and Image of our Saviour in a Banner, and that they said their first Masses there in an old Church of St. Martin, builded, as he saith, by the old Christian Romans before their departure out of Britanny.  
7. And for the time of Eleutherius, under whom the Britan's were converted, tho' it were not hard also to prove the same particulars; yet will I not take that disputation now in hand, but shall leave it to a better occasion afterward in this Treatise; where, without standing upon these particular two Doctrines of Mass and Images, here mentioned by the Knight, I shall show more general and firm Arguments that the Faith of the Church of Rome under Eleutherius, 
The Faith of Rome one and the same under Pope Eleutherius, Pope Gregory, and Pope Clement VIII.  200 years after Christ, was the very same, and no other, than was that under St. Gregory, 400 years after; that again, nor this under Gregory different from that which now is in Rome under Clement VIII. a thousand years after Gregory, and shall endure to the world's end.  
8. This, I say, we shall demonstrate afterward most clearly: but yet, to the end the Reader may see in the mean space how much credit is to be given to this Knight's [I say], let him but read the fourth Chapter of his good Masters, 
Mass confessed in the second Age after Christ.  and chief historical Doctors, the Magdeburgians, touching the second Age of Christ, wherein Eleutherius lived, towards the end, as also the beginning of the third Age immediately ensuing, and he shall find that in the second Age, 
Magdeburg. cent. 2, & 3. cap. 4. de doct. Ignat. Epist. ad Smyrnens.  under their ordinary Title of Inclinatio Doctrinae complectens stipulas & errores Doctorum; that is to say, The falling away of Christian Doctrine, containing the stubble and errors of Doctors, they reprehend Ignatius, who was St. John Evangelist's Scholar, for using the phrase, Offer & Sacrificium immolare, to offer and make Sacrifice; as also the holy Martyr Irenaeus, for saying, 
Iren. lib. 4. cap. 32.  That Christ had taught a New Oblation in the New Testament, which the Church receiving from the Apostles, doth offer up throughout all the world, etc. And in the third Age they accuse that blessed Bishop and Martyr St. Cyprian of Superstition for saying, 
Cyprian lib. 2. Ep. 3.  Sacerdotem vice Christi fungi, & Deo Patri sacrificium offer; that the Priest supplying the place of Christ, 
Tertull. lib. de coena Domini. Martial in Ep. ad Burdegal.  doth offer Sacrifice to God the Father. They reprehend also Tertullian for using the phrase, Sacrificium offer; to offer Sacrifice. They condemn also St. Martial, Scholar of the Apostles themselves, for saying, Sacrificium Deo creatori offertur in ara; Sacrifice is offered to God our Creator upon the Altar among Christians.  
9 So that, if by our Mass Catholics understand no other thing but the public external Sacrifice appointed by Christ in his Church, as we do not; then may we see that (by confession of the Magdeburgians themselves) this Mass was as well in use in Eleutherius his time, as in time of Gregory I. after him. And the like might we show about the use of Images, but that it were over long for this place; our intention being only to treat of the Conversion of our Country to Christian Religion; and to note by the way, Which is most to be credited by a discreet man, 
Sir Francis 's [I say] reverted.  either the I say of a Courtly Knight, affirming that Mass was not in the time of Eleutherius; or the Testimonies of so many grave and Learned Fathers to the contrary, that lived in the same Age, to wit, Ignatius, Martial, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Cyprian, and others.  
10. And this being sufficient for refutation of both parts of Sir Francis' idle reply, I shall go forwards to discuss a little the first entrance of Christian Faith into England; how, and in what time, and by whom it is likely that it might be done before the days of Eleutherius; and whether this first Conversion or sowing the Faith in our Island may be ascribed also to Rome, as well as the other more public Conversions afterward? Which if it fall out to be so, then hath the Knight, instead of diminishing our Obligation to Rome, not a little increased the same, by mentioning also a third Conversion from that See, which I for brevity's sake, and for that it was less notoriously known than the other two, thought good to pretermit in my Ward-word; but now, being moved thereunto by Sir Francis, who fighteth mightily (for the most part) against himself, alleging matters that make for us, I shall now briefly discuss more in particular this affair.  

The beginning of preaching the Christian Faith, and progress thereof.  11. First then, no man can deny but that the Death, Resurrection, and Ascension of our Saviour, the coming of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles, and their beginning of Preaching presently upon the same, was in the eighteenth year of Tiberius, the third Emperor of Rome; who living five years after, and Caius Caligula other four, there entered Claudius, who reigned fourteen years, and Nero after him as many, who in the last year of his Reign put to death St. Peter and St. Paul, St. Peter having come to Rome, according to Eusebius, in the second year of Claudius, which was eleven years after the Resurrection of Christ, 
Euseb. in chron. An. Christ. 44.  tho' some Authors differ in that account. Eusebius his words, translated out of Greek by St. Jerome, are these: Petrus Apostolus, Natione Galilaeus, Christianorum Pontifex primus, etc. Peter the Apostle of the Country of Galilee, the first chief Bishop of Christians, after he had founded the Church of Antioch, went to Rome; and having there preached the Gospel, remained Bishop of the same City for twenty five years together, etc. St. Paul was sent thither Prisoner by Festus, Governor of Judaea, in the second year of Nero's Reign, 
Euseb. in chron: Beda lib. 1 hist. Ang. cap. 3.  that is, fourteen years after St. Peter, according to the same Eusebius.  
12. The next year after St. Peter came to Rome, which was the third year of Claudius his Reign, there began to be such War in Britanny, as the Emperor himself resolved to go in person thither; and so he did, with admiration of the whole world. 
The first entrance of Christian Faith into Britanny.  And if there were any Christians in Rome at that time, as it is likely there were, (the Christian Faith having been now preached in the world some dozen years after Christ's Ascension) it is very probable that some went with him into Britanny; and that this was the first sparkle of planting Christian Faith and Religion in those Countries; but much more afterward, as their number increased, seeing that this War continued for forty years together; that is to say, to the fourth year of Domitian, when as well extern Histories, as our William of Malmsbury, 
Malm. in Fastis anno ab urbe condita 838. Christi 86.  (to omit other Heathen Writers) doth teach, That Britanny was wholly subdued, and brought into a perfect form of Province. And in this time there being continual going and coming from Rome to Britanny, and Christian Religion every day increasing in Rome, the same could not choose but be kindled also in Britanny, especially for two or three Considerations. First, 
Reasons of the repair of Christians to Britanny under Claudius.  for that there were many Britan's inhabiting in Rome at that day; some for Hostages, some for their own Pleasures, thereby to fly the Wars and unquiet state of their own Country, others taken and carried by force, as 
* Corn. Tacit. lib. 12. Ann.  Caractacus Sylurum Rex, Caractacus King of the Sylures, who inhabited that part of Britanny which at this day we call South-Wales, who being taken, was sent to Rome by Ostorius Governor of that Country for Claudius the Emperor, in the 11th. year of his Empire, and much Nobility with him, as Tacitus in his Story doth relate.  
13. Some also, both Romans and of other Nations, being Christened, and flying the Persecution which was in Rome against such Men, especially under Nero, got themselves into Britanny, as a place of more liberty, and less subject to Examinations in such matters, by reason of the Wars and Tumults there. And this is conform to that which Gildas the ancient Britan writeth in his Complaint of the Overthrow of Britanny; 
Gild. de excidio Britan. c. 6.  where having declared the extreme Calamity come upon his Countrymen by that War and Victory of the Romans against them under Claudius, addeth presently these words: Interea glaciali frigore rigenti Insulae, etc. In the mean space, while these Wars lasted, there appeared, and imparted itself to this cold Island, (removed further off from the visible Sun, than other Countries) that true and invisible Sun, which in the time of Tiberius Caesar had showed itself to the whole World, I mean Christ, vouchsafed to impart his Precepts, etc.  
14. This is the sum and true sense of his Sentence, tho' the words be somewhat intricate, and his stile obscure; which Sir Francis understanding not, citeth this place of Gildas (as before you have heard) to prove that Britanny received the Gospel under Tiberius Caesar: which he saith not, nor is not likely, 
Gildas misunderstood by Sir Francis.  (as before hath been declared) both in respect of the small time which Tiberius lived after the Apostles began to preach, as also for that in those days there was no War in Britanny, whereof Gildas speaketh immediately before.  
15. And thus much of the Time and Occasion whereby Christian Religion began first in Brittany, within the first fifty years after Christ's Ascension; whereto also we may add the Testimony of Nicephorus, 
Niceph. l. 3. hist. cap. 1. Theod. lib. 9 de curandis Graec. affectib. Sophron. in Catalogue.  and before him of Theodoretus and Sophronius, ancient Writers, who do testify, That Brittaniae Insulae, etc. The Britain Islands fell in division among the Apostles, in their first partition which they made of the World. And it is most like that St. Peter being come to Rome to teach and convert the Western-parts of the World, as Italy, Spain, and France, by name; these Islands also received the same benefit from him. And so say our Authors, whom afterwards I shall allege for his being in Britanny.  
16. And this is another point of Obligation betwixt England and Rome, (if Sir Francis can be content to hear it) to wit, that the first Bishop of Rome went in person to convert our Country, as afterward we shall hear grave Authors affirm, to whom I remit me. Tho' who indeed were the very first Teachers in Britanny, and Preachers in particular, or Helpers thereunto, is not so certain; our ancient Historiographers, by reason of the variety of Times, and our Country's Calamities, having left no clear Testimony thereof. True it is, that our later Writers of the English Nation, 
Holinsh. in descript. Britan. rom. 1. cap. 9 Cambd. in sua Brit. p. 162.  namely Holinshed and Cambden, do affirm, That one Claudia Ruffina a Noble British Lady, living then in Rome, and being the Wife (as they say) of one Pudens a Roman Senator, and Mother of the two famous Christian Virgins Praxedes and Pudentiana, did send divers Books and Messages unto her Friends in Britanny, and thereby helped much to their Conversion. And this may appear (say they) as well by the Salutation sent from her by St. Paul's Pen to Timothy, 
2 Tim. 4.  when he said, Eubulus, Pudens, Linus, Claudia, and all the Brethren, do salute you; as also for that she was the first Hostess or Harbourer of St. Peter and St. Paul at their coming to Rome, 
The story of Claudia Ruffina a British Lady.  it may be conjectured that she was one of the first Christians of the City. Whereof it may be inferred, that if it be true that she sent those first Messages, Books or Messengers of Christian Knowledge into her Country, she was also the first, or one of the first Helpers to that Conversion.  
17. But now the proofs of this mater are not so strong as I could wish or desire, for the Honour of our Country; but let us hear them as they be. First, the proof that she was a Britain, is by certain Verses of Martial the Poet, written unto her in his Epigrams, thus: 

Mart. lib. 11. Epig. 35.  Claudia caeruleis cum sit Ruffina Britannis  
Edita, cur Latiae pectora plebis habet?  Whereas Claudia Ruffina is born of the Britan's (that paint themselves) how cometh it to pass that she hath gained so much the good wills of the Italian People? And then he goeth forward to praise her also for her Beauty, exceeding the Beauty either of Italians or Grecians. He commendeth her besides for three Children which she had born to her Husband, and these Children our men would interpret to be the foresaid two Virgins Praxedes and Pudentiana, together with Novatus their Brother, all Children of Pudens the Senator abovenamed.  
18. But altho' I could wish much (as I said) for the Honour of our Nation, that this thing were true, especially her being the Wife to Pudens, and Mother of the foresaid Children, that were all Saints; yet have I great Arguments to the contrary: 
Arguments against the story of Claudia Ruffina.  Whereof the first is the silence of all Antiquity in this behalf. Martial also being a Heathen, and Enemy to Christians, would hardly have commended her so much, and written Epigrams to her of her rare Beauty, if she had been a Christian, which was the most odious thing that might be in those days; nor could she be so Beautiful in his time, living under Vespasian and Titus, and dying under Trajan, during whose Reign it appeareth in Martial that these Verses were written; for so much as she must needs be very old in those days, 
Baron. in Martyr. ad diem 19 Maii.  seeing that Pudens his House, placed in declivo Montis Scauri, in the side of the Hill called Scaurus, was the first (by Tradition of all Antiquity) that received St. Peter, and afterward St. Paul in Rome, and is at this day a Church dedicated to his Daughter St. Pudentiana; and from the arrival of St. Peter to Rome, until the time of Trajan, were almost sixty years. So as if she were Wife of Pudens, and Mother of those Children, when St. Peter came to Rome, she must needs be very aged, when Martial wrote those Verses of her Beauty. Besides this, 
Bed. Ado. Vsuard. in Martyr. ad 14 Cal. Junii.  our own Bede, Ado Archbishop of Trevers, Usuardus, and other ancient Authors in their Martyrologies, do assign another Wife unto Pudens the Senator, as Mother to the foresaid three Children, whose Name was Sabinella; so that, tho' it be true that there was such a British Lady named Claudia Ruffina in Rome commended by Martial under Trajan, and that St. Paul did commend another Claudia and Pudens for Christian Religion in his second Epistle to Timothy, (all which is sufficiently proved;) yet that this Claudia Ruffina was the Claudia mentioned by St. Paul, or that the same Ruffina was a Christian, or Wife to Pudens, or Mother of Praxedes and Pudentiana, (which are the principal Points whereof the matter dependeth;) This, I say, 
Points not proved in the Story of Claudia Ruffina.  is not proved, nor any part thereof, but only huddled up by our later Heretical Writers, under a show of other Proofs, to wit, that there was such a Claudia that was of Britanny, and another by St. Paul named; which are impertinent. Points to the Principal that should have been proved. And hereby we see that Heretics are but slight Provers, and very deceitful in all matters, as well Historical as Doctrinal.  
19 Wherefore, to let this pass, and to speak of the first Ecclesiastical Teachers of Christian Religion in England, who through the great perturbation of Wars (as hath been said) were not so well known, 
The first Preachers of Christian Faith in England.  nor distinctly observed, nor delivered to Writing in those days, as otherwise they might have been; yet find I some mention (tho' dispersed) of three several Apostles of Christ to have Preached there, to wit, St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. Simon of Chananee, surnamed the Zealous; two Apostolical Men also in these first troubled Times to have been sent thither, Aristobulus a Roman, whom St. Paul named in his Epistle to the Romans, and Joseph of Arimathea, a Nobleman of Jury, that buried Christ: Of all which Five we shall speak somewhat in order.  
20. And first of St. Peter himself to have been in England (or Britanny) and Preached, Founded Churches, and Ordained Priests and Dencons therein, 
Metaph. apud Surium, die 23 Junii. pag. 862.  is recorded out of Greek Antiquities by Simeon Metaphrastes a Grecian. And it seemeth to be somewhat confirmed by that which Innocentius I. Bishop of Rome hath left written above 1200 years agone, saying, That the first Churches of Italy, 
Innocent. Epist ad Decent.  France, Spain, Africa, Sicilia? and the Islands that lie betwixt them, were founded by St. Peter, or his Scholars, or Successors. For which cause Gulielmus Eysengrenius, in his first Centuria, or hundred years, doth write also, 
Eyseng. cent 1. part 7. dist. 8.  That the first Christian Churches of England were sounded by St. Peter under Nero. Whereunto it may be thought that the foresaid Gildas had relation, when expostulating with the Britain Priests of his time for their Wickedness, (for which the Wrath of God had brought in the English Saxons upon them) he objecteth among other things, Quod sedem Petri Apostoli inverecundis pedibus usurpassent; 
Gild. p. 2. Ep. de excid. Brit.  That they had usurped the Seat St. Peter with unshamefaced feet: meaning thereby either the whole Church of Britanny first founded by him, or some particular place of Devotion or Church which he had erected. And finally, Alredus Rienuallus, 
Alred. apud Sur. 5. Jan. pag. 131.  an English Abbot of the Order of Cisterce, left written about 500 years agone a certain Revelation or Apparition of St. Peter to an holy man in the time of King Edward the Confessor, showing him how he had Preached himself in England, and consequently the particular care he had of that Church and Nation, etc.  
21. If any man ask, What time it might be that St. Peter left Rome, 
About the time that St. Peter went into Britanny. Acts 18. Baron. tom. 1. Annal. pa. 512. An. Christi 58.  and went into Britanny, and other Countries round about? Cardinal Baronius, a famous Learned Historiographer of our time, thinketh that it was then when Claudius the Emperor banished all the Jews out of Rome, (as in the Acts of the Apostles it is recorded) among whom it is like that St. Peter also, being by Nation a Jew, retired himself, and took that occasion to go into divers Pagan Countries to preach the Faith of Christ, that thing belonging especially to his Charge as Head of the Apostles, according to his own words of himself, 
Act. 15.  Elegit Deus per os meum, audire gentes verbum Evangelii & credere. God hath chosen and appointed that Gentiles shall hear and believe the Word of the Gospel by my mouth. This than was the cause why he was so diligent and careful to go and preach everywhere Christian Religion, to the end he might fulfil and accomplish this Will and Ordination of his Master. And this was one cause also (to wit, his absence from Rome) why, according to Baronius and other Learned Men, St. Paul writing to the Romans did not name or salute him in his Epistle, whereof our Heretics do brabble much. And thus much of St. Peter.  


Of St. Paul 's going into Britanny.  
Theod. Ep. ad Tim. & in Ps. 116. lib. 9 de curand. grac. of. Sophron. Serm. de nat. Apost.   22. Of St. Paul's being in Britanny, there are not so many particular Testimonies; yet the foresaid Theodoretus doth affirm, That from Rome he made certain Exoursions, in Hispanias, & in Insulas, quae in Mari jacent; into Spain, and the Islands lying in the Sea near about. And in another place (as the Magdeburgians do cite him) he writeth expressly, That St. Paul Preached to the Britain's. And the like hath Sophronius Bishop of Jerusalem in his Sermon of the Nativity of the Apostles. Venantius also Fortunatus, a most Learned and Holy. Man, writing above a thousand years agone of St. Paul's Peregrination, saith thus: 
Transit & Oceanum, vel qua facit Insula portum,  
Quasque Britannus habet terras, atque ultima Thyle.  He passed over the Ocean-Sea to the Island that maketh a Haven on the other side, 
Arnold. Mirm. in Theatro.  even to the Lands which the Britain's do possess, etc. For which respect Arnoldus Mirmannus, in his Theatre of the Conversion of all Nations, affirmeth St. Paul to have passed to Britanny in the fourth year of Nero, Anno Domini 59; and there to have Preached, and afterward to have returned again into Italy. And so much of St. Paul; who having twelve or thirteen years permitted him by Christ after his coming to Rome before his death, for helping St. Peter, and for assisting the West-parts of the World, and St. Peter himself almost twice as much: it is not unlike (their Zeal being considered, and the state of times weighed) but that they made many Excursions, as the former Authors do write. And thus much of them.  


Of Simon the Zealous.  
Niceph. lib. 2. hist. cap. 40. Dor. in Synops. Baron. ad diem 28. Octobris. Magdeb. cent. 1. lib. 2. c. 2.   23. For the Preaching of the third Apostle, Simon Chananaeus, surnamed the Zealous, we have the Testimony of Nicephorus out of Greek Monuments, to whom agreeth Dorotheus a very ancient Writer; as also the Greek Martyrology, as testifieth Baronius in his Annotations upon the Roman Martyrology. And by this also we see, that albeit St. Peter had undertaken to preach to the West-part of the World, yet did other Apostles also help him therein; as St. Paul in Italy and Spain, and this Simon in Britanny and other places, and St. Philip in France, etc.  


Of Aristobulus 's being in Britanny.  
Mir. in theatro de conver. gentium, pag. 43. Dor. in Synops. Baron. ad diem 25 Martii. Rome 6.   24. Of Aristobulus also, St. Peter's Scholar, do testify in like manner the foresaid Authors, Mirmannus, Dorotheus, Baronius out of the Greek Martyrology, that he was sent by St. Peter into Britanny, and there made a Bishop. And that Aristobulus was a principal known Christian in Rome before St. Paul's arrival there, it appeareth by the Epistle of the said Apostle to the Romans, where he saluteth him in these words; Salute those that be of the house of Aristobulus: Nor is it read that ever this Aristobulus came back from Britanny to Italy again. And this of him.  

Of Joseph of Arimathea 's coming into Britanny.  25. Of Joseph of Arimathea his coming into France, and his sending thence into Great Britanny, either by St. Philip (as some say) who preached then in Gaul, or (as Others hold) by St. Peter himself, as he passed that way to and from Britanny; and how he obtained a place to exercise an Eremitical Life for him and his ten Companions in the Island called Avallonia, where Glastonbury after was builded: albeit I find no very certain or ancient Writer to affirm it, yet because our later Historiographers, for two hundred years past or more, do hold it have come down by Tradition, 
Jo. capg. in SS. Britan. Catal. Polid. Virg. in hist. Ang. li. 1. Cambd. in desc. Brit. pag. 162. Harpesf. in hist. Eccl. f. 3.  (and namely Johannes Capgravius, a Learned Man of the Order of St. Dominick, and others after him.) I do not mean to dispute the matter here, but rather to admire and praise the Heavenly Providence and Goodness of Almighty God, who in these very first days of his Gospel procured for so remote an Island so excellent Spiritual Fathers, Founders, and Patrons, both of contemplative and active Life in Christian Religion; the first Four which I have named being all Preachers, and this Fifth having come out of Jury unto Marsilia in France with St. Mary Magdalen and her Company, and seen her extraordinary Austerity of Contemplative Life, and Zeal of Solitude, and doing Penance therein; he began that kind of Life also in Britanny, as our Writers do testify, and namely Cambden among others doth observe. Solitariam vitam amplexi sunt, 
Cambd. in desc. Provin. Belg. Britann.  etc. ut severo vitae genere ad Crucem preferendam se exercerent. Joseph and his Company did take upon them a solitary life, that with more tranquillity they might attend to holy Learning, and with a severe kind of conversation exercise themselves to the bearing of Christ's Cross.  
26. And albeit John Fox (out of whom Sir Francis hath stolen all that he saith in this matter, and most of the rest that be Historical, tho' suppressing his Name) doth cavil upon this man's going into England; making him first a Preacher, and not an Eremite; and then saying, That he came not from Rome, but out of Jury and France, 

Fox's Cavillations refuted.  
Cypr. Ep. 45.   and consequently that the Church of Britanny is not the Daughter of the Church of Rome, nor had not her first Birth or Institution from thence; (and yet St. Cyprian glorieth in that his Church of Carthage in Africa, and all the other Churches under her in Mauritania and Numidia, had received their first Institution of Christian Faith from Rome, as from their Mother:) All the World may see that this is but a foolish and absurd Cavil of Fox; for that albeit St. Joseph came not immediately from Rome, nor was a Roman by Birth, (as none of the Apostles were;) yet he taught in England the Roman Faith, that is to say, the same Faith that St. Peter, and St. Paul, and Aristobulus, that came immediately from Rome, had taught before him, or did teach jointly with him in Britanny. Of which Roman Faith St. Paul had written to the Romans themselves before the going of St Joseph into Britanny: Fides vestra annuntiatur in universo mundo; 
Rom. 1.  Your Faith is preached and divulged throughout the whole World; signifying, That the Christian Faith planted in Rome by St. Peter, was derived already for a Platform into all other parts of the World round about. For which cause Tertullian writing in Africa, said, That the Authority of his Church came from Rome. 
Tert. l. de prescrip. cap. 36.  Vnde nobis quoque authorit as praesto est, saith he. And St. Cyprian (as before hath been noted) called the Roman Church, Matricem caeterarum omnium, the Mother and Original Church of all other Churches. And St. Innocentius also, 
Cyp. in Ep. 45.  whose Holiness St. Augustin so much admired, doth affirm, That all Churches generally of the West-parts of the World were founded by St. Peter and his Disciples. And St. Angustin himself had no better way to defend his Church of Hippo, and other of those Countries, to be truly Catholic against the Donatists, 
Aug. in Psal. contra part. Donat.  than to say, that they were Daughters and Children of the Church of Rome, though some of them were very near as far off in distance of place, as England at this day.  
27. Well then, by this we see that the shift invented to deliver us from all Obligation to the See of Rome for our two Conversions, under Eleutherius, 
Heretical wrangling turning to their own confusion.  and Gregory I. by saying that some had preached Christian Religion first in Britanny, before these two public Conversions fell out, is a foolish shift, and diminisheth not our said Obligation, but increaseth rather the same. For if this first Preaching and first Faith taught in England by our first Preachers, was the Roman Faith, and derived principally from the City and Church of Rome, by the Preaching of St. Peter and St. Paul, Aristobulus and others, as hath been declared; and if the very first Beams or Sparkles thereof, before any Preachers perhaps were sent, came by the access of some Roman Christians upon the Wars and other occasions, which before hath been declared; then all this rather multiplieth our Bonds to Rome, than diminisheth the same. And so instead of two Conversions from Rome, (whereof I spoke in my Ward-word) now we find three. And consequently a triple Obligation is come upon us for a double.  
28. And this shall suffice to the first Answer of Sir Francis, or rather simple shift, by which he would avoid our Obligation to Rome, persuading us that our first Preachers came not from thence, but from Asia, and the East Church. Of which Argument, though I have said more here than I meant to have done; yet for that Sir Francis, and all other Heretics of our time, for hatred to Rome, do seek certain Reasons, or rather foolish Conjectures, to prove the same, I shall be forced to say somewhat more thereof in the Chapter following.   

CHAP. II.  
An Answer to certain Cavillations, Lies, and Falsifications of Sir Francis, and his Masters, Fox and the Magdeburgians, about the first Preaching of Christian Religion in Britanny.  
ALbeit the fond heretical wrangling before rehearsed against Rome, deserveth not so large a Confutation as I have already bestowed thereon, especially in so clear a matter as are the manifold benefits which our Island hath received from the See of Rome; yet for that it seems to be a general Conspiracy of all Heretics of our time, as well Lutherans as Zwinglians, Calvinists and Puritans, to take from Rome (if they could) all the merit of bringing Christian Faith into our Country, I am forced in this place to stand longer upon the matter than otherwise I would, for that there followeth also another Consequence hereof, 

Iren. cont. haereses.  
Tert. de praescrip.  
Cyp. l. 4. c. 8. de unit. Eccles. A consequence of the ancient Fathers to be noted.   of no small moment, which St. Irenaeus, Tertullian, St. Cyprian, St. Augustin, and others, are wont to urge greatly against Heretics, to wit, That if our Church be the Daughter and Disciple of the Church of Rome, then ought it to run unto her in all doubts and difficulties of matters of Faith. Wherefore we shall briefly discuss the truth of this Affair.  
2. Besides the Proofs set down in the former Chapter how the chief of our first Preachers came from Rome immediately, as St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. Aristobulus; and that the other, as St. Simon of Chananae, and St. Joseph of Arimathea, if they did not come from Rome, yet preached the Roman Faith conform to the Preachings of St. Peter and St. Paul: there remain two other Conjectures also very probable to the same effect, to prove that St. Joseph was specially directed into Britanny by the same Apostles. The first is, for that King Inas above 900 years past, when he laid the Foundation of Glastonbury-Abby in memory of St. Joseph and his Fellows that had lived a solitary Life there, he caused these Verses to be written in the Church, as Cambden and others testify, 

Guil. Cambd. in desc. Brit. de provin. Belg. An. Dom. 690.  Anglia plande lubens, mittit tibi Roma salutem:  
Fulgor Apostolicus Glasconiam irradiat.  Be glad, England, for that Rome sendeth Health to thee, and Apostolical Brightness doth lighten Glastonbury. Which could not well be spoken, if the coming of these Saints and first Inhabiters there, had not some relation to Rome, and to the Apostles that sent them.  

B. Rheu. l. 3. rerum German. sub Hello. Pant. de viris Germ. part 3. Stumpf. chron. Helvet. l. 7. c. 22.  3. Moreover I find in the ancient Chronicles of the Helvetians, and sundry Authors (as B. Rhenanus in his Story of Germany, yea and Pantaleon an Heretic, and others) do testify, That one Suetonius, a Nobleman's Son of Britanny, being converted in Britanny by such Christians as first planted the Faith there, and called (after his Baptism) Beatus, was sent by them to Rome to St. Peter Apostolorum Corypheo (as the Story saith) that is, 
Eyseng. cent. 2. part 5. dist. 2. The story of St. Beatus a Britain, Scholar to St. Peter.  to the chief Head of the Apostles, to be better instructed and confirmed; who returning backward again from Rome towards Britanny through Switzerland, found such flocking of People unto him, and such propension to Christian Religion, as he stayed continually among them, and built himself an Oratory to exercise a Monastical Life there, near unto a Town called in their Language Vndersewen, not far from the Lake of Than, where he died about the year of Christ 110. 
An Dom. 110.  And for that this man applied himself to a Monastical Life, and brought the same purpose with him out of Britanny, (as it seemeth,) the conjecture is not improbable, but that he was converted and sent to Rome to St. Peter by St. Joseph and his Fellows that followed the same Life in Britanny, and that they had particular correspondence with the said Apostle in that behalf.  
4. And thus much being added for confirmation of that which was said and discussed in the former Chapter about the first Preaching and Receiving of the Faith in Britanny; there remaineth now, 
Whether the first Preachers in Britanny were of the East Church, or West,  that we see the Objections which Sir Francis and his Men and Masters do bring against this, to prove that the first Teachers of Christian Faith in Britanny were rather Grecians, and of the East Church in Asia, than of the West Roman Church: For which Assertion having no Author at all that ever wrote thereof, nor any man living or dead that hitherto ever affirmed it, beside themselves, or before Luther's days; they are forced to build their whole imagination (I mean Sir Francis, and his Master Sir John Fox, and Fox his Masters again Illyricus Vigandus Judex, and Faber, that make the Quadrillio, or Round-Table of the Magdeburgtans in Saxony) upon this bare Conjecture, and fond Inference, That for so much as in Bede's time some in Britanny observed the day of Easter after the fashion of some East Churches, (for all did not so use it,) therefore it was like that the first Preachers of that Island came not from Rome, 
The foolish Inference of Heretical Cavillers.  (which these men cannot abide to hear) but from the East; as though (forsooth) this abuse might not have entered after those first Preachers, though they had come from Rome. But let us hear their words about this matter.  
5. First, Sir Francis writeth thus: Bede our Countryman doth testify, 
Wastw. p. 192.  that in his time this Land kept Easter after the manner of the East Church, by which may be gathered, that the first Preachers came hither from the East-parts of the World, and not from Rome. Mark, I pray you, the Knight's good gathering: Might not a man as well argue thus; That divers Relics of the Pelagian, or other ancient Heresies, were found in some parts of Britanny in Bede's time; Ergo, The first Preachers in Britanny were Pelagians, or other Heretics? But let us hear John Fox, who taught Sir Francis this Argument, though the other were not so grateful a Scholar as to name him. I take (saith he) the Testimony of Bede, 
Fox pag. 95. Col. 2. nu. 78.  where he affirmeth, that in his time, and almost a thousand years after Christ here in Britanny Easter was kept after the manner of the East Church, in the Full of the Moon, what day of the Week soever it fell on, and not on the Sunday, as we do now; whereby it is to be collected, that the first Preachers in this Land have come out from the East-part of the World, where it was so used, rather than from Rome.  
6. Here you see the Argument more fully set down, and the same foolish Collection made that was before. For except it could be proved that this Error of keeping Easter-day with the Jews had begun and endured in Britanny from the Apostles time downward, (which cannot be showed, but rather the contrary is certain, as after you shall hear) this Collection is not worth a rush. And it is to be noted by the way, that as Fox cannot tell any Tale lightly without some notorious Lie, so here be two very manifest: The first, 
Bed. l. 2. Eccl. hist. c. 4, 19 & l. 3. c. 25.  that St. Bede affirmeth this Custom of keeping Easter with the Jews to have been here in Britanny in his time, as though all Britanny had used it; whereas in divers places he doth attribute the same to the Scots, that dwelled in the Island of Ireland principally, as also to some of them that dwelled in Britanny, and to some Britan's themselves, 
Two Lies of Fox.  but all the English Church was free from it: So as John Fox his Speech of Britanny in general is both false and fraudulent. But the other clause, That St. Bede testifieth this, for almost 1000 years after Christ, is foolish and impudent, seeing it is notorious that St. Bede died in the year 735, which is almost 300 years short of Fox his Account, and consequently could not testify a thing so long after his death. But this the Reynard juggleth, to make St. Bede seem to be a late Writer; whom they cannot abide, for that he setteth down the Beginning and Progress of our Church far different from theirs.  
7. But I think good to put down also the words of the Magdeburgians about this matter, 
The Magdeburgians Sentence about the Conversion of Britanny. Magd. cent. 2. c. 2. p. 9  (out of whom Fox took his Argument, and the Knight of the Fox) to the end it may appear how one Heretic teacheth another (though of different Sects) to cavil, lie, and cog, and do agree all in one Spirit of Malignity, though they differ in Opinions. Thus than these Captain- Lutherans do write of this matter in their famous lying and deceitful Centurial Story: Quis fuerit, qui primùm in Britannia Evangelium docuer it, etc. Who was the first that taught the Gospel in Britanny, is not clear; the thing that seemeth nearest to the Truth is, that the British Church was planted at the beginning by Grecian Teachers, and such as came from the East, and not by Romans, or other of the West-Church. And to this we are moved by two Conjectures: First, That Peter Abbot of Cluniack writing to St. Bernard, saith, That the 
Scotos Graeco more suo tempore solitos olim Pascha celebrare, non Romano.  Scots in his time were wont in old time to celebrate Easter-day after the manner of the Grecians, and not of the Romans: And secondly, for that Geoffrey the Cardinal, who lived about the year of Christ 700, doth testify in his Story of Britanny, lib. 8. cap. 4. That the Britan's would in no wise admit the younger Augustin, Legat of Gregory the Great, neither acknowledge any Primacy of the Bishop of Rome over them; which is another clear sign that Religion was not planted there by Romans. And albeit Pope Innocentius I. in his Epistle distinctione 12. doth affirm on the contrary side, that all the Occidental Churches, and those of Africa, were founded by Peter, or by his Disciples or Successors; yet we judge that to have been spoken by him rather of desire of a little Vainglory, or of Temporal Power, than for that the Truth is so, or may be proved out of Stories.  
8. Thus our Magdeburgenses, whose words I have caused to be noted more at length, by that they require some consideration; and that by these sew, the Reader may judge of the quality of that whole huge lying story of theirs, which our Fox hath followed in his Acts and Monuments, with above 10000 false Additions of his own; and I speak far within number, when I say 10000 But let us return to our present Story.  

The examination of the Magdeburgians false dealing about the conversion of Britanny.  9 First whereas they say, That to them it seemeth nearest to the Truth, That Grecians and other of the East-Church, and not of the West-Church, were the first Preachers in Britanny; it must either be very imprudently spoken against their own Conscience, if they have read that which I before have set down out of divers Authors, (they having no one Author in the World of their own side that ever wrote so, or signified so, before themselves;) or if they have not read these Authors alleged, than it is great Presumption in them to take upon them to write so Universal an History of all Matters, Times, and Nations, as they profess, without procuring first to read the ancient Authors and Writers thereof, about common and vulgar things at least. But hatred and malice to Rome doth make them blind, and so rather to run into all kind of Absurdities, than to yield any Praise or commendable thing to Rome, or to the Bishops thereof. But let us go forward to examine more particulars, for there are store in this little Story or Relation about Britanny.  
10. Their first Conjecture or Argument why Britanny was converted by Grecians and not by Romans, is, as you have heard, for that Petrus Cluniacensis writeth, Scotos Graeco more suo tempore, solitos olim Pascha celebrare; That the Scots in his time were accustomed in old time to celebrate Easter day after the manner of the Grecians. What sense hath this? The Scots in His Time did celebrate in Old Time. What sense, I say, or construction can this have? I confess that some Scots of old time, (especially in Ireland and Orcades, as divers Britan's also) did hold the Asian Custom of celebrating the Easter together with the Jews. 
Bed. hist. Ang. l. 2. c. 4, 19 & l. 3. c. 3, 25.  And this needed not to be proved by so late an Author as Cluniacensis, for that St. Bede 300 years before Petrus Cluniacensis doth testify the same in divers places of his Works. Albeit how the Scots in Cluniacensis his time did (as these men say) celebrate in old time Easter with the Grecians, (the Greek Church at that time being not different in this point from the Roman, though some in Asia minor were) this cannot be understood by any reasonable man. And it may be it was written after Dinner by these good Germans, when they had drunk hard, and so I leave it to their own Explication; though in what sense soever they speak it, or it may be understood, a most fond Conjecture it is for that which they pretend, (as we have showed) to wit, that the first Preachers of Britanny came from the East.  
11. About the second Conjecture upon the words of Geoffrey of Monmouth, 
About Geoffrey of Monmouth made Bishop● An. 1152.  whom they call Geoffrey the Cardinal, there are as many more unlearned and malicious Escapes to be noted. For first, he was never Cardinal in his life, as all our Histories do make it plain; but first a Monk, than Archdeacon of Monmouth, then preferred by King Stephen to the Bishopric of St. Asaph in North-Wales in the year of Christ 1152, as both Matthew Paris and Matthew of Westminster do affirm in their several Histories handling that year. Neither did any man to our knowledge ever call him Cardinal, but only a certain Venetian Schoolmaster named Ponticus Virunnius, who living almost a hundred years agone, 
Vide Praef. in lib. rerum Brit. Gaufredi, etc. Heidelberg. impress. 1587.  translated some part of this Geffry's British History, or rather contracted the same into an Epitome, for the pleasure of a certain Noble Family in Venice, who in old time had come out of Britanny. And this man, either of Error, or Flattery to that Family, or both, calleth him Cardinal forsooth, against the clear Testimony of all others that lived with him; as soon after his Death did the foresaid Matthew Paris and Guil. Neobrigensis, long before this other late Venetian Schoolmaster.  
12. And of this our Magdeburgians could not be ignorant, though they would needs make Geoffrey of Monmouth a Cardinal also; for that in some things he showeth himself to favour the old Britan's against St. Augustin that came from Rome. Neither could they be ignorant also of the time wherein Geoffrey lived, (except they will confess themselves to be very unskilful and gross Companions indeed) seeing so many Authors do testify the same, to wit, in the year of Christ 1152, in which year he was made Bishop of St. Asaph, and lived divers years after. So as our Germane Heretics appointing him, for his more credit, to have lived in the year of Christ 700, do add of their own benevolence to his Antiquity 450 years, which is somewhat more than Fox took from St. Bede a little before, to discredit him, and make him seem a young Author. 
Notable Falsification of Fox and Magdeburgians in corrupting of Times.  And these Confederates do proceed so ridiculously in this kind of Cozenage, as the one affirming St. Bede to have lived 1000 years after Christ, and the other that Geoffrey of Monmouth lived 700, they come between them both to make the said Geoffrey to be 300 years elder than St. Bede, whereas he was indeed 450 years younger, the difference is in all 750 years. And this is not of Error, as hath been showed, and is most plain, but of Envy, desiring to prefer Geoffrey, that seemeth to favour them sometimes in his Narrations about St. Augustin, and to put back St. Bede, that is every where and wholly against them. And if you find this juggling in so small and short a matter as this is; imagine what passeth in their whole Volumes: I mean both of Fox and the Magdeburgians, as before I have noted. And thus much of the Title and Time of Geoffrey of Monmouth: Now let us come to his Words and Assertions.  
13. First, in his sixth Book and fourth Chapter quoted by our Magdeburgians, there is no such matter handled at all as they mention, concerning the Strife between the Britan's and St. Augustin; nor in the next two Books following, nor in all the four Chapters of any of the rest. But in the eleventh Book and seventh Chapter, talking of the coming of the foresaid Augustin into England, he writeth thus:  

Galfr. Monumetens lib. 11. cap. 7.  Intereà missus est Augustinus à beato Gregorio, etc. In the mean space was sent into Britanny Augustin by Blessed Gregory, to preach to Englishmen the Word of God, who were yet blind in Pagan Superstition, etc. Though among the Britan's that Christianity was yet in force, which being received from the time of Eleutherius the Pope, had never failed until that day, etc. Among whom there was an Abbot of Bangor named Dinoot, that had above 2000 Monks under his charge, who answered to Augustin, when he required Subjection of the British Bishops, and that they would join with him to convert the English Nation, That the Britan's owed no Subjection unto him, nor would bestow the labour of Preaching upon their Enemies, seeing the Britan's had an Archbishop of their own, and that the Saxons took from them their Country; for which cause they hated them extremely, nor did not esteem their Religion, nor would communicate with them, more than with Dogs.  
14. Lo here all that is to be found in Geoffrey of Monmouth to this purpose; which is nothing else, as you see, but a passionate and choleric Answer of the Britan's, as of men afflicted and exasperated. Here is no one word of their not acknowledging the Pope's Supremacy, (as the Magdeburgians write) but only that they acknowledged not the Superiority of Augustin over the Britan's, seeing he was only sent to the English; and that the Authority of their own Archbishop was not taken away by his coming, for any thing they yet knew, but remained as before. Which question of Jurisdiction between two Archbishops falleth out daily, even where the Pope's Authority is acknowledged; and so we see that it is a manifest Lie, 
An absurd kind of reasoning of the Magdeburgians.  which the Magdeburgians affirm so resolutely, That the Britan's would not acknowledge any Primacy of the Bishop of Rome over them: For they speak (as you see) of Augustin's Authority, and not of the Bishop of Rome, from whom we read not that he had yet showed to them any Authority to place him over their Archbishop; and consequently it is a vain and malicious Inference which the Magdeburgians here do make out of this Answer of the Britan's, (if it had been true) that forasmuch as they admitted not St. Augustin's Authority, they acknowledged not the Primacy of Rome, and that this again was a clear sign that Religion was not planted in Britanny by the Romans.  
15. For how clear is this, I pray you? or how hangeth this together? might not this Error of not acknowledging the Power of the Roman See, (if it had been among them) have crept in after the first planting of Christian Faith? Will these Germans, or Sir Francis or Fox their Scholars, deny that Ravennae in Italy (for Example) was converted by St. Apollinaris sent thither from St. Peter, 
Petrus Chrys. Serm. de S. Apollinari. Et Petrus Damian. de eodem, Mombr. tom. 2. Vide Sur. 23. Julii.  for that afterwards the Bishops of that place for many years waxing proud and presumptuous upon the presence and Court of the Exarches and Vice-Roys of the Emperor's residing amongst them, did refuse to yield to the Bishops of Rome? Or for that England at this day, by Error of Protestant Religion, refuseth to acknowledge any Subjection in Spiritual Affairs to Rome, will our men deny that the English Nation was ever converted to Christian Faith from Rome? Who seeth not the impertinency of this kind of Argument? And yet with suchlike kind of Arguments and Inferences, these absurd People do deceive the World.  
16. But the last point of these Germans Assertion about Pope Innocentius I. is a most egregious Impudence to say of so holy a Father, so highly commended by St. Augustin, and other Fathers that lived with him and after him, 
Centuriatores Magdburg. Flaccus juyric. Jo. Vigand. Matt. Judex. Basilius Faber.  That he spoke of Vainglory, and desire of Temporal Power, when he wrote above 1200 years agone, That all the West-Churches (and the British amongst the rest) were founded by St. Peter, or his Disciples and Successors. And let any indifferent or prudent Reader in the World consider of what weight these words of the Germans may be, when having said That albeit Innocentius I. wrote so, yet we judge that to have been spoken of Vainglory, etc. A proud Censure of so great a man by three or four poor Companions, that wrote Books for their Bread, and begged the same commonly of every Prince to whom they dedicated their several Centuries! That so contemptible People (I say) should presume to touch the Honour and Truth of so great and worthy a Saint and Father as was holy Innocentius, so called commonly by St. Augustin, St Hierom, St. Basil, Orosius, and others; 
Aug. tom. 1 p. 36. & Ep. 91. ad Conc. Carth. Hier. ep. ad Demet. Basil. ep. ad innocent. Orosius in hist. lib. 2.  and whom all the rest of the World together with these men admired and respected in his Life for such. Sancti Innocentii (saith St. Hierom to the Virgin Demetriades) qui Apostolicae Cathedrae, & beatae memoriae Anastasii successor & filius est tene as fidem, nec pergrinam, quamvis prudens callidáque videaris, doctrinam recipias. Hold the Faith of holy Innocentius, which is the Successor and Son (in the Seat of St. Peter's Chair) of Anastasius of blessed Memory, that went before him; and do not admit any new or foreign Doctrine, though thou mayst seem perhaps wise and subtle to thyself.  
17. Thus wrote St. Hierom, which is another manner of Judgement of Innocentius, both for his Holiness of Life, and Authority of Place to direct men in Religion, than the Magdeburgians give, who would make him Vainglorious. But thus they use all ancient Fathers that are against them. And so much for this Chapter.   

CHAP. III.  
The former Controversy is more particularly handled, how the Grecian Custom of celebrating Easter-day after the Fashion of the Jews came first into the British and Scottish Church; and how untruly and wickedly John Fox and John Bale do behave themselves about this matter.  
BUT now let us return (if you please) to speak a word or two more of the entrance of the foresaid Custom of celebrating Easter with the Jews into Britanny; to wit, how, and about what time, or upon what occasion, 
That the custom of celebrating Easter with the Jews came not in with the first Preachers.  it is probable that it entered. Wherein first it seemeth most certain, that it could not be brought in by the first Preachers of Christian Religion, to John Fox and Sir Francis and the Magdeburgians would have men believe. And this is proved as well by the Reasons and Authorities alleged 
* Sup. c. 1.  before, to show that the first Preachers in Britanny either came from Rome, or preached Roman Doctrine; as also by the Reasons following.  
First, for that if Damianus, and other Preachers sent into Britanny by Pope Reason I Eleutherius, to instruct King Lucius and the rest in Christian Faith, about the year 180, had found any such Custom there, contrary to the Roman Use from whence they were sent, they would have removed the same, or at least wise have made some mention thereof; forsomuch as at that time the contrary Custom of celebrating Easter upon the Sunday was public in the Use of the Roman Church; and Pope Pius I. had made a Decree for confirming the same against the Asian Use about 40 years before their going into Britanny, to wit, in the year 144, as 
* 
Euseb. in chron. an. 144. Bed. l. 2. c. 2.4. & 19  
Item l. 3. c. 25.   Eusebius testifieth.  
Reason TWO 3. Secondly, St. Bede declaring in many places of his Works the Contention that was in Britanny about this Point, as well between St. Augustin and the British Bishops, as between St. Laurentius and others his Successors with the Irish and Scottish Nation; he showeth in his second Book what Letters Honorius the Pope, about the year of Christ 635, as also Pope John IU. some few years after, 
Bed. l. 2. hist. cap. 19  wrote to the said Nations about this Error, Pro eodem errore corrigendo (satth St. Bede) literas eis magna Auctoritate atque Eruditione plenas direxit. The Pope wrote them Letters full of Authority and Learning for the correcting this Error. And then Beda addeth further, That Pope John in the beginning of his Epistle declared manifestly, that this Heresy was sprung up among them very lately, nuperrimè temporibus istis exortam esse haeresim hanc, that this Heresy was sprung up very lately in those days. And that not the whole Irish and Scottish Nations, but some of them only, were infected therewith, so as this was never universally received among them, nor begun by Antiquity.  
Reason III 4. The third Reason is, for that St. German and his Fellows going twice into Britanny almost 200 years before this time mentioned, to resist the Pelagian Heresy, never made mention of this other Heresy of Quartadecimani, or of Paschatitae, (for so they were called, as after shall be showed;) which yet was condemned for an Heresy more than 200 years before that again, to wit, under Pope Victor, as hath been said, and so held in all Ages after, especially after the Council of Nice had reproved the same, and allowed of the Roman Catholic Use; as not only St. Beda, 
Bed. l. 3. c. 19  in the place before alleged out of the words of St. Wilfrid, doth testify, 
Euseb. l. 3. de vit. Constant. cap. 17, & 18.  but the same also appeareth by the Emperor Constantine's own Letters registered by Eusebius in his Life. All which being so, it is more than probable that St. German would have said or written somewhat of so great a Controversy, if he had found the contrary Use in practice among the Britan's in his days.  
Reason IV 5. A fourth Reason may be the Testimony of Florentinus Vigorniensis, who writeth in the year 628 of his Chronicle, 
Flor. Vigorn. in Chron. an. 628.  Eo tempore errorem Quartadecimanorum in observatione Paschatis apud Scotos exortum, Honorius Papa redarguit, etc. At that time, Honorius the Pope did reprove the Error of the Quartadecimen in celebrating Easter, sprung up among the Scottish-men. Thus wrote he upon the point of 500 years past, whereby it is evident that he held not this Custom to have come into Britanny with the first Preachers of Christianity.  
Reason V 
A Council in England about celebrating of Easter-day. Bed. l. 3. hist. c. 25.  6. Finally, it appeareth by St. Bede, That a Synod or Council was gathered of purpose in Northumberland about this matter, in time of our English Primitive Church, in the year of Christ 664, and the 22d of the Reign of King Oswyn, who was there present, with King Egfride his Son. The chief Disputers in this Council on the Scots behalf, for the Eastern Custom, was one Colman, an Abbot first, and after Bishop of Lindisferne, together with Bishop Cedda, and some others. But in defence of the Roman Use were Agilbertus Bishop of the Westsaxons, and Wilfride an Abbot of Northumberland, afterward Archbishop of all the Kingdom of Northumber's, Vir doctissimus, etc. a most Learned Man (as St. Bede calleth him) who had studied both in Italy and France, etc.  
7. The Question was handled about the Antiquity (as hath been said) of both Uses and Customs, 
A Synod and Disputation about the Controversy of celebrating Easter in Engl.  but especially of that of the East among the Scots and British. And albeit that B. Colman did allege the Tradition of Asia. from St. John the Evangelist downward, as also the Writing of one Anatolius a Learned Asian Bishop, that had written thereof almost 200 years before; yet for the Antiquity thereof among the Scots and British Nation, he alleged no greater Continuance than from the Abbot Columba, who lived not full 70 years before that day; for that he died (as John Bale testifieth) in the year of Christ 598. 
Bed. l. 3. c. 25.  Nunquid Reverendissimum Patrem nostrum Columbam (saith B. Colman) & Successores ejus viros Deo dilectos, qui eodem modo Pascha fecerunt, divinis Paginis contraria sapuisse vel egisse credendum est? Shall we think that our most Reverend Father Columba and his Successors, being men so beloved of God as they were, did understand or do contrary to holy Scriptures in celebrating Easter as we do now? etc.  
8. Whereunto St. Wilfrid answered both learnedly and piously, That this Error might be tolerable in them that lived so distant from the See-Apostolic, 
The Answer of St. Wilfrid for the Roman Use.  in a Corner of the World, so long as it was held without Obstinacy; they being perhaps pious men, that at the beginning brought it in from the East-parts, and continued the same upon simplicity, delighted with the facility thereof, and not understanding so easily the Catholic Roman Calculation, which had many great difficulties, as after shall appear. Simplicitate rustica, saith he, said intention pia, etc. ad quos Catholicus Calculator non advenerat: By a rude kind of simplicity, but Godly intention, they erred, etc. no learned Catholic Calculator of Times and Days having yet come to them. Of which point of Calculation we shall speak somewhat more presently after.  
9 But yet here now we see by this Disputation and Conference of that Synod, That B. Colman himself did not ascribe the beginning of this Custom unto the first Preachers of Ireland and Scotland, 
Marian. Scot in Chron. an. 430, & 432. Prosp. in chron. eod. an. Bed. l. 2. c. 19  nor yet unto St. Palladius nor Patritius their known Apostles, that 200 years before that time were sent by Pope Celestinus to convert both Nations in the year 430 and 432, as all Authors do agree. And consequently it is most probable to be true, that which Pope John IV. beforenamed writeth unto Thomianus, Chromanus, and other Scottish Bishops, and to their whole Clergy, That this Custom of celebrating Easter upon the Full Moon of March, was begun but of late among them, (I mean among the Scots dwelling in Ireland, and in the Islands near about, for that of them principally St. Bede professeth himself to speak.) And thereby insinuateth, that by them also the same was imparted with the Picts and Britan's and other Scots that lived in the Isle of Britanny. And by this the Reader may see, how good an Argument it is which the Magdeburgians and John Fox do use and urge so much; to wit, That forsomuch as this Greek or Asian Custom of celebrating Easter with the Jews was found among the Scots and some Britan's, in St. Bede's time and afterward: Ergo, It is likely that the first Preachers of Britanny came not from Rome, neither were of the Roman Religion, but rather of the East-parts; of which Sequel I have showed the Absurdity before in the precedent Chapter.  
10. But now perhaps you will ask me, How and when it is probable that this Custom came in among the Britan's? Whereunto I answer, First, 
When & how the Eastern Custom came in among the Britan's.  for the Britan's, that some are of opinion it was brought into Britanny itself by Pelagius the Heretic, or some of his Followers, about the year of Christ 420, who being a Britain born, and a Monk (as some think) of the famous Monastery of Bangor, traveled into Italy first, and then into Sicilia, Egypt, and other East-parts of the World, to learn and study, as he professed; and by that profession of Hypocrisy he crept into many Learned and Godly men's special Love and Friendship: and above others he entered with St. Paulinus Bishop of Nola, and by him with St. Augustin. 
Aug. Ep. 105. & de dono persever. l. 2. c. 20.  But afterward being discovered by St. Hierom to have taught Heresies in secret, together with his Fellow and Disciple Celestius, (who by the description made of him by St. Hierom may seem to have been a Scottish-man, 
Hierom. praef. in l. in Ezech.  for he saith, Habet enim progeniem Scoticae gentis de Britannorum vicinia, for he hath his Offspring from the Scottish Nation near to the Britan's;) wherefore these two men being now discovered to be Heretics, and condemned by Innocentius I. and by divers Synods, are said for very shame to have retired into Britanny, and being deadly Enemies to the Pope and Church of Rome, that had condemned them, and considering that the Eastern Custom of celebrating Easter was opposite to the same Church, and yet defended by many; it is thought probable enough that they might bring in the same. 
Herm. Contr. an. 430. chron.  Wherewith doth seem to concur somewhat the words of Hermannus Contractus a Chronicler, that wrote above 500 years ago; who writing of the year of Christ 630, saith, His temporibus Haeresis de Paschate, & Pelagiana, Britanniam turbat; In these days the Heresy about the celebrating of Easter, and the Pelagian, did much trouble Britanny. By which words it seemeth that he would signify that these two Heresies grew to be all one in England, and consequently like to be brought in by the selt-same men.  
11. But yet, all this notwithstanding, it seemeth much more probable, according to St. Bede's History, and the Reason's before-alleged, that this Use of Easter came not in with Pelagius, but long after; for that St. German, and St. Lupus, and others, made no mention thereof; but especially for that the Writings of the Pope's Honorius and John IV. to the Scottish Nation and Bishop's beforementioned, say, That this Custom of Easter was newly sprung up in their days: It seemeth more probable (I say) that this Custom was imparted to the Britan's by the said Scottish Nation, and namely by those that dwelled (as hath been said) in Ireland, or in the Islands of Hebrides. But how they themselves got it, is not so certain; yet the most probable seemeth, that either some of them travelling into the East-Countries, or others of those East-Countries coming to them, brought the Observation thereof: For albeit ever after that the same was condemned by Pope Victor, and the Truth established by the Council of Nice, 
Constant. Epist. ad Episcopos apud Euseb. l. 3. c. 18. de vita ejus.  the whole Western Church, yea also (as Constantine saith) the far greater part of all East, held the Roman Use; yet was not the contrary so extinguished, but that divers Churches of Asia minor, did hold and practise the same for a long time; especially certain Heretics, as the Novatians, Montanists, Priscillianists, Sabbatians, and others that seemed of the Devouter sort, and therewith deceived many simple people, pretending that this Use was more pious than the other, 
Exod. 12. Levit. 23.5. Numb. 9.11, etc. 28. Deut. 16.5. Mat. 26. Marc. 14. Luc. 22.  as being founded in the express words of Scriptures of the Old Testament, and confirmed by the Example of Christ himself, who made his Easter together with the Jews upon the fourteenth day of the Moon of March, as appear by the Evangelists.  
12. For these (I say) and other like reason, it seemeth (according to St. Bede) that the simple and rude Irish and Scottish Christians (as there he called them) falling upon the Use of this Custom, did like better of it than of the Roman, which required more exact Calculation and Observation of Times and Days, as before hath been touched, 
Niceph. hist. Eccl. l. 4. c. 36. & l. 5. c. 20.  and as appeareth by that which Nicephorus writeth, that the old Calculation of Easter according to the Roman Use (to wit, that it should be upon the first Sunday after the Full Moon of March) was so hard to be observed oftentimes, as some learned men of Egypt were appointed in Alexandria to calculate every year the same beforehand, & that the Patriarch of that Church had care to send it abroad to other parts of the World for their Instruction and direction therein; which Office of calculating Easter-day was exercised for divers years in Alexandria by one Theophilus a Priest of that Church; who afterward coming to be Patriach, wrote divers Paschal Epistles in Greek for direction of finding out the true day of Easter; which Epistles were translated by St. Hierom in the year of Christ 404. 
Hier. in ep. 31. ad Theoph. Epist. 64. ad Martian.  And after the said Theophilus made a Cyclus, or Calculation to serve for 100 years together, as appear by St. Leo the Pope in his Epistle to the Emperor Martian. All which Observations and Directions being hard for men so far distant (as Ireland and Scotland was from Alexandria) to know and keep, it is like that they followed rather the other, which was more plain and easy.  
13. And this is insinuated before by St. Bede, when he saith that St. Wilfrid objected to B. Colman, that his Ancestors observed this Rustica simplicitate, 
Lib. 3. c. 25.  by a kind of rude simplicity; and added further, that no learned Calculator of Times had ever arrived unto them. 
Reasons of difficulties in the Roman Account.  And if any man will know the Reasons of the difficulties that were in this Ecclesiastical Roman Account or Computation for celebrating Easter upon the first Sunday after the fourteenth day of the Moon of March, let him read the foresaid Paschal Epistles of Theophilus, as also the learned Discourse of Anatolius Bishop of Laodicea written about forty years before the Council of Nice, 

Euseb. l. 7. hist. cap. 29.  
Aug. l. 2. ad quaest. Jan. c. 1, 2.   part whereof is set down by Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History. St. Augustin also, in his Answers to the Questions of Januarius, showing the reasons why the Church of Christ would not have the Feast of Easter to be stable and firm, as that of his Nativity, Circumcision, and some other Feasts are, but rather to follow the motion of the Sun and Moon, for divers Mysteries therein contained; doth touch divers points of the foresaid difficulties. But the principal grounds that make the matter hard to the common sort, are, first, the inequality between Annus Solaris, and Annus Lunaris, that is to say, the Year according to the course of the Sun, and according to the course of the Moon; the Church using the second, and not the first. And the difference between them standing in the odds of eleven days, for equalling whereof serveth the Rule of the Epact answerable to the Cycle of the Golden Number, 
The Use of Epact, Golden Number, and Cycle of Dominical Letters for observing Easter day.  consisting of 19 years' Revolution, for observing the beginnings and Full Moons that fall out in every year, seeing that Easter-day must be kept upon the first Sunday after the first Full Moon in March, as hath been said. And furthermore, forasmuch as this fourteenth day of the Moon must be that which falleth upon the very day of the Spring Equinoctial, or immediately followeth the same, (which Equinoctium was observed by the Council of Nice to be in those days upon the 21st of March, though since that time it fell back by little and little to the 11th day, for correction whereof Pope Gregory XIII. was forced to make his Reformation from the year 1582, by detracting ten days, as all men know: For this (I say) and for that if the fourteenth day of the Moon of March should happen to be Sunday, the celebration of Easter must, by the same ancient 
* Euseb. lib. 5. Ecc. hist. c. 23. S. Amb. ep. ad Episcopos per. Aemiliam constitutos, and St. Bede l. de ratione temp. c. 57  Father's Prescription, be transferred to the next Sunday. For observing of these Points, the Cycle also of the Sun, or Circle of Dominical Letters, containing the Revolution of 28 years, was invented, as necessary for this Observation. I might add much more to this effect; but this is sufficient to show the grounds of many difficulties, as also (returning home to our Affair in hand) to show the beginning of the Eastern Custom among the Scots, Picts, and Britan's, not to be of that Antiquity which John Fox and his Fellows would pretend.  
14. But now, besides this, 
Where also they do yield the reasons of this Ordination.  we may not omit another point of more consideration for the Reader's Utility, which is the small Piety or Religion of these Sectaries of our days; who care not what they grant, deny, or say, so they say somewhat against Rome, her Bishops, or Religion, even in the first Ages, or Primitive Church: For to this end, and with this good mine, you shall see them here prefer in effect the foresaid Eastern Custom of celebrating Easter used by the Britan's and Scots, before the Catholic Custom of Rome; albeit they well know how many Ages agone it hath been condemned not only for Error, but also for Heresy; 
The Sectaries of our time allow of the celebrating Easter with the Jews.  yea tho' themselves do practise the contrary Custom at this day in England and Germany. For that this is also a knack of these good men, to speak one thing for advantage, and practise another. As for Example when the Question is about all those Books of the Old and New Testament which by Luther and Lutherans are rejected from the Canon of Canonical Scriptures, as Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Hester, Macchabees, St. James Epistle, the Apocalypse, and other like: When we reprehend the Lutherans for this point, our Protestants of England take their parts, and defend them stoutly, as we see by the Writings of Fulk, 
Camp. in ration. reddit. cap. 1.  Chark, Whitaker, and others, against F. Campian, that objected the same to Luther and his Followers; and yet on the other side they set the same Books forth in their English Bibles, as Books of the Scriptures. What dealing, I pray you, is this? For either they be Scriptures, and consequently of Infallible Truth, or no. If the first, then why do you defend the Lutherans, that call them in doubt? If the second, why do you set them forth to the people among Scriptures?  

Luther 's Opinion of Easter. Lib. de Concil.  15. The like Example may be taken from Martin Luther, who in his Book de Conciliis doth persuade the Germane Princes to observe Easter-day as an immovable Feast, whensoever it falleth out, without expecting Sunday, as the Roman Church doth; 
Gal. 4.  which point he saith is contrary to the Apostle, forbidding us to observe Days, Months, and Years. And yet I do not hear but that He, and other Lutherans to this day, do observe the Roman Use in practice of their Church concerning this point.  
And the very same may be noted here of our English Calvinists; who tho' in Practice of the English Church do observe the same Roman Custom, as all men do know, yet in their Writings they are content to impugn the same, as a matter coming from Rome; which you may see notoriously performed by John Bale, 
John Bale defendeth the Jewish keeping of Easter. lib. 3. c. 25.  a chief gospeler in King Henry VIII. and King Edward's days, who treating of the former Disputation between Colman the Scottish Bishop and St. Wilfrid the English Abbot, in the foresaid Council of Northumberland related by St. Bede, praiseth highly the first, to wit Colman, together with his Learning and Piety in defending the Jewish Custom; but scoffeth very contemptously and spitefully at the second, that propugned the Catholic Roman Use, notwithstanding that St. Bede (as before you have heard) calleth St. Wilfrid Virum doctissimum, a most learned man, and other ways also for his Holiness extolleth him exceedingly, affirming among other points, That for his rare Learning and great Virtue he was made Archbishop of all the Kingdom of Northumberland, divided after him into two Bishoprics, York and Lindisferne; and when afterward (as to the best men happeneth) he was persecuted and driven out by violence of King Egfrid from his said Archbishopric, 
Bed. l. 3. c. 25. & l. 4. c. 3.14. An. Dom. 677, 678.  he went and preached to the South-Saxons, and converted all that Kingdom, together with the Isle of Wight, working many Miracles in like manner among them; whereby he is truly called, the Apostle of Sussex.  
16. Thus writeth Bede of St. Wilfrid Apostle of the South-Saxons, who vanquished also in the former Disputations B. Colman, and converted thereby King Oswyn from his former Rite of observing Easter with the Jews, (which he had learned during his Education in Scotland) to follow the Roman Use. But what (think you) saith John Bale thereof? You shall hear in his own words: Stulté respondit Wilfridus, 
Bal. cent. 1. script. Brit.  (saith he) etc. Wilfrid answered like a Fool, saying, that the Apostle St. John did play the Jew in many things, etc. So saith Bale; which words, besides the Contumely, contain a most false Lie, and Slander also; 
Bed. l. 3. c. 25.  for that Wilfrid said not so, as in St. Bede may be seen, but only that St. John might tolerate, perhaps, for a time certain Rites of the Old Law, as some of the other Apostles also had done (and namely St. Paul in circumcising Timothy) to bury the Synagogue with Honour, 
Act. 20.  etc.  
17. But harken yet further how this new gospeler, and old Apostate-Fryer, goeth forward against this holy Man: 
Bal. cent. 1. script. Brit. in Colman.  Temporum (saith he) calculatores Evangelistis opponit; Wilfrid did oppose the Roman Computists, or Calculators of times, against the Authority of the Evangelists. This is an open Lie, as the place in Bede will testify; for he saith only, that perhaps one cause why the rude simplicity of the ancienter sort of Scottish Christians embraced the Jewish Custom at the beginning, amongst other things might be, 
Absurd calumniations of John Bale.  for that no learned Calculator of the Roman Use had in those days arrived unto them. He saith not one word of opposing this to the Evangelists; and yet by the way do you note, that this false Apostata would have his Reader think that this Jewish Heretical Custom is conform to the Evangelists, than which nothing can be spoken more wickedly. 
Bal. ibid.   
18. But let us go forward, and see what ensueth: In fine (saith he) suis praevaluit Imposturis, dementatis qui aderant Regibus, etc. In the end Wilfrid in his Disputation prevailed by his Impostures, having bewitched the two Kings that were present, King Oswyn and King Egfrid. Did you ever hear a more shameless tongue? But this he wrote of St. Wilfrid, (Obiter, and by the way) in the Narration he maketh of B. Colman. But when he cometh to talk of him in particular and severally, he is far more bitter and impudent against him; telling us first, how that after Wilfrid had been in France, Italy and Rome, to study, 
Bal. cent. 1. in Wilfrid.  and there learned the Mathematical Calculations of times out of the Gospels: Reversus in Patriam, Romanas Consuetudines, contra Quartadecimanos, (sic enim pios homines tunc derisorié vocabant) disceptationibus in Synodo publicis defendebat, gerebatque circa collum reliquiarum, quas Roma tulerat, capsulam quandam, etc. Et Archiepiscopus denique ob haec & his similia constitutus, bis infra spatium 45 annorum, non ob Regum insolentiam, ut Polidorus immodesté scribit, sed ob suam temeritatem, imò malitiam atque neguitias plures, 
A most malicious speech of Bale against St. Wilfrid.  Archiepiscopatu pulsus est, & longo tandem confectus senio, periit Anno Christi 710. He returning from Rome to his Country, did defend by public Disputations in a Synod the Roman Customs against these men, (who being Pious and Godly, were called scoffingly in those days Quartadecimen) he carried about his Neck a certain Box of Saints Relics, which he brought with him from Rome: And being for these and other like things made Archbishop, he was driven out twice within 45 years from his Archbishopric; and this not by the Insolency of the Kings that drove him out (as Polidor doth immodestly write) but rather for his own Rashness, yea Malice, and many Wickednesses, etc. And so at length being consumed with Old Age, he perished in the year of Christ 710.  
19 Behold here a Narration worthy the Spirit of a new gospeler and old Apostata, against so Venerable and Worthy a Pillar of our Primitive English Church as was St. Wilfrid! 
Crimes objected by Bale to St. Wilfrid.  Mark how he is taxed for travelling and studying at Rome, for defending by public Disputations the Roman Custom of celebrating Easter, which yet was defended and decreed openly by the General Council of Nice, as before you have heard, and after shall be proved; for bearing a Box of Relics about his Neck brought from Rome, which no doubt is one of the things that most troubleth the Spirit of John Bale, as it did the Devils and wicked Spirits in England, who cried, and were cast out by the same, as you may read in them that write his Life.  
20. Moreover he saith, That for his own Wickedness he was driven out of his Archbishopric, and so finally perished in the year 710. As for his perishing, if he perished that lived so austere a Religious Life, converted so many thousand English Heathens to Christian Faith, wrought so many Miracles as are recorded of him; then woe to Us, that cannot imitate so great Holiness, and woe to John Bale, that ran out of Religion, and being a Friar took a Wench named Faithful Dorothy; and that, as himself braggeth, 
* Bal. cent. 5. descript. Brit. fol. 244.  Neque ab homine, neque per hominem, sed ex speciali Christi dono; Neither from man, nor by man, but by the special Gift of Christ, as tho' Christ did use to divide such Gifts to Friars that had vowed Chastity. And how good a Fellow he became afterward, and how pleasant a Companion, you may understand by his own words, when writing of his Works he saith, 
Cent. ibid.  Facetias & jocos sine certo numero feci; I have written Jests and Pastimes without any certain number; (a fit Argument for a new Gospelling Friar!) But yet how far this exercise of Jesting was from the Gravity and Holiness of St. Wilfrid, no man can doubt. And so himself (miserable man!) may be thought to have perished, while the other reigneth eternally in Heaven.  
21. And as for Refutation of the horrible Slander, That for his Wickedness St. Wilfrid was driven out of his Archbishopric; I have no better means present, than to oppose against this lying Apostata the Universal Consent of all Antiquity, especially those that wrote his Life; as St. Bede, and after him Hedius, Odo, Fridegenus, Petrus Blesensis, and others, who have written both his Life and Death, as of a great Saint; and his Memory and Festival Celebration is held throughout the Universal Church upon the 12th day of October, 
See the Martyrology of Vsuard. and the Annot. of Molan. die 12. Oct. and Baron. upon the Rom. Martyr. eodem die.  as all Martyrologies do testify. And thus much of the Insolency of John Bale against the person of St. Wilfrid.  
22. But now, whereas further he is not ashamed to defend the Jewish Custom, and the Quartadecimans condemned for it, saying, That they were pious men, and were called by the nickname of Quartadecimen for a scoff only; I am forced to deal further therein, and to show him first to be an Heretical and most shameless Calumniator, for that the name of Quartadecimani, or Quatuordecimani, (signifying those that observe the fourteenth day of the Moon of March to celebrate Easter) is an old name appointed to those that held that Heretical Use for many Ages agone, as may appear by St. Epiphanius, that wrote 1200 years agone, whose words are these: 
Epiph. haeres. 50.  Emersit rursus mundo alia Haeresis Tesseradecatitarum appellata, quos Quartadecimanos quidam appellant; There is another Heresy sprung up in the World of some that are called in Greek Tesseradecatites, which others in Latin do call Quartadecimans, etc. The Explication of which words St. Augustin after him, in his Book of Heresies written to Quod-vult-Deus, doth set down thus: 
Aug. har. 29.  Hinc appellati sunt, quòd non nisi quartadecima Luna mense Martio Pascha celebrant; These People are called by the Greek words Tesseradecatites, and by the Latin Quartadecimen, for that they do celebrate Easter upon the fourteenth day of the Moon of March. Unde etiam Quartadecimani cognominati sunt, saith Nicephorus, lib. 4. Histor. cap. 36. for which cause they are called also Quartadecimans.  
23. And yet further the same men were called also by a third name of Paschatites, as appeareth both by St. Philastrius Bishop of Brixia, somewhat before St. Epiphanius; who in his Catalogue of Heresies numbering up these Paschatites, 
Philast. in cattle. hares.  yieldeth the reason of their name in these words: Qui asserunt quartadecima Luna celebrandum esse Pascha, non autem sicuti Ecclesia Catholica celebrat; Who affirm that Easter-day is to be celebrated upon the fourteenth of the Month of March, (upon whatsoever day it shall fall out, and not as the Catholic Church doth accustom to expect the Sunday.  
24. Well then, we see that St. Wilfrid, and other Roman Catholics of his time, did not invent the name of Quartadecimani for a scoff to disgrace godly men thereby, as ungodly John Bale blusheth not to avouch; but that it is an old name, invented and appointed by the Universal Primitive Church, to them that defended obstinately the Jewish Custom of celebrating Easter-day strictly upon the fourteenth day of the Moon of March, according to the Prescript of the Mosaical Law; which Custom hath been accounted naught, Jewish, and Heretical, for the space of 1400 years, to wit, ever since the Decree of St. Victor, Pope of Rome, against the same, since which time all Authors that have written of Heresies, have held for Heretics those that defended this Custom; as may appear first by Tertullian, 
Tert. de praescrip. advers. Haeres.  that lived in that very time of Pope Victor, or presently after; as also by the first Council of Nice, which was held some hundred years after Victor again, and Victor's Decree therein confirmed; as after again in the Council of Antioch, 

Concil. Ant. cap. 1.  
Concil. Laod. cap. 7.  
Theod. l. 3. c. ult. de fab. haer. Niceph. l. 4. hist. c. 36. Damasc. haeres. 50.   gathered together almost 50 years after that of Nice; and somewhat after that again, by the Council of Laodicea; and then by Philastrius and Epiphanius before cited; and finally by St. Augustin, Theodoretus, Nicephorus, Damascenus, and others that ensued. And the Defenders of this Heresy, (howsoever John Bale and his Fellows will sanctify them now again for pious men, for that they hold against the Roman Church) were so odious to the Catholic Fathers, even of the Greek and Eastern Church, especially after the Determination of the Council of Nice, (which Determination, tho' it be not extant now in the said Councils Decrees, yet is it testified sufficiently, both by Theodoretus, and the Letters of Constantine himself, 
Theod. l. 6. c. 9 Euseb. l. 3. de vit. Constant. c. 17, 18. Socrat. l. 6. hist. c. 10, 20.  recorded by Eusebius, that Socrates in his Story writeth of St. John Chrysostom, Archbishop of Constantinople, these words: Eyes, qui in Asia Festum Paschatis quartodecimo die mensis primi celebrabrant, Ecclesias, non secùs quam Novatianis, ademit. St. Chrysostom did take away Churches throughout his Jurisdiction from those that in Asia did celebrate the Feast of Easter upon the fourteenth of March, no less than from the Novatian Heretics themselves: And no less doth the same Author report of Leontius Bishop of Ancyra in Asia, and other Eastern Bishops.  
25. And the reason hereof was not only for that by this different Custom of celebrating Easter there grew great Schisms amongst Christians, but for that indeed the true Formality of this Heresy (consisting in that they would make it of necessity to keep the Old Law in this behalf) was begun first by an Heretic called Blastus, as appeareth by Tertullian, who (to use his own words) saith thus: Latenter Judaismum introducere voluit, dicens, 
Tert, l. de praesc. cont. haeres.  Pascha non aliter custodiendum esse, nisi secundum Legem Moysis quartodecimo mensis. He meant covertly to bring in Judaisme, affirming that Easter was not to be kept, but according to the Law of Moses, upon the fourteenth day of the first Month. 
Why the Asian Custom of celebrating Easter was condemmed.  For refutation of which Heresy, Tertullian saith, Quis autem nesciat, quoniam Evangelica gratia evacuatur, si ad Legem Christus redigitur? Who doth not know but that the grace of Christ's Gospel is made void, if Christ be reduced again to the Observation of the Mosaical Law?  
26. This than was the very essential point of this Heresy, and of them that defended the same; to wit, That they would bind Christians to the observation of this point according to the Mosaical Law. Against which point of Obligation St. Paul is so earnest in many places of his Epistles, as he resisted St. Peter openly, for that by his Conversation only he did seem to force or bind men to Judaical Observations: Gentes cogis Judaizare: 
Gal. 2.  you do force Gentiles to follow the Jews. And for this cause he wrote so earnestly to the Galatians: Ecce, ego Paulus dico vobis, si circumcidamini, Christus nihil vobis proderit; 
Gal. 5.  Behold, I Paul do testify unto you, That if you do circumcise yourselves, (or use this Mosaical Ceremony) Christ shall profit you nothing.  
27. And again, he telleth them in the same place, That whosoever useth but this one Ceremony of Circumcision, 
How the celebrating of some Ceremonies or Customs for a time might be lawful.  bindeth himself thereby to the observation of all the Old Law, and consequently doth deprive himself of the whole Grace of Christ; which yet is to be understood (as ancient Fathers do expound) after the Gospel of Christ was fully divulged, and in them that did use any of these Ceremonies as of necessity; for that otherwise we read of the Apostles themselves, gathered together in Council, that they gave leave to Christians for a time at the beginning, abstinere à sanguine & suffocato, 
Acts 15.29.  to abstain from Blood, and that which is strangled, or rather did ordain the same: which yet afterwards was taken away again by Authority of the Church; so as it is evident that the toleration was for a time only, and as a thing indifferent without obligation. And for like respect we read of St. Paul himself, that albeit afterward he did forbid to the Galatians the use of Circumcision with such severity as you have heard, yet at the beginning he circumcised Timothy for respect of the Jews, as St. Luke testifieth, for that the Gospel was not yet so far preached, 
Acts 16.3.  as it made the Observations of the Mosaical Law to be wholly unlawful; especially if they were used as things indifferent, and not of necessity; as it is probable that both St. John Evangelist, Polycarp, and others of the East-Church did, 
How the Roman Use began of celebrating Easter upon a Sunday.  when for a time they used the Festival Day of celebrating Easter, as an indifferent thing, obliging no man to follow the one or the other Use; to wit, either this of the fourteenth day commanded by the Old Law, or the other of the Sunday brought in by Tradition from St. Peter and St. Paul in the Roman Church; 
Bed. l. de ratio temp. c. 42. Ignat. ep. 6. ad Magnes. & 8. ad Philip. Apoc. 1.10.  as, among others, St. Protherius Patriarch of Alexandria (by the Testimony of St. Bede) doth write to Pope Leo: And long before them both, St. Ignatius Bishop of Antioch (which Church was founded by St. Peter) doth testify in divers Epistles, that Easter-day was to be celebrated upon a Sunday. Yea, St. John himself, making mention of dies Dominicus, the Lord's day, in the beginning of his Apocalypse, as of a solemn Day above the rest, (which no man will deny to be Sunday) there is no other reason why this day should be called our Lord's Day with so special Title of Festivity, but only for that it was dedicated in the Apostles time to the Resurrection of Christ. And if in every Week it be kept Festival for that respect, and that the whole Sabbath be turned into it; then much more just is it that the great Sabbath of Christ's Resurrection should be once a year celebrated upon this day. Yet was the matter, as you have heard, left for arbitrary and indifferent for divers years in Asia, without constraint on either side.  
28. But when in process of time the Bishops of Rome, especially Pope Pius I. and Victor, had perceived that by this Toleration and Difference of Observation, not only Schisms and Dissension grew, but Heresy also and Judaisme was meant to be brought in; then the said Pius I. in the year of Christ 148. (as Eusebius testifieth) made a Decree against the Asian Jewish Observation; 
Euseb. in Chron. an. 148. De consecrat. dis. 3. cap. Nosse. & ibid. dis. 4. cap. Celebritatem. Euseb. l. 5. hist. c. 23, 24.  and after him again, in the next Age following, Pope Victor seeing the same inconveniences greatly to increase, wrote a Letter to Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus to gather a Synod against it about the year of Christ 249, as Eusebius testifieth. And when he perceived, that both He and divers Asian Bishops did stand more stiffly in defence thereof than he expected; yea, that they began not only to show obstinacy therein against the former Decree of Pope Pius and the See of Rome, but to draw near also to the very formality of Heresy before mentioned, to wit, that it was necessary to observe the Fourteenth Day; nay further, that it was ex Evangelii praescripto, & secundum Regulam & Normam Fidei, by the Prescription of the Gospel, and according to the Rule and Norm of Faith, 
Ibid. cap. 22.  as the said Polycrates in his Epistle to Pope Victor writeth: When Victor (I say) saw this, he resolved, after Counsel taken by Conference with divers Synods both of the West and East Churches, 
The Decree of Pope Victor about keeping Easter.  to Excommunicate those Asian Bishops that resisted, if they would not agree. Which Determination albeit Irenaeus and some others at that time did mislike, and dehort Pope Victor from it, as a thing perilous and scandalous, and subject to many troubles, (as Eusebius reporteth,) yet did never any of them say that he could not do it; but rather, when he had done it indeed, they did accommodate themselves thereunto both in West and East, ratifying and confirming the same by divers particular Synods, 
Niceph. l. 4. c. 36.  as Nicephorus recounteth; to wit, in Jerusalem, Caesarea, Tyrus, Ptolomais, Corinth, Lions of France, where St. Irenaeus himself was Bishop, and other places, etc.  
29. And finally the Council of Nice confirmed the same, as the Fathers thereof do testify by their particular Letters to the Clergy of Alexandria, whose words are these, as Theodoretus relateth them; 
Theod. l. 6. c. 9  Scitote controversiam de Paschate susceptam, prudenter sedatam esse: Ita ut omnes fratres, qui Orientem incolunt, jam Romanos, nos, & omnes vos, sint consentientibus animis in eodem celebrando deinceps secuturi. You must understand, that the Controversy about celebrating Easter taken in hand by us, is prudently pacified: so as all our Brethren that inhabit the East-parts will follow for the time to come the Romans, (or the Roman Church) Us, (and the Authority of the Council) and all You (of the Egyptian Church) with full consent of mind in celebrating the same Feast. Note here, That the Council doth put the Authority of the Church of Rome in the first place, even before Themselves, and then Themselves and the Authority of the Council in the second place, and those of Alexandria in the third; which is another reckoning than our Heretics are wont to make of the Roman Church.  
30. Constantine also the Emperor, 
The testimony of Constantine the Emperor.  writing his Letters to all Bishops of the Christian World, that had not been present at the Council of Nice, nor could come, yieldeth account unto them, with great Christian Modesty and Zeal, of the chief Matters handled in that Council: Where coming to speak of the Decree of celebrating Easter, he saith thus: 
Euseb. l. 3. de vit. Constant. c. 17.  cum de sanctissimo Festo Paschatis disceptaretur, communi omnium sententia videbatur rectum esse, ut omnes ubique uno, eodemque die illud celebrarent: When the Question was proposed about celebrating the holy Feast of Easter, it seemed good, by the common consent of all that were present in this Council, that all Christians should celebrate the same in one and the selfsame day; which day he showeth to be Sunday, and refuteth at large the Custom of celebrating the same with the Jews upon the fourteenth day of the Moon, tho' it were a Feria concluding thus: 
Euseb. ibid. c. 8.  Quae cum ita se habent, etc. Which things being so, do you willingly embrace this Decree of the Council as a great Gift of God, and a Commandment sent from Heaven; forasmuch as whatsoever is decreed by holy Council of Bishops, that must be ascribed to God's holy Will. Wherefore do you declare and denounce unto all our dear Brethren living among you, the Decrees of this Council, and namely the Decree of celebrating this holy Feast, etc.  
31. Thus wrote our good British Emperor Constantine, with a far different Spirit from those Christian Inhabitants of Britanny who afterwards defended the contrary Custom, without respect of holy Decree of the Nicene Council; 
The wicked Spirit of our Sectaries.  but far more opposite and contrary is the wicked Spirit of John Bale, John Fox, and other such latter Brutish rather than British Sectaries, that even in our days, after that the Roman Catholic Use hath been received for thirteen hundred years since the said Council, they are content, for hatred of the Name of Rome, to bring it into Controversy again, and to allow rather the Jewish Use, and to praise them that defend it in our Country, (as you have heard) rejecting and defacing others that stood for the Catholic Party, tho' never otherwise so famous and illustrious for their Learning and Virtue, as Beda, Agilbert, Wilfrid, and others the chiefest Pillars of our Primitive English Church were. But this is their shameless Spirit, to dishonour (wherein possibly they can) their Forefathers.  
32. And thus much of this matter, about the first Conversion, or Preaching of Christian Faith in Britanny under the Apostles. Now will we pass to the more public Conversion of our Land under King Lucius, which (as in my Ward-word) I called the First in respect of our two public Conversions from Paganism, so do I here name it the Second in regard of the former Preaching in the Apostles Time. About which Conversion, tho' in effect our Modern Heretics dare not deny the same, yet shall you hear no less wrangling of them about this than the former, for the great grief they receive in that it should be said or thought to come from Rome.   

CHAP. IU.  
Of the Second Conversion of Britanny under King Lucius, by Pope Eleutherius, and Teachers sent from him, about the year of Christ 180; and of the notorious absurd Cavillations of Heretics about the same also.  
ALL that hitherto hath been spoken is about the first Preaching of Christian Religion in Britanny by particular men within the first Age, or hundred years after Christ; which our Roman Enemies, only upon Envy and Animosity, without any one Testimony of Antiquity, will needs take from Rome and the Roman Church, and give it to the Grecians of Asia, and to the East parts, as you have heard. Now do follow two other more famous and public Conversions of the said Island under the two renowned Popes of Rome, and by their special Industry; which are acknowledged and registered by the whole Christian World, and do so much press the Spleen and move the Gall of our Rome-biters, as they leave no corner of their Wits unsifted to discredit or reject the same.  

Reason's moving King Lucius to inquire of Christian Religion.  2. The first Conversion was (as the Warder saith) under Pope Eleutherius towards the end of the second Age after Christ; when King Lucius of Britanny hearing of the great and horrible Persecutions of Christians in Rome, and of their often Martyring, and that they remained constant notwithstanding in their Christian Faith, to all men's admiration, and that their number did increase daily, even of the chiefest Nobility, and that two worthy Senators in particular, Pertinax and Tretellius, had been lately converted from Paganism to profess Christ; yea, that the Emperor himself, Marcus Aurelius, then living, began to be a Friend to Christians in respect of a famous Victory obtained by their Prayers, 
Baron. in annal. Ecc. an. Christi 183. tom. 2.  (all which things Baronius showeth the Emperor's Legate in England to have told Lucius:) For these causes (I say) and for that he hated the Romans and their Old Religion, to whom he understood the Christians to be contrary, he resolved to be instructed in that Religion. And understanding the chief Fountain thereof to be at Rome, contented not himself either with Instructions he might have at home by Christians there, nor yet from the Christian Bishops flourishing then in France, as St. Irenaeus, Photinus, and others, but sent men to Rome to demand Preachers of Eleutherius the Pope; who directed to him two Romans, 
When K. Lucius was converted.  named Fugatius and Damianus, by whom the said King and his Country were converted about the year of Christ 180, as John Fox holdeth) but as Baronius thinketh 183; from whom Pamelius; Genebrard, Nauclerus, and other Chronographers do little dissent; tho' Marianus Scotus doth put it in the year 177. And this Conversion of Britanny under King Lucius, is testified both by the ancient Books of the Lives of the Roman Bishops, attributed by some to Damasus, as also by the ancient Ecclesiastical Tables and Martyrologies yet extant, as Baronius proveth; and by 
* 
Bed de gestis Angl. l. 1. c. 4. & de sex. aetat. sub. Ant. Vero. Ado in chron. sub. Commodo Imp.  
Mar. Scot in 6. atat.  
Pol. Virg. l. 1.   St. Bede in his History of England, and after him by Ado Archbishop of Trevers, and Marianus Scotus anno 177, and all Authors since.  
3. This then being so, and John Fox the Father of Lies not ●●●ing openly to impugn the same, yet granteth he the thing with such difficulty and strainings, and telleth the story with so many hems and haws, ifs and and's, Interpretations and Restrictions, as a man may see how greatly it grieveth him to confess the substance thereof; I mean of this second Conversion by Pope Eleutherius: and therefore he turneth himself hither and thither; now granting, now denying; now doubting, now equivocating, as is both ridiculous and shameful to behold. For as on the one side he would gladly deny the Truth of this Story, so on the other side, being pressed with the Authorities before alleged, and general consent of all Writers, he dareth not to utter himself plainly, but endeavoureth to leave the Reader in suspense, and doubtful whether it were true or no; which is the effect most desired commonly of Heretical Writers, to bring all things in doubt and question, and there to leave the Reader. 

John Fox his Tergiversation.  
Fox Act. and Mon. p. 96. col. 2.   And to this purpose doth the Fox tell us first, That divers Authors of later Times do not agree about the certain year wherein this Conversion of King Lucius did happen; some saying more, and some saying less. But what is this to the overthrow of the thing itself? For that about the particular times wherein things were done, there is often found no small variety among principal Writers, and about principal Points and Mysteries of our Faith; as, about the coming of the Magis, and Martyrdom of the Infants; about the time of Christ's Baptism, yea also of his Passion, what Year and Day each of these things happened; which yet doth not derogate from the certainty of the things themselves.  
4. And this is his first Cavil, or rather light Skirmish, 
First Cavil.  whereby he would somewhat batter or weaken the credit of the Story, before he cometh to lay the full Assault, which ensueth immediately, with seven double Cannons planted by him, which he calleth seven good conjectural Reasons, against the Tradition of Antiquity about this Conversion of Britanny from Pope Eleutherius. Wherein notwithstanding you must note, That he proposeth the Controversy as tho' his purpose were only to prove that Pope Eleutherius was not the first that converted England; which thing, 
The effect of 7 Cannons planted by Jo. Fox to batter the story of K. Lucius conversion from Rome.  as it might be granted in the sense before often touched, if he spoke or meant plainly, so finding him to deal guilefully, and to go about to prove in the end (as appeareth by his Conclusion) that Eleutherius converted not King Lucius at all, but only helped perhaps to convert him, or to instruct him better in Religion (being a Christian before) I am constrained to examine briefly the Force (or rather Fraud and Folly) of these his seven Arguments, to the end you may judge thereby, how he behaveth himself in so main a Volume as his Acts and Monuments do contain, seeing that in this one matter he beareth himself so fond and maliciously, And for brevity's sake I will reduce the said seven Arguments to three general Heads or Kind's; showing first, that all are Impertinent; secondly, that some, besides Impertinency have also gross Ignorance; thirdly, that others, besides these two commendations, have Fraud and plain Imposture in them.  
5. To the first kind of Impertinent do appertain his fourth, fifth, and sixth Arguments handled by me before against the Magdeburgians, to wit, that St. Bede said in his time, That the Britan's celebrated Easter after the fashion of the East-Church; that Petrus Cluniacensis testifieth the same in his days of some Scots; 
Fox his first kind of Arguments Impertinent.  and that Nicephorus saith that Simon Zelotes preached the Gospel in England. All which three Arguments, as they do serve to no purpose here, but to show that Fox stealeth all out of the Magdeburgians, so no other Answer is needful to be made unto them, than that which before hath been written; seeing that, all being granted that here is said, yet proveth it nothing that the Faith of Britanny came not from Rome; and consequently all is impertinent.  


The second kind of Arguments, Impertinent and Ignorant.  
Fox pag. 95.   6. Of the second sort both Impertinent and Ignorant Arguments, are his second and third probations: My second reason is (saith he) out of Tertullian, who living near-about, or rather somewhat before this Eleutherius, testifieth in his Book contra Judaeos, that the Gospel was dispersed abroad by the sound of Apostles in divers Countries; and then among other Kingdoms he reciteth also the parts of Britanny, etc. Thus you see how impertinent it is to the purpose we have in hand; for that it concludeth not but that Pope Eleutherius after the Apostles time might convert King Lucius and his People publicly by Fugatius and Damianus, as we affirm. And then secondly, it includeth notorious Error and Ignorance, 

The Age of Tertullian falsified.  
Tert. lib. de pallio c. 3. n. 42.   in that he saith Tertullian lived before Eleutherius; for that it is proved out of Tertullian's own Works and Words, especially in his Book de Pallio, (wherein he yieldeth the reason wherefore he changed his Habit from a Gown to a Cloak, as Christians were wont to do in those days) that he was converted to the Christian Faith in the tenth year of Pope Victor, that was Successor to Eleutherius, which was Anno Domini 196. And moreover, he wrote his Book contra Judaeos, cited by Fox, divers years after that again, as Pamelius and others do demonstrate in his Life. 
Jac. Pamelius in vit. Tertull. pag. 29.  So as Eleutherius reigning fifteen years before Victor (as all Authors do agree) it followeth that he was Pope twenty five years before Tertullian was a Christian: And forsomuch as the Conversion of England is assigned to have been in the fifth year of Eleutherius, it followeth that Tertullian was not a Christian in twenty years after that time. And thus much for his second Reason; now let us hear his third.  

Fox ibid. col. 2. n. 73.  7. My third probation (saith he) I deduct out of Origen, whose words are these; Britanniam in Christianam consentire Religionem: That Britanny did consent in Christian Religion; whereby it appeareth the Faith of Christ was sparsed here in England before Eleutherius. Mark his own Contradiction; mark his Inference, and note his Imposture. He affirmeth out of Origen, That Britanny did consent in Christian Religion; and yet he saith in his Inference, Whereby it appeareth it was sparsed in England; Sparsing importeth, that particular men here and there were converted; Consent importeth a general Conversion: So that by Origen's words of consent it may seem, that he meant the public Conversion made by Eleutherius; and by Fox's own false Interpretation and foolish Inference he is made to say, that there were only certain sparkles of Christian Religion in his days in Britanny. 
Orig. hom. 4. in Ezechiel circa medium.  But the true words of Origen corrupted by Fox do make the matter more clear; who disputing against the Jews, urgeth them with this Question, Quando enim terra Britanniae ante adventum Christi in unius Dei consensit Religionem? For when did the Land of Britanny agree in the Religion of one God Before the coming of Christ?  
8. Here you see the words of Origen, first not truly but corruptly alleged before by John Fox; and secondly, that Origen doth speak them of a consent in Religion throughout all the Land of Britanny, and thereby seemeth to signify, not the particular Conversion of several men before Eleutherius his Time, (as Fox would enforce it,) but rather the public Conversion (as I have said) under King Lucius and Eleutherius; which Conversion, according to the former Account of Fox himself, 

The Age of Origen perverted.  
Euseb. l. 7. hist. c. 1.   (who saith it was in the year of Christ 180) was about 76 years before the Death of Origen, for that (as Eusebius testifieth) Origen died in the year of Christ 256, and was of age 69 when he died, so as he was born seven years after our said Conversion under Lucius, and consequently he might mean of this Conversion in his former Homily. And it is not only Ignorance, but wilful Malice and Imposture also, in John Fox, to make his Reader believe (as before in Tertullian, so in this Man) that he was either Equal or Elder than Pope Eleutherius. And for this cause, that Origen in his foresaid Homily must needs mean of a former Conversion of Britanny, that came not from Rome. Consider the Man's Honesty and Wit in these shifts.  
9 And albeit this may be sufficient, and more than enough, to show his false Dealing and lack of Fidelity in every thing he handleth, yet will I add his two last Arguments, which he calleth his first and seventh; and in which (as I said before) that not only the former two qualities of Impertinency and Error are to be found, but manifest Fraud also, and wilful Deceit. Let us hear his words. But first I must both pray and prevent the Reader to take in patience the hearing of one and the selfsame thing many times repeated, 
A request and prevention to the Reader.  for that we having to deal with three several Parties, that do tell us Tales by retail one to another of them, (to wit, Sir Francis, Sir Fox, and Messieurs the Magdeburgians) we cannot well see or set down what each of them saith, and borroweth one of another, but by repeating the same things; yet shall it be very briefly. Thus then writeth Fox, in that which he calleth his first probation against the first Conversion of England by Eleutherius.  
10. My first probation (saith he) I take out of the Testimony of Gildas, 
Fox. pag. 96.  who in his History affirmeth plainly, That Britanny received the Gospel in the time of Tiberius the Emperor, and that Joseph of Arimathea was sent by Philip the Apostle from France to Britanny. Gild. lib. de Victoria Aurel. Ambrosii. Here you see first not only cram recocta, according to the Proverb; that is to say, Coleworts and other Trash twice sodden; but many times also both sodden and set before us: for all this you heard before more than once, both out of Sir Francis and the Magdeburgians. And when all is granted, yet is the whole Argument but a vain and childish Cavil; for it proveth only that Damianus and Fugatius, sent by Eleutherius, were not the very first of all that preached Christian Faith in Britanny; which we never affirmed, but only that Britanny was converted publicly under Eleutherius, which this impugneth not. And secondly, for the receiving of Christ's Faith under Tiberius the Emperor, I have showed before that it is unlikely, seeing Tiberius lived but five years after the Ascension of our Saviour, and that the place alleged for it out of Gildas (if he mean the true Gildas now extant) proveth it not, but only that Christ himself appeared to the World in the time of Tiberius, and that the Faith of Christ entered Britanny afterward under Claudius, as may appear evidently to him that will read and examine the place with attention. Which the Fox perceiving, thought it not best to allege us the said true Gildas published by Polydore Virgil, and allowed by all Learned Men of Christendom, whose Title is, 
A forged Gildas brought in by Fox.  De excidio Britanniae, but runneth to a forged Gildas, De Victoria Aurelii Ambrosii, to confirm his Allegation withal; of which Gildas the said Polydor, after due Examination of the matter, writeth as followeth:  
11. Extat item alter libellus (ut tempestive lectorem nefariae fraudis admoneamus) qui falsissimè inscribitur Gildae commentarium, 
Pol. Vir. l. 1. hist. pag. 16.  haud dubie à quodam pessimo impostore compositum, etc. Sanè is nebulo longè post homines natos impudentissimus, etc. There is extant besides, another Book also (that I may by this occasion advertise the Reader in time of a wicked Imposture) which is most falsely entitled, The Commentary of Gildas, devised, no doubt, by some naughty Deceiver, etc. Truly he was the most impudent Knave that ever lived, etc. Thus said Polydore of the Inventor of this Book; and as much would he have said of Sir John Fox, that obtrudeth the same for a true Author, if he had lived in our days. And seeing that the Calvinists themselves of Heidelberg in Germany, taking upon them to set forth all the British Writers, Anno 1587., (as Gildas, Geffrey of Monmouth, Ponticus Virunnius, and others) durst not set forth this feigned Gildas alleged by Fox, but only the former true Gildas printed before by Polydore; it is a token that Fox is more impudent and more greedy to deceive, than they; as you shall much more perceive by his last Argument ensuing.  

Fox pag. 96. Fox's last and falsest Argument.  12. For my seventh Argument (saith he) I may make my probation by the plain words of Eleutherius, by whose Epistle written to King Lucius we may understand that Lucius had received the Faith of Christ in this Land before he sent to Eleutherius for the Roman Laws; for so the express words of the Letter do manifestly purport, as hereafter followeth to be seen.  
Thus saith he, and citeth for his proof in the Margin, Ex Epistola Eleutherii ad Lucium; and by this last and strongest Argument of his, the silly Fellow thinketh to strike the Nail dead, and to prove that King Lucius was a Christian before he received Preachers from Pope Eleutherius; and consequently, that all is false which Antiquity hath held, attributing the Conversion of that Kingdom, and of the King himself, to the Bishop of Rome. For which cause Fox addeth presently, Peradventure Eleutherius might help something either to convert the King, or else to increase the Faith newly sprung up then among the People.  
13. So defineth he the matter; and consider, I pray you, what he attributeth to Eleutherius in this Conversion: Peradventure (saith he) he might help something to King Lucius his Conversion. And is not this a great matter, especially being qualified (as it is) with the restriction Peradventure? If a man should say of Aesop's Fables, that peradventure some of them in some points might be true; were it not as much as John Fox doth attribute to all this Consent of Authors for this Conversion under Pope Eleutherius; seeing he saith not absolutely, Eleutherius did convert King Lucius, or help indeed thereunto, but that peradventure he might help something, & c.? You may mark the diminutives used by Fox to lessen the benefit, to wit, peradventure, might, something, etc. and thereby consider what a holy stomach he hath to Rome, 
Contempt of the Testimony of Antiquity.  and what little account he maketh of the Authority or Consent of all Antiquity, when they make against him.  
14. But now let us weigh further his Proofs, and by them also his Frauds and Impostures. First of all for Proofs, that King Lucius was a Christian before he dealt with Eleutherius, he allegeth the Epistle itself of Eleutherius; which he setteth down as authentical, citing only in the Margin, Ex vetusto codice Regum antiquorum, taken out of an old Book of old Kings, but telleth not where we shall find this old Book; and it may be (perhaps) of as good credit (if it were found) as the Book of Gildas before alleged, De Victoria Aurelii Ambrosii, or as many other fabulous things be in the Story of Geffrey of Monmouth, and John Fox after him.  


About the Epistle of P. Eleutherius to K. Lucius cited by Fox.  
Fox pag. 96. col. 2. n. 40.   15. And indeed if we consider the beginning of the first words of the Epistle itself, we shall find certain doubts, which neither Fox nor his Fellows will ever be able to solve; as first of all, that it was written after Eleutherius was dead; for so it appeareth by the Account of Time noted in the Title, which is this in Latin, as Fox relateth: Anno Domini 169 à Passione Christi scripsit D. Eleutherius Papa, Lucio Regi Britanniae ad correctionem Regis & Procetum Regni, etc. Which words Fox omitteth to translate into English, for that they make against him, and therefore would not have his unlearned Reader to understand the absurdity thereof; for they say, That Pope Eleutherius wrote this Epistle to Lucius King of Britanny, to correct both Him and the Nobility of his Kingdom, in the year 169 after the Passion of Christ: To which 169 years if we add other 33, which Christ lived before his Passion, they make 202; which is 19 years after Eleutherius' Death, who died in the year of Christ 184, as all Authors agree. For which cause Fox himself, in this very place, and elsewhere often, doth appoint the Conversion of King Lucius to have been in the year of Christ 180, and the 10th of Eleutherius his Reign; but this Epistle appointeth it 22 years after, to wit, Anno Domini 102. So wise a man is Fox in bringing it in!  
16. Secondly, this Epistle was written in Latin, and so should Fox have delivered the same unto us wholly, if he had dealt plainly: 
Fox's subtlety in concealing the Original in Latin.  But he hath not so done, but only giveth us the Title in Latin, without any Interpretation, as now hath been said; and the remnant (or at leastwise so much as he thought convenient) in English only, and this of his own Translation, without letting us see the Original; and so he playeth the Fox in every thing. But, to return again to this Latin Title of the Epistle, there is another cause why John Fox would not translate it into English; and this is, for that it is said therein that it was written by the Pope ad correctionem Regis, & Procerum Regni, etc. to correct the King, and Nobility of the Realm: which proveth that the Pope took himself to be their Superior also in those days, and they to be subject to his correction. For which causes Fox's Scholars, Holinshead, Hooker, and Harrison, do leave out this Title altogether in their Chronicles; for that the word Correction upon the King and Nobility, is an odious thing in these days, especially from Popes.  
17. And thus much of the Title, and Fraud used therein. Now let us pass to the Body of the Epistle. Thus it beginneth in John Fox's Translation; 
Fox pag. 96.  Ye require of us the Roman Laws and the Emperors to be sent over unto you, which you may practise and put in are within your Realm. The Roman Laws and the Emperors we may ever reprove, but the Law of God we may not. You have received of late, through God's Mercy, in the Realm of Britanny the Law of Christ, etc. Thus saith the Epistle, and out of these last words John Fox doth frame his former seventh Argument, That King Lucius had received the Faith of Christ before he sent to Eleutherius for the Roman Laws. Well, suppose it was so, and that this sending was a second Embassage some years after his Conversion; how doth this infer that King Lucius was a Christian before he dealt with Eleutherius, or before he sent the first time unto him; and so that he was rather converted by Grecians than by Romans, as the next immediate words of Fox are? And that hence it may be inferred that Eleutherius did rather help perhaps to his Conversion, or to increase the Faith newly sprung up, than convert him. Are not these notorious shifts, and shameless windings of our Fox, to delude his Reader.  
18. But you will ask me perhaps, how I do prove that this was a second Embassage sent by King Lucius to Eleutherius, and the Pope's Answer to the same? Whereto I say, that this is confessed and proved by Fox himself; who writing of King Lucius saith, That some years after his Conversion, when he had put his Realm in Order for matters of Religion, he wrote again to have the Civil and Imperial Laws sent over to him, whereby to govern his Kingdom according to Christian Religion.  
19 All this, I say, doth Fox set down afterward very particularly, 
Fox Act and Monument pag. 96. col. 2. n. 30.  showing that after King Lucius and his Realm had received the Baptism of Christ, were made Christians, and had turned twenty-eight Heathen Flamens, and three Archflamen, that were before of Gentiles, into so many Christian Bishops and Archbishops: All this being done and well settled, 
Act & Mon. ibid.  the foresaid King Lucius (saith he) sent again to the said Eleutherius for the Roman Laws, thereby likewise to be governed, as in Religion now they were framed accordingly: Unto whom Eleutherius again writeth after the tenor of these words following; Ye require of us the Roman Laws, etc.  
20. Whereby it is evident, that this Letter of Eleutherius (if it be true, and not feigned by Fox) was written to King Lucius some number of years after his Conversion, seeing he could not setttle his Realm, as here Fox describeth, but in some good space of time. Holinshead, Hooker, and Harrison (Disciples also of this Fox) in this do take upon them to determine the Time, (tho' I know not by what Authority) saying, That it was three years after King Lucius his Conversion and Baptism. 
Holinsh. p. 24. descript. Angl. col. 2. n. 40.  The Faith of Christ (say they) being thus planted in the Island, Anno 177, it came to pass the third year of the Gospel received, that Lucius did send again to Eleutherius the Bishop, requiring that he might have some brief Epitome of the Order of Discipline then used in the Church, etc.  

The contrariety between Fox and his Scholars.  21. Thus hold they, and that upon this second Embassage followed the foresaid Letter of Eleutherius to King Lucius. Which if it be true, then let them give Sentence of their good Father, what an egregious Hypocrite and Deceiver he was, to argue out of this Letter, That, forasmuch as it appeareth by the same, that King Lucius was a Christian when this Letter was written: Ergo, King Lucius was not converted by Eleutherius, but by some other before him, tho' perhaps he might help somewhat to his Confirmation in Religion, etc.  

About the substance of Eleutherius' Epistle to K. Lucius 183.  22. But now to the substance of the Letter itself, or rather of the piece or parcel that it hath pleased Fox and these his Scholars to impart with us. You must note first, That these good Scholars seeing their Master to have left us this English Epistle of Eleutherius so imperfect and curtailed, as it seemeth to have neither end or just beginning, do say that the rest was lost, which yet Fox telleth us not. Secondly, they seeing the Title to make much against them, left it out, as before hath been said. Thirdly, touching the very Corpse itself of the Epistle set down by him, they put it down so different both in Words, Sentences, Authorities, and Texts of Scripture, from that which Fox hath; as it showeth either the thing to be wholly feigned by Them, or their Master; or that they have a great Liberty and Privilege to alter the same at their pleasures.  
23. And this would be sufficient for this matter; but further perchance you might demand, Why this Epistle of Eleutherius is alleged and urged so earnestly by them, seeing it seemeth to make so little for them? Whereunto I answer, 
First Cause.  That the chiefest Causes seem to be two or three. The first, That Fox might frame thereupon his former foolish Argument, That forasmuch as by this Epistle it appeareth that King Lucius was a Christian when this Epistle was written by Eleutherius, it may seem that Eleutherius converted him not, nor any other sent from Rome; the falsehood and childishness of which Argument hath been sufficiently laid open before.  

Second Cause.  24. The second Cause is, to found two points of Doctrine thereon. The one, That Scriptures only are sufficient to govern any Kingdom without other Ecclesiastical, Civil, or Temporal Laws; which yet themselves do not practise, where they have Dominion, as experience teacheth us. The other point is, That every King is God's Vicar, that is to say, absolute and supreme Head in all Causes as well Spiritual as Temporal within his Realm; and to this end is brought in the Testimony of this Letter of Eleutherius, not only by Fox, Holinshead, Hooker, Harrison, Hastings, and other of that Crew, taking one from another that Argument; but even their great Champion Jewel, as Holinshead relateth in the first Volume of his Stories.  

Hol. l. 4. hist. Ang. c. 19 p. 52.  25. The Reverend Father John Jewel (saith he) sometime Bishop of Salisbury, writeth in his Reply unto Harding 's Answer, That the said Eleutherius, for general Order to be taken in the Realm and Churches here, wrote his advice to Lucius in manner and form following: 
Jewel fo. 119.  Ye have received in the Kingdom of Britanny, by God's Mercy, both the Law and Faith of Christ; ye have both the New and the Old Testament; out of the same, through God's Grace, by the advice of your Realm make a Law, and by the same, through God's sufferance, rule your Kingdom of Britanny; for in that Kingdom you are God's Vicar, etc.  
26. These are the words alleged by Master Jewel out of this Epistle; which differ not much from that which is in Fox and Holinshead: But both of them do add a third Clause out of the said Epistle, which is this; 
Fox Acts and Mon. p. 96. Hol. descript. Brit. pag. 25.  A King hath his name of Ruling, and not of having a Realm. You shall be a King while you rule well; but if you do otherwise, the name of a King shall not remain with you, but you shall utterly lose and forgo it, which God forbid. And then maketh Holinshead this Annotation in these words; Hitherto out of the Epistle that Eleutherius sent unto Lucius; wherein many pretty Observations are to be collected, if time and place would serve to stand upon them.  
27. So he saith; but what Annotations these are he declareth not, tho' it be easy to guests by others which he maketh in other places: For that in the very next page before he maketh us a very grave Discourse, 
The first point of Eleutherius' Epistle.  How that Lucius sent to Rome the second time for a Copy of such politic Orders as were then used in the Regiment of the Church; but that Eleutherius, for divers reasons, thought it best not to lay any more upon the Necks of the New Converts of Britanny, than Christ and his Apostles had already set down to all men in the Scriptures. And is not this a wise Discourse? as tho' no Temporal Laws were to be made in a Christian Commonwealth, but only those that are set down in Scriptures. Who seeth not the madness of these Conclusions or Illations? Nay, who doth not consider how greatly this matter is against themselves? That King Lucius dwelling so far off from Rome as he did; yea, being otherwise an Enemy to the Roman Nation, as these men confess that he was, did notwithstanding so highly respect, even in those ancient days, the See and Bishop of Rome, that he submitted himself thereto, and demanded from thence direction, not only in matters of Religion, and Ecclesiastical Laws, but in Temporal and Civil also; and Eleutherius knowing his own Authority over him and his, doubted not to appoint them what was to be done. And albeit Mr. Jewel doth call it an Advice, as you have heard, yet the Title of the Epistle implieth more, saying, that it was ad correctionem Regis & Procerum Regni, as above we have declared. And this for the first point contained in this Epistle.  
28. And for the second, 
How Temporal Princes are God's Vicars also.  wherein Eleutherius saith that King Lucius was God's Vicar or Vicegerent (as Holinshead translateth it) within his own Realm; what Catholic ever denied this, or that any lawful Temporal Prince is not God's Vicar and Substitute in governing his People under him? Sure we are, St. Paul speaking even of a Heathen Prince or Magistrate, saith, 
Rom. 13.  Dei enim minister tibi est in bonum; for he is God's Substitute to thee for thy good. And in another place, teaching Servants how they should obey their Heathen Lords and Masters, he saith, Servi obedite Dominis carnalibus, cum timore & tremore, 
Ephes. 6.  sicut Christo; Servants obey your Carnal or Temporal Lords, as to Christ himself. And again in the same place, Sicut Domino, & non Hominibus; As unto our Lord Jesus, and not as unto Men. And doth not here the Apostle confess expressly, that Temporal Lords and Princes, yea tho' they were Pagans, are Christ's Vicars and Substitutes in their Government of Temporal Affairs? But yet I do not think that either Fox or Holinshead will say that they were Christ's Vicars also in Spiritual Affairs, or Heads of the Church within their Realms, as by this Epistle of Eleutherius they would make King Lucius seem to be.  
29. And so finally, Whether this Epistle of Eleutherius be true or feigned, 
Reasons which make the Epistle of Eleutherius suspected.  it maketh little for them, but much rather against them. And there be divers things in it which do make it probable that it is a feigned matter. First, for the time set down in the Title, showing it to be written after Eleutherius was dead. Secondly, for that neither Fox nor Holinshead would deliver it unto us in Latin as it was written. Thirdly, for that the Copy set down by Holinshead hath many Texts of Scriptures full little to the purpose, and fond applied, 
John Fox playeth Reynard the Fox.  and unworthy the great Learning of Pope Eleutherius; which John Fox perceiving, like a wily Fox indeed, left them quite out of his Copy; professing notwithstanding to put down the Epistle wholly, as he found it.  
30. Fourthly, the last point of Doctrine therein taught, That Kings are no longer Kings than they rule well; and do lose and utterly forgo the same, when they do otherwise; is a Doctrine not fit for Eleutherius, but agreeing rather with that of hus and Wickliff mentioned before in the Second Encounter, as condemned by the General Council of Constance. 
Encount. 2. c. 4.  And this shall be enough about this first Heretical Cavillation concerning the Conversion of Britanny under Pope Eleutherius, which our English Sectaries, for hate to Rome, will needs call in doubt. But not being able to stand in this quarrel, they fly to another of more moment, which shall be handled in the ensuing Chapter.   

CHAP. V.  
Of another Heretical Shift about the former Conversion of Britanny under Pope Eleutherius and King Lucius, as tho' the Faith of Rome that was then, did not remain now; which is reproved by two evident Demonstrations, the first Negative, the other Affirmative.  
WHen all the former Foxly Shifts and Devices will not serve to shake off the praise of our Britan's Conversion from Rome by means of Eleutherius, our Fox diggeth to himself another starting-hole, whereunto, when he is pressed, to run; and his good Cub Sir Francis followeth him diligently at the heels. The Fox his words are these: But grant we here, 
Fox 's Confession, Act, & Monum. pag. 96.  that it be as they would have it, (and indeed the most part of our English Stories do confess it) neither will I greatly stick with them therein: yet what have they got thereby, when they have cast all their gain? In few words, to conclude this matter, if so be that the Christian Faith and Religion was first derived from Rome by Eleutherius, let them but grant to us the same Faith and Religion that was taught in Rome, and from thence derived hither by Eleutherius, and we will desire no more: For than was there not any Universal Pope, 
1, 2, 3, 4.  neither any Name or Use of the Mass, nor any Sacrifice Propitiatory, nor any Transubstantiation, neither any Images of Saints departed set up in the Churches, etc.  


Comparison between the Fox and the Cub.  
Wast. p. 192.   2. Thus saith the Fox, granting by Testimony of most Writers that which before he laboured so much to impugn. Now let us hear the Cub, how well he hath learned to bark after his Sire: Tho' it be granted (saith he) that Eleutherius sending hither Preachers from Rome in King Lucius his time, did first convert this Land to the Christian Faith; I say, there is not now the same Faith in Rome that was then: There were then no Masses said, no Transubstantiation known, no setting up of Images in Churches, no Universal Pope, etc.  
3. Here you see the selfsame Speech, with the selfsame Spirit, betwixt the Cub and the Fox, the Scholar and the Master; but that the Scholar altereth somewhat the order, to cover thereby his borrowing from the other: Nay, we may note another thing also, which is usual in such people; the Scholar is more earnest and eager than his Master of whom he took it, and more over-lashing; so as what the one speaketh but doubtfully, the other affirmeth most resolutely; what the one saith, the other sweareth. Let them grant us (saith Fox) the same Faith which was then at Rome, and we desire no more. This was somewhat modest, tho' False and Hypocritical; for he meaneth it not, whatsoever you grant him, or prove against him. But what saith his Scholar? I I say (quoth he) there is not now the same Faith in Rome that was then. This is more resolute and peremptory as you see: For who saith it I pray you? I say it (quoth he) as though he would challenge the field of him that will dare to deny it, or prove the contrary. But who are you (Sir) that we should yield unto you this Pythagorical Authority of ipse dixit? granting all things upon your own Assertion without further proofs? if you be the Man that so often before have been made a mouse, and your Credit so many times shaken by showing your false dealing, then may it be now an Argument rather to the contrary: to wit, Sir Francis saith this or that without alleging any Proof, Ergo it is probable that the matter is either feigned or falsified, and this consequence you shall see much confirmed both in him and his Father Fox, by this that here we are to examine.  
4. For first, both of them do affirm (as you have heard) and that with great Asseveration, that in the Time of Eleutherius the Pope, that is to say, in the second Age after Christ, there was not the Faith in Rome that now is: For that there was no mention or knowledge then, either of any universal Authority of the Church or Bishop of Rome, or of the name or use of Masses, or Sacrifice propitiatory, or of Transubstantiation, or of Images used in Churches, and the like.  
5. To which vain Arguments of both these poor Men, I might answer sufficiently, by telling them (if they will learn) that albeit it were true in some sense, that these Doctrines, which here they allege and some other in Controversy between us, were not found in the Second Age, when Pope Eleutherius lived, so expressly set forth, as in other Ages afterward, when better Occasion was offered, and the Times did more permit the same: yet is this no good Argument to prove, that they were not believed then also in the Catholic Church. For if this Consequence should be admitted, then as well might it be admitted also against many other principal Points and Articles of our Faith, which are acknowledged and believed by Protestants also at this day, though not expressly handled, discussed or determined in those first two hundred Years after Christ: as for Example, the Name and Doctrine of the Blessed Trinity, the two distinct Natures, and one Person in Christ, 
Points of Religion not expressly handled or determined by the Church within the first two hundred years.  his two distinct wills, the Virginity of our Blessed Lady both before and after her Childbirth, the Proceeding of the Holy Ghost, as well from the Son, as from the Father, etc.  
6. All which Points and some others are not found to be handled so clearly and distinctly by Authors of the first two hundred Years, as afterward, partly for that they were occupied in other matters against Gentiles and Heretics that touched not these Points and partly for that General Councils could not yet be gathered together, to discuss and declare them distinctly; though no good Christians will or may doubt, but that they were believed in the Church before, from Christ downward, and that the General Councils that determined them afterward for Articles of true Belief against Heretics, that had called them in question, did not so determine them, as if they had made them Articles which were not before (for this the Church could not do, as is held by all Catholics) but only that they being Articles of True and Catholic Belief before, the Church did now declare them to be such.  
Wherefore this being so, I might answer (and I see not how they could reply) that John Fox and his Scholar may as well deny and call in question all or any of these foresaid Articles, as the other, which they recite. For that they were as little, or perhaps less specified in the first two hundred Years, than these which they object.  
7. But I will deal more liberally with our Minister and Knight, 
Two ways of Proof; the one negative, the other affirmative.  and will seek to satisfy them with Reason, who do brabble and argue against us without Reason. I shall endeavour to do the same by two ways, hoping to make their Folly appear to every indifferent Man by them both. The first shall be via negativa, the negative way, by putting them to some proof. And the second shall be affirmative, showing them what Proofs may be brought for our side. Nothing doubting but that each shall be sufficient to satisfy the equal Reader: Let the first kind of Argument then, by the way of negative, be this.  
8. We deny that the Faith now held in Rome, and namely the Articles here mentioned of the Pope, Mass, Transubstantiation, and use of Images, were not believed in Pope Eleutherius' days, as now for the substance of the Doctrine. And let them prove it if they can, and if they say, that it is hard to prove a negative, we are content that they prove only an affirmative, whereby the said negative may be inferred, to wit, that any one of these Doctrines did begin to enter into the Church after Eleutherius. And to this Proof they are bound in all equity and reason, as we shall show by our sequent Discourse. For if it be true, that the Articles and Points of Doctrine here mentioned by Fox and Sir Francis wherein they differ from us, 
The first way of argument negative against Protestants.  be indeed not things heard of, or believed at Rome in the time of Pope Eleutherius (which yet they deny not, but that in other Ages after they were generally received) then followeth it, that Fox and his Fellows must show the Time, Place, Men, and Occasion of their beginning, to wit, when, where, and by what Men, and upon what Causes, and with what Authority, or Induction or Violence, or by what Deceit, or with what Contradiction of others, these Doctrines entered first, and were continued in the Church. All which Points we can show of every other Error or Heresy, that hath risen and was held for such, from Christ's Time to ours.  
9 And if either Fox or his Cub, or any of that Kennel can or will show this, and join issue with us upon this one Point, we do accept thereof, and the matter may be quickly dispatched. But if this cannot be done, then must we follow the Rule of St. Augustin held by him for infallible in such Affairs: 
The first ground of St. Augustins' rule.  to wit, That when any Doctrine is found generally received in the known visible Church, at any Time, or in any Age, whereof there is no certain Author, Time, or Beginning found: then is it sure, that all such Doctrine hath come down from Christ and his Apostles.  
10. This doth that holy Doctor and great Pillar of God's Church Saint Augustin affirm and reiterate in every place of his Works against Heretics of his Time, which argued, as our Men do, by denying only, and putting Catholics to Proof. As for Example, against the Donatists, denying the custom of baptising Infants, for that it was not in Scripture, nor recorded by Fathers of the first Ages, 
Ang. l. 4. de Bapt. cont. Donat. c. 6.  Saint Augustin answereth thus, Illa consuetudo, quam & tunc homines sursum versum aspicientes non videbant à posterioribus institutam, rectè ab Apostolis tradita creditur. That Custom of Baptising Infants, which Men before us in the Church looking upward to Antiquity, did not find to have been ordained by them that came after the first Ages, is rightly believed to have been delivered by the Apostles.  
11. And again in another place speaking of Ecclesiastical Customs, he saith, Quod universa tenet Ecclesia, 
Lib. 4. de bapt. c. 24.  nec Conciliis institutum sed semper retentum est, non nisi anthoritate Apostolica traditum rectissimè creditur. That, which the universal Church doth hold, and was not instituted by any Council, but hath been still retained in the Church, this we may most justly believe to have come from no other Authority, than from the Apostles.  
And the like Speeches unto this hath St. Augustin in divers other places both of this Book against the Donatists, as l. 2. c. 7. and l. 5. c. 23. as also lib. de Vnitat. Ecclesiae. c. 19 & Epistola 118, etc. And as for that he speaketh of Institution by Councils, he meaneth of Customs and Ceremonies, and not of Articles of Belief. Which no Council can appoint, but only declare and expound, as before we have showed.  
12. This Position then of St. Augustin is most true and consonant to the Doctrine of all other Fathers in that behalf, that when any thing is found generally received in the Church, and no Author, Institutor, or Beginning can be found thereof, this without all doubt cometh down from the Apostles. And of this position may be alleged two infallible grounds. 
Two reasons why that which is generally received in the Church and hath no known beginning, may be presumed to come from the Apostles joan. 14.15, 16. Mat. 16.  The one of Faith, the other of evident Reasons. For in Faith who can think so basely of Christ's Power or Will in performing his Promises made unto his Church, to conserve her in all Truth unto the World's end, as that he should permit her notwithstanding to admit or teach generally any one false Article of Doctrine, and much less, so many as these men object against us? For whereas he promised his Holy Spirit to be with her unto the World's end, and that she should be the Pillar and Firmament of Truth to direct others, and finally that hell gates should never prevail against her: How should all this be performed, if she fell into those Errors, of which Protestants accuse her? or what greater Victory could the gates of Hell have against her, than that from an Apostolical Church, of whom Christ spoke, she should become an Apostatical Church, as these Men do call her? which is the greatest Blasphemy against Christ and his Divinity, that possibly can be imagined, seeing it doth evacuate his whole Incarnation, Life, Death, Doctrine, Resurrection, and other Benefits of his coming, which were all employed to this end, to make unto himself a Church and Kingdom in this world, that should direct Men in all Truth to their Salvation. And this being taken away, and the other granted, that the Church herself may fall into Error and false Doctrine; then is there no certainty in any thing. And consequently it cannot be that any erroneous Doctrine should be taught or received generally by the Church. And this is the first ground of Saint Augustin's Assertion.  
13. But besides this, there is another founded in Reason and Experience, 
The second ground of St. Augustin's rule.  which cannot be denied. And for that it is a consideration of great Importance and may serve the Reader to many purposes of moment, for discerning of Doubts and Controversies; I shall desire him to be attended in perusing the same. We do find by Experience, and that not only in Ecclesiastical, but Temporal Affairs also: That when Orders, Laws and Customs are once settled in any Commonwealth, it is hard to alter or take them away, or to bring in things opposite or different to them, without some Resistance, Dispute, Contradiction, or at least some Memory thereof, how, why, and by whom it was done. As for Example, if a Man would go about to bring in any Innovation in the particular Laws of London, and much more in the general Laws of all the Land: no doubt, but he should find some Resistance therein, some that would dispute about the matter, alleging Reasons to the contrary: others would resist and oppose themselves; and when all did fail, at leastwise some Record, Story or Memory would be left of this Change.  
14. But much more if this matter did concern Religion, which is most esteemed above other Points. As for Example, if a Man would begin to teach any Points of Doctrine at this Day in England contrary or different from that which is there received, and established by public Authority; he would presently be noted and contradicted by some no doubt: as we see the Puritans, Brownists, Family of Love, and other such newer Teachers have been, and the History thereof is notorious, and will remain to Posterity.  
15. And this is the very reason also, why all Heretics and Heresies from the beginning did no sooner peep up in the visible Catholic Church, but that they were noted, impugned confuted, and finally cast out from that body, to the Devil's dunghill. And the Records thereof do remain, who were the Authors and Beginners, who the Favourers and setters forward, at what time, upon what occasion, under what Popes and Kings, and other suchlike Circumstances. And this will endure to the end of the World.  

The proper state of the Question.  16. This then being so, we now come to the state of our Question, and to join with the Protestants upon this Issue, That seeing the Doctrines before mentioned, of the Pope's Authority, Sacrifice of the Mass, Transubstantiation, Use of Images, and the like, were found to be generally received and believed in the Visible and Universal Catholic Church of Christendom, when Martin Luther first began to break from the same; yea, and many Ages before, by their own confession, they must show us when the said Doctrines were brought in afterwards to the Church, not being there, nor believed therein before; to wit, by what Man or Men, with what Authority, Constraint, or Persuasion, with what repugnance of them that misliked the same, and other like Circumstances before mentioned; which if they be not able to do, most certain it is, that whatsoever they prattle against these Doctrines, saying they were not in Eleutherius' time, it is nothing but Cavils and Heretical Shifts.  
17. And now that they cannot show any such particularities for the entrance or admittance of these Doctrines into the Church, is most evident: For whatsoever time they assign for their beginning, we can still show, that before that time they were in use, if they mean of the Things themselves, and not only of Words or Phrases. 
Transubstantiation ever in the Cath. Church.  As for example, when they object, That in the Council of Lateran under Pope Innocentius III. in the year of Christ 1215. the word Transubstantiation was first used; we answer, That albeit that word was then added for better explication of the matter, as these words Homoousion, Consubstantial, Trinity, and the like, were by the first General Council of Nice; yet the substance of the Article was held before, from the beginning, under other equivalent words of Change and Immutation of Natures, Transformation of Elements, and the like. As for Example, that of St. Ambrose speaking of the words of Christ in the Consecration, 
Amb. l. 4. 5, & 9 de Sacramentis.  Non valebit sermo Christi, ut species mutet elementorum? Shall not the words of Christ be of power to change the Natures of Elements?— And again, Sermo Christi, qui potuit de nihilo facere, quod non erat, non potest ea quae sunt in id mutare, quod non erant?" The Speech of Christ that was able to create of nothing that which was not before; shall it not be able to change things that are already into that which they were not before? He meaneth the Bread and Wine into the Body and Blood of Christ, as himself doth expound.  
18. So as here we see the change of the Natures of Elements, and of the Substance of one Body into another, averred by St. Ambrose long time before the Council of Lateran; which is the same that we mean by Transubstantiation. And conform to this do speak also other ancient Fathers, as well Greek as Latin; and one thing is specially to be noted, That both the Greek and Latin Church did agree therein in the said Council; there being present two Patriarches of the Greek Church, 
The Council of Lateran under Innocentius III Anno 1215.  to wit, those of Constantinople and Jerusalem, and others both Archbishops, Bishops, and Prelates: So as of both Churches the Archbishops were 70, the Bishops 412, Abbots and Priors 800, and Prelates in all 1215, together with the Legates, Doctors and Ambassadors of both Empires, West and East, as also of the Kings of France, Spain, England, Jerusalem, and others. So as this point of Doctrine about Transubstantiation was not hanled in corners, but publicly: and the Council doth not deliver the same as any New Doctrine, but only as an Explication of That which ever had been held before.  
19 And the same is answered to the other-like Heretical Cavils about other points here objected by Fox and Sir Francis of an Universal Pope, the use of the Mass, and Propitiatory Sacrifice, the setting up of dead men's Images, and the like. For if they understand by the first the Primacy and Supreme Authority Ecclesiastical of the See of Rome, and her Bishops; and by the second, the Christian external Sacrifice of the Body and Blood of our Saviour, instituted by himself as the Compliment of all other Sacrifices that went before; and by the third, Sacred Memories and Images of Christ and his Saints, that are not dead, but living and reigning everlastingly in Heaven: then are all these Doctrines (howsoever disguised by Heretics with different words, to make them more odious) most true and Catholic Doctrines, and received in the Church from the beginning, and continued from the Apostles downward.  
20. And albeit these People, to continue cavilling, do allege divers times, 
A silly shift of the Heretics.  that the first of these Articles, about the Pope's Supremacy, did begin first under Pope Gregory the Great and Phocas the Emperor, about the year of Christ 600; and that the last, about the Use of Images, was decreed in the second General Council of Nice, about the year 700; and that the other of the Use of Mass began by little and little they cannot tell when: yet is this all most ridiculous, and themselves dare not stand to any certain time by them assigned; for that presently we appoint another time before that wherein these things were also acknowledged; which they cannot do in the Heresies by us objected to them, for that we show indeed the very true time wherein they began, and had their offspring, together with the proper Authors, Places, Occasions, and other-like particularities, recorded not by ourselves, but by other authentical Writers before us, so as reasonably there can be no doubt thereof. And herein stands the true difference between us: We really and substantially show the Beginning and Authors of their Heresies, for that they are Heresies indeed; but They cannot show the Beginning or Author of any of our Articles of Belief since Christ and his Apostles, for that they are no Heresies, but Catholic Doctrines, and have ever endured from Christ downward; tho' in some Ages more than other, they have been expounded or declared by Fathers and Councils, according to the necessities of the time; and this is one proper Office of the Holy Ghost, appointed for Guider of the Church to explain matters, as doubts do arise.  
21. Wherefore this is the first way of trial whether the foresaid Articles of the Roman Religion, taught at this day, about Transubstantiation, Mass, 
The Inference upon all the former Negative Argument.  and the like, be the same that Pope Eleutherius held, and sent into Britanny, or not. And I do call all this kind of Argument Negative, both in respect of our Adversaries, that deny them to have been then in use, and of Us, that deny them to have been brought in afterward: And they ought to prove the second, seeing they cannot deny but that they were once generally in use, and received over Christendom. Whereof we do make the former most infallible Inference with St. Augustin, That forasmuch as they were once in use, and generally received, and no particular beginning can be showed of them or of their entrance: Ergo, They came from the Apostles themselves.  
22. To this Inference the Sectaries and Heretics of our time have one only shift more; which is, That albeit these Doctrines have for many Ages been received generally in the Church of Christendom; yet that they crept into the same by little and little, and finding no resistance, began at last to be universally believed. But this creeping Instance can have no place here by any probability: For, to say nothing of the Providence of God in protecting his Church from such creeping Errors, nor yet of the Promises of Christ beforementioned to the same effect, 
That Heresies could not creep into the Church without being espied.  Reason itself doth demonstrate also that this possibly could not be; For if the Doctors and Fathers of the Church did note and discover from time to time every least Heresy or Error that did peep up in their days, and this not only in Heretics, but in divers principal Fathers also that held any particular Opinions, as is manifest in St. Cyprian, Lactantius, Arnobius, Cassianus, and others; If this diligence (I say) were used by them in all other occasions, how could it happen that so many, so manifest, and so important Doctrines, as are in controversy between Us and Protestants, should be let pass without Note or Contradiction, if they had been either New or Erroneous? How should it come to pass (I say) that no one of these ancient Fathers should ever impugn any of these Doctrines, if they were New Opinions, and brought into the Church contrary to the Doctrine that was before, as these men do say? Yea, how should it fall out that no one Record in the World should be left by our Ancestors, that at such a time, by such or such occasions, began the Doctrine of Purgatory, of Praying to Saints, of the Real Presence, of the Use of Images, of Mass and Sacrifice, of seven Sacraments, and the like, that were not held in the Church before?  

An experimental deduction.  23. And that this is impossible, may be showed by this experimental Deduction, which now I will set down. Let us imagine that none of these Doctrines were in the first Age under the Apostles; and namely, that then there were but two Sacraments, no Purgatory at all, or any External Sacrifice held. We ask them concerning the second Age, wherein Justinus, Polycarpus, Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Tertullian, were chief Teachers, whether these Doctrines were in this Age, or no? If they deny it, tho' we might prove the contrary out of their Works; yet, not to pass from this first kind of Argument, we ask the like of the third Age, under Origen, Cyprian, Dionysius Alexandrinus, Pamphilus, Arnobius, and the rest? And if they deny of this Age also, that these Doctrines were not held by them, we go to the fourth Age, under Athanasius, Hilarius, Optatus, Basil, Nazianzen, Ambrose, Hierom, Chrysostom, Epiphanius, Cyrillus: In whose Writings every where there is mention of all these Doctrines, as afterward in our second Argument we shall show out of the Protestants themselves; and namely the Magdeburgians, that profess to note all.  
24. Now then, I ask our Adversaries touching this creeping Instance, how could these Doctrines so creep into the Catholic Visible Church in this fourth Age for example, and be received so generally over all Nations, Countries, and Kingdoms, by these principal Lights, Captains, watchmans, and Guiders of the same, as no Note, Detection, Resistance or Memory should be left of any Doubt, Dispute, or Opposition made against them? Is this likely? Is this possible? Read all the Fathers Works over, and find, if you can, but one place wherein one Father did ever hitherto note another for holding Purgatory, Praying to Saints, believing the Real Presence, or the like, as they did Cyprian (tho' otherwise a most Learned and Holy Man) for teaching Rebaptisation of Heretics, and some other Fathers for other particular Opinions different from the Catholic Doctrine of that Age. Whereof we may infer, That they would have done the like also in these other points, if they had been held for new or erroneous in those days. 
A Consideration of much importance.  And hereof also may be inferred another Sequel or Observation of very great moment against our Heretics, That when soever any Doctrine is found in any of the ancient Fathers, which is not contradicted nor noted by any of the rest as singular, that Doctrine is to be presumed to be no particular Opinion of his, but rather the general of all the Church in his days; for that otherwise it would most certainly have been noted and impugned by others. Whereby it followeth, that one Doctor's Opinion or Saying in matters of Controversy not contradicted or noted by others, may sometimes give a sufficient Testimony of the whole Church's Sentence and Doctrine in those days; which is a point very greatly to be considered.  
25. But yet further, to all this may be added another Consideration of no small weight, which is the difficulty of bringing in certain Doctrines, 
The difficulty of bringing in five new Sacraments.  if any man would have attempted it; as for Example, the Doctrine of Seven Sacraments: If there had been but Two only before in the Apostles time, it had been an extreme great Novelty to have added Five more, which never would have been admitted without much strife and resistance, seeing all Catholics do hold, that Christ only could institute Sacraments, for that He only could assure the Promise of Grace made thereunto, as excellently doth declare the Council of 
* Sess. 7. cap. 1.  Trent, and long before that again the Master of Sentences; and 
* 4 dist. 5. q. 10 art. 2. & part. 3. q. 64. act. 4.  St. Thomas, in the name of all Catholics, did leave that Doctrine registered, and there can be no doubt thereof.  
26. Wherefore this Truth being admitted, That the whole Church hath no Authority to institute any Sacrament, or to alter any thing about the substantial parts thereof; to wit, the Matter, Form, or Number, (as the same Council of Trent in another place declareth; 
Sess. 21. c. 7. ) how was it possible that five whole Sacraments should be added or brought into Catholic Doctrine, and received and believed throughout Christendom without any resistance or opposition at all, if there had been but two only instituted by Christ, and exercised by the Apostles in the first Age? How, I say, could five more be brought in afterward? By whom? at what time? in what Country? etc. 
Impossibilities  For if any one had begun to do it, others would have resisted; it being a matter of so high moment. And if one Country, Province or Church had admitted them, another would have refused; or at leastwise there would have been some Doubt or Disputation, and some general Meeting and Synod, or Council gathered about that matter; and some parts would have admitted one Number, and some another, as we see that the Sectaries of our time have done since the matter hath been called in question by them; some allowing five, some four, some three, some two. But no memory of any of these differences being to be found among Catholics, most certain it is that this Number came down from Christ and his Apostles themselves.  
27. The like, or greater difficulty, 
The difficulty of bringing in the use of Confession.  would also have been about the use of Sacramental Confession, if it had not been appointed by Christ, and put in ure presently, and so continued from time to time: For that it being a thing in itself most repugnant to man's sensual Nature, to be bound to open his particular sins to another, with that Humility and Subjection which Catholic Doctrine doth prescribe in the use of that Sacrament; clear it is, that if it had not been in ure even from the Apostles time, and that as a matter of absolute necessity, it could never have been received afterward, nor yet brought in by any Human Power, Art, or Device. For who (I pray you) should or could bring in such a thing of so great repugnance and difficulty upon the whole Christian Church? Will they say any Pope? Let them name either Him or Them, together with the Time, and other Particularities; which they never will be able to do.  
28. Besides this, I ask them further, What Pope would ever have attempted this, if it had not been by Obligation before him; seeing that Popes themselves, the more Great and Eminent they be above others, the more natural repugnance must they needs find in themselves, to go and kneel down at the feet of an inferior Priest, and confess unto him their most secret sins? And the like may be said of Temporal Princes and Emperors; who if any Pope or Power Ecclesiastical would have laid such a burden upon them, not used nor of obligation before, how would they have yielded unto it? which of them would not have answered, that seeing their Fathers and Ancestors were saved without this subjection, and irksome obligation of revealing their particular sins, they would hope to be so also? And finally, some great Difficulty, Doubt, or Contention would have been about this matter, before it could have been so brought in, and established all over the Christian World, as we see by experience it was; and at leastwise some memory would have remained thereof in Histories, which we find not, and consequently we may conclude that there was never any such thing. And this is sufficient for our first Argument. Now let us pass to the second.   

CHAP. VI  
It is proved by the second kind of Affirmative or Positive Arguments, That the Points of Catholic Doctrine, before denied by Fox and Sir Francis, were in use in Pope Eleutherius his Time, and in other Ages immediately following; and this by Testimony of Protestant Writers themselves.  
ALbeit the Reasons and Considerations before alleged, whereby our Adversaries are willed to show the beginning of such Articles and Points of our Catholic Doctrine as they deny to have come down from the Apostles Time, were sufficient to put them to silence, being not able to perform any part thereof, and consequently also may open the eyes of any studious Reader to see the Infirmity of Their Cause, and the Strength and Truth of Ours; yet will we, for greater satisfaction of all sorts, pass over to the other part also of Positive and Affirmative Proofs, which are so abundant in this behalf, as if I would set them down all, this only point would require a particular Treatise; wherefore I mean to abreviate the matter, as much as I may.  

Two means of proofs by citing Authors.  2. For which respect, whereas there are two means to set down these Proofs; one out of the Authors themselves that lived in the same Age with Eleutherius, and the next after; and the other to cite the same out of Protestant Writers: I have made choice of the second way in this place, both for that it is shorter, and seemeth also more sure and effectual. For if I should cite the places, as for Example in the second Age, St. Irenaeus lib. 5. advers. haeres. for the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, and the same, lib. 4. cap. 77. and with him Justinus Martyr, q. 103. together with Theophilus, Athenagoras, Clemens Alexandrinus, for Freewill, and the same Clemens, lib. 5. stromatum, and divers others of that Age, for the Merit of Good Works, for the manner of doing Penance, and the like; and if I should allege the said Irenaeus, lib. 4. cap. 32. for the Sacrifice of the Mass, and Justinus Martyr Apolog. 2. and Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 7. Stromatum, about the Rites and Ceremonies of the said Mass, and the same Justinus, q. 136. and the same Irenaeus, lib. 1. c. 18. for the Ceremonies of Baptism and Chrism used in those days: If (I say) I should allege these, and other Authors of that time, for positive Proofs of Catholic Articles against Protestants in Eleutherius' days, the matter would first grow to be very long; for that I must allege the places at length, seeing that otherwise the quarrelling Adversary would say that I left out the Antecedents and Consequents, 
Ordinary cavillation of the Adversary.  as themselves are wont to do, when they mean not to have any Text rightly understood; Secondly, they would quarrel with us (when they see themselves pressed) about the Author's Books, whether they be truly theirs or no; and thirdly, about the Translation, Words, and Sense. All which would bring a long Dispute.  
3. But now finding that certain Authors of their own Religion, (if they be of their Religion) I mean the Magdeburgians, called otherwise Centuriatores, have taken upon them to set down the whole Story of the Church, and have herewithal treated as well of the Doctrine, as also the Doctors of every Age; I have thought best to take my Proofs out of them, being Confessions, as it were, against themselves and their Mates the Calvinists (tho' not very friendly Mates in many matters of Doctrine, as you shall hear) and their Story being the very Ground and Fountain of all John Fox his Volume of Acts and Monuments, except only those things which concern England in particular; wherein whether he or they behave themselves with less Honesty or Conscience, is hard to say: but in this Treatise you shall have divers tastes of them both. And this being spoken as it were by the way of Preface, we shall now take in hand the matter proposed.  
4. These men being four Saxons, whom before we have named, gathered together in the City of Magdeburg, to wit, Flaccus Illyricus, Joannes Vigandus, 
The story of the Magdeburgians.  Matthaeus Judex, and Basilius Faber, and in Religion strict or rigid Lutherans, took upon them (as hath been said) to write the whole Ecclesiastical History from Christ to their Time by Centuries or Ages, allowing 100 years to every Age, whereof they are called Centuriatores. And in every Age they handle these and like Chapters, Of the Church, and increase thereof, or Doctrine therein taught; Of Heresies and Heretics; Of Doctors, and Writers, and the like. But amongst other points especially to be noted to our purpose, that presently after the Apostles in the second Century, they make this Chapter, repeating the same in every Age after: Inclinatio Doctrinae, 
A proud title against the Father's Writings.  complectens peculiares & incommodas opiniones, stipulas, & errores Doctorum quae palam quidem, hoc est, scriptis tradita sunt: That is, The declining of true Christian Doctrine, containing the peculiar and incommodious Opinions of Doctors, their Errors, Straw, or Stubble, which were left publicly by them, that is to say, in their Writings.  
5. This is the Title of this Chapter in every Age, and those last words seem to be added, thereby to insinuate to the Reader that the said Doctors inwardly did hold perhaps many more Errors, and Straw-opinions, in these men's judgements, than they left openly in writing. And by this arrogant Title you may see these four good Fellows mean to judge and censure all from the beginning of Christian Religion unto their days; and among others they will censure John Fox also, and his Fellows, as you may see in the Preface of one of their Centuries, dedicated unto the Queen of England the third year of her Reign, 1560, where having told her Majesty a long Tale of the Gospel and pure Word of God, naming the same above half a hundred times (if I have counted right) in this one Epistle, and showing how Princes must have no other Rule of Government than the said Word (but yet understood as these men will interpret it) they tell her also, that they now do bring her Antiquity to look upon, yet complaining that few in ancient Times did write luculenter, & cum judicio, 
Magd. in praef. Ep. dedicat. ad Elizab. Angl. Reginam in cent. 4.  perspicuously and with judgement. And then again, Sacrosanctae antiquitatis titulo plurimos quasi fascinari, ut citra omnem attentionem, rectumque judicium, quantumvis tetris erroribus applaudant: That very many are as it were so be witched with the holy Title of Antiquity, that without all attention and upright judgement, they do give willingly consent to never so foul Errors, if they be set down by Antiquity.  
6. Lo here what an entrance this is of them that profess Antiquity, to discredit by their Preface all Antiquity of Christian Religion, and of the eldest and primitive Church, whose Acts and Gests they promise to set down; but the very point indeed is, that they themselves will be Judges of all (as the fashion of proud Heretics is) and admit only so much as maketh for their particular Sect, 
Magdeburgians against the Calvinists.  and discredit, or reject the rest. And in this point our English Calvinists are like to find as little favour at their hands, as we that are Catholics, and less too; for that by the whole course of Antiquity they do show these men to be clearly Heretics, and their Opinions about the Sacraments, Invisibility of the Church, and other like, to be Heretical: whereas our Doctrines which they find in ancient Fathers differing from them, they call either incommodious Opinions, Blots, Stubble, or Errors of Doctors, as before you have heard, and not lightly Heresies. As in this their Preface to the Queen they admonish her Majesty more carefully to beware of Their Doctrine than of Ours, in these words; 

Cent. ib. pag. 9 Tom. 4.  
The Magdeb. speech to her Majesty against Calvinists.   cum jam varia grassentur quasi factiones opinionum, etc. Whereas every where now-adays divers factions of Opinions grow up among them, that profess the Gospel; there are some among others, who by certain Philosophical Reasons go about to evacuate, or make void the Testament of our Lord, so as they would remove the Presence of the true Body and Blood of Christ from the Communion, and would by a certain strange perplexity of words deceive the people against the most clear, the most evident, the most true, and the most potent words of our Saviour himself: Wherefore your Majesty must principally look to this point, and provide that the Articles of our Faith be kept without such Pharisaical Leaven, and that the Sacraments instituted by Christ be restored without all corruption and adulteration. Thus far the Magdeburgians to her Majesty, by which you may perceive why I call them Fox his Masters in lying, but not his Mates in believing.  
7. To come therefore now to our purpose; I might, as before hath been said, if it were not over long, use two ways for this positive Proof, That these Articles denied by Fox and his Scholar were heard of and acknowledged in Eleutherius' time: The first by citing the places themselves out of the principal Doctors that then lived; but this (as I have said) would be overlong. Yet one place I cannot omit of Irenaeus in the very Age we speak of, 
Iren. l. 3. c. 3. advers. haeres. A notable speech of Irenaeus, that lived with Eleutherius.  and written while Eleutherius yet lived. The words are these: Maximae & antiquissimae Ecclesiae, etc. We showing the Tradition of the greatest and most ancient Church of Rome, known to all the World, as founded by the two most glorious Apostles Peter and Paul (which Tradition and Faith she receiving from the Apostles, hath preached and delivered unto us by Succession of her Bishops from time to time unto our days) do confound thereby all those [Heretics] which by any ways, either through delight in themselves, or vainglory, or blindness of understanding, do gather otherwise than they should: For that unto this Church, in respect of her more Mighty Principality, it is necessary that all Churches must agree, and have access; that is to say, all faithful people wheresoever they live. In which Church the Tradition that hath descended from the Apostles, hath ever been kept by those that live in any place of the World.  
8. And again, a little after, having for proof of his Faith, and confirmation of Apostolical Tradition, recounted all the Bishops of Rome from St. Peter to his days, he saith, Nunc duodecimo loco, etc. Now in the twelfth place from the Apostles hath Eleutherius that Bishopric, and by this Succession (of the foresaid Roman Bishops) is the Tradition of the Apostles conserved in the Church, and the Preaching of the Truth hath come down unto us; and this is a most full Demonstration, that one and the same lively Faith hath been conserved in the Church from the Apostles time, and delivered unto us in Truth etc.  

A collection upon Irenaeus' words.  9 Lo here Tradition of the Apostles delivered and conserved by the Succession of the Bishops of Rome! Lo here the Church of Rome called so long ago the Greatest and most Ancient of all other Churches, her Principality both named and confirmed! Behold the Obligation of all other Churches of the World, yea and of all faithful Christians, to agree and have access to Her! See here all vainglorious and self-willed Heretics confounded by Irenaeus, with the only Tradition and Succession of this Church of Rome and her Bishops, even from St. Peter's time to Eleutherius, that lived with Irenaeus! What Catholic man could say more at this day? And will any jangling Fox or Sir Francis avouch yet without shame, that none of these points were ever known or heard of in Eleutherius' time?  
10. Well then, this is one way to confound them, if I would follow it. But being over tedious, I mean to take another, and show out of their own Historiographers the Magdeburgenses, that all these Doctrines denied by Fox, and his Follower here, were known and in ure among the chiefest Writers in the primitive Church, and first Ages after Christ.  
And first of all, to begin with this very matter first named by them, 
About the Primacy of the Pope and Ch. of Rome. Cent 2. cap. 4. pag. 63.  Of the Primacy of the Pope and Church of Rome: The Magdeburgians have an especial Paragraph thereof, De primatu Ecclesiae Romanae, under the foresaid Title of the incommodious Opinions, Stubble, Straw, and Errors of the Doctors that lived within the first 200 years after Christ. And in that Paragraph they not only do allege for Stubble this last Authority of Irenaeus by me cited, (tho' they allege it so miserably maimed, as of six parts they leave out more than five) but also another place of St. Ignatius, that lived in the first Age with the Apostles themselves, to the same purpose, which they cite in like manner under the same Title of Straw, and Stubble, and incommodious Opinions. 
Ignat. epist. ad Rom.  And then passing to the third Century, or second Age after that of Christ, they cite Tertullian for the same incommodious Opinion, 

Tert. l. de praescrip.  
Cent. 3. cap. 4. pag. 84.   about the Primacy of the Roman Church and Bishop, saying of him, Non sine errore sentire videtur Tertullianus claves soli Petro commissas, & Ecclesiam super ipsum structam, etc. Tertullian doth seem not without Error to think that the Keys of the Church were given only to St. Peter, and that the Church was built but on him.  
11. They cite also four or five places out of St. Cyprian, where he holdeth the same with Tertullian, and so they are both confuted for Stubble-Doctors together. Yet go they further with St. Cyprian, citing divers other places out of him to the same effect for the Bishop and Church of Rome, all which they take for Stubble; as where he saith, One God, one Christ, one Church, 
Cyp. l. 1. ep. 8.  one Chair builded upon the Ark by the Word of our Saviour; and three or four like places more, which for brevity I omit; and finally they say of him, and three other Fathers of his time, Cyprianus, Maximus, Vrbanus, and Salonius, 
Cyprian egregiously abused by the Magdeburgians.  do think that one [Chief] Bishop must be in the Catholic Church, etc. Lo, four old Fathers that lived almost 1400 years agone, and were the Lights of that Primitive Church, rejected here by four drinking Germans gathered together in some warm Stow of Magdeburg, tippling strongly (as a man may presume) and judging all the World for Stubble besides themselves; for which cause the third person in this Quaternity is called perhaps Mattheus Judex. But let us go forward.  
12. They are not content with this rejection of St. Cyprian, but they fall upon him again in these words; Cyprian affirmeth expressly, 
Cyp. c. 4. ep. 8.  without all foundation of holy Scripture, that the Roman Church must be acknowledged by all Christians for the Mother and Root of the Catholic Church, And further yet in another Treatise, That this Church is the Chair of Peter, from which all the Unity of Priesthood proceedeth. And finally, Cyprian, say they, 
Tract. de simplic. Praelat. Cyp. l. 1. ep. 6. & l. 4. c. 4. ep. 9 Origen. tract. 1. in Mat. & hom. 15. in Levit.  hath divers other perilous Opinions about this matter; as for Example, That he tieth the Office of true Pastorship to ordinary Succession, and that he denieth that Bishops can be judged, etc. And Origen also in this Age hath no mean blots about the Power and Office of the Church, etc.  
13. Hitherto are the words of the Magdeburgians against the chief Writers of these two first Ages after the Apostles, concerning the point of Principality and Supremacy of the Church and Bishop of Rome, so clearly confessed by the said Fathers (as the Magdeburgians do grant) and on the other side so boldly denied by the Fox, and the Knight his Follower and Proselyte, as a thing not so much as heard or dreamt of in these first Ages: whereof you have heard their several and resolute asseverations before; Let them but grant me, saith Fox; and then I say, quoth the Knight, there is no such matter, etc. And by this one point only of the five Articles before objected by them, and denied flatly to have been known or believed in Eleutherius' time, you may see how they behave themselves, and what may be said on our part, and how great a Volume this Book would grow unto, if I should prosecute all the other four Articles also by them mentioned before, and should pass through the first three or four or five hundred years after Christ (for so much our Adversaries sometimes, upon a good mood of bragging, will seem to allow us) to show, not out of the Books and Writings of the ancient Fathers themselves, for that this were over long, but what these Magdeburgians do note and gather against themselves, out of their Works, for the Antiquity of that Doctrine which they impugn, rejecting afterward all again with this only frivolous and fond Cavil, That these Opinions of the Fathers were but naevi, stipulae, & palia Doctorum; stains, stubble, and straw of Doctors; opiniones incommodae, etc. and incommodious Opinions.  

Greg. de Valent. The ridiculous manner of proceeding of the Magdeburgians.  14. Wherein it is well noted by a Learned Man of our time, That these Fellows do proceed, as if one being suspected or accused of Theft, Heresy, or any other grievous Crime, should willingly present himself before the Magistrate or Senate of the City; and there first of all, for his clearing, should bring in for Witnesses against himself the best learned, most grave, ancient, and best reputed honest men of all that City, to testify that he is indeed such a one, to wit, a false Thief, an Heretic, or the like; but yet, having so done, would endeavour to refute all these again by one bare rejection, saying, that they spoke rashly and incommodiously, and that they were overseen, and knew not what they testified, or were in a dream when they spoke or testified against him; and finally, that all were deceived, and he alone to be believed against them all. And would this shift (think you) countervail so grave Witnesses against him? or would any indifferent Judge leave to condemn him for this evasion? or would any man think him much better than mad that would take such a course of Defence? And yet this is the very course of these Magdeburgians, who citing first the gravest and most ancient Fathers of Christendom against themselves, do reject the same again with this only jest and contumely, that they spoke incommodiously, ignorantly, and were Stubble-Doctors.  
15. Well then, for so much as concerneth the first Article mentioned by Fox and Sir Francis, as a thing not heard of in Eleutherius' time, (to wit, the Universality and Primacy of the Church and Bishop of Rome) you see, that with going to the Authors themselves of that Age, the Magdeburgians do make it clear against themselves. 
About Mass and Sacrifice.  And for the second point concerning the use of Mass, and Propitiatory Sacrifice, we have cited sufficiently before in the first Chapter of this Treatise out of the same Magdeburgians, who condemn divers of the most ancient Fathers for testifying this matter; and we may do the like in all the other Articles specified by Fox and his Knight, but that it would be over tedious. And therefore I do remit the curious Reader to the Volumes of the Magdeburgians themselves, if he have so much time to lose as the reading thereof doth require: Only in this place I am to note unto him, for his better Instruction, three or four kinds of shifts and frauds used ordinarily by these Protestant Germans, in setting down these and other like matters out of the Fathers, which I shall do in the next ensuing Chapter.   

CHAP. VII.  
The same Argument is continued, and it is showed out of the Magdeburgians, how they accuse and abuse the Fathers of the Second and Third Age, for holding with Us against Them.  
DIvers are the shifts and frauds, and manifold the abuses, which Protestant Writers, and namely the Magdeburgians, do offer to the ancient Fathers, 
Three manner of fraudulent shifts in alleging & discrediting the Fathers.  in examining their Sentences about Controversies in Religion: Whereof one principal may be accounted, that of four or five places, or more, that may be alleged out of them for Us and our Doctrine, in the question proposed, they will not cite two, left the multitude of Authorities (if they allege all that in the Fathers are found) should give our Cause too much credit. Secondly, of four or five parts of the Father's words, contained in the places by them alleged, these good Fellows do cut off ordinarily three, lest if they did set them down at length, with their Antecedents, and Consequents, their Opinions might appear more probable and plausible than these men would have them: And of this you have had an Example in the first Authority alleged by me even now out of Irenaeus about the Principality of the Church of Rome; which being set down somewhat at length, as it is in the Author, maketh the matter clear; but shuffled up in four or five words, after a most curtailed manner (as the Magdeburgians do allege them) do scarce make any sense at all: which is the thing the Allegers do desire, thereby to discredit the Author.  
2. Their third fraud is, that having alleged the first Authorities for Us, and against themselves, they devise divers pretty and witty slights to discredit them again; as sometimes saying, that in other places the said Father expoundeth or contradicteth himself; sometimes, that he speaketh rashly, or incommodiously, or without Scripture, and other such contemptuous rejections. As for Example, talking of St. Cyprian that famous Bishop, Doctor, and Martyr, and the Christian Phoenix of his Age (as St. Augustin judgeth of him) these men do handle him in this sort.  
3. Cyprianus sine Scriptura loquitur, Cyprian speaketh without Scripture; 
Cent. 3. c. 4.  Cyprianus superstitiosè fingit, Cyprian doth feign superstitiously; Cyprianus malè judicat, Cyprian judgeth naughtily, and the like. Nay, they endeavour to discredit the whole multitude of Doctors and Fathers in every Age: As for Example, in the beginning of the first Age next after the Apostles, they write thus: Tamesit haec aetas Apostolis admodum vicina fuit, etc. 

Cent. 2. c. 4. p. 55.  
The judgement of the Magdeburgians concerning the second Age.   Albeit this Age wus nearest to the Apostles, yet the Doctrine of Christ and his Apostles began to be not a little darkened therein, and many monstrous and incommodious Opinions are everywhere found to be spread by the Doctors thereof. Perhaps some cause hereof might be, for that the Gift of the Holy Ghost in these Doctors, did begin to decay, for the ingratitude of the World towards the Truth.  
4. Lo here what a Preface this is, to make contemptible to the Reader all the Fathers of the very first Age after the Apostles! But what then do you think they will say of the next following? You shall hear by their own words in the Preface of that Age, which are these: 
Cent. 3. c. 4. p. 17.  Quò longiùs ab Apostolorum aetate recessum est, eò plus stipularum Doctrinae puritati accessit; The farther that we go off from the Apostles Age, the more Stubble we shall find to have been added to the Purity of the Christian Doctrine. Thus they say of these two Ages, and by this last Sentence you may imagine what they will say of all the Ages following.  
5. And this is now spoken by them by way of prevention, to discredit generally the Fathers of these first Ages, when they say any thing against them: But when they come to particulars, 
Magdeburgians Quips against the Fathers.  they have notable Quips for them; whereof, for Example-sake, we shall let you hear some few, whereby you may as well learn their sharp Wits, as heretical Spirits. About the matter of Man's freewill, 
About Freewill.  whether it were wholly lost by Original Sin, (as Protestants say) or wounded only, as Catholics hold, and strengthened again by God's Grace, to do good in him that will; they write thus of the Doctors of the second Age: Nullus ferè Doctrinae locus est, 
Cent. 2. c. 4. p. 53.  qui tam citò obscurari coepit, atque hic de libero arbitrio; No one place or part of Christian Doctrine began so soon to be darkened, as this of freewill. And then they go on thus with the chiefest Doctors of that Age: 
Iren. l. 4. c. 72.  Irenaeus disputes not distinctly, and wresteth the Speeches of Christ and of St. Paul in favour of freewill, saying, That there is freewill also in Faith and Belief: Sed haec satis crasse dicuntur, & aliena sunt à scriptures; But these things are spoken grossly by Irenaeus, and are far from the sense of Scriptures. But whether these Goodfellow- Saxons may be accounted less gross in Wit or Grace than Irenaeus, is easy to guests.  

Clem. Alexan.  6. From St. Irenaeus they pass to Clemens Alexandrinus, another Pillar of that Age, saying, Eodem modo Clemens Alexandrinus liberum arbitrium ubique asserit, ut appareat in ejusmodi tenebris non tantum fuisse omnes ejus saeculi Authores; verum etiam in posterioribus eas subinde crevisse & auctas esse: Clemens Alexandrinus doth in like manner everywhere affirm freewill; 
All Doctors in Eleutherius' time said to be in darkness about freewill.  whereby it appeareth, that not only all the Doctors of this second Age were in the same darkness, but that the same did grow, and was increased in the Ages following. Behold here their general Sentence, both of this Age, and the other ensuing! To what end then should we allege more particulars in this matter, seeing their resolution to discredit all? In the third Age they do shamefully slander Tertullian, Origen, 
Cent. 3. c. 4. p. 77.  Cyprian and Methodius for the same Doctrine of freewill, saying, They do abuse the Scriptures intolerably for maintenance thereof.  

Cent. 4. c. 4. p. 291.  7. For the fourth Age having given this general Sentence, Patres omnes ferè hujus aetatis de libero arbitrio confusè loquuntur; All the Fathers almost of this Age do speak confusedly of freewill, etc. They add also, contra manifesta Scripturae sanctae Testimonia; contrary to the manifest Testimonies of Holy Scripture. And then they take in hand to course seven chief Fathers and Doctors; in particular, Lactantius, Athanasias, Basilius, Nazianzenus, Epiphanius, and Hieronymus, saying, That they were all deceived, all in darkness, all misled about this Doctrine of man's freewill. So as it is no marvel if Sir Francis' sharp sight discover so many thick Clouds and Darkness in the Catholic Church of our days, seeing his Masters the Magdeburgians discover so many in the Primitive Church, as by this you may see.  


The Controversy of Justification.  
Cent. 2. p. 59   8. About the point of Justification they begin the next Age after the Apostles thus: Doctrina de Justificatione negligentiùs & obscuriùs ab his Doctoribus tradita est. The Doctrine of Justification was delivered by the Doctors of this second Age after Christ more negligently and obscurely than it ought to have been. 
Cent. 3. p. 79.  And the same they say of the third Age also: Hunc summum Articulum de Justificatione obscuratum esse, justitiam enim coram Deo operibus tribuerunt; that this chief Article of Justification hath been obscured in this Age, for that the Doctors thereof did attribute Justice before God unto Works, and not to only Faith, etc. And then again in the fourth Age they reprehend greatly Lactantius, 
Cent. 4. p. 191.  Nilus, Chromatus, Ephrem, and St. Hierom, for the same Doctrine. The other lower Centuries I have not lying by me, but it is easy to guests what these men will say of later Ages Authors, seeing they do exagitate so greatly the more ancient.  
9 About the Sacrament of Penance, 

About the Sacrament of Penance.  
Cent. 2. p. 62.   which is another Controversy betwixt us, they write in the beginning of the second Age thus: Quòd jam tum coeperit haec pars Doctrinae de poenitentia labefactari, ex Tertulliano, Cypriano, & Haeresi Novatiana infra patebit; That this part of Christian Doctrine about Penance, even then (in the first Age after the Apostles) began to be weakened, shall appear afterward by Tertullian, Cyprian, and the Novatian Heresy. Thus they write boldly and confidently as you see. And then in the Age following, 
Cent. 3. p. 81.  Plerique hujus saeculi Doctores, Doctrinam de poenitentia mirè depravant; The most of the Doctors of this Age do wonderfully deprave the Doctrine of Penance. 
Cent. ib.  And what is the reason think you? They tell us presently; Ad ipsum tantum opus poenitentis, seu contritionem, eam deducunt, de fide in Christum nihil dicunt; They reduce Penance only to the works of the Penitent, that is to say, unto Contrition, and do speak nothing at all of Faith in Christ. But who doth not see this to be a notorious slander? For how is it possible to have Contrition without Faith? Consider then how little it is to be wondered at, if these Companions and others of their Crew do slander and calumniate Us that live in these days, when they shame not to do it against so many Holy and Learned ancient Fathers of the Primitive Church. But let us go forward.  
10. About the Perfection and Merit of Good Works, 

About Good Works.  
Ibid. p. 59   these Censurers affirm also, That the true Doctrine of Christ in this behalf was obscured in the second Age, immediately after the Apostles: And they do wonderfully by name fall out with Clemens Alexandrinus, for that he saith, Gratia salvamur, 
Clem. l. 5. storm.  sed non absque bonis operibus; We are saved by Christ's Grace, but yet not without Good Works; which is the very Exposition that Sir Francis himself holdeth before in the second Encounter, but his Masters here do deny it. And then in the next Age they say, 
Enc. 2. c. 16.  Magis, quam superioris saeculi, Doctores hujus aetatis, 
Ibid. p. 80.  à vera Doctrina Christi & Apostolorum de bonis operibus declinarunt; The Doctors of this Age are fallen away from the Doctrine of Christ and of his Apostles about Good Works, more than the Doctors of the former Ages. And then in particular they cry out of Origen, that he writeth, That God giveth Glory to every one in the Life to come, 
Orig. l 8 in Ep. ad Rom. Cyp. l. Epist. ep. 25.  pro mensura meritorum, according to the measure of his merits. Et simili errore (say they) Cyprianus meritorum praecedentium defensione obvelari peccata subsequentia. And that Cyprian by like Error (to Origen) doth say, that by the defence of precedent Merits, Sins that follow may be covered. Which they cannot abide to hear.  
11. Well, I might run over many other things, as about Laws of Fasting, 

About Fasting, Virginity, observation of Holydays.  
Cent. 2. p. 65.   Observation of Holydays, Virginity, Continence, and the like, wherein the ancient Fathers no less disagreed from our new Gospelers, than We do at this day: And they complain thereof even at the first entrance of the second Age, saying, Doctrina de libertate Christiana nonnihil coepit obscurari, etc. The Doctrine of Christian Liberty began greatly to be obscured in these days. Note, I pray you, that still their complaint is of obscurity and darkness no less in those ancient first Ages, than now they complain of Ours, and with the selfsame reason. For what is the reason, think you, 
Cent. 2. p. 65.  why they complain so greatly here of Christian Liberty abridged 1500 years agone? You shall hear the particulars which they allege, complaining first of these words of S. Ignatius, Scholar to the Apostles: 
Ignat. Epist. ad Phil.  Do not dishonour (saith he) the Holydays; do not neglect the Fast of Lent, for that it containeth the imitation of God while he lived upon Earth; despise not the Passion-week, but do you fast Wednesdays and Fridays, and give the rest of your meat to the Poor, etc.  
12. Thus said he, 
Against Martyrdom.  and it misliked greatly the Magdeburgians to hear so much talk of Fasting. And from this complaint they pass to another against all the Fathers of that Age, saying, De Martyrio nimis magnificè sentire caeperunt; The Doctors of this Age did begin to have too magnificent an Opinion of Martyrdom. 
Sacred Virginity.  And about the Consecrating of Virgins to Christ, they mislike greatly certain speeches of St. Ignatius; as for example, Ep. ad Antiochen. Virgins videant, cui se consecrarint; Let Virgins consider well, to whom they have consecrated themselves. And again, Epist. ad Thrasen. Eas, quae in Virginitate sunt, honorate, sicut sacras Christo; Do you honour them that live in Virginity, as consecrated unto Christ. And yet further, in his Epist. ad Hieronem. Virgins custodi, tanquam Sacramenta Christi; Have care to keep Virgins as Sacraments of Christ. Which kind of Speeches misliking our Magdeburgians, they say, That they were an occasion, 
Page 65.  and opened the way to those things, which afterwards were thereupon founded, concerning Cloisters and Vows.  
13. In the next Age after, to wit, the third, they also complain greatly of the same things, and many other the like As namely about Chastity and Virginity, 
Cent. 3. p. 86.  Nimium praedicari & extolli Continentiam; That Continency and Chastity was too much commended and extolled. And they are so earnest against Tertullian, 
St. Cyprian accused to hate Women.  Origen, and Cyprian, for this matter, (especially the latter) as they do accuse the Holy Man for hatred to Womankind, saying, Ex professo quasi ubique detestatur multebrem sexum; He doth everywhere almost even of purpose detest Womankind. But in what sense, I pray you? In no other point (without doubt) but that he had no desire to have a Sister for himself, as each of our German-Ministers may be presumed to have. But why is this false slander of detesting Womankind laid upon holy St. Cyprian by these good Fellows? Forsooth, 
Cyp. l. de bono Puditiae.  for that he praised so much Virginity, affirming, as they allege him, That Virginity doth equal itself to Angels; yea, if we do examine well the matter, we shall find it to exceed Angels; for that, contrary to Nature, it getteth a Victory in Flesh, 
Cyp. Serm. de nativ. Christi.  against Flesh, which Angels do not. And again, in another place, Albeit Marriage be good, and instituted by God, yet Continency is better, and Virginity exceedeth all. Behold the cause why these Protestants affirm St. Cyprian to have hated the Feminine Sex.  

Martyrdom.  14. They say also of Martyrdom, that the Fathers of this Age spoke immoderately thereof: Martyrium immodicè extulerunt omnes hujus aetatis Doctores; All the Doctors of this Age did praise immoderately Martyrdom. And then again, 
Page 83. Invocation of Saints.  of Invocation of Saints, Videas in Doctorum hujus saeculi scriptis non obscura vestigia invocationis Sanctorum; You may see in the Writings of the Doctors of this second Age clear steps of Invocation or Prayer to Saints. And then of Purgatory, Semina I urgatorii in aliquot locis apud Originem subinde sparsa videas; You may see the Seeds of Purgatory dispersed in this Age in the Writings of Origen. And you must note, that these good Fellows do speak by diminutives of purpose, calling it signs or footsteps of Prayer to Saints, and Seeds of Purgatory, and the like. But presently in the next Age they accuse openly, and by name, St. Athanasius, 
Cent 4. c. 4. p. 295.  St. Basil, St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Ambrose, Prudentius, Epiphanius and Ephrem, eight great Doctors, and principal Guides of the Christian Church, 
Ibid. p. 304.  for this Error of Praying to Saints. They accuse also, for express holding of Purgatory, Lactantius, Prudentius, and St. Hierom, in the same Age.  

Traditions. Monastical Life. Relics.  15. They accuse all the Doctors of this Age for attributing too much to Traditions and Observations of the Church, especially about Monastical Life, Virginity, honouring the Memory and Relics of Martyrs. And they are so earnest and impudent in these fancies of theirs, as having cited the Father's Sentences against themselves, they cannot let them pass without intolerable reproachful words: So do they accuse holy Athanasius of Superstition for commending Virginity. 
Page 300.  And having alleged a long place of St. Basil in praise of Monastical Life, they add this Censure, Quae quidem omnia & praeter, & contra Scripturam sunt; 
Lib. 2. ad Marcell.  All which words (of St. Basil) are both besides and contrary to holy Scripture. Then take they in hand St. Ambrose, saying, Nimis insolenter pronunciat de Virginum meritis Ambrose: Ambrose doth pronounce too too insolently of the merits of Virgins. 
Ephr. l. de luctamin. spiritus cap. 2.  And for that holy Ephrem had said, That all pious people shall come merrily in the Day of Judgement before the face of Christ, but especially Monks, and other such as have lived in Deserts in Chastity, Labours, Watchings, Fast, and the like. These good Fellows, whose greatest Labours of Penance have been to drink and be merry in warm Stow's, saying, 
Page 301.  Quid potest monstrosius dici contra meritum Christi? What can be spoken more monstrously against the merit of Christ? And then to a Godly Speech of St. Ambrose, 
Amb Serm. 6. de marg. tom. 3. & in orat funeb. de obitu Theodosii.  about the pious honouring of Martyr's Tombs, they give this Censure, Cogitet pius Lector, quam tetra sint ista; Let the Godly Reader consider how horrible these things are, uttered by Ambrose.  
16. And in another place, upon certain words of St. Ambrose about the holy Cross found out by St. Helena, they have in their injurious Speeches, Multa commemor at superstitiosa, quae vehementer contumeliosa sunt in meritum Christi, & repugnantia Fidei; Ambrose doth reckon up many superstitious things, which are greatly contumelious against the merit of Christ, and are contrary to Faith. And thus they go forward against the rest of the Doctors and Fathers that agree not with them in their Fancies and Heresies; and generally having sought to discredit, about the Article of Justification and Good Works, this fourth Age after Christ, and the chief Doctors thereof by name, as Lactantius, Gregory Nyssen, Hilarius, Nazianzen, Ambrose, and Ephrem; they conclude with this contumely against them all: Jam cogitet pius Lector, 
Cent. 4. p. 293.  quam procul haec aetas in hoc Articulo, de Apostolorum Doctrina desciverit; Let the Godly Reader now consider how far this fourth Age departed from the Doctrine of the Apostles in this Article of Good Works and Justification.  
17. Well then, 
The sum of this Chapter, and shameful shifting of Heretics.  in all these points of Controversy between Us and the Protestants, to wit, the Primacy and Principality of the Church and Bishop of Rome, the Sacrament and Sacrifice of the Altar, otherwise called the Mass, Freewill, Justification, Penance, Merit of Good Works, Traditions, observing of Fasts, Holydays, Sacred Virginity, Continency, Monastical Life, Prayer to Saints, Purgatory, Memory and Relics of Martyrs, and other like, (which in effect are the principal points wherein the Protestants do disagree from us) we see by the testimony and witness of their own men that the ancient Fathers of Eleutherius' days, and the next two Ages after him (for I go no lower) did wholly agree with us against them; and this so far forth, as the Magdeburgians do say more than once of all the Doctors of the second Age after Christ, (wherein Eleutherius lived) That they erred, and lived in darkness, for that they held with us, as now you have heard. 
Cap. 5. num. 2  And with what face then doth John Fox say a little before, Let them but leave us the Religion that was in Eleutherius 's time, and we will ask no more? With what forehead also doth Sir Francis, his Scholar, add, 
Supra ibidem.  I say there is not now the same Faith in Rome that was then; there were then no Masses, no Universal Pope, & c.? But with such men do we deal, that care not what they say or deny, so they may bear out the matter for the present, and seem always to have somewhat to say.  
18. But now will we leave this, and pass to another Conversion under St. Gregory the Great, which concerneth us Englishmen more particularly than the former; whereabout you shall see no less Heretical Fraud and Malignity used than in the other beforementioned, if not more; for that these people finding all Antiquity against them, and having no other Authorities for proof of their Religion, but only their own Inventions, with some light show of Scripture expounded by themselves, are forced to use most shameful and desperate shifts, when their Cause is examined by the Histories of former Ages. And so much of this point.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the third Conversion of our Island and English Nation by St. Augustin and his fellows sent from Pope Gregory the first, Anno 596. And of divers Heretical Shifts and Impudences to deface the said two excellent Men, and the Religion brought into England with them.  
YOu have heard the two Shifts before used about the first public Conversion of Britanny by Pope Eleutherius, to wit, first of all to discredit this Story so much as in them lay, and then being forced to grant it, their last Refuge was to say, that the same Faith was not then in Rome that is now, nor that the Points of Doctrine now believed and taught, were known and acknowledged then. Both which Shifts have been most evidently refuted, and the same Religion showed to have been in Rome under Pope Eleutherius, which at this day is there taught.  
2. But now there remaineth the other public Conversion of the English Nation from Pope Gregory under King Ethelbert of Kent some four hundred years or more after the other, in which neither of the two former Shifts can be used by our Adversaries. For neither can they deny or bring in doubt the History itself, recorded by all Writers of that time, and since, (and namely and most abundantly by our Countrymen St. Bede, 

Bed. l. 1. hist. Ang. c. 23. & deinceps.  
Malm. de gest. Regum. Ang. l. 1. & de Pont. Angl. l. 1.  
Galf. mon. hist. Ang. l. 11. c. 22.  
Huntingt. hist. l. 3. c. 1.   and his Continuator William of Malmesbury, and others) nor can they say that the Faith of Rome then derived into England, was any other than that, which is now in Rome. Which latter Point, he that will see proved substantially, and examined Article by Article, and Point by Point, by conferring the Doctrine, Rites and Ceremonies brought into England by our said Apostle Augustin, with that which at this day is taught and practised in the Roman Church; let him read the Translation of the said Story of Bede, put into English by our famous learned Countryman M. Doctor Stapleton, with his notes to the same, and the learned Treatise, which thereon, and by that Occasion he made, Entitled, The Fortress of Faith, which showeth the same to be conform likewise to all Antiquity.  
3. Wherefore our wily Knight Sir Francis seeing this, hath answered not one Sentence or Syllable in this his Reply or Wast-word, to this Conversion of Englishmen under Pope Gregory, though I urged the same somewhat earnestly in my Ward-word. And yet for that upon other Occasions, he saith once or twice in his Book, That Augustin brought in the Romish Religion: as though the Romish Religion had been different at that day from that of the Christian Britan's; and for that his Master John Fox (out of whom he hath stolen all this Story) runneth also to this Shift upon divers Occasions: I am forced to say somewhat thereunto in this place.  

Two new wicked devised shifts.  4. You must then understand, that Fox and his Fellows being excluded from the former two Shifts (as I have said) and yet forced to use somewhat against this evident Deduction of our English Faith from the See of Rome, they betake themselves to other Refuges, as absurd, or rather more, than the former. The first whereof is, to discredit by all means, they can devise, the Authors of this Conversion, to wit, St. Gregory the Pope, and St. Augustin our Apostle. About this time, 
Fox Act. & Mon. p. 107. coll. 2. n. 84.  (saith Fox) departed Gregory Bishop of Rome, of whom it is said; that of the number of all the first Bishops before him in the Primitive Church, he was the basest, and of all them that came after him he was the best.  

The defence of St. Gregory against Heretics.  5. Lo here Envy and Malice how blind they are; for as for Baseness, if he means in Blood or Worldly Honour, it might perhaps with more probability have been attributed to all, or any of the Popes that were before him, than to Gregory, who was (as is known) the Son of a most Noble and Rich Senator Gordianus, as all Authors do testify. 
joannes Diac. in vita Gregor. Magni.  Whose Palace on the Hill Scaurus near to that of the Emperors, is at this day a fair Church and Monastery; and this Man being his Father's Heir, built with his own Substance seven Monasteries, and endued them with rents before he entered into any religious Order himself. Wherefore touching Birth and worldly Wealth, this was so far off from the Baseness, wherewith Fox would disgrace him, as he might perhaps with more probability have subscribed this note (as before I said) to any other Pope from St. Peter downward, then to St. Gregory. And as for rare and singular Learning; (which impugneth also Baseness) or for Holiness of Life, (that increaseth much Nobility) I think John Fox dareth not to make St. Gregory inferior to many Popes that went before him, though he were no Martyr, as many of them were. So that hard it were to determine wherein this Baseness doth consist, but that the simple fellow would needs say somewhat to so great a Man's Disgrace. And for terming him the best of all that followed, this is not so much to praise him, as to dispraise the rest; or to make base and best to fall out in Tune, and so we must pass it over as an impertinent Speech.  
6. But if we should stand upon the Testimonies of Antiquity in this behalf, to oppose them against John Fox, as namely Joannes Diaconus that wrote his Life, and many other after him; we should oppress the poor Fellow with Multitude of Witnesses; yet cannot we let pass two that lived in Spain at the same time, the one and the other soon after. The first is Isidorus Archbishop of Sevil, who writeth thus presently upon his Death: Gregorius Papa, 
Isid. de viris illustris c. 27. The testimony of Isidorus concerning St. Gregory.  Romanae Sedis & Apostolicae Praesul, compunctione timoris Dei plenus & humilitate summus, tantoque per gratiam Spiritus Sancti scientiae lumine praeditus, ut non modo illi praesentium temporum quisquam, sed nec in praeteritis quidem par fuit unquam. Pope Gregory Bishop of the Roman and Apostolic See, being full of Compunction of the Fear of God, and most high in Humility, was endued by the Holy Ghost with so great light of Knowledge, as not only any Man of the present time is equal unto him, but neither of the Ages past.  
7. This is his judgement, which holy St. Hildefonsus Archbishop of Tollet, having cited in a Book of his of the same Title not long after, yieldeth as it were the Reason of this Asseveration of St. Isidore in these words: 
Hildef. libel. de viris illustr. The judment of St. Hildefonse.  Ita enim cunctorum meritorum claruit perfectione sublimis, ut (exclusis omnium illustrium virorum comparationibus) nihil illi simile demonstret antiquitas. Vicit enim sanctitate Antonium, eloquentia Cyprianum, sapientia Augustinum, etc. For St. Gregory did shine with so high a perfection of all kind of merits, as (the comparisons of all other worthy Men being excluded) Antiquity hath nothing to show like unto him, seeing that in Holiness he surpassed St. Anthony, in Eloquence St. Cyprian, in Wisdom St. Augustin, etc.  
Thus wrote these Men in those days, and albeit it may seem some kind of exaggerations; yet we may hereby behold the judgement of those Ages, and the sense of these two learned and holy Prelates, how different they were from John Fox and his Mates in our days, that seek so fond to discredit so rare a Man; and this shall be sufficient for St. Gregory.  
8. Now as for our Apostle St. Augustin, tho' the malice of our Heretics be exceeding great, both against his person and actions; yet is Fox oftentimes forced to speak well of him and his company, as in these words: 
Fox Act. & Mon. col. 2. n. 5. p. 105. Fox praiseth St Agustin our Apostle against his Will.  At length when the King (Ethelbert) had well considered the honest Conversation of their Life, and moved with the Miracles wrought through God's hand by them, he heard them more gladly; and lastly by their wholesome Exhortations and Example of godly Life, he was by them converted and Christened in the year abovesaid 596. and the 36 of his Reign.  
9 Thus writeth he there; and moreover talking of a great and special Miracle wrought by St. Augustin in sight of the Britan's, than his Adversaries, for confirmation of the Roman Doctrine in observing the Easter-feast, as now it is used, (which Miracle was the restoring of a blind Man to his sight, by only kneeling down and praying to God for him in the presence of the multitude whose Prelates had attempted the like before, but could not achieve it) he saith, 
Fox. Act. p. 107. col. 1.  that the stories both of Bede and Polychronicon, Huntingdon jornalensis, Fabian, and other more do agree in this matter; And yet in the very next Page following, he goeth about to discredit him by all means possibl●, and to diminish the Opinion of Sanctity in him: For talking of a certain meeting of seven Britan Bishops with him, where they say St. Austin being now made Archbishop and Primate of England, would not raise nor move his Body at their coming in, Fox writeth thus, Much less would his Pharisaical Solemnity have girded himself as Christ did, and wash his brethren's feet after their journey, but how knoweth John Fox this? 
Fox seeketh to discredit St. Augustin.  Hear his Reason; Seeing his Lordship was so high, or rather so heavy, or rather so proud, that he could not find in his heart to give them a little moving of his Body, etc.  
By this is his Affection seen to the Man, and also by that he would gladly bring him in some manner of suspicion, to have been some part of the cause of the slaughter of the Britain Monks of Bangor, slain by Ethelfred a Heathen King of Northumberland, for that they come to Chester to pray against him. Whereas Fox himself notwithstanding doth confess, that both Huntingdon and other Authors (and he might have said also Bede himself) do say, 
Bed. lib. 1. hist. c. 35.  that St. Augustin was dead when this slaughter happened, nor could any way this matter appertain unto him, or to any occasion given by him; yet doth another Companion of John Fox go further, and more maliciously against this holy Man our. 
Jo. Bale. cent. 1. scrip. Brit. fol. 35.  Apostle, to wit, John Bale the Apostate Friar, who writeth thus: Augustinus Romanus à Gregorio primo ad Anglosaxones papistica fide initiandos Apostolus mittebatur." Augustin the Roman was sent as an Apostle from Gregory the first, to convert the English-Saxons to a Popish Faith. Behold here, how ancient Papists, the Catholics of England, are by this Man's Opinion.  

Bales scurrulity against St. Augustin.  11. I pass over the rest of Bales false and contumelious Speech concerning St. Augustin, as that he being ignorant of the Scriptures, taught false Doctrine, and that he made himself Archbishop by violence; that he attended more to get tithes and oblations for Masses, than to preach the Gospel, and that he was cause of the slaughter of 1200 Monks, and other such like reproachful lies; against whom I could propose the whole stream of the best Authors ever since his time, both domestical and extern, if it were worth the striving with so contemptible an Adversary: and if nothing would restrain the Liberty of so reproachful a Tongue; yet at leastways the respect of our Nation converted by him, and so many great miracles wrought by him to that effect, as both St. Bede and others do recount, and Fox dareth not deny, aught to have some bridle to this shameless Apostata. For that not only St. Bede, Malmesbury, Marianus, Scotus, Sigebert, and others do recount them; 
Of the miracles wrought by St. Augustin.  but even St. Gregory himself wrote the same by his own pen to Eulogius Archbishop of Alexandria, who had written unto him of some like miracles wrought in Egypt also about that time, in the Conversion of new Christians. St. Gregory's words are these,  

Greg. l. 7. Epist. 30. Ind. 1.  12. Sed quoniam etc. But for that truly the good, which they do there, is much increased by the joy you take in other men's good also: I will requite you with the like good News, as you have written to me. Know then, that whereas the English Nation placed in the corner of the World, have remained hitherto in their Infidelity, worshipping stones and blocks, I did by the help of your Prayers these days past (God as I hope, moving me thereunto) send unto that Nation a Monk of my Monastery to preach unto them; who upon my Licence afterward being made Bishop in the Country's near unto them, 
St. Gregory's Relation of English Affairs.  arrived at last unto that end of the world. And now Letters are come unto us both of his Health, and his Work that he hath in Hand; and surely either he, or they that were sent over with him, do work so many miracles in that Nation, as they may seem therein to imitate the Power and Miracles of the Apostles themselves; and in this very last Solemnity of Christ's Nativity past, there were above ten thousand Englishmen baptised by the hands of this our Brother and fellow Bishop, etc.  
13. Thus far St. Gregory, who is another manner of Witness than Fox or Bale, though Fox doth confess (as you have heard before) both the virtuous Life and Miracles of St. Augustin and his fellows. And if he do so indeed, and do think them to have been wrought by God's Power, and not by the operation of Satan; than it is great Blasphemy both in him and his fellows, to think that God would concur by Miracles to the planting of false Doctrine and Error, which scornfully they call the Papistical Faith. Whereof now we shall treat more in particular, having disputed these things about Saint Augustin's Person.  
14. About which Doctrine these good Fellows seem to quarrel much more, 
About the Doctrine brought in by St. Augustin.  giving simple People to believe, that he brought from Rome a different Christian Religion from that, which was in Britanny before, as out of Sir Francis own words alleged may appear: And albeit John Fox in his History treating of this matter, doth not dare to affirm it plainly, but rather seeketh here and there to pick out some differences between the Roman Religion, that St. Augustin brought in, and that which is now, as for example where he saith: 
Fox p. 107. col. 2.  Note by the way (Christian Reader) that whereas it is said that Augustin 
* 
A wise consequence; for that now also Fonts would hardly suffice to baptise 10000 in a day.  
Fox in Protest. p. 9   baptised ten thousand English Saxons upon a Christmas day in a River, it followeth (saith he) that then there was no use of Fonts, etc. Yet in a certain Preface of his, which he calleth his Protestation to the whole Church-of-England, he hath these words, All this while about the space of 400 years (after the Conversion of King Lucius) Religion remained in Britanny uncorrupt, and the Word of Christ truly preached; till about the coming of Augustin and his Companions from Rome, many of the said Britain Preachers were slain by the Saxons. And after that began the Christian Faith to enter and spring amongst the Saxons after a certain Romish sort; yet notwithstanding somewhat more tolerable than in other times, which after followed, etc.  
15. Thus writeth Fox maliciously enough (as you see) to bring in doubt and discredit our first Christian Religion, planted by St. Augustin; 
Whether St. Augustin taught the Saxons true Religion.  but yet hereby it is evident, that if Englishmen were ever true Christians either at their first Conversion, or for more than 900 years after, they were Roman Christians. But whether they were ever true Christians indeed or not, that Point Fox dareth not plainly to determine in this place; but only as the fashion of Heretics is, to call matters in question and leave them in doubt, so doth he, and (as one said well) To lay the Eggs for another to hatch the Serpents. For that Fox his Scholars, Holinshed, Hooker, and Harrison, and other like, have presumed upon this foundation, to determine resolutely the matter, that Englishmen were never true Christians indeed before Luther began his Doctrine, which appeareth in these their words following, 
Holin. in descript. Britan. c. 27. col. 1.  speaking of the Inhabitants of Britanny. When the sheep of God's pasture (say they) would receive no wholesome fodder, it pleased his Majesty to let them run on headlong from one iniquity to another. Insomuch that after the Doctrine of Pelagius, they received that of Rome also, brought in by Austin and his Monks; whereby it was to be seen, how they fell from the Truth into Heresy, and from one Heresy still into another, until at last they were drowned in the pits of Error, digged up by Antichrist, etc.  

Whether Englishmen were ever true Christians before Luther's time.  16. Thus do write these Companions, of the first Conversion of Englishmen by St. Augustin, but whether they mean of the Britan's, or of Englishmen, or of both, that fell into these pits, it is not so easy to judge: For they name both to determine or distinguish neither People; and which way soever you take it, it hath not only falsehood and impiety; but open contradictions also in itself. For it they mean the Britan's, than it is evidently false, that they were converted by St. Augustin and his Monks. And if they mean of the English, it is much more false, that they ever received the Doctrine of Pelagius, or fell from Truth to Heresy, as these fantastical Men both ignorantly and maliciously do affirm. But let us hear yet further their blasphemous and desperate Speeches of our first Apostle St. Augustin.  

Holinsh. ibid.  This Augustin (say they) after his arrival converted the Saxons indeed from Paganism, but as the Proverb saith, bringing them out of God's Blessing into the warm Sun, he imbued them with no less hurtful Superstition, than they did know before. 
Most vile blasphemy against the first Christian Englishmen.  For beside the only Name of Christ, and external contempt of their pristin Idolatry, he taught them nothing at all, but rather an exchange from gross to subtle Treachery, from open to secret Idolatry, and from the name of Pagans to the bare Title of Christians, etc.  
17. Lo here these men's censures of the first Conversion of our English Nation to Christianity. They compare Paganism to God's blessing and our new Christian Religion to the warm Sun, and all our Forefathers Faith and Religion, more than 900 years together, they define to be nothing but Superstition, Treachery and Idolatry, no less hurtful than the Paganism itself, which they professed before, and that they lived and died only with the bare name of Christians without the Substance, etc. And consequently are most certainly damned all eternally. Now if the worst Devil that is found in hell had a mouth, and should be let forth to preach, curse, or scold against us, as these men do; could he speak worse or more blasphemously (think you) against the first Christianity of our Nation, or against God himself, that testified the Truth and Sanctity thereof by so many rare miracles, as before hath been showed? Could this Devil (I say) in his own shape or language speak more opprobriously of our primitive English Christian Church, than these new Gospelers do? especially if we add that which Friar Bale hath in these words, 
Baleus descript. Britan. cent. 1. fol. 35.  Carnalis illa Anglorum Synagoga, quae Roma venerat, illam persequebatur Ecclesiam, quae secundum Christi Spiritum apud Britannos erat. That Carnal Synagogue of English Christians, that came from Rome, did persecute the Church that was in England, according to the Spirit of Christ before Augustin came.  
18. Behold our first Christian English Church not only called a Synagogue, but a carnal Synagogue: and the British Church which a little before Holinshed condemned (as you heard) of Heresy, is now called the true Church, according to the Spirit of Christ. But what spiritual Man (think you) was this, that so speaketh of Spirit and condemneth our primitive English Church of Carnality? You shall hear him described by his own pen, and first of his Vocation, 
Ibid. cent. 5. fol. 245. How John Bale became a Friar.  how he became a Friar. Duodecim annorum puer (saith he) in Carmelitanis Monachatus Barathrum, Nordovici detrudebar. When I was a Boy of twelve years old at Norich, I was thrust into the pit of being a white Friar. So he saith, and out of these words two things may be noted of his spirit, which is no doubt of lying, for that both of them are slanderous fictions of his own; first that he was made a Friar at the Age of twelve years, for that no Religious Order can admit Men to the same, 
De Reg. juris l. 6. c. Non solum. & Caet. in Sum. Concil. Trid. sess. 28. cap. 15.  according to the Ecclesiastical Canons, but of convenient years, and fit to make their choice for so great an attempt, as is to renounce the World, and lead a Religious Life, according to the vows they make, which before the Council of Trent was at Fourteen years, whereunto the said Council added two years more. It might be then perhaps, that this Boy was put into the White Friars Monastery at Norwich at twelve years old, to sweep the Church, or cleanse Candlesticks, or other such Offices fit for that Age, and his Person; but not to be a Friar, or to be admitted into the Order itself, and much less (which is the second lie) can it be probable, that he was forced thereunto, as here he telleth his Readers; for that it is well known, that such Profession were not available, for which cause every Order of Religion hath their Noviceships, or times of Probations appointed, wherein Men are to be proved, and to prove also themselves, and to have free liberty to make their Elections, without force or constraint at all. And so do all true Religious Men know and profess, albeit this miserable Apostate having lost all spirit and sense of Religion, and become wholly carnal indeed, would have it thought that he was put into Religion against his will.  
19 But how did he get himself out again, (trow you) from this Servitude into Liberty of the Flesh, World, and Devil, and of his new Gospel, you shall hear it also from himself, apparent Dei verbo (saith he) deformitatem meam vidi, 
How Bale was unfriared and made an Apostate.  etc." The Word of the Lord appearing, I saw mine own deformity of being (to wit) a Priest, and a Friar. Well, and what followed? Horribilis bestiae maledictum charecterem deinceps erasi: I did presently then scrape out the cursed mark or character of the horrible Beast: So he calleth his old Character of Priesthood, his Vows of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, and other Obligations of Religion.  
20. But what was the means to scrape out these Characters? you shall have it from himself in like manner. Non enim (saith he) ab homine, 
Bale ibid.  neque per hominem, sed speciali Christi & verbo, & dono, uxorem fidelissimam accepi Dorotheam: For that I took unto me (and you must mark the word enim that yieldeth the cause) a most faithful wife. Dorothy (some Nun you may imagine, as faithful in keeping her Vow of Chastity as himself) and this not from any Man, nor by any Man's help, but by the special gift and word of Christ, etc. Lo here Christ made a wooer for this Friar to marry a Nun against both their Vows and Promises made to him before; and is not this a fit Spiritual Father to call the whole Primitive Church of England a Carnal Synagogue, etc.  
21. But yet hear him out further, what he writeth of our first Christian King Ethelbert, and of the Religion received by him from St. Augustin, and thereby consider what manner of Men this new Gospel bringeth forth. Ethelbertus Rex (saith he) Romanismum, cum adjunctis superstitionibus tandem suscepit; hac nimirum adjectâ conditione, ut omnino liber, & non coactitius esset novus ille Deorum cultus: King Ethelbert at length having heard the Preaching, 
Fox p. 105. col. 2. nu. 5.  and considered (as Fox saith) the Miracles and virtuous Life of St. Augustin and his Fellows, admitted the Roman Religion with all the Superstitions adjoined thereunto; but yet with this condition, that this new worship of Gods (which he now admitted) should be altogether free, and no way subject to Coaction, etc. In which words the Apostate (if you mark him) doth not only speak blasphemously of our whole first Christianity, calling it a new Worship of many Gods; but seemeth also to insinuate, that it was so admitted by King Ethelbert at the beginning, as it might be free for Men to leave it again, when they would. Than which contumelious slander (if he mean it so) nothing can be spoken or imagined more absurd or wicked. Let any Man read St. Gregory's letters to King Ethelbert after his Conversion, 
Bed. l. 1. hist. c. 33.  and he shall see an other Lesson there taught him: to wit, his great and perpetual Obligation to God for so singular a Benefit, confirmed from Heaven with so many Miracles, and such other points.  

The wicked intents of our Sectaries.  22. But by this we may see, whither these men's drifts do tend: which is to discredit all Antiquity and Religion, and to bring in question whether Englishmen were ever true Christians hitherto or no. And as for the space of 900 years together after St. Augustin's time unto Luther, these Men deny it flatly, for so much as they say, that our first Faith received from Rome, was not the true Faith of Christ, nor of Christendom; but a particular Romish Faith, full of Error, Superstition, and Idolatry, as you have heard; yea worse (if we will believe Holinshed, Hooker, and Harrison) than was the Paganism, which Englishmen professed before their Conversion: And then followeth, that for so much as they hold also, that the longer Religion endured in England, the worse it waxed: needs must they conclude, that when Luther began his Gospel, our Fathers and Grandfathers were no Christians at all, and much less true Christians. And this for them.  

That Protestants cannot be sure that they are Christians according to Fox and Holinshed.  23. But if we will talk of ourselves, that now live in England, we must needs also conclude the same: to wit, that after all Mutations made in England about Religion, since Luther began, the Protestants cannot be sure with any Reason, that they are true Christians, or have yet received the right Faith or Gospel unto this day. Which I prove thus, First for that the Gospel preached by Luther, was never yet admitted wholly into England: For at the very beginning thereof under King Henry, it was contradicted by him and the State, 
See the Acts of Parliament Anno 31. Hen. 8. c. 14. & anno 32. c. 26. & anno 34. c. 1.  during his whole Reign, yea condemned for Heretical, as by many Decrees as well of Parliaments as otherwise by particular Ordinances is manifest: his Majesty always holding Luther's Opinions for Heresies, and according thereunto, burned the Professors thereof for Heretics unto his dying day, as is notorious: Tho' in one Article about the Pope's Supremacy he concurred with them; but not as taking the same from Luther or his Doctrine: So as Luther's Gospel (if it were a Gospel, as John Fox calleth it every where in his Acts and Monuments) was never yet received in England. For that in King Edward's days the Doctrine of Zuinglius and not of Luther was admitted. Which Doctrine Luther always held for opposite to his, and for plain Heresy, as before at large hath been declared.  
24. And as for her Majesty's time that now is, clear it is that neither of both the former Doctrines or Gospels have formally, or fully been admitted: I mean neither the Lutherans or Zwinglians, 
Enc. 1. c. 3, 4, 5.  but rather the Doctrine of a third, opposite in many Points to them both; to wit, of John Calvin. And yet neither hath this Gospel been so frankly or generally received or practised, as the chief Professors thereof, and such as take themselves to follow the same most exactly (I mean the Puritans) do remain content, but rather complain, that their true Doctrine indeed and Gospel, was never hitherto truly established in our Country, 
Super ibid.  as in the first Encounter against Sir Francis we have showed abundandtly.  
25. So as if the first Gospel of St. Augustin, brought into England from Rome, wherewith our Ancestors lived and professed Christianity for 900 years together, were not the true Gospel of Christ indeed, nor the other Gospel of Martin Luther, that appeared to the World in the year 1517 was ever admitted into England in King Henry's time, that died in the year 1547. And if from thence forward under King Edward, Zwinglius' Doctrine and not Luther's, was established, for the English Gospel of that time: And if under her Majesty that now is, neither of these two, but calvin's Doctrine and Gospel hath been admitted (tho' yet with such Restrictions, and Alterations, as the purest Patrons thereof say it is not their Gospel, but a patched thing, as 
* Enc. 1. c. 6.10 and 12.  before at large we have declared) what followeth then (I say) but that we Englishmen have yet no true Gospel at all, nor ever had, and consequently we were never yet true Christians, nor are at this day: For that the Christianity of the ancient English from King Ethelbert to King Henry VIII. was no true Christianity, as these men say; and much less will they grant of the Religion established by King Henry, as opposite as well to Protestants as to Catholics. That also of King Edward's days was different from all; and that which now is in England, is contradicted as well by Lutherans, Zwinglians, and Puritans, as by Catholics. Where then, and among whom, shall we find the true Gospel?  
26. One only shift these people do pretend, which is to run to the Britan's Religion at that time, when St. Augustin came into England; for this both Fox and Bale do acknowledge to have been the right Religion, and (to use their words) the naked unspotted Gospel, and far different from the Romish Religion that Augustin brought in from Gregory: wherefore that point resteth now to be examined. And albeit you have heard a little before how Holinshead accuseth the Britan's Religion of Pelagianism and other Heresies, 
Baleus descrip. Brit. cent. 1. fol. 35.  yet Bale writeth thus: prius illic fuerit Christianismus, etc. Christian Religion was in Britanny before the coming of Augustin and his Fellows: But it was not to their commodity, for that it was without Masses, and without distinction of Meats or Days; and the Britan's observed the bare naked Gospel, without Jewish Ceremonies, etc.  
27. So writeth he. And Fox (as before you have heard) said, 
Fox in his protestation to the Church of England, p. 9  That for 400 years after Pope Eleutherius and King Lucius, Religion remained in Britanny uncorrupt, and the Word of Christ truly preached, till about the coming of Augustin and his Fellows from Rome, etc. And yet he cannot deny but that in this space both the Pelagian and other Heresies had entered also among them, and that some Relics thereof remained even when Augustin arrived. And whereas they say, that the British Religion before the coming of Augustin was uncorrupt, and free from all Jewish Ceremonies, it is ridiculous; forasmuch as we have showed 
* Sup. cap. 3.  before, that the chiefest difference between these two Religions at that day was about a Jewish Ceremony observed by the Britan's, against the Order and Faith of the Church of Rome, to wit, the superstitious keeping Easter day upon the fourteenth of the first Moon of March, together with the Jews.  
28. But as for other substantial points of Faith, (especially such as be at this day in controversy between Us and Protestants, as Mass, Sacrifice, Fasting, observing of Holydays, and the like here named) the old Britan's Religion did agree with that of Rome, brought in by St. Augustin, and so hath continued until this day; and this shall we show in the Chapter following. So as if the old British Faith was the true Faith, We have it among Catholics at this day, and not Protestants, as shall be declared.   

CHAP. IX.  
That the Roman Religion, brought into England by St. Augustin under Pope Gregory, was the very same that was brought in before under Pope Eleutherius by Fugatius and Damianus, and continued afterward among the Britan's until the coming of St. Augustin to the English Nation.  
WE have showed before how that the Christian Faith, preached in England in the Apostles time, was the Roman Faith; and that the increase, or public Establishment thereof again under King Lucius, was also from Rome; 
Sup. c. 1, 3, 5, 6.  and finally, that the third propagation was in like manner from the same City, under Pope Gregory by St. Augustin. Now remaineth it that we show and declare how the Britan's, from King Lucius' time until the coming of St. Augustin (which was 400 years, and more) downward, did not alter their Faith, nor yet the See of Rome Hers; and consequently, that the Faith remaining among the Britan's when St. Augustin entered, and that which was brought in by Him from Rome, and taught unto the English, was all one.  

That Rome changed not her Faith from Eleutherius to St. Gregory.  2. And first for the Church of Rome, if we count the Bishops thereof that held that Seat from Eleutherius, the fourteenth Pope after St. Peter, who died Anno Domini 196, until the beginning of Pope Gregory I. the sixty-sixth Pope, who was chosen Anno Domini 590: In this space (I say) of 400 years, there passed fifty Popes all of one Faith; nor shall it be found that any one of them changed his Religion, or was different in belief the one from the other; which is a sufficient proof that the Roman Faith in Gregory's time was the same that it was in Eleutherius' time.  
3. And as for the Britan's, we read not but that from the time of King Lucius they continued the Faith received under him from Pope Eleutherius, until the rising up of the Heretic Pelagius, which was somewhat more than 200 years after; and for other 200 years again after that, to wit, from the time of Pelagius until the coming of St. Augustin, we find not in any History that the Britan's (being once delivered from the Heresy of Pelagius by the help of St. German and Lupus, 
That the British Christian Faith was the same with the Romans. Sup. c. 3.  Bishops of the Roman Faith) ever changed their Religion in any one substantial point; nor that they swerved from the general Faith of the rest of Christendom, except only some few of them infected with the foresaid Heresy whiles it lasted, and the Custom of keeping Easter-day with the Jews: Which before we have showed to have been perhaps some remainder of Pelagianism, or otherwise brought in after. But howsoever it got in, certain it is, that in other substantial points of Doctrine and Religion, there was no difference between the Britan's and Romans at that day, to wit, under Pope Gregory that sent hither Augustin; which I show by the Reasons following.  
Reason I 4. First, That if St. Augustin at his coming had found any other substantial difference of Belief in the British Faith, from that which he brought from Rome, he would have reprehended the same, as well as he did their different Custom in celebrating Easter after the Jewish manner, and some few other Rites of less moment; or at leastwise, being afterward made Archbishop and Primate of all the Land, and conferring with the British Bishops in Council, (as Fox saith he did) he would have communed with them about the same, or objected it unto them, 
Fox pag. 117. col. 2.  or at leastwise have made some mention thereof, either in his Letters to Pope Gregory (as he did of far lesser matters) or to some other man. But any such thing we do not read; and consequently it may be concluded certainly, that there was no such difference in matter of Faith and Doctrine.  
5. Another Reason may be taken on the other side, from the Britan's towards Reason TWO St. Augustin; who being in Controversy with him about his preaching to the Saxons, whose Conversion for the present they seemed not to desire (in respect of many injuries received from them, as St. Bede affirmeth) they did observe all Occasions, Causes, and Reasons, which they might allege by any probability, why they would not join with him in that Work; and if they could have alleged this Cause, That the Doctrine which he preached had been different in any one point from that which they had received and observed before, it had been a very sufficient excuse and reason for them. But we do find no such exception alleged by them, and consequently we may conclude (as before) that there was none.  
6. Our third Argument or Reason may be deduced from the consideration of Reason III the Universal State of Christian Faith in those days, to wit, under Gregory I. who was chosen Pope about the year of Christ 590, at what time there was Unity and Conformity of one Religion throughout all Christendom, except only in some places of the World certain Relics of 
a Greg. l. 5. ep. 14.  Pelagians, 
b Philas. l. de haeres.  Origenists, 
c Greg. l. 3. ep. 32.  Donatists, and 
d Greg. l. 10. in Job. c. 29.  Eutychians, out of whom sprung also in those days the 
e Niceph. l. 18. c. 53.  Arminian Errors, as appeareth by the History of those times, especially out of St. Gregory's own Works. Neither do we read that the Britan's were noted with any of these Heresies, but only with Pelagianism some years before; from which they had been delivered by the Preaching of the French Bishops St. German and St. Lupus, and by the diligence of their own Metropolitans St. Dubritius and St. David afterward. Seeing then St. Augustin came from Rome by Italy and France, and was directed to the Bishop of Arles, 
Bed. l. 1. c. 25.  from whom he passed through France into Britanny; it is certain he brought no other Faith than the Universal Faith of Christendom received and believed in those days: From which seeing that Britanny was not held nor noted to be different, nor yet Excommunicated, (as certain Bishop of Ireland appear to have been by divers Letters of St. Gregory himself, 
Greg. l. 2. ep. 36. indict. 10. & l. 9 ep. 61. indict. 4.  written to them in their reprehension for participation with certain Schismatics;) it followeth, that the Faith which St. Augustin brought, and that which the Britan's had before, must needs be one and the selfsame in all material and substantial points.  
7. To which effect also may be added, That in the very next Age among Reason IV the Britan's, before the English entered, 
The presence of British Bishops in Foreign Councils.  there were British Bishops in divers General and National Councils; as in the time of Constantine and Pope Sylvester we read, That one Restitutus, a famous Bishop of London, was present at the Synod of Arles in France, in the year of Christ 325, and subscribed to the same, as by the Acts of the said Council appeareth; 
* See Syn. 2. Arelatens. to. 1. Concil. and the subscriptions.  wherein among other points was ordained, That no man having a Wife should be made a Priest without his Wife's consent, promising to forbear her Company for the time to come. It appeareth also by the Apology of St. Athanasius, 
Cap. 2, & 3. Athan. Apol. 2. cont. Arrian.  that divers Bishops of Britanny were present at the Council of Sardica, held for St. Athanasius against the Arians, about the year of Christ 350; as also the Council of Ariminum, wherein tho' the greater part of that Council were beguiled by the Arians, yet St. Hilary doth praise divers good Bishops for their Constancy, and among other, Provinciarum Britannicarum Episcopos, certain Bishops of the Britain Provinces. By all which is showed, that the Christian Religion of Britanny was Catholic and Universal, and concurring in all points with the Roman in those days, as Athanasius and St. Hilary, who praised these Bishops, 
Hilar. de Syn. advers. Arrian.  are known to have done; and consequently it cannot be presumed that either the British Religion should be different from the Roman in the next Ages after, when St. Gregory sent St. Augustin to convert the English, or that the Roman Religion brought in by St. Augustin should be different from the British, except only in certain Rites or Relics of Pelagianism, which yet were not generally received of all, as before hath been declared.  
Reason V 
Observations out of Histories.  8. The fifth Argument standeth upon some Observations taken out of Histories, and other Monuments of Antiquity; whereby it may be gathered more or less what points of Religion, among such as are now called in Controversy by Protestants, were believed in those days by the ancient Britan's. For albeit the Story of that Church before the coming of St. Augustin be not so left written by any authentical Writer, as were to be wished, and as other Countries have (and namely ours by St. Bede) and this in respect of the manifold Wars, great Miseries, and continual Calamities fallen upon the British Nation for 200 years together before the Conversion of the English, (whereby neither the orderly Succession of their Bishops, neither their meeting in Synods and Councils, neither the observation of Ecclesiastical Discipline, neither their Communication with the Churches of other Countries, and especially the See of Rome, could be so well performed or recorded) yet of the small Sparkles and Relics that do remain, it is not hard to guests (besides the Reasons and Considerations before-alledged) what Religion the Britan's were of, and whether their Faith agreed more with the Protestants of our days, than with the Religion of St. Augustin brought in from Rome, and continued by Catholics unto this present.  

Chrys. orat. cont. Gentes, quod unus est Deus.  9 For first, if we will hear external Authors, St. Chrysostom testifieth against the Gentiles in his days, that in Britanny there were Altari a Christi dedicata, Altars dedicated to Christ; which Altars do infer Sacrifice, and Sacrifice Priesthood, as in his Books de Sacerdotio he proveth. So as in St. Chrysostom's Age, which was the very same wherein the Saxons entered into Britanny, the Britan's Religion was Catholic, according to St. Chrysostom, agreeing as well with the Western as Eastern Church, whereof himself was. For if they had been different, or had followed any other Religion than the Common, he would not so much have bragged of them, as against the Gentiles he did.  
10. But let us return to British Authors themselves. If we read over with attention the little Treatise or Epistle of Gildas, which he writeth of the Destruction and Conquest of his Country, (he being the only Author indeed of entire credit which we find extant of those ancient times) we shall find signs and footsteps enough what Religion the Britan's were of, tho' his purpose was not to write any Ecclesiastical History. He lived a good while before the coming of St. Augustin, and in the second part of his said Treatise reprehendeth grievously the most horrible sins of the Britan's, for which these Calamities of the Picts, Scots, and Saxons, came upon them. And he beginneth his complaint first of their Kings and Judges, saying, Reges habet Britannia, sed Tyrannos; Judices habet, 
Gild. de excidio Britan. c. 26.  sed impios; crebro jurantes, sed perjurantes, voventes, sed continuò propemodum mentientes: Britanny hath Kings, but they are become Tyrants; it hath Judges, but they are impious; swearing often, but forswearing; making Vows, but presently almost breaking the same, etc.  
11. Here we see that breaking of Vows was held for no small sin in those days. 
The Britan's use of taking Sanctuary, & swearing upon Altars.  But he goeth further, talking of the said Princes; Inter Altaria jurando demorantes, & haec eadem ac si lutulenta paulò pòst saxa despicientes, cujus tam nefandi piaculi non ignarus est Constantinus: They run to the Altar and swear, (when they are in necessity) and a little after they despise the said Altars again, as if they were but dirty Stones, of which wicked Sacrilege King Constantine is not ignorant, etc. Here you see Altars made of Stone in those days, and Princes accustomed to swear by Altars, and to seek their Refuge in peril or necessity by running to them, and staying by them in Sanctuary, or when they would do any act with religious solemnity; and that it was counted a heinous sin to break promises made upon Altars in those days; which yet Protestants make no scruple of.  
12. But now what this Oath of King Constantine was, (whereof Gildas speaketh) and in what form it was made, it appeareth in the next words after, which amongst other are these: 
Gildas ibid.  Hoc anno post horribile juramenti Sacramentum, quo se devinxit, etc. Deo primum, Sanctorum demum Choris, & Genetrici comitantibus, etc. latera Regiorum tenerrima puerorum vel praecordia crudeliter inter ipsa (ut dixi) sacrosancta Altaria nefando ense, hastaque prodentibus laceravit; ita ut Sacrificii coelestis sedem & purpurea pallia coagulati cruoris attingerent, etc. Even this year, after a most dreadful Oath, whereby Constantine bound himself, etc. first to God, and then to the whole Choir of Saints, and the Mother of Christ accompanying the same, etc. he pierced with his wicked Sword and Spear the most tender sides and hearts of two young Princely Children; and this so near to the holy Altars, as their Purple Cloaks all besprinkled with Blood did touch the seat of the heavenly Sacrifice, etc. Behold here an Oath broken, which was made to God upon the holy Altars, in the sight of his Mother, and of all the Saints of Heaven, for the preservation of the said two Princely Children committed to Constantine, and most cruelly murdered by him, even at the side of the said Altars, so near that their Purple Cloaks did touch the seat of the heavenly Sacrifice. Which is the same phrase that other ancient Fathers did use to describe holy Altars; calling them the Seat of the blessed Sacrifice, or (which is all one) the Seat of the Body and Blood of our Saviour. Quid est enim Altar, 
Optat. lib. 6.  (saith Optatus) nisi sedes Corporis & Sanguinis Christi? What is an Altar, but the seat of the Body and Blood of Christ?  
13. And now I would ask our men, whether these speeches of Gildas do agree better to Protestants Religion or to Ours? Would any Protestant speak or write thus? But let us hear how he goeth forward against another Britain Prince of that time, called Aurelius: Among many other Crimes, 
Against King Aurelius. Gild. ibid. pag. 122.  he objecteth this: Propriâ uxore pulsâ, furciferam germanam ejus, perpetuam Deo viduitatis castimoniam promittentem, suscipis; Thou having driven away thine own Wife, takest unto thee her wicked Sister, which had promised to God perpetual Chastity of Widowhood. And then to another wicked Prince, 
Against King Maglocunus for leaving to be a Monk.  Maglocunus, he objecteth, That having made a Vow to be a Monk, he returned to the World again, saying, Coram omnipotente Deo, Angelicis vultibus, humanisque, perpetuò Monachum vovisti, etc. O quam profusus spei coelestis fomes desperatorum cordibus (te in bonis permanente) inardesceret! o qualia, quantáque animum tuum Regni Christi praemia in die Judicii manerent! etc. Thou didst vow to be a perpetual Monk before Almighty God, in the sight both of Angels and Men. O how great a flame of heavenly-hope would burn in the hearts of them that now despair of thee, if thou hadst remained in that good state! O how great Rewards of Christ's Kingdom would remain for thee in the day of Judgement, etc.  
14. Thus saith he. And would Protestant's (think you) speak thus also, seeing John Fox doth so greatly condemn our ancient Kings and Princes of the English Nation, 
Fox Act. & Mon. p. 103.  for that so many of them in the fervour of the Primitive Church, made themselves Monks? Yet Gildas (you see) on the contrary side, commendeth highly that Fact in the Prince Maglocunus, and greatly condemneth him for leaving that holy state: And hereby also is refuted that foolish refuge of Fox and his Companions, who say and affirm without shame, that Monks had no Vows in those days; but only that Monasteries were Schools and places of Learning without any Obligation to persevere therein, or to abstain from Marriage, etc. But let him show, that every one of those 2000 Monks, that he saith lived in the Monastery of Bangor together, did ever marry, or pretend to have Liberty so to do after they were professed Monks, and then he saith somewhat. And as for vowing and public profession made to God in the sight of his Angels, and the whole Church: the matter is evident enough in this place, what was then in use among the Britan's.  

Against Priests that said Mass seldom and ill. Gil. ibid. pag. 132.  15. But let us pass from Princes to Priests. What saith Gildas of them? You shall hear his Words: Sacerdotes habet Britannia, sed insipientes, etc. Ecclesiae domus habentes, sed turpis lucri gratia eas adeuntes, etc. rarò sacrificantes, & nunquam puro corde inter altaria stantes, etc. Sedem Petri Apostoli immundis pedibus usurpantes, etc. Britanny hath Priests, but without Wisdom, etc. They possess the houses of the Church, but go unto them only for filthy lucre's sake, etc. They do seldom sacrifice, but never go to the Altar with a pure heart, etc. They do usurp the Seat of Peter the Apostle, with unclean feet, etc.  
16. Lo here, Massing and Sacrificing Priests in those days, which are so hated and persecuted at this day in England, tho', God be thanked, free from these Vices of impure Life, 
Gildas ibid.  which here is objected to the Priests of that time. But let us hear yet Gildas further: In Apostolicis sanctionibus ob inscitiam hebetes, They are dull in observing Apostolical Sanctions, for that they are unlearned and understand them not. Lo here Priests reprehended for lack of skill in the Ecclesiastical Canons, and Apostolical Decrees. And yet he goeth further: Desperatiùs errand, quo non ab Apostolis, vel Apostolorum successoribus, sed à Tyrannis, 
Ibid. p. 133.  & à patre eorum diabolo emunt sacerdotia, These Men do err the more desperately, 
Buying of priesthood. Act. 2.  for that they buy unto themselves the Office of Priesthood not of the Apostles or their Successors (as Simon Magus would have done the Holy Ghost) but of Tyrant Princes, and of the Devil their Father.  
17. Here you see that Priesthood in those days was not wont to be given by the Authority of Lay Princes, but by the Successors of the Apostles, to wit, Bishops. And then further he goeth forward showing how these naughty Priests, being once possessed of that Dignity, and made proud thereby, presumed to say Mass unworthily: 
Gildas ibid.  Manus non tam venerabilibus aris, quam flammis inferni ultricibus dignas, in tale schema positi sacrosanctis Christi sacrificiis extensuri, These Priests being once put in this Dignity or Ornament, they presume to stretch out their hands to the most holy Sacrifices of Christ, though their hands be more worthy of the burning flames of hell, than to touch the venerable Altars.  

Altars and Sacrifice among the Britan's.  18. Thus he wrote of Altars and Sacrifice among the Britan's in those days, and divers other Points like unto this, which for brevity's sake I omit; only I would ask our Men in general, whether this be spoken as of Protestants or no? And then would I demand of John Fox in particular how that can be true which he affirmeth; That the Britan's had no Mass in those days, seeing Gildas talketh so much of Priests that did Sacrifice upon Altars? And if he will say that Gildas useth not the word Mass, it is a plain Cavil, seeing nothing is signified by the Mass, but only the external Sacrifice of Christians here mentioned. And that the word Mass was generally used in the Latin Church for Sacrifice long before this time of Gildas, appeareth by many Authors, but especially by St. 
* Aug. to 10. ser. 237. & 251. de temp. & in council. Milevit. c. 12. & Cartha. 2. c. 3. & Concil. Carthag. 4. c. 84. quibus interfuit Augustinus Epiph. haeres. 50. Euseb. l. 5. hist. c. 23. & in vita Constant. l. 3. c. 17.  Augustin the Doctor, in divers places of his works, whereof some in the Margin we shall note.  
19 I would ask also of John Bale, how the Religion of the Britan's was the pure and naked Gospel in those days (for so he saith) if it had in it not only that custom of the Jews before mentioned of the Quartadecimani; but all these other Points also, which his Church counteth for Errors, to wit, of Professed Monks, and Consecrated Nuns, of Sacrificing upon Altars, and the like, how (I say) could this British Church be accounted by him and his, so pure and unspotted? But little heed is there to be given to these men's saying or unsaying, but as the present occasion of necessity urgeth them. And therefore we will go forward to show some other Observations in this kind.   

CHAP X. The continuation of the same matter, wherein is showed, by divers Proofs and Examples, that the Britan's before St. Gregory's time, were of the same Religion that he sent into England by St. Augustin, to wit, of the Roman.  
AND first of all to begin with the first Entrance of our first English Apostles, St. Bede writing of the City of Canterbury, at the coming of St. Augustin, before King Ethelbert was converted, saith thus, 
Bed. l. 1.6. c. 27.  Erat autem propè ipsam civitatem ad orientem, Ecclesia in honorem St. Martini antiquitus facta, dum adhuc Romani Britanniam incolerent, etc. In hac ergo ipsi primò convenire, psallere, orare, Missas facere, praedicare & baptizare coeperunt, 
A Church dedicated to St. Martin among the ancient Christian Britan's.  There was a Church near to the City on the East side, built in old time in the honour of St. Martin, while yet the Romans did hold Britain, etc. Wherefore in this Church, Augustin and his company did first use to meet together, to sing Psalms, to Pray, to say Masses, to preach, and to baptise the People, etc.  
2. Note here, that seeing the Romans left England presently upon the destruction of Rome by the Goths (to wit about the year of Christ 400 which was some fifty years before the entrance of the Saxons) then was the use of building Churches in the Honour of Saints in practice among the Britan's and Roman Christians of those days living in Britanny. And forasmuch as this Church of St martin's was found fit to say Mass, and Baptise in, 
An evident Demonstration that the British Religion agreed with that of St. Augustin.  according to the use of Rome, and for that the Britain Christians were never found to have reprehended, or misliked this manner of serving God, used by St. Augustin and his Fellows: it is an evident Argument, that the same was and had been in use also among them from all Antiquity: neither was it a novelty brought in by St. Augustin.  
3. Moreover about the same time of the Romans going out of Britanny, or soon after (to wit, about the year of Christ 440) it appeareth by Bede, that the two French Bishops, St. German and St. Lupus the first time, 
St. German and St. Lupus.  and St. German and St. Severus the second time, came into Britanny to resist the Pelagian Heresy and to re-establish the Catholic Faith that was among them before. And so they did as well by working many Miracles, as by their Preachings, which Bede recounteth at large throughout many Chapters. 
Bed. l. 1. hist. c. 17, 18, 19, 20, 21.  But now that these three holy Bishops, (the first of Antisiodore in France, the second of Troy in Campany, the third of Trevers in Germany) were all of the Roman Religion, and held in all Points of Controversy against the Protestants of our Time, 
That St. German, St. Lupus, and St. Severus were Roman Catholics.  both in Doctrine and Practice, is evident, not only by that the Roman Church doth hold them all three for Canonised Saints, and celebrateth their Memories, the First upon the 31 of July, the Second upon the 29 of the same Month, the Third upon the 15 of October, which would never be permitted if they had been different in any one Point of Faith; but also the same is clear, as well by their own Writings that are extant, and by their Lives written by others, as also by divers things recounted by St. Bede in his Story of their Doings in England: as namely where he writeth of St. German, how he cured the Tribunes Daughter of Blindness by his Prayer, 
Relics of Saints. Ibid. c. 18.  and by applying the Relics of certain Saints unto her Eyes in the sight of all the People. Deinde (saith he) Germanus plenus Spiritu sancto; etc. Then St. German full of the Holy Ghost, did invoke the Name of the Blessed Trinity, and presently took from his side a certain Box of Saints Relics, that he was wont to carry about his neck, and with his hands did put them upon the maids eyes, which out of hand received perfect sight therewith. Whereat the Parents of the maid rejoiced exceedingly, and all the People did tremble at the sight of the miracle, etc.  
4. Thus writeth St. Bede of that Act. And further that the said Bishop went to the Sepulchre of St. Alban (which even at that time appeareth to have been kept with great Devotion) prayed to the Saint largely, and there left in his Sepulchre part of the Relics of all the Apostles, and of divers other Saints, which he had brought with him out of France, and carried away with him, in exchange thereof, much of the earth that was died with the Blood of St. Alban. Which he would not have done if he had been a Protestant. And then yet further, talking of another famous Miracle and Victory achieved by the said St. German against Heretics, with sounding out the word Alleluia, St. Bede saith, 
Ibid. c. 18. The use of Lent among the Britan's.  Aderant Quadragesimae venerabiles dies, quos religisiores reddebat praesentia sacerdotum, etc. The venerable days of Lent were come, which the presence of these Priests (of God) made more religious, etc.  
5. Behold here now almost 200 years before St. Augustin came into England, the use of Relics of Saints, of praying to Martyrs, and honouring their Sepulchers, the use of Alleluia, the Religious Observation of Lent, and such other Points recorded to be in practice among the Christian Britan's. Is this Protestantlike, think you? or can these men be presumed to have been of our new Religion? But let us proceed to talk of some Britan Teachers and Pastors themselves.  
6. Geffrey of Monmouth in his British Story, much esteemed and alleged by our Adversaries, writeth, that at a certain Feast of Pentecost at Chester, about the year of Christ 522. (as Bale holdeth) King Arthur being present, there was a great meeting of Princes, 

St. Dubritius Primate of Britanny Anno 522.  
Galf. hist. Brit. l. 9 c. 12. and 13.   Lords, and Bishops for his Coronation, and that of the three Archbishops of Britanny at that time (which were London, York, and Chester) Dubritius Archbishop of Chester did the Office of the Church that day, of whom he saith, Hic Britannia Primas, & Apostolicae Sedis Legatus, tantâ religione clarebat, ut quemcunque languore gravatum, orationibus sanaret. This Man being Primate of Britanny, and Legate of the See Apostolic, was so famous for his Religion and Sanctity, as he did heal any sick Man by his Prayers.  
7. Lo here the Pope's Legate among the Britan's did also Miracles before the coming of St. Augustin. And then further talking of the Church Solemnity that day, 
Ibid. p. 70. Procession and Organs.  he saith, Postremo (peract â processione) tot organa, tot cantus fiunt utrisque templis, etc. Lastly the Procession being ended, there were so many Organs did sound, and so great variety of Music heard in both Churches, as was wonderful etc. Behold Procession and Organs in Britanny before St. Augustin's coming. This Man afterwards left of his own will the said Archbishopric, and became an Ermit, as both Jeffrey, and John Bale do testify, which Protestant Bishops are not wont to do.  
8. And further Bale writeth of him that he died the 18 day before the Calends of December, Anno Domini 522. and that his Body afterward in the year of our Lord, 1120 the Sixth of May was translated under Vrban Bishop of Rome, to the Church of Landaff in Southwales. All which could never have been done, nor permitted by the Bishop of Rome, if there had been any Suspicion, that he had held any Point of Doctrine different from the Church and Faith of Rome at that time; which maketh also the matter evident, that the Heretical Custom of celebrating Easter according to the Jews,) which in St. Gregory's time was found in Britanny) was a latter custom not held by all, but by some few only.  
9 In this Man's place was made Archbishop the famous Man David Menevensis King Arthur's Uncle (as Jeffrey and Bale do testify) who passed the said Archbishopric from Chester to St. David's, and so it is called at this day of his Name. This David (saith Bale) was a goodly Man of Stature, 
Bal. descript. Eccles. fol. 30. St. David of Wales Anno Domini 540.  about four cubit's high, learned and eloquent, and after ten whole years Study in the Scripture, expounded the same as a Trumpet, carrying always the Text of the Gospel with him. He extinguished the Relics of the Pelagian Heresies in Britanny, preached incessantly, cured many sick, and built twelve Monasteries and was held for a very great Saint in his days, and canonised afterward by Calixtus II. Bishop of Rome, etc. Per Calixtum secundum (saith he) Papisticorum deorum ascribitur in Catalogum, He was put in the Catalogue of the Papistical Gods by Calixtus the Second. Whereby appeareth, that the Britan's were not only Papists in those days before the coming of St. Augustin; but had Papist Gods and Saints also there. Yet this Man might live (according to Bale) to have seen the times of St. Augustin's entrance; for that he saith he flourished in the year 440. and lived in all 146 years, tho' Gerrad Cambrensis, Polydore, 
Camb. in Catal. script. Britan. Polid. l. hist. Angl. in fine.  and others do make him somewhat more ancient.  
10. And for that we have talked here of John Bale, and that the testimonies taken from Enemies themselves are of greatest weight against themselves: we shall in this place touch certain Points briefly of the chief Preachers and Pastors among the Britan's in those days; to wit, for the next two hundred years before the coming of St. Augustin into England. Which Preachers are mentioned, 

Fox in his Protestation to the Church of England. p. 9  
19 British Bishops and Doctors pretended by Fox to have been Protestants.   and much praised both by Fox and Bale, as true Teachers in those days, whereof Fox writeth thus: In this Age (to wit after the Peace restored to the Church by Constantine) followed here in the land of Britanny; Fastidius, Ninianus, Patricius, Bacchiarius, Dubritius, Congellus, Kentegernus, Helmotus, David, Daniel, Samson, Elnodugus, Assaphus, Gildas, Henlanus, Elbodus, Dinothus, Samuel, Nivius, and a great sort more, which governed the Britain Church by Christian Doctrine a long season: albeit the civil Governors for the time were dissolute and careless, (as Gildas very sharply doth lay to their Charge) and so at length were subdued by the Saxons. And all this while about the space of 400 years (to wit from the time of King Lucius) Religion remained in Britanny uncorrupt, and the word of Christ truly preached, until about the coming of St. Augustin, and his Companions from Rome, etc.  
11. Here now you see the chief Teachers of the British Church (Nineteen in number) for the space of 400 years (as Fox avoweth) set down in order, and highly praised by him; but neither his Order or Argument is worth a rush. 
Neither Order nor Argument good in Fox.  For as for his Order, he beginneth with Fastidius, that lived not two hundred years before St. Augustin's coming, though he name four hundred. And then he putteth some before, that lived long after the rest, and sometimes skippeth over 100 years together from one to another, as you shall see by the Examen. And for his Argument, how many lies and errors it containeth, shall easily appear by the Sequel of this Discourse. For first concerning two of the chief in this Catalogue contained, (to wit, Dubritius and David, Archbishops of the Britan's) you have seen before, that they were Roman Catholics and canonised many Ages after their Death by Roman Bishops, which they would never have done, if they had differed from them in any Point of Religion. But now let us see of the rest, for I see not what reason there is, why Fox should so commend these two.  
12. The first four are Fastidius, Ninianus, Patricius, and Bacchiarius, all which are found to have been Catholic Men, and held the common Faith of Rome in those days, nor any of them ever favoured any of these new Doctrines, brought in by our new Gospelers. 
Fastidius Priscus Trit. de script. Eccl. Bal. fol. 23.  Trithemius maketh mention of Fastidius whose Surname was Priscus, Bishop of the Britan's, a Man of rare Life and great Learning in the Scriptures, and a singular Preacher, and lived in the time of Honorius and Theodosius the Emperors, about the year of Christ 420. The same do write of him both Honorius, Gennadius, and Bergomas. And John Bale concurreth with the rest, adding that he was Archbishop of London, and that amongst other his Works he wrote one De Viduitate servanda, of keeping Widowhood, without marryig again. By which only work you may know that he was not of John Bale's Religion. What we have written also of the Religion of St. German and his fellow Bishops, that came into England, may easily declare what Religion this Man was of, who being then Archbishop of London, must needs be presumed to have had a great part in their calling in, as also to have joined with them against the Pelagians, which he would not have done, if they had not been all of one Religion. And thus much of him.  


St. Ninianus. Bed. c. 4. Hector. Boet. l. 7. & 15. joan. Fordonius l. 3. c. 9  
Bal. ibid.   13. Of St. Ninianus, who converted the Picts to Christian Religion, St. Bede maketh most honourable mention in the Third Book of his Ecclesiastical History, and the Roman martyrologue doth cite him for a Saint upon the Sixteenth day of September. Which would never have been permitted, if he had been in any one thing different from the Roman Faith. Nay John Bale writeth of him thus: Ninianus Bernitius ex Regio Britannorum sanguine procreatus, Italiam adhuc adolescens petiit, Romae apud divini verbi ministros mysteria veritatis edoctus ad plenum, celer in patriam remigrabat, etc. miraculis ac sanctitate clarissimus obiit anno 432. St. Ninian Bernitius being descended of the Blood of the King's of Britanny, went in his youth into Italy, and being fully taught the Mysteries of God's Word in Rome, he returned swiftly to his Country again, where he flourished exceedingly in Miracles and Sanctity of Life, and after died in the year of Christ 432.  
Mark here, that Prince's Children became Priests in those days, and went to Rome to learn Divinity, and that this Man having done so, and brought back into Britanny the Christian Doctrine of Rome, wrought Miracles thereby. Ergo he was no Protestant, so that here Bale testifieth against himself.  

St. Patricius. St. Palladius.  14. There followeth of Patricius in John Fox; but indeed he should have put Palladius before Patricius. For so doth Bale, and he hath Reason; for that he was a famous Teacher in Britanny, and sent from Rome by Pope Caelestinus before Patricius, as Bale doth note, saying first of Palladius: Hic à Caelestino Romanorum Pontifice Antistes mittebatur etc. This Man was sent Bishop from Caelestinus Pope of Rome, 
Bal. ibid. fol. 23. Marian. Scotus. in Chron. eodem. Anno 430.  to drive out of Britanny the Pelagian Heresy, which at that time had infected the greater part thereof, and to reduce the Scots to true Piety, etc. He flourished about the year of Christ 431. etc.  

Prosper in Chron. ann. 432. & 434. Bed. l. 4. hist. cap. 30.  So saith he. And the same is confirmed by that which Prosper (a far better Author than Bale) writeth in his Chronicle, where he saith that Palladius was sent by Caelestinus Pope in the year 432 into Britanny; but especially to the Scots, as testifieth also St. Bede in his Story. So as in this time also the Popes of Rome had Supreme Care in Spiritual Affairs both among the Britan's and Scots, seeing he appointed them Bishops from Rome.  
15. And this is confirmed also by the other Example of Patricius, 
St. Patricius.  who (as John Bale saith) was surnamed Mangonius, and was born in Britanny of the Family of Senators, and thereby called Patricius, but yet of kindred by his Mother to St. Martin Bishop of Tours, studied Divinity in Rome, and thence sent by Caelestinus the Pope to preach to the Irishmen. 
Bal. descript. Frit. Cent. 1. fol. 25.  Istum (saith he) ad Scotos & Hibernos post Palladium Graecum misit, ut eos à Pelagianorum tueretur erroribus: This man did Caelestinus Bishop of Rome send to the Scots and Irishmen (especially those that lived in Britanny) after Palladius the Grecian, to defend them from the Errors of the Pelagians.  
16. Behold the Care and Authority of the Bishop of Rome in those days! But what followeth in Bale? 
Ibid.  This man (saith he) did preach the Gospel unto the Irishmen, with incredible fervour of spirit, for forty years together; and did convert them to the sincere Faith of Christ. He was most excellent both in Learning and Holiness; and among other Miracles that he did, he continued in Praying and Fasting forty days and forty nights, founded many Churches, healed many sick, delivered many possessed of Devils, and raised to life sixty that were dead, etc.  
17. Behold the effects of Preachers sent forth by the Bishops of Rome, recounted by the Heretics themselves: Let Fox or Bale show us any such Example of Miracles, wrought by Preachers sent by them and their Sect. And that this man also was made Bishop by Caelestinus the Pope, 
Prosp. cont. lib. Collat. in fine. Bed. hist. Ang. l. 1. c. 13. & in l. de sex aetat. Mar. Scot l. 2. sex. aetat. an. 432.  and sent hither after Palladius, is testified by St. Prosper, that lived in that time, and after him by St. Bede, Marianus Scotus, Sigibert, and others; who say also, that he died in the year of Christ 491, being of the age of 122 years; and his Memory is held in the Roman Calendar upon the 17th day of March, etc. And now our Fox and Bale being taken in these Examples to speak against themselves, we might pass over the rest with silence, assuring the Reader that all is like unto this. Yet some points more we shall note.  
18. The fourth before named Bacchiarius, 

Bacchiarius. Joan. cap. in cattle. SS. Brit. Polid. Virg. 1. histor.  
Harpesf. §. 6. cap. 22. Congellus.   tho' he be not mentioned by John Bale, yet other Authors do report that he was brought up in Rome, and in good credit with Pope Leo I. to whom he dedicated a Book written in defence of his Pilgrimage to Rome. He had been the Scholar of St. Patricius; and by this you may guests of what Religion he was.  
19 Congellus is the sixth Preacher of true Religion cited in Fox's Catalogue, (for of Dubritius, which is the fifth, we spoke before) whom Bale saith to have flourished about the year of Christ 530, and that he was the first Abbot of the Monastery of Bangor. But what more think you? Ab isto Monachismus à Pelagio introductus, etc. From this man (saith he) the Religion of Monks brought in by Pelagius the Heretic, was not only spread over Britanny under show of true Religion, but was dilated also into other Country's, etc. Behold how Fox and Bale agree! Fox saith, He was a true Preacher of the Word of God; 
Bal. fol. 29.  and Bale saith, He was a Father of Pelagian Monks. And note here by the way, that Fox professing to show the continual Succession of the Britain Church, leapeth from Patricius to Dubritius of whom we spoke before, and between whom there was above 100 years' distance, if we believe Bale and other Authors. And then followeth Kentegernus and Helmotus before David Menevensis, who should have come after him in respect of time; tho' of Helmotus Bale maketh no mention; 
Kentegernus.  but of Kentegernus he saith, That he flourished in the year 560, and lived in all 185 years; which, if it be so, he must needs be alive long after the entrance of St. Augustin. He saith, He was a Monk, and had three hundred Scholars in one College, which he sent to preaching here and there, etc. 
Bal. fol. 32.  And then he addeth further, Melote utebatur, etc. He used a Garment made of Goat's skins, with a straight Hood, having a white Stole about his Neck after the fashion of the Primitive Church. He converted many to the Faith of Christ, recalled many Apostatas, drove out Pelagians, built Churches, ministered to the sick and healed their sickness, and lived in very great Abstinence, etc. Thus he describeth him, and whether this description doth agree to a Protestant Minister, or to a Catholic Abbot, let the Reader consider.  
20. There do follow in Fox's Catalogue, David, Daniel, Samson, Elnodugus Asaphus, and Gildas. But of St. David, the first of this number, we have spoken before in this Chapter. And as for Gildas, (which is the last of this Rank) Bale saith, He was a Monk of Bangor. And further it may easily appear by the speeches themselves, which before we have alleged out of him in the former Chapter, of what Religion he was.  

Jo. Capg. in cattle. Sanct. Brit.  Of Daniel, Samson, and Elnodugus, tho' John Bale speak little or nothing, yet Capgrave, Leland, and others, show that they were of the same Religion with the rest, Daniel being the first Bishop of Bangor, and Samson next after St. David was Bishop of that place.  


St. Asaph received his Consecration from Rome.  
Bal. ibid. f. 34.   21. Of Asaph, Bale saith, He was Scholar to the foresaid famous Abbot Kentegern, and was made Bishop of Elgoa in Wales, which of his name was called Asaph ever since. He flourished in the year 590, and saw the coming in of Augustin and his Fellows from Rome; and was the first of the Britan's (saith Bale) qui à Gregorii Romani Discipulis in Angliam adventantibus Auctoritatem & Unctionem accepit; that took his Authority and Unction (or Consecration) from the Disciples of Gregory Bishop of Rome, that came into England. So writeth Bale, and by this showeth that St. Asaph held nothing against the Roman Religion, seeing he accepted his Authority and Consecration from the Bishop of Rome. Besides this, this Bishop St. Asaph hath his Memory celebrated in the Roman Martyrology upon the first day of May, which he should not if he had been different in any one point from the Roman Religion.  
22. And so being come down now to St. Augustin's time, it is to no purpose to go any farther, or name the rest that do ensue in Fox, to wit, those five, Herlanus, Elbodus, Dinothus, Samuel, and Nivius, for that they lived after St. Augustin's entrance: whereas Fox's promise was to cite only British Teachears that were before him, and different from the Roman Religion, whereof he hath named hitherto none. 
Bal. ibid. f. 135.  Besides that of three of these five Bale writeth not; and as for Dinothus Abbot of Bangor, he was the chiefest of those who opposed themselves against Augustin, and set other men against him also in Synodo Wiccionum, and was severely punished afterward for the same by the Providence of God, 
Bed. l. 2 hist. c. 2.  as St. Bede noteth, to wit, by the Sword of Ethelfredus a Heathen King of Northumberland long after the Death of St. Augustin, when the said Dinothus and 1200 Monks were slain at Chester by the Soldiers of the said Ethelfride, Augustino jam multo ante tempore (saith St. Bede) ad Coelestia Regna sublato; St. Augustin being taken to Heaven long before; tho' Bale be not ashamed to say that it was done by his suggestion, praising the foresaid Dinothus and his Confederates, for that they would not preach Baptism and celebrate Easter-day, according to the Custom of Rome, and Universal Catholic Church.  
23. So as now we see that these men care not what they say or avouch, so they say somewhat against Rome, and those that any way favoured the same; wherein passion doth so greatly blind them, as they cannot discern when they allege matters plainly against themselves, as you have seen in the former enumeration of British Teachers, Pastors, and Prelates; whom they would have us think to have been of a different Religion from that of Rome; whereas their own words, testimonies, condition, and state of life, do testify the contrary. And so I leave these men to their folly and impudence in this behalf.   

CHAP. XI.  
The Deduction of the aforesaid Catholic Roman Religion, planted in England by St. Augustin, from his time to our days; And that from King Ethelbert, who first received the same unto King Henry VIII. there was never any public interruption of the said Religion in our Land.  
HAving showed before, how that the Roman Catholic Faith was first preached in our Island under the Apostles, and then again in the next Age under Pope Eleutherius, and thirdly four Ages after that again under Pope Gregory; and that all this was but one and the selfsame Religion, continued, renewed, and revived in divers times, under divers States and People of the Realm; there may seem to remain only now two other points considerable in this affair: The first, Whether this Religion brought in by St. Augustin to England were held at that day for the only true Religion of Christendom, and so accepted by all the World? The other, Whether that Religion then planted hath come down, and been continued in England ever since, by continual Succession, until the first public alteration made thereof in our days? For if this be so, then is the demonstration easy to be made even from the Apostles Times to Ours.  
2. And for the first, tho' we have handled the same somewhat before, 
That the Religion brought in by St. Augustin was Catholic.  yet briefly we will add now, That there can be no doubt at all in this matter with men of Reason and Judgement, but that St. Augustin and his Fellows brought in with them the whole Body of Religion, as well touching Articles of Belief, as Ceremonies, and Ecclesiastical Customs, which were at that time in use at Rome whence they came, and in other Catholic Countries by which they passed, namely, Italy, France, and Flanders, 
Greg. in epist ad Aug.  from which Country's Pope Gregory himself exhorteth them by his Letters to take such good Ecclesiastical Uses as they should see most agreeable to Piety, Edification, and Devotion; which is a sign that all those Countries agreed fully in Faith and Belief with Rome at that day, and were perfectly Catholic, tho' in some external Ceremonies belonging to Devotion there might be difference. And forasmuch as the French Bishops St. German, St. Lupus, and St. Severus, 
Bed. l. 1. hist. c. 18, 19, etc.  150 years (as hath been said) before the entrance of St. Augustin, planted in Britanny the French Catholic Faith against the Pelagians; and these men coming from Rome, found no fault therewith, most certain it is that all was one. And finally if we do consider the Works, Writings and Actions of Pope Gregory, related by us before, partly out of St. Isidore, living at that time in Spain, partly out of his own Epistles yet extant, written to the chiefest Bishops of the Christian World, and their Answers to him again, together with their agreement in Faith and Religion. If we do consider also the Heresies condemned in his days by Him and his Authority, as the Eutychians, Monothelites, and others, which our Protestants also do condemn for Heresies at this day. By all this (I say) and by infinite other Arguments and Demonstrations that may be made, it is most evident, that either Christ had no Visible Church or Catholic Religion in those days, 
Either no true Church or Religion was in St. Gregory's time, or else it was the Roman.  (which were most foolish and wicked to imagine) or that the Religion of St. Gregory and his Church of Rome, and others of others of the same Communion, was in that Age the only true Catholic Church, and consequently had in it the only true Catholic Faith and Religion of Christ whereby Christians might be saved; which also is proved most evidently by infinite Miracles wrought in England, and in divers other Country's, upon manifold occasions, during this time of our Primitive Church, as shall appear more in particular in the deduction of our second point; which is the continuance of this same Religion from St. Augustin to Thomas Cranmer, the first and last Archbishops of Canterbury, following by Succession the one the other for the space of above 900 years; the first dying a Saint, the last ending in Apostasy, as after shall be showed.  

The continuation of Religion from St. August. downward.  3. Wherefore, to come to the second point about the deduction of Catholic Religion in our Nation from St. Augustin downward; first of all, St. Bede talking of the planting thereof, and of our first Primitive Church, (whose progress and increase he describeth for the space of almost 140 years after the entrance of St. Augustin) hath these words: Gregorius Pontifex Divino admonitus instinctu, 
Bed. hist. Ang. l. 1. c. 22.  servum Dei Augustinum, & alios plures cum eo Monachos, timentes Dominum misit, praedicare verbum Dei genti Anglorum, etc. Gregory the Pope, being admonished by heavenly Instinct, did send God's Servant Augustin, and others Monks with him, that feared God, to preach his Word to the English Nation, in the 14th year of Mauritius the Emperor, which was of Christ 596, and the 4th after that St. Gregory was made Pope.  

St. Aug. & his Company landed in the Isle of Thanet.  4 These holy men landed in the Isle of Thanet belonging to the Kingdom of Kent; for that the whole Dominion. of the Saxons in those days (which was all the Land, except Scotland, and the other part now called Wales, whither the relics of Britan's were retired) was divided into seven several States and Dominions, 
The 1 Kingdom of Kent converted to Christian Faith, anno Dom. 600. Bed. l. 1. hist. Malm. l. 2. hist.  which they called Kingdoms. The first whereof (to speak of them according as they received the Faith) was the Kingdom of Kent, whose King Ethelbert (being the fourth in number from Hengistus, that began the same about the year of Christ 450) afterward, first of all other, received the Christian Faith at the preaching of St. Augustin, about the year of Christ 600; that is to say, an hundred and fifty years after they had reigned as Pagans there.  

2 Kingdom of East-Saxons converted 604.  5. The second Kingdom was of the East-Saxons, and contained the Shires now called Essex, Middlesex, and Hartfordshire. The first founder of which Kingdom was Erchenwine about the year of our Lord 527, as Stow and some others do hold, tho' Malmesbury doth write otherwise; but both do agree, that under King Seebert, or, as 
Lib. 2. cap. 5.  Bede calleth him, Sabered) those Provinces were converted to Christian Religion by the preaching of St. Mellitus, Fellow to St. Augustin, and first Bishop of their chief City of London, whither he was sent by St. Augustin from Centerbury, in the year of Christ 604.  

3 Kingdom of the East-Angles converted an. Dom. 609. Malm. l. 1. hist. c. 6.  6 The third Kingdom was of the East-Angles, which contained the Shires of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, and the Isle of Ely. Which Kingdom was begun about the year of Christ 492, by one Vffa, but converted after to Christian Religion under King Sigebert, about the year of Christ 609, and that by the preaching principally of their first Bishop Felix, born in Burgundy in France, being ordained Bishop of a City there; called Dunwich at that time, which now is more than half consumed with the Sea.  

The 4 Kingdom of Northumber's converted an. 626.  7. The fourth Kingdom was of the Northumber's, which contained many Shires towards the North; to wit, Lancashire, Yorkshire, Cumberland, Westmoreland, Northumberland, Durham, and some part of Scotland. The first Monarch of this Kingdom is accounted Ida; and it received the Faith of Christian Religion under their 13th King, Edwin, in the year of Christ 626, by the Preaching of St. Paulinus, sent thither to preach by Justus, the fourth Archbishop of Canterbury; by whom the said Paulinus was translated from the See of Rochester to be Archbishop of York.  
8. The fifth Kingdom was of the Westsaxons, 
5 Kingdom of Westsaxons, converted 635.  which contained the Countries of Cornwall, Devonshire, Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, Wiltshire, Berkshire, and Hampshire. The first Founder thereof was Cerdick, about the year of Christ 509; and under Kenegilsus their fifth King they received the Christian Faith, by the preaching of St. Berinus their first Bishop of Dorchester, in the year of Christ 635.  
9 The sixth Kingdom was of the Mercians, or Middle-Countrey, 
6 Kingdom of Mercians, converted 635.  being in that time the greatest of all the rest, and containing some fifteen or sixteen Shires, as Gloucester, Hereford, Chester, Stafford, Worcester, Shrewsbury, Oxford, Warwick, Derby, Leicester, Buckingham, Northampton, Nottingham, Huntingdon, and Rutland. The first Founder of this Monarchy is said to be one Creda, about the year of Christ 586; and the Conversion thereof to Christian Faith was about the year of Christ 635, under Prince Peda, Son and Heir unto the notable persecuting Pagan Peda. Their first Apostle was B. Finan, who baptised King Peda against his Father's will in the Kingdom of the Northumber's, at a Town by Berwick called Ad murum, and this by the instance of the good Christian King Oswyn, King of Northumberland, who gave King Peda his Daughter in Marriage on this condition, That he would become a Christian.  
10. The seventh Kingdom was of the South-Saxons, 
7 Kingdom of the South-Saxons, converted anno 662.  containing the Shires of Sussex and Surrey; and began about the year of Christ 478, by one Aelus a Saxon, and was converted to Christianity under King Ethelwold, (or Ethelwach, as St. Bede nameth him, about the year of Christ 662, by the preaching especially of St. Wilfrid their first Bishop, who erected a Monastery for the Episcopal See in a place called Seolyce or Selcey.  
11. Well then, thus we see that within the space of forty years, more or less, six Kingdoms of England received the Gospel, and the seventh not long after, under their first Preachers and Apostles before mentioned. And what great variety of Miracles God did work by these his Servants, and their Helpers and Assistants in this Work of the Conversion of our Country, is evident by all Stories of that time and after; and no man but an Infidel or Miscreant, can with any probable reason call them in doubt.  
12. And it seemeth that the promise of our Saviour made to his Apostles at his last farewell, in St. Mark's Gospel, 
Marc. 16.  for Miracles to be wrought in the Conversion of Nations, (especially of Gentiles, 
Greg. hom. 29. de festo Ascens. Domini. Marc. 16.  as St. Gregory observeth) was as abundantly fulfilled in the first Conversion of our English Nation, as of any other probably in the World. The Signs and Miracles (saith Christ) which shall follow them that shall believe in me, or receive my Faith (especially in the beginning) are these: That they shall cast out Devils in my Name; they shall speak with new Tongues; they shall remove Serpents, and if they should drink Poison it shall not hurt them; they shall lay their hands upon sick men, and therewith heal them, etc.  
13. All these things promised Christ our Saviour, and performed them most abundantly in the first Conversion of Nations, while the said Miracles were necessary to plant and confirm the Faith. 
Why Miracles ceased afterward.  But when (as St. Gregory in the place before alleged saith) the young Plants had no more need of such daily watering by Miracles, than ceased they. Tho' in our Country and Primitive Church they endured no small time, as were easy to show, if I would stand in this place to run over the Ecclesiastical Stories of the least part of the aforesaid seven Kingdoms; whereof yet many things will be spoken of afterward.  
14. For only in the Kingdom of Kent, for the first hundred years after the Conversion of King Ethelbert, there possessed the See of Canterbury from St. Augustin unto Bertualdus, (who died in the year of Christ 730, and with whom St. Bede endeth) eight Archbishops, 
The Primitive Church of Kent.  all most Godly, and Holy Men, to wit; Augustin, Laurence, Melitus, Justus, Honorius, Deusdedit, Theodorus and Bertualdus. Which Bishops were held for great Saints in our Primitive Church, as appeareth by the writing both of St. Bede, that lived also himself in that Age, and by William of Malmesbury, that lived some Ages after. Who yet allegeth a more Ancient Author than himself, 
Malms. l. 1. de gestis Pont. Ang. pa. 112.  called Gosselinus, that wrote the Lives and Miracles of all those Eight Archbishops of Canterbury, and of some other Saints of our Country. Horum (saith he) & non minus sancti Letardi, etc. Of these Archbishops as also of St. Letard, that in Ancient time came in with Q. Berta, the Author before mentioned Gosselinus hath written their marvellous and admirable virtues, out of Bede and others. Adding also many things, which he saw himself with his own Eyes, showing the great Miracles and Signs, which they did, etc. He doth recount also the Rank of Kings, with their Kindred, that lay Buried in his days in the Church of St. Augustin at Canterbury. Which he doth worthily call the lights of England, and the Senators of the English Heavenly Court of Parliament. And to this Choir of Saints and Crown or Diadem of our Eternal King Christ, he addeth other precious Stones also of Inestimable Glory, to wit St. Adrian the Abbot, and St. Mildred the Virgin, as Conspicuous in Glory of Miracles as the rest, etc.  
15. Thus writeth Malmesbury of these servants of God of the Church of Canterbury, for the first hundred years after Christ's Faith received: but he that would recount the like of all the other six Kingdoms and English Churches, should have great store of matter. Especially, if he would enter into the particular Lives and Actions of such eminent Holy Men, as that Age by the force and virtue of that Primitive Christian Religion brought forth. And then, if with all this he remember in like manner that most certain principle before mentioned; that God would never have concurred with such abundance of Piety, Holiness, 
An infalliable principle.  and Miracles to the setting up of a false Religion; he will easily see, how plain a demonstration this is for the truth of that Religion, which was thus planted amongst us, by St. Augustin, and Maligned by these Sectaries of our time.  


Catholic Religion planted in England with great power of Miracles.  
Marc. ultimo.   16. Well then, in this manner was Religion first planted among us, according to that which St. Mark the Evangelist saith of the first Preachers and Preachings among other Nations and Gentiles in his time: To wit, Domino cooperante & sermonem confirmante sequentibus signis, Christ working with them, and confirming their Preaching with Signs and Miracles. And this Faith being once planted, did take such deep Root by the said watering of Christ the Author thereof, as it continued and held out from time to time, through all difficulties and differences both of times, Men, and State, and by Peril, Divisions, Enmities, and cruel Wars, that fell out every day between those Seven Kingdoms, until they were united all under one Monarchy some 200 years after; to wit, under King Egbert, King of the Westsaxons. And from him again the same endured other 200 years unto King Edward the Confessor before the Conquest.  
17. And that which is worthy also the noting in this case, is, that during the time of all this Enmity, Emulation, Suspicions, Jealousy of Kingdoms and States, and Bloody Battles between these Kingdoms for the space of the foresaid 200 years, from their Conversion to Christianity until they came to be a Monarchy: 
One Catholic Religion under States that were enemies.  They all lived under one Archbishop and Primate of Canterbury, holding their due subordination and good correspondence with him, and by him with the See of Rome, and other Catholic Countries for matters of Faith and Ecclesiastical Affairs, no otherwise than if they had been all Friends, yea Subjects and Provinces of one and the self same Kingdom, and this is the virtue and force of Catholic Union. Whereas amongst Sectaries, every little difference of Temporal States, (yea of Towns, Cities, and Governments) doth presently cause a diversity also in Faith and Religion. 
Diversity of States worketh diversity of Religion amongst Sectaries.  As we see at this day, that Saxony (for example) where the name of the Protestants first began, being under a different Prince hath a great difference also in Religion from other parts of Germany, that call themselves Protestant's, and the Kingdoms of Denmark and Swedeland, tho' they profess all Lutheranism, yet is the manner so different in these different States, as not only the one will not depend of the other in any sort of subordination or Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction (as in England we see they did) but neither do they agree in any one Form of Religion, or substance of belief in all points, no nor in one state itself, where all profess themselves to be Lutherans, as in Saxony, where the higher Saxons allow only rigid or straight Lutherans: But the lower Saxony alloweth only the softer sort, and expelleth the rigid or severe Lutherans; as the other do them, where they get Dominion.  
18. Geneva and Berne are both Cities and States of the Swissers, and both of them profess Protestancy, tho' not according to Luther's Doctrine. But yet the Temporal State of the said two Towns being different, the Magistrates have appointed a different and distinct Form. Which in England also we see by experience, how much they differ from those of Scotland, Holland, and France, who profess themselves Protestant's of the same Calvinist School: But every Nation and Church after his own fashion. And finally what differences have risen in England itself, during her Majesty's only Government, betwixt Puritans, Brownists, Family of Love and State Protestant's (as 
* In his humble motives an. Domini 1601.  Thomas Diggs calleth them) no Man can be ignorant. But to what differences and divisions they would grow in two or three hundred years (if Sects could last so long, and that the States which profess them were Enemies in Temporal Affairs as it was in England) is easy to guests.  
But the reason hereof is manifest, to wit, 
Why Sectaries do change so often their Religion under different States.  that for so much as Sectaries making their own judgements and inventions the Rule of their Belief and Religion, and their Temporal Princes their absolute Guiders and immediate Heads in Ecclesiastical matters: it must needs follow, that as these Princes or States do change or alter for any respect whatsoever (as they do for many) Religion also must needs alter and change for contentment or interest of the said States or Princes.  
19 But to return to our Deduction and Continuation of Catholic Religion among the English Saxons after they came to be a Monarchy, (to wit, 
Affliction by the Danes from the year 800 downward.  from the year of Christ 800) it is first to be noted that assoon as God had delivered them from one affliction (which was the continual Civil Wars of one Kingdom with an other) he sent them a second Calamity, far greater perhaps than the first, enduring for other 200 years, which was the continual incursions and devastations of the Danes. Who pursued them not only for Temporal respects, to get their Country from them, but also for Religion itself (the said Danes being then Pagans;) as appeareth by the cruel Murders and Martyrdoms as well of St. Edmund King of the East-angles, 
S. Edmund and S. Elphegus Martyred by Danes.  Martyred by them about the year of Christ 885, as of Holy Elphegus Archbishop of Canterbury, some Ages after, about the year 1011 and of divers others overlong hear to recount. And yet notwithstanding, when the said Danes, 
Osbertus in vita S. Elph. apud Sur. 21. April Malm. lib. 1. Pontif. Angl. pa. 116. Matth. West. monast. an. Dom. 1011. & 1012.  with their King Canutus Son of Swanus, came once by God's Holy grace to be christian's (which was soon after the foresaid Martydom of the Holy Archbishop Elphegus) they submitted themselves with Humility and fervour of Spirit to that very same Christian Faith of their Enemies the Englishmen, which they had persecuted in them before, taking them also for their instructors. Which is a token, that there was no other Christian Faith known in the World at that day for them to embrace, but only that which the English professed, to the embracing whereof, there is no doubt, but the Miracles wrought continually in confirmation of the truth of that Faith (as well at the Tombs of the foresaid Martyrs St. Edmund and Elphegus slain by the Danes themselves, as other ways also) did greatly move and animate them.  
20. But whatsoever the chief motives were to move this Nation to embrace Christian Religion, this is certain, that soon after this time of St. Elphegus his Death, God delivered the whole Kingdom of England into the Danes hands under the foresaid King Canutus, 
The good Acts of King Canutus after his Conversion.  about the year of Christ 1020. And he Reigned and held the same peaceably for almost twenty years. In which time he being now Christian did many notable Acts of a good Religious King; Went to Rome for Devotion to visit the Holy Sepulchers of St. Peter and St. Paul, gave great Alms there and else where, made just Laws in England, loved and favoured exceedingly the English Nation, used them with all confidence both at home, and abroad, Married King Emma Mother to King Edward the Confessor, thereby to unite himself the more to the Nation. And finally became of a Persecutor and Conqueror, one of the best Kings, that England perhaps had in many Ages to Govern her.  
21. William of Malmesbury living (as it hath been said) some 500 years agone under King Henry the first, Son to William the Conqueror, writeth many most excellent Religious Acts of this King Canutus, saying amongst other things thus: 
Malmes. de gist. Regum Angl. l. 2. c. 11.  Monasteria per Angliam, etc. He did repair all the Monasteries in England, that were overthrown or defaced by the Wars of his Father Swanus or himself. He did Build Churches in all the places, where he had fought any Battles. And appointed Priests for the said Churches, who should Pray continually to the World's end for the Souls of them that had been slain in those places. He was present at the Consecration of a goodly Church in a place called Aschendum (where he had his chiefest victory) causing both the Nobles of the English and Danish Nation, to offer with him Rich gifts to the said Church, etc.  

The building the Abbey of Edmundbury, and rich endowment thereof by King Canutus.  22. Over the Body of Blessed St. Edmund, which the Ancient Danes had slain, he Builded a Church worthy the greatness of his Kingly Heart, appointing there both an Abbot and Monks, and giving them many Possessions. In so much as by the greatness of his gifts, that Monastery at this day is above all the rest in England. He took up with his own hands the Body of St. Elphegus Archbishop of Canterbury (slain not long before by his Danes) and caused the same to be be carried unto Canterbury: Reverencing the same with worthy honour. He gave such great Gifts and rare Jewels to the Church of Winchester, that the shining of precious Stones, did dazzle the Eyes of such as did behold them, etc. In the Fifteenth year of his Kingdom he went to Rome by Land, and having stayed some days there, and redeeming his sins by Alms in those Churches, he returned by Sea to England, etc.  
23. Thus and much more doth William of Malmesbury write of this notable King Canatus a terrible and fierce Warrior before his Conversion, and much given to Blood and Impiety, whereby may easily be seen, what force Catholic Religion is of, to make change in a Man's manners, where it truly entereth. Let Protestants show us some such examples of Princes Converted to their Religion. But to go forward in Malmesbury: he setteth down after all this a large Epistle of King Canutus, which he wrote from Rome, or in the way homeward, unto the two Archbishops, Egetnothus and Alfricus, the first of Canterbury, the other of York, and by them to the whole Realm, giving them account of his Journey to Rome. Where amongst other things he writeth thus: 
King Canutus his Letter from Rome. Malm. ibid. fol. 14.  Canutus Rex totius Angliae, & Denmarkiae, & Norvegiae, & partis Suecorum, etc. notifico vobis, me noviter ivisse Romam, oratum pro Redemptione peccaminum meorum, etc. I Canutus King of all England, Denmark and Norway, and part of Swecia, etc. do give you to understand that of late I went to Rome, to pray for the Redemption of my sins, and for the health of my Kingdoms and people: having made a vow of this Journey long ago, but could never perform it until now, by reason I was hindered by the Affairs of my Kingdoms. And now I do yield most hearty thanks to Almighty God, that he hath granted me this Grace to come and visit in my Life time the Blessed Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul and all the Sanctuary that is within and without this City: and according to my desire to honour and worship the same in my own person, etc.  
24. Thus he wrote. And moreover adjoined many other pious Ordinances in the same Epistle to be observed in England, for Restitutions to be made, Alms to be given, and other good deeds to be done, exhorting all to perform them willingly, and threatening them that should do the contrary. And William of Malmesbury saith, 
How King Canutus performed his good desires when he returned from Rome. Ibid. fol. 42.  that returning after to England he caused the same to be strictly observed. And gave many new privileges to Churches. And one among other to the Church of Canterbury, which Malmesbury setteth down at length, and in the end hath these words; Si quis verò, etc. If any Man shall perform this my Ordination with a prompt will, Almighty God by the Intercession of the most Blessed Virgin Mary and all his Saints, increase his portion in the Land of the living. And this Donation of Privilege is written and Promulgated in the Presence of me King Canutus, in the Wooden Church, in the year of Christ 1032.  
23. Thus far writeth William of Malmesbury of this Kings Pious disposition after his coming from Rome. 
Stow in Chron. pag. 116.  And John Stow addeth out of Henry of Huntingdon, as followeth. After this time, Canutus never bore Crown upon his Head, but he set the same upon the Head of the Crucifix at Winchester, etc. And thus much of his Piety and other Fruits of true Christian Faith, which he had received. And it is no small Argument of the Divine Power thereof, that it could so mollify and change so fierce a Warrior and cruel a Persecutor as this King was before his Conversion.  
26. So as now we have brought down the continuance and succession of one, and the self same Christian Religion in England from St. Augustin and King Ethelbert, unto King Canutus, for the space of 400 years. And that this was no particular Religion of England alone, but the Common General Faith not only of Rome, but of all Christendom besides, at that day, and consequently the only Catholic Religion of those Ages, appeareth in like manner by other words of the King's former Letter Recorded by Malmesbury, where he saith. Sit autem vobis notum, etc. Be it known unto you, that in this last solemnity of Easter, there was a great Assembly of Nobility here in Rome, 
Ibidem apud Malm. fol. 41.  together with Pope John and the Emperor Conrade (to wit, 
King Canutus was Catholic.  all the greatest Princes from the Hill Garganus unto this other next the Sea) all which did receive me most honourably, and did present me with Magnificent Gifts, etc. Thus wrote the King: Whereby we may easily perceive, that King Canutus was held in all Points for a perfect Catholic Prince, seeing that both Pope John the 20th. and the Emperor Conrade the 2d. did esteem and honour him so highly.  
27. After Canutus succeeded in the Kingdom of England his two Sons Harold and Hardicanutus, for two or three years. 
1043.  And then King Edward the Confessor, for Twenty-three years together. After whose Death the second Harold Son of Earl Goodwin holding the Kingdom by violence, against both English and Danes, scarce one year, William Duke of Normandy came in, as all Men know, and Conquered the Land towards the end of the year 1066. and held the same all days of his Life, and so hath his posterity after him by Male or Female unto our time, 
The Succession of Catholic Religion since the conquest.  and have continued the same Religion, which he found or brought into England (for all was one) for the space of 500 years unto King Henry the Eighth's time, which may be proved beside other ways, by the Succession of our Archbishops of Canterbury. Stigand an English Man, being the Twenty-third from St. Augustin, holding the same, when William the Conqueror got the Crown, to whom succeeded Lanfranc, and to him Anselmus, and so successively one after another: none of them ever being noted to be contrary to his Predecessor in Religion, until Thomas Cranmer in King Henry the Eighth's time. Who applied himself to the Religion, which the State and Prince liked best to allow of in that time. And after the King's Death, agreed to break his last Will and Testament, in changing that Religion into Zuinglianism, 
Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury.  most detested by his Majesty. And after again Conspired to put down and destroy all the King's Children, and to set up the Duke of Suffolk's Daughter. And finally, was put to Death both for Heresy and Treason in Queen Mary's time, as after more particularly shall be showed. And this was the first change of Religion in any Archbishop of Canterbury, from the beginning unto his days.  

The conclusion of this deduction.  28. So as from King Ethelbert, the first Christened English King, unto King Henry the Eighth being the Eighteenth from William the Conqueror, and more than Eighty from the said Ethelbert, one and the self same Faith endured in England, and the self same Church flourished, under so many different both Kings and Nations, as before hath been showed. And the like we have declared to have been for the first 600 years under the Britan's, to wit, that they never were known to have changed their Religion. Which being so, the deduction and demonstration is so clear, as any reasonable Man can either make or require for proof, that one and the self same Religion endured from the beginning to the ending among them.  
29. Unto which kind of proof the Ancient Holy Father and Martyr St. Irenaeus, giveth great Authority by a like Argument. For that having made the like Enumeration of the Bishops of Rome, (as we do now of our Archbishops of Canterbury) against the Heretics of his days, and that from St. Peter downward to Pope Eleutherius, that lived with him, he inferreth this conclusion: Est plenissima haec ostensio, 
Iren. l. 3. adversus haeres. cap. 3.  unam & eandem vivificatricem fidem esse, quae in Ecclesiis ab Apostolis & conservata & tradita in unitate, etc. This is a most full proof, that one and the self same lively Faith, hath been conserved in the Church from the Apostles days unto our time, delivered from one to another in unity, etc. And if that were a most full proof and demonstration in St. Irenaeus judgement against the Heretics of his time; The same is now much more to us, having seen the Succession of so many Ages since, and noted the manner of like proof and Argument in all other Fathers after him. As namely of St. Augustin, 
Aug. in psal. contra partem Donati. Aug. ep. 165.  Numerate sacerdotes velab ipsa Petri Sede, & in ordine illo Patrum, quis cui successit videte. Number the Priests that have succeeded the one to the other even from the Seat of Peter himself. And then further. In hoc ordine Successionis nullus Donatista Episcopus invenitur. No one Donatist Bishop is to be found in this rank of Succession. And yet more.  

Aug. ibid.  30. Et si in illum ordinem Episcoporum quisquam traditor per illa tempora subrepsisset, nihil praejudicaret Ecclesiae. And if any Traitor in those days should have crept into that order and rank of Roman Bishops (for of them he speaketh) it should not have prejudicated the Church of God.  
31. Which saying of St. Austin may serve us, not only to Answer whatsoever Heretics do, or may object true or false against the Lives of any latter Roman Bishops, but for defence also of the Rank and Succession of our Archbishops of Canterbury, notwithstanding the Apostasy of 
* Thomas Cranmer his Apostasy doth not prejudicated the See of Canterbury.  Thomas Cranmer, or any other his like, that for these latter years may have crept in (as St. Austin saith) or been thrust in, and by violence occupied that See and Seat unworthily, either in respect of his life, or Religion, or both; seeing that the former Succession as well of Men as of Doctrine, from St. Austin to Cranmer, is manifest and evident for the space of 900 years without interruption; as also that they were united all this time in Faith and Doctrine, with the Universal Church of Christendom, as Members and Branches of their Head and Body; and that the first breach and interruption made thereof in that See by Cranmer and continued after him by some, of his followers, was noted presently and contradicted, yea censured and condemned also by Sentence of the whole Church, and thereupon rejected and abhorred by the principal of his own people, both Clergy and Laity at that time.  
32. And the same contradiction endureth to this day, and will do ever, in those that conserve their Ancient Faith and Religion, and do adhere to the lawful Succession of his Predecessors against him and his partners, until it please Almighty God to put the said order and lawful Succession in joint again, and restore that chief and head conduct of our Country to his former integrity, whereby the Water of true Catholic Religion was wont to be derived to the people of our Land, and will be again when God's wrath for our sins shall be pacified, and his mercy induce him to permit (as often otherwise he hath done) that all return to the accustomed Ancient course of Catholic Faith, and Religion again, seeing in very deed there is none but that; for so much as Sects and new Religions are but inventions and entertainments of time, whilst God punisheth some sins in his Servants, and after all returneth where it was before.  
33. And this have we spoken by the way, and by occasion of Cranmer that was the first Archbishop of Canterbury that ever broke from the Roman Faith, but, notwithstanding his Apostasy, Catholic Religion was not extinguished in England by that, but remained there still all King Henry's time, as also during the Reigns of his three Children, King, and Queens, Edward, Mary and Elizabeth unto these our days, as in the next Chapter following more largely and particularly we are to demonstrate.   

CHAP. XII.  
How Catholic Religion hath continued and persevered in England during the times and Reigns of King Henry the Eighth and his three Children, King Edward, Queen Marry, and Queen Elizabeth, notwithstanding all the troubles, changes, alterations and tribulations that have fallen out, and that the same Religion is like to continue to the World's end, if our sins hinder not.  
THE deduction which we have hitherto made of Catholic Religion from our first Conversion, under St. Gregory and King Ethelbert of Kent, 
Anno Domini 600. Anno 1509.  unto the Reign of King Henry the Eighth with whom concurred in the See of Rome, Leo the Tenth and Clemens the Seventh and other Pope's Successors of St. Gregory, hath been for the most part in time of Peace and without any public discontinuance at all, but now are we to prosecute the same matter from the alteration made by King Henry downward unto our days, 
Anno Domini 1530.  and therein to show, that albeit in the external Face and Form of Religion, there have been divers Mutations, as Tempestuous Winds and Storms for the present, yet hath the Catholic Religion held firm her continuance throughout all these Tempests, yea showed herself more clear, eminent and notorious by the Confession of her most constant Members, than she did before in peace, which is the proper privilege and excellency of truth, 
1 Tim. 3. The Catholic faith groweth by persecution and affliction, and heresy is overthrown.  and of the Catholic Church (that is the pillar of Truth) above all Sects and Heresies (as St. Cyprian, St. Austin, and other Fathers do note) to come out of Persecution, as Gold out of Fire more bright, illustrious, and eminent than before, or as an excellent Ship well Tackled and skilfully guided, breaketh thorough the Waves without hurt at all.  
2. And this hath been proved now by the experience of 1600 years, wherein this Ship of the Catholic Church hath passed thorough no fewer storms than there are years and overcome them all; whereas many hundred Sects and Sectaries in the mean space have been broken in pieces, perished and consumed, either by division among themselves, or with a little extern Persecution or Discipline of the Church, whereof I shall not need to allege many examples, for that the World is full of them, and all Histories do testify, and our former deduction hath made it clear, and one Domestical example of our own days there is before our eyes, which may serve for all the rest, to wit, that some severity being begun by our State against two opposite Religions in England, the Catholics and Puritans, (tho' much more rigorous against the former than the second) yet hath Catholic Religion increased thereby, and Puritanism been broken and in a manner dissolved. The Reason of which different success we shall touch afterwards. Now to the purpose we have in hand.  
3. For the first Twenty years of King Henry's Reign unto the year of Christ 1530 no Man can deny, but that the integrity of Catholic Religion, Union and Communion with the rest of Christendom, and perfect subordination to the See Apostolic of Rome remained in England whole, as the said King had received it from the most prudent, Religious, and Victorious Prince his Father King Henry the Seventh, and he again from his renowned Ancestors, whom yet King Henry the Eighth as he did excel in knowledge of Learning, So was he nothing inferior to them in zeal of defending the purity of Catholic Faith, as may appear by the multitude of Sectaries and Heretics as well Waldensians, 
King Henry zealous in Catholic Religion.  Arrians, Anabaptists, Lollards and Wickliffians, as Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, and the like, burned by him, for dissenting from the universal known Church and Roman Religion in the first said Twenty years of his Reign, which Fox setteth down with great complaint and regret, and we shall after declare more at large in the Second and Third parts of this Treatise.  
4. And when Luther afterward rose up, in the Eighth year of this glorious King's Reign, which was the year of Christ 1517 King Henry caused first the Famous Learned Bishop John Fisher of Rochester to confute the Mad fellow, and after he vouchsafed to do the same himself by a most excellent Book, 
King Henry's Book against Luther, Dedicated to Leo 10. An. Dom. 1523.  which I have Read, and seen subscribed with his own hand, with the Dedication thereof, by his Ambassador Dr. Clark (after Bishop of Bath and Wells) unto Pope Leo the Tenth, who in gratification thereof, gave his Majesty and all his Posterity, the most Honourable Style and Title of Defender of the Faith.  

The beginning of the King's breach with the Pope.  5. And thus continued King Henry and the Religion under him in England, until the foresaid year 1530. at what time there happened a most fatal and unfortunate contention between Clement the Seventh the Pope and him, about his Divorce from Queen Katherine. He began first to show his grief and displeasure against Cardinal Wolsey, and secondly against the whole Clergy of England, Condemning the one and the other in the Forfeiture of Praemunire, who in their submission and supplication for Pardon, either of fear or flattery, called him Supreme Head of their Church of England. 
Stow An. Dom. 1530.   
6. The King also began to show openly his disgust with the Pope for not yielding to his pretence and Petition: But what? Was the King's Religion changed by this? Or did he alter his judgement in Faith for this disaffection towards the Pope? No truly, as well appeareth by his other actions; For he frequented the Mass no less than before, he burned Heretics more than ever, as appeareth by Fox his account, and so you shall see in all the residue of his Life, which were Sixteen years after this. 
King Henry winked for a time at some heretics.  And albeit at this time being much troubled with this breach with the Pope, he attended less to repress Heresy for some years, than he had done before, yet was his judgement no less against them than from the beginning, and the longer he lived, the more grew his aversion from them, as may easily appear to him, that will but look over the years that ensued after this disgust and breach with Pope Clement the Seventh. For albeit in the next year after, to wit, 1531 he proceeded to show his aversion from that Pope, yet did not he neglect the punishment of Lutherans, as may appear by the burning of David Foster, Valentine Frieze, 
Heretics burned An. Dom. 1531.  John Tenkesbury the old Man of Buckingham, and other which Fox doth complain of.  
7. In the year 1532. The King proceeding in the same discontentment with the Pope, did certain things rather to terrify him, than to make any change of Religion, 
Thomas Audley.  as making Sir Thomas Audley Chancellor in the place of Sir Thomas More, which Audley was suspected, to favour Lutheranism: In using also familiarly Thomas Cromwell a Man of the same humour or worse. 
Thomas Cromwell.  To which end also he going over into France, conferred with Francis the French King, and persuaded him to Summon the Pope to a General Council, but he would not, whereupon King Henry returning into England, not only spoke open words against Pope Clement, but suffered one Dr. Cutwyn, Dean of Hertfort, to Preach publicly against him in a Sermon before the King himself, 
Fa. Elstow contradicteth the Preacher in defence of the Pope before the King.  in the Church of the Franciscan Friars of Greenwich, who passed so far in that vein, as a grave Religious Father Named Elstow, reprehended him publicly out of the Choir or Roodloft, for which he was sent to Prison. And this was the first open contradiction, that King Henry had within his Realm about this Controversy with the Pope, and yet doth Fox recount unto us divers of his Martyrs most opposite to the Pope, that were burnt by the King's Authority this year, as namely: James Baynam, Robert Debnam, Nicolas Marish, Robert King, and others.  
8. There followed the year 1533 wherein his Majesty was Married to Queen Ann Bullen, 
Anno 1533.  and consequently this year passed most in Triumph about Coronation of the said Queen, as also the Birth and Baptism of her Majesty that now is: So as little was done in matters of Religion any way, but a great Gate seemed to be opened to the Protestants and to Luther's favourers by this Marriage, in so much that Fox doth assign the ground of his Gospel principally from this year in respect both of the Kings and Queen's inclination, as he presumeth, and of the great Authority of Cranmer, Cromwell, 
The beginning of Fox his Gospel in England.  and some other that he calleth his Gospelers, or Patrons rather of his Gospel. And yet if you behold the external Face of the English Church at this day, all these named and others held the Catholic Faith, Use and Rites, and both King and Queen, Cranmer and Cromwell; went as Devoutly to Mass as ever before, and so remained they in outward show (I mean the former three) even to their Deaths; And Cromwell when he was to die, protested on the Scaffold, that he was a good Catholic Man, and never doubted of any of the Church Sacraments then used, and the like would Cranmer have done no doubt, if he had been brought to the Scaffold in King Henry's days, as he was to the Fire afterwards, in Queen mary's, which had been a happy case for him.  

Anno 1534.  9 There ensued the year 1534, which was the year indeed of open breach with Rome, for that an Excommunication being set forth by Pope Clement VII. against King Henry VIII. upon notice given of his Marriage, and the said Excommunication set up in Dunkirk and other Towns in Flanders, which did import the consent also and concurrence of Charles the Emperor; and then certain Prophecies being blown about at home, as coming from Elizabeth Barton, surnamed the holy Maid of Kent, 
The first year of open breach with Rome.  about the King's Deprivation, he was much more exasperated than before; and so calling a Parliament, caused the Pope's Authority to be wholly extinguished, and transferred to himself, and made divers Bishops in order to preach at Paul's Cross against the Pope's Supremacy over the Catholic Church. But what? may we think that these Bishops did in so small a time change their belief in matters of Faith? The King also being angry with divers Friars, as namely with F. Elstow beforenamed, that contradicted Cutwyne the Preacher when he inveighed against the Pope's Authority, did this year, 
Hol. pag. 964: The Franciscan Friars put out of their Convents.  upon the 11th of August, ordain, That all the observant Friars of St. Francis' Order should be thrust out of their Convents, beginning with Greenwich where the said contradiction was made, and to seem somewhat to favour the Augustin-Friars, of whose Order Luther had been, he commanded them for the present to be put in their places, yet did he at the very same time cause John Frith to be burned in Smithfield for denying the Blessed Sacrament, and this by his own particular order; which Frith and his Master Tyndal were the greatest Enemies that Friars had.  

Heretics burned an. 1534.  10. He burned also this year Henry Poyle, William Tracy, and other Protestants, as Fox testifieth in his Calendar: So as we may see that the King's Faith was as before; and tho' he were content to suffer some new-fangled Spirits to ruffle at this time, as namely Friar Barnes in London, where he preached most seditiously, 
Stow an. 1534.  and Hugh Latimer in Bristol, where, as Stow saith, he stirred a notorious Tumult, causing the Mayor to suffer Lay men to preach, and to prohibit and imprison Priests, and other like Disorders; yet what the King thought inwardly of them, he declared afterwards by his acts, when he burned Barns, and cast Latimer into the Tower, and kept him there with evident danger of his life so long as himself lived; which disposition of King Henry, Tyndal smelling at the same season, wrote from Flanders to his Scholar John Frith, 
See the Letter of Tyndal to Frith, set down by Fox. p. 987.  Prisoner in the Tower of London, in these words: And now methinketh I smell a counsel to be taken, etc. But you must understand, that it is not of a pure heart, and the love of Truth, but to avenge themselves, and to eat the Whore's flesh, and to suck the marrow of her bones, etc. So wrote that honest man, signifying that King Henry was resolved to make an outward show in favouring the Gospelers, not for love or liking he had of them, but to revenge himself of the Pope, and to enjoy the Goods of Monasteries, and other spiritual Livings, which he, in his blasphemous heretical vein, calleth the Whore's flesh, and marrow of her bones.  
11. Well then, this was the beginning of their Gospel in England, by their own Confession and Interpretation; and so whatsoever was done from this year forward, against Catholics or Catholic Religion, unto the 31st year of his Reign, which was of Christ 1540, to wit, for five whole years, was upon these grounds, and to the former ends of Revenge and Interest, if we believe Protestants themselves; in which point notwithstanding, for that divers Godly, Learned and Zealous men could not be content to follow the King's affections as others did, and namely Bishop Fisher of Rochester, Sir Thomas More late Chancellor of England, and divers most Reverend and Venerable Abbots, Priors, and Doctors, and other their like, they were content to give their Blood in defence of Catholic Unity against this Schism, as the Abbots of Glastenbury, of Whaley, of Reading, Dr. Forest Queen Catharine's Confessor, Dr. Powel, and the like.  
12. Some others, and amongst them one most near to the King himself both in Blood and Affection, namely Cardinal Pool, opposed himself by public Writing from Milan, as we may see by those three learned Books left by him in Latin, De Unitate Ecclesiae. Others also of the same Blood-Royal, as the Marquis of Exeter, and Countess of Salisbury (the said Cardinal's Mother) showed their dislike, which afterwards was the cause of their ruin; and many Shires also of the Realm at this time, not being so patient as to bear these Innovations, took Arms, and fell into great Commotions, as in Lincolnshire, Yorkshire, Somersetshire, and some other Provinces, making all their Quarrels for matters of Religion.  
13. So as by this we see that Catholic Religion remained still in England both in Prince and People, but that the Prince for a time thought good for other ends to tolerate and wink at disorders therein, until the aforesaid year of 1540; when calling all his Realm together both Spiritual and Temporal to examine well this matter of Religion, they decreed that famous Statute both in Parliament and Consistory Ecclesiastical, called the Statute of six Articles, 
The Statute of six Articles, An. 1540  or as John Fox nameth it, the whip with six strings or lashes, in which Decree are condemned for detestable Heresies all the most substantial points of Protestants Doctrine, especially of Zwinglians and Calvinists, and most severe punishment of Death appointed unto the Defenders and Maintainers thereof, whereby the Catholic Judgement and Censure of the whole Realm in that behalf was seen, and the King himself made further declaration thereof presently for his own part, by putting away his Germane Wife Anne of Cleve, by which the Gospelers had thought to have drawn him further into League and Religion with the Protestant German Princes, and by punishing Cromwell, the Head and Fountain of most of these Innovations, by the loss of his Head. 
The burning of Friar Barns a Lutheran, with Gerard & Jerom, Zwinglians.  He burned also immediately after this Statute in Smithfield, upon the promulgation thereof, three famous Heretics, Barns, Jerom, and Gerard; the first an earnest Lutheran, the other two Zwinglians.  
14. All these demonstrations I say King Henry made this year of his Catholic Opinion and Judgement in all points, except in matter of Supremacy, which was his own Interest. And for the other six years which he lived afterwards, he varied not from this, but rather confirmed the same, as we may see by his burning of Anne Askew for denying the Real Presence in the Sacrament, not many months before his death; and by his own hearing of Mass in his bed, and receiving the blessed Sacrament on his knees when he was not able to stand on his feet; but especially by that which Bishop Gardiner testified while he lived, and preached the same in a public Sermon at Paul's Cross, that the said King not long before his dying day, when he sent him Ambassador to a Diet in Germany, 
K. Henry gave Commission for his reconciliation with Rome.  gave him special Commission in secret to procure by the means of some Catholic Princes, and of the Pope's Legate and Nuntio there, some honourable condition for his Majesty's reconciliation with the Pope and See of Rome again; which tho' God of his secret Judgement permitted him not to effectuate by the shortness of his life, yet appeareth it by this what his sense in matters of Religion was.  
15. So then now we have that Catholic Church and Religion continued in England during King Henry's Reign, both in Prince and People, tho' much turmoiled by Faction, Schisms, and Heresy, wherein notwithstanding she no more lost her possession and continuance, than she did in time of the raging Arians, Donatists, or other Sectaries that prevailed in power for the present time, either generally, or in some particular Provinces, as Lutherans and Zwinglians also did in King Henry's days in divers places, or do at this day, which yet was and is so, as they are easily distinguished from the other, not only by the Divisions and Differences among themselves, but also for that the Union of the Catholic Religion doth ever show itself in some Regions adjoining; yea commonly also even in those very places where these Sects do range and bear most rule, some Catholics do remain to contradict them openly, and to plead for their old possession; 
Catholics increased by Persecution.  and the greater the Persecution is, the greater and more eminent is this Catholic contradicting part stirred up and increased by the very Power and Virtue of the Cross of Christ in Persecution, as before hath been noted.  
16. And this was the state of Catholic Religion in King Henry's Reign; to wit, that it was held and defended publicly, except only the Article of Ecclesiastical Supremacy denied to the Pope, whereunto notwithstanding many thousands of the Realm never agreed, and consequently were truly Catholics. Heretics also were punished, especially those three Sects that principally ranged at that time, to wit, Lutherans, Anabaptists, and Zwinglians, (all three taking their Origin from Luther) so as of all these three Sects King Henry burned many; and albeit of the fourth sort of men that opposed themselves against him, to wit Catholics, he put divers also to death under the name of Papists, yet both this very Name, as also the different manner of their Deaths, but above all the nature of their Cause, doth evidently distinguish them from the other, and show that their Deaths were true Martyrdoms, and the others due Punishment for their Wickedness.  

The name of Papist not justly punishable.  17. For first, the name of Papists, that signifieth them to hold with the Pope as Supreme Head of their Church, importeth no more hurt or offence than if any Sedition moved within any Realm, those that hold with the King should be called Kinglings; or those, for example, that hold part with the Mayor of London, when any Apprentices would raise Rebellion against him, should scornfully be called Mayorists; and generally for a man to hold with his Lawful Superior cannot be termed a Faction, and much less an Heresy.  

The different punishments upon Catholics and Protestants doth show what K. Henry thought of them both.  18. Secondly, the very difference and manner of punishment used by King Henry towards both parts; the one by Fire, the others by Beheading and Hanging, doth evidently show what difference he made of them; the one as of Heretics, and the other as of men offending against his State and Person after he had made the Supremacy Ecclesiastical to be a matter of his State and of his Royal Dignity; whereby also he showed that he was no gospeler.  
19 But now for the third point, which is the most important of all the rest, to show the difference in these men's Causes, and that the Catholics suffered innocently for their Conscience, and consequently were true Martyrs; and that the other sorts of Sectaries were punished deservedly as Malefactors, it is not hard to prove to him that is of any mean consideration or indifferency in matters. For first, who will not grant but that he that is an honest and good man when he goeth to bed (for example) cannot easily be made an evil man in his sleep, without any motive of his affection or free will at all? And again, He that is a good and true Subject towards his Prince and Country this day, how can he well to morrow be judged a Traitor, (the highest sin of all other) if in the mean space he change not his mind, nor do any act of word or deed contrary to that he did before: And yet this was the Cause of the Catholics put to death under King Henry for the Supremacy.  
20. As for Example, Sir Thomas More was Prisoner in the Tower of London upon some displeasure, in the year 1534; where he attending only to his Prayers (as 
* In his Epistles.  himself testifieth) and to the Writing of some Spiritual Books pertaining to the contempt of this present transitory World, there passed in the mean time a Statute in the Parliament-house, appointing that whomsoever did not believe the King's Majesty to be Supreme Head of the Church of England in causes Ecclesiastical, should be a Traitor, and suffer death for it; which seeming a new and strange thing unto him, and contrary to the belief of all his Forefathers, he could not so soon conform himself thereunto, and consequently refused (when he was demanded) to subscribe to the Statute, and to make so great a change in his Faith upon the change of others; for which soon after he was put to death, not for that he had attempted, altered, 
The true cause of Catholics suffering under K. Henry.  or innovated any thing, as you see, but for that he would not alter and make innovation. And this was the proper true cause of all Catholics that suffered for the Supremacy under King Henry VIII.  
20. But on the contrary side, the others that were put to death by him as Sectaries, did wickedly and presumptuously alter and innovate of their own heads many things about Belief and Doctrine different from that which they had received, and contrary to the Belief of all their Forefathers, ancient Christians for many Ages together; and that with such obstinacy, as no Reason, Authority, Discipline or Order, no Witness Human or Divine, could prevail with them; and albeit for this obstinacy each Sect pretended Scriptures for themselves, yet the virtue and substance of Scriptures consisting in their true meaning, and interpretation thereof, it was intolerable pride and insolency in them to arrogate to themselves the said true Interpretation and Exposition before the whole Church of God that went before them: And hereof ensued the justness of their punishment, which in Catholics can have no place, as before hath been showed. Yet one Example of each sort of these men shall we here allege, thereby better to declare the Case.  
21. King Henry during his Reign caused sundry sorts of men to be put to death about matter of Religion, as is notorious; and first, 
The condemnation of Anabaptists and Arians by K. Henry.  certain Anabaptists and new Arians, namely in the 27th and 30th years of his Reign. In the former of these two Condemnations were nineteen Men and six Women, as Stow and others do relate; and in the second were three Men and one Woman condemned. These Anabaptists denied, amongst other points, that Children ought to be baptised before they come to years of discretion, and can actually believe; for defence of which Doctrine they stood resolutely upon many clear places of Scripture as to them then seemed; to wit, Qui crediderit & baptizatus fuerit, salvus erit, Marc. 16. He that shall believe and be baptised, shall be saved. 
Absurd positions of Anabaptists & Arrians in K. Henry's time grounded upon Scriptures pretended.  Lo (say they) it is necessary to believe as well as to be baptised; which Infants being not able to do, ought not to receive Baptism in their Infancy; or if they do, they must be rebaptised again when they come to years of discretion. Thus reasoned they. And besides this Text, they and their chief Masters do allege almost thirty places of Scripture more, which seem most plain and evident to them, as by their Books that are extant appeareth.  
22. The like places they do allege also for that other absurd Position of theirs, That no Magistrate may punish by death: as for example, those words of God, Exod. 20. Non occides, Thou shalt not kill; and again the saying of our Saviour, Omnes qui acceperint gladium, gladio peribunt, Matth. 26. All that use the sword shall perish by the sword. Thus said the Anabaptists, from which by no means could they be drawn, but went willingly to the fire for testimony of their Opinions. The Arians also denying the Equality of God the Son with the Father, alleged no less plain places, as they would have them to seem; namely that of Christ himself in St. John's Gospel, ch. 14. Pater meus major me est, My Father is greater than I; and many other, which were too long here to recite. And this of them, who burned together obstinately in one fire in England.  
23. But what shall we say of the Lutherans? Do not they allege plain places also, both against Us and Calvinists as themselves think? For against Calvinists, in defence of the Real Presence in the Sacrament, they urge the plain words of Christ as we do: Hoc est corpus meum: This is my Body. And against us, for their gross Opinion that the substance of Bread and Wine remaineth together with the Body of Christ, they allege many places of Scripture where it is called Bread, which places the Zwinglians accepting, do turn the same against the Lutherans, affirming that for so much as it is so oftentimes called Bread in the Scripture, 
The condemnation of Lutherans and Zwinglians by King Henry.  it is not the true Body of Christ at all: And this passed between Friar Barns and the two Apostata Priests Gerard and Jerom, burned with him: The first a fervent Lutheran, the other two earnest Zwinglians, all three consumed by Fire at one Stake in Smithfield by King Henry's appointment, in the Thirty-second year of his Reign.  
24. But now was there a third or fourth sort of Sectaries in K. Henry's days, who were neither Anabaptists, Arians, nor yet perfect Lutherans or Zwinglians, but would have the Controversy of the Blessed Sacrament and Real Presence, to be an indifferent thing to be believed, or not believed. as every Man should think best: 
The opinion of Tyndall and Frith agreeing with neither Lutherans nor Zwinglians.  So held William Tyndall, as also his Scholar John Frith, whom John Fox doth compare to St. Paul and Timothy, Frith being Burned in Smithfield by the King's express Commandment in the Twenty-sixth year of his Reign, and Tyndall not long after in Flanders by the said King's procurement, as more largely we shall declare in the Third Part of this Treatise, when we come to examine John Fox his Calendar of Martyrs. Now it shall be sufficient for proof of that we say to allege Fox himself, who setting down the Articles of Frith for which he was Burned, assigneth this for the first. 
Fox pag. 942.  First (saith he) the matter of the Sacrament is no necessary Article of Faith under pain of Damnation, etc. But may be believed or not believed as every Man shall think best. And for proof thereof allegeth divers Arguments out of Scripture, that the Fathers forsooth of the Old Testament, were saved by the same Faith that we are, and yet were not bound to believe the Real Presence, etc. And Fox seemeth to like well both of this Argument and of the Heresy.  
25. Now then here be four or five sorts of Sectaries Condemned by King Henry, and all defended themselves by show of Scriptures, but for that each of them doth reserve the interpretation of Scripture to themselves, and thereby teacheth new Doctrine, contrary to that which was received generally in the known Church before them, to whose judgement and interpretation they will not yield themselves: Hereof it followed, that the indictment of Heresy lieth truly and justly against them, and that they were worthily Condemned and Burned for this Pride, self-will and obstinacy. But on the contrary side against the Catholics, that died for the Ecclesiastical Supremacy of the Pope, none of these Accusations can justly be laid, for that they do neither stand upon their own judgement, nor have invented any thing of new, nor do adhere to their own Interpretations, or Exposition of Scriptures, but being accused, do make their Plea and Defence far otherwise, to wit, that they found this Doctrine of the Pope's Supremacy in use and practice before they were born, 
The different plea or defence of Catholics from heretics,  as a thing received from Age to Age by the known Catholic Church time out of mind: that they see all Christian Kingdoms and Princes to have embraced the same, and General Councils to have allowed thereof: That the Texts and Examples of Scripture alleged for the proof of this Article, and all others whereon they stand, are not inventions of their own, but so expounded by Ancient Fathers and uniform consent of the Catholic Church; that all our Christian English Kings from our first Conversion unto King Henry the Eighth acknowledged this Spiritual Authority of the Bishop of Rome; and King Henry himself defended the same most earnestly with his own Pen, not many years before, against Luther and Lutherans: That it is not a thing devised but delivered, as 
* Tertull. l. de prescript. adversus haeres.  Tertullian said, of the Catholic Faith, and therefore if any point thereof were to be altered, it must be done by the same Authority by which it was delivered to them, to wit by the whole Church, Councils, and General Pastors thereof.  
26. This was the Defence and Pleading of Catholics under King Henry the Eighth to excuse themselves from Treason, objected against them, for holding the Pope's Supremacy; wherein you see divers notorious differences between the Defence of the Sectaries, and them, for that amongst the Sectaries, every one held what himself thought best, of things invented by themselves, every one cited Scriptures, and interpreted them as he listed, without Authority, Precedent or Example of former Ages, and consequently they are justly called Heretics, that is to say choosers. For that they chose to themselves what to believe in every Sect, and reduced the last and final resolution of all things to their own Wills and Wits, which in matters of belief is the highest Crime that against God and his Church can be committed.  
27. But on the other side the state and condition of the Catholics, and their cause is quite opposite to this, for that they stick to Authority, Obedience, Integrity, Example of their Ancestors; they bring nothing of their own; they invent or innovate nothing: They stand only upon that which they have found Established to them, not by this or that Man, or by this or that Author of any Sect, or by this or that particular Congregation, fellowship, or Faction, or by this or that Town, City, Province, Kingdom, or Country, but generally by the whole universal Church and Pastors thereof, and therefore properly and truly are called Catholics, which is to say Universal and general.  
28. And this shall suffice to show the difference between the Catholic Martyrs, and Heretical Malefactors put to death in King Henry's time, 
The disagreement of Fox his Calendar Martyrs.  whereof yet we shall Treat more largely in the third part of this Treatise, where we are to handle the particular Stories of Fox his Calendar-Martyrs, and to compare and parallel them with ours, showing that yet never Dogs and Cats, nor yet Sampsons' Foxes did ever so disagree in natures and conditions, as these good Martyrs did in Faction and contrariety of opinions amongst themselves, and consequently could not be Martyrs or witnesses of any one Faith whatsoever.  
29. And with this also will we end the Discourse of King Henry's Life, having sufficiently showed (as to me it seemeth) that the Catholic Religion held her footing and continuance also under their Reign of this King, no less perhaps than before, yea she showed herself much more to the World, by the Persecution which then she suffered, than before in the time of peace; for that the Famous and Illustrious Martyrdoms of such excellent Men as were Bishop Fisher, Sir Thomas More, Dr. Forest and many other such Worthies, that suffered Martyrdom in those days, did more Illustrate her, and made extern Nations to talk more of the Zeal and Constancy of English Catholics, than ever they would have done if that Persecution had not fallen out; and the like success hath happened since both under King Edward the Sixth and her Majesty that now is, as briefly we shall here declare.  
30. And as for King Edward's Reign, as it was but short, 
King Edward the 6th. his Reign.  and the first passage from Catholic Religion to open Profession of Heresy: So was it not so sharp for effusion of Blood as under King Henry: For that the King being very young, and those that Governed in his Name not thoroughly settled in their States and Affairs, troubled also with much Division and Emulation among themselves, could not attend to prosecute matters so exactly against Catholics, as some of their desires and Appetites were; yet began they very well, as we may see by the most unjust Persecutions and Deprivations of two principal Bishops, Gardiner of Winchester, and Bonner of London, by such violent Calumnious manner as was proper for Heretics to use. The particulars whereof John Fox doth set down at large, whereby a Man may take a taste what they meant to have done, 
The attempts of Cranmer and Ridley and others of their crew in King Edward's days.  if they had had time. For that Cranmer and Ridley that had been Bishops in King Henry's time, and followed his Religion and humour while he lived, being now also resolved to enjoy the Preferment and Sensuality of this time, so far as any way they might attain unto, getting Authority into their hands by the Protector and others that were in most Power, began to lay lustily about them, and to pull down all them both of the Clergy and others, whom they thought to be able or likely to stand in their way, or resist their inventions.  
31. And hereupon divers were laid hands on and Imprisoned, divers fled over Seas, sundry most Captious and Calumnious Questions and Demands were devised to entangle Men: As Namely: Whether a King of one year old, were not as truly a King as at Forty or Fifty, which if you did grant concerning the Title and Right of his Crown (which is true) then presently they inferred, that King Edward, being but Nine years old, wanting yet discretion might also be lawful Head of the Church, and determine Controversies of Religion, yea change the Faith and Religion which his Father and all his Ancestors Kings and Princes of England, all Parliaments, Synods, and Councils before his days had left unto him for the space of a Thousand years and more. And albeit he had not sufficient judgement to understand what Religion meant, yet was he made judge thereof by virtue of his Birth and Succession to the Crown. 
The attempts of Seymor the Protector, and John Bale in flattery towards him.  And this Point was wonderfully urged by the Protector Seymor, to all Preachers, Prelates, and Bishops of that time, that they should inculcate the same to the people in their Sermons, to the end that himself taking all the said Child Kings Authority upon him, might be Head and Judge in his place: Whereunto that he might seem the more fit and able for his excellent learning, John Bale the Apostata Friar that lived under him, was not ashamed to Publish in Print, and place him for a Learned Author amongst his Illustrious British Writters, 
Bal. descript. Brit. cent. 5. fol. 237.  for that some Proclamations perhaps passed by his hands, tho' otherwise he was known to be so unlearned, as he could scarce Write or Read.  
32. But yet (as I said) this Doctrine or rather Paradox, of the Child Kings supereminent ability, high Authority and Supreme Ecclesiastical Power to determine, alter, change and dispose of matters of Religion at his pleasure, tho' he were but of one year old, was sounded in Pulpits every where at this time; whereof Sir John Cheke the King's Schoolmaster amongst others Wrote a several Treatise, besides the large Message sent in the King's Name (but of his Writing) to the Catholic people of Devonshire, as after shall be showed. The same also was objected grievously against Bishop Gardiner and Bishop Bonner by Name, that they had not in their Sermons appointed unto them by the Protector, so sufficiently urged this Point of the King's Ecclesiastical Power in his Nonage, as was required. And this especially for that the people in divers parts of the Realm, and namely those of Devonshire, seeing such alterations to be made in Religion under the Minority of a Child, quite contrary to the Laws and Statutes left by King Henry the Eighth, 
See Stow and other Chroniclers in the year 1549.  and that all things went backward both at home and abroad (the Towns we had in France being lost, or upon the point of losing) they complained first, and after took Arms for defence of their Ancient Religion, in the beginning of the third year of this King's Reign, the people of Sommersetshire and Lincolnshire beginning first in the Month of May; and then in July the people of Essex, Kent, Suffolk, Norfolk, Cornwall, and Devonshire, and in August those also of Yorkshire, all crying and demanding to have the Catholic Religion remain as it was left by King Henry, at leastwise until King Edward came to lawful age, thereby to be able to determine and judge of matters of Religion; which demand did wonderfully trouble and vex the Lord Seymour Protector, and other new Gospelers, who being hungry after Catholics Goods, could abide no delay in making this desired Innovation.  
33. And albeit, before these Insurrections fell out, 
The general aversion of English-people against the entrance of Heresy.  they did well see by divers attempts that the heart of the people was wholly against those their Innovations in Religion, as appeareth plainly by a Speech of the Lord Rich, than Chancellor, to the Sheriffs and Justices of Peace of all Shires, gathered together in London in the year 1548, being the second of King Edward's Reign, as at large you may see in Fox: yet such was their importunity in this behalf, 
Fox p. 1185.  as they would needs go forward; which thing pleasing John Fox well, 
Fox ib. 1186.  he writeth thus: By this you may see what zealous care was in this young King, and in the Lord Protector his Uncle, concerning the Reformation of Christ's Church.  
34. The same Fox also setteth down in another place what the young King answered to the Devonshire-men that desired that the state of matters in Religion might remain as King Henry had ordained and left them; and in particular they required that the Statute of Six Articles against Heretics might stand in force until King Edward came to full age. Whereunto let us hear his Answer, and consider thereby how matters went in those days. To the first, about the Statute of Six Articles made by his Father, and inviolably kept all days of his life, the little Child answered thus: Know you what you require? 
Fox p. 1189.  They were Laws made, but quickly repent; too bloody were they to be born of Our people: You know they helped Us to extend rigour, and to draw Our Sword very often; yea, they were as a Whetstone unto Our Sword, and for your Causes We have left to use them; and sith Our mercy moved Us to write Our Laws with Milk, how be you blinded to ask them in Blood, & c?  
35. And then further he saith, But to leave this manner of reasoning with you, 
K. Henry's Laws rejected by his Son K. Edward.  We let you wit, That the same Laws have been annulled by Our Parliament with great rejoice of Our Subjects, and not now to be called by Our Subjects in question. Dare any of you stand against an Act of Parliament, & c? Assure you most surely, that We of no earthly thing make such account, as to have Our Laws obeyed, for herein resteth Our Honour; and shall any of you dare to breath against Our Honour, & c? Lo how little account this little King Child was taught to make of his old Father's Laws; and how thundringly to speak for the maintenance of his own! But when they came to the second point about his Nonage, he is yet more resolute; for thus he writeth:  
36. In the end of your request (saith he) you would have Our Father's Laws stand in force until Our full age. But to this We think, if ye knew what ye spoke, 
K. Edward's reply to the demand of the people of Devonshire.  you would never have uttered that motion, nor ever have given breath to such a thought. For what think you of Our Kingdom? Be We of less Authority for Our Age? You must first know, that as a King We have no difference of years nor time; but as a natural Man, and Creature of God, We have Youth, and by his sufferance shall have Age. We are your rightful King, your liege Lord, your King anointed, your King crowned, the sovereign King of England, not by Our Age, but by God's Ordinance; We possess Our Crown not by Years, but by the Blood and Descent from Our Father King Henry VIII. etc.  
37. All this, and much more, did they make the innocent young King to talk and write in defence of their Innovations, who had more Interest therein than Herald And as for the Catholic People, albeit they denied not but that he was a true King in his minority of Age, yet no man was so foolish as to think (notwithstanding all these preachings to the contrary) but that it was a different thing for matters of Religion to be altered now in his Name, than afterward by Himself when he should come to Age.  
38. But among all others, none urged this Argument so much, nor with such Authority, as the King's eldest Sister the Princess Lady Mary, Heir-apparent to the Crown; who being a zealous Catholic, and yet wishing well also to the Protector, 
Q. Mary's admonition unto the Protector and Council.  did by sundry Letters, to be seen in Fox, admonish both Him and the rest of the Council, That they should look well what they did, during the King's minority, in altering the Will, Laws and Ordinances of his and her Father King Henry, for that afterward they were like enough to be called to account about the same when the King her Brother should come to full years. Moreover she admonished them. That they had no Authority to make such alteration in so great matters as they did, but ought rather to conserve things in the state left unto them by King Henry her Father, according as by solemn Oath they had sworn unto him before his death that they would do (but especially about matters of Religion) until the King her Brother came unto lawful Age.  

Heresy in K. Edward's days entered by violence.  39 By all which is clearly seen how the Catholic Religion remained in England most substantially rooted in King Edward's days, and that Heresy entered only from the teeth outward, and was maintained by violence of Temporal Authority, and according to that was the success: For after many toils and turmoils, one killing another of those that governed, when they thought they had laid a sure Platform to continue the same, by excluding the Lady Mary and Lady Elizabeth, and thrusting in Jane the Duke of Suffolk's Daughter, after King Edward's death, and had so plotted and fortified that Design, as they thought it sure; the only Zeal of the common Catholic People, for the recovering the use of Catholic Religion again, overthrew all, and placed Queen Mary, as is notorious to the World. And afterward, if we consider the end of most of them, which in those days being Counsellors, for Ambition, or other respects, were promoters of Heresy, as Dudley, Pembroke, Winchester, Arundel, Shrewsbury, Paget, and others, they all died Catholicly, and most of them in this Queen's days, when with much favour of the State they might have showed themselves Heretics.  

Catholic Religion restored by Q. Mary.  40. And thus much for the Reign of King Edward; after whom Queen Mary succeeding, restored Catholic Religion to her seat and ancient possession again; which having endured only five years, it pleased God to give another trial and probation to his Servants, by a new alteration, in the beginning of her Majesty's Reign that now is: but yet not so forsaking them, nor their Cause, but he left sufficient testimony in our Realm at that time what Religion had born rule unto that day, and how and when the change began. For first of all the Bishops and chief Prelates of the Realm not only resisted this mutation, but most of them suffered Imprisonment or Banishment for the same, as London, Winchester, Durham, Carlisle, Worcester, Lichfield, Ely, Lincoln, Peterborough, Asaph, Chester, tho' some few other were not at first put in Prison, but detained only in Custody, and deprived, as York, Exeter, Bath and Wells. I will omit other principal men, as Deans and Archdeacon's of Churches, as Dr. Cole of London, 
Bishops and Archdeacon's deprived and imprisoned for Cath. Faith, An. 1560.  Dr. Steward of Winchester, Dr. Robinson of Durham, Dr. Setland of Worcester, Dr. Rambridge of Litchfield, Dr. John Harpesfield of Norwich, Dr. Joliff of Bristol, Dr. Boxall of Windsor, Dr. Nicholas Harpesfield of Canterbury, Dr. Dracott of York, Dr. Peter of Buckingham, Dr. Cheasey of Middlesex, and many others, which were overlong to rehearse all. I omit also Dr. Fecknam Abbot of Westminster, and the two learned Priors of the Carthusians, Chasey and Wilson, and many other Religious Men, that left their Livings and the Realm, not to be forced to yield to this change. Which multitude of learned Witnesses, (not to speak of infinite others of less degree) being the chief throughout all Shires of England where they dwelled, did well show by their constant profession unto their dying days what root and foundation Catholic Religion had in England at that time; and hath yet, I doubt not, as after shall be showed.  
41. And albeit in these forty years and more that have endured since the beginning of this change, the Temporal State of our Realm hath for our sins been opposite and enemy to this Religion, with full intent to extirpate and extinguish the same, yet such is the everlasting force of Truth, and so faithful is the holy Providence of Almighty God for defence thereof in times of most need and pressure, that the Catholic Faith, and Profession thereof, hath never been more eminent and illustrious in England, than in this time of so grievous affliction; 
The constancy of English Catholics in this time of Persecution.  there having been above an hundred Priests (not to speak of others of other Degree) that have made profession thereof at the Bars and Benches of most of all the Tribunals and Judgment-seats of England, and have sealed also their Confession with most willing offering of their Blood.  
42. And indeed that which is most rare and worthy noting in this affair, is that most of them were born and bred in England during the time of her Majesty's Reign, and were brought up in the Religion that now is professed within the Realm; divers of them also had studied at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, where they had heard the adverse Part allege for themselves what they could, and themselves had read and examined with no small diligence what grounds the Protestants had for their Opinions; which being done, they went over the Seas to hear and see the Catholic Party, and so resolve themselves more substantially in such matters as nearest concerned their eternal Salvation; wherein being throughly satisfied in all their doubts, they passed further, and became Priests, and so returned into England again to impart to others the hidden Treasure of Truth which themselves had found out. 
The constant resolution of divers Catholic Priests.  And albeit divers of them were of that Kindred and Parentage, and so qualified also in themselves, that they might have lived both wealthily and at their ease if they would have followed the World and present course of Times, yet made they choice rather to fall into manifold Dangers, Imprisonments, and Death itself, than to forsake the truth of Catholic Religion, or forbear to communicate the same to others; which is another manner of ground and foundation for their Constancy, than John Fox recounteth in many of his Martyrs, who upon toys became Protestants, and of mere ignorance and obstinacy went to the Fire for the same; as namely, Joan Lashford, 

Joan Lashford. Fox p. 1547, 1517.  
Agnes Potten. Joan Trunchfield.   a married Maid (as he saith) of twenty years old, that took aversion from the Mass when she was but eleven years old, (upon very good grounds you must imagine in those years of her Age;) as also Agnes Potten and Joan Trunchfield, the Wives of a Beer-brewer and Shoemaker of Ipswich, resolved to go to the Fire, upon a certain Vision that one Samuel a Minister told them that he had in the Prison with them. And upon the same ground it seemeth another Wench, 

Rose Nottingham.  
Fox p. 1547.   called Rose Nottingham, embraced the said Minister and kissed him in the street as he went towards burning.  
43. Andrew Hewit in like manner, an Apprentice of London of nineteen years old, determined to die with John Frith (then in the Tower of London) for the Opinions that he would die for, tho' yet he did not know what his Opinions were. William Hunter also, another Apprentice of London, 
William Hunter.  and of the same age of nineteen years, running away from his Master, and finding an old English Bible lying in the Chapel of Burntwood, fell to reading thereof, 
Fox p. 1395. an. 1555.  and thereby presently became a Protestant in divers Opinions, and would needs burn for the same. Rawling White likewise is recounted by Fox to have been an old poor Fisherman in Wales, 
Rawling White.  and hearing of a certain new fresh Doctrine to be had out of the Scriptures in English, and grieved that himself was not able to read them, he put his little Boy to School to learn to read, who being somewhat instructed in that Art, he caused him to read Scriptures unto him, 
Fox p. 1414.  and profited so much therein within a little time, that the old Fisherman began to be a Preacher; and so leaving his Occupation, went up and down Wales with his Boy after him bearing the Bible, out of which he took upon him to preach at every Town and Tavern thereof, seeking thereby to pervert such as were no wiser than himself; nor could he be restrained from his wilful folly, until the Bishop of Cardiff apprehended him, whom afterward also he was forced to burn, for that he stood obstinate in his fantastical Opinions, which were such as scarce agreed with any Sect whatsoever. And finally, Laurence Sanders, a famous scarlet Martyr of theirs, being a married Priest, and seeing a little Bastard of his brought to him in Prison by the Woman that bore it, he was so tenderly affected thereunto, as in great vehemency of spirit he said to the standers by, What man of my Vocation would not die to make this little Boy legitimate, and prove his Mother to be no Whore?  
44. And of this I might give infinite Examples out of John Fox, what substantial grounds and motives many of his Martyrs had to run to the Fire, or rather how without all ground or probable reason in the world, 
Heretical hastiness to burn for their Errors.  but only wilful Pride and Obstinacy, most of them thrust themselves to death, no less than in old times did the Massilians, Montanists, Circumcellians, and Martyrians, most famous Heretics, upon the like madness, as after we are to show more at large in the 
* Cap. 2.  third Part, where I am to treat of these matters more particularly, and to give you (if I be not deceived) large matters of laughter, or rather of compassion, in this behalf. Now this shall be sufficient to show both the great number and respective quality of domestical Witnesses for the Catholic Faith, and continuance thereof in our Country during the time of this sharp Persecution under her Majesty, and that never more than in this time hath the Catholic Church been perspicuous, honourable and eminent in our Realm; which is altogether contrary to that which John Fox ascribeth to his Church, whose Invisibility, Obscurity, and lurking from the eyes of men, he both granteth and excuseth, by the presence of Persecution against her; whereas we hold on the other side, that the true Church (and consequently Ours) is ever more visible and notoriously known in time of Affliction and Persecution, than in Peace.  
45. And so we have showed by Example of our English Church, especially in this present Age, wherein not only domestical sufferings at home have come by Fame, Books, and Writings to the knowledge of Foreign Nations, and thereby also the notice of so many worthy constant Catholics that are within the Realm; but whole Troops also both of English Men and Women in Exile for their Consciences, do represent the same daily to their eyes, as it were by a lively spectacle, to the wonder of the Christian World. But above all the rest, they must needs be greatly moved with the sight of whole Companies, Families, and Communities of English of both Sexes, of tender Age, and those for the most part of very principal good Birth and Parentage, that have come forth of our Country for the love of Religion, and lived with great Edification in other Nations, partly in Colleges and Seminaries, partly in Religious Convents and Monasteries, yielding great admiration to strangers for their rare Virtues of Piety, Patience, Contentment and Devotion. And as for Colleges and Seminaries, 
A great number of English Youths in Exile for Religion.  those of St. Omers and Douai in Flanders, of Rheims in France, of Rome in Italy, of Valliadolid, Sevill, and St. Lucre's in Spain, and of Lisbon in Portugal, do sufficiently testify. And as for Monasteries both of Men and Women, they are not unknown; as that venerable Company of English Carthusians in Mechlyn, the honourable Religious Houses of English Noble and Gentlewomen in Brussels, Louvain, and Lisbon, whose rare Virtues do singularly edify all those that know them, and greatly illustrate the Name of our Country for Religious Piety with Foreign Nations. All these (I say) do bear witness at this day to the whole World, and to us also, that, God be thanked, the fire and fervour of Catholic Religion, which Christ came to plant upon Earth, is not extinguished by so long and grievous Persecution in our Country, but rather increased, at least in Intention, as Philosophers do speak, tho' not in Extension.  
46. And truly, when I consider the matter more seriously with myself, 
The Conclusion of the first Part of this Treatise.  I doubt much whether England, if it had continued Catholic, had ever enjoyed such excellent Education for their Youth at home, as by occasion of this Tribulation God hath given them abroad in Foreign Nations. Certainly the Example is rare, and never heard of in former times, and at this day the like is seen in few other Nations besides Us; but in none of those that have suffered for Catholic Religion is this Blessing found so abundantly as in Ours, God make us grateful for it; for if our Ingratitude turn not the course of his Mercies hitherto used towards us, it seemeth evident that he will not suffer the Seed of Catholic Religion to be extinguished in England, having conserved the same so potently and strangely unto this day, which is from the first preaching of the Apostles and Apostolic-men to the Britan's, unto the time of Pope Gregory I. under whom our English Nation was converted, as hath been declared, and from thence again downward unto Us, which is more than a thousand years; and so I doubt not but he will to the World's end, if our sins deserve not the contrary. And this shall serve for this first Part, containing the Deduction and Continuance of Catholic Religion in England without interruption, for more than fifteen hundred years together. Now will we pass to the second Part, to examine the same Succession in Protestants Religion throughout all these Ages, if it may be found; making our Conclusion, as after you shall see, That as our Religion entered first, and hath never left England unto this hour, so the Religion of John Fox, in the form that he would have it, was never yet admitted into England publicly, by any Prince or Potentate whatsoever, until this present day, nor ever like to be. And this shall serve for the first Part of our Treatise.  
The End of the First Part.    

The Second PART of this TREATISE, CONTAINING The SEARCH after the Protestants Church, From the beginning of Christendom to Our Days.  
The ARGUMENT.  
HAving declared in the former Part of this Treatise how the Faith of Christ was first preached to the Britan's at two several times, and then to the English Nation, and all by Roman Preachers; and that the same Faith hath continued from Age to Age in a visible conspicuous Church until our days: there remaineth now, that we examine in this second Part, Where the Protestants Church was in all this time, and whether they had any at all? And if they had, of what sort of men it consisted, and whether it were the same with the Church before-described, or partly the same, partly different; or whether they could stand together, being opposite in any one point of Faith? Moreover, whether the one did persecute the other, or might be reconciled or agreed together? And finally, what is the state of the one and the other at this day? For examination of which points, we shall have occasion to run over again with more advice all the former sixteen Ages from Christ downward, and therein to see and consider, What Church either flourished or prevailed throughout every Age, either Ours, or that of John Fox; and which of them is likeliest to have come down from the Apostles? As also, Whether that Church which was visibly founded by the Apostles, and put on foot by them and theirs, could perish, or vanish away to give place to another? And these are the principal Points of this second Part discussed in the Chapters following; tho' first, before we enter into this examination, we have thought good to treat certain general Points, that make way thereunto, as by the next Chapter you shall perceive.  

CHAP. I.  
Of how to great Importance Ecclesiastical Succession is for trial of true Religion; and how Sectaries have sought to fly the force thereof, by saying, That the Church is invisible; How fond a shift this is, and how foolishly John Fox doth behave himself therein.  
THE Sentence of the Philosopher is known to all, That contraries being laid together, do give light the one to the other; as white and black proposed in one Table, do make each colour more clear, distinct, and lively in itself. For which respect we having laid open before, in the first Part of this Discourse, the known manifest Succession of Christian Religion in our Isle of England, first from the Apostles times among the Britan's, for the first six Ages after Christ; and then again among the Englishmen, for nine Ages more since their first Conversion from Paganism; we are now to examine what manner of visible Succession John Fox doth bring us forth of his Church, that is to say, of the Protestants of his Religion, (for the said 1500 years, or fifteen Ages) if any such be; for that by this comparison of the One with the Other, the Nature and Condition of both Churches will be understood. But yet first I mean to note by the way certain principal points to be considered for better understanding of all that is to be handled in this Chapter, or about this whole matter of Ecclesiastical Succession.  
2. Whereof the first may be that which I have touched in the end of the former Chapter, to wit, of how great importance this point is, 
The principal point to be noted of Succession.  (I mean the Succession and Continuation of Teachers, the one conform to the other in matter of Belief and Religion) for clear demonstration of Truth in matters of Controversy, and for staying any discreet man's judgement from wavering hither and thither in his belief, according to that which holy St. Augustin said of himself, and felt in himself: For that considering the great diversity of Sects that swarmed in his time, and every one pretending Truth, Antiquity, Purity, and Authority of Scriptures, and himself also having been misled by one of these Sects for many years, was brought by God at length to be a true Catholic, and to feel in himself the force of this visible Succession of the Catholic Church. And therefore, writing against one that in time past had been his Master, as Head of the former Sect wherein he had lived, to wit, Faustus Manichaeus, 
St. Augustin's estimation of Succession.  after divers other reasons alleged of his confidence and assurance of Truth in the Catholic Church, and of his firm resolution to live and die in the same, he bringeth for his last and strongest reason the perpetual Succession of Bishops in the same Church, and especially in the Church of Rome: 
Aug. ep. cont. Faust. Manich. c. 4. tom. 6.  Tenet me in Ecclesia (saith he) ab ipsa Petri sede, usque ad praesentem Episcopatum, successio Sacerdotum, etc. I am held in this Church (against all you Sectaries) by the Succession of Priests and Bishops, that have come down even from the first seat of St. Peter the Apostle, to the present Bishop of Rome (Anastasius) that holdeth the seat at this day, etc.  
3. Lo here the force and estimation of Succession with St. Augustin. Whereunto are conform all other ancient Fathers, if we would stand to allege them; yea they stand so firmly upon this point, and do make so great account of it, as they do generally note Heretics and Sectaries for the contrary defect, to wit, that they have no Succession or orderly continuation either of Bishops or of Faith among them, but did leap hither and thither, (as ours do at this day,) challenging to themselves now this and now that, without either Order, Interest, Continuation, or Succession: 
Aug. quaest. 110 in nov. & vet. Test.  Ordinem (saith St. Augustin) ab Apostolo Petro coeptum, & usque ad hoc tempus per traducem succedentium Episcoporum servatum perturbant, ordinem sibi sine origine vendicantes. Heretics do trouble and break the order of succeeding of Bishops begun by St. Peter, and brought down by Off spring, one Bishop succeeding another; and so challenge unto themselves a certain Order without beginning.  
4. To which effect also Tertullian, more than 200 years before St. Augustin, challenging Heretics to this Combat of Succession, said, 
Tert. l. de praescrip. advers. haeres.  Edant Haeretici origines suarum Ecclesiarum, evolvant ordinem Episcoporum suorum, etc. Let Heretics set forth the beginning of their Churches, let them recount the order of their succeeding Bishops if they can. And then having set down for his part, and for proof of true Catholic Succession, the whole rank of the Bishops of Rome, from St. Peter to Pope Eleutherius that lived in his days. [Mark, I pray you, the proof he useth, tho' he were of the Church of Africa.] He glorieth as tho' he brought forth an invincible Argument against all Heretics, challenging and provoking them to do the like if they could: 
Tert. ibid.  Consingant (saith he) tale aliquid Haeretici; Let Heretics bring forth or devise any such things for proof of their Church if they can. And consider here (gentle Reader) how Heretics remain confounded by Tertullian's judgement for want of Succession.  

Iren. l. 4. advers. haeres. c. 4.  5. But this is not only Tertullian's Opinion; for St. Irenaeus, before him again, objecteth the same to Heretics, against whom he wrote, saying▪ Obedire oportet eyes, qui successionem habent ab Apostolis, qui cum Episcopatus successione charismata veritatis acceperunt; You ought to obey these who have their Succession from the Apostles, who together with the Succession of their Bishoprics, have received from time to time the gifts or privileges of Truth. And in another place, 
Ibid. c. 45.  Apud quas est ea, quae est ab Apostolis successio, high fidem nostram custodiunt, & scripturas sine periculo nobis exponunt; With whom the Succession of Bishops from the Apostles time downwards is found to have remained, these are they who conserve our Faith, and do expound the Scripture unto us without danger. Behold the virtue of Succession, which this blessed Bishop and Martyr St. Irenaeus esteemed so highly in his days, as he ascribed thereto both the infallible Conservation of Faith, and true Exposition of Scriptures.  
6. And it is to be noted, that he speaketh not only of Succession in Belief, as every one of our Sectaries will seem to pretend, that they have it among themselves from the Apostles, (which yet is ridiculous, and manifestly false, as before hath been declared, and after shall be more in particular;) but he speaketh expressly also of the external Succession and Continuation of Bishops, ascribing to them, and proving by them, the Succession of one and the selfsame Faith: 
The force of Succession with Irenaeus & other Fathers.  And to that end doth he number up all the Bishops of Rome from St. Peter to his time, as Tertullian before-alledged did, (notwithstanding the one lived in France, and the other in Africa,) proving by that Succession of Roman Bishops the true Succession of one and the selfsame Catholic Faith to have endured, not only in these several Countries, but also over all Christendom, and that from Christ to those times; esteeming this to be a most invincible Proof and certain Demonstration, or (to use St. Irenaeus his own words) plenissimam ostensionem, a most full probation against all Heretics whatsoever.  
7. According to which Principle and sure Foundation, all other Fathers also that have ensued since, from Age to Age, have stood very resolutely upon this point of Succession, 
Hier. dia. ult. cont. Lucif.  against the Heretics of their times. Brevem (saith St. Hierom) apertamque animi mei sententiam proferam, in illa esse Ecclesia permanendum quae ab Apostolis fundata usque ad diem hanc durat; I will utter briefly my sentence and judgement; we must abide in that Church, which being founded by the Apostles, hath endured unto this day. As if he had said, We must be and abide in that Church, which as it was visibly founded and spread over the World by the Apostles Preaching, so it hath visibly been continued under her Bishops and Teachers unto this day. Which sentence of his St. Augustin, that lived with him, tho' somewhat younger, confirmeth in these words: 
Aug. l. de utilitate credent. c. 17.  Dubitabimus nos illius Ecclesiae considere gremio, quae ab Apostolica sede per Successiones Episcoporum (frustra haereticis circumlatrantibus) culmen Authoritatis obtinuit? Shall we doubt still to rest in the lap of that Church, which hath kept continually the height of her Authority by Succession of Bishops from the See-Apostolic unto this day, notwithstanding the vain barking of Heretics on every side of her?  
8. Thus said St. Augustin of the visible Church in his days, which had not continued much more than 400 years. But what would he say if he lived in our days, 
Barking of Heretics against Succession, as St. Augustin termeth it.  after almost 1200 years' Succession more since he wrote this, when he should hear far greater and more spiteful barking of Heretics against the same, than he heard in his days? tho' then also he heard much, and much of that which we hear now. But if St. Augustin should live now again, there is no doubt of one thing; which is, that he would make this his Argument of Succession far more strong against our Heretics, and esteem it so much the more, by how much the Power of Christ hath showed itself more Omnipotent in continuing the same since, for so many Ages more after him, amidst so many troubles and turmoils, changes and alterations of Empires, and Kingdoms, and Temporal States, as before we have noted. And if in England we can number above seventy Archbishops of Canterbury, all of one Religion, the one succeeding the other, since our first Conversion by St. Augustin our Apostle, (not to speak any thing of the British Church before us) as you may see confessed by Cambden and other new heretical Writers of our own; and that this English Church was the same in Faith and Belief with the British, 
In descr. Cantii.  (as before hath been showed) and both of them one with the Roman and General Church from the very beginning to this time, what an Antiquity is this? and how clear and evident a Succession? And how would St. Augustin urge this Argument against our Protestants, if he were now alive again.  
9 Sure I am, that if any one Baron, Earl, or Duke in England could show but the half of these years for the continuance and possession of any Temporal State, Lordship, or Land in England, he would highly esteem thereof, and thereby make a glorious defence against any wrangling Companion that should presume to pretend the same, and deprive him thereof, if he could truly say and prove (as we do in the Cause of our Church) that his Ancestors for 1300 years together had continued in that possession. But no man can prescribe any such time in temporal matters, and therefore are they well called Temporal, for that they change in a little time. And he that will read the foresaid Cambden's Story, towards the end of every English Shire, 
A comparison between the durance of the Church & temporal States.  (where he taketh upon him to recount the Earls or Dukes that have had their States and Titles over that Shire) he shall see such a broken Succession in those States and Signories as it is pitiful to behold, no Dukedom or Earldom continuing lightly three or four Generations together in any one Name or Family. And this is the frailty and uncertainty of human things.  
10. But for matters of Religion appertaining to the Soul, Almighty God hath given another manner of force unto Succession both of Men and Faith. As for example, in the Law of Nature, he made the same to endure by only Tradition, without Writing, for more than 2500 years, under the ancient Patriarches before and after the Flood of Noe. And afterward again in the written Law, the Jews continued the possession of their Religion by Succession of Bishops and Ecclesiastical Governors from Moses unto Christ, above 1500 years, notwithstanding all varieties of times and calamities. And no less from Christ to our Age hath he continued the same in a much more glorious sort and manner. In which latter time of Christian Religion (to speak only of this for the present) so many mutations have been made, both in the Roman Empire itself, and all other Realms and Kingdoms round about us, as all men know, and may be seen in Histories: And yet hath the Succession of the Catholic Church and Pastors thereof, together with the Union of Faith therein taught, been most miraculously conserved amongst all these toss and turmoils, breaches and divisions of Temporal Kingdoms; which could never have been, but by the Omnipotent Hand of our Saviour that hath defended it; especially considering withal the great multitude of Sects and Heresies that from time to time have risen, and attempted to impugn the same, but could never prevail. And this is sufficient for this first and principal point of the virtue and force of Ecclesiastical Succession.  
11. The second point to be considered is, That when Luther's new Religion began, and could allege no Successors of Bishops, 
The second principal point to be considered about the visibility of the Church.  or ancient Teachers for itself, but was much pressed with this other of the Catholics, he devised a certain notorious and ridiculous shift, to say, that the true Church was invisible to the eye of man, and only seen by God, and consequently had no need of any visible or external Succession of Men. And this shift of his is discovered by that he writeth both against 
(a) In defence. l. de servo arbitr.  Erasmus, and 
(b) Lib. cont. Catarrh.  Catharinus, and in his wicked Treatise 
* Part 1.  de abroganda Missa privata, for taking away private Masses; where having had Conference with the Devil, (as himself confesseth) he asketh very stoutly, Who can show us the Church, seeing she is secret, and to be believed only in Spirit? To whom if any man would oppose S. Aug. that saith, 
Aug. in tract. in ep. Joan.  digito ostendimus Ecclesiam, we can show the Church with our finger, should not Luther be well matched think you?  
12. The like held for a time 
* Cap. de Conciliis.  Brentius, as appeareth in his Confession of Wittenberg, and some others of that Sect. But this Opinion of Luther did not long please his Followers; for that 
* In locis come. loco 12. de Eccles.  Ph. Melancthon, his chief Scholar, did soon after teach the contrary, viz. That the Church was visible to the eyes of men also. And the 
(c) Cent. 1. l. 1. c. 4.  Magdeburgians do hold the same, defining everywhere the Church to be a visible Company of Men. Which going back of the principal Lutherans in this point (it being done by a certain Consultation had thereof among themselves, as 
(d) Apol. 1. part 3. Calv. l. 4. Inst. c. 1. § 3.  Fredericus Staphylus the Emperor's Counsellor, that had been one of them, affirmeth) was some Cause perhaps that Calvin, coming presently after them, took upon him to defend the same Doctrine again, saying, Nobis invisibilem, etc. We are forced to believe the Church to be invisible, and to be seen only by the eyes of God. Lo Calvin putteth necessity in this point of Belief.  

Why Lutherans left the Paradox of the invisibility of the Church.  13. The Causes that moved the chief Lutherans to go back from their first Opinion about the invisibility of the Church, were principally the apparent Evidences and Demonstrations which Catholics do allege both out or Scriptures, Fathers, common sense and reason, for overthrow of that most fond and ridiculous Paradox. And first, out of holy Scriptures both of the Old and New Testament; these men being not able to allege any one place where the Name of God's Church is applied to an Invisible Congregation; the Catholics on the contrary side pressed them with many most evident Texts of Scripture, where it was and is used for a visible Company of Men: as that in the Book of Numbers, ch. 20. Cur eduxisti Ecclesiam Domini in solitudinem? Why hast thou brought the Church of God into the Desert? And again in 3 Kings, ch. 8. Convertitque Rex faciem suam, & benedixit omni Ecclesiae Israel, omnis enim Ecclesia Israel, stabat, etc. The King turning his face about, did bless all the Church of Israel, for that all the Church of Israel was present, etc. Which places, and many the like, cannot possibly be understood of an Invisible, but of a Visible Company.  
14. And much more, if we consider the speeches of Christ and his Apostles in the New Testament; 
Matt. 18.  as these words of Christ, Dic Ecclesiae, si Ecclesiam non audierit, etc. Tell the Church, and if he hear not the Church, let him be unto thee as an Heathen or Publican. But if the Church were invisible, neither could a man complain to the Church, nor hear the Church. Moreover St. Paul exhorteth the chief Pastors of the Ephesians to attend diligently to their charge, Acts 20. In quo vos Spiritus Sanctus posuit Episcopos regere Ecclesiam Dei: In which the H. Ghost hath placed you as Bishops to govern the Church of God. But how could they, being visible men, govern a Company that was invisible, & not to be seen?  

Act. 15.18. Evident Scriptures for the visibility of the Church.  15. And yet further, when St. Paul and St. Barnabas went up from Antioch to Jerusalem, the Scripture saith, Deducti sunt ab Ecclesia, etc. They were brought on their way by the Church of Antioch; and when they came to Jerusalem, suscepti sunt ab Ecclesia; they were received by the Church. And yet further, ascendit Paulus & salutavit Ecclesiam; Paul went and saluted the Church, etc. All which places cannot agree possibly to an invisible Church; and yet that this was the true Primitive Church of Christ, no man can deny.  
16. And finally, when St. Paul doth teach Timothy his Scholar, 1 Tim. 3. Quomodo oporteat conversari in Domo Dei, quae est Ecclesia, etc. How he should converse and govern the House of God, which is his Church, Columna & Firmamentum Veritatis, the Pillar and Firmament of all Truth, Ibid. All this (I say) had been spoken to no purpose, if the true Church of Christ were invisible; for how can a man converse in a Congregation which he cannot see or know; or how can the Church be a Pillar and sure Firmament of Truth to resolve all Doubts and Questions that may fall out about Scriptures, Articles of Belief, and Mysteries of Christ's Religion, if it be an invisible Congregation, that no man seeth, discerneth, or knoweth where or how to repair unto it, nor who are the persons therein contained?  
17. And lastly, not to stand longer upon this matter, 
Evident reasons that the true Church must be visible containing both good and bad.  that is so evident in itself, and plain to common sense and reason; if the true Church of Christ be a Society not of Angels, Spirits, or Souls departed, but of Men and Women in this life, that must be governed or govern therein; how can they be invisible? And if they must have Communion together in external Sacraments, and namely in 
(a) Marc. ult. Ephes. 4. 1. Pet. 3.  Baptism, and participation of the Body of Christ; if they must 
(b) Rom. 10. Luc. 12. 1 Tim. 6.  profess the Name and Doctrine of Christ externally to the World, as also to be 
(c) Mat. 5. Luc. 11. Joan. 15.  persecuted and put to death for the same; if all men must repair unto them, and those that be out of the Church to enter and be received therein, and those that be in her to be resolved of their doubts, to lay down their complaints, to be governed and directed by her, and finally to obey her under pain of Damnation: how can all this be performed, 
(d) 
Mat. 28. 1 Cor. 12. 1 Tim. 3.5. St. Augustin's Discourses about the visibility of the Church.  
See St. Aug. in Psal. 44, 47. & l. 2. cont. Petil. c. 32, & 104. l. 2. cont. Cresco. c. 36. & l. 4. c. 58. tract. 1, 2. in ep. Joan. etc. 4. collat. 3. diei in Brevie.   if she be invisible to man's eyes, and only seen by the eyes of God?  
18. To allege Fathers and Doctors in this behalf were both endless and needless, for that all of them everywhere almost are occupied in setting forth not only the Visibility, but the Splendour also and Greatness, yea the multitude and external Majesty of Christ's Church throughout the World in their days: and only St. Augustin may serve for all, who dilateth himself everywhere in this Argument, showing how the little Stone prophesied by Daniel was grown to be a huge Mountain, and terrible to the whole World: and that the Tabernacle of Christ (which is his Church) was placed by him in the Sun to be seen of all; and that it was a City upon a Mountain which none could be ignorant of; and other like Discourses founded on evident Scriptures. Whereby is refuted not only the first shift of Luther and Calvin making the true Church of Christ invisible, but also the second of these latter Lutherans, who (tho' overcome with the former proofs) do grant the Church to be a visible Company, yet do they deny it to be that external conspicuous Succession of Bishops and Councils, which have been most eminent in the known Christian Church from the Apostles downward; but rather to be some few obscure and contemptible people (which they call the Elect) that have lived or lurked from time to time in shadows and darkness, and known to few or none.  
19 But this second device is more fond than the former; 
A second fond device of Lutherans about an obscure Church.  for where shall a man seek out these hidden Fellows to treat with them, or to receive Sacraments at their hands? how shall they be known? how may they be trusted? whence have they their Authority? what Succession bring they down by imposition of hands from the Apostles time? may not every Sect of Heretics make themselves Christ's Church by this device? Wherefore of this second point there need to be said no more.  
20. There remaineth then a third point to be considered by the Reader before we come to set down the Succession of John Fox's Church; 
The third point of John Fox's Opinion about the true Church.  who having considered with himself that both Luther and Calvin did hold it to be invisible; and on the other side, that divers chief Lutherans had changed their Opinions therein, and held it to be visible, (especially Flaccus Illyricus, and the rest of the Magdeburgians, who were to write a whole Story of their own visible Church in their Centuries, and Fox, to follow them step by step therein, in his English Acts and Monuments) the poor man was brought to a very great perplexity; forasmuch as on the one side, to leave Luther (but especially Calvin) seemed very hard unto him; and on the other side, not to stick to the Magdeburgians, that are his Masters in his Story, seemed hard also: But especially and above all was he troubled (as it seemeth) with the reason and necessity of the matter itself; for if the Church of Christ be invisible, how can Fox or the Magdeburgians write so great and large stories thereof? 
A great perplexity of John Fox. Illyr. gloss. in Matth. c. 1.  To which effect Illyricus writing upon the Genealogy set down by St. Matthew's Gospel, of the true Church from the beginning, saith thus: Ostendit ista series Ecclesiam & Religionem veram habere certas historias suae originis & progressus; This Genealogy proveth that the true Church and Religion have assured Histories of their beginning and progress.  
21. Thus said Illyricus, for that he and his Fellows were then in hand (as hath been said) with their Ecclesiastical Histories named Centuries; which they could not well have written, holding the Church to be invisible; neither yet John Fox could begin so great a Volume with that Opinion. 
Fox's new Opinion making the Church both visible and invisible.  Wherefore, after much breaking his brains about this matter, (as it seemeth) he cometh forth with a new Opinion never heard of perhaps before, affirming that the true Church of Christ is both visible and invisible, to wit, visible to some, and invisible to others; visible to them that are in her, and invisible to them that are out of her. You shall hear his words.  

Fox in his protestation to the Church of England, p. 2.  22. Although (saith he) the right Church of God be not so invisible in the World, that none can see it, yet neither is it so visible again that every worldly eye may perceive it; for like as is the nature of Truth, so is the proper condition of the true Church, that commonly none seeth it but such only as be members and partakers thereof; and therefore they which require that God's holy Church should be evident and visible to the whole World, seem to define the great Synagogue of the World, rather than the true spiritual Church of God.  
23. Thus saith he; wherein you see that he maketh the true Church visible, but only to such as are in her, and Members thereof. A device (I think) never heard of before, and fit for the Brains of John Fox, which were known to be out of tune for many years before he died; for if he do not trifle and equivocate, (meaning onewhere internal Visibility by Faith, and another-where external Visibility to the Eye) but doth mean indeed as he should do, and as the Controversy is meant, of external visibility to man's eye, then is it most ridiculous that none can see the true Church in this World, but he that is a Member of her; for she is to be seen as well to her Enemies and Adversaries, as to her Friends and Children; the One to impugn and fight against her, the Other to acknowledge and obey her. And I would (for examples sake) demand of John Fox, Whether Herod and Nero, that persecuted the true visible Church of Christ, were of that Church or no? For if they were not, then by his sentence they could not see her, and consequently not persecute her.  
24. His comparison also between Truth and the true Church doth not hold; for that Truth is a spiritual thing, to be seen only by the eye of our Understanding, but the true Church, consisting of visible Men and Women, may be seen by man's eye; tho' the truth thereof (to wit, whether this or that visible Congregation be the true Church of Christ) is a matter of Understanding and Belief, confirmed unto us by such Arguments as before we have recited, and others. So as albeit the aforesaid Persecutors Herod and Nero (for Example) did not see the Truth of that Church which they persecuted, 
How Enemies and Persecutors do see the true Church.  in respect of their Doctrine, (for then perhaps they would not have done it) yet did they both see and know that this was Christ's visible Church, to wit, a Congregation professing his Name and Doctrine; yea, they might know further that it was his true Church, seeing it was begun visibly and evidently by him and his Apostles in their days, and so continued on without interruption; and if they had further known and believed (as we do) that he had promised to maintain and defend this Church unto the world's end, then must they either have doubted of his Fidelity or Power to perform it, or must have believed also that this Church could not fail; whereof Protestant's doubting, must needs doubt also of the one or the other, to wit, of the Fidelity and of the Ability of our Saviour to perform his promise. And this is the force of Succession even with Enemies and Infidels  
25. But now let us pass to the principal matter intended in this Chapter, which is, the Succession or Deduction of the Protestants Church, 
Fox in the Title.  promised by John Fox in his Acts and Monuments; Wherein (saith he) is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the Primitive to these latter times of ours, etc. Thus he promiseth in the Title; but how he doth perform it in his whole Book, we shall see afterward in this Declaration.— Tho' in part we may perceive his drift, by that he protesteth to the Church of England before his entrance into his Story in these words:  
I have taken in hand (saith he) this History, 
The purpose of John Fox in his Protest. p. 3.  that as other Story-Writers heretofore have employed their travail to magnify the Church of Rome, so in this History might appear the Image of both Churches, but especially of the poor, oppressed, and persecuted Church of Christ; which, tho' it hath been so long trodden under foot by Enemies, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, and almost scarce visible and known to worldly eyes, yet hath it been the true Church only of God; wherein he hath mightily wrought hitherto in preserving the same in all extreme distresses, continually stirring up from time to time faithful Ministers, by whom always hath been kept some sparks of this true Doctrine and Religion. And forsomuch as the true Church of God goeth not lightly alone, but is accompanied with some other Church or Chapel of the Devil to deface and malign the same; necessary it is, that the difference between them both be seen, and the descent of the right Church to be described from the Apostles time, etc.  
26. Here we see all John Fox his drift laid down. First, he meaneth to contradict all former Writers that have magnified the Church of Rome, and the Greatness and Glory thereof, which he calleth the Devil's Chapel: And in this he must contradict all the ancient Fathers and Writers for divers hundred years after Christ, as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Augustin, Optatus, and other Writers, that bring down the descent of the true Church of Christ, by the Succession of the Bishops and Church of Rome, as before you have heard. And secondly Fox meaneth to set out another Christian Church, trodden under foot before, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, and almost scarce visible or known; and yet was, and is (forsooth) the only true Church of Christ, keeping some spark of his true Doctrine and Religion, (he doth not say that all was true which she held, nor that all Christ's Doctrine was taught in her, but only some sparks or scraps of true Doctrine) And further he promiseth, that he will describe the descent of this Church from the Apostles time.  
27. This is John Fox his promise, and we accept thereof. And tho' it be scarce worth the performance to show us a hidden, obscure, and trodden down Church in every Age, that keepeth some sparks of true Doctrine and Religion, (for that every Sect and Heresy, not denying Christ and his Doctrine wholly, doth so,) yet shall we accept and exact the same (being never so miserable and beggarly) as we go over the whole course of Times and Ages from Christ downward, following therein the distribution itself that John Fox hath appointed to be observed in his Story; to wit, 
What is to be handled about John Fox's Church.  from Christ to Constantine 300 years; from Constantine to S. Gregory as much; from S. Gregory and S. Augustin, our Apostles, to the Conquest 400 and odd years; from the Conquest to Wickliff other 300 years; from Wickliff to Luther about 240; from Luther's time to ours somewhat less than a hundred. In all which variety of Times we shall examine briefly, Whether John Fox his Church were on foot or no? What Continuance or Succession it may be said to have had? Where, when, and by what men, it was begun, continued, and acknowledged? What Doctrine it held, and whence, and with what Union or Conformity with itself, or with the Catholic Roman Church? Which Catholic Church being showed and declared in the first Part of this Book to have been founded by the Apostles, and conserved visibly from that time hither by Succession of Bishops and Prelates, Governors and Professors thereof, will easily also bring in the Notice and Certificate of John Fox his opposite Church, whereof now we begin to treat.   

CHAP. II.  
The particular Examination of the Descent or Succession of John Fox his Church in England or elsewhere, for the first Three Hundred years after CHRIST, to wit, unto the time of Constantine the Emperor: And whether any such Church was extant then in the World or no, and in Whom.  
HE that will consider the proportion of John Fox his Book of Acts and Monuments in the latter Edition, he shall find it the greatest perhaps in Volume that ever was put forth in our English Tongue; and the falsest in substance, 
The substance of John Fox's Book.  without perhaps, that ever was published in any Tongue. The Volume consisteth of above a thousand Leaves of the largest Paper that lightly hath been seen, and every Leaf containeth four great Columns; and yet, if you consider how many Leaves of those thousand he hath spent in Deduction of the whole Church, either His or Ours, and the whole Ecclesiastical Story thereof, for the first thousand years after Christ, they are by his own account but threescore and four, to wit, scarce the thirtieth part of that he bestoweth in the last five hundred years.  
2. And further, if this his thousand years' Story, containing threescore and four leaves, be sifted and examined what it containeth, not four of them do appertain to that which he should handle (which is, the visible Deduction of his Church) as we shall endeavour briefly to show, 
The division of 1060 years into four principal parts.  dividing the whole thousand and threescore years, from Christ to William the Conqueror, into four distinct Times or Stations, appointed out by John Fox himself in his Book; to wit, the first from Christ to Constantine, containing 300 years; the second from Constantine to K. Ethelberts Conversion by St. Augustin, containing other 300 years; the third, from King Ethelbert, and other six Kings of England reigning jointly with him, unto King Egbert the first Monarch of the English Nation, which space is somewhat more than other 200 years; and the fourth from King Egbert to William the Conqueror, containing the same, or some few more years.  
3. Let us now follow (I say) John Fox throughout all these Ages and different stations of times, and see out of what Holes or Dens he will draw his little, hidden, trodden down Church, different from the Roman Visible Church, and yet endued notwithstanding from time to time with some little sparks of Truth; which he promiseth to bring down from the Apostles to our time. In the first 300 years then, 
The first 300 years from Christ to Constantine.  from Christ to Constantine, whereas all other Ecclesiastical Writers, and St. Luke amongst the rest in his Acts of the Apostles, ch. 2, 3, 4, etc. do set down the visible beginning of Christ's Church by his Apostles and Disciples; their strengthening and confirmation by the coming of the Holy Ghost; their preaching and converting of others; their great and many Miracles, and thereby the establishing and wonderful increase of the said Church throughout the World, and continuance of the same downward by Succession of Bishops, (but namely and specially of the Bishops of Rome, 
Sup. c. 8, 9  as before hath been declared, and is to be seen in the Writings of Dionysius Areopagita, Josephus, Justinus, Egesippus, Clemens, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origenes, Julius Africanus, Cyprian, Eusebius, and others of these Ages:) John Fox followeth no such order at all, nor ever so much as mentioneth any descent of Bishops of His Church or Ours; but only (to spend time, 
The impertinent course taken by John Fox.  and fill up Paper) taketh upon him to translate out of Eusebius and other Authors, the Martyrdoms of such as suffered for Christian Religion in the ten general Persecutions of these first 300 years; setting the same forth also in painted Pictures, for no other purpose (as it seemeth) but only to entertain his Reader with some strange and delightful Spectacle; and afterward so to join his Protestant burned Martyrs with those of the Primitive Church, as the Painting being somewhat alike, the simple Reader might thereby be induced to think that there was no great difference, either in their Persons, or Cause of suffering.  
4. But I would ask John Fox, 
Reasons to prove that the old Martyrs were of our Church, and not of Fox's.  To what purpose of his was the bringing in of all these Martyrs of the Primitive Church throughout the World? Were they His, or Our Martyrs, think you? For to both of us they cannot be Martyrs, that is to say Witnesses, we being of a different belief; for that we of our part do hold resolutely the saying of 
* Nisi integram inviolatamque servaverit absque dubio in aeternum peribit.  St. Athanasius in his Creed, That whosoever doth not hold all and every point of the Catholic Faith entirely, shall perish eternally. If therefore he will say they were his Martyrs, he must prove that they were in all and every point of His Religion, and not of Ours. And to examine this point (to wit, of what Religion they were, whether more of Ours, 
Who do more honour the ancient Martyrs.  or of His) divers considerations may be brought in: As first, Who of us do more honour them? We keep their Days and Feasts, as all men know; we put them in our Ecclesiastical Calendar and Martyrology; we keep their Relics; we honour their Tombs; we call upon them in Heaven to pray for us, as reigning in most high Glory with Christ: All which Protestants do mislike; yea, 
See Fox's Calendar in the beginning of his Volume.  John Fox by name hath put the most of them (I mean of the Martyrs of these first 300 years) quite out of his Ecclesiastical Calendar, to give place to John Wickliff, John Husse, Martin Luther, and other like Companions, as may be seen in the very first pages of his Book; which is a sign that we esteem and honour them more than they; which we would not do, if we did not persuade ourselves that they were of our Religion, and not of Protestants, in any point of Controversy between us.  
5. Moreover the Christian visible Church of that time, (to wit, 
The second Reason.  of those first 300 years, wherein these Martyrs suffered and were put to death) would never have registered them for Saints, nor admitted them into the number of true Martyrs, if in all points they had not been of her Faith and Communion; no more than she did those of divers Sects, namely of the Marcionists and Montanists, who were very many, and bragged of Martyrdom, and of God's assistance therein, no less, but much more, than true Catholics; as Apollinaris, 
Cap. 15.  a most ancient Bishop (related by Eusebius in his fifth Book of Ecclesiastical History) doth testify at large. Yea, these Heretics (especially the latter sort) were so forward in Martyrdom, as they held it was not lawful to flee in time of Persecution, as may appear by Tertullian, who defended the same also after he was fallen into that Heresy himself. St. Cyprian doth inveigh often against the Martyrs of the Novatians, and St. Epiphanius against those of the Euphemits, surnamed (for the multitude of their false Martyrs) Martyrians; and 

Tert. l. de fuga in persecut. Epiph. in panar. haeres. 80. Aug. cont. literas Petiliani l. 2. c. 83. & cont. 2. ep Gaudentit l. 2. c. 26. & alibi.  
Of heretical Martyrs.   St. Augustin no less earnestly doth detest those Martyrs of the Donatists, who, rather than they would lack Martyrs, were ready to murder themselves. All which Martyrs notwithstanding were rejected by the Catholic Church, (tho' in show they died for Christ) for that they agreed not with her in all points of Faith and Belief. And consequently we may infer for most certain, that seeing the Catholic Church of that time (and of all times since) hath held these Martyrs before mentioned of the first ten Persecutions for true Saints and Martyrs indeed, and have continued their honourable remembrance, both by Histories and celebrating their annual Feasts and Memories; sure it is, that they agreed fully with the said known Catholic Church of those Ages. Whereof we infer again, That seeing the Faith of those first 300 years was continued (as 
* Supra c. 5, 6.  before we have proved) in the second 300 years, and so consequently downward, and delivered to us; and forasmuch as the Church of Rome was held still for Head of all this Church, it cannot be that these Martyrs were of John Fox's Religion, and consequently are to no purpose brought in by him, but only for that he had nothing else to talk of, or to make a show of handling some pious matter in his Book.  
6. 
(a) The third Reason.  Moreover, if we would take upon us to reflect upon all that is extant of the sayings and doings of these Martyrs recorded in their Histories, we might soon discern of what Religion they were, and whether they were John Fox his Martyrs or Ours: As for example, in that Answer of 
(b) St. Andrew.  St. Andrew the Apostle and holy Martyr, which he made to Aegeas the Proconsul, that exhorted him to sacrifice to Idols: 
(c) See the story of his passion written by the Church of Achaia in those days, & cited by Remigius in Psal. 21. & by Lanfrank lib. cont. Berengar. & by St. Bernard Serm. de St. Andrea, & many others. St. Laurence.  Ego (saith he) Omnipotenti Deo (qui unus & verus est) immolo quotidie, etc. I do sacrifice daily to Almighty God (that is One and True) not the flesh of Bulls, or blood of Goats, but the immaculate Lamb upon the Altar, whose flesh after that all the Faithful People have eaten, the same Lamb that is sacrificed remaineth whole and alive as before. This man, as you see, spoke not as a Protestant Martyr.  
7. The Speech also of St. Laurence Martyr, that suffered in Rome under the Emperor Valerianus (the same year that St. Cyprian did in Carthage) his Speech (I say) to Pope Sixtus Bishop of Rome, whose Deacon he was, and who was carried to Martyrdom three days before him, doth not show that he was a Protestant, but rather a plain Papist, as both St. Ambrose, St. Augustin, and other later Authors, 
Amb. l. 1. Officior. c. 41. & l. 2. c. 28. Aug. tract. 27. in Joan. & Serm. de Sanctis.  do relate the same. cum videret Laurentius (saith St. Ambrose) Sixtum Episcopum suum ad Martyrium duci, flere coepit, etc. When Laurence the Deacon saw his Bishop Sixtus to be carried away to Martyrdom, he began to weep, not for the others suffering, but for his own remaining behind him; wherefore he cried unto him in these words: Whither do you go (O Father) without your Son; and whither do you hasten (O holy Priest) without your Deacon? You were never wont to offer Sacrifice without a Minister; what then hath displeased you in me, that you leave me behind you? Have you proved me perhaps to be a Coward? Make trial, I pray you, whether you have chosen unto yourself a fit Minister, to whom you have committed the dispensing of our Lord's Blood: And then, seeing you have not denied unto me the Fellowship of administering Sacraments, do not deny me the Fellowship of shedding my Blood also with you.  

St. Laurence speaketh like a flat Papist.  8. Thus talked St. Laurence of his Deacon's Office in dispensing the Blood of Christ from the Altar, and in ministering to his Bishop while he offered Sacrifice; which is a phrase far different from Protestants manner of Speech. But if we consider the Speech of the Heathen Emperor to St. Laurence, set down by Aurelius Prudentius above 1200 years past, objecting to Christian Priests their sacrificing in Gold, and dispensing the Blood of our Saviour in silver Cups, and the like; we shall easily see of what Religion this Martyr was. 
Hunc esse vestris Orgiis 
Prudent. in hymn. de Sancto Laurentio.   
Mor émque & artem proditum est;  
Hanc disciplinam foederis;  
Libent ut auro Antistites.  
Argenteis scyphis ferunt  
Fumare sacrum sanguinem,  
Auróque nocturnis sacris,  
Astare fixos caereos, etc.  We hear (saith the Persecutor) this to be the fashion and device of your Feasts, and discipline of your Confederation, that your Bishops must sacrifice in Gold, and dispense Blood in Silver Cups, and that in your Night-Vigils you have Waxen Torches in Golden Candlesticks. etc. And thus much of St. Laurence, whose Persecutor speaketh like a perfect Protestant, which is an Argument that himself was none.  
9 Now as for the other glorious Martyr and Bishop St. Cyprian, 
Pont. Diac. in vi●. Cyprian. See also the 28 Epistle of S. Cyp. himself. Supra p. 1. c. 6.  who suffered under the same Emperor, and in the same year that Pope Sixtus and St. Laurence did, (as appears by Pontius his Deacon that lived with him) we have showed before that the 
* Cent. 3. c. 4.  Magdeburgians do reprehend him sharply (I mean St. Cyprian) for this very point about offering Sacrifice, for that he saith, Sacerdotem vice Christi fungi, & Deo Patri sacrificium offer, lib. 2. ep. 3. That the Priest doth perform the Office of Christ, and offereth Sacrifice to God the Father. So as now we have here three Massing or Sacrificing Priests, 
Old Martyrs massing Priests.  (which is the highest Crime objected to Priests now in England) and a Massing Deacon that helpeth to Mass, and all four most glorious Martyrs, within these first 300 years, to wit, St. Andrew the Apostle by his own Confession, St. Sixtus Bishop of Rome by the testimony of St. Laurence, St. Cyprian Bishop of Carthage by the accusation of the Magdeburgians, and St. Laurence the Deacon by testimony of Prudentius, St. Ambrose, and others. And it were overlong to pass any further in this examination (for that the Examples would be infinite) this be-being sufficient to show how little it maketh for John Fox his purpose to have brought in this so large and particular a story of all the Martyrs of the first ten Persecutions, they being so opposite to his late Protestant Martyrs as they are.  
10. Well then, this is sufficient for these Martyrs. But what shall we say to the whole intent and drift of John Fox, which should have been (as you know) to lay before us the continual descent (throughout these first three Ages) of his poor, oppressed, and persecuted (and yet the only true) Church of Christ, almost scarce visible or known to worldly eyes, & c? This, I say, he should have showed and laid open to us, for that we find no other Christian Church known in the World in these first 300 years, but only One; which, tho' it were much persecuted yet was it neither obscure, nor hidden from the eyes either of good or bad, but most visible and apparent to all the World. 

The glorious state of the Cath. Church under Constantine.  
Euseb. l. 4. de vit. Constant.   And in the end of these 300 years, (to wit, under Constantine the Emperor, and Silvester the Pope of Rome) the same came to be so magnificent and glorious, as all the World remained astonished thereat; which appeareth partly by that which Eusebius and all other Ecclesiastical Writers do recount in the Life of the said Constantine; especially Eusebius, that wrote four whole Books of the said Constantine's Life and Actions, (who was a most excellent Christian Emperor:) And, amongst other points of his most pious Devotion, it is recorded that he builded four goodly Churches within the City of Rome, 
Four Churches in Rome built by Constantine.  carrying Earth to the first Foundation of them with his own hands, and adorning them with holy Images, endowing the same with rich Possessions, Furniture, and Ecclesiastical Ornaments, and consecrated precious Vessels for Divine Service; dedicating the one of them (which was his own Palace of Lateran) unto our Saviour and St. John Baptist, the other to St. Peter, the third to St. Paul, and the fourth to St. Laurence, all which do remain unto this day; and the very manner of building thereof, with their Altars, Fonts, Pictures, and other suchlike Antiquities, do well show without Books what manner of Religion was then in use.  
11. This was the known visible Church then of Christians in those days, as glorious and renowned as can be imagined. Of which Church one wrote at that time to Constantine himself thus: 
* Julius Firmicus l. ad Imp. de abol. Idol.  Quis locus in terra est, & c? What place is there in the whole Earth, which hath not received the Faith of Christ, either where the Sun riseth, or where it falleth? where the North-Pole is elevated, or where the South, all is filled with the Majesty of this God. 
Optat. l. 2. cont. Parmen.  The same writeth Optatus; Concedite Deo, etc." Yield this unto Christ, who is God, that his Garden spread itself over all the World: Can you deny unto him now, but that Christians do possess both East, West, North, and South, as also the Provinces of innumerable Islands? And the same hath St. Basil in his 72d and 75th Epistle, and the like St. Hilary lib. 6. de Trinitate. This than was the greatness of this Universal Catholic Church at that day; and of this Church were counted the head Bishops (for all these 300 years) the Popes and Bishops of Rome, as appeareth by the deductions made by 
* Supra c. 4, 5.  Irenaeus, Tertullian, and others, before mentioned; and in this Church was held to be all Catholic Truth, and none out of it: Which being so, I would gladly know what poor, obscure, trodden-down Church, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, and almost scarce visible or known (which yet he saith to be the only true Church of God) can John Fox find us out in these first 300 years? especially seeing he saith also, that it must be different from the Church of Rome, as from the Devil's Chapel; and that it must come down from the Apostles time, and always hold some sparkles of true Doctrine.  

The obscure mathematical Church of John Fox.  12. For Example or Proof whereof notwithstanding, he mentioneth no one Man, Woman, or Child that was of that Church in all these 300 years; and consequently he driveth us to imagine or seek out who they are that made up this obscure Church of his, different and opposite to the Roman: And I can find none, except the known Heretics of these first three Ages, to whom the description of his Church may easily agree; for first, none will deny but that, albeit they were many in number, as Simon Magus and his Followers, the Nicolaits, Cerynthians, 
The chief Heretics of the first 300 years.  Ebionites, Menandrians, Saturnians, in the first Age; Basilidians, Gnostics, Cerdonists, Marcionists, Valentinians, Encratites, Montanists, and others, in the second Age; as also, Helchesits, Novatians, Sabellians, Manichees, and many more, in the third Age; and that in divers Countries and Provinces they had their Followers, their Churches, their Assemblies, under the name of Reformed Christians, Elect People, and men of more perfection than the rest: yet, in respect of the glorious Catholic Church that shined throughout the World, they were just as John Fox describeth his People here, to wit, a poor, oppressed, and persecuted Church, 
How old Heretics were persecuted.  etc. Oppressed by force of Truth, and persecuted by the famous Writings of Catholic Doctors against them, as (after the Apostles themselves) St. Ignatius, Justinus Martyr, St. Dionyse of Corinth, St. Polycarp, Irenaeus, Clem. Alexandrinus, Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian, Ammonius, Pamphilus, Arnobius, and others: They were persecuted also by the Excommunications and spiritual Censures of all Catholic Bishops throughout the World, but especially by the Popes of Rome, from St. Peter to Pope Silvester, which were Thirty-three in number, all Martyrs, and every one of them condemned the Heretics of his time.  
13. This accursed new Church also of Heretics had the other quality ascribed in like manner by John Fox to his Church, to wit, that they were neglected in the Christian World, and not regarded in Stories; but only to recount them to their shame and damnation. Finally, the last commendation also was not wanting to them, that they were almost scarce visible or known, 
How old Heretics agree to John Fox's Church.  in respect of the flourishing Catholic Church. And lastly, these congregations and swarms of Heretics (tho' never so much divided among themselves) continued indeed from the Apostles by a kind of broken Succession of times, the one rising, and the other falling. And they had the last point also specified by John Fox, of keeping some sparks of true Doctrine in Religion: 
Aug. l. 2. quaest. Evang. c. 40.  for that (as St. Augustin writeth) Nulla falsa Doctrina est, quae aliqua Vera non intermisceat; There is no Doctrine so false, which doth not interlace some true things. And this is proper to Heresies; for that otherwise, if they had no points of true Doctrine, they should be rather Apostates than properly Heretics; for that Apostates are those that deny all Christ's Doctrine, but Heretics do grant some parts, and deny others.  
14. About which point of old Heretics, 
A point much to be noted.  and their Affinity with the Protestants of this Age, it is worth the noting, That whatsoever some of our late English Writers (especially the Minister O. E. or Matthew Sutcliff) do prattle to the contrary, yet shall you never find any one Article of those that are in controversy, and held by us at this day against the Protestants, to have been held singularly by any one old Heretic in that sense as we do hold the same, and much less condemned for Heresy in him or them by the Church in these days, or by any one Father thereof. And on the other side, you shall find divers Doctrines held by them, and condemned in them by the Church for Heresies, (I mean the Heretics of the first 300 years) which the Protestants do hold at this day properly, and in the same sense that those Heretics did: And We do condemn the same for Heresies in Them, as the Primitive Church did in the Other. As for Example, that of the Pseudo-Apostoli, Heretics called false Apostles, who did think only Faith to be sufficient to Salvation without Works; 
Aug. l. de fide & oper. c. 14. & de unico bap. c. 10.  against which Heresy St. Augustin saith were written the Epistles of St. James, St. Judas, St. Peter, and St. John.  
15. That other point also, 
Apud Thoed. dial. 3.  which St. Ignatius reporteth of certain Heretics in his time, Qui non confitebantur Eucharistiam esse Carnem Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi, quae pro peccatis nostris passa est; Who did not confess that the Eucharist was the Flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ that suffered for us. That other Doctrine in like manner that Theodoretus writeth of the Novatians, His, 

Theod. l. 3. haeret. fabulat. c. 35.  
Old Heresies held formally again by Protestants.   qui ab ipsis tinguntur sacrum Chrisma non praebent: quocirca eos, qui ex hac haeresi Corpori Ecclesiae conjunguntur, benedicti Patres ungi jusserunt; To those that are baptised by them (the Novatians) they do not give holy Chrism, for which cause, whosoever returning from that Heresy are to be joined to the Body of the Catholic Church, the holy Fathers commanded that they should be anointed with the said Chrism.  
16. Cornelius also, Bishop of Rome, complaineth that the said Novatus and Novatians did not receive the Sacrament of Confirmation: For speaking of Novatus he saith, Qui sigillo Domini ab Episcopo non signatus fuit, 
Cornel. Papa apud Euseb. l. 6. hist. c. 35.  quomodo (quaeso) Sanctum Spiritum adeptus est? He that was not signed with the Seal of our Lord by the Bishop, how could he (think you) obtain the Holy Ghost? The same Heretics also denied the power of absolving from sin in Priests, as also Confession and Satisfaction, according as the same holy Bishop and Pope Cornelius objecteth unto him, by the testimony of St. Cyprian. 
Cyp. l. 4. ep. 2.   
And finally, to go no further within these first 300 years, St. Hierom objecteth for an Heresy to the Manichees the denying of Man's freewill, saying, Manichaeorum Dogma est hominum damnare naturam, & liberum auferre arbitrium: 
Hier. in prooem. dialog. contra Pelag. " It is the Doctrine of the Manichees to condemn Man's Nature, and to take away freewill. 

Chrys. hom. 43. in Joan.  
Aug. l. cont. Manich. & ep. 28.   So saith St. Hierom; and St. Chrysostom and St. Augustin do also testify the same of the Manichees expressly. And tho' perhaps the Manichees held that Doctrine upon other grounds than Protestants do, yet in the Heresy itself they do plainly symbolise and agree.  
17. These are matters then most evident and clear, nor can they be denied, but that these Opinions are held by Protestants at this day, in the very same words, sense, and meaning, as they were by the forenamed old Heretics, wherein also they were anathematised and condemned by the known Catholic Church of these ancient Ages.  

Old Heresies fraudulently objected to Catholics.  18. But now, when on the contrary side some Sectaries of our time (to cure or cover this wound of theirs) will needs, like Apes, object to us again, That we hold some old condemned Errors and Heresies also, (or rather some shadow or similitude thereof) you shall ever find one of these two frauds or falsehoods in their Objection, to wit, that either they object unto us that which we indeed hold not at all, or at least not in the sense which they object it, or that the thing in truth is no Error in itself, nor ever was held or condemned for such in the sense and meaning in which we hold it, tho' it may have some little external similitude with that which was an Error: As for Example; O. E. objecteth unto us, 
The 1 fraud.  That we do symbolise and participate with two old Heresies; the one of the Angelici, 
Aug. haeres. 39  qui Angelos adorabant, that did adore Angels, as St. Augustin saith; the other of the Collyridians', (so called of the Greek word Collyra, signifying a little triangular Cake or Bun, that those Heretics, being Women, did offer in Sacrifice to our Blessed Lady.) But in both these Examples we utterly deny that we agree in Doctrine or Practice with those Heretics; seeing that we neither adore nor worship with Divine Honour Angels or other Saints, nor do offer Sacrifice to the Mother of God, but only to God himself alone; tho' in the Honour and Memory also of his Mother, 
D. Thom. 2.2. q. 85. art. 2.  and other Saints glorified by him; which Doctrine of ours is extant in all our Books. So as here is manifestly found the first fraud of our Adversaries, which is, to object to us that which we hold not indeed.  

The 2 fraud.  19 And the other falsehood also cannot be denied, whereby they affirm the Doctrine which we truly hold and practise in this behalf, about honouring of Saints, to have been at any time held for Error, or condemned by the ancient Catholic Church, or Teachers thereof, for such. Truth it is, that the Magdeburgians are not ashamed to note this for an Error in Origen; Invocandos Angelos Origenes putavit, homil. 1. in Ezech. Origen thought Angels to be invoked. And then again, 
Cent. 3. c. 4. & § de Angelis.  Hanc formulam invocandi Angelos proponit, Veni Angelo, suscipe conversum ab Errore pristino, etc. And he setteth down this form of praying to Angels, Come Angel, receive him that is converted from his former Errors, etc.  
20. But I would have the Magdeburgians, or any of their Partners, show me when or where this Sentence of Origen was ever noted or condemned by Antiquity for Error or Heresy, as some other Doctrines of his were. Certain it is, they cannot; which is a singular Argument against them; for that those Watchmen of the Church, that noted and condemned those other Errors of his, would have noted also this, if it had been taken for an Error in those days. And further, 
About honorring and Invocation of Angels.  I say to the Magdeburgians, Let them tell us whether other holy Fathers (yea, the chiefest of God's Church) after Origen did not hold the very same Doctrine? Sure I am, that the Magdeburgians themselves, in the very next Century after, do condemn by Name St. Ephrem and St. Hilary for this Doctrine of Invocation of Angels in the same sense that Origen did hold it. And then again, 
Cent. 3. c. 4.  in the same third Century, they do reprehend by Name for Invocation of other Saints (which is the same Controversy) the gravest Doctors of the Church, to wit, St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Ambrose, St. Epiphanius, Ephrem, and Prudentius, citing their plain words, and condemning their Doctrine in this behalf. So as if this were an Heresy, all these Fathers were Heretics, which were a blasphemous cogitation to think, and much more to speak or utter. And thus much of the first Objection about honouring Angels and other Saints, wherein Protestants do only calumniate our doings, as you see.  
21. As for the Collyridians', he that will read St. Epiphanius, 
Epiph. l. 3. to. 2. haeres. 78, 79.  who writeth of that mad fond fantastical Error of certain Women in Thracia (for so he termeth them) that would needs make our Blessed Lady a Goddess, and offer Sacrifice unto her, he shall find this Father to handle two things at large. First, 
About the Heresy of the Collyridians'.  That notwithstanding our Blessed Lady, for the Privilege of bearing the Saviour of the World, be highly to be honoured, yet not ultra decorum (as his words be) that is, not more than is decent or beyond the limits of a Creature; seeing she is not God, tho' the Mother of God: And consequently these Thracian Women did foolishly and wickedly, in devising this public Sacrifice unto her.  
22. Secondly, That albeit this their Sacrifice had been offered by them to God himself, yet was it unlawfully done by Women; for that neither in the Old or New Testament (saith he) was it appointed that Women should do the Function of Sacrifice, but Men only, and those Priests.  
And this Argument St. Epiphanius prosecuteth very largely; 
Mark this discourse of Epiphanius about sacrificing in the New Law.  proving that in the New Testament and Christian Church the Apostles only, and other Priests succeeding by Imposition of hands, had Authority to sacrifice; but no Woman, no not the Mother of Christ herself, who should have had that Privilege above all other Women, if any of her Sex might have been admitted. And after our Blessed Lady he addeth these that followeth: 
Epiph. ib.  Fuerunt (saith he) quatuor filiae Philippo Evangelistae prophetantes, sed non sacrificantes, &c Philip the Evangelist had four Daughters that prophesied, but not that sacrificed. And again, Et ministrarum quidem Diaconissarum appellatarum Ordo est in Ecclesia, 
Ibid. haeres. 79.  sed non ad sacrificandum, etc. Diaconissis indiguit Ecclesiasticus Ordo, nusquam autem eas Presbyter as aut Sacrificulas constituit, etc. Vnde igitur hic rursus Mulierum fastus & insania muliebris? There is (saith he) in the Christian Church an Order of them that are called Diaconesses, but not to sacrifice. The Ecclesiastical Order had need of these Diaconesses (at the beginning) but yet never ordained them as Priests or Sacrificers. And whence then is now come again, this pride of Women, or womanish madness, as to take upon them to sacrifice in the Church?  
23. By all which Discourse you may easily see what was the true Heresy condemned in these Collyridians', to wit, Colere Sanctos ultra modum & decorum, 
Christian's Sacrifice.  as the words of holy Epiphanius are; that is, to worship Saints beyond measure and decency, and above the nature and condition of Creatures; which is forbidden by God's Church, but not to honour Them as Servants of His, and Him in Them. You will see also what Opinion and Use of Christian Sacrifice there was in Epiphanius' days, and how it was denied to Women, and practised by Priests only: which yet the Sectaries of this Age cannot abide to hear of. 
The visible succession of the Church in the first 300 years.  And here now will we make an end of these first 300 years after Christ; wherein, as you see, John Fox hath put down no Succession of his Church at all, either in Men or Doctrine: For as for men (to wit, Bishops, Pastors, and Teachers, succeeding one to another from the Apostles downward) they were all of the Roman visible Church; and so were all other that bear the name of Christians, (except the Heretics before named:) and of the said Roman and Catholic Church the chief Leaders were, from St. Peter unto Silvester, Thirty-three Popes, (as before hath been mentioned) all Martyrs, and Witnesses of the same Faith. And in other principal Patriarchal Seats, wherein the Apostles had held the first Chairs, (as Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria, and the like) there had succeeded other holy Bishops, as also in infinite other places throughout the World; so as in the Emperor Constantine's time, who lived in the end of these first 300 years, and was the first Christian Emperor that publicly professed Christian Religion, the said Christian Church was so glorious, that in the first General Council of Nice there were 318 principal Bishops joined together, the most of them of Asia only. Whereby we see how Illustrious and Eminent the said Catholic Church and Religion was at that time.  

The sum of that which hath been said hitherto.  24. By which we do most evidently infer, That either John Fox his obscure and trodden-down Church, scarce visible (as he saith) to the World, was not at all in those days, or else it lurked only in some of the forenamed Heretics: For if he say that the great perspicuous Roman Church was his at that time, then how doth he define his Church to be obscure, and scarce visible to the World? And moreover, we have showed 
* Part. 1. c. 5, 6.  before, that the Bishops, Doctors, Teachers, Martyrs, and chief Members, or Guiders of this great illustrious Church, were opposite to Him and his Church both in Faith and Doctrine; and this by the confession of his own Doctors and Writers, the Magdeburgians and others, that reprehend and condemn the Fathers of the second and third Ages for holding divers principal Points of Doctrine, now also in controversy, against Them, and for Us. And we have showed also, that this great Universal and Catholic Church had all Truth in it that was revealed by Christ, and not some sparks only, as Fox requireth in his Church; and that it had continual Succession of multitudes of true Teachers without interruption, and not one starting up in one Age, and another in another, wherewith Fox seemeth to be contented for the continuation of his Church.  

The conclusion of this Chapter, with an offer to Fox.  25. And finally, if Fox, coming at length to be ashamed of his former definition of an obscure and trodden-down Church, and of the sparkled Doctrine of Truth therein taught, should leave the same, and offer to lay hands on the Great, Illustrious, and Visible Church of the first 300 years, saying that this was His, (which yet you have seen by many Arguments demonstrated that it cannot be) I shall be content to admit so ridiculous a pretence for a time, with condition that he will stand to it, and go forward with this Church in the sequent Ages, and not to disclaim from Her to his hidden Church again. Which if he yield unto, then have we now a Visible and Eminent True Church on foot (by confession of both Parties) which we must follow to the World's end, for that she cannot perish again, 
Part. 1. c. 8.  as before we have declared. For which cause I am to prosecute the same from Age to Age in this Treatise, from this time downwards to our days, in the Chapters that do ensue: where we shall see who sticketh to her, and who flieth from her; who followeth her constantly, or who giveth the slip; for that she being now once so Potent, Notorious, and Illustrious, as both Parts do confess, (if he will stand to it in earnest that she is his Church also) it is not possible that she should be lost, shrink, or fade away again; but that all the World must see it, How, Where, When, and by Whom so great an Accident should fall out; neither can Fox and his People, being now once in Her and of Her, (by his own pretence) be found out of her afterward, but only by Apostasy, or Heresy, and running away. This than let us examine in the Ages following.   

CHAP. III.  
The prosecution of the same matter; to wit, of the Descent of the Catholic and Protestant Church for other Three Hundred years; that is, from Pope Sylvester and Constantine, to Pope Gregory, and Mauritius the Emperor: And where John Fox his Church lay hid in this time.  
AND thus (having run over the first three Ages after Christ) we must now pass to the second station, which is for other 300 years, beginning from Constantine the Emperor downward unto the time of St. Gregory, under whom St. Augustin came into England; in which space of time the Catholic Christian Church spread over all the World (as before you have heard) did grow, and confirm itself powerfully, (especially after Persecution did cease, as by all Stories appeareth) having had thirty-two Popes between Sylvester and Gregory, whereof thirty were holden for great Saints, and three or four were Martyrs.  
2. The Fathers and Doctors also of these three Ages were most excellent men both Grecians and Latins; and it seemeth that what wanted in these three Ages from the former three in the Glory of Martyrdom, it was supplied by the Excellency of Learning. As for Example; in the fourth Age after Christ, (which is the first of the second three) did flourish Eusebius, Lactantius, 
The Fathers, Doctors and Councils of the second 300 years after Christ.  Rheticius, Juvencus, Athanasius, Hilarius, Optatus, Climacus, Basil, Nazianzenus, Ambrose, Prudentius, Hierom, Chrysostom, Epiphanius, Cyril, and divers others In the fifth Age St. Augustin, Possidonius, Sulpitius, Orosius, Cassianus, Prosper, Vincentius Lyrinensis, Falgentius, and many more. And in the sixth Age Cassiodorus, Emisenus, Procopius, Fortunatus, Venantius, Evagrius, Gregorius Turonensis, and Gregory the Great. All which filled the World with their excellent Books both Greek and Latin; besides many General, National, and Provincial Councils; whereof five were Universal, the first of Nice, the second of Constantinople, the third of Ephesus, the fourth of Chalcedon, (wherein there were 630 Bishops) and the fifth was of Constantinople the second time; but of Provincial and National Councils there are received to the number of almost seventy to have been held in this time.  
3. By all which concourse of Testimonies the Force and Unity of Catholic Faith is showed, to wit, that these Fathers, Doctors, Popes, 
John Fox findeth not a hole for his poor Church in those 300 years.  and Councils agreeing together all throughout the World in one and the selfsame Faith and Religion, and continuing the same from Age to Age, with so great Authority of Respect and Majesty, as not only all Ecclesiastical Persons, of what Nations soever, and other Christian People, but all Temporal Princes, Kings and Emperors in like manner, (except such as were noted with any particular Heresy, as some Emperors of the East) did wholly submit themselves with one consent. Whereby this visible Illustrious Roman Church was made so Great, and Universal, notorious and known, embracing all Christendom, as it is wholly impossible for John Fox to find out any creeping hidden Church bearing the name of Christian in these three Ages, and yet different from this visible and splendent Church of Rome, which he calleth the Devil's Chapel: And much more hard will it be for him to find out this in these latter three hundred years, than in the former; for that the external Glory of this Church was increased much more in these three Ages, than in the first three before treated of, which passed all in Persecution.  

The Heretics of the second 300 years after Christ.  4. The Heresies also and Sects of this time (being above Fifty in number) were beaten down more strongly by the foresaid Fathers, Bishops, and Councils, than before, by reason they had more time and leisure from Persecution to attend unto them, than had those of the former three Ages. The principal Heresies of this fourth Age were Meletians, Donatists, Arians, Novatians, Macedonians, Luciferians, Aërians, Eunomians, Apollinarians, Aetians, Priscillianists, Jovinians, Vigilantians, Collyridians', Helvidians, Antimarians, and other the like. And in the fifth Age were Pelagians, Nestorians, Eutychians, and other such Rabble. And in the sixth Age, Severians, Monothelites, Chrystolytes, Agnoites, Sadduces, Theopaschites, and the like. Out of which Synagogues and Congregations of wrangling Spirits, which succeeded one another in divers Times, Places and Countries, and opposed themselves maliciously out of their obscure corners against the shining Light of the foresaid Catholic Church, if John Fox will frame his poor and beggarly Church, (which yet he holdeth for the only true Church of God) oppressed, and trodden down (as he saith) and almost scarce visible to worldly eyes, 
In his protestation to the English Church, p. 9  he may do it with great probability; for that these Fellows were neglected and trodden down indeed by the other opposite Roman Church; and yet did they (as John Fox requireth for the Succession of his Church) continue and rise up from time to time, (tho' by no orderly Succession of Bishops or Doctrine, as hath been said) yea they had that other quality also proper to John Fox his Church, that they always kept some sparks of true Doctrine and Religion together with their Heresies.  
So as in this respect of obscurity and contemptibility, John Fox may easily join his Church with them; as also in having some sparkles of true Doctrine, but not the whole body of true Doctrine among them.  

Communication of Doctrine between Protestants and Heretics of the second 300 years after Christ.  5. He may join also in divers particular Doctrines, which these men held as peculiar Heresies to themselves, and were condemned by the Church for such in those days, and are held also in these days by John Fox his Church in the very selfsame words, sense, and meaning, as they were held by those Heretics: As namely, he may join with the Donatists who said, that thy were the only true Church, and called the Succession of Bishops in the Church of Rome (as Sectaries do at this day) the Chair of Pestilence; and moreover, that the whole Church besides themselves had erred, etc. which is the common Song of our modern Protestants. And further, if you will see how near of Kin these Donatists and our Protestants be, 
Aug. lib. de haeres. haer. 69. Optat. l. 2. idem l. 6.  both in Manners, Conditions, Doctrine and Belief, read St. Augustin, Optatus, and other Writers, that objected against them these things following; to wit, That they had cast the blessed Sacrament of the Altar to Dogs, overthrew Altars, broke Chalices and sold them, cast a Bottle of holy Chrism out of the Church-window, shaved Priests heads to take away their Unction, turned Nuns out of their Monasteries to the World, polluted all Church stuff, and the like: And whether John Fox and his Fellows do not join also in these Points, let the Reader judge.  

Aug. haer. 54.  6. They may join in like manner with the Eunomians for their only Faith, who affirmed (as St. Augustin saith) quòd nihil cuiquam obesset guorumlibet perpetratio ac perseverantia peccatorum, si hujus, quae ab illis docebatur, Fidei particeps esset; That the committing and perseverance in never so great sins could not hurt him that was partaker of their Faith. 

Pacian. ep. 1. & 3. ad Simpron.  
Aug. haer. 53.   They may also join with the Novatians of that time in denying the Church's power in forgiving sins. They may join with the Aerians, who taught (as St. Angustin saith) non oportere orare vel Oblationem offerre pro mortuis; that we ought not to pray or offer Oblations for them that be dead; and further, That solemn Feasts are not to be appointed by the Church, but every one to fast when he would, lest he should seem to be under the Law, etc.  
7. Thus testifieth St. Augustin of him; and of Jovinian, that followed him, 
Aug. haeres. 82. Hier. lib. cont. Jovinian.  both the said Father, and St. Hierom (that wrote against him) do accuse him to have held, That all sins were equal before God; that fasting from certain meats was not profitable; that chaste Marriage was equal in honour and merit to professed Virginity in Nuns; and that he had been cause that some Nuns had married in Rome; and finally, that the reward in Heaven was equal to all men. And is not this good currant Protestant Doctrine and Practice at this day? But let us go forward. They may join also with the Helvidians, or Antidicomarians, in impugning our Blessed Lady, and equalling Marriage with Virginity: And much more with Vigilantius, in impugning the continent sole Life of Clergymen, 
Hier. lib. cont. Vigilantium.  Worship of Martyrs at their Tombs, use of Candles and Torches in the Church by daytime, Invocation of Saints, Vows of Poverty, and the like.  
8. I will go no further, for that this is sufficient to see what Communion John Fox his Church did hold in these three Ages, either with the common known Catholic Church of Christ, or with these lurking Assemblies of Heretics pursued and persecuted by the said Church; 
The poor shift of John Fox.  and for that John Fox is guilty to himself in this behalf, he hath proceeded accordingly in his Acts and Monuments: For whereas he promiseth a several Book of these second 300 years, under this Title; The second Book, 
Fox pag. 95.  containing the next 300 years after Christ, etc. he not finding any sufficient matter for his purpose to patch up this second Book withal, as he did the former, with recounting the Martyrs of those days; what shift deviseth he (think you) to blear his Readers eyes with all, and to seem to say somewhat in the continuation of his Story? You shall hear briefly; and by this one trick you may learn to know the man and his meaning for the time to come.  
9 First he writeth but five leaves in all for the continuation of the Story of these second 300 years: 
John Fox's shift to fill up this second Book.  A short Volume you will say for so great and copious an Argument. And yet further, you must know, that of these five leaves he passeth two in telling tales and matters that fell under Pope Eleutherius and King Lucius more than a hundred years before, 
An. 180.  and consequently it should have been told in his former Book by order of Time and Story; and then the other three leaves he spendeth in setting down the entrance of the Saxons into England about the year of Christ 449, and the Succession of their Pagan Kings unto St. Augustin's coming. So as of all the foresaid glorious Christian Church for 300 years together, (to wit, from Pope Sylvester and Constantine unto Pope Gregory and Mauritius the Emperor, wherein she flourished more than in any other three Ages) we find only five Leaves designed, but scarce three Lines performed: Whereby you may perceive how little part John Fox persuadeth himself to have in these three Ages for his hidden Church. You may consider also what an honest Bargainer he is, and how well he performeth his promise made in the first page of his whole Work, wherein he saith, 
Fox in the Title of his Acts and Monuments.  That he will set forth at large the whole Race and Course of the Church, from the Primitive Age to these latter times of ours, etc. whereof you see he hath performed nothing at all hitherto, either largely or briefly: I mean, of this Race or Course of any Church, General or Particular, Domestical or Foreign, Good or Bad, True or False, His or Ours; for of the first 300 years he wrote only the ten Persecutions, as you have seen; and of the second 300 years he writeth nothing at all.  
10. Which (if you consider well) is a strange confession of his own weakness and poverty, seeing that these three Ages (to wit, the fourth, fifth, and sixth) are the most abundant of matter that are to be found in the Church of Christ from the beginning; and so might he see by the Centuries of his Masters the Magdeburgians, who do enlarge themselves much more in these three Ages than in the former, enforced thereunto by the multitude of matter, tho' all against themselves, as before hath been noted, and here will also appear; which John Fox well perceiving, thought best by slight of silence to avoid that inconvenience of treating a History so apparently against himself. Which slight notwithstanding (or rather flight) every man of mean understanding doth easily see, considering that (according to the Argument of his Book, and particular promise made before) he should have declared to us, That the Religion of Britanny in these 300 years next before the entrance of St. Augustin, was for Him, and His Church, and not for Ours; yea, different from the Roman Religion brought in by Augustin, 
In his Protestation to the English Church, pag. 10.  as often you have heard him protest; and here had been the proper place to have proved it, if it had been provable. And whereas in the same Protestation of his, prefixed before his whole Volume, he avouched (as you have heard) that the chief British Preachers and Teachers of these times before St. Augustin's coming (as Fastidius, Ninianus, Patricius, 

What Fox should have treated in his second Book & second 300 years after Christ.  
Sup. part 1. cap. 5.   Dubritius, Congellus, David, Asaphus, Gildas, and others before mentioned) were true Teachers, and taught the Gospel rightly, according to the Protestant Faith, and consequently were of his Religion; he ought here to have proved the same by their Writings, Lives, Acts and Monuments, as I have showed the contrary by all these kind of Arguments and Proofs before. But the Fox knowing the difficulty and peril of this Combat, would not enter into the same, nor take upon him to defend or justify any thing at all, tho' never so much promised or protested in his Prefaces and Preambles at the beginning. Whereof the Reasons are these that ensue.  
11. First, For that touching the British Church during these three Ages he had in truth nothing at all to write or relate, but what would be manifestly against himself, if he had written or related it, and descended to particulars. For (according to that you have heard before in divers places of this Treatise) that as the first Faith of the Britan's came from Rome, and thereby they were made Members of the Roman Church from the beginning, so remained they united with the same in all points of Faith and Religion, (except some few abuses crept in among part of them, towards the latter-end of these three Ages) until the Conversion of the English by St. Augustin to the same Roman Faith. Which point is proved so evidently by so many Signs, 
Why Fox writeth nothing of the Church of Britanny in these three Ages.  Arguments, and Demonstrations, as little comfort might John Fox have to enter into this Discourse or Examination; and consequently, tho' he had promised in the beginning to treat this Subject of the British Church, yet coming to the place and time when he should have performed his promise, he thought better to withdraw himself slightly by utter silence, than to put himself in Briars by making any mention at all thereof. And thus much for his silence concerning the Christian Church of Britanny in these three Ages.  
12. But for the general Catholic Church of Christendom, tho' these times yield abundant matter, (as hath been said) yet the whole stream and current thereof running quite against him, he thought best in like manner to decline craftily the meddling or wrestling therewith: And so much the more, for that he had seen the pitiful plight wherein his Masters the Magdeburgians had cast themselves in their fourth, fifth, and sixth Centuries, by over-large relating the Acts and Gests of these three Ages against themselves and their own Religion; being forced to spend a great part of their Labours not so much in relating what the Fathers of those Ages writ or held, as to answer and refute the same, and show that it was not true, nor the said Doctors and Fathers to be believed therein. Which trouble John Fox (like a wily Fox indeed) thought best to avoid by Art of Silence. I will in this place, for example's sake only, and to give you a taste of the said Magdeburgians dealing throughout their whole Work, (from which John Fox taketh the principal parts of his) let you see some points taken out of their fourth Century, dedicated to her Majesty of England, with a sharp Invective (as before hath been showed) used by them against the Calvinists therein; which Century containeth the fourth Hundred year after Christ, 
Exc. 2. c. 5. sup. p. 1. c. 6.  and the first of the three which now we have in hand, from Constantine downward; wherein they spend above 400 Leaves in Folio, and more than twice as much in the other two Centuries that ensue; John Fox not having bestowed four Leaves upon all three Ages, as you have heard.  
13. And that you may perceive how this one Century of the Magdeburgians cometh to make so great a Volume, you must note, that it is divided into certain large Chapters or Heads of different matters. As for example; first, 
The substance and method of the Magdeburgians Centuries.  of the propagation of Christian Religion in that Age, and the State thereof throughout all Country's, Kingdoms and Nations; which is a large matter, as you see, comprehending the Stories of all Ecclesiastical Writers. Secondly, of Persecutions, Troubles, and Jars that have passed; as also of Peace and Tranquillity. Then of Doctrine, good or bad; then of Heresies; then of Rites and Ceremonies; then of Ecclesiastical Government; then of Schisms; then of Synods and Councils; then of Bishops, Doctors and Teachers, their Lives, Works, and Actions at large; then of Heretics, their beginnings and end; then of Martyrs; then of Miracles; then of Pagan Commonwealths also; and other such points capable, as you see, of long Discourses: Which I thought fit once to note, to the end that those which have not read the Centuries may know in general what matters they handle, and what method they use therein.  
14. Secondly, it is to be noted about the same affair, That in all these Heads and Chapters there be divers things which are not in controversy among us, I mean between Catholics and Protestants, but are common to us both, at least in some degrees. Other Points there are, that they affirm and we deny, or we affirm and they deny. There is a third kind also of Points, wherein, tho' We and Protestants do not agree fully, either in the Doctrine or in the Practice, yet one Sect of them differeth more or less from us than the other. And in all these three Points you shall see some brief Examples of the Magdeburgians manner of proceeding in this fourth Age: Noting to you first by the way their own Testimony of the excellent Learning of the Doctors and Teachers thereof in these words: Habuit haec aet as, si quae unquam alia, 

Cent. c. 4. p. 159.  
The praise of the Doctors & Fathers of the fourth Age by the Magdeburg.   plurimos praestantes & illustres Doctores, ut Arnobium, Lactantium, etc. This Age (if ever any other) had very many most excellent and famous Doctors, as Arnobius, Lactantius, Eusebius, Athanasius, Hilarius, Victorinus, Basilius, Nazianzenus, Ambrose, Prudentius, Epiphanius, Theophilus, Hieronymus, Faustinus, Didymus, Ephrem, Optatus, and others; out of which we shall show and declare what was the form of Christian Doctrine used in this Age.  
15. Lo there the Testimony of the Magdeburgians of the famous Doctors, Teachers, and Leaders of Christ's Church in this Age! And being such as they say, so excellently Learned, and endued with Christ's Spirit for Guiding of his Church; is it probable (think you) that these four Germane Magdeburgians, Illyricus, Wigandus, Judex and Faber, shall come to presume afterward to condemn them all of Ignorance and lack of Spirit, when they speak against them? Truly they cannot do it with any shame fac'dness or modesty at all, or be believed by any discreet man, if they do it. Well then, let us examine this point a little.  
16. In their Chapter of Doctrine, when they talk of these Points, of God, and the B. Trinity, of Three distinct Persons, of the Natures and Wills of Christ, and other such matter, (wherein They and We do not differ) they allege these Fathers abundantly: And no marvel, for as long as they teach Catholic Doctrine, they have all the Father's Works and Volumes for them; but when they touch any Point wherein there is controversy between us, there they fall out presently with the said Fathers for holding against them. As for example, in one Paragraph of this Chapter and Doctrine, (which Paragraph is, de lib. Arbitrio) they begin it thus: 

About freewill.  
Cent. 4. p. 211.   De lib. Arbitrio, quae commodè & tollerabiliter à Doctoribus hujus aetatis tradita videntur, sic habent; Those things which seem unto us to have been commodiously and tolerably delivered by the Doctors of this Age about freewill, are these that follow. Wherein they censure first (as you see) all Doctors of this Age, so greatly extolled by them before, as tho' they had delivered many things incommodious and intolerable about freewill; as indeed afterwards in another Chapter, 
Ib. pag. 287, & 291.  entitled, The declining of true Doctrine, (containing the incommodious Opinions and Errors of these Doctors) they speak more plainly thus: Patres omnes ferè hujus aetatis de lib. Arbitrio confusè loquuntur, & contra manifesta Scripturae fanctae testimonia; Almost all the Fathers of this Age do speak confusedly of freewill, and against the manifest testimonies of holy Scripture. And for proof of this they name in particular Lactantius, Athanasius, Basil, Nazianzen, Epiphanius, Hieronymus, and Gregorius Nyssenus; condemning them all, for not denying altogether freewill in man after his Fall.  

Cent. 4. p. 231.  17. Again, in the same Chapter of Doctrine, and Paragraph de Poenitentia, they begin thus: Doctrinam de Poenitentia, ut gravis per sese, & magni est momenti, ita satis tenuiter & frigidè (quantum quidem ex scriptis ejus videre est) quemadmodum & in superioribus saeculis tractatam videas ab hac aetate: Nos igitur ea, quae de hac parte mediocriter & rectè, & utiliter dicta esse videntur recitabimus: The Doctrine of Penance, as it is a grave matter in itself, and of great importance, so we do see it handled by this Age (as also by the former Ages) very slightly and coldly, as we may see by their Writings extant: Wherefore we shall recite here those things only of this matter, which seem unto us to have been spoken by the said Fathers with some mediocrity, rectitude, and utility, etc. See now their Judgement and Censure of all the Fathers, not only of this Age, but of all the former Ages also since Christ, as having written both slightly and coldly! And yet further, in another Chapter of declining Doctrine, 
Cent. 4. c. 4.  they say, Poenitentiam haec aetas (ut ferè & superiores) neque rectè definiit, neque partes ejus satis explicavit; imò nec de Fide (necessaria Poenitentiae parte) propemodùm aliquid habet: This fourth Age, as neither the other three before, have either given the true definition of Penance, nor sufficiently declared the parts thereof; nay they speak nothing almost of Faith, which yet is a necessary part of Penance.  
18. Thus they pronounce boldly of all the Ages since Christ, not excepting that of the Apostles themselves, And who can suffer so wicked a slander, as tho' they had made no mention of Faith at all, or as tho' when they prescribe Fasting, Prayer, Sorrow, and Tears to Penance, they excluded Faith? whereas it is evident, even unto Children, that no man can perform these things, except he have first Faith, and do believe in him whom he seeketh to please and pacify. I say nothing here of the intolerable Injuries and false Calumniations which they do infer upon the holy Fathers, without all cause, if their words were examined. As for example, in this very place, they condemn St. Ephrem, 
Cent. 4. p. 294. Ephr. l. 2. de compunctione cordis, c. 3.  for depraving Penance, and excluding Faith from the same, for that he saith, Per lachrymas hujus brevissimi temporis peccata (Deus) dimittit, etc. Et, cum sanaverit, mercedem conferet lachrymarum; God (saith this Saint) doth pardon our sins by our tears shed in this short time of our life; and, when he hath healed us, he will give us a reward also for our tears Who seeth not but that this holy Father supposeth Faith in him that doth weep, and consequently is not subject to the wicked slander of the Magdeburgians, affirming him to exclude Faith? Yet thus they use both Him and all Fathers lightly, when they cite them, to refute their Sentences; alleging them commonly with some false Calumniation. But let us go forward.  
19 When they come to speak of the Doctrine of the Blessed Sacrament and Real Presence (for that in this they hold with us against the Sacramentaries, 
The blessed Sacrament. Cent. 4. pag. 242. Ambr. lib. 4. de Sacr. c. 4.  and Calvinists) they do Cite the Fathers abundantly. As that of St. Ambrose: Didicisti, quia quod accipis corpus Christi est. Thou hast learned, that the thing which thou receivest, is the Body of Christ. And again: Bibi sanguinem è Christo, ìdque in veritate, non in umbra aut similitudine. I have drunk the Blood of Christ, and that in truth not in a shadow or similitude. And then out of St. Hillary: Si verè verbum caro factum est, 
Hil. l. 8. de Trinitate.  & nos verè verbum carnem cibo dominico sumimus. If the word of God be truly made Flesh, then do we truly receive that Flesh in the Lord's Supper. And further they allege St. Hierom, Arnobius, Juvencus, and others of this Age, that have the like Testimonies, and clear Speeches for proof of this verity. Which do seem to them so strong and manifest demonstrations against the Zwinglian, and Calvinian Doctrine, avowing to the contrary, That they hold them for obstinately blind, that deny or resist the same. And this, for that the Doctrine pleaseth them. But if we step a foot further to the Doctrine of this Blessed Sacrament made also a Sacrifice, and so testified by the same Fathers, that affirmed the Real Presence: Then our good Magdeburgians, that commended them so highly before, do flatly leave both them and us, and do place their sayings in their other Chapter of incommodious Speeches. Accounting them for Straw, and Stubble, and Erroneous Doctrine. Incommode dictum est; (say they) quòd citatur ex Athanasii libello, etc. It was spoken incommodiously by Athanasius in his Book of the Image of Christ, where he denyeth expressly that there is any thing remaining in this World of the Flesh and Blood of Christ, but only that which is daily made Spiritually by the hands of Priests upon the Altar. It is a new phrase also of Nazianzen, 
Nazianzen. orat. 1. in Juliam.  when he saith, Mox incruenti Sacrificii oblatione manus commaculat, presently he did slain his hands with the oblation of the unbloody Sacrifice. Again they accuse St. Ambrose for using these words, Missam facere, Offer, 
Ambr. lib. 5. ep. 33. Nissen Orat. Catechistica.  Offer Sacrificium, etc. To say Mass, to offer, to offer up Sacrifice, etc. They reprehend Gregory Nyssen, for teaching of Transmutation, or Transubstantiation: Dei verbo Sanctificatum panem, in Dei verbi corpus credimus immutari. We do believe that the Bread which is Sanctified by the word of God, is by the same word of God changed into the Body of the Son of God.  
20. It would be overlong to Treat of all the Points in Controversy for which the Magdeburgians do reprehend and Condemn the Fathers of this Age, 
Cent. 4. pag. 292.  which so highly they commended a little before. For about Justification by Faith only, they Condemn by Name Lactantius, Nilus, Chromacius, Ephrem, 
Hier. in cap. 3. ad Galat.  and St. Hierom. And why? for that he saith, non sufficit murum habere fidei, nisi ipsa fides bonis operibus confirmetur. It is not enough to have the wall of Faith, except Faith be confirmed with good works. 
Enc. 2. cap. 16.  Which yet you have heard approved by the Sentence of Sir Francis Hastings before.  
21. They condemn the same Lactantius together with St. Gregory Nyssen, 
Cent. 4. pag. 293.  St. Hillary, St. Nazianzen, St. Ambrose, St. Ephrem, and Theophilus Alexandrinus, for Attributing to much to good works; but especially to those that are voluntary. 
Theoph. Alex. lib. 3. de Paschate.  Inter omnia opera (say they) Electitiis plurimum haec aetas tribuit. Sic enim ait Theophilus; high qui jejunia, id est, Angelicam conversationem in terris imitantur, per continentiam brevi & parvo labour, magna sibi & aeterna conciliant praemia. But among all other works (say the Magdeburgians) this Age doth Attribute most unto voluntary works or such as are chosen by a Man's self, for so saith Theophilus Archbishop of Alexandria, those that do follow Fasting, that is to say an Angelical Conversation upon Earth, do gain unto themselves by this short, and small labour of abstinence, great and eternal rewards.  

Cent. 4. p. 242. Hil. in Ps. 118.  22. About Satisfaction they reprehend greatly, and put it for an Error in great Hilarius, for that he writeth upon these words of the 118 Psalms, My eyes have brought forth fountains of waters, etc. Haec poenitentiae vox est, lachrymis orare, lachrymis ingemiscere; This is the voice of true Penance, to pray with tears, and sigh with tears. And again, Haec venia peccati est, fontem fletus steer, & largo lachrymarum imbre mad fieri; This is the forgiveness of sin, to weep a whole fountain of tears, and to wash ourselves with a large shower of weeping, etc. This did greatly discontent our Goodfellow- Germans, but St. Hilarius was of another Opinion.  

The Fathers condemned for divers Doctrines held against Protestants.  23. What should I recite here other Controversies, seeing it would but tyre the Reader? For about Invocation and Prayer to Saints, they condemn by name St. Athanasius lib. de Incarnatione, for praying to our Lady; St. Basil, oratione in quadraginta Martyrs, for praying to the said Forty Martyrs; St. Gregory Nazianzen, oratione in Basilium, for praying to St. Basil after he was dead, also for praying to St. Cyprian after he was martyred, Orat. in Cyprianum; they condemn also St. Ambrose, lib. de viduis, for praying to St. Peter and St. Andrew, and our Lady; they condemn Prudentius for praying to St. Laurence; and in another place to St. Vincentius and Cassianus Martyrs, Hym. in Laur. Vincent. & Cassian. They condemn Epiphanius, for saying that Prayers of the Living do help the Dead, Haeres. 75. They condemn St. Ephrem for saying, that the Saints in Paradise did pray for them that are alive, lib. 1. de compunctione cordis, cap. 13.  

Cent. 4. p. 299.  24. As for unwritten Tradition, they condemn all the Fathers of this Age one by one, reciting their Sentences, and rejecting them. They condemn by name Lactantius, Prudentius, and Hieronymus, for holding Purgatory; they condemn St. Epiphanius, 

Epiph. tom. 2. lib. 2.  
Cent. 4. p. 303.   for affirming that the Church admitteth no man to marry after he is Priest; Et haec certe sancta Dei Ecclesia cum sinceritate observat; And truly the holy Church of God (saith Epiphanius) doth observe this Custom with all sincerity. And thus much be spoken only about one Chapter, (to wit, of Doctrine) having overskipped many other things for brevity-sake in the same Chapter.  
25. But if I would pass to other Chapters, (especially that of Rites and Ceremonies, which is their sixth in order) there would be no end. For first, in the very first Paragraph about Rites or Ceremonies belonging to Church's Service, and public Meeting, (which is but one of almost twenty Paragraphs contained in this Chapter) they set down these Rites following, which do easily show that Our Religion, and not Theirs, was in practice in this fourth Age. 
Cent. 4. cap. 6. p. 407. num. 50, 54. Euseb.  As for example, the Building of Churches in Honour of Saints by Constantine and others at the beginning of this Age, and dedicating them to the same Saints, out of Eusebius and other Authors, pag. 407. nu. 50. Dedications also and Consecrations of the same Temples or Churches, and the Days of the said Consecration kept Holy and Festival with great solemnity, 
Athan.  out of Athanasius and others, 
S. Basil. Socr. l. 5. c. 22. Theod. l. 5. c. 18. Opt. l. 6. Zoz. l 6. c. 6. Eus. l. 4. de vit. Constant. Opt. l. 1. cont. Parmen.  ibid. Service at midnight used in the Churches at that time, out of St. Basil and others, ibid. Altars builded in Churches for Christian Sacrifice, by the testimony of Socrates, Zozomenus, Theodoretus, and others, ibid. The Interpretation also, what an Altar meaneth, set down by Optatus; Quid est Altar, nisi sedes Corporis & Sanguinis Christi? What is an Altar, but the seat of the Body and Blood of Christ? Images also set up and painted in Churches in this Age, out of Zozomenus, Eusebius, Optatus, and others, pag. 409. Caereas Candelas, & Lampades; Torches, Wax-Candles, and burning Lamps, set up in the Church by Constantine himself, out of Eusebius, lib. 4. de vita Constant. pag. 410. 
Basil.  Of Vigils and Watches kept in Church-Feasts, out of Basil, Theodoret, and others, ibid. The use of Litanies in those days, 
Basil. ep. 63. Zozim l. 4. c. 16.  they show out of Basil, Theodoret, and others, ibid.  
26. I leave many more Rites and Catholic Ceremonies set down by them in this first Paragraph, which is, of public Meetings, Churches, etc. But if I would pass from this unto many other Heads handled by them, as, about the use of Baptism, and administration of other Sacraments and Sacrifice, about Feasts, Fasts, Marriage, Burying, Honouring Martyrs Tombs, Pilgrimages, consecrating of Monks and Nuns, and other such points, (which these Magdeburgians do handle here at large out of the Fathers of this Age, and practice of that Church, to the number of nineteen or twenty, all against themselves) it were sufficient to make a several Book apart. As for Example, about Baptism they teach us, That those who are to be baptised must first be confessed of their sins; 
Cent. 4. p. 118, 119, 120.  that they must say abrenuntio tibi Sathana, & omnibus operibus tuis; that they must be prepared by Exorcisms, and after Baptism be anointed with holy Chrism; that they must fast a certain number of days before their Baptism; that they must thrice be dived in the water; that they must have Lamps lighted at their Baptism. And for the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, they show us, How it was wont to be administered, and sent (when occasion was offered) from one place to another; how often it should be received, and with what reverence, and with what Vigils and Prayers before; and how it was wont to be carried to them that lay on their Deathbed; and how they were bound to confess it openly to be the true Body and Blood of Christ, before they received it; and what great Miracles fell out for proof and confirmation of the truth about this Real Presence. These, 
p. 431, 432.433.  and almost infinite other points like unto these, the Magdeburgians do prove at length to have been in use throughout this fourth Age by the Testimonies and Writings of the principal Doctors thereof.  
27. Wherefore I will leave the Reader to consider, what manner of people these Lutheran Writers are, who do record so many important Testimonies against themselves; and having alleged them, than they refute all again presently with this bare shift, that they are either Jewish or Pagan Ceremonies brought in by the Fathers upon Superstition, and so not to be regarded; and this they think to be sufficient to refute them all. As for Example, 
The ancient observation of Fasts.  talking of the Ceremony of Fasting in those days, what Meats they did eat, and how rigorously they abstained, and how long, these good fellows do write thus: Jejunia observasse religiosiùs, quidem seu superstitiosiùs, quam superioribus saeculis hujus aetatis Christianos Historiae testantur; Histories do testify unto us, that the Christians of this Age did observe Fasting-days more religiously, or rather more superstitiously, than any Age before, for that Human Traditions began now to be more multiplied; and Epiphanius doth say, that the Fast of Wednesdays and Fridays was observed at this time, as a Tradition of the Apostles, but we find no such thing in their Works. Thus said these Germans, that never perhaps fasted a day in their life, nor ever abstained for Devotion-sake from any good morsel of Meat, that their Lips could reach unto. And so much of these men, for they are not worth the spending of time to refute them.  
Well then, by these few Examples taken out of two Chapters only of the Magdeburgians about this fourth Age, we see what may be gathered, if we would go over all the three Centuries for these three Ages (from Constantine to St. Gregory;) and thereby also we see the reason why Fox wrote so little of these three Ages, being wholly against them.  
28. But now perhaps the Reader will ask, how it falleth out that John Fox having dedicated a special Book (to wit, his second of Acts and Monuments) unto these three Ages after Constantine, (for so is his Title:) how, I say, 
Fox p. 95.  he could make up a distinct Book, and yet say nothing of the Ecclesiastical Affairs therein contained? 
How Fox filleth up his second Book with matter not to his purpose.  Whereunto I answer, That this is another Foxly fetch of his, to promise and not perform, and to do one thing for another; for that despairing to have matter to his purpose out of the former three Ages (as hath been showed) he slideth away slightly to another Argument, which he had not promised in his Title; to wit, of some things fallen out in our English Church in the next 200 years after, from the time of St. Augustin and King Ethelbert, unto the time of King Egbert, first Monarch of the English, about the year of Christ 800. But for that these two Ages, (to wit, the seventh and eighth) do contain the times of our primitive English Church, I think best to treat severally thereof in the next Chapter following; this being sufficient to show, that in these second 300 years John Fox had as little room for his Church, as in the former.   

CHAP. IU.  
How matters passed in the Christian Church, both abroad, and at home in England, during the third station of Time, from Pope Gregory and Ethelbert King of Kent, unto Egbert our first Monarch, containing the space of two hundred years.  

The third station of Times, from K. Ethelbert, an. 600, to K. Egbert, an. 800.  THere followeth in order the third distinction or station of Times appointed by John Fox in the beginning of his History, and promised by him to be handled distinctly in the prosecution of his Work; and so indeed this station ought to have been above the rest, for that it containeth the time of our English primitive Church, to wit, the two first hundred years thereof from St. Augustin downward. But (as you have heard before) he finding scarce any thing in these two Ages, which delighted his heretical humour, no not our very Conversion itself from Paganism to Christian Religion, he shuffleth the same over in the end of his foresaid second Book, together with the second 300 years after Christ, from Constantine to Pope Gregory, as before hath been showed. So as he includeth the Acts of 500 years of the most Famous and Glorious Times that ever were in the Church of God, (whether we respect the General and Universal Church, or the Church of England in particular) in a little Book of a dozen Leaves only, 
Why Jo. Fox shifted over these 200 years so slightly.  of which dozen Leaves the least part doth concern this time; whereas, when he cometh down to handle the Acts and Gests of John Wickliff, John Husse, Hierom of Prague, and other such paltry Heretics, not worth the talking of, he writeth whole Volumes, and many hundred Leaves together; but of these 200 years of our first Conversion and primitive Church, Fathers, Doctors, and Saints thereof, he writeth both very little and most contemptuously; and yet wanted he not Authors to give him matter in this behalf, seeing that St. Bede (that lived in the first of these 200 years) hath left five whole Books of the Acts and Gests thereof, besides other that have ensued, as Gosselinus, Malmsbury, Westmonasteriensis, and others.  

The contemptuous writing of John Fox in this station of 200 years.  2. But the truth is, that John Fox seeing these times to be wholly against him, and that they lay down more clearly before us (if it may be) than the rest, (especially to Englishmen) the Truth and Evidence of the Catholic Roman Faith, he had no heart nor courage to deal much therewith, but sought to shuffle over in silence, so much as he might conveniently, and the rest to discredit by scoffs, taunts, corruption and falsification, as after you shall see; for I have thought good to make a distinct Chapter of these two Ages, and thereby somewhat to let you see and behold what passed therein (tho' very briefly) and how John Fox doth behave himself in relating the same.  
3. First then, 
Popes & Emperors of these 200 years.  if we consider the Universal Church of Christendom in these 200 years, (which are the 700 and 800 years of Christ) there are recounted to have sitten in the Roman See Thirty-three Popes▪ from Gregory I. to Leo III. and in the East Empire (the West being decayed before) some Nineteen or Twenty Emperors reigned one after another, from Mauritius to Constantine VI and Irene his Mother, in whose time Charles the Great of France was made Emperor of the West by the foresaid Pope Leo III. 
The chief Doctors from an. 600, to 800.  And during this Race of time the said Universal Church flourished greatly by Learned Men and Holy Bishops; whereof the principal were St. Isidorus Archbishop of Sevil, Sophronius, Leontius, Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury, Venerable Bede, Johannes Damascenus, Paulus Diaconus, Alcuinus our Countryman, Vsuardus, and others.  
4. This time had many Learned Councils also; 
Council General.  whereof two were General, the one being the third of Constantinople, the other the second of Nice: Whereby were beaten down all the Heretics of those days; the principal whereof were the Jacobites, the Armenians, Monothelites, Neophonites, 
Heretics of this time.  Lampetians, Agnychites, Iconomachians, or Image-breakers, and other the like. Besides all this, there was added to the Greatness of this Church the new Conversion of many Countries from Paganism to Christian Religion. 
Conversion of England.  Amongst which may principally be recounted our English Saxons, as also by their means divers Provinces afterward of High and Low Germany. And this for the continuance and going forward of the Christian Catholic Church in general, planted by Christ, and brought down by Succession from the Apostles time.  
5. But if you will talk of our new English Church, planted in this mean space, and inserted or united to that General Catholic Church, as a Branch or Member to the whole Body, and as a new Daughter subordinate to her Mother, we shall see her progress to be conform thereunto; to wit, that she multiplied mightily in these 200 years, both in Number, Doctrine, and great Piety of Life; which John Fox himself is forced to confess, in that he having told us of the Conversion of seven English Saxon Kingdoms within the compass of this time, he setteth down divers Tables in the end of all, 
The growth and progress of the English primitive Church in this time.  whereof one is of seventeen Archbishops of Canterbury, from Augustin to Celnothus that lived with King Egbert; and another Table of thirty Cathedral Churches, Abbeys, and Nunneries builded, and abundantly endowed by Christian English Kings, Queens, and Bishops of that time; and a third Table of nine several Kings, besides many more of chief Nobility both Men and Women, who leaving the World and their Temporal States, entered into a Religious Life the more strictly to serve Almighty God. All which John Fox is forced to recount against himself, and findeth no one in all this time of 200 years, (and much less any company) on whom he dareth lay hands to build up his hidden Church in England withal.  
6. And it is to be noted by the Reader, and by us to be repeated again for better memories sake, (that which before we admonished) to wit, that Fox findeth these 200 years of our first English primitive Church so barren of matter for his purpose, as in the whole story thereof he spendeth only eight Leaves of Paper, and these rather in deriding and scoffing the same, and principal Pillars thereof, than writing any Ecclesiastical History. For which cause, 
Fox's scoffing story of the English primitive Church. p. 107, 113, etc.  you shall find these Notes and Titles commonly written over the heads of his Leaves and Pages, Augustin's arrival in Kent; Gregory the basest Pope, but the best; Proud Augustin; Lying Miracles; Shave Crowns; Beda his Birth, and the like. 

Bed. l. 1. hist. c. 21.  
Fox p. 113.   Of which Learned Holy Man's Story (I mean St. Bede) he maketh so little account, as in the same place reciting a Letter out of him written by a holy Man (Ceolfride Abbot of Sherwyn in Northumberland) to Naitonus King of the Picts, he saith thus: The Copy of which Letter, as it is in Bede, I have annexed; not for any great reason therein contained, but only to delight the Reader with some pastime in seeing the fond Ignorance of that Monkish Age, etc. Whereby we may see the drift of this pleasant Fox in these his Acts and Monuments; which is, to discredit that whole Time, and all our Primitive Church.  

Mat. 18.  7. But yet, to the end that the saying of Christ may be fulfilled in him, Ex ore tuo te judico, Serve nequam; I do judge thee out of thy own mouth, thou wicked Servant: I shall here set down two National Synods gathered in England in these two Ages by two famous Archbishops of Canterbury; the one Theodorus, 

Bed. l. 4. hist. c. 5.  
Malm. de gest. Pont. Angl. l. 10.   in the year of Christ 680, and related by Beda; and the other St. Cuthbert, in the year 747, related by William of Malmsbury after Bede's death, and both of them set down by Fox. And by viewing the Decrees of these two Synods, you will see whether those Ages were so fond in Ignorance as Fox maketh them. Out of the first Synod, held at Thetford, Fox gathereth ten Decrees in these words:  

Fox p. 112. col. 2. n. 63. Decrees of an English Synod, an Dom. 680. out of Fox.  8. 

I. That Easter-day should be uniformly kept and observed throughout the whole Realm upon a certain day, viz. prima 14 Luna Mensis primi.  
II. That no Bishop should intermeddle within the Diocese of another.  
III. That Monasteries consecrated unto God should be exempt and free from the Jurisdiction of Bishops.  
IV. That the Monks should not stray from one place (that is, from one Monastery) to another without the licence of their Abbot; also to keep the same Obedience which they promised at their first entering.  
V. That no Clergyman should forsake his own Bishop, and be received in any other place without Letters Commendatory of his own Bishop.  
VI That Foreign Bishops and Clergymen coming into the Realm, should be content only with the benefit of such Hospitality as should be offered them; neither should they intermeddle any further within the Precinct of any Bishop, without his special permission.  
VII. That Synods Provincial should be kept within the Realm at least once a year.  
VIII. That no Bishop should prefer himself before another, but must observe the time and order of his Consecration.  
IX. That the number of Bishops should be augmented as the number of People increased.  
X. That no Marriage should be admitted, but that which was lawful; no Incest to be suffered; neither any man to put away his Wife for any cause, except only for Fornication, after the Rule of the Gospel. And these be the principal Chapters of that Synod, etc.    

Fox p. 115: col. 1. n. 84.  9 Out of the second Synod, held at Clonisho, Fox gathereth thirty-one Decrees, as followeth:  



The Decrees of a second Synod, out of Fox, an. Dom. 747.  I. That Bishops should be more diligent in seeing to their Office, and in admonishing the people of their faults.  
II. That they should live in a peaceable mind together, notwithstanding they were in place dissevered asunder.  
III. That every Bishop once a year should go about all the Parishes of his Diocese.  
IV. That the said Bishops, every one in his Diocese, should admonish their Abbots and Monks to live regularly; and that Prelates should not oppress their Inferiors, but love them.  
V. That they should teach the Monasteries, which the secular men had invaded, and could not then betaken from them, to live regularly.  
VI That none should be admitted to Orders, before his Life should be examined.  
VII. That in Monasteries the reading of Holy Scripture should be more frequented.  
VIII. That Priests should be no disposers of secular business.  
IX. That they should take no money for baptising Infants.  
X. That they should both learn and teach the Lord's Prayer and the Creed in English.  
XI. That all should join together in their Ministry after one uniform Rite and manner.  
XII. That in a modest voice they should sing in the Church.  
XIII. That all Holy and Festival-days should be celebrated at one time together.  
XIV. That the Sabbath day be reverendly observed and kept.  
XV. That the seven hours Canonical every day be observed.  
XVI. That the Rogation-days, both the greater and lesser, should not be omitted.  
XVII. That the Feast of St. Gregory and St. Augustin our Patron should be observed.  
XVIII. That the Fast of the four times should be kept and observed.  
XIX. That Monks and Nuns should go regularly apparelled.  
XX. That Bishops should see these Decrees not neglected.  
XXI. That the Churchmen should not give themselves unto Drunkenness.  
XXII. That the Communion should not be neglected of the Churchmen.  
XXIII. Item, That the same also should be observed of the Lay men, as time required.  
XXIV. That Laymen first should be well tried, before they entered into Religious Order.  
XXV. That Alms should not be neglected.  
XXVI. That Bishops should see these Decrees to be notified to the people.  
XXVII. They disputed of the profit of Alms.  
XXVIII. They disputed of the profit of singing Psalms.  
XXIX. That the Congregation should be constituted after the ability of their Goods.  
XXX. That Monks should not dwell among Laymen.  
XXXI. That public Prayer should be made for Kings and Princes.    
These Decrees and Ordinances being thus among the Bishops concluded, Cuthbert the Archbishop sendeth the Copy thereof to Boniface, which Boniface (otherwise named Wenfride, an Englishman born) was then Archbishop of Mentz, and after made a Martyr, as the Popish Stories term him.  
10. Thus far I thought good to set down the Decrees of these two Synods of the first two Ages of our primitive Church in the words themselves of John Fox; whereby you might see, or at leastwise make some guess of the Learning and Virtue of these times, which Fox endeavoreth by all means to bring in contempt. Which point, (I mean of their Learning, Piety, and Godly Solicitude for governing our new-founded Church of England) would more evidently have appeared by these two Synods, if this lying Historiographer had not used here also his too Fox like tricks of falsifying and fraudulent omission of other things, which he should have related. For better understanding of these which he hath here set down, I shall speak a word or two of them briefly; for it were infinite to follow him in all these traces, turnings, and windings of his.  

Deceitful turnings & windings of Fox.  11. First then, touching the former Council or Synod held by Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury, and related by St. Bede (for of this only will I treat for brevity's sake, to show an Example thereby how you may trust John Fox in the rest which he writeth) these points may be noted: First, That whereas he saith, that this Synod was held in the year of Christ 680, and quoteth Bede for the same in his Margin, he falsifieth him plainly; for that Bede's words are these, set down at length.  

Bed. l. 4. c. 5.  Fact a est haec Synodus ab Incarnatione Domini sexcentesimo septuagesimo tertio; quo anno Rex Cantuariorum Egbertus, mense Julio obierat, etc. This Synod was made in the year after the Incarnation of Christ 673; in which year Egbert King of Kent was dead in the month of July before. The same testifieth St. Bede in other words in the very same Chapter, 
Bed. ibid.  saying thus: That this Synod was gathered the 24th of September in the third year of the Reign of King Egfrid of Northumberland; who began his Reign, according to Stow, in the year of Christ 670. 
Wilful Errors of John Fox.  All which Fox having seen, yet setteth down as out of Bede that it was in the year of Christ 680.  
12. Secondly, Fox writeth thus of the place: In the time of this Theodorus a Provincial Synod was held at Thetford, mentioned in the Story of Bede. But he that will read St. Bede himself, shall find these words: In loco qui dicitur Herudfrod; 
Bed. l. 4. c. 5. Cambd. in desc. Britan. Com. Hartf. p. 302.  In a place called Herudfrod, that is Hartford, as William Cambden doth testify in his Description of Hartfordshire, citing also this very Council out of Bede held at Herudfrod. So as I marvel how doting Fox did fall upon Thetford.  
13. But thirdly, there follow more malicious change and falsifications in citing the Articles themselves of this Synod; whereof he scarce relateth any one without some alteration, as each man may see that will compare them with the Original of St. Bede himself. I shall touch for example the first and the last of the ten, for that they have more express malice in them than the rest, which I do let pass.  

Fox p. 112.  14. The first Decree of this Synod was, saith Fox, That Easter-day should be uniformly kept and observed throughout the whole Realm, upon one certain day, viz. prima 14 Luna Mensis primi; that is to say, upon the first 14 Moon, or day of the Moon of the first Month, to wit, of March. Which is just as the Jews do observe it, against the Use and Custom of the Church of Rome; and is an old condemned Error and Heresy, as before you have heard discussed at large in the second, third, and fourth Chapters of this Treatise. And you must note that Fox maketh this Decree to say, that this fourteenth Moon, or fourteenth day of the first Moon of March, (for this is the phrase of Ecclesiastical Calculation, to say, Luna prima, Luna secunda, Luna tertia, for the first, second, or third day of the Moon) must be certain, or certainly observed, so as it may not be altered, nor Easter observed upon any other day; wherein standeth the formality of the former Error, as hath been declared, for that it putteth a necessity of observing the old Jewish Law, and thereby doth evacuate the force of Christ's Grace and Gospel, as you have heard before discussed. Which being so, will you easily believe that the whole Church of England could be brought to decree such an Error in a public Council, and that St. Bede in particular would ever relate the same with his approbation, seeing he misliked the same so greatly in some of the Britan's, 
Sup. c. 2, 3, 4.  as in the former Chapters of this Treatise we have declared?  
15. Well then, let us see what the words of St. Bede himself are in this Synodical Decree corrupted by Fox: Primum Capitulum, (saith he, 
Bed. l. 4. hist. c. 5.  relating it out of the words of the Canons themselves) ut sanctum diem Paschae in communi omnes servemus, Dominica post 14 Lunam primi Mensis; The first Article of our Decrees (saith the Council) is, that we do all in common observe the holy day of Easter upon the Sunday next after the fourteenth Moon of the first Month.  
16. Thus saith the Decree, truly related by St. Bede, quite contrary to that which Fox related before; he putting out and putting in of his own, 
The wicked falsifying of S. Bede by Fox.  without shame or conscience, what he thought best in this little Sentence, to make those Fathers seem to say (as he would have them) in favour of a condemned Heresy. To which effect he putteth out (as you have seen) the word Dominica, which maketh or marreth all the matter, and then for post 14 Lunam, written at large in St. Bede, he putteth in prima 14 Luna, 
Fox is taken in his malicious dealing about the Decree of Observation of Easter.  short in numbers only, to make it more obscure, adding prima of his own, and putting out post from the words of the Council, thereby to make the sense more clear in favour of the Heresy; for that prima 14 Luna Mensis primi (which are his words) do signify the fourteenth day of the first Moon of March expressly. And moreover, he addeth of his own these words, upon one certain day, which the Decree hath not; meaning thereby, that this fourteenth day must be observed with such certainty, as it may not be altered or deferred to any Sunday, but must be observed as an immovable Feast; which out of Luther we have showed before also to be his meaning. 
Sup. c. 3.  And thus much of the first Decree.  
17. The last and tenth Decree hath no less fraud and malice used against it by Fox than this first; for the malicious shameless Fellow would make those Fathers of that Synod to favour the Doctrine and Practice of the Protestants in putting away their Wives for Fornication, and marrying another: for to this effect he citeth the Canon. Tenthly, 
Fox 112.  That no man may put away his Wife for any cause, except only for Fornication, after the Rule of the Gospel: And there breaketh off, as tho' the Council had said no more, nor added any further caution or explication of their meaning. Whereof it would ensue (as Protestants do infer) that seeing a man may put away one Wife for Fornication, 
About marrying a second Wife, the first being alive.  and is not bound to live unmarried, if he have not the gift of Continency he may lawfully take another Wife, as the practice of Protestants is at this day in England. But the Reader must know, that immediately after the former words by him recited, there follow in the Canon others that mar all his Market; for thus they lie together.  
18. Nullus conjugem propriam, 
Bed. l. 4. c. 5. pag. 227.  nifi (ut sanctum Evangelium docet) Fornicationis causa relinquat: Quòd si quisquam propriam expulerit conjugem legitimo sibi matrimonio conjunctam, si Christianus esse rectè voluerit, nulli alteri copuletur; sed ita permaneat, aut propriae reconcilietur conjugi: Let no man leave his own Wife, but only, as the holy Gospel teacheth us, for the cause of Fornication; and if any man should put away his Wife that is joined unto him by lawful Marriage, if he will be a true Christian let him not marry another, but either remain so in Continency, or be reconciled to his own Wife again.  
19 Lo here the fidelity of John Fox in relating matters! This Canon determineth two things, you see: First, That a man may not leave the company or cohabitation of his Wife, but only for the sin of Fornication committed by her: The second, That being so separated, he may not marry another for any cause, but either must remain continent, or be reconciled to his former Wife again. And this was the Doctrine of the Catholic Church then, and is now; which our Fox would fain have concealed from his Reader, and have made him believe, that the old primitive English Church had been for Them and their Practice at this day. But the poor Reynard is taken at every winding, when he is followed, which were impossible to do in all his false doublings. And so these two Examples only shall suffice to show his tricks in this first point of Falsification. Let us pass to the second of wilful Omission.  

Guileful Omissions of John Fox.  20. There remaineth to say a word or two of his Omissions, whereby he leaveth out of purpose from his Story those things which might give Credit or Reputation to our English Church in these ancient times, which he seeketh by all means to make ridiculous and contemptible. As for Example, the Number and Quality of the Prelates and Learned Men that then flourished, and were present in these Synods; the Reasons, and Arguments, and other like Circumstances, partly set down by St. Bede and other Authors upon divers occasions, and partly registered in the very Prefaces of the Synods themselves. As for Example, in this first Synod here cited, they begin thus:  

Bed. l. 4. c. 5.  21. In Nomine Domini Dei & Salvatoris Jesu Christi, etc. In the Name of our Lord God and Saviour Jesus Christ, reigning for ever, and governing his Church, it pleased him that we should meet together, according to the Custom of the Venerable Canons of the Church, to handle necessary business of our English Church: Wherefore we met together upon the 24th day of the Month of September, 
A Synod holden at Herudfrod, an. 673.  in the first Indiction, in a place called Herudfrod; I Theodorus (tho' unworthy) appointed by the See-Apostolic Bishop of the Church of Canterbury, and our Fellow-Bishop and Brother the most Reverend Bisy Bishop of the East-Angles, and our Brother and Fellow Priest Wilfrid Bishop of the Nation of the Northumber's was present by his proper Legates; there were present also our Brethren and Fellow-Priests, Putta Bishop of the Castle of Kent commonly called Rhofessester, Eleutherius also Bishop of the Westsaxons, and Winfrid Bishop of the Mercians. And when we were all come together, and every man set according to his Order and Degree, I said unto them,  
Most dear Brethren, I beseech you, for the Fear and Love of our Saviour, that we may handle here in common the things that belong unto our Faith, to the end that these things which have been decreed and defined by the Holy ancient Fathers about the same, may be kept uncorrupt by us all, etc.  
22. This is part of the Preface to the first Synod, out of which the former Decrees related and corrupted by Fox (as you have heard) were taken; and by the very words of this Entrance or Preface there is more serious gravity signified than Fox would seem to acknowledge at this day in England. But seven years after this again the said Theodorus made another Synod, passed over in silence by Fox, but St. Bede relateth the same in these words:  

Bed. l. 4. c. 17.  23. His temporibus audience Theodorus, etc. At this time Theodorus the Archbishop hearing that the Church of Constantinople was greatly troubled by the Heresy of Eutyches, 
Leo PP. epist. 10. ad Flavian. Theod. dial. 2. Evagr. l. 2. c. 4. A second Council of Archbishop Theodorus.  (that denied two Natures to be in Christ, or that his Flesh was like ours) and desiring greatly that the Churches of England, over which he had Jurisdiction, should continue free from such Infection, he gathered together a Synod of very many Venerable Priests and Learned Bishops; and finding them, after diligent enquiry made, to agree all together in one Catholic Faith, he thought good to set the same down by Synodical Letters, for Instruction and Memory of Posterity; which began thus: In the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ our Saviour, in the Reign of our most pious Princes and Lords, Egfrid King of the Northumber's, Anno 10. upon the fifteenth day before the Calends of October, the eighth Indiction; and Etheldred reigning over the Mercians, the sixth year of his Reign, and Adulphus being King of the East-Angles, the seventeenth year of his Reign, and Lodtharius being King of Kent, in the seventh year of his Reign, and Theodorus by the Grace of God Archbishop of the Isle of Britanny and of the City of Canterbury being Precedent of the Synod, together with the rest of the Bishops of the same Island, venerable men sitting with him in Council, and the holy Sacred Gospel being laid before them, in a place called in the Saxon Tongue Hedtfield, after treaty had, they expounded the right Catholic Faith in this manner:  
24. Sicut Dominus noster Jesus, etc. As our Lord Jesus, taking our flesh upon him, did deliver unto his Disciples, that saw him in person, 
The manner of decreeing in old Synods and National Councils according to their Ancestors.  and heard his speeches, and as the Symbolum or Creed of the holy Fathers have delivered unto us, and as generally all whole and universal Synods, and all the company of holy Fathers and Doctors of the holy Catholic Church have taught us; so do We, following their steps, both Piously and Catholicly, according to their Doctrine (inspired to them from Heaven) profess and believe, and constantly confess, according to the said holy Father's Belief, That the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost are properly and truly a consubstantial Trinity in Unity, and Unity in Trinity, etc. We receive also the holy and universal five Synods that have been held before our time by the blessed Christian Fathers our Ancestors, to wit, those 318 holy Bishops in the first Council of 
(a) Anno 315.  Nice, against Arius and his wicked Doctrine, and of the 150 other Bishops in the first Council of 
(b) Anno 380.  Constantinople against the Heresy of Macedonius, and of the 200 Godly Bishops of the Council of 
(c) Anno 428.  Ephesus against Nestorius and his Errors, and of the 230 Bishops in the Council of 
(d) Anno 457.  Chalcedon against Eutyches and his Doctrine, and of the other 165 Fathers gathered together in the second General Council of 
(e) Anno 532.  Constantinople against divers Heretics and Heresies, etc. We do receive all these Councils, and we do glorify our Lord Jesus Christ, as they glorified him, adding nothing, nor taking any thing away. We do anathematise and accurse also, both by heart and mouth, all those whom these Fathers did anathematise and accurse, and we do receive them whom they received, etc.  
25. Behold here the manner and form of Catholic Councils of old time; who laid down first the Gospel in the midst, and then after due examination of Scriptures, considered that Antiquity of Fathers and Councils had determined in God's Church before them, even from Christ and his Apostles downward; and therein insisted, agreeing all in one, and rejecting and accursing all new, contrary or different Doctrines and Doctors; and by his means, and by the assistance of the Holy Ghost promised by Christ unto his Church, hath she continued now for 1600 years one and the selfsame; whereas Sectaries lacking this Humility, Wisdom, and Subordination, but especially God's Grace, are divided and consumed among themselves.  
26. But I will pass no further in this point; this which I have said being sufficient to show that there were more Learned men in England in these times of our primitive Church, than fantastical Fox would have men believe; which is greatly confirmed by that which Malmsbury writeth, 
Fox p. 113.  (and Fox also confesseth the same) That a General Council being gathered, soon after this which we have mentioned, in Constantinople both of the East and West Church against the Monothelites, 
An. Dom. 682. The Council of Constantinople in Trullo.  (that denied two distinct Wills of Christ) our Archbishop Theodorus, with some other Learned men of our English Clergy, was called for by Pope Agatho to be one of his Legates in the said Council, where there were 331 Bishops gathered together by order of the said Agatho Bishop of Rome, against the Patriarches of Antioch, Alexandria, and Constantinople, (which thing showeth the great Power and Authority of the Bishop of Rome, even in Greece itself, at that day) the Emperor Constantine IV. being present himself.  

Plat. in vit. Agath. PP. Paul Diac. l. 1. hist. Malm. l. 1. de gest. Pont. Angl. p. 112.  27. And to this Council (as is said) was the foresaid Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury, with divers other Bishops, called by name by Pope Agatho, as we may see in his Letter to the said Council cited by Malmsbury in these words: Sperabamus de Britannia Theodorum, etc. We did hope to have had from Britanny Theodore my Brother and Fellow-Bishop and Archbishop of that great Island, and a Philosopher, together with others which hitherto do remain there, and then to have joined them to our Humility; and for this cause we have hitherto deferred the Council. Vides quanti eum fecerit (saith Malmsbury) ut ejus expectatione, Universal Concilium differret;" You see of what account this Archbishop was with Pope Agatho, that he would defer a General Council for his expectation. Thus writeth he; whereby every indifferent man will easily see that this time of our primitive English Church (which Fox by contempt so often calleth Ignorant and Monkish) was not devoid of rare Learned men; and so hath continued until our days, frustrà circumlatrantibus haereticis, 
Aug. l. de utilitate credendi, c. 17.  (to use St. Augustin's words) Heretics in vain barking on every side against it. With whom John Fox thought good to bear a barking part also; and not being able to find out any one hole or corner for his Church in those Ages, except only among the Heretics before named; he thought good at least to rail and spit at them as he passeth by, and so will he do more and more the lower he goeth, until at length he fall to plain Apostasy, and forsaking them openly will join with the known condemned Heretics and Enemies of this Church; which Church hitherto notwithstanding he will seem in some sort to follow, tho' lazily and dragging behind, and as it were weary of her Company, and looking about him, which way he may give the slip, and betake himself to his heels; as will better appear by that which ensueth.   

CHAP. V.  
The fourth station or division of Times from King Egbert unto William the Conqueror, containing the space of some 260 years; and how John Fox his Church passed in these days, and whether there were any Pope Joan, or no.  

The fourth station from an. Dom. 800, to 1066. Fox p. 121.  YOu have heard before how John Fox in his second Book, promising to handle but 300 years, touched in the Acts of 500 in less than a dozen Leaves, showing the small store of matter he had for his Church in those Ages. Now his next Book is entitled thus: The third Book, containing the next 300 years from the Reign of Egbert unto the time of William the Conqueror. So is his Title. And yet, if you count the years from the beginning of King Egbert his Reign, (Anno Domini 802, according to Stow, or 800, according to others) unto the entrance of the Conqueror, Anno 1066, you shall find but only 264 years; and from King Egbert his death but 234. So as Fox is in no one thing exact or punctual. And these 264 years may be counted the fourth station, or parcel of Time from Christ downward; which now we are briefly to examine and run over, as we have done the former Stations and Limitations appointed.  
2. First then, concerning the general Roman Church, it continued in these Ages, as in the former, by continual Succession of her Bishops and Governors, altering nothing in Belief and Doctrine from her Ancestors. And briefly to repeat the sum of all, there ruled in the See of Rome in these two Ages and an half, (as supreme, known, and acknowledged Pastors of this great visible Church) some sixty Popes, from Leo III. that crowned Charles the Great, (and thereby restored the Western Empire) unto the time of Alexander II. under whom Duke William of Normandy conquered England. And in the Western Empire there reigned some eighteen Emperors in this space, from Charles the Great to Henry IU. and in the Eastern Empire some twenty five, from Nicephorus I. to Constantine X. All which Popes, Emperors and Princes were of one Religion, Faith and Belief in those days. And albeit soon after the See of Constantinople, and Greek Church, by occasion of Emulation against the Roman Empire, did begin to withdraw their due Obedience from the Roman Church, and thereby fell by little and little into divers errors of Doctrine also, and finally were delivered over (as all the World seeth) into the Subjection and Servitude of the Turks; yet in these Ages there was Union and due Subordination between both Churches: 
The eighth General Council.  Which may appear by that one only General Council being held at Constantinople, (even against Phocius, that was Patriarch of the said City) being gathered by order of Pope Adrian II. and Basilius the Grecian Emperor concurring therein. This Council was of 300 Bishops, and confirmed by the said Pope Adrian, 
An. Dom. 870.  being the eighth General Council in order, and the fourth of those that were held in Constantinople. Whereby it cometh also to be noted, That all the General Councils held hitherto in the Christian Church (for the space of 900 years) being eight in number, as hath been said, from the first Council of Nice unto this, and from this to the first General Council of Lateran, holden in the year of Christ 1115, under Pope Innocentius III were all held in Greece, but yet by order of the Bishops of Rome, sending thither their Legates, and confirming the same afterwards by themselves, without which confirmation they were never held for Lawful in the Christian World; which is no small Argument of the Greatness and Authority of the Church of Rome from time to time.  
3. It shall not be needful to speak of the particular Heresies of these two or three Ages, which in effect were none of any name, but only two, 
The Heresies of these Ages.  the Iconoclasts, or Image-breakers, and the Berengarians, or Sacramentaries, both of them agreeing in their particular Heresies with the Calvinists of our Times, tho' in many other things different, as it is wont to be. The first of them was begun before these Times by Leo III. Emperor of Constantinople, surnamed Isaurus, about the year of Christ 750, as before hath been noted, and renewed again by Claudius Taurinensis. The second was begun 300 years after by Berengarius, about the year of Christ 1050, and abjured by him again, as hereafter shall be showed.  
The chief Doctors and Fathers that defended true Religion in these Ages were Turpinus, Eginhardus, Haymo, Rabanus, Frecolphus, Hincmarus, 
The Fathers and Doctors of these Times.  Jo. Diaconus, Remigius, Theophylactus, and others, in the ninth Age; and then in the other, Odo, Ado, Rhegino, Luitprandus, Rhatbodus, Abbo Floriacensis, and others; and the other half of the eleventh Age, Bruchardus, Petrus Damianus, Lanfrancus, and many others.  
4. And this was the state of the Universal Christian Church in these Ages; whereunto in all respects was conform the particular Church of England, as the Daughter to her Mother; which may be demonstrated partly by the continual Descent of Archbishops in England, which were to the number of Sixteen, 
The Archbishops of Canterbury in these Ages.  from Celnothus that lived with King Egbert, unto Stigand that possessed the See of Canterbury when William the Conqueror came in, tho' afterward he caused him to be deposed by a Commission from Rome, in the year of Christ 1070, as John Stow and others do note.  
5. I do pretermit the Succession of other Bishoprics in England for Brevity's sake; 
Kings of England in this Time.  the Kings also of England that possessed that Crown from Egbert to William the Conqueror were some Twenty in number, (if we count Canutus the Dane and his two Children among the rest.) All which Kings, of what Nation or State soever, agreed fully in Faith and Belief with the said Archbishops and Bishops of our Land, and They again with the whole Universal Roman Church, as appeareth by their Acts and Monuments, and John Fox also confesseth.  
6. Which being so, it is hard to say or imagine where John Fox in these Ages will pick out a different Christian Church (tho' it be never so poor and creeping) for Him and His, either in England or out of England, during this time. And much more hard it is to think how he can devise any visible Continuation of the said obscure and trodden-down Church (as he promised to do) even from the Apostles Time to our Age. 
Fox in protest. ad Eccl. Angl. pag. 10.  His only refuge must be (as before we have often noted) to run to the condemned Heretics of these times, if he find any for his purpose. Which yet he dareth not openly to do, as you have seen throughout all the former Ages: But afterward, when he cometh near home, to wit, after Pope Innocentius III. and John Wickliff, he taketh more heart, affirming Our Church to have utterly perished, and a new visible Offspring of his Church to have started up; to wit, all the Sectaries and Heretics cast out and condemned of our Church, as you shall see more particularly when we come to that place.  
7. For the present Ages that we are now in, he doth not so much as lay hands upon the Iconoclasts or Berengarians, nor doth seem to count them for his Brethren, tho' in the principal Points of their Heresies they agree with Him, as is notorious. And John Fox, to have some visible Members of his Church in these Ages, aught to have shaken hands with them; but the poor Fellow was ashamed to build his Church openly of so ancient Heretics; tho' afterward, when he beginneth to build indeed, and to gather Stones together, he calleth for the Berengarians again which now he casteth away, as after you shall see.  
8. But now perhaps you will ask me, If John Fox do set down no Succession in these Ages (as neither in the former of His Church or Ours,) what doth the simple Fellow in all this third Book of his? Whereto I answer first, That albeit he promiseth in the Title, 
What Fox handleth in these 300 years.  That this third Book shall contain the Acts and Monuments of 300 years, together with the whole race and course of the Church, etc. yet hath the whole Book but seventeen Leaves in all, which is little more than one Leaf to every twenty years' race and course of the whole Church. And surely, he that so courseth over an Ecclesiastical History, may be called rather a Courser indeed, than an Historiographer.  
9 Nay further, he is so envious to the famous Acts of our English Church in these days, (especially with Foreign Nations) as he either concealeth utterly the same, or maketh reproachful mention thereof. As for Example, when he speaketh of the most Famous and Renowned Saint of our English Nation, 
Martyrolog. Rom. 5. Junii. Willeb. in ejus vita. Vicelius in hagiolog. Epitome operum Bed an. 754.  St. Wenfride, (called afterward Bonifacius) and accounted by all Authors the Apostle of Germany, for that he began principally their Conversion, and was afterward most gloriously Martyred by the Pagans for preaching Christ's Gospel, with above Fifty Fellows, the most of them Englishmen. Of this man (I say) how speaketh Fox? You shall hear presently. But first shall you see the words of a Germane Writer in his praise: Primus omnium (saith he) qui Australes Germaniae parts, 
Adam's bremen's hist. Ecc. c. 4.  etc. The first of all that brought the Southern parts of Germany to the knowledge of Christian Religion from Idolatry, was Wenfride, an English- man by Nation, a true Philosopher of our Saviour, 
St. Boniface an Englishman an Apostle of Germany, an. 750.  and after for his Virtue called Boniface, and Archbishop of Moguntia. And albeit some Authors do name some others that preached in sundry places before him, yet this man (as another Paul the Apostle) did go before all in Labour of Preaching, etc.  
10. So writeth Adam Bremensis a Saxon, a Canon of the First and Head Church that was builded in Saxony after their Conversion by the preaching of Englishmen; for so he showeth in particular that Englishmen were their Converters, but especially four most famous Learned Preachers, and fervent Zealots in multiplying the Christian Faith, to wit, Willebrordus, Willebaldus, Willericus, and Willehadus; all which were renowned Apostolical Bishops in Germany. 
(a) St. Willebrord, an. 730. B. of Vtright. Bed. l. 3. hist. c. 27. & l. 5. c. 23. Tritem. de viris illust. l. 3. c. 137.  Willebrord was sent over out of England with eleven Companions towards the Conversion of Germany by the holy Abbot St. Egbert, as both St. Bede and other Authors after him do testify; and by Pope Sergius II. was made Bishop of Vltraiectum in Frisia, and was the Apostle of that Country, as also a principal Converter of the Kingdom of Denmark.  
11. 
(b) St. Willebaldus an. 760. B. of Ayste, Democrit. l. 2. de missa in cate-log. Episc. de Ayste. Marcell in vit. S. Suneberti, c. 6, & 14.  Willebaldus was Bishop of Ayste in Saxony, where he converted many thousands to Christian Faith, and was canonised with universal joy of all that Country by Pope Leo VII. in the year of Christ 1004, as Authors do recount.  
12 
(c) S. Willehad B. of Breme, an. 780.  St. Willehad and St. Willerike were both Bishops of Breme in Saxony: Post Passionem Sancti Bonifacii (saith our foresaid Germane Author) Willehadus 
(d) Adam bremen's, c. 9, 11, 12.  & ipse Angligena fervens amore Martyrii properavit in Frisiam, etc. After the Passion of St. Boniface, St. Willehad (an Englishman also) burning with the love of Martyrdom, made haste also to come into Frisia, where the other was Martyred, etc. And then showeth he how this blessed man, after the Conversion of many Thousands, was sent by the Emperor Charles the Great to preach to the Northern Parts of Saxony; which he did with great fervour, till Windekind, a Pagan Tyrant of that Country, moving War against Charles, drove him out: upon which occasion he retired himself to a contemplative Life for two years together in France, until after he was called out again by the said Charles to be Bishop of Breme, in which Charge he both lived and died most holily.  
13. And next to him succeeded one of his Disciples, Willericus, 

St. Willericus B. of Breme. an. 790.  
Brem. in hist. c. 12.  
Erpold. Lindenb. in hist. Archiep. Brem. in Willericum.   and led an Apostolical Life in the same Charge for the space of 50 years together, as Adam Bremensis, Erpoldus Lindenbrughensis and others do testify.  
These men's Acts then, and other suchlike, had been fit matter for John Fox to have handled in his Ecclesiastical History of these Ages; especially if he could have showed that any one of these that wrought so infinite Miracles, both alive and dead, (as the former Authors do testify) had been of his Religion. But Fox doth pass over all with silence, (I mean both Them and their Actions,) but only that he taketh occasion to speak contemptuously of the first, and Father of the rest, St. Boniface: For having spoken of the latter Synod of those two which we mentioned in the former Chapter to have been held in England by Theodorus and S. Cuthbert Archbishops of Canterbury, he writeth thus: Cuthbert the Archbishop of Canterbury sent the Copy of the Synod to Boniface, 
Fox p. 115.  otherwise named Winfride, an English man, then Archbishop of Mentz, and after made a Martyr, as the Popish Stories term him.  
14. Behold John Fox scarce counteth him a Martyr, tho' he were put to death by Pagans for preaching Christian Faith. And a little after, meaning to put down a certain Godly Epistle of the said Boniface, or Wenfride, written to Ethelbald King of the Mercians, reprehending him for his licentious Life, Fox writeth thus: I thought this Epistle not unworthy here to be inserted, 
Ib. col. 2. n. 78.  not so much for the Author's sake, as for that some good matter peradventure may be picked thereout for other Princes to behold and consider, etc.  

Fox goeth about to discredit S. Boniface.  15. Here now you see the Estimation and Affection of John Fox to Boniface, of whom the Christian World of those Times both thought and spoke so reverendly for so many Ages. But let us hear what John Bale will say; for he being an Apostata, 
Bal. cent. 1. script. Brit. fol. 54.  will be more contumelious, I trow: Winifridus Bonifacius (saith he) claro Anglorum sanguine Londini natus, etc. Winifrid (called also Boniface) was born at London of Noble English Blood, and afterward went to Rome, where Pope Gregory II. having tried the Man's Faith, and seen his Magnificence of Mind, or rather his shameless Pride, thought him a Fellow fit for his Affairs, and so sent him with full Authority into Germany, to a wild People (as then they were called) to force them to his Faith. 
The wicked Speech of Jo. Bale against St. Boniface.  Neither hath there been any man since the Birth of Christ that hath more properly expressed the second Beast in the Apocalypse with two Horns, than he; for that the Pope being the great Antichrist, he was the second, etc. He did sign with the Pope's Character a hundred thousand men in Bavaria only, adjoining them to the Kingdom of Antichrist, rather by Fear than by pious Doctrine, etc. He built the Monastery of Fulda, where no Woman might enter, etc.  
16. Still you see one quarrel of John Bale against Monks is for shutting out Women from their Monasteries; which as it was holily instituted and observed by ancient Monks, so if it had been well kept in his Monastery of Norwich, it may be he had continued a Monk, as he began, and never come acquainted with Dorothy, that drew him out from thence, as himself 
* Bal. cent. 5. fol. 245.  confesseth. But is there any wicked tongue in the world that can speak more impiously than this Fellow doth of so rare an Apostolic Man, and of his Actions; yea, of the Conversion of Infidels to Christian Faith, and their holy Baptism, calling it, signing them with the Character of the Beast? Who but a Beast indeed, or a man of a beastly mind, would speak so? If I should allege the Testimonies of all ancient Authors since his time in praise and admiration of so zealous and holy a Martyr, I should oppress both Fox and Bale with their very Names and Authority.  
17. But to return to Fox again. You have heard what he omitteth of the Church of England, which he might well have discoursed of in handling these Times. Seeing he passeth over our particular Church so slightly, you will demand, perchance, what he writeth or setteth down of the Universal Roman Church. Truly in effect he handleth nothing of moment nor coherence; tho', to bring in a certain impertinent Tale whereof he desireth to speak, to wit, 
About the Fable of Pope Joan.  of Pope Joan, he setteth us down a short Rank of some few Popes, but namely of Pope Leo IV. unto whom he adjoineth Pope John VIII. and after him Benedict III. and then Pope Nicholas I. And this Pope John VIII. (which entered between Leo and Benedict) he will needs have to have been a Woman, whom he calleth Pope Joan: And albeit John Fox's words be as foolish and blasphemous as they are wont in such cases, yet will I recite them here, to the end you may see what truth pr probability this so much blazed and canvased Heretical Fiction hath in it.  

Fox 〈◊〉. Fox's feigned Fable of Pope Joan blasphemously related.  18. And here next (saith he) followeth now and cometh in the Whore of Babylon rightly in her true colours, by the permission of God, and manifestly without all tergiversation to appear to the World; and that not only after the spiritual sense, but after the letter, and the right form of an Whore indeed: For after this Leo above mentioned, the Cardinals proceeding to their ordinary Election, after a solemn Mass of the Holy Ghost, to the perpetual shame of them, and of that See, instead of a Man Pope elected a Whore indeed, called by the Name of John VIII. who sat two years and six months, etc. The Woman's proper Name was Gilberta, etc.  
19 Behold John Fox describeth so particularly this Woman and her Election, as if he had been present, and seen all pass. But suppose all this were true which he hath written, (as we shall prove it presently to be altogether false:) Suppose, I say, that by Error such a Woman had been chosen; what had ensued of that? or what had this prejudiced the Church of Christ? St. Augustin asketh the very same Question in a like case, when having recited up the Popes of Rome from Christ to his days, (to wit, from St. Peter to Pope Anastasius) he maketh this demand; What if any Judas or Traitor had entered among these, or been chosen by Error of men? 
Aug. ep. 165. ad literas cujusdam Donatistae.  Si quisquam Traditor (saith he) per illa tempora subrepsisset? If any Traitor in those days had crept in, what had ensued thereof? And then he maketh the Answer presently, Nihil praejudicaret Ecclesiae, & innocentibus Christianis. And the very like do I answer in this case: For I would ask John Fox, If, immediately after the Apostles time, (whiles yet he confesseth the Church of Rome to have been in good state, and the true Church of Christ) any Woman, or Hermaphroditus, 
If Pope Joan had been, she had not prejudiced the Church.  or any that had not been baptised, or if a Layman, and not Priest, (and consequently not capable of that Place and Dignity) had by Error of men crept into the Office of chief Bishop, (which as it may happen by human frailty, so yet we assure ourselves that the Providence of God will never permit it in so high and supreme a Dignity of his Church;) but if it should have happened out, had this prejudiced that Apostolic Church, or made it the Whore of Babylon, as Fox inferreth of his latter Church? Truly I think he dareth not say so; for that it is evident it were a plain cavil: the only inconvenience of that case being (if it should fall out) that the Church should lack a true Head for the time, as she doth when any Pope dieth until another be chosen. And whatsoever inconvenience can be imagined in this case, is more against the Protestants than Us; for that their Church admitteth for lawful and supreme Head thereof either Man or Woman, which our Church doth not. Here then is seen John Fox's Folly in urging this point.  
20. Again, I would ask the simple Fellow, that repeateth so often the word Whore in this place, as tho' he were delighted therewith, Whether that word used by St. John in the Apocalypse, (to wit, Meretrix Babylon) were meant of a particular person, as he applieth it, or rather of a City or Multitude? If he will answer any thing at all, he must needs grant the second; for that the Vision describeth plainly the City of Rome, situated upon seven Hills, that slew the Martyrs of Christ, and infected the whole World with the variety and confusion of her Idolatries; 
The Whore of Babylon was the persecuting City 〈◊〉 Rome 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Emp 〈…〉  which Sentences being not applicable to the Church or Congregation of Christians in those days, (that was holy, as Fox will confess) but rather to the State and present condition of Rome under those Pagan persecuting Emperors, that afflicted Christians, and forced men to Idolatry, (which State was prophesied that it should fall, and be overthrown soon after by Christ's Power, as we have seen it fulfilled:) All this, I say, being put together and considered, it is a most ridiculous thing to apply this Prophecy of the Whore of Babylon (as Fox doth) to any particular Pope, John, Joan, or Jill, if any such had been.  
21. But the very truth is, that this whole Story of Pope Joan is a mere Fable, and so known to the more learned sort of Protestants themselves, but that they will not leave off to delude the World with it, for lack of other matter. If you ask me, How it began, and hath continued in men's mouths so long? I answer, Either upon simplicity, or malice, or both. 
The beginning of the Fable of Pope Joan.  Upon simplicity it seemeth it was begun by the first Author and Relator thereof, Martinus Polonus, that lived about 300 years agone, and above 400 after the thing is said to have fallen out; 
Mart. Polon. in vit. Imperat. & Pontif. Papa 109. an Christi 855.  who was a very simple man, as appear by many other fabulous Relations which he maketh: And yet doth not he aver it, but only with this limitation, (ut asseritur) as it is said; whereby he showeth to have received it only by vulgar Rumour, without any certain Author or Ground. And we shall afterward show the occasion of the foresaid false Rumour.  
22. But the matter being once on foot, it was carried on, partly by curiosity of latter Writers, that took it out of Polonus, as Platina, and 
* See a large refutation of this Fable by Onuphrius in his addition to Platina.  others relating it with the same restriction, (ut aiunt, as men say,) and partly by malice and emulation of them that favoured the Germane Empire against the Pope, and were glad to have such a matter of some Dishonour to object against the See of Rome; which humour our latter Sectaries also have thought best to continue.  
23. But if we go to more ancient Writers, such (I mean) as lived in the very time or soon after the matter is pretended to have fallen out; that is to say, with Leo IV. that held the See eight years, six months, and three days, from the year of Christ 847, to 855; and with Pope Benedictus III. that immediately followed him after some few days of vacancy, to wit, from the year 855, to 858. These Authors, I say, do show evidently, that these two Popes, being both Romans, succeeded immediately one after another, without any John or Joan coming in between them. As for Example, Anastasius Bibliothecarius, a man of great Reputation, that lived in both these Pope's times, and was present at both their Elections, and wrote the particulars thereof, showeth amongst other points, 
Anastas. in vit, Leon. 4.  That Leo IV. died the 16th day before the Calends of August, and that all the Clergy of Rome being gathered together (he doth not say the Cardinals, as foolish John Fox doth, for that that kind of Election was not then in use) with one consent did choose Benedict III. etc.  

Ancient Authors that do exclude Pope Joan.  24. Thus writeth Anastasius; and with him do agree the Historiographers that followed next after him, as Audomarus, Luitprandus, Rhegino, Hermanus Contractus, Lambertus Schafnabergensis, Otho Frisengensis, Conradus, Abbas Vrspergensis, and others long before Martinus Polonus; who in their Chronologies do place Benedictus III. immediately after Leo IV. without admitting any other Man or Woman between them. And the very same also doth write Ado Bishop of Vienna, 
Ado in chron. an. Dom. 855.  that lived at the same time; Leone obeunte, Benedictus in sede Apostolica constituitur; Leo IU. being dead, Benedict was placed for him in the Apostolical See. And as for Joannes VIII. they do place him four Popes after Leo IV. to wit, next to Adrianus II. and say he was a Roman, and reigned ten years distinctly. So as if they should miss in this count of Popes and Years, the Error must needs be manifest in Chronology. Yea, not only Latin Writers, but even the Greek Historiographers Zonaras, Cedrenus, Curopalatas, and others, that wrote before Martinus Polonus of matters concerning the Latin Church in those days, and were no Friends to the same, and would have been content of such an Advantage to object against it, yet write they nothing thereof at all; which is an evident proof that there was no such matter.  

An Argument out of English Historiographers for overthrowing the Fable of Pope Joan.  25. But besides these Authorities of external Authors, I have one Argument also of no small moment (as it seemeth to me) taken from our ancient English Histories written in the Latin Tongue; to wit, William of Malmsbury, Henry Huntingdon, Roger Hoveden, Florentius Vigorniensis, and Matthew of Westminster; whereof the first four lived 500 years agone, and are elder than Polonus, and the latest of them 300 years, and was equal with him; and no one of them all maketh any mention of this Pope Joan; which yet in reason they should have done above others, for that they do all agree that in the time of Pope Leo IV. towards the end of his Reign, about the year of Christ 853, King Ethelwolph before mentioned, Son to King Egbert, (having put his Kingdom of England in the best order he could, and left the Government thereof for his absence to his eldest Son Aethelbald, assisted with the helps of his second and third Brothers, Athelbricke and Athelred) took his journey for Rome, 
The going of K. Ethelwolf and Prince Alfred to Rome.  leading with him his fourth Son Alured or Alfred, (who afterward also was King) which he loved most tenderly above the rest of his Children. And coming to Rome, he delivered the same Alfred (being yet of very young Age, according to the account of Matthew Westminster) into the hands of the said Pope Leo IV. to be instructed and brought up by him, (as John Fox also relateth;) and that the said Pope received him with great kindness, and was his Godfather in the Sacrament of Confirmation, detaining him there with him. But how long this Prince stayed in Rome after his Father's return, tho' it be not set down in particular, yet that it was some number of years seemeth evident, both for that he returned more Learned, and otherwise better qualified, than any Saxon King had been before him, and for that we find no mention of his Acts in England until in the Reign of his third Brother Athelred, (for all three reigned in order after Ethelwolf their Father) upon the year 871, 
Stow an. 871. Mat. West. 849. Floren. in chron. eodem an.  at the famous Battle of Reading in Berkshire, fought against the Danes, where he being present, and Lieutenant to his Brother the King, tho' he were but Twenty-two years old, (according to the account of Florentius and of Matthew Westminster,) yet seeing the Enemy's Army to press upon him, and his Brother to stay over long at Mass, he gave them Battle in a very unequal place, but with such Valour, as he obtained a notable Victory, etc. But to our purpose of Pope Joan.  
26. It is very like, by that which I have said, that this Prince Alfred living in Rome when Pope Leo IV. died, and when Pope Benedict III was chosen, 

Why English Writers should have written of Pope Joan more than others, if any such had ever been.  
Mart. Polon. l. 4. de Pont. an. 855.  
Plat. in Joan. 8.   must needs have known also Pope Joan, if any such had entered & lived two years & a half between them, as Fox would have it: And further, that some of our ancient Historiographers, writing of those Times so particularly as they do, would have made some mention thereof; especially if this She-Pope were an Englishwoman, or called Joannes Anglus, (as Polonus saith, or Anglicus, as Platina relateth; or if she were born, brought up, or had studied in England, as the Magdeburgians and others of their Sect devise; or if she went up and down the World in the company of an English Monk of the Monastery of Fulda, as John Fox doth fable:) It is like, I say, that if any of these things had been true, Prince Alfred, or some of his Train residing then in Rome, would have known her, or been acquainted with her, or with the Monk that led her about, or at leastwise have received some special help at her hand when she came to be Pope, which would have deserved some memory in our Histories. But our foresaid Writers do not only not make any mention of her, or of any John or Joan English Pope that came between Leo IU. and Benedict III. but do expressly exclude the same, by placing the one immediately after the other, and assigning them their distinct number of years before mentioned, to wit, eight years and three months to Leo, and two years and six months immediately following to Benedictus III. For so doth 
(a) Malm. in fact. Reg. & Episc. Ang. an. 847, & 855.  Malmsbury in his Chronology, and 
(b) Flor. Vigorn. in chron. an. 853, & 858.  Florentius in his Chronicon, and 
(c) Mat. West. in chron.  Matthew of Westminster in his History, whose words are these: Anno Gratiae 855, Leone Papa defuncto, successit ei Benedictus annis duobus, mensibus sex, & diebus decem; In the year of Grace 855, Pope Leo IV. being dead, Benedict III did succeed him, and sat two years, six months, and ten days, etc. Which agreeth with all the other ancient extern Authors before mentioned. So as here is neither place nor time left for Joannes Anglicus to have come between them.  
27. And all these Authors did write (as hath been noted) either before or with Martinus Polonus, who is taken to have been the first Relator of this Fable. And tho' in some printed Copies of the Chronicles of Marianus Scotus and Sigebertus (somewhat elder than Martinus Polonus) there be mention in a word or two of this Tale, with this ground, (ut ferunt) as men say, yet in more ancient Manuscript Originals, found in 
* There is extant the Original of Sigebertus in Monast. je mlacensi in Flanders, and of the corruption of Marianus Scotus in this behalf, read him that setteth forth Metrop. Alberti Cranzii, anno 1574.  Flanders and other places, no such thing is seen, but rather to the contrary, with divers evident signs and conjectures, that those few words now found in the printed Copies were added by others afterward in Germany, where the Work lay for many years, during the Contention of the Germane Emperors against the See of Rome.  
28. But besides all this, there ensueth another Argument more evident (in my Opinion) than any of the rest hitherto alleged, for overthrowing of this Fable; which is, That about 170 years after this devised Election of Pope Joan, (to wit, upon the year of Christ 1020) the Church and Patriarches of Constantinople being in some Contention with Rome, Pope Leo IX. wrote a long Letter to Michael Patriarch of Constantinople, reprehending certain abuses of that Church, 
A most evident Argument against the Fable of Pope Joan.  and among other that they were said to have promoted Eunuches to Priesthood, and thereby also a greater inconvenience fallen out, which was, that a Woman had crept in to be Patriarch; which yet he saith that for the horror of the Fact he would not believe. Absit (saith he) ut velimus credere quod publica fama non dubitat asserere, 
Epist. Leon. 9 cap. 5. & 23.  etc. God forbid we should believe that which public Fame doubteth not to affirm, which is, that the Church of Constantinople, by promoting Eunuches to Priesthood (against the Canon of the Council of Nice) promoted once a Woman to the Bishops See, which is so abominable a thing, as the horror thereof doth not permit us to believe it, etc.  
29. Thus wrote he; which no doubt he would never have dared to do, if the Patriarch of Constantinople might have returned the matter back upon him again, and said, This was but a slanderous report falsely raised against the Church of Constantinople; but that a Woman indeed had been promoted in the Roman Church. How could Pope Leo have answered this Reply? Wherefore most certain it seemeth that at this time there was not so much as any rumour or mention of any Woman Pope that ever had been in the Roman Church, this being 250 years before Martinus Polonus wrote; 
A probable conjecture of the first Origin of this Fable of Pope Joan.  for which cause also it is thought very probably that this rumour of the Church of Constantinople might be the occasion of the Tale raised after against Rome, for that Martinus Polonus being a very simple Man, and living so long after, (as hath been said) and hearing an uncertain fame of a Woman promoted to Chief Priesthood, might ascribe that to Rome, which belonged to Constantinople; which being once written by him, passed to others after him, and so came to our Heretics.  
30. Finally, howsoever this be of the first occasion or invention of the Fable, certain it is that most evidently it is a Fable; and that, if other Arguments failed, yet there be so many Incongruities, Simplicities, Absurdities, Varieties, and Contrarieties in the very Narration itself, as it discovers the whole matter to be a mere Fable and Fiction indeed, and a rumour of vulgar people, without ground. 
Mart. Pol. in vit. Imp. & Pont. an. 855.  For Martinus Polonus beginneth his Narration thus: Post Leonem sedit Joannes Anglus Natione Margantinus; After Leo III sat John English, by Nation a Margantine; but where this Country of Margantia is, no man can tell. And it followeth, Quae alibi legitur fuisse Benedictus III. which other where is read to be Benedictus III. So as this man seemeth to confound him with Benedict, and consequently ascribeth to him the same time of his Reign that is assigned to Benedictus; (to wit, two years and five months;) and yet presently after he saith, That Benedictus was a Roman, Son to Pratolus, etc.  

Plat. in vit. Joan. 8.  31. Platina, that took it out of this Man, to make the Tale somewhat more probable, beginneth thus; Joannes Anglicus ex Maguntiaco oriundus, etc. John of England born at Maguntiacum, etc. Then how could he be John or Joan of England, if he were born at Maguntiacum? and where is this Maguntiacum? and how doth it agree with Margantinus used by Polonus? But then come in the 
* Cent. 9 c. 20.  Magdeburgians, and say contrary, that he was Moguntinus, oriundus ex Anglia; of 
* Mentz.  Moguntia in Germany, born in England: And contrary to this, Bibliander (another Germane Sectary) contradicteth that again, saying in his Chronicles, That he was not born in England, 
Bibliand. in tabulis Chronic.  but brought up and studied there. And so you see their contradiction about the place both of Birth and Country.  
32. But besides this, there are infinite other disagreements and inconveniences in this Story; for that some do feign him to be Joannes VIII. some IX. John Fox saith, That she was called Gilberta before, 
Fox p. 124.  and that she went with an English Monk out of the Abbey of Fulda in Germany to Athens, and there studied in Man's Apparel: whereas it is known that 
* This is evident by Cedrenus & Zonaras in vit. Michael. & Theod. Imp. an. Christi 856.  Athens at that time had no School in it all, nor in any many years before. If she were bred also or brought up in England, or went in an English Monk's Company, (as Fox saith,) and if she were an English Priest's Daughter, (as the Magdeburgians devise;) it is like that Prince Alfred, or some of his Train, residing then in Rome (as before hath been said) would have heard or known of the matter.  
33. But John Fox goeth further, and telleth us out of his fingers ends, 
Fox ibid.  That the Cardinals (forsooth) met solemnly after the death of Leo IV. said their Mass of the Holy Ghost, and so proceeded to their ordinary Election, and brought forth Gilberta, etc. But this is all scoffing Foolery, for that Cardinals had not the Election of Popes at that time: 
Ancient circumspection in choosing Popes.  And he that will read the foresaid Anastasius Bibliothecarius (that was present at the Election of Pope Benedictus, and describeth the particulars thereof) shall see another manner of Election in use at that day by the whole Clergy. Moreover he shall see that the Custom was not to choose at that time any but such as were known and tried men, and such as had lived for the most part of their Life in Rome itself, and had given great satisfaction in their Manners, and behaved themselves well in other inferior Ecclesiastical Charges laid upon them.  
34. All which being so, let any man of reason tell me, how it is possible to imagine that men of those times were so fond and absurd, as to choose to so high a Dignity among them an unknown Man or Woman, whose Parents and Country were not known, nor proof had of their Conversation, and much more that they would choose such a person as this is reported to be, having wandered the World up and down with a Monk, as Fox affirmeth? How could all this lie hidden? Was there none that either by Countenance, Voice, or other Actions of hers, could suspect this Fraud? How happened her own Lovers had not discovered her, or her Incontinent Life? How could she pass through Priesthood and other Ecclesiastical Orders? How by so many under Offices and Degrees, as they must before they come to be Popes, without descrying?  
35. And finally (not to stand upon more Improbabilities) either this Pope Joan was young, or old, when she was chosen. If she were young, that was against the Custom, to choose young Popes, as may appear by the great number of Popes that lived in that Dignity above the number of Emperors, that succeeded often in their Youth; besides, it is a most unlikely thing that the whole Roman Clergy would choose a Pope without a Beard, especially a Stranger. But if she were old when she was chosen, then how did she bear a Child publicly in Procession, as our Heretics affirm? How did they not discern her to be a Woman or an Eunuch, seeing she had no Beard in her Old Age.  
36. Again, how could she be nine months with Child in that place, without being discovered or suspected by some? How dared she go forth in public Procession, when she knew herself to be so near her time? How is she said to have gone from the Palace of St. Peter to St. John Lateran, whereas the Popes lay not then in the Vatican at St. Peter's, but at St. John Lateran itself? Finally, there are so many fond Improbabilities and moral Impossibilities in this Tale, (especially being joined with the grave Testimonies of so many ancient Authors and Historiographers as before we have recited to the contrary) as no man of any mean judgement, discretion, or common sense, will give credit thereto, but will easily see the vanity of so ridiculous a Fiction: Wherefore this shall suffice for the Confutation of this Heretical Fable, tho' (as before hath been showed) if it were or had been true, yet no prejudice could come to Us thereby, that hold, No Woman, good or bad, can be Head of our Church.   

CHAP. VI  
The Narration of English Ecclesiastical Affairs during this fourth station or distinction of Time is continued, and the Absurdities of John Fox are discovered.  
WHerefore now we shall return to follow the Thread of John Fox's Story again. And whereas you asked me before, What indeed the poor Fellow performeth in this his Third Book? I now will answer, as than I began to say, 

Why Fox falleth out with the ancient Christian English Kings & Queens.  
See Fox from p. 130, 131, etc.   That in very deed he merely trifleth out the time, handling noting of that he should have done of the orderly Descent, Race, or Course of the Church, but telling us impertinent and trivial matters, and for the most part not Ecclesiastical, but Temporal, to be found in every Chronicler; to wit, certain scraps of the Lives of our English Kings, from King Egbert, Ethelwolf, Ethelbald, Ethelred, Alured, and the rest, unto King Edward the Confessor, and so to William the Conqueror, censuring every Prince (when he speaketh of spiritual matters) for their belief, actions, and doings in Religion. As for Example, 
Fox p. 120.  reprehending them for that they builded so many Monasteries, and much more for that so many of them and their Children entered to be Monks and Nuns; that they gave so much Lands, Livings and Privileges to Abbeys and Churches; and for that they went on Pilgrimages, offered Alms for their Sins, ordained Masses to be said for them when they were dead; that they believed so easily Miracles, went to Shrift, humbled themselves to Priests, and other suchlike Religious Actions, which do greatly displease Fox.  
2. And to show you some few Examples, he beginneth first with Ethelwolf Son to King Egbert, misliking a certain Donation of Lands which he gave to the Church in his time for Alms, to pacify (as he saith) God's wrath, thereby the sooner, for diverting the cruel Persecution and Inundation of the Danes, 
The Donation of King Ethelwolf, an. 844. Fox p. 120. Malm. l. 2. the gest. Angl. Reg.  which had begun in his Father King Egbert's time, and endured still to the utter Desolation of the Land. His words are these: Post multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum usque ad internecionem, Ego Ethelwolfus Rex, etc. After many Tribulations afflicting us even to death, I king Ethelwolf, together with the Council of my Bishops and Princes, have taken this wholesome and agreeable resolution, to give some Portion of the Land of my Inheritance unto God and the B. Virgin Mary, and to all the rest of his Saints, to be possessed by them for ever, etc. to the end that they may pour out Prayers for us to God so much the more diligently, etc.  
3. Thus far John Fox; tho' William of Malmsbury doth relate the same far differently, and much more largely, telling what Bishops were present at the making of this Chart; to wit, Alstane Bishop of Shirbourn, (afterward translated to Salisbury) and Swithin Bishop of Winchester, and what Psalms and Masses were appointed by the said Bishops for the King in respect of these Alms and the like. All which do greatly displease John Fox, but help him nothing at all, but disgraceth rather his new Church, this happening in the year of Christ 844.  
4. The like Donation doth Fox recite out of William of Malmsbury made by Ethelbald King of the Mercians some years before, (to wit, 

Fox ibid.  
The Donation of K. Ethelbald. Malm. l. 1. de gest. Reg. Angl.   about the year of Christ 740,) where he saith, Ego Ethelbaldus, Merciorum Rex, pro amore Coelestis Patriae, etc. I Ethelbald King of the Mercians, for the love I have to my Heavenly Country, and for the health of my Soul, have thought good to study how by good works I may free the same from the chains of sin: Wherefore seeing Almighty God, for his Mercy and Clemency, without any precedent Merit of mine, hath given me my Crown of this Government; I do willingly, out of that which he hath given me, restore to him again by way of Alms that which followeth, etc.  
5. Thus far that good King; which greatly also misliketh John Fox. And he saith in particular, that two things do much offend him in these Donations to Churches and Monasteries: The first, 
Fox. p 120.  That they should erect these Monasteries of Monks & Nuns (saith he) to live solely and singly by themselves out of the holy state of Matrimony. And secondly, That unto this their Zeal and Devotion was not joined the knowledge of Christ's Gospel, especially in the Article of our free Justification by the Faith of Jesus Christ.  
6. Lo here what two quarrels our Fox hath picked out against these ancient Christians! The first, That so many did profess the holy State of Virginity and Continency. The other, That by doing so many good works they lacked the knowledge of the Protestants Gospel, which justifieth by Faith only, without good works. But they might answer, with St. James, 
Jam. 2.  Thou hast Faith, and I have Works: show me thy Faith without Works, and I will show thee my Faith by Works. And that these good works did proceed of Faith, contrary to the Cavil of John Fox, is evident by those pious words of the King, where he saith, Seeing Almighty God of his Mercy and Clemency, without any precedent Merit of mine, hath given me my Crown, I do willingly restore to him again, etc.  
7. But Fox goeth forward in jesting at the said King Ethelwolf, saying, 
Fox p. 123.  That he that had been once nuzzled up (in his Youth) among Priests, he was always good and devout to holy Church, etc.  
And then passeth he on to show, How after he had established matters in his own Kingdom, he went to Rome, and carried with him his little Son Alured, or Alfred, committing him to the bringing up of Pope Leo IV. as before hath been said; where also he re-edified the English School, founded by King Offa, and destroyed by Fire a little before under King Egbert. Moreover he gave (saith Fox) yearly to be paid in Rome 300 Marks to be distributed in this manner; 
The Alms and pious deeds of K. Ethelwolf.  100 Marks to maintain the Lights of St. Peter 's Church, and another hundred Marks to maintain the Lights of St. Paul 's Church, and the third hundred to be disposed in good works at the Pope's appointment. At all which Fox jesteth also merrily, building his Church by these Mocks and Mews.  
8. And to like effect he reciteth a Miracle registered by William Malmsbury, 
Fox p. 133.  and by the Charter of King Ethelstone, Son and Heir to King Edward the elder; which King having escaped a great Danger at Winchester, where one of his Subjects, named Duke Alfred, and other of his Nobles, conspiring together presently after his Father's Death, would have put out his eyes: But he escaping that Danger, took the said Alfred Prisoner, and for that he denied that he had any such intention, the good King thought there was no better Trial, than to send him to Rome to Pope John XI. to be tried by a solemn religious Oath before him. 
A Miracle in Rome upon an English Duke. an. 933.  The Pope made him swear before St. Peter's Altar, who forswearing the said Conspiracy, fell down presently before the said Altar in the sight of all the People, and was carried thence in the arms of his Servants to the aforesaid School or Englishmen, where he died the third night after; wherewith the Pope and all Rome remained astonished, and the Pope sent presently into England, to know of the King whether he would pardon him, and suffer his Body to be buried in Christian Sepulchre; which King Ethelston, after consultation had with the rest of his Nobility, and by the earnest intercession of Duke Alfred's Friends, was content that he should be so buried; but yet by Sentence of the whole Realm the Possessions of the said Alfred were adjudged to the King's use, who bestowed them all upon Churches and Monasteries, to the Honour of God and St. Peter, which had given this Judgement in the Controversy.  
9 All this is testified by the said King's Charter recorded by Will. of Malmsb. and recited by Fox; 
Malm. l. 2. de gest. Reg. Angl. fol. 28.  and the said Charter towards the end hath these words: Et sic judicata est mihi tot a possessio ejus in magnis & modicis, quam Deo & Sancto Petro dedi, nec justius novi quam Deo & Sancto Petro hanc possessionem dare, qui emulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt, & mihi prosperitatem Regni largiti sunt; And by this means the whole Possession both great and small (of Duke Alfred) was adjudged unto me, which I gave unto God and to St. Peter; nor do I know to whom I should more justly give the same, than to God and to St. Peter, who made my Adversary to fall down in the sight of all men, and gave unto me the Prosperity of my Kingdom. Thus wrote he about the year of Christ 933, as John Fox counteth; and I marvel he would relate this Story, being so much against himself and his Religion, and in confirmation of ours, 
Miracles wrought in Rome in confirmation of Catholic Religion, an. 933.  as it is; for that it showeth that God and St. Peter in those days wrought Miracles in Rome, when Fox saith that the Faith and Religion of Rome was far out of order from the true Gospel: But this is the misery and calamity of this poor Fellow and his Cause (as often before I have noted) that either he must write nothing at all of these Times and Ages, or else he must write Testimonies against himself.  

Fox p. 126.  10. I will give you one short Example more, where he allegeth us a Narration of a very old Writer, which he saith he had in Manuscript lent him by one named William Car, and thereupon he citeth it still by the name of Historia Cariana; 
Ex vetusto exemplari hist. Carianae.  this Story being written (as it seemeth) in those Ages, and of the Miseries that happened to England by the Incursions of Danes and other Infidels, seeketh out the causes of God's wrath in this behalf, saying thus: In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiva, Religio clarissimè splenduit, etc. In the primitive Church of England Religion did most clearly shine, insomuch that Kings, Queens, Princes, Dukes, Consuls, Barons, and Rulers of Churches, incensed with the desire of the Kingdom of Heaven, laboured and stirred (as it were) amongst themselves to enter into Monastical Life, and into voluntary Exile and Solitariness, forsaking all to follow their Lord; where in process of time all Virtue so much decayed among them, that in Fraud and Treachery none seemed like unto them; neither was to them any thing odious or hateful, but Piety and Justice; nor any thing in price and honour, but Civil War and shedding Blood: Wherefore Almighty God sent upon them Pagan And Cruel Nations like swarms of Bees.  

Fox relateth matters against himself.  11. This relateth Fox out of his Carian Story; and I know not to what end he should relate it, but only to show that while Englishmen lived Godly according to the fashion of their primitive Church, they esteemed and honoured highly Religious and Monastical Life, and many leaving the World, with the Pleasures and Possessions thereof, entered into that Religious Course, endeavouring to follow and imitate their Lord and Master therein, and that so long was England happy and blessed by God: To which effect if John Fox do allege the same, then is it evident what a good Conclusion he doth make against himself & his Religion at this day, that are such professed Enemies to that kind of life so highly here commended, and consequently the Relator thereof doth show himself to be as well John Fool as John Fox, not considering what maketh for him or against him.  
12. But to the end that we should not think that he hath made Peace or Friendship with Monks for all this, or that he liketh their Life or Profession any thing the better for so many praises given them by ancient Authors, he scoldeth at them every where and upon every occasion, writing over the Pages and Titles of his Book these Superscriptions: Monks, Superstitious Monks, Monks married, Monk's mere Laymen in old times, and the like. And if I should number up the manifest Lies which the miserable and poor spiteful Fellow inventeth for some show of proof, you would take pity of Him, and not of the Monks. You shall hear one short Discourse of his about them, and thereby you may judge of the rest.  
13. Monks (saith he) were nothing else in old time, 
Fox p. 138. A lying Discourse of Fox about Monks.  but Laymen leading a more stricter Trade of Life, as may sufficiently appear by Augustin, lib. de moribus Ecclesiae, cap. 3. Item lib. de oper. Monachorum. Item Ep. ad Aurelium. Also by Hieron. ad Heliodorum, writing these words, Alia Monachorum est causa, alia Clericorum: Clerici pascunt Oves, ego pascor. One thing pertaineth to Monks, another thing to them of the Clergy: They of the Clergy feed the Flock, I am fed, etc. By all which is evident, that Monks were no other in former Ages of the Church, but only Laymen, differing from Priests, etc.  
14. Thus writeth Fox; which alone were sufficient to show his peevish Fraud and Folly in all his Writings. For albeit St. Augustin, in the places by him quoted, had written any such thing as he affirmeth, (which is quite false, and so shall the Reader find that will examine the places, 
Whether Monks were mere Laymen in old time, or no? ) yet the very words of St. Hierom by Fox himself adjoined do clearly interpret both his own and St. Augustin's meaning, and convince Fox for a mere malevolent Caviller; for that St. Hierom doth not deny that Monks are Clergymen or Priests, for than he should deny himself to have been a Priest, or of the Clergy, seeing he confesseth himself to be a Monk: but his meaning is to show the different End and Office of some Clergymen (to wit, Secular Priests and Bishops that have care of Souls) from Monks; for that the one do attend principally to Action, the other to Contemplation; the one to Preaching, the other to Praying; the one to feed others, the others to be fed; in which latter number St. Hierom for humility putteth also himself, whom yet I think John Fox will not affirm to have been a mere Layman, and not Priest and Clergyman. And so is this cavil of his against Monks (that in old time they were Laymen) showed to be most vain and malicious: For what will he say of St. Basil, St. Nazianzen, St. Augustin, St. Gregory? were they not Monks, Priests, and Bishops also? how then were Monks merely Laymen in old time?  
15. The like notorious Folly, conjoined with Falsehood, he useth to prove married Monks, alleging St. Athanasius' words, Epist. ad Diacont. qui ait, se novisse & Monachos & Episcopos conjuges & liberorum patres: who saith, that he knew both Monks and Bishops married men, and Fathers of Children. But what proveth this? Do not we see every day, even now in our Church, both Bishops, Priests, and Religious men, that have once been married, and some of them also to have had Children, and after the death of their Wives to have entered into Ecclesiastical and Religious Orders? What fond deluding of his Reader is this? He should have proved that they had married after they had been Priests or Monks, and then had he said somewhat: But this he could not do, and so thought best to make a fond flourish of the other.  
16. Nay, in the very Greek Church at this day, where Priests are permitted that were married before, tho' their Wives be living, yet if their said Wives die, they are not permitted to marry again. And as for Monks, (out of which Order only Bishops are made in that Church) they were never permitted to marry after their profession of Religion. 
Epiph. l. 2. tom. 1.  Nay, St. Epiphanius (a chief Pillar of that Church when it was perfectly Catholic, about 1200 years agone) saith plainly, (as the Magdeburgians also allege him,) That the holy Church of God admitted not in his days any man to Priesthood, or Episcopal Dignity, that either married the second time, or did not abstain from conversation with his first Wife, 
Magd. cent. 4. c. 4. p. 303.  if she lived, after he was admitted to Priesthood: Revera (saith he) non suscipit sancta Dei praedicatio post Christi adventum eos, qui à nuptiis, mortua ipsorum uxore, secundis nuptiis conjuncti sunt, propter excellentem Sacerdotii Honorem & Dignitatem. Et haec certè Sancta Dei Ecclesia cum sinceritate observat, etc. In very truth the holy preaching of God after the coming of Christ doth not admit those to be Priests, who after their first Marriage, and their Wife dead, do join themselves again in second Marriage. And this doth the holy Church of God observe with sincerity, in respect of the excellent Honour and Dignity of Priesthood, etc. So saith Epiphanius, and addeth presently, 
Epiph. ibid.  Sed adhuc viventem & liberos gignentem, etc." But further than this, the said holy Church of Christ doth not admit to Priesthood a man of one Wife, if he live and get Children as before; but only she admitteth Him to be a Deacon, Priest, Bishop, or Subdeacon, (especially where the Clergy is sincere) who is content to contain from his Wife that he used before, or live in Widowhood if his Wife be dead.  

A clear testimony of St. Epiphanius for the Continency of Monks and Priests in his days.  17. Thus writeth this holy Doctor, not only of his own Judgement, but of the whole Consent of the Universal Catholic Church in his days; not only of Monks, that make a more strict profession of Chastity, but of all Clergymen also that lived in Holy Orders, to wit, Subdeacons', Deacons, Priests, and Bishopss. Of whom thus much be spoken by occasion of John Fox his notorious Lie, That Monks were only Lay men, and married in old time. And by this we may see his affection towards Them and their Profession. And there were no end, if I should prosecute all his peevish picking of quarrels against them, upon every occasion, or without occasion, thereby to show his Heretical Stomach in that behalf. One only Example I will show you more, and so make an end.  

A notable story of K. Alfred, how he received comfort in his tribulation by St. Cuthbert.  18. There is a Story recorded by William of Malmsbury, and other ancient authentical Authors (as Fox himself confesseth) touching our foresaid famous English King Alfred, fourth Son to the forenamed King Ethelwolf, and Nephew to King Egbert, brought up in Rome by Pope Leo IV. (as hath been said) who being driven into great Extremities by the Conquest of the Danes against him, was relieved and comforted by the appearance of St. Cuthbert, miraculously foretelling him what should succeed in those Wars, and confirming the same with other Predictions also, which afterwards were fulfilled: Which Story, tho' it be one of the most rare that is to be read in our English Histories, and with most comfort also by him that will consider it with attention and indifferency; and testified also unto us as authentically as any Story may be in this kind, (not only by the said Malmsbury above 500 years agone, but by divers others in like manner, and of like credit, as Fox himself is forced to confess:) yet, for that St. Cuthbert, principal Actor therein, was an unmarried Monk, he cannot abide the Story, but calleth it a dreaming fable, and so doth pretermit the same in four words. I shall recount it as briefly as I can out of Malmsbury: Solebat ipse (saith he, 
Malm. l. 2. de Reg. Angl. fol. 23.  meaning King Alfred) in tempora posteà faeliciora reductus, casus suos jucunda, hilarique comitate familiaribus exponere, qualiterque per B. Cuthberti meritum eos evaserit, etc.  
19 King Alfred was wont afterward, when he was brought from his misery to more happy times, to recount pleasantly and courteously to his familiar Friends the Chances and Calamities which he had passed, and how he had escaped them by the Merit and Benefit of blessed S. Cuthbert, etc. So beginneth Malmsbury his Narration; the sum whereof is this:  
20. King Alfred and his Ancestors having lost unto the Danes all the North, East, and West parts of England, he had only three Shires to hide himself in upon the South Sea, to wit, Somersetshire, Hampshire and Wiltshire, whither also the Danes followed him with a great Army under their Captain Gormond: And the poor King being destitute of all human help, wanting both Money, Victuals, and Men, (for all forsook him upon fear) he had no other refuge for saving his Life, than with a few trusty Servants of his, and his Mother (the doleful Queen) to fly into a little Island in Somersetshire, called then Adaling, (wholly beset with Waters and Mire in the midst of marishy ground, and a little Wood joined thereunto) to hide themselves in, where himself and his Mother being lodged in a certain Swineherd's Cottage, the rest made shift for themselves as they might, lying on the ground. 
The pitiful case of K. Alfred pressed by the Danes, an. 879.  But two things for the present pressed them most: The first, hunger for want of Victuals; the second, fear of Gormond's Camp that lay so near them. Wherefore sending forth his men to seek some Fish by night, (for that they durst not show themselves by day) the King and his Mother with woeful hearts reposed a little their weary Bodies and Minds in the said Swineherd's House; and being entered into a little slumber, Behold (saith the Story) there appeared to the King St. Cuthbert, telling him both his Name, and that he was sent to him by God to comfort him, and to tell him, That albeit his Justice had hitherto chastened English- mwn for their sins by the Sword of the Danes, yet that he would not extinguish them, in respect of so many Saints that had been of that Nation; and from this day forward would set them up again; Modo tandem Deus indigenarum, 
Malm. ibid.  Sanctorum meritis super eam misericordiae oculo respicit. Now at length God, for the Merits of English Saints, doth look upon England with the eye of mercy. He told him further, That himself from this state of extreme misery should be restored very shortly to a flourishing state of his Kingdom: For which he gave him presently a sign or token, saying, That albeit that night was a very contrary time to Fishers, both for that all Rivers were frozen, and a little Rain being fallen upon the same, had made it unfit for men to travel in that Art; yet his men should come home all laden with incredible abundance of Fish. Thus he told him, persuading him, that when he should see all these things performed, he should remember to be thankful to God and his Servants for their favour towards him, and so departed.  
21. The King being wonderfully comforted with this Vision, 
The appearing of St. Cuthbert to K. Alfred & his Mother.  awaked for Joy, and calling upon his Mother the Queen, who lay near him, and had enjoyed the selfsame Vision, they recounted together all particulars, expecting with greediness when their Servants should return from fishing to confirm the same; which soon after ensued; Et tantam piscium copiam exhibuere (saith Malmsbury) ut cujusvis magni exercitus ingluviem, exaturare posse videretur; And they brought with them to the King so great store of Fish, as it might seem to be sufficient to satisfy the hunger of never so great an Army; wherewith King Alfred being encouraged, he adventured a strange attempt, which was to go into the Danes Camp with one Servant only, feigning themselves Musicians, 
A strange attempt & victory of K. Alfred upon the vision of St. Cuthbert.  where with singing of Songs and sounding their Instruments they passed through the whole Camp, discovering their disorders, and where and when they were more weak; and so retiring themselves to their Company, and arming such men as he could, secretly set upon them with such fierceness, as they killed many, and put the rest to flight, and constrained the Danes with their said King Gormond, to demand Peace and offer Hostages for the same. Which were accepted upon two conditions: The first, That all of them should retire out of England, except such as would be Christians: The second, That these Christian Danes should be content only with the Kingdom of the East-Angles, to wit, Norfolk and Suffolk. All which was admitted, and King Gormond himself made a Christian, and Godson to King Alfred, accepting the said Kingdom of the East-Angles as tributary unto him; and from this day forward King Alfred went gaining more and more, putting his Enemies to flight, until he had recovered his whole Kingdom again. And this both He and his Mother were wont to recount all the days of their life after; and the Events themselves did evidently declare the truth of the Miracle, recorded (as hath been said) by our best Historiographers. All which notwithstanding, John Fox writeth thus: 
Fox p. 128. The great impudence of John Fox in rejecting all our ancient Historiographers.  Let us pass over these dreaming Fables, tho' they be testified by divers Authors, as William Malmsb. Polychronicon, Roger Hoveden, Jornalensis, and many more, etc. Whereby you may see what a faithless Ecclesiastical Chronicler this Fox is, that passeth over things of purpose that are left written by so many grave Authors; and then how perfidious he showeth himself in censuring for dreaming Fables so important Miracles showed by God for testification of his Love and Providence towards our Country, and the saving and restoring thereof.  
22. For which Infidelity this miserable Fellow hath no other Argument (excepting only his foresaid hatred to St. Cuthbert and other Monks) but only for that the Vision was in time of sleep or slumbering, and for that cause he calleth it a dreaming Fable. Which kind of Argument if we should admit, we must evacuate also, and bring in doubt and contempt, most of the principal Mysteries and Miracles of the Old and New Testament; where commonly things were revealed to God's Servants in Visions by sleep, 
How God doth appear and reveal matters oftentimes in sleep.  as Genesis 28. Vidit Jacob in somnis Scalam stantem; Jacob did see a Ladder in his sleep. And again in the same Book, cap. 31. Dixit Angelus Dei ad me in somnis; The Angel of God said unto me in my sleep. Joseph also had all his affairs revealed unto him not only in sleep, but also per somnia, by Dreams indeed, Gen. 37.40, 41.  
23. The like is related of Saul, 3 Reg. 3. and of Daniel, Dan. 7. And finally, God promiseth by Joel of Saints of the New Testament, senes vestri somnia somniabunt, Joel 2. which St. Peter in the Acts of the Apostles, (cap. 2. ver. 17.) interpreteth of true Visions sent from God by the Holy Ghost, saying, This is the meaning of that which is said by the Prophet Joel, which shall come to pass in the latter days, I shall pour out of my Spirit upon all Flesh, and your Sons shall prophetize, and your Daughters and young men shall see Visions, and your elder people shall dream Dreams, etc. And finally, if we consider the Story of our Savior's Infancy recounted by St. Matthew's Gospel, we shall find the most part of his Mysteries revealed to our Blessed Lady and St. Joseph in sleep; as, Mat. 1.20. Gabriel apparuit Joseph in somnis; The Angel Gabriel appeared to St. Joseph in his sleep, and told him that he should not put away his Wife. And then in the 2d. chapter, talking of the Magis, He saith, Et responso accepto in somnis; They receiving an answer from God in their sleep that they should not return to Herod, they returned another away. Who being gone, the Evangelist saith again, Ecce, Angelus Domini apparuit in somnis; Behold the Angel of God appeared to Joseph again in his sleep, and warned him to fly into Egypt. And then, when he should come out of Egypt again, he being in doubt whither to go, Admonitus in somnis secessit in parts Galileae; He being warned in his sleep what to do, went and carried Christ into the parts of Galilee, etc.  
24. Lo here a very frequent custom of Almighty God to warn men of his will in time of sleep! And albeit all kind of Dreams or Representations in time of sleep be not easily to be credited, as the 
* 2 Paral. 33. Levit. 19 Deut. 18. Psal. 72. Num. 12.6.  Scripture in other places doth admonish us, yet God saith also, Si quis fuerit inter vos Propheta Domini in Visione apparebo ei, & per somnum loquar ad illum; If there be any among you that is a Prophet of God (to whom I mean to reveal my secrets) to him I will appear in Vision, and to him will I speak in sleep. And this is sufficient to show that all are not dreaming Fables which are uttered in sleep, as the incredulous and infidel humour of John Fox and of modern Heretics would have it seem when it is against them.  
25. But in their own Sectaries they do admire and extol any thing never so fantastical, yea tho' it be a Vision or Revelation from the Devil himself; for so Luther in his Book about the abrogating of the Mass doth recount of himself, how the Devil did appear unto him by night, 
Luth. l. de abroganda Missa.  and reasoned with him against the said Mass. And in another Book written to the Senators of the Cities of Germany, and talking of other Sectaries that did brag of Visions, Voices, and Apparitions of Spirits, (to wit, the Swinkfeldians and Anabaptists) saith thus of himself: Ego quoque fui in Spiritu, atque etiam vidi spiritus (si omnino de propriis gloriandum est) fortè plus quam ipsi adhuc intra annum videbunt; 
Luth. l. Teutonico ad Senator. Civit. Germ.  I myself was also in Spirit, (which he speaketh in imitation of St. John the Evangelist in his Revelations) and have seen also Spirits, 
Apoc. 1.10.  (if I must needs glory of my own Gifts) and perhaps I have seen more Spirits than they which brag so much of seeing Spirits will see within one year. This said Luther of himself; and hence we must imagine that he so often said of himself, 
Luth. cont. Reg. Angl.  Certum se esse Doctrinam suam è Coelo esse petitam; That he was certain his Doctrine came from Heaven. And Sleydan everywhere in his Story doth compare Him and his Visions and Revelations with those of the old Prophets.  
26. Carolstadius also, a chief beginner of the Sacramentary Doctrine, braggeth (as Kemnitius a chief Lutheran reporteth) that it was revealed unto him from Heaven how he should understand those words, Hoc est Corpus meum, 
Kemnit. in repet de Eucharist. art. 31.  by different pointing of the Sentence from that which it was wont to be. And Zuinglius affirmeth of himself, That he had a Voice by night from Heaven, 
Zuingl. in subsid. de Euch.  (which yet Luther saith was from the Devil) telling him how he should expound those words, Hoc est Corpus meum, contrary to all Antiquity, by the Example of those words of Exodus, Phase, idest, transitus Domini, etc. 
Mat. 16. Exod. 12.11.  And we are a little after to show more at large in this 
* Infra cap. 8. part. 2.  Treatise how John Fox also had a Voice and Revelation from Heaven on a Sunday morning as he lay in his Bed, about understanding of the mystical Numbers in the Apocalypse of Forty-two months assigned by the Angel to the Reign of Antichrist. 
Apoc. 13.5.   
27. But if we should recount all the Visions and Revelations which John Fox doth attribute to his ragged Martyrs that he setteth down in his Calendar, 
The visions of John Fox's Martyrs.  and how highly he would have them esteemed, there would be no end. Let any man read what he writeth of the Visions and Voices that Samuel a Minister of Ipswich had in his sleep when he was in Prison: He fell into a sleep, 
Fox p. 1547. col. 1. num. 46.  (saith Fox) at which time one clad in white seemed to stand before him, comforting him in these words, Samuel, Samuel, be of good cheer, etc. No less memorable is it (saith Fox) and worthy to be noted, touching the three Ladders which the said Samuel saw in his sleep set up towards Heaven, whereof one was greater and longer than the other at the beginning, but after all three made equal. Which Vision Fox doth expound thus: That Samuel being in Prison with two Women of his Sect, Agnes Potten a Beer-brewer's Wife, and Joan Trunchfield a Shoemaker's Wife, of the same Town; Agnes and Joan were persuaded by Samuel to burn with him, as after they did: And consequently (saith Fox) tho' Samuel was the greater Ladder at the beginning, and higher towards Heaven (as being a Minister or Preacher) and the other two lesser Ladders signified by the Brewer's and Shoemaker's Wives; yet at length were they all three made equal by the Glory of Martyrdom.  
28. Thus reasoneth Fox. And then coming to speak of the same two Women apart, he showeth, that Agnes Potten, the Brewer's Wife, had Visions also: 
Fox p. 1398.  Potten 's Wife (saith he) in a night a little before her death, being asleep in her bed, saw a bright burning fire right up as a Pole. By which Vision he showeth, that the Shoemaker's Wife, who was fearful to die, and would have drawn back, was encouraged by the other also to go to the fire. And do you not see here the Spirit of the Circumcellians and Massilians, 
Ridiculous Dreams & Visions allowed by John Fox in his Martyrs.  to run wilfully to death? From this, Fox passeth to recount another strange prophetical Dream of one William Hunter, an Apprentice of London Nineteen years old, who would needs be burned also, and nothing could keep him from it; much encouraged, as it seemeth, by his Dream.  
29. And from this again he runneth to other more solemn Dreams and Visions of John Rough, a Scottish Minister, Director of a certain secret Protestant Congregation in London in Queen Mary's days; and of one Cuthbert Sympson, the Deacon or Clerk of that Congregation; which two had Dreams and Visions, the one concerning the other of them. Which Fox thinketh worthy of so great consideration, as he writeth thus in his Margin: The Visions sent to God's Saints concerning their afflictions. Now then touching the first, St. Rough, you must know, that he had been a Dominican Friar in Scotland, (as Fox confesseth) and from thence running away into England gate himself a Mate, or (as he calleth her) a Kate; with whom lying in bed, he had a Vision of his Fellow Sympson, 
The Scottish Apostate Friars Dream & his Kate. Fox p. 1843. col. 1. num. 44.  which Fox recounteth in these words: The Friday at night before Master Rough was taken, being in his bed he dreamt that he saw two of the Guard leading Cuthbert Sympson, Deacon of his Congregation, to Prison, and that he had the Book about him wherein were written the Names of all them that were of that Congregation. Whereupon being sore troubled, he awaked, and called to his Wife, Kate, strike light, for I am much troubled with my Brother Cuthbert this night. And when she had so done, he gave himself to read on his Book a while; and then feeling sleep to come upon him, he put out the Candle, and so gave himself to rest again; and being asleep, he dreamt the like Dream; and awaking therewith, he said, O, Kate! my Brother Cuthbert is gone. So they lighted a Candle again, and rose. This is the Vision of the Scottish Friar, which caused his Kate twice to strike fire and light the Candle, as you see.  
30. The other Vision of his Clerk Simpson (that kept the Bead-roll of the Names of his secret Congregation, and was afterward burned with him in Smithfield) Fox describeth in this manner: Before Simpson 's burning (saith he) being in the Bishop's Coal-house in the Stocks, he had a very strange Vision or Apparition, which he himself with his own mouth declared to the Godly Learned Man Master Austen, and to his own Wife, etc. Thus beginneth Fox to relate the Vision; noting first (as you see) that he spoke it with his own mouth, as tho' it were a great matter. And then he entereth to make a long Apology against the Papists in defence of these Visions, tho' theirs be not to be believed.  

Fox p. 1844.  31. They will ask me (saith he) why should I more require these to be credited of them, than theirs of us? This is the demand which he frameth in behalf of the Papists; and I think no man will say but that it is reasonable. Let us hear his Answer: First (saith he) I write not this, binding any man precisely to believe the same, as they do theirs. Lo here is a Foolery with a manifest Lie; the Foolery is in telling us so precise believing all Visions and Dreams, which no wise man ever thought or spoke; the Lie is in that he affirmeth us to teach that such precise belief is necessary in Visions among us. But let us hear him further in his Answer to the former demand: 
Ibid.  It is no Argument (saith he) to reason thus: Visions be not true in some; Ergo, they be true in none. This part we grant; but what is this to his purpose or proof? His meaning is, that Ours be not true Visions, and His be. But who shall be Judges? He and His would be. But this is no reason; and we on the contrary do say much more equally, 
How far Catholics give credit to Visions, and how they examine the same.  Nec mihi, nec tibi; neither He, nor We, as particular men, aught to judge of these things; but the Catholic Church, which by her Bishops and Pastors does examine the Proofs, Weight and Moment of every one of these things that fall out, and according to the Quality, Merit and Condition of them to whom they happen, as also of the Witnesses and Testimonies whereby they are proved, she doth judge of the Truth or Probability of every thing: And to Her therefore we stand, and not to the fantastical broken Brains of John Fox, that maketh Miracles and Visions where he listeth, and authorizeth or discrediteth them, when it pleaseth him again.  
32. And thus much by occasion of St. Cuthbert's Apparition to King Alfred; 
Heretical hatred against St. Cuthbert.  the Holiness of which Saint, how highly it was esteemed in the days of this King, about the year of Christ 878, you hereby see, himself living 200 years before, for that he died upon the year 687, the 20th of March, which day hath ever since been celebrated with perpetual Memory, not only by the Church of England, but also by the Universal; and that most worthily, as may appear by his Life written largely by St. Bede. 
Bed. l. 4. hist. c. 27, 28, 29. vid Praefat. Bal. cent. 1. script. Brit. in Cuthb.  Howsoever John Fox doth speak contemptuously of him here, and his Fellow John Bale doth revile him: But for what, think you? You shall hear his complaints: Omnia ad amussim Monachus didicit quae ad Monachismum spectare novit, nulla penitus de Evangelio facta mentioone; He being a Monk, learned exactly all things that appertained to the Life of Monks, but never made mention of the Gospel. And is this likely or probable, think you, that he never so much as mentioned the Gospel, seeing that Monk's Profession and form of Life is taken out of the Gospel? 
Mat. 19 Bal. ibid.  But what more ensueth? You shall hear the Apostata utter his Spirit: Faemineum gensn (saith he) exosum ei erat, etc. Womenkind was hateful unto him, etc. This is the same Accusation that the Mgdeburgians laid to St. Cyprian, (if 
* Supra part 1. cap. 6.  you remember) for that he praised Virginity. But how doth Bale gather this hatred of St. Cuthbert against Womankind? It followeth: Decretum fecit contra Mulieres, 
Ibid.  ne ejus ingrederentur Monasteria; He made a Decree against Women, that they should not enter into his Monasteries? This Decree Friar Bale, that loved Womankind, liked not. But he addeth a further Accusation: 
Ibid.  That in the second year of his Bishopric St. Cuthbert left the same, and no less hypocritically than idly made himself an Anchorite, leading for the rest of his days a solitary retired life. See what matters they pick out to object unto God's Saints, which themselves cannot or will not imitate.  
33. Finally, to end this Chapter, and therewith this fourth station or Time, John Fox, after much trifling here and there, setteth down in the last words of this his third Book a very brief Catalogue of the Archbishops of Canterbury of these Ages, with this Title: 
The Archbishops of Canterbury of this time scoffed at by Fox.  The Names and Orders of the Archbishops of Canterbury from the time of King Egbert to William the Conqueror, etc. Which he beginneth with Etheldrenus, that was the Eighteenth in Order, and endeth with Lanfrancus, who was the Thirty-fourth, making certain Notes, or rather Scoffs and Jests upon them all; especially upon those that were most renowned for their Holiness and multitude of Miracles, recorded by old Writers; as namely, St. Dunstan, of whom Malmsbury and others having left written, That, 
Malm. l. 1. de gest. Pont. Ang. fol. 115.  among other Miracles happened unto him, one was, that his Harp (wherewith he was wont in his Youth to praise God, after the imitation of King David,) hanging up by his Bedside on a Pin upon the Wall, he heard one night a voice of Angels sing in his Church this Verse; Gaudent in Coelis animae Sanctorum: at which time his said Harp also gave a sound of itself, moved either by the said Angels, or otherwise by Miracle from God. Whereat John Fox in his Heretical Vein maketh much Pastime, tho' (as already you have heard, and shall do more in the third Part of this Book) he esteemeth highly certain devised Miracles of his miserable Martyrs. And so much of this.  
34. But now, as touching the principal Point of all this Discourse, (which ought to have been the visible deduction of his Church from King Egbert to William the Conqueror) there is not one word spoken; for all that he writeth is of our Church, and this in Lies, Fables, Scoffs, and Taunts, (as you see) but of his own Church nothing, no not so much as of any one person, that in all agreed with him or his Church in these days concerning Religion. Nay, let him show us any one Man, Woman, or Child, Heretic or Catholic, in all this time, who was fully of the Religion now held in England; and that these believed no more nor less than Fox and his Fellows do at this day, and we will yield that he hath brought us forth some visible Church and Succession thereof, tho' it be but of three or four persons.  
35. Lo with how little we are content! And seeing Fox will not dare, nor any man for him (in my opinion) to take upon him this Enterprise, to wit, to show the succession of any three or four persons throughout the space of this first 1000 years after Christ, who did in all things believe and profess the Faith and Religion that now is held in England, (whereunto also John Fox himself agreed fully while he lived, as may appear by the Puritanical Points in his Story, which he commendeth and defendeth in the Lives of Rogers, Hooper, and other their first English Parents, as after shall be showed:) Forsomuch (I say) as this is so, and that never any three persons, of what Condition, 
Heretics seek to pull down, and not to build up.  Religion, Sex or Sect soever, can be showed to have agreed fully in the Protestants Religion that now in England is professed, not only for the time of these first thousand years of Christianity, but neither for the other five hundred next following; 
* Part. 3.  nor that our English Protestant's of these days will bind themselves in all and every Point of Doctrine, Faith and Belief, to stand to any one visible Congregation, Church, Conventicle, Society, or number of men whatsoever, professing the Name of Christ, that have been known to live upon Earth, from the Apostles time downward, but that they do vary from them in one Article of Belief or other.  
36. If all this (I say) be true and most certain, and made evident by this our deduction, and that we offer to join any further Issue that shall be demanded with any Protestant living upon this point, that shall have any thing to say or reply in this matter. This being so, then is it evident what a Succession of the Protestants Church John Fox bringeth, or is able to bring down, or any man for him, notwithstanding his vain brag and flourish in the first Title of his Book, 
Fox in the Title of his Acts & Monuments.  That he would set down the whole race and course of the Church, etc. The Folly and Falsehood of which flourish shall better also appear by that which ensueth from the Conquest downward.   

CHAP. VII.  
The fifth station of Time, containing other Three hundred years from William the Conqueror unto the time of John Wickliff; wherein is examined, Whether the Catholic Roman Church did perish in this time, as Fox affirmeth? Here is treated also of Pope Hildebrand, and of the Marriage of Priests.  
YOU have seen, good Reader, by our former Treatses, 
The fifth station from an. Dom. 1066, to 1370.  how brief and barren John Fox hath been hitherto in relating unto us Ecclesiastical matters for more than a thousand years: For tho' he promised in the first Title of his Book, (as before you have heard) that he would set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church from the primitive Age unto these latter Times of ours, etc. And again in another Title, 
Fox in his Title.  
Fox p. 1.  that he was to lay before us the Acts and Monuments of Christian Martyrs, and matters Ecclesiastical passed in the Church of Christ, from the primitive beginning to these our days, as well in other Countries as namely in the Realms of England, and also of Scotland, discoursed at large, 
The brevity & barrenness of John Fox in preforming his promise.  etc. yet this large Discourse for more than a thousand years is concluded by him in less than seventy Leaves of Paper, whereof almost fifty are of impertinent matter, to wit, of certain Differences which he would pick out between the old Roman Church and that which is now; and in the relation of the first Ten Persecutions under Heathen Emperors, which before we have declared how little they appertain to his Argument or Subject taken in hand, which was to set down the race and course of the whole Church. And this being so, you may consider what store of Ecclesiastical matters he findeth to his purpose in these first thousand years, seeing he scarce spendeth thirty whole Leaves therein, whereof also the far greater part (I mean of that he writeth in these few Leaves) is mere temporal or impertinent, as in part you have heard. And how then doth he tell us of Ecclesiastical matters discoursed at large, etc. and of the whole race and course of the Church set forth largely by him, etc. Do you see how these men do face, and lie to deceive their Readers?  
2. But let us not complain (I pray you) of brevity or barrenness in John Fox, nor lack of Volume, seeing he hath set forth the greatest, perhaps, that ever was in our English Tongue: And if he have been overshort for the thousand years past, unto the time of William the Conqueror, he will as much exceed in length now for the other five hundred years that are to ensue from the Conqueror to Queen Elizabeth, upon which time he bestoweth above 900 Leaves. And the reason of this so notable difference or inequality is that which we have touched before, to wit, 
Why Fox writeth so little of the former Ages, & so largely of the sequent.  that he finding the whole course of these former Times and Ages of the Christian Church to be against him, nor daring openly to reject that Church, nor manifestly to join with her Enemies adjudged by her for Heretics; he chose to speak as little of those Times and Affairs as he could. But now he hath taken another resolution much more desperate in hand; which is, to deny Our Church to be any longer a Church, and to set up another of His in her place, by which means he will come to have matter enough; for that this being supposed, and he presuming that all the Acts and Monuments of this Church (I mean the General Roman Church) received hitherto throughout the World for Christ's Church, are wicked and rebellious unto God, and Acts of the Devil's Synagogue, from the time that John Fox assigneth of her Fall and Apostasy; and that on the contrary side, all the Writings, Actions, and Gests of all sorts of Heretics against this Church from that time, 
How Fox cometh to increase his latter Books.  are the Acts and Monuments of the true Church of Christ: Supposing all this, I say, (as Fox doth) there cannot want matter, either on the one side or the other, to fill up Volumes: And the lower he passeth downward, the more matter he findeth, for that Sects and Sectaries increasing daily, (whom he registereth for Saints and Pillars of his Church) the Volume of his Book must needs grow greatly. And so is it seen by this fourth Book, wherein from the Conquest to the latter-end of King Edward iii Reign, when Wickliff began, (containing 300 years, to wit, from Anno Domini 1066, to 1370,) there are spent above 100 Leaves of Paper; which is much more than was in the former 1066 years. But in the fifth Book from John Wickliff's time to King Henry VIII. (which are but 140 years) are contained upon the point of 200 Leaves; and then again from the beginning of King Henry's Reign to the entrance of Q. Elizabeth, (being but fifty years) he spendeth above 600 Leaves. And by this you may judge both of the Subject and Substance of John Fox's huge Volume, tho' we are to look into the same somewhat more particularly also as we pass it over in this and the ensuing Chapters.  
3. Well then, this being his device and resolution for the present, to have no longer patience with our Church, but wholly to deny the same, his greatest difficulty seemeth to be about the Time and Causes; to wit, where, or when, or how, or upon what occasion, she perished or vanished away; for seeing she hath continued by his Confession also for so many Years and Ages, and come down unto our days, under the selfsame Succession of Bishops, Pastors and Teachers as before, and consequently also with the selfsame Doctrine and Religion, and with the same external Power and Majesty which it was wont: it seemeth a very hard thing upon the sudden either to annihilate so Great and Mighty a Kingdom, 
An impossible device to annihilate this universal visible Church.  or (which is much more difficult) to make so strange a Metamorphosis and Mutation in her, as that she having been hitherto the Church of Christ, his Spouse, his Kingdom, his dearest Beloved, and beautified with his Graces, directed by his Spirit, enriched with his most precious Gifts and Endowments, and so acknowledged also by Fox' himself in former Ages; that now she should become Christ's Enemy and Adversary upon the sudden, and the Kingdom of Satan, his Eternal Foe, and yet to retain still the Name, Place, Estimation, and external Dignity which she had before, professing with no less show of duty her Obedience and Love to Christ, than in former times she was wont. 
A strange & incredible mutation.  This Change and Metamorphosis (I say) is most wonderful, and incredible to all those that believe Christ to be God, and to have been able to perform his promise, that Hell-gates should never prevail against this Church. Wherefore we are to examine somewhat more diligently in this Chapter, how this matter could fall out, and when, and by what occasion come to pass; for that so great and rare a Mutation as this is never fell out yet in the World before. Tho' Temporal States and Kingdoms have had their changes; nay, all temporal mutations of Empires, Kingdoms, States and Monarchies, have been made principally to show the contrary stability and immutable continuation of Christ's Church once planted in the World, as in part we have declared 
* Sup. cap.  before, showing how that in all times and seasons, in all variety and variations of States, People, Countries, and Dominions, (as well in England as elsewhere) the Christian Catholic Religion remained one and the same among them all. To which effect also is that notable Prophecy of Daniel, 
Dan. 2.44.  when (foretelling first the breaking and overthrow of all four Monarchies by him mentioned) he addeth, as a notorious opposition to the same, the stability and immortality of Christ's Church and Kingdom once set on foot in these words: 
The Prophecy of Daniel about the stability of Christ's Church.  In the days of these Kingdoms God of Heaven shall raise up a Kingdom that shall never be dissipated, neither shall this Kingdom be given to another people: This Kingdom shall consume and wear out all the other Kingdoms, but itself shall stand for ever.  
4. Thus saith Daniel; and the most of these Points we have seen verified and fulfilled already; for God of Heaven hath raised this Kingdom and visible Church of Christ, which then seemed a strange matter; he hath increased and continued the same for a thousand years and more, as Fox will confess, (which is a longer time than any Temporal Monarchy lightly hath continued without change;) he hath overthrown in this time and consumed the other Kingdoms and Monarchies mentioned by him, Now remain the other two Clauses to be fulfilled in like manner, to wit, That it shall stand for ever, (or, as Christ expoundeth it, usque and consummationem saeculi, to to the World's end;) and then, quod alteri populo non tradetur; that this Kingdom shall not be delivered over to another People from that which possessed it from the beginning. The quite contrary whereof teacheth here John Fox, affirming this Church (that hath been accounted the true Church and Kingdom of Christ for a thousand years passed) is now no more his Church or Kingdom; nor these Popes, Bishops and Pastors (that are found in her to have come down by continual Succession) are now no more the true and lawful Guides or Governors thereof; but that it appertaineth to others: and consequently this Kingdom of Christ is taken from them, and delivered to another People, to wit, to the Berengarians, to the Waldenses, to the Albanenses, to the Wickliffians, Lutherans, Zwinglians, and other like people of latter Ages.  
5. This is John Fox his mad Assertion, wherein you see he should prove two Points: First, That our Church, is lost and fallen, and our Men rightly dispossessed of the Interest thereof: And then, That his Men (to wit, these new Sectaries) have entered into a just possession of that Name and Title of the true Church: Both which Points we deny. You shall see how he beginneth to prove the first; that is to say, the Fall and Overthrow of the Universal visible Church, surnamed the Roman.  
And thus hitherto (saith he) stood the condition of the Church of Christ, 
In his Protestation to the Church of England.  (meaning the next Ages before the Conquest) albeit not without some repugnance and difficulty, yet in some mean state of the Truth and Verity, till the time of Pope Hildebrand, called Gregory VII. which was near about the year 1080. and of Pope Innocentius III. in the year 1215. by whom all was turned upside down, all Order broken, true Doctrine defaced, Christian Faith extinguished, etc.  
6. Here you see John Fox to assign two Times and two Popes, when and by whom not only the true Church was overthrown, but Christian Faith also utterly extinguished, (to wit, Gregory VII. and Innocentius III. two of the most Renowned men both for Virtue and Learning that have possessed that See since the time of our Conquest, or in many Ages before, if we will believe all the ancient Authors that have written of them,) wherein I dare join Issue with Fox, or any of his Cubs whatsoever that will defend him in this notorious slander against these two worthy Men: For as for Innocentius III. he is affirmed to have been one of the most excellent Popes for good Life and rare Learning that for these thousand years held that See. Of whom Blondus, 
P. Innocent, 3. Blond. decad. 2. l. 7. p. 297.  amongst other Authors, writeth thus: Suavissimus erat in Galliis famae odor, gravitatis, sanctitatis, ac vevum gestarum ejus Pontificis, etc. The fame and scent of this Pope's Gravity, Holiness of Life, and Greatness of his Action, was most sweet throughout all France, etc. And for his Learning, the same Author saith, Libros Doctrina plenos scripsit; 
Geneb. in chron. an. 1198. Cicarell. in vit. Innocent. 3. Platin. ibid.  He wrote most Learned Books. In which kind divers Authors do report that he wrote more than most of the other Popes of Rome before his time put together.  
7. And as for Gregory VII. albeit he had many Enemies stirred up against him by the Emperor Henry IU. and others, whom he sought to punish and reform for their Misbehavior; yet, if we will believe the chief Authors of that Age, and those that lived either with him, or next unto him, (as Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Anselm. Ep. ad Abb. Hryfarg. Mar. Scotus. Lamb. Scaph. Vinc. Gallus. Sigebert. Avent. & omnes in chron. an 1075, 1076, etc.  Marianus Scotus, Otho Frisingensis, Aeneas Silvius, Lambertus Schafaaburgensis, Vincentius Gallus, Abbas Vrspergensis, Aventinus, Sigibertus, Tritemius, and many others) he was not only very Learned, Wise, and a Man of great Courage in resisting the foresaid most dissolute Emperor, that lived scandalously, and oppressed the Church, but also he was reputed of a most holy Life, insomuch as God wrought divers Miracles by him.  
8. The very form of his Election, recorded by Platina, Sabellicus, and others, 
About Pope Hildebrand, alias Gregory VII.  doth show what he was, when they say, Elegimus hodie, 21 Maii Anno Domini 1072, in verum Christi Vicarium, Hildebrandum Archidiaconum, virum multae Doctrinae, magnae Pietatis, Prudentiae, Justitiae, Constantiae, Religionis, etc." We have chosen this day, the 21st of May 1072, for true Vicar of Christ, a Man of much Learning, great Piety, Prudence, Justice, Constancy, and Religion, etc. This was the testimony of the whole Clergy of Rome, that knew him better than John Fox and his Fellows. Against whom Lambertus Schafnaburgensis, talking of his whole Life afterwards, saith, Signa & Prodigia, quae per Grationes Gregorii Papae frequentius fiebant, & zelus ejus fervent issimus pro Deo & Ecclesiasticis legibus satis eum contra venenatas detractorum linguas communiebant; The Signs and Miracles which oftentimes were done by the Prayers of Pope Gregory VII. and his most fervent Zeal for the Honour of God and defence of Ecclesiastical Laws, did sufficiently defend him against the venomous Tongues of Detractors.  
9 Vincentius also Gallus in his History relateth out of a more ancient Historiographer than himself, named Gulielmus Historicus, Hildebrandum dono prophetiae praeditum fuisse; That Hildebrand the Pope was endued with the gift of Prophecy; which he showeth by divers particular Examples of Events foretold by him. And this of Gregory VII.  

The Vices of the Emperor Henry IU.  10. But what do the same Authors, yea Germane themselves, write of their Emperor, his Enemy, Henry IV.? Surely it is shameful to report his Adulteries, Symoniacal selling of Benefices, Robberies, and spoiling of poor particular men, thrusting in wicked men into places of Prelates, and the like: Principes Regni rogat (saith Lambertus) ut patiantur ipsum Vxorem repudiare, 
An. Dom. 1069.  etc. He did request the Princes of the Empire that they would suffer him to put away his Wife, telling them what the Pope by his Legate had opposed to the contrary. Which being heard by them, they were of the Pope's Opinion: Principes aiebant aequè censere Rom. Pontificem; ita fractus magis, quam inflexus Rex ab incepto abstinuit; The Princes affirmed, That the Bishop of Rome had reason to determine as he did, and so the King (rather forced, than changed in mind) abstained from his purposed Divorce.  
11. Lo here the first beginning of falling out betwixt the Emperor and the Pope; which was increased, for that two years after (as the same Author saith) the Pope deprived one Charles for Simony and Theft, to whom the Emperor had sold for Money the Bishopric of Constance. And this he did by a Council of Prelates and Princes held in Germany itself, the Emperor being present: 
Lamb. Schaf. An. Dom. 1071.  cum etiam (saith he) Rex in Judicio assideret, causamque Caroli, quoad posset, tueretur; Bishop Charles was deposed, notwithstanding that the King was present in that Judgement, and defended him and his Cause as much as he could. And this was an increase of the falling out between them: But the constancy (saith the same Author) and invincible mind of Hildebrand against Covetousness, 
Lamb. ibid.  did exclude all Arguments of Human Deceits and Subtleties.  

Vrsp. an. Dom. 1068.  12. Vrspergensis in like manner, who lived in the same time, reckoneth up many particulars of the emperor's wicked behaviour in these words: Coepit Principes despicere, Nobiles opprimere;" He began to despise the Princes, oppress the Nobles and Nobility, and give himself to Incontinency. 
Lib. 4. Annalium Boiorum.  Which Aventinus (an Author not misliked by the Protestants) uttereth more particularly in these words: Henricum stupris, amoribus, impudicitiae, & adulterii flagrasse infamia, nec amici quidem negant; The very friends of Henry the Emperor do not deny but that he was infamous for his wicked life in Lechery, Fornication, and Adultery.  
13. And finally, not to name any more, Marianus Scotus (that lived in those days) writeth thus of the whole Controversy between them: 
Mar. Scot in chron. an 1075.  Gregory VII. (saith he) being stirred up by the just clamours of Catholic Men, and hearing the immanity of Henry the Emperor's wickedness, cried out against by them, did excommunicate him for the same, but especially for the sin of Simony, in buying and selling Bishoprics; which fact of the Pope did like very well all good Catholic men, but displeased such as would buy and sell Benefices, and were favourers of the said Emperor.  
14. And thus much be spoken of the Learning, Lives and Virtue of these two particular Popes, Gregory VII. and Innocentius III. whom John Fox would needs have us believe that they had overturned God's Church, and extinguished Christian Religion utterly in the World. But especially he rageth every where, and with greatest acerbity, against Gregory VII. dilating himself in many large Discourses of that Argument, and telling so many and apparent Lies of Him, and his Acts and Ends, as were a matter incredible to him that hath not examined them. Neither may I stand to recount them all, or the greater part (for it would require a Volume) but by one or two you shall be able to judge of the rest.  
I read and find (saith Fox) that in a Council held at Rome by Pope Hildebrand and other Bishops, they did enact three things: First, 
Fox p. 158. c. 2  That no Priest hereafter should marry Wives: Secondly, That all such as were married should be divorced. Thirdly, That none hereafter should be admitted to the Order of Priesthood, but should swear perpetual Chastity.  
15. Truly it is a strange thing to see and consider the wilful obstinacy and precipitation of Heretics. Fox hath gathered out three Points decreed in this Council; which Council yet he citeth not, nor any Author for it, and so with more safety he playeth the Davus. He leaveth out a fourth Point, which was the principal or rather only Point touching Priests Marriage handled in that Council; to wit, That what Priest soever should be known to keep a Concubine under pretence of his Wife, or should be known to have bought his Benefice by Simony, and would not repent or amend, they were forbidden to enter the Church and say Mass, and other men were forbidden to hear their Mass. With which Decree many licentious Priests, that would not be restrained from their loose Life, being offended; and many more Laymen, 
A great contradiction against Pope Hildebrand for his Christian Zeal.  that depended on the said Emperor, taking their part, cried out against this good Pope, for that he went about to reform these two scandalous Abuses, Simony and Fornication, in the worse sort of Priests. And two notable Calumniations amongst others they raised against him: The first, 
The first Calumniation.  That he did not hold the Mass to be good or available which was said by a Simoniacal or Adulterous Priest; which he never said nor meant, but only that for a punishment, and in detestation of those sins, he would have men to forbear the hearing of such Priests Masses, seeing there wanted not other good Priests to supply their places and Functions: Neither was he the first Pope that made the like Decree for punishing of Concubinary Priests, 
Distinct. 32. c. Praeter § verum etc. nullus.  by forbidding other men to hear their Masses; for that both Pope Alexander II. and Nicholas II. his Predecessors made the same Decree, as appeareth in their Canons yet extant.  

The second Calumniation Fox ubi supra Cent. 11. c. 7.  16. The other Calumniation against this Pope was this, which Fox and the Magdeburgians do here set down, That he was the first that began to forbid Marriage of Priests in the West-Church, for so are the words of the Magdeburgians: And hereupon hath John Fox framed out of the Council the three Points before mentioned, as handled and decreed then, (which is false) and passeth over the fourth with silence, wherein the only Controversy consisteth. And this appeareth in the Lines immediately following in Fox, where he putteth down the Copy in English of Pope Gregory's Bull about this matter, wherein he saith thus: 
Fox p. 158. col. 2. n. 80.  If there be any Priests, Deacons, or Subdeacons', that will still remain in the sin of Fornication, we forbid them the Church's entrance till they amend and repent; but if they persevere in their sin, we charge that none presume to hear their Service.  

Many Falsities & Impostures of Fox.  17. By which words we see that Pope Gregory did not treat here as Fox saith, That no Priest hereafter should marry Wives, (as tho' it had been in use or lawful before) or that such as were married should be divorced by this new Decree: And much less was it decreed now, as Fox deviseth, That none hereafter should be admitted to the Order of Priesthood, but should swear perpetual Chastity. All these Points (I say) are either feigned or fraudulently set down by our Fox, as tho' these things had been in lawful use before, and that now by Pope Gregory began this prohibition. But you have heard by Pope Gregory's own words, that he presumeth that all Priests that after Priesthood have Carnal Conversation with Women, do live in Fornication, according to the Doctrine, Custom and Practice of the ancient Catholic Church of Christ. And therefore where Fox useth the words Marriage and Lawful Wives, Pope Gregory calleth it Fornication and Concubinary Life. And so it is in the Canon, 

Distinct. 32. c. Praeter § verum apud Anton. tit. 16.  
Tritem. in chron. an. 1075.   Officium Simoniacorum, & in Fornication jacentium, scienter nullo modo recipiatis; Do you not wittingly admit the Office or Service of such Priests as live in Simony or Fornication. And Tritemius relateth the matter thus: Laicis interdixit, ne Missas Sacerdotum Concubinas habentium audire praesumant; Pope Gregory forbade Laymen to hear the Mass of such Priests as were known to have Concubines.  

The true state of the Controversy.  18. This than was the Controversy, Whether Priests that lived with Women (contrary to the ancient Canons of the Catholic Church) were rightly punished by Pope Gregory, Pope Alexander, Pope Nicholas, and some other Popes, by debarring them to say Mass publicly, or other men to hear their Masses? The Controversy was not, Whether it was lawful for them to marry or no; or whether they should promise Chastity at their entrance into Priesthood? For this Pope Gregory took as a thing determined from all Antiquity before him, especially in the Latin Church. And so testifieth Marianus Scotus, that lived in his time: 
Marian. Scot in chron. an. 1096. & tom. 4. Conc. p. 79.  Iste Papa (saith he) Sinodo facta, ex decreto S. Petri Apostoli, & S. Clementis, aliorumque Sanctorum Patrum vetuit & interdixit Clericis (maximè Divino Ministerio consecratis) Vxores habere, vel cum Mulieribus habitare, nisi quas Nicena Synodus, vel alii Canones exceperunt; This Pope (Gregory VII.) having made a Synod, did according to the Decree of St. Peter the Apostle, 
The Council of Nice forbidding wives to Priests and Bishops.  and St. Clement his Successor, and of other holy Fathers, forbid unto Clergymen (especially to such as were consecrated unto God's Service) to have Wives, or to dwell with Women, excepting such only as the first Council of Nice and other Ecclesiastical Canons did except or permit.  
19 This testifieth Marianus of the Pope's intention, and that he made his Decree according to the Decrees, Canons, meaning and practice of all holy Fathers his Predecessors, from St. Peter downward, in the Latin Church. And if we go to the Council of Nice for the exception here mentioned, what Women were allowed to dwell in house with Priests in those days, we shall find all Women to be forbidden to live with Bishops, Priests or Deacons, 
Conc. Nic. Can. 3.  praeter Matrem, Sororem, vel Amitam; the Mother, Sister, or the Aunt: But no mention at all of the Wife, which should have been the first that should have been excepted by the Council, if any such thing had been lawful or permitted in those days. For albeit in the Greek Church, where this Council was held, some were made Priests that were married before; yet were they never permitted to marry after they were Priests, nor are they at this day. And if we consider the whole stream of Greek Fathers in this behalf, 

The whole stream of ancient Greek Fathers against the marriage of Priests.  
Origen hom. 23. in lib. Num.   we shall see them no less by their Writings than by their Doings and Examples, join with the Latin Church in this Point about the Continency of Priests and Bishops even from the beginning. Illius solius est offerre Sacrificium (saith Origen above 1400 years ago) qui perpetuae se devoverit Castitati; To him only belongeth to offer Sacrifice, who hath vowed himself to perpetual Chastity.  
20. Behold Sacrifice and vowing of Chastity in Priests of the Greek Church, above 700 years before the time that Fox saith it was decreed first of all by Pope Gregory VII that they should not marry. And Eusebius, in the next Age after, being one of them that were of the Council of Nice, saith, Eos, 
Euseb. l. 1. Demonstrat. Evang. c. 9  qui sacrati sunt, & in Dei ministerio cultúque occupati, continere deinceps seipsos à commercio Vxoris decet; It becometh them that are consecrated and occupied in the Service of God, to contain themselves for the time to come from all dealing with Wives. There follow in the same Age with Eusebius divers other Fathers; as, St. Cyrill, St. Gregory Nyssen, St. Chrysostom, St. Epiphany; all which writing of this matter, are of the same Opinion. 
Cyr. Cat. 12.  Qui apud Jesum bene fungitur Sacerdotio, abstinet à Muliere, saith St. Cyril; He that performeth the Office of a Priest well in the sight of Jesus, (that is to say, is a good Christian Priest) doth abstain from all Women. To like sense do write St. Gregory Nyssen, lib. de Virginit. cap. ult. and St. Chrysostom, hom. 2. the patien. Job. And as for St. Epiphanius, we have alleged him 
* 
Sup. c. 3. Cent. 4. p. 303. Epiph. tom. 1. l. 2.  
Item haeres. 59   before, as reprehended by the Magdeburgians, for affirming this Rule of Priest's Continency from Marriage to have been observed in his time throughout the whole Church, with great sincerity wheresoever good Clergymen were.  
21. It were in vain to allege the Latin Fathers, for that our Enemies confess them to be all of the contrary judgement to them. But when no other Argument were, the very Example of so great a multitude of famous, learned, and holy Bishops, Doctors, Teachers and Preachers of those first Ages after Christ, that lived Continent, and were not married, (as St. Ignatius, St. Polycarp, Clemens Alexandrinus, St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Chrysostom, St. Epiphanius, St. Cyril, and many others of the Greek Church; as also St. Cyprian, St. Hillary, St. Ambrose, St. Hierom, St. Augustin, and above Fifty Popes of Rome, held all for Saints, and the most of them Martyrs, in the Latin Church:) These men's Example (I say) is a sufficient Argument to show what was the Spirit of Christ in those days, to him that hath any feeling thereof.  
22. But to say no more of this, but to return to make an end of our speech of Pope Gregory VII. (whom our Protestants, for his singular Virtue and Constancy in God's Cause, cannot abide,) Fox concludeth thus of his death: 
Fox p. 164.  Antoninus writeth, That Hildebrand as he lay a dying desired one of his Cardinals to go to the Emperor, and desire of him forgiveness, absolving both Him and his Partners from Excommunication, etc. And true it is, that St. Antoninus' Archbishop of Florence relateth some such thing upon other men's speeches, saying, Quod misit Cardinalem ad Imperatorem & ad totam Ecclesiam, ut optaret ei Indulgentiam; That he sent the Cardinal to the Emperor and to all the Church, to wish him Indulgence. And what marvel (if it had been so) that a man lying at Death's door would gladly be at peace with all the World? But why hath not Fox set down the other words of Antoninus presently following? 
Anton. part. 2. tit. 16. cap. 1. § 1.  Quae tamen vera esse non credo, multis de causis; Which yet for many causes I do not believe to be true. Here you may see that Fox is still a Fox.  

Naucl. generat. 37.  23. Nauclerus reporteth, That his last words lying on his Deathbed in Salerno, were those of the Psalm, Dilexi Justitiam & odivi Iniquitatem, propterea morior in exilio, etc. I have loved Justice, and hated Iniquity; and for this do I die in banishment, being driven away from my See by the violence of the Emperor. 
The death of Gregory VII.  Thus wrote Nauclerus of him, tho' a German, adding these words: Vir fuit Gregorius times Deum, Justitiae & Aequitatis amator, in adversis constans; Pope Gregory was a man that feared God, a great lover of Justice and Equity, 
Plat. in vita Greg. 7.  constant in Adversity. And Platina, that flattereth not Popes as our Protestants do confess, writing of him, saith, Vir certe Deo gratus, etc. Truly he was a man grateful to God, Prudent, Just, Clement, and a Patron of all Poor, but especially of Pupils and Widows. Cranzius also a Germane saith: Henricus Gregorium septimum virum sanctum insectatus est; Henry the Emperor persecuted Pope Gregory VII. being a holy Man.  
24. But to omit this, and to speak no more of Pope's Lives or Learning, especially of these two (Gregory and Innocentius) so well known but only to consider their Faith and Belief, (for That principally indeed concerneth our purpose, seeing that albeit they should be Wicked or Unlearned, yet might they be true Popes: 
A ridiculous device of Fox how 2 Popes overthrew the Church. ) I would ask John Fox, What one Article of Belief any one of these two Popes, living more than an hundred years the one after the other, did they differ in from their Predecessors, or were noted by their Successors for the same? And if no such Article can be brought forth, (as most certainly there cannot) how then could these two Popes, either jointly or severally, overthrew so great a Church dispersed over all the World (as was at that time the Roman) and much more extinguish the whole Christian Faith, as John Fox affirmeth?  
25. Is not this plain madness, to affirm that any one or two Popes could overthrow a whole Church, or extinguish Christian Faith; especially living an hundred years one from the other as hath been said? For if the first had done it, than what needed the help of the second? or if the same Church persevered in Christian Faith for an hundred years together after the first, than did not he overthrow the same. And yet doth John Fox delight himself so much in this Fancy, that in divers places of his Book he foundeth his whole Discourses thereon, as we shall see in the Chapter following.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Here followeth a dreaming Imagination of John Fox, contrary to itself, about the Fall of the Roman Church, and Rising of Antichrist; with the rest that remaineth of our Ecclesiastical History from the Conquest to Wickliff.  
JOhn Fox taking upon him in his vein of fancy to distinguish Times, and to determine when the Church of Rome fell sick and died, when Antichrist was born, and other like vain imaginations, proving also the same by certain Revelations made unto himself as he lay on his Bed upon a Sunday in the morning: he setteth down for a ground this distinction of Times in the very beginning of his Acts and Monuments in these words: First (saith he) I will treat of the suffering time of the Church, which continued from the Apostles Age about 300 years. Secondly, of the flourishing time of the Church, which lasted other 300 years. Thirdly, of the declining time of the Church, which comprehendeth also other 300 years, until the losing out of Satan, which was 1000 years after the ceasing of the Persecution. Fourthly followeth the time of Antichrist, or the losing of Satan, or desolation of the Church, etc.  
2. Lo here John Fox maketh a different Account from the former, as tho' the time of Antichrist, and losing of Satan for overthrowing the true Church, had begun much sooner than under Pope Gregory and Innocentius, to wit, from the year of Christ 900, which was almost 200 years before Gregory VII. was born. And yet doth he also contradict himself in this, if you mark him; for that he saith this losing of Satan was about the thousandth year after the ceasing of Persecution; which ceasing being counted by Fox himself from the time of Constantine the Great, (when he saith Satan was bound up for 1000 years) the ending thereof must fall, not upon the year of Christ 900, as in this his Account, but rather upon the year of Christ 1300, at which time he was let forth again, (if we believe John Fox) and had power given him, not only to impugn, but to overthrow the Church contrary to that which Christ had promised, Matth. 16. That Hell-gates should not prevail against her.  
3. But let us see a third place, where John Fox handleth this Mystery different from both these now alleged; to wit, in the beginning of his fifth Book, from Wickliff downward, where he maketh another Account yet of binding and losing of Satan, and overthrowing the true Church: And this (forsooth) out of the 20th Chapter of the Apocalypse by a large Text; 
Fox divers times contradicting himself about binding and losing of Satan.  which having recited, he saith thus: By these words of the Revelation three special things are to be noted: First, the being abroad of Satan; Secondly, his binding up; and Thirdly, the losing out of him again after a thousand years consummate, etc.  
4. Thus he hath there. And then a little after he maketh his Account thus: The binding up of Satan, after peace given to the Church (counting from the 30th year of Christ) was Anno Domini 294; which lasted for 1000 years, until Anno 1294, about which year Pope Boniface VIII. was made Pope, and made the sixth Decretals, confirmed the Order of Friars, and privileged them with great freedom.  
So writeth Fox, and confirmeth his Sentence by certain old Verses written by a Monk (as he saith) which affirm that 
cum fuerint anni completi mille ducenti  
Et decies seni post partum Virginis Almae;  
Tunc Antichristus nascetur Daemone plenus.  That is, When a thousand two hundred and threescore years after the Virgin's Childbirth shall be finished, then shall Antichrist be born, replenished with the spirit of Satan. Which Fox will needs have to be meant by the foresaid Bonifacius VIII. as tho' He above others had overthrown the Church, and had been the first Antichrist among Popes: Which if it were true, then can it not fall either upon Gregory VII. or Innocentius III. no nor upon Boniface himself named by him; for that he was not made Pope 34 years after this devised Prophecy did appoint Antichrist to be born, to wit, 1260; seeing he was made Pope (as Fox also confesseth) Anno 1294.  
5. But the best pastime is to hear what immediately followeth in Fox, which are these words: These Verses (saith he) were written (as appeareth by the said Author) Anno Domini 1285. Well, Sir John! and what of this? doth not this overthrow all the credit of your Prophecy, seeing it showeth that these Verses were written 25 years after the day appointed by the Prophecy was passed?  
6. So we see, that this man having toiled so much to draw all that is spoken in the Apocalypse, or Book of Revelation, concerning Antichrist, and the binding and losing of Satan, to fall upon the Popes and Roman Church; he cannot tell where to lay it, but playeth notoriously the Fool, and is contrary to himself, as by the examination of the three places alleged may appear. For in the first he affirmeth Christian Faith to have been extinguished either by Pope Gregory VII. (in the year of Christ 1080) or by Innocentius III. in the year 1215; 
In protest. p. 9  and here he will have it to have been under Bonifacius VIII. which was almost another hundred years after Innocentius.  
7. In the second place he will have the losing of Satan, and consequently also the Fall of the Church, to have been almost 200 years before Gregory VII. (that is to say, 
Acts & Mon. pag. 1.  in the year of Christ 900) and all the rest downward, to have been under Antichrist, which he calleth the time of Desolation, and Reign of Satan over the Church. And he confirmeth the same again in the beginning of another Treatise following; where repeating the division of his whole Work, he saith, That his intention is, first to declare the suffering time of the Church, 
Fox p. 27. c. 1.  for 300 years; secondly, the flourishing time, for other 300; thirdly, the declining time, for other 300 years; fourthly, the time of Antichrist reigning and raging since the losing of Satan for other 400 years; fifthly, the reforming time of Christ's Church in these latter 300 since John Wickliff begun, and after Luther, and other like people.  
Thus saith Fox; wherein he agreeth somewhat (as you see) with his last former Account, that Satan was let loose to overthrow the Church, about the year of Christ 900; which yet is quite contrary to that which he writeth in his first place before alleged, that the foresaid Church was overthrown by Pope Gregory VII. and Innocentius III. some hundreds of years after that time. But much more contrary it is to that which he writeth lastly out of the Apocalypse, in his fourth place alleged; to wit, That Satan was bound up for a thousand years; which number of years after the first Ten Persecutions, he saith, must begin from the year of Christ 294; which he endeavoreth (tho' fond) to prove out of the 13th Chapter of the Apocalypse, where it is said, That Power was given by the Dragon to the Beast, (to wit, to Antichrist) to speak Blasphemy, 
Apoc. 13.5.  and to do what listed him for Forty two months; which make (as all men know) three years and a half; which is the time allotted by St. John (according to all ancient Father's Interpretations) to the Reign of Antichrist in the end of the World. And it is so expounded in other places of this Revelation itself, to wit, by these words, a time, times, and half a time; 
Apoc. 12. Apoc. 11.11.  and in another place by 1260 days; and then again by 42 months. All which numbers being examined, do make up just the foresaid three years and a half, prophesied and expressed in like manner by Daniel the Prophet. 
Dan. 11.   
9 And in this there is no doubt or question among Catholics or ancient Writers, but that Antichrist (a particular person designed for that end from the beginning of the World) shall appear, and have power given him from the Devil to turmoil and afflict the Church of Christ for the space of three years and a half before the day of Judgement. Only the Heretics of our time, to divert these Prophecies from the true Antichrist, and apply them to certain Bishops of Rome, do beat their heads how to devise out some new Expositions of these numbers never heard or thought of before: And namely John Fox, more fond than the rest, will have the number of 42 Months to import 294 years, that is, every Month to signify seven years, or (as fantastically he calleth it) a Sabbath of Years. For proof whereof, having neither Authority nor any one Example of Scripture, he confirmeth it by a Revelation of his own, as after you shall hear.  
10. His device therefore is, That the 1000 years wherein Satan is said in the Ayocalypse to be tied up, must begin, as you see, after the said 294 years of Heathen Persecution were ended. So that the losing out of Satan against the Church again, must fall in the year of Christ 1294, when Bonifacius VIII. was chosen Pope; or, as the Monk's Prophecy was, upon the year 1260, when Antichrist was born. Which is both contrary to that he said before, that he was loosed about the year 900; as also that the Popes, Gregory VII. and Innocentius III (by Satan's help, no doubt,) overthrew the Church about the year of Christ 1080, or 1215: For if that Satan was bound, and not loosed until the year of Christ 1294, how could he overthrow the Church before?  
11. Wherefore all these new Interpretations of the words of the Apocalypse are but fantastical devices of wrangling Heretics, 

Aug. l. 20. de Civit. c. 6, 7, 8.9.  
Primas. 19 & Bed. in 20 Apoc. Greg. l. 9 mor. c. 1. & l. 35. c. 20. Apoc. 20. Joan. 12.   seeing the ancient Fathers do interpret all these things far otherwise. And first, they put the binding up of Satan for 1000 years there mentioned, before the other number of 42 Months given to Antichrist to work his will; and do say, that the said losing of Satan began from the very Death and Passion of Christ, when the power of Satan was bound, according to the saying of Christ himself in St. John's Gospel, drawing near to his Passion; Now the Prince of this World shall be cast forth. And secondly, they do interpret these 1000 Years not to signify any certain time, but generally to signify all the whole course of time between the death of Christ and the coming of Antichrist, three years and a half before the Day of Judgement, according to the ordinary phrase of Scripture. As for Example, Quod mandavit Deus in mille generationes; 
Psal. 140.  God hath commanded his Precept to be kept for a thousand Generations, that is to say, to the World's end, and not for any certain time. And again in Job, 
Job. 9  If a Just man should contend with God, he cannot answer him one for a thousand.  
12. This then is the ancient Interpretation of holy Doctors, quite contrary to these new fancies of John Fox, whose Expositions are both contrary to himself, (as in part you have seen) and opposite to the words and sense of Scripture itself. For whereas first these 42 Months (importing by his Account 294 years) were given to Satan to work his will against the Saints of God; the Scripture saith, they were given to the Beast (that is to say, to Antichrist, 
Apoc. 13.4, 5, 6 ) by the Dragon, and not to the Dragon himself: And secondly, whereas he would needs have the 42 Months to signify 294 years, the Scriptures do expound them by 1260 days, which make just three years and a half, as hath been said.  
13. Thirdly, Fox shall never find any place or example in Scripture, where the word Month either in Greek or Latin doth signify seven Days, Weeks, or Years, as in Daniel the Greek word Hebdomada doth and may, by its proper signification. And yet is John Fox so fond and resolute in his device, as all other proofs and probabilities failing him, he will needs confirm it by a Revelation from God, which he recounteth in these words following:  


Act. & Mon. p. 90.  
A Revelation imparted to John Fox.   14. Because the matter (saith he) being of no small importance, greatly appertaineth unto the public utility of the Church, and lest any should misdoubt me herein, to follow any private Interpretations of my own; I thought good to communicate to the Reader that which hath been imparted unto me, in the opening of these Mystical Numbers in the foresaid Book of Revelation contained, by occasion as followeth etc.  
15. As I was in hand with these Histories, etc. being vexed and turmoiled in spirit about the reckoning of these Numbers and Years; it so happened upon a Sunday in the morning, lying in my Bed, and musing about these Numbers, suddenly it was answered to my mind, as with a majesty thus saying inwardly within me, Thou Fool, count these Months by Sabbaths, as the Weeks of Daniel are counted by Sabbaths. The Lord I take to witness thus it was. Whereupon thus being admonished, I began to reckon the 42 Months by Sabbaths, first of the Months, and that would not serve; and then by Sabbaths of Years, and then I began to feel some probable understanding: Yet not satisfied herewith, eftsoons I repaired to certain Merchants of my acquaintance, (of whom one is departed, a true and faithful Servant of the Lord, the other two yet alive, and Witnesses hereof,) to whom the number of these foresaid Months being propounded, and examined by Sabbaths of Years, the whole Sum was found to surmount to 294 years, containing the full and just time of the foresaid Persecutions, neither more nor less, etc.  
16. And thus you have the Revelation made to John Fox; which he saith that he relateth unto us for that we shall not misdoubt the truth thereof, nor think that he followeth any private Interpretation of his own, but that it came from God immediately. And this is the first Dream of John Fox in his Bed. And the second ridiculous point is, that he went to three Merchants to confer this Revelation, and that they approved the same. The third point is open Folly, where he saith that this number of 294 containeth the full and just time of the first Persecution of Christians under Pagan Emperors, neither more nor less; which before hath been confuted, and is evident in itself, seeing that from Christ to the Victory of Constantine against Maxentius, there are assigned by Eusebius 318 years, and yet did not this Persecution of Christians cease then neither, but continued under Licinius and other Tyrants for divers years after. See then how just these Numbers fall out, neither more nor less! All which being considered, I find no one thing so true or credible in all this Revelation, as those words of the Spirit unto him, saying, Thou Fool, for that this maketh him a Fool indeed by Revelation. And so much of him, and of this whole matter of binding and losing Satan, and Reign of Antichrist: Now let us return to the continuation of our Conference with John Fox about his Church.  

The succession of the universal Church, as also of England, from the year of Christ 1066. downward.  17. The deduction of the Catholic Roman Church from William the Conqueror downward unto John Wickliff's time, is no less easy and clear, but rather more, than the former deduction from Christ to the Conquest; for that the Church was now more spread and established over the World, than in any other former Ages. And to come unto the particulars, there sat in the See of Rome, as High-Bishops of the Universal Church, from Pope Alexander II. that sent a Banner blessed unto William the Conqueror at his entrance into England, (and was the 162 Pope from St. Peter to our time) unto Pope Gregory XI. (under whom Wickliff began his Doctrine) 45 Popes; and in the Roman Empire, from Henry IV. unto Charles IV. succeeded 19 Emperors; and in the Crown of England 10 or 11 Kings, from the Conqueror to Edward III. under which Kings there succeeded by Election in the Metropolitan See of Canterbury, from Stigand and Lanfrank unto Thomas Arundel, 20 Archbishops. All which, both Popes and Emperors of the Universal Church, as also the Kings and Archbishops of our Island, agree uniformly in Faith and Religion, without any difference at all; and so it continued in our Island. For albeit towards the end of this time John Wickliff with his Followers, and some other Sectaries, (especially the Lollards) rose up in our Country, and caused many troubles both in England and other places; yet neither the State of England, nor any of our Princes, (and much less any Bishops or Archbishops) ever suffered themselves to be infected therewith. So as for the manifest continuation both of Men and Doctrine in these Ages, we have no less visible Succession both of Bishops, Doctors, and Faith, than before we have showed in the former Ages; the Succession of Bishops being evident in every Country and Church by their particular Stories and Records, as also of Teachers and Doctrine, as now we shall show.  
18. The principal Learned Men also and Doctors of this time, 
The principal Learned Men of this time.  from the Conquest to Wickliff, are known. As for Example, Burchardus, Petrus Damianus, Lanfrank, Anselmus, Oecumenius, Marianus Scotus, Ivo Carnotensis, Lambertus Schafnaburgensis, Rupertus Abbas, Enthymius, St. Bernard, Peter Lombard, Gratianus, Albertus Magnus, St. Thomas of Aquin, Nicephorus Calixtus, and many other downward. In which time there are accounted some ten or eleven Synods and Councils to have been held in divers Countries for suppressing of Heresies and Sects that did from time to time peep up, and reforming of abuses in former times; and two of them to have been General, to wit, that of Lateran, and of Constance, wherein Wickliff was condemned.  
19 The most notorious Sects also of this time, which against these Doctors, 
The Sects & Sectaries of this time.  Councils and Synods did strive, were the Bogomilians, the Petrobusians, the Arnardistes, the Waldenses, or poor men of Lions, the Albigenses of Tholosa, the Cathari, or Puritans, the Flagellantes, or Whippers, the Begardians, the Beguisnes and Fraticelli, or little Brethren, the Lollards and Wickliffists, and the rest that ensued: Against all which the Church proceeded in all this time by Censures of Councils and Bishops, as in all other times before against such men, and must do to the World's end.  
20. And now, this being so, tell me (good Reader) whether it be not true which St. Augustin saith, 
Aug. l. 1. quaest. Evang. q. 38. & tract. 2. in Epist. Joan.  That it is as easy in all Ages to see where the true visible Church goeth, as to see the Sun at noon day when it shineth clearest? And where will John Fox go now to seek himself a private hidden Church among Christians, except he patch it up of those Heretics by me named, and other like, as he doth? And therein dealeth, as if one having showed the Descent and Continuance of the most Noble and most Ancient House of England by their Arms and Actions, would condemn them all presently to have degenerated, and bring in a Company of Beggars or Brothers, that have run out of that House, or were beaten from thence; affirming These only to be of the ancient Race of that Family. Or as if a man would say of the City of London, 
A fit comparison expressing John Fox his Church.  that for these thousand years and more all those Men or Women that have been punished by the same City for Malefactors, were the true Citizens indeed, and the others that punished them only Intruders.  
21. In which Examples, notwithstanding tho' they be ridiculous, yet is there much more reason or probability than in the other; for that any temporal House or Family whatsoever may degenerate, and be wholly perverted; and any City whatsoever may err, alter, or be turned upsidedown by disorder; but the Catholic Church cannot, except we deny both the Promise, Power and Godhead of Christ himself, as our Heretics in effect do, (tho' not in words) whilst they make to themselves a new, scarce-visible Church, of elect people, to wit, of their own Election, and thereby are forced to say, that the great visible Church begun by Christ, and continued for many Ages together, did at length (about the time appointed by Fox, tho' they cannot agree at what time) wholly forsake Christ, and fall to Apostasy, becoming the Synagogue of Satan, an Enemy to Christ, instead of his Family, Kingdom, and dearly-beloved Spouse; which is so foul and foolish, yea ignominious and monstrous an absurdity, 
Psal. 47.88. Esay 61. Dan. 2. Mat. 16. 1 Tim. 3. Joan. 16. Mat. 18.  that it doth not only contradict the whole course of Scriptures, which did prophesy and foretell the visible durance and continuance of this Church until the World's end, but that it should also be the Pillar and Firmament of Truth, and so assisted by Christ and his holy Spirit, that it should never err, nor bring into error, and much less fade away or perish.  

St. Augustin impugneth the former absurdities.  22. The most Learned Father St. Augustin doth handle this matter everywhere against the Donatists, who, like our Protestants, would needs have the Universal visible Church in their time to have erred and fallen from Christ, and they only as elect Vessels make the true Church, tho' scarce visible to the eyes of the World, as Fox saith of his Church, gathered up of lurking Heretics here and there, as after you shall see declared. Against which absurdity St. Augustin disputed most learnedly, solving first the Arguments which they allege of some evil Men or Popes that may have been in the Church, if all were true as they say: 
Aug. l. 1. c. 1. contra Epist. Parmen.  Nullius hominis quamvis sceleratum & immane peccatum, etc. That no man's sin, being never so heinous, can prejudicated the promises of God (for the visible continuance of the Church to the World's end) neither can any Impiety of any men whatsoever within the Church bring to pass that the Faith of God which was contained in the promises made to the ancient Fathers concerning the Church of Christ to come, and to be spread over the World, and now fulfilled in our days, should be made void, etc.  

Ibid. ep. 48. ad Vincent.  23. And again: Albeit this Church be sometimes obscured and shadowed by multitude of scandals; yea, even than doth she shine, and is eminent in her most firm Members, etc. And yet further Sed illa Ecclesia quae fuit omnium gentium non est, periit; 
Aug. in Psal. 101. conc. 2.  hoc dicunt qui in illa non sunt. O impudentem vocem! Illa non est, quia in illa tu non es? But perhaps you will say (saith he to the Donatists) that that Church which was gathered together of all Nations from the beginning, is not now, it hath perished, (or fallen from Christ;) thus say they which are not in her. O impudent Speech! Is she no longer a Church, for that thou art not in her?  
24. Here (I trow) Fox will be ashamed, or his Fellows for him, seeing this is their ordinary speech, That this great visible Church began by Christ and his Apostles, held on well for a time, but at length fell to Apostasy, as St. Augustin saith of his Heretics in the same place: Dicunt, impletae sunt Scripturae, crediderunt omnes gentes, 
Aug. ib.  sed apostatavit & periit Ecclesia; These Heretics say, that the Scriptures were fulfilled, that all Nations believed and entered into this Church, but that after a time it fell to Apostasy, and perished. But what answereth St. Augustin to this impudent Objection? He opposeth the words of Christ himself: Ecce, ego vobiscum sum usque ad consummationem saeculi; 
Mat. 28.  Behold, I am with you to the end of the World. As who would say, By this Doctrine they make Christ a Liar and a Deceiver, that promised more than he could perform; nay, in very deed they deny hereby his whole Deity, and do evacuate all the Mysteries of his whole Incarnation, Life, Passion, Resurrection, Ascension, and sending of the Holy Ghost, etc.  
25. For to what end was all this done, but to gather together, found, 
Absurdities & Impieties ensuing upon the former Doctrine.  establish, and to conserve this Church unto the end of the World? For what was Christ incarnate, and God made Man, but to be Head of this Church? Why did he preach, gather his Apostles and Disciples, instruct them, pray for them, and their continuance, leave Sacraments among them, but that they should visibly begin this Church? Why did Christ send the Holy Ghost, but to direct and confirm the same, not for one Age or Two, but to the World's end? How did Christ command men under pain of Damnation to enter into this Church, and absolutely to hear and obey the same, if it were only to endure for certain Ages, and then to perish? How should Pagans, Infidels, Jews, Turks, Moors, or other like people, (if by God's Inspiration they should have a desire to be Christians) know what to do, or whither to go, or where to be truly instructed, if they came after the time appointed by Fox, when the visible Roman Church had perished; to wit, after the time of Pope Gregory VII. when Fox saith, That Christian Faith was now extinguished in the Universal visible Church above 500 years agone? And yet, on the other side, this new Church of Wickliffians, Hussites, and others of that Sect, (which he putteth to be the true Church) was not yet born by two or three hundred years. So as then he must needs confess, that either there was no Christian Church at all for some Ages, or that he must place it in some other obscure Heretics and Sectaries of that time named by me before, yet he doth not agree at all in their Articles of Religion.  
26. Well then, this shall be sufficient to show the absurdity of John Fox his device for overthrow of our Church, and setting up of his own, 
The patching up of Fox his Church in these Ages.  patching it up of the Heretics of these latter Ages. And yet you must note, that for the first three hundred years next after the Conquest to this time of the rising of Wickliff, (which contain the whole substance of his fourth Book, and therein a hundred Leaves of Paper) he scarce findeth any Heretics whom he dareth to challenge for Members of his Church fully, tho' some liking he showeth to the foresaid Waldenses and Albigenses. So as all the substantial building of his Church beginneth only from Wickliff downward, of whom we shall talk more particularly in the Chapter following.  
27. But perhaps than you will ask me, How doth he fill up these hundred Leaves of Paper in this his fourth Book, if here also he allege so little for his visible Church? I shall tell you briefly. He goeth from King to King, 
The substance of Fox's fourth Book, containing 300 years from the Conquest to Wickliff.  and from Archbishop to Archbishop, showing what strifes or disagreements, suits or controversies, fell out between our two Archbishops of Canterbury and York, between our Kings, Archbishops, Religious Orders, and Secular Priests, Canons and their Bishops, and other such quarrels in those times, making scornful Notes upon every Point; and then he putteth down a Bead-roll of all the particular Orders of Religious Men in England, entituling the same, 
Fox. p. 236.  The Rabblement of Religious Orders. Then cometh he in with a complaint of the Nobles of England against the Exactions and Covetousness of Popes in those days, and many Letters and Writings about the same, but citeth commonly no Author for any thing. Then bringeth he in what variance at divers times there passed between the Popes and the Citizens of Rome, 
Ibid. p. 241.  what strifes between some Popes and Emperors, betwixt Kings of France and Kings of England, 
Ibid. p. 255.  and such like other matter little to the purpose he took in hand, which was to set down the race and course of his Church.  
28. But the greatest part of this Book doth take up the particular Lying Treatise against Pope Gregory VII. against Lanfrank, Anselm, and Thomas Becket, Archbishops of Canterbury; the counterfeit devised poisoning of King John by a Monk or Friar: the Story or Persecution (as he calleth it) of the Heretics, named Waldenses, or poor Men of Lions, and Albigenses of Tholosa, and the like. We shall say a word or two to each Point.  

Pope Gregory VII.  29. As for Pope Gregory, called before Hildebrand, he so raileth upon him, as if he had been the wickedest man that ever lived, and the Emperor the best; and yet have you heard the grave testimonies before of the principal ancient Authors to the contrary in them both. But do you hear Fox himself speak. 
Fox p. 159. col. 2. n. 10.  Now let us proceed (saith he) to the contentions between wicked Hildebrand and the godly Emperor, etc. Lo, how he sanctifieth the Emperor, for hatred to the Pope!  

Of Lanfrank.  30. Of Archbishop Lanfrank, so highly commended by all Writers for his Virtue and rare Learning, whereby he confuted most excellently the new risen Heresy of Berengarius, 
Fox p. 167.  Fox writeth thus: I think, that unless Lanfrank had brought with him less Superstition, and more sincere Science into Christ's Church, he might have kept him still is his Country, and have confuted Berengarius at home. Do you see how wise a confutation this is?  


Of St. Anselm see Edverus in vit. S. Ansel. apud sur. tom. 2. Edmund. Cantuar. in vit. Henr. de viris illust. c. 7. Trit. de viris illust. l. 2. c. 101. & l. 3. c. 329.  
Fox p. 175. Of St. Thomas Becket.   31. St. Anselm followed after Lanfrank in the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and was banished by William Rufus, and died upon the 22 of April, in the year 1109, and is held for a Saint by all Posterity, and his said day kept Festival throughout Christendom: And yet so writeth Fox his Story, as tho' King Rufus (whose manners yet all English Historiographers, both Heretics and Catholics, do greatly blame) had had the right, and Anselmus had offered the wrong; insomuch as in one place Fox maketh this Marginal Note against this holy Man: The proud stoutness of a Prelate in a wrong Cause.  
32. How large a Treatise Fox maketh of St. Thomas Becket, and his contention with King Henry II. and how shamefully he doth belly and revile him everywhere, hath been showed sufficiently 
* Encount. 2. c. 10, 11, 16.  before in my Answer to Sir Francis Hastings, as also of the Fable of the poisoning of K. John. And as for the Histories the Waldenses & Albigenses, 
Fox p. 209.  whom he meaneth to lay for the first Foundations of his visible Church upon Earth, he handleth matters so falsely and partially, contrary to the testimony of all Antiquity, as a man may easily see that the whole contexture of his Story is nothing else but a perpetual woven thread of wilful and malicious Falsehoods, and for that I shall have occasion to speak again of these Heretics in the next Chapter, wherein we have to handle the Succession of John Fox his visible Protestant Church from Wickliff downward, I shall say no more thereof here, but remit me to that which ensueth.   

CHAP. IX.  
Of the time from John Wickliff unto the beginning of the Reign of King Henry VIII. containing about 140 years; And how the Roman Church and John Fox his Church passed in these days.  
BY that which hath been said before from Age to Age of the apparent and manifest Descent, Progress, and Continuation of the Catholic Roman Church, and of her State and Condition, as well in England as in other parts of the Christian World, (at the rising of John Wickliff an Englishman, about the year of Christ 1371,) it is not hard to make the like deduction of the same Church from that time unto the year of Christ 1560, when her Majesty that now is had a little before begun her Reign, and established the form of Religion that now is held in England: 
The state of the Roman Church when Wickliff began.  For as for the Popes and chief Ecclesiastical Governors of the Roman Church in this time, they are publicly known; their Names, Number, and Succession one to another from Innocentius VI Vrbanus V. and Gregory XI. (who first condemned Wickliff's Doctrine) unto Pope Pius V. that entered the Roman See at the beginning of her Majesty's Reign, being in number about Thirty, and all of one Faith and Religion the one with the other.  
2. The Emperors also both of the West and East Empire (so long as it lasted) are known to have been of the selfsame Religion, 
Emperors of these Ages.  excepting some Disobedience and Schismatical Opinions in some of the Greek Emperors against the Church of Rome; for which it may be thought that God of his Justice gave them over at length, together with their Empire, into Infidel's hands, about the year of Christ 1450; Constantinus, the Twelfth of that Name, surnamed Paleologus, being the last of that Race.  
3. The manner also of proceeding in Ecclesiastical matters by this Church in this time, was like unto the former, to wit, by conserving and continuing the Faith of their Ancestors, and precedent times; defending the same with like diligence against Innovations of Heretics, partly by the Writings of Catholic Learned Men, Doctors and Preachers, which in these Ages were; as, 
The principal Learned Men of this Age.  Gregorius Ariminensis, Laurentius Justinianus, Thomas de Kempis, Bartholomeus Vrbinas, Thomas Waldensis, Joannes Gerson, Alphonsus Tostatus, Sanctus Vincentius, Sanctus Antoninus, Sanctus Bernardinus Senensis, Nicolaus Cusanus, Jo. Tritemius, Jo. Naucleras, Albertus Pius, Eckius, Empserus, Clicthoveus, and many other Learned Catholic Writers: By whose diligence the Heretics in these Ages were everywhere refuted. But especially were they repressed by the Authority of Synods and Councils, as well Provincial and National as General also; to which effect were their latter General Councils, 
General Council of Florence. General Council of Lateran. Council of Trent.  the first of Florence under Pope Eugenius IV. against the Heretics and Schismatics of those times, about the year of Christ 1432; the second of Lateran under Julius II. and Leo X. about the year of Christ 1513; and the third of Trent, against Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, Anabaptists, and other such fresher Heretics of our days, under Pope Paulus IU. Pius IV. and Pius V. which Council was begun about the year 1445.  
4. And albeit in this time (as in former Ages) there wanted not troublesome Spirits and new-fangling Heads to impugn and exercise this Church, as the Wickliffians, Hussites, pickard's, Adamites, Thaborites, Orebites, and other such Sectaries, going before Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, Anabaptists, Trinitarians, and other like new Dogmatists of our days: yet were they always discovered, resisted, vanquished, and condemned by the same ordinary Process of Ecclesiastical Censures and Judgement; excommunicated, anathematised, 
Condemnation of Heretics.  and delivered over to Satan, by the Authority of this Church, as all other Heretics were in former Ages; and consequently are like to have the selfsame final end, howsoever they ruffle or resist for a time.  
5. And this being now the demonstration of our Catholic Church, most clear and evident to all them that have Eyes of Understanding to see, and Grace to consider the Truth; let us pass over to the view of John Fox's Church, which having been hitherto invisible from Christ downward, and only imaginary or Mathematical, as you have seen, (for that he hath scarce named any to have been of that Church:) yet now from this time forward he will begin to exhibit unto us a real visible Church on his part, that is to say, a Succession, or rather Representation of divers Professors of his Religion, or of some Points thereof at leastwise, wherein they differ from the Roman. For he doth not think it needful for those of his Church to agree in all Articles, nor doth he bind himself to the Rule of St. Augustin: Ecclesia universaliter perfecta est, 
Aug. de genes. ad litteram c. 1.  & in nullo claudicat; The true Church is universally perfect, and doth halt in no one point of Belief. But he thinketh it sufficient for his men to agree in some things against the Roman Church, and to have some sparkles of Truth in it, as before he 
* In his Protest. pag. 9  affirmed; albeit therewithal they should have some blemishes and errors also, as a little after we will declare.  
6. The Catalogue of these Protestant Professors, whereof Fox would make up his Church, we shall handle in the Chapter following: Now we are only to tell you, that from this time of Wickliff downwards he meaneth to lay down the visible Succession of his Church, and to that effect he storeth up all those that held the Articles of the foresaid Wickliff or Husse for Gospelers of his Church, whatsoever they held otherwise against him, or different among themselves. And if any of them or others were punished for their Opinions by our Church, then doth he register them for Martyrs or Confessors of the same Church; which yet he never durst do before this time, albeit there were divers other Sectaries in former Ages that symbolised with him in divers Articles, as hath been showed.  
7. Yea, in this matter we may see John Fox also play the Fox, and fetch many windings and turnings to deceive his Reader; for that at the very entrance of his prolix and tedious Treatise of John Wickliff, whom he proposeth as a chosen man raised up by God for lightning the World, and impugning the Church of Rome; 
A starting-hole of Fox.  he leaveth to himself a starting-hole for all necessities, when he shall be pressed; telling us, That albeit in John Wickliff 's Opinions and Assertions some blemishes perhaps may be noted; yet such blemishes they be, which rather declare him to be a man that might err, than which directly did fight against Christ our Saviour, etc.  
8. Consider, I pray you, what a Defence this is. Perhaps (saith he) some blemishes may be noted; as tho' the matter were in doubt whether he had any blemishes in his Doctrine or no. Which yet after the Fox is forced to confess, and to disclaim them openly. And further he addeth full wisely, That if he have blemishes, 
Fox pag. 390. col. 2. n. 33.  or errors in Doctrine, they are such as do rather prove that he was a man, and might err, than that he did directly fight against Christ. Mark the manner of his Defence! His errors do prove only, That he was a man, and might err. And so I say also of the worst Heretics, that their errors and blemishes in Doctrine do prove that they were men, and erring men; yea, wicked men also, in that they obstinately defended their own errors: And so I say of Wickliff in like manner. But mark what followeth; Rather than that he did fight directly against Christ: Which is as much as to say, that it importeth not much tho' he impugned Christ indirectly, if directly he did not fight against him. And may not any Heretics that ever lived be defended in this sort? No Heretics do openly and directly impugn Christ, but rather pretend to honour him above others; bearing ever the Names not only of Christians, but also of the best, and most reformed Christians: and consequently they never fought directly against Christ, but indirectly, pretending one thing, and doing another.  
9 After John Fox hath greatly justified Wickliff by divers Leaves of Paper together, he cometh to set down 23 of his first Articles condemned by the Church of England at that day; 

Fox pag. 400. col. 2.  
Special Judges appointed to examine Wickliff's Doctrine.   and that (as Fox confesseth) by special chosen Judges gathered together; to wit, eight Bishops, fifteen Religious Learned Men of divers Orders, fourteen Doctors, and six Bachelors of Divinity; all which Fox doth name and contemn: And yet these Articles, tho' in divers points they concur with Luther, Zwinglius and Calvin's Doctrine in these days, yet in others they do greatly disagree; and Fox I think will not defend them. As for Example:  
The fourth Article is, That if a Bishop or Priest should give Holy Orders, or consecrate the Sacrament of the Altar, or minister Baptism, whiles he is in mortal sin, in were nothing available.  
10. Will Fox yield to this Article, think you? For if he do, we may call in doubt whether ever he were well baptised, and consequently whether he were a Christian; seeing it may be doubted whether the Priest that baptised him were in mortal sin or no when he did it.  
And again, the ninth Article is, That it is against Scripture for any Ecclesiastical Ministers to have any temporal possessions at all.  
This Article if Fox will grant, yet his Fellow-Ministers, 
Wickliff's heretical Articles. Fox p. 400.  and his Lords the Bishops, I presume, will hardly yield thereunto, but will pretend Scriptures to the contrary against Wickliff. Let us see the rest.  
The tenth Article is, That no Prelate ought to excommunicate any person, except he know him first to be excommunicated by God.  
The fifteenth is, That so long as a man is in deadly sin, he is neither Bishop nor Prelate.  
The sixteenth is, That Temporal Lords may according to their own wills and discretion take away the Temporal Goods from any Church men, whensoever they offend.  
The seventeenth is, That Tithes are mere Alms, and may be detained by the Parishioners, and bestowed where they will at their pleasure.  
11. These were some of Wickliff's first Articles, condemned at Oxford about the year of Christ 1380; but after he published many worse. And I would here know of John Fox, Whether He and his Fellow-Ministers will allow of these Articles, or no? And if not, but that they will have them accounted for his blemishes or errors (as Fox calleth them) then may we also with better reason account for blemishes and errors his other Propositions, wherein he agreeth with the Protestants against Us; as I doubt not but that John Fox will account those also wherein he agreeth with Us against Him, which are many, and far more than the former, wherein he joineth with Him against Us, as may be gathered by these few Articles alleged here by Fox himself; whereby (tho' mingled with much other erroneous Doctrine, as you see) it is evident that Wickliff held divers Points also of Catholic Religion; as, Holy Orders, Consecration, Excommunication, distinction of Venial and Mortal Sins, and other like. For which cause I marvel why John Fox would allege these Articles, but only to confound himself, and to show that his holy Patriarch Wickliff is so full of blemishes, as scarce any unspotted thing can be found in his Doctrine.  
12. But this is the beggary of this new Church, 
Fox's Church made up of our Dunghill clouts.  that it cannot be made up but by such Dunghil-clouts gathered together from under the feet of their Adversaries: For albeit Wickliff, Husse, and other like Sectaries, did hold many more Articles with Us against the Protestants, than with Them against us; yet such is the Integrity, Purity, Severity, yea Majesty of our Church, that forasmuch as they agreed not in all and every point of Belief, we (according to the Creed of Athanasius) reject them and as spotted and blemished Rags do cast them out to the Dunghill, whom poor Fox gathereth up again with great diligence, putting them into his Calendar for Saints, and chief Pillars of his new Church, and so consequently maketh his Church of our Shoe clouts; which how honourable thing it may be esteemed, let every man judge: For if these Heretics did agree with him in all Points of his Doctrine, tho' by joining with them he should show himself an Heretic; yet they not agreeing but in some Points only, and impugning him in the rest, it showeth a marvellous base mind, and lack of common sense, to make them Pillars of his Church, as he doth.  
13. But there is yet another point worse than this; which is, that he doth not only allow of the Religion of these men, but defendeth also and justifieth their Life and Actions in what case soever; and tho' never so orderly and lawfully condemned by the Church or State of those days, yea tho' they were convinced to have conspired the King's Murder, and Ruin to the State, or had broken forth into open War and Hostility against the same. As did Sir John Oldcastle (by his Wife called Lord Cobham) Sir Roger Acton, 
Stow & Walsing. an. 1414.  and many other their Followers, in the first year of King Henry V. which Story you may read in John Stow truly related out of Thomas Walsingham, and other ancient Writers.  

Fox from p. 530, to 540.  14. He setteth down also without blushing (I mean Fox) as well the Records of the Chancery, as the Act of Parliament itself, whereby they were condemned of open Treason, and confessed Rebellion; for which sixty nine were condemned in one day by public Sentence; and yet doth the mad fellow take upon him to excuse and defend them all by a long Discourse of many Leaves together, scoffing and jesting as well at their Arraignment and Sentence given, as also at the Act of Parliament holden at Leicester, Anno 2 Hen. 5. cap. 7. and in the year of Christ 1415. And after all he setteth forth, in contempt of this public Judgement, a great painted Pageant or Picture of those that were hanged for that open Fact of Rebellion in St. Giles' Field in London, as of true Saints and Martyrs; namely of Sir Roger Acton and others, pag. 540. And some Leaves after that again, he setteth out another particular Pageant of the several Execution of Sir John Oldcastle, 
Fox p. 592.  with this Title: The description of the cruel Martyrdom of Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham. And more than this, he appointeth unto them their several Festival Days in red Letters, (which were the days of their Hanging) as unto solemn Martyrs. The first upon the sixth of January, with this Title; Sir Roger Acton, Knight, Martyr: And the other upon the fifth of February, with this Inscription in his Calendar; Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, Martyr. Whereby we may see, that these men do not measure things as they are in themselves, but as they serve to maintain their Faction.  

Fox maketh adversary Heretics of his Church, whether they will or no.  15. And it is further to be noted, That albeit these two Rebellious Knights, (Acton and Oldcastle) besides all other their convicted Crimes, did make public Profession of a far different Faith from John Fox (as may be seen by the Confessions and Protestations set down by Fox himself) yea, and the latter of them also did openly recant all the Errors and Heresies that he had held before; yet notwithstanding will not Fox so let them go, but perforce will have them to be of his Church, whether they will or no. It would be over long to rehearse many Examples; some few shall you have for a taste.  
16. Page 512. Fox setteth down the Protestation of Sir John Oldcastle with this Title: The Christian Belief of the Lord Cobham. By which Title you may see that he liketh well of his Belief, and holdeth it for truly Christian. Well, mark what followeth! When, after other Articles about the blessed Trinity, and Christ's Deity, Sir John Oldcastle cometh to treat of the Sacrament of the Altar, 
Sir John Oldcastles Protestation at his death.  he protesteth thus: And forasmuch as I am falsely accused of a misbelief in the Sacrament of the Altar, I signify here to all men that this is my Faith concerning that; I believe in that Sacrament to be contained very Christ's Body and Blood, under the similitudes of Wine and Bread, yea the same Body that was conceived of the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, hung on the Cross, died and was buried, arose the third day from the dead, and now is glorified in Heaven. This was his Confession, and is related here by Fox: And will Fox agree to this, think you? It may be he will, for that he saith nothing against it at all in this place.  
17. But some Leaves after, repeating another Testimonial of the said Oldcastles Belief, witnessed by his own Friends, concerning this Article, he writeth thus: Furthermore, He believeth that the blessed Sacrament of the Altar is verily and truly Christ's Body in form of Bread. Upon which words Fox maketh this Commentary in the Margin: In form of Bread, but not without Bread, 
Fox p. 520.  he meaneth. Yea, John, is that his meaning? How then standeth this with his former words, Under the similitudes of Bread and Wine? Is the Similitude of Bread true Bread? Who seeth not this silly shift of a poor baited Fox, that cannot tell whither to turn his head? But mark yet a far worse shift!  
18. Sir John Oldcastle showing his Belief about three sorts of Men, the one of Saints now in Heaven, the second in Purgatory, 
Fox p. 314.  the third here Militant upon Earth, saith thus: The holy Church I believe to be divided into three sorts or companies; whereof the first are now in Heaven, etc. the second sort are in Purgatory, abiding the Mercy of God, and a full deliverance of pain; the third upon Earth, etc. To this speech of Purgatory, Fox thought best (left it might disgrace his new Martyr) to add this Parenthesis of his own, 
Fox's perfidious dealing.  (if any such place be in the Scriptures, &c) And by this you may perceive how he proceedeth in all the rest, to wit, most perfidiously, like a Fox in all.  
19 Furthermore, he setteth down at length a very ample and earnest Recantation of the said Sir John Oldcastle, taken out of the Records, as authentically made as can be devised. Wherein he thus protested: In Nomine Dei, 
Fox p. 529.  Amen. I John Oldcastle, denounced, detected and convicted of and upon divers Articles savouring Heresy and Error, etc. ay, being evil seduced by divers Seditious Preachers, have grievously erred, heretically persisted, blasphemously answered, and obstinately rebelled, etc. And having recounted at length all his former condemned and heretical Opinions, he endeth thus: Over and besides all this, 
The Abjuration of Sir John Oldcastle.  I John Oldcastle, utterly forsaking and renouncing all the aforesaid Errors and Heresies, and all other like unto them, lay my hand here upon this Book and Evangel of God, and swear, That I shall never more from henceforth hold these aforesaid Heresies, nor yet any other like unto them wittingly, etc. All which Recantation and Abjuration being related at large by John Fox, he saith nothing at all against it, but only that it was devised by the Bishops without his consent; alleging no one Author, Witness, Writing, Record, Reason, or probable Conjecture for proof thereof, but followeth the fond shift 
Supra part 1. c. 5.  before touched by me against the Magd●burgenses of him that being accused of heinous Crimes, bringeth in first the best Witnesses of all the City to prove the same against himself, and then answereth all with only saying, that they are Liars, and know not what they say. In which kind I cannot omit to allege an Example or two more for your better satisfaction in this behalf.  
20. This Fox in his Protestation to the Church of England, wherein he pretendeth to put the very sum of all his whole Volume, being desirous to prove the Antiquity of this his visible Church, not only by these Witnesses, (the Wickliffians, Hussites, Lollards, and other Sectaries of that time, above 200 years agone) but also by the testimonies of divers Statutes and Acts of Parliaments made against them in England at the same time; he citeth sundry Statutes and Acts of Parliament for that purpose, and presently discrediteth the same again, telling you, That you must not believe Them, but rather Him and His Words against them all. You shall hear him in his own words.  
21. Let any man (saith he) peruse the Acts and Statutes of Parliaments passed in this Realm of ancient times, and therein consider the course of times, 
Fox in his Prot. p. 10.  where he may find and read, Anno 5 Reg. Rich. 2. in the year of our Lord 1380, of a great number that there be called evil persons, going about from Town to Town in Freeze Gowns, 
Fox's facility in rejecting Parliaments.  preaching unto the People, etc. Which Preachers, tho' the words of the Statute do term them to be dissembling persons, preaching divers Sermons containing Heresies and notorious Errors, to the emblemishment of Christian Faith, etc. yet notwithstanding may every true Christian Reader conceive of those Preachers to have taught no other Doctrine than now they hear their own Preachers in Pulpits preach, etc.  
22. Mark here three Points, good Reader. First, That if all this were true, that the Wickliffians had preached no other Doctrine than the Protestants do now; yet nothing followeth of this, but that Protestants Doctrine was condemned for Heresy not only by the Church-Laws, but also by divers Acts of English Parliaments, above 200 years past. Which thing, what help or credit it can bring to Fox his Religion, which standeth chiefly in England by Authority of far latter Acts of Parliament, I do not see; for that hereof only may be inferred two Conclusions, if his premises be true: The first, That Protestants were condemned for Heretics by Acts of Parliament 200 years agone: The second, If those ancient Acts of Parliament were of little force in matters of Religion; then latter Acts, that have established a different Religion, may also be called in question, and that with much more reason and probability.  
23. Secondly, I say, That this Assertion of Fox is most apparently false, (to wit, that the Wickliffian Preachers taught no other Doctrine than the Protestant Preachers now teach) if the Articles before alleged out of himself be truly written by him: For neither do the Protestant Preachers in England at this day teach the Real Presence in the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, or the Doctrine of Purgatory, (as you have heard Sir John Oldcastle a chief Wickliffian profess a little before) nor yet do Protestants hold those Articles of John Wickliff himself, (which in this Chapter we have mentioned) as held neither by Them nor Us. And much less do they hold any other Catholic Opinions, which the Wickliffians did, together with their Heresies. So as this is a notorious untruth, and cannot be denied or dissembled.  
24. Thirdly, We may consider of the particular Point which before I noted, That John Fox is not ashamed to cite a whole Parliament against himself, and then in a word to reject the same, as of no credit in the World in respect of Him and his Denial or Rejection. The Parliament (saith he) calleth these Freeze gown-Preachers (the Wickliffians) dissembling persons; but you must think notwithstanding they were very honest men. The Parliament saith, That they preached Heresies and notorious Errors; but John Fox saith it was true Christian Doctrine. Whom shall we here believe, either the whole Parliament, who lived with them, and examined both their Doctrine and doings; or John Fox, that cometh more than 200 years after them, and will needs make himself their Brother whether they will or no, and judge also of the Parliament? But let us hear him yet further.  


Fox p. 10. in Protest.  
Another Parliament rejected by Fox.   25. Furthermore (saith he) you shall find likewise, in Statuto anno 2 Hen. 4. cap. 15. in the year of our Lord 1402, another like Company of godly Preachers, and faithful Defenders of true Doctrine: whom albeit the words of the Statute there, through corruption of time, do falsely term to be false and perverse Preachers under dissembled Holiness, teaching in those days openly and privily new Doctrine and heretical Opinions, etc. Yet notwithstanding, whoever readeth Histories, and the orderly descent of times, shall understand these to be no false Teachers, but faithful Witnesses of the Truth, etc.  
26. Lo here the testimony of another Parliament of our Country, held 22 years after the former, which John Fox rejecteth with the same facility that he did the other: For whereas the Parliament, that had examined the matter, protesteth, That they had found them false, perverse and dissembling People, teaching new Doctrine and heretical Opinions; Fox averreth the contrary, That they were good Preachers, and faithful Defenders of true Doctrine, and holy Witnesses of God's Truth. And for proof hereof, he saith, That whosoever readeth Histories, and conferreth the Order and Descent of times, shall understand thus much to be true. But how and by what means a man shall gather this understanding, he telleth us not. And by the Historical Discourses and Conference of times, which we have hitherto made in this Book, we understand the contrary; finding indeed by Descent and Order of times, that these Opinions of Wickliff, Husse, and Lollards, and the like, were new heretical Opinions indeed, and taken and judged so by Christendom at their up rising and appearance in the World. Wherefore this is plain impudence in Fox, to say that by reading Histories, and noting descent of Times, these men are by him justified from being Sectaries.  
27. It followeth in Fox: 
Fox ib. p. 10.  Of the like number also (saith he) of like true faithful favourers and followers of God's holy Word, we find in the year of our Lord 1422, specified in a Letter sent from Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Martin V. of many infected here in England (as he said) by the Heresies of Wickliff and Husse, etc. who tho' they be termed for Heretics and Schismatics; yet served they the living Lord, within the Ark of his true spiritual and visible Church. And where is then the frivolous brag of the Papists, which make so much of their painted Sheaths, & c?  
28. Do you see in what jollity of mind John Fox is put, by finding out this Succession of his new visible Church for above 200 years downward? Do you hear how he vaunteth of Antiquity and long Continuance, albeit indeed he nameth not continuance, nor can he? for that (I think) he will not grant that the Wickliffian Church doth endure unto this day, 
If Wickliffian Preachers were now alive, the Protestants would not admit them.  or that if a number of those Wickliffian holy Teachers and faithful Witnesses of the Truth, so much praised here by him, should come into England at this day, or Scotland, or into Germany, or Geneva, or among any other Sect or sort of Protestants whatsoever, and should preach that Doctrine which they preached then, (to wit, against the Church of Rome in many Points, but yet defending that number of Sacraments which they did, the Real Presence, Sacrifice of the Mass, together with those extravagant Articles also before mentioned, to wit, That it is against the Scriptures that Bishops or true Ministers should have any Temporal Lands and Livings; and that Tithes are not due; and that both Princes and Prelates do lose their Offices, Authorities, and Dignities, whensoever they fall into mortal sin, etc.) If these men (I say) that were so true Preachers and principal Guiders of the Ark of John Fox his true visible and spiritual Church in those days, should revive and preach again in these days, would his Brethren the Protestants, in England or out of England, receive them, think you? And if it be certain that they would not, how were they true Preachers then, and not now? or how can these and they be true Brethren of one Faith, Religion, or Church? Doth not every simple Man or Woman see this Folly and absurd Contradiction?  
29. But to return to the matter in hand, about rejecting Parliaments and other public Testimonies, we see that John Fox with the same facility both reciteth and rejecteth the Letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury, written to the Pope about those Wickliffians of his time, twenty years after the former Parliament was held; but yet in conformity of that which the said Parliament under King Henry IU. and the other before under King Richard II. did testify, 
How Fox hath found out a visible Church, and from whence.  as well of the said Sectaries Hypocrisy and Dissimulation, as of their wicked Errors and Heresies. All which Fox contemning, saith to the contrary, That they served faithfully the living Lord within the Ark of his true, spiritual and visible Church, etc.  
30. And it is to be noted, that scarce ever throughout this whole Volume of Acts and Monuments from Christ downward (for the space of 1400 years) doth Fox talk of any visible Church on his side, but only now, when he cometh to these Wickliffians, and other like Sectaries: And yet, to speak warily also, he adjoineth unto it the word spiritual, to have some starting-hole to run out when he shall be pressed about the true nature of visible Succession; which we mean to do in the next Chapter following. But in the mean space, it is a matter worth good laughter to hear him say, 
How the Members of Fox's visible Church do hang together.  That Papists do brag of their painted, Sheath, concerning their Church's Antiquity and Succession; and that he hath sufficiently proved before by the continual descent of his Church after the Doctrine that now is reform, that it hath stood and been continued from the beginning, (for so are his words) yea and that visibly, as now he addeth. Whereat (I know) no man can choose but laugh, that hath read this our Treatise wherein we have showed all the contrary, to wit, the visible Descent of the Roman Church by orderly Succession from the Apostles time, and that John Fox hath not so much as named any different Succession or Descent of his Church distinct from the other, until the time of Innocentius III. 1200 years after Christ. And what manner of deduction or collection of Heretics and Sectaries he bringeth down from thence, and how well they agree and hang together, either in Time, Place, Function or Faith, we shall examine a little after.  
31. But now, before we end this Chapter, we are to advertise the Reader, that besides the Sects before named of the Petrobusians, Henricians, Waldensians, or poor men of Lions, the Albigensians and Wickliffians, there was another Sect in England called Lollards, more famous than the rest in respect of Lollards Tower some what renowned in London for the Imprisonments of those Sectaries in that place. But when and how this Sect of Heretics began is not so clear; for that some (as Prateolus and others) seem to affirm that it took its Origin in England as a Brood of the Wickliffists, 

Of Lollards & their beginning in England.  
Prat. l. 10. haeres. p. 157.   for that they were more famous there than in other places: And therefore he saith, Lollardi ex Anglia & ex Wickliffistarum Secta originem duxerunt; The Lollards had their beginning from England, and from the Sect of the Wickliffians, And he addeth, That it was about the year 1360; which cannot stand, for that we have showed before how Wickliff began to publish his Doctrine after this, to wit, about the year 1370. Wherefore the Abbot Tritemius, a Germane Chronicler, declareth the matter more particularly and truly, 
Trit. in chron. an. Dom. 1315.  saying, That there was a certain Heretic in Germany called Gualther Lolhard, who about the year of Christ 1315, taking certain Doctrine from the Albigenses and Waldenses that went before him, and adding (as the fashion is of Sectaries) divers new Opinions of his own, made a particular Sect, who were called Lolhards. Whereby it appeareth that this Sect began in Germany above fifty years before the Sect of Wickliff in England; and hereby ensued, that Wickliffians taking afterwards divers Opinions from the said Lolhards, were commonly also called Lolhards. And John Fox himself, reciting the Sentence of Condemnation of Bishop Tresnant of Hereford against one William Swynderby, an Apostata Priest, for Wickliffian Heresies, (in the year of Christ 1391, the 24th of June) he setteth down these words of the said Bishop: 
Fox p. 429. col. 1. n. 15.  We being excited, through the Information of many credible and faithful Christians of our Diocese, to root out pestiferous Plants, as Sheep diseased with an incurable Sickness, going about to infect the whole and sound Flock, that is to say, certain Preachers, 
Wickliffians were called Lollards.  or more truly execrable Offenders, of the new Sect, vulgarly called Lolhards, etc.  
32. Lo here Wickliffians at this time, (for such a one was this Swynderby) were commonly called Lolhards, twenty years and more after Wickliff had begun his Doctrine. So as rather Wickliffians are to be said to have come forth of Lolhards, than Lolhards of Wickliffians.  
33. And albeit these two Sects, beginning (as you have heard) the one in Germany, and the other in England, with the distance of some fifty years of their Offspring, had many Opinions common to them both, (especially against the Roman Church, against Invocation of Saints, Fast, Prayers, and the Sacraments of Penance, Matrimony, Extreme Unction, and the like;) yet had they their peculiar Opinions also, whereby they were made a several Sect. As for Example, the Lolhards' impugned not only the foresaid three Sacraments of Penance, Matrimony, and Extreme Unction, (as some Wickliffians did, 
The peculiar Opinions of the Lollards. Trit. ib. ) but Baptism and the Eucharist in like manner. They held also for their peculiar Opinions, (as Tritemius saith,) That Lucifer and his Angels were injuriously thrust out of Heaven by Michael and his Angels, and consequently to be restored again at the Day of Judgement; and that Michael and his Angels are to be damned for the foresaid Injury, and to be delivered over to everlasting Punishment from the Day of Judgement forward. That our Lady could not bear Christ and remain a Virgin, for that so he should have been an Angel, and not a Man. That God having given the Earth to the use of Man, according to the saying of the Psalm, Terram autem dedit filiis hominum, 
Psal. 113.  God hath given the Earth to the children of men; he doth consequently punish such Wickedness as is done upon Earth: but if any thing be done under ground, it is not punishable. And therefore in Caves and Cellars under ground they were accustomed to exercise all manner of Abomination. And of this he relateth a certain Story happened in Germany, which was, That one Gisla (a young woman of their Sect) coming to be burned for Heresy, she was asked whether she were a Virgin or no; whereunto she answered, That aboveground she was, but underground not.  
34. There followed many other Heresies also from this time downward unto King Henry VIII.'s days, which prevailed diversely in divers Countries, 

Flagellants, or whipping Heretics.  
an. Dom. 1350. Trit. in chron. an. 1350.   as the Flagellants, or Whippers, which made a new Baptism of Blood, and held divers Articles of the Lolhards, in Germany and Hungary, about the year of Christ 1350, as Tritemius saith. The Hussites also in Bohemia, who had their Doctrine of John Husse, Scholar of John Wickliff, (but yet in divers Articles differing from him) about the year of Christ 1415, 
Aeneas Sylu. histor. Bohem. cap. 35.  as Aeneas Silvius declareth at large. And upon this Man's teaching, and the Doctrine of Hierom of Prague (that lived at the same time) there sprung up divers different Sects in Bohemia, as the Orebites, Adamites, Drecentians, Gallecians, Rochezanites, 

The diversity of Sects amongst the Hussites.  
Bon. Decad. 4. lib. 2.   Jacobites, Thaborites, and others. Whereof Aeneas Silvius, Bonfinius, and other Authors do treat. And Bonfinius writeth, That Mathias King of Hungary was wont to say in his days, that the Sects and Sectaries of Bohemia were so divers and contrary one to the other, as if no other Argument were against them, this were sufficient to overthrow them all. And the same confusion remaineth there unto this day.  
35. And this shall suffice for the Heresies of this fifth station of Time; especially such as prevailed most in England from Wickliff unto King Henry VIII. in whose days Luther rose up, and made a new Sect. For albeit in many Points he symbolised, and had concurrence with most of these Sects, but especially with the Lolhards and Wickliffians, (under whose Names all Sectaries commonly covered themselves in our Country;) yet had Luther divers Points also peculiar to Him and His, which made them properly a distinct and several Sect; which himself confesseth in like manner, disclaiming by Name from hus and Hussites in these words: Non recte faciunt, 
Luth. in respons. ad Rofensem art. 30.  qui me Hussitam vocant; non enim mecum ille sensit: They do not well that call me a Hussite; for he doth not agree with me in Doctrine. And as for Wickliff, we may see the same Judgement of Luther by the testimony of Philip Melancthon, 
Melanct. epist. ad Freder. Mechonium.  that saith of him, Nec intellexit nec tenuit Fidei Justitiam; He neither understood nor held the Justice of Faith, which is the very Foundation of Luther's Gospel and Doctrine.  
36. And again in the same place he objecteth divers other erroneous Doctrines unto him: as, That he doth take away all Civil and Politic Government; that he holdeth for unlawful to Priests to possess any thing proper; that no Tithes are to be paid, and the like. Which Doctrines of Wickliff notwithstanding our John Fox defendeth, commending highly the Teachers and Professors thereof, in all his tract of Time from King Edward III. to King Henry VIII. canonising them for Saints that were any way punished or called in question for any of these Doctrines, under the Reigns of King Richard II. or King Henry IV, V, VI, or VII. and other Kings of that time. And in this Argument is spent the whole sum of his fifth and sixth Books, in which Books the very Titles of the Pages may sufficiently testify what is handled therein. 
Anno Dom. 1382.  As for Example, page 406. under the Reign of King Richard II. is this Title, The first Law for burning the Professors of the Gospel Whereby you see that he calleth all these men, whether they be Wickliffians, Hussites, or Lolhards, Professors of Christ's Gospel, and consequently must he needs hold for Evangelical Truth all which they did hold: and so in effect he doth, in handling their Causes throughout these two Books, against the Bishops and Princes that punished them, though in clear words and Categorical Propositions he dare not do it.  
37. And this is the sluttering and stammering, turning and winding of this our Fox, as you can never know where to have him; for that now he affirmeth, now he denieth; now he leaveth the matter doubtful; now he moveth a question, but solveth it not; now he gainsayeth and contradicteth himself; now he saith one thing in words, and prosecuteth another in deed. As for Example, 
How Fox behaveth himself in defending Wickliffians & their Doctrine.  He confesseth before in words, (as you have heard) That Wickliff had divers blemishes in Doctrine, (that is to say, Errors and Heresies,) and so it may appear, as well by that which we have set down thereof, as also by the Judgement of Melancthon; and yet in prosecution of his Work John Fox will not stick to commend the worst of those Doctrines, as we may see by the very Titles of the Pages set over these Books.  
38. As for Example, page 420. he putteth this Title over the said Page: Temporalities may be taken from the Clergy, etc. And then yet further, in the same Page he putteth this Head or beginning to a long Discourse about this matter in these words: The second Disputation in the University of Prague, upon the seventeenth Article of John Wickliff, most fruitful to be read, proving by twenty-four Reasons out of the Scriptures, that Temporal Lords and Princes may take away Temporalities from the Clergy, etc. This is the Title of this fruitful Discourse for taking away all Temporal Fruits from the Clergy. But how fruitful soever this Disputation may seem to John Fox against Clergy-Temporalities, that perhaps could get none for himself; yet to others of his Clergy, that possess Temporalities, I doubt much whether it will seem so fruitful, or be so well liked of as by John Fox, who for his twenty-four Reasons alleged for the same, may chance be related into some Rank of the twenty-four Orders, fit for a Man of his Degree and Merits.  
39 Moreover, page 426. he hath this Title, Tithes proved to be pure Alms. Which Title I think also will not greatly content the most of his Fellow-Ministers, if their Parishioners should stand upon this Doctrine with them, to wit, That their Tithes are pure Alms, according to the Gospel of John Wickliff and John Fox; and consequently they may deny or detain them when they list, or give so much thereof unto Ministers as they list, and no more, which oftentimes perhaps would be very little. But what would these Ministers, think you, (but especially their Wives and Children) say of this Doctrine, if once they felt hunger come upon them thereby? yet Fox prosecuteth the same Title over other Pages. As for Example, page 446. he hath these words: 
Fox alloweth taking away of Tithes and Temporalities from the Clergy.  Tithes not expressly commanded anew by Christ; and then hath he this Note: If Tithes be claimed by force of the Old Law, than Priests by the same Law are bound to have no Temporalities. And this matter Fox doth prosecute at large, as one Article among other, of one Walter Brute, a Layman of the Sect of Wickliff; in whom, saith Fox, the mighty operation of God's Spirit did effectuate such constancy, as in this and other Articles he resisted openly the Bishop of Hereford in his time, etc. Lo here the approbation of Brutus' Spirit, whose fourth Article was, as Fox himself setteth down, That no man is bound to give Tithes; 
Fox p. 348.  and if any man will needs give, he may give to whom he will, excluding thereby their Curates. Another Article also was of the said Brute, That a Priest receiving by bargain any thing of Yearly Annuity, is thereby a Schismatic, and Excommunicate. Which if it be true, then are his Ministers in a hard case at this day in England, who do bargain for their Service and Wages due thereunto.  
40. And so goeth Fox on from Point to Point to ratify John Wickliff's Doctrine, or at least the Professors thereof; not considering (simple Fellow) how much they differ from him, or make against him, so they be contrary to the Pope of Rome, or condemned by him. For further proof of which Folly and blind Ignorance, we shall pass now to treat in a several Chapter what manner of Continuance and Succession of his Church he deviseth, thro'out the Rabble of these opposite Sects, from the time of Pope Innocentius III. to the Reign of King Henry VIII. whereby I doubt not but the Reader will remain sufficiently instructed of these men's madness, that of so contrary and repugnant Spirits will needs frame to themselves the Unity of a true Christian Church.   

CHAP. X.  
The most absurd and ridiculous Succession of Sectaries appointed by John Fox for the Continuance of his Church from Pope Innocentius III. downward; where also by this occasion is declared the true Nature and Conditions of lawful Ecclesiastical Succession.  
HAving now followed John Fox throughout all this Treatise from Christ's time to ours, to see what visible course and race he would set down, as well of His Church as Ours, (according to his promise made in the beginning of his Acts and Monuments) we have found him hitherto to have talked only in a manner of Our Church, that is to say, of the Universal Roman Church, perspicuously come down by succession of Years and Ages from the Apostles to Us; neither did John Fox for twelve hundred years together so much as name unto us any other Congregation of Men or Women, small or great, good or bad, (that in this time bore the Name of a Christian Church) besides the other; nor did he pretend any Succession, fearing perhaps those words of Tertullian 
* Supra c. 10. Tertull. l. de Prescript.  before recited: Confingant tale aliquid Haeretici, etc. Let Heretics presume to feign or devise any such Succession of Bishops, Teachers and Pastors for Their Church as we have alleged for Ours, if they dare.  
2. But now, from Pope Innocentius' time downwards, John Fox presuming that all the other Church was fallen from God, (a great presumption indeed, as before hath been showed) he bringeth us forth in place thereof another Company of Men, which he saith in those days made the true Church, (for that they were condemned by the other Church, which he holdeth for the false.) And these were a certain Rabblement of Sectaries different in Opinions and Professions not only from Us, but also from John Fox and his Crew, and most of all among themselves, being of divers Countries, Sects, Times, Ages, Offices and Functions, and cohering together in no other form at all of Succession, but that one rose or sprung up after the other. For which cause Fox himself in his Acts and Monuments doth not handle their Affairs as of any Congregation that ever met together, or saw perhaps one another, or had Conference, Order, Subordination or Succession among themselves, but only tieth them together in a certain List or Catalogue, as Sampson's Foxes were by the Tails. 
Judic. 15.  Which List or Catalogue he setteth down in his foresaid Protestation to the Church of England: 
Fox in Protest. ad Eccl. Angl.  telling us first, That during the time of the last 400 years, from Pope Innocentius downwards, the true Church of Christ durst not openly appear in the face of the World, being oppressed by Tyranny; but yet that it remained from time to time visibly in certain chosen Members, that not only bare secret good affection to sincere Doctrine, but stood also in the defence of Truth against the Church of Rome.  
3. This is his Assertion; which he proveth by a large List or Catalogue (as I have said) of sundry that were in this time censured and condemned in some part of Doctrine by the said Roman Church. 
Fox ib. p. 10.  In which Catalogue (saith he) first to pretermit Bertramus and Berengarius, which were before Pope Innocentius III. a 
* What Learning they were of you shall see afterwards.  Learned multitude of sufficient Witnesses here might be produced, whose Names neither are obscure, nor Doctrine unknown, as Joachim Abbot of Calabria, Almaricus a Learned Bishop, that was judged an Heretic for holding against Images; besides the Martyrs of Alsatia, of whom we read an hundred to be burned by Pope Innocentius in one day. Add likewise (saith he) to these the Waldenses and Albigenses, Marsilius Patavinus, Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, Simon Tornacensis, Arnoldus de nova Villa, Joannes Semica, besides divers others Preachers in Suevia, standing against the Pope, Anno 1240, etc.  
4. Thus beginneth Fox his Catalogue, and then goeth he forward with Joannes Anglicus a Master of Paris, 
Mark what men Fox doth couple together as of one Faith.  Petrus Joannis a Minorite, burned after his death; Robert Grossehead Bishop of Lincoln, called Malleus Romanorum, etc. And further he addeth Joannes de Ganduno, Eudo Duke of Burgundy, that counselled the French King to receive the Pope's Extravagants, Dantes an Italian Poet, that wrote against Popes, Monks and Friars, together with Petrarcha, and them Conradus Hagaz imprisoned for preaching against the Mass, Anno 1339, etc. And to these again he coupleth Franciscus de Arcaterra, and others burned for new Opinions, Gregorius Ariminensis, Armachanus, Occam, and others, as tho' these had been all of the same Opinions. And finally, he falleth upon the Lollards, Wickliffians, Hussites, and their Followers in England and Bohemia, succeeding one after another, now in this Country, now in that, now upon one occasion, and now upon another, until the Reign of King Henry III. when Martin Luther began his Profession, who did agree and symbolise in divers Points with the said former Sects of Waldenses and Albigenses, Lollards, Wickliffians, and Hussites, and differed in others, as before hath been declared: And after the Lutherans did follow again others, partly agreeing, and partly disagreeing, as Zuinglius, Calvinus, Beza, Oecolampadius, and others unto our days, and every one affirming his Opinions to be the New Gospel.  
5. And this is the visible Succession (forsooth) which John Fox hath devised to set down for the proof of his new Church, and the Antiquity thereof for 400 years past: And it is like as if a man in England, to disgrace the City of London, 
A fit similitude & comparison.  should seek out the Records of all those that have been hanged at Tyburn for Theft or Murders for 400 years: and having found them out, should produce them for Witnesses of the truth, and for honest men and good Citizens; condemning both the Judges and Jurors and whole Country, that gave Sentence and Verdict against them. And yet if you will see how John Fox playeth the Fool indeed, and braggeth of this Succession of his Church, observe what he writeth presently upon the enumeration of these foresaid Pillars of his Church.  
6. Wherefore if any be so beguiled in his Opinion (saith he) as to think that the Doctrine of the Church of Rome (as now it standeth) is of such Antiquity, and that the same was never impugned before the time of Luther and Zuinglius now of late; let him read these Histories, and peruse the Acts of Parliament passed in this Realm of ancient time; as, Anno 5 Regis Richardi 2. 1380, etc. 
Fond reasoning of Fox.  Did you ever hear a man in his Wit's reason in this sort? How doth this Catalogue (I pray you) of condemned Heretics (for these last 400 years) impugn the Antiquity of the Roman Church or Doctrine before that time? And again, Who doth deny but that the same Roman Church and Doctrine was impugned by old Heretics long before Luther and Zuinglius; yea, and before Wickliff, Waldenses, Albigenses, and Berengarius were born, as by our former deduction hath appeared that she was impugned by Heretics of every Age? And moreover, To what purpose doth Fox will us to read these Histories, and the Acts of Parliament passed against Wickliffians in the time of King Richard TWO? To what purpose (I say) doth this simple Fellow talk and write this against himself, seeing that by these Histories and Statutes we learn nothing (as before we have noted) but only that his elder Brethren the Lollards and Wickliffians were condemned for Heretics by public Authority of our Realm above 200 years agone? Which we grant unto him without further proof?  
7. Wherefore, to leave this childish babbling, that is without sense, consequence, or reason, and to return to some more serious Argument: We shall handle here two Points for better discussion of this Succession of Sectaries alleged by John Fox. First, What are the Conditions necessarily required to a good Ecclesiastical Succession, for demonstrating a Church: And then, 
Two Points to be handled in this Chapter.  What manner of men these were indeed, which Fox doth here assign for Representation of his Church. And all shall be done with as much brevity as may be.  
8. The first Condition is, That this Succession of men that make the Church be Universal both in Place and Time; that is to say, 

The conditions of Eccles. Succession.  
Aug in Psal. 90. Conc. 2. & ead. ferè in Psa. 56.   (to use St. Augustin's words) Non quae hoc loco est, sed quae hoc loco, & per totum Orbem terrarum; nec illa quae hoc tempore, sed ab ipso Abel, usque in finem, etc. That it be not in this or that particular place only, but in this place, and throughout the whole World; and that it be not only in this or that time, but that it be from Abel to the end of the World. By which words of St. Augustin we see that the visible Succession of the true Church must be Universal, first in Place, and that it must be a visible Company professing Christ under one Faith and Doctrine, not in this or that particular Country, Province or Place only, but over all the World, where Christians are. And so we see it verified in the Succession of the Roman Church in our former deductions.  
9 Secondly, It must be Universal in Time, 
True Succession of the Church must be Universal both in place and time.  for that it must not begin from John Wickliff only, Bertramus, or Berengarius, (as John Fox doth appoint the Visibility of his Church) but it must come down from the Apostles, and endure visibly to the end of the World; yea, from Abel himself, (as St. Augustin saith) for that even from Him Christ instituted a visible Church, and continued the same by Succession under all three Laws, both of Naturè, of Moses, and of Grace, as St. Augustin in his Book de Civitate Dei doth declare at large, and in our days Dr. Sanders most Learnedly, in his Excellent Work de Visibili Monarchia, doth prove the same.  
10. So as this Collection of Sectaries alleged here by John Fox, being neither Universal in place, nor agreeing in Faith with the Universal known Church of Christendom, but with particular Assemblies, (one in one place, and another in another) nor yet having Universality of Time; as not coming down from the Apostles Age, but only for some 400 years, as Fox himself confesseth: these men (I say) cannot make a true Church, tho' they have some sparks of true Doctrine among them, as Fox braggeth; seeing it is true which St. Augustin affirmeth: 
Aug. l. de unit. Eccles. c. 4.  Quicunque credunt, quòd Christus Jesus in Carne venerit, & quòd fit Filius Dei, etc. Et tamen ab ejus Corpore, quod est Ecclesia ita dissentiunt; ut eorum communio non sit cum toto quacunque diffunditur, sed in aliqua parte separata inveniatur, manifestum est eos non esse in Catholica Ecclesia; Whosoever doth believe, that Christ Jesus came in Flesh, and that he is the Son of God, etc. And that they do so descent from his Body, that is the Church; as they do not communicate with the whole spread over all parts, but only with some separate part, it is manifest that these men are not of the Catholic Church. And thus much of the first Condition.  


Succession is understood principally of Bishops.  
Aug. l. 1. cont. advers. Leg. & Prophet. c. 20.   11. The second Point to be considered is, When the ancient Fathers do stand upon visible Succession of Men as a Note of the true Church, they meant it especially by Bishops, that come down by continual Succession from the Apostles time to ours: Ecclesia (saith St. Augustin) ab Apostolorum temporibus per Episcoporum Successiones certissimas usque ad nostrum, & deinceps tempora, perseverat; The true Church doth persevere from the Apostles time unto ours, and after us again to the World's end, by most certain Succession of Bishops, 

Iren. l. 3. c. 3. Tert. de praesc. Opt. l. 2. cont. Donat.  
Aug. ep. 165.   etc. St. Irenaeus also, Tertullian, Optatus, and St. Augustin before-alleged, do each of them (as you have heard) deduce the visible Succession of the Church from the Apostles to their days by the visible Succession of the Roman Bishops.  
12. And finally, the Sentence of the said holy Father St. Augustin is notoriously known in many parts of his Works concerning the importance of this Succession: 
Aug. cont. ep. fundam. c. 4.  Tenet me (saith he) in Ecclesia Catholica ab ipsa Sede Petri ad praesentem Episcopatum Successio Sacerdotum; The Succession of Priests (he meaneth Bishops) from the Seat of St. Peter unto the present Bishop of Rome, holdeth me in the Catholic Church. And again, against his old Master Faustus the Manichee: 
Aug. l. 2. cont. Faust. c. 2.  Vides in hac re, quid Ecclesiae Catholicae valeat Authoritas, quae ab ipsis fundatissimis Sedibus Apostolorum usque ad hodiernum diem, succedentium sibimet Episcoporum serie, & tot populorum consensione firmatur; Dost thou not see of what force the Authority of the Catholic Church is, which being established by the most firm foundations of the Apostolic See, doth endure unto this day, by the Race of Bishop's succeeding one another, and by the consent of so many Nations under their Government?  

Four Points required in true Succession of the Catholic Church.  13. Behold here four things especially required by St. Augustin in Succession of men, that must demonstrate a true Church. First, That the chief Heads thereof must be Bishops. Secondly, They must succeed orderly one to another. Thirdly, They must come down from the very Apostles, as before hath been showed. Fourthly, Christian Nations must agree in the same Faith under them. All which four Points are to be found in the Succession of the Universal Roman Church, as you have seen; but no one of them (and much less all) are to be found in this Rabble of Heresies and Sectaries, scraped together by Fox in his former Catalogue: For neither were they Bishops at all, but private men, as after shall be showed, (tho' Fox most falsely doth affirm one of them to have been a Learned Bishop:) Nor did they succeed in Office, Function, Charge or Jurisdiction the one to the other, or concurred in one Time, Country, or place; but one in one corner, and another in another: One stepped up in Germany, another in France, another in Italy, and another in England; the one a Priest, another a Friar, another a Merchant, 
The successive Pillars of Fox his Church have no connexion or coherence the one with the other.  and the other a Soldier or Crafts-man, of different States, Professions, and Conditions; yea, of different Faith and Religion also, as presently shall be showed. Neither had they any relation one to the other, more than Botley to Billingsgate, or Canterbury to Constantinople. And as for Antiquity, and coming down by Succession from the Apostles, they are far from it, as Fox himself confesseth, in that he beginneth his Catalogue only from Pope Innocentius, 1200 years after Christ, as you have heard. So as if Christ had any visible Church before this time, it must needs be Ours? by Fox's own confession.  
14. And finally, the last Point mentioned here, and so highly esteemed by St. Augustin, of the consent of People and Nations, tot populorum consensione firmatur; whereof he maketh such account in another place, as he saith, 
Aug. ep. 48. ad Vincent. Rogatian.  Anathema erit quisquis annunciaverit Ecclesiam praeter Communicationem omnium gentium; He shall be accursed whosoever shall say the Church to be any other but the Communication of all Nations, This quality, I say, he that shall consider and examine in these poor Fellows alleged by Fox, (who were but a few Outcasts of every Country where they sprung), shall find it so ridiculous and contemptible a thing in respect of the main consent of Nations under the Roman Church, as without laughter it cannot be spoken of.  
15. Finally, of this ridiculous Succession of Heretics the same holy Father writeth fitly in these words: 
Aug. ep. 42. ad Mandrens. & tract. 2. in ep. Joan.  Videtis certè multos praecisos à radice Christianae Societatis, quae per Sedes Apostolorum & Successiones Episcoporum certa per Orbem propagatione diffunditur, de sola figura Originis sub Christiano nomine quasi arescentia sarmenta gloriari, quas Haereses & Schismata nominamus; Truly you see many cut off from the root of this Christian Society (the Church) which Society is spread over all the World by the Seats of the Apostles, and Succession of Bishops, as it were by a most certain Propagation or Generation; and these Fellows do brag of a certain figure or similitude of a Beginning or Succession under the name of Christians, but are indeed withered Branches cut off from the Vine, and these we call Heretics and Schismatics. 
A notable saying of S. Aug. touching Fox's Church.  Thus saith St. Augustin. And could any man describe better the Apish Imitation of John Fox, endeavouring to bring in his Succession of a few condemned Heretics, de sola figura Originis sub Christiano nomine gloriantes, bragging only of a certain similitude of Beginning and Succession, under the name of reformed Christians, but indeed cast out and condemned by the Universal Church?  
16. This then is the second Point to be noted about the quality of Ecclesiastical Succession. But another there is of no less moment, but rather more: And this is, That those who succeed one another in the selfsame Church, 
The 3 Point required in Succession, unity of Faith.  be also of one Faith and Belief in all Articles of Religion. For if they differ, tho' it were but in any one substantial Point, they cannot be of one Church, nor of one Communion, nor be saved together; for that, as there is but one God, one Christ, one Church, and one Baptism, (as the Apostle testifieth) so is there but one only Faith in the same Church to be saved by; which all men must hold unitedly, wholly and inviolably, or else (as in the Creed of St. Athanasius is affirmed) absque dubio in aeternum peribit, 
Athan. in Symb.  without doubt he shall perish eternally that disagreeth or dissenteth.  
17. It were a long matter to stand here upon the proof of this Point, to wit, how exact and severe the Catholic Church is, and ever hath been, in defending this strict Simplicity, Union, and Conformity of Faith, in all those that will be her Children, 
* Dom. Thom 22. q. 5. art 3. & Caet. in cundem & Greg. de Valent. ead. 4. disp. 1. punct. 3.  St. Thomas handleth the matter at large, and very substantially, and so do other Schoolmen after him, showing, That whosoever erreth in any one Article of Catholic Faith obstinately, loseth his whole Faith in all the rest which he seemeth to believe. And yieldeth most evident reasons for the same. And of the same severity were the ancient Fathers in this behalf; 
Cyp. l. 1. ep. 6. ad Magnum. Luc. 11.  as St. Cyprian, who applying to this purpose those words of Christ, Qui non est mecum, adversum me est; He that is not with me is against me: saith, It was meant by Christ of all sorts of Heretics whatsoever. Gregory Nazianzen also writeth, 
Nazian. tract. de fide.  Qui uno verbo, tanquam veneni gutta inficiunt, etc. They who by any one word, as with a drop of Poison, do infect the simple Faith of Christ, are to be cast out of the Church as Heretics, etc. And St. Hierom, Propter unum etiam verbum, 
Hier. l. 3. Apol. contra Ruffin.  aut duo, etc. For one word or two contrary to the Catholic Faith many Heresies have been cast out of the Church. And finally, St. Augustin having reckoned up Eighty particular Heresies, in his Book to Quod-vult-deus, he saith, That there may chance to lurk many other petty Heresies unknown to him, 
Aug. l. de haeres. in fine.  Quarum aliquam quisquis tenuerit, Christianus Catholicus non erit; Of which Heresies whosoever shall hold any one, he shall not be a Catholic Christian, and consequently cannot be saved.  


A dreadful Censure of the Fathers against those that be infected with Heresy.  
Aug. ep. 48. ad Vincent.   18. Mark the severity of this holy Man; affirming, That whosoever holdeth any the least hidden Heresy whatsoever, cannot be saved. A dreadful Sentence (no doubt) for many of our Countrymen at this day (if well they thought of their own case) who think it lawful, or at leastwise not much dangerous, to hold private Opinions at their own pleasure; yea many of them thinking, as the old Donatists did, which St. Augustin relateth, and greatly condemneth: Nihil interesse credentes, in qua, quisque parte Christianus sit, believing that it is not of great importance in what part (Sect or Faction) soever a man be a Christian, so he believe in Christ. Thus thought the Donatists, and are much reprehended by St. Augustin for it. And this no doubt is the Opinion of many Englishmen at this day, who being tossed hither and thither with variety of Controversies, and not knowing what to resolve, or being wearied with labour to seek the Truth, do incline easily to this absurd Error, That a man believing piously in Jesus Christ crucified, 
Enc. 1.  (or, as Sir Francis Hastings and O. E. before said, in Christ crucified,) may be saved, and be held for a Brother, so he be against the Pope and Church of Rome.  
19 And the same showeth John Fox that he believeth also, in that he citeth here so many different Sects and Sectaries for his Brethren and Fathers, and chief Pillars of his obscure and trodden-down Church, notwithstanding they differed never so much from him in divers Articles of their Belief, as shall appear by the particular examination that ensueth: For albeit it would be overlong to examine the whole Catalogue before set down, yet the principal Members thereof we shall run over, 
The catalogue of John Fox's Churchmen.  and thereby let you see what Truth or Substance there is in it, or Wisdom in the Alleger. First then, he beginneth his Catalogue thus:  
20. To pretermit (saith he) Bertramus and Berengarius, (which were before Pope Innocentius) a learned multitude of sufficient Witnesses might be produced, etc. It was well he pretermitted these two, which were both against him flatly: For as for Bertramus, 
Bertramus no Protestant.  he was wholly of the Roman Religion, and so lived and died; nor ever taught he any one Point of Protestant Doctrine in his life, as may appear by Tritemius and others that write of him: 
Trit. in verbo. Bertramus. Sand. de visib. monarch. haer. 133.  he being a Monk, and so continued to his dying-day, which was above 800 years agone; tho' after his death, when Berengarius had begun his Heresy, some of his Followers did forge a little Pamphlet in his name, as favouring the Berengarian Heresy against the Real Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament; but the fraud was presently discovered and rejected. So as this man could not be of Fox's Communion, holding all Points of Religion against Him, and with Us. And this is the first Folly and Falsehood of our Fox in the first Man by him alleged.  

Berengarius no Protestant.  21. Now as for Berengarius, Archdeacon of Tours in France, tho' he once held the Error against the Real Presence in the Sacrament, yet did he oftentimes recant the same, as appear by his 
* 
De consecrat. dist. 2. c.  
Ego Berengarius.   Abjurations, (which Fox himself confesseth;) and in all other Points was a perfect Catholic: 
Fox p. 146. Gerson l. cont. Romant.  so that we may more justly make him of Our Church, than Fox of his, if we would take any such broken Wares as Fox doth. But we reject all that are not complete; tho' (if it be true which Gerson and many others do write) that Berengarius died very penitent for his former Error, he was and is of our Church: and whether he did or not, he cannot be of Fox's by any reason; both for that even in this Error, while he held it, he was far different both from Calvin and Luther, and in all the rest of his Belief an Adversary, as hath been said. To which effect the words of the Magdeburgians are to be noted, which are these: 
Cent. 11. c. 10. p. 527.  Leo IX. (say they) deserved in this one thing no small praise above his Predecessors, that presently at the beginning he condemned the Heresy of Berengarius, together with the Author, in a Synod at Rome. So say Fox's Masters; whereunto I marvel what he will answer, seeing they cast away that which he so earnestly and carefully gathereth up.  
22. But now let us see the rest of his Rank. Joachim, 
Abbot Joachim no Protestant.  Abbot (saith he) of Calabria, Almaricus a learned Bishop, etc. As for Joachim, Fox doth not tell us what he held of his Opinions to make him of his Church; nor any other Author that I have read, but only that he being an old Man, and half out of his Wits, was censured by the Pope for certain fond Prophecies, and some Errors also about the blessed Trinity, as appeareth by the Decree extant in the Canon-Law against him, and by other Authors that have written of him. 

Extrav de Trinit.  
Guido Carmel. Bern. Luxem. in Catalogue. haereticorum.   So as he being a Catholic Man in all the rest, and never dreaming perhaps of any Protestant Proposition in his life, Fox hath no other reason to make him of his Church, but only for that he was censured in something by the Pope. Which how good reason it is, every man doth see, forasmuch as every Malefactor condemned by the Pope should by this reason be justified.  
23. As for Almaricus the Learned Bishop, judged for an Heretic (saith Fox) for holding against Images in the time of Pope Innocentius III. First, 
Almaricus was no Bishop, nor condemned only for Images.  you must know, that he was never Bishop, either learned or unlearned, but only of Fox's making; for that his highest Degree that ever he was known to have, was a Doctorship in Paris, he being born in the Town of Chartres, as testifieth Caesarius, that lived with him. Secondly, if he held against Images, 
Caesar. l. dial. d. 5.  (as Fox there saith) he was not judged an Heretic only by Innocentius for that Heresy, but he & all other of that Opinion were condemned above 400 years before that time by the second General Council of Nice. Thirdly, the truth is, 
Conc. Nicaen. Can. 6.  That this man was condemned first by the University of Paris, and then by Innocentius and by a Synod in Rome, for many more detestable Heresies than for holding against Images; and some so foul, as Fox himself will be ashamed to defend them, tho' he make him a Saint of his Church, and therefore like a Fox he left them out. As for Example, the foresaid Caesarius writeth thus: Almaricus, Magister Pravitatis, haec asseruit; Almericus, a Master of Error, taught these Propositions following:  
24. That there is no Resurrection of Bodies at all.  
That there is no Paradise nor Hell.  
That the Body of Christ is no more in the Sacrament after the words of Consecration, than in a Stone or Horse.  
That God spoke as much in Ovid as in Augustin. And other such absurd Propositions to the number of Twenty, for which he was burned openly in Paris in the year of Christ 1208. 
Gagnin. l. 6. hist. Franc.  Cum aliis quibusdam Haereticis blasphemis in Personas S. Trinitatis, saith Gagninus; With certain other blasphemous Heretics against the Persons of the Blessed Trinity.  
25. This is related not only by the said Gagninus, but by Caesarius also, 

Gers. tract. 3. in Matt.  
Paul Aemil. l. 6. hist. Galliae. Geneb. in chron. an. 1208.   as before I have cited; Gerson also, Chancellor of the same University; Paulus Aemilius and Genebrordus, two Learned and Reverend Bishops. And now let the Reader consider what a Saint John Fox hath chosen as the second Pillar of his Church after Pope Innocentius; and how false a Companion he is, in that he telleth us that he was a Learned Bishop, and condemned only for holding against Images. And thus much of Abbot Joachim and Almaricus, of whom John Fox made an ill choice to be the first Founders of his Hierarchy, seeing that neither of them agreed with Him or His in Faith and Belief. There followeth in Fox, The Martyrs of Alsatia, of whom we read (saith he) a hundred to be burnt in one day by the said Innocentius, etc. To show Fox to be a Fox in all things, and to deal sincerely in nothing, I shall allege the words of the Authors that write of this matter: 
Naucler. in hist. Tritem. in chron. Monast. Hirsang. Geneb. in chron. an. 1215.  Certain Heretics (say they) to the number of Eighty, were burned in Argentina in Switzerland, for that they denied Fornication to be any sin at all, for that it is a natural act; and that it was as lawful to eat flesh in Lent as at any other time, etc.  
26. Behold what holy Martyrs these were, and whether it be likely they were burned by Pope Innocentius, seeing they were burned in Argentina. Consider also that of Eighty he there maketh a Hundred, by the art of Exaggeration and Multiplication. Add likewise to these (saith he) Waldenses or Albigenses, with a great number more, to which number belonged Raymundus Earl of Tholose, Marsilius Patavinus, Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, Simon Tornacensis, etc. Here if John Fox do take the Waldenses and Albigenses to be all one Sect, (as it seemeth he doth by his using the word [or] and adjoining the Earl of Tholose as belonging to them both) then is it both false, and great ignorance also in him: For that the Waldenses, 
The Waldenses, or poor men of Lions.  otherwise called the poor men of Lions, began about the year of Christ 1160, or 1180, as other men write, before Innocentius III came to be Pope. Their beginning was by one Waldo, a rich Citizen of the Town, who giving all his Wealth to a certain Community or Brotherhood of Men, (whom he called the poor men of Lions) made a Society of them, with certain Rules, 

Aen. Syl. l. 4. de orig. Bohem. cap. 35.  
Vrsper. in chron. an. 1212.  
Guido Carm. in haeres. Waldens.  
Anton. p. 3. sum. ti. 11. c. 7.   after the form of a Religious Confraternity, (as Aeneas Silvius describeth) pretending Holiness at the beginning, and with that pretence went afterward to Rome, and demanded an Approbation of that Society from Pope Lucius, (as testifieth also Vrspergensis, who was then present in Rome, and saw them:) But the Pope seeing certain Superstitions among them, refused the same. Wherewith they being offended, began to cry out against the Pope, and therewith to defend divers Errors, and most absurd Heresies; whereof as some are held at this day by the Protestants, so divers are not; nor will John Fox, I presume, defend them. 

Luxemb. in haeres. paup. de Lugduno.  
Absurd positions of the Waldenses.   As for Example, these that follow, noted generally by all Authors that write of them.  
27. 

I. That all Carnal Concupiscence and Conjunction is lawful when Lust doth burn us.  
II. That all Oaths are unlawful unto Christians for any cause whatsoever in this World, because it is written, Nolite jurare, Do not swear, Mat. 5. Jac. 5.  
III. That no Judgement of Life and Death is permitted to Christians in this life, for that it is written, Nolite judicare, Mat. 7. Luc. 6.  
IV. That the Creed of the Apostles is to be contemned, and no account at all to be made of it.  
V. That no other Prayer is to be used by Christians but only the Pater Noster set down in Scripture.  
VI That the power of Consecrating the Body of Christ, and of hearing Confessions, was left by Christ not only to Priests, but also to Laymen if they be just.  

Will Fox agree to all this?  VII. That no Priests must have any Livings at all, but must live on Alms, and that no Bishops or other Dignitaries are to be admitted in the Clergy, but that all must be equal.  
VIII. That Mass is to be said once only every year, to wit, upon Maundy-Thursday, when the Sacrament was instituted, and the Apostles made Priests: For that Christ said, 
Luc. 22. 1 Cor. 11.  do this in my remembrance to wit (say they) that which he did at that time.  
IX. Item, That the words of Consecration must be no other, but only the Pater Noster, seven times said over the Bread, etc.  
X. By all which, and other Articles, to the number of thirty three Condemned by the Church, (which Prateolus and others do recount) a man may see, that as these Heretics agreed with Protestants in some Points: so did they descent in many more. Yea, held divers points of Catholic Religion against Protestants together with these Errors. And consequently, I see no reason why these men should be gathered up by John Fox, as cho●en Members of that Protestant Church: but for that they have no other, and yet will needs seem to have some. And thus much for the Waldenses.    
28. The Albigenses were another Sect of Heretics, 
The Albigenses and their blasphemous Opinions and Actions.  rising some thirty or forty years after the Waldenses, under Innocentius III Anno Domini 1216. And their beginning was at a Town called Albigium, in the Province of Tholosa. Who albeit in some points they agreed with the said Waldenses: yet (as all Sects are wont to do) they differed greatly in many other Articles; and grew so fast in number, as Caesarius saith, 
Caesar. Cistert. 5 d. dial. Anton. p. 3. tit. 19 ca 1. Vincent. in spec. l. 3.  that in a little time they infected a thousand Cities, and great Towns round about, and had an Army of 70000. fight Men, to defend their Heresy. For which Cause also, they called help from the Moors in Barbary, but yet were overcome by the Catholic Army, that was not above 8000. (as Historiographers do write) the Captain whereof was the most Christian Prince Simon of Momfort. And after this Battle given, the most part of those Heretics were Converted by St. Dominicks Preaching.  
29. The Points that these Men held, 
Caesar. 5. dist. dialog. Luxem. haeresi Albig. Prateol. & Sand. ibidem.  besides the denial of the Pope's Supremacy, Purgatory, Prayer for the Dead, and some other such Articles, wherein they agreed with the Protestants of our days: they held also many other Articles, wherein they disagreed both from the Protestants and us. As for Example, 

I. They held with the Manichees, that then were two Gods: one good, and another evil: and that as the good God created the Soul, so the evil created the Body.  
II. They denied all Resurrection of the Body. 
Absurd Articles of the Albigenses, and their Heresies.  And that it was in vain for Christians to use any kind of Prayer at all, or to have Churches for that purpose. Seeing it profiteth nothing, all things being irrevocably determined by God's Providence.  
III. That external Baptism was an idle Ceremony, and to be rejected as superfluous.  
IV. That men's Souls did pass from one to another: yea, through Beasts and Serpents. And that God Created no new Souls from the beginning of the World: but changeth them only from Body to Body, etc.    
30. These, and many other such like Beastly absurdities of theirs, are recorded by the Writers of those times, and namely by those here quoted. And more than this, their soul wicked behaviour, is related to have been so abominable, as Christian modesty doth scarce permit to be repeated: as for Example, of doing their easement upon the Altar, and making themselves clean with the ●all and Corporals thereof.  
Their abusing the Body of a Strumpet upon a high Altar, in despite of a Crucifix that stood there, whose Ears, Nose, and Arms they cut off, and then tying a Halter about his Neck, they drew him most scornfully about the Streets of Tholosa, etc. and other like. And these are the Saints gathered up by John Fox to frame his new Church.  
31. And for that all the rest, that do ensue in his Catalogue, of particular Men of his Religion, from those downward, to John Wickliff, were commonly infected with some points of these two general Sects, the Waldenses or Albigenses: it shall not be needful to stand upon the examination, of every one of them, seeing that their Opinions are known to be such, as they could not possibly be of one Church with Fox and his Company. 
The false dealing of J. Fox.  Yet must we note this by the way also, that Fox doth commit infinite confusion, falsehood, and cozenage, in all this his enumeration, accounting some for Disciples of the Albigenses, 
Marsilius of Milan.  that lived 100 years before them. As Marsilius Patavinus, who lived under Pope Paschasius II. about the year 1110. which is more than an 100 years before Pope Innocentius III (as both Alvarus and Alphonsus de Castro do testify) and never held any points of the former Heresies, 

Alvar. lib. 1. de planct. Eccles. & Castr. libr. 6. contra haereses.  
Gulielmus de sancto amore. Armachanus.   but only some Propositions, agiainst the Degrees, and living of Ecclesiastical Persons. And the like falsehood is to be understood of Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, who living about the year 1250. was a Catholic man in all points, and only had some quarrelings with Religious Orders. As in like sort Armachanus, Archbishop of Armach in Ireland also had. For which cause only Fox maketh him of his Church; though in matters of Religion, he held no one Article of the Protestant Faith with him, different from the Catholic. And consequently Fox doth extremely abuse them, by conjoining them here with divers Heretics burned for the foresaid blasphemous Opinions  
32. The like may be said of William Occam, and Gregorius Arminensis (two Catholic Scholmen, and every day alleged for such in our Schools) Robert Grossead also, 
Catholic men abused by Fox.  our Learned Bishop of Lincoln, is in the same predicament: as in like manner Dantes and Petrarcha (Italian Poets) that never held any jot of Protestant Religion in the world. And yet are brought in here by John Fox, as men of his Church and Belief, with the greatest falsehood and foolery in the world. And this forsooth, for that in some place of their Works, they reprehend the Manners of Rome, or Lives of some Popes in those days. Which is as good an Argument, as if a man would prove, that St. Paul was not of the Faith, 
1. Cor. 5.  or Religion of the Corinthians, for that he reprehended them sharply for Fornication used among them.  
33. Wherefore to leave the Rabble that followeth of this people (as namely thirty six Citizens of Moguntia burned An. Dom. 1390. and another company of like people, to wit, one hundred and forty put in the Fire throughout the Province of Narbone, and twenty four more put to death in Paris, in the Year 1210. and other particular Saints of his Church recounted and Canonised by Fox:) To leave these (I say) and to come down to our Lolhards and Wickliffians, and their followers in England; we have treated of their Doctrine sufficiently in the precedent Chapter, showing how far different it was, from that of Fox and his Fellows. But now for their Actions, we are to consider, that the Lolhards began from the year of Christ 1320. or thereabout, and Wickliff from the year 1370. and therewith raised infinite Troubles, Garboils, and Tumults in our Country. As may appear by the lamentable Story set down by Thomas Walsingham, of the whole people put in commotion in King Richard II. his time against the Nobility, and Clergy, by these kind of people, under their Seditious Captains Jack Straw, Wat Tiler, and the rest. And so again, under some other Kings, 
The first public tumults of Lollards, and Wickliffians in England, An. Dom. 1381. Sto. An. Dom. 1414.  whilst this Heresy lasted. And namely, against the two valiant, and most Catholic Princes King Henry IU. and King Henry V. his Son. In the first year of whose Reign, (to wit, King Henry V.) John Stow writeth thus.  
34. The favourers of Wickliffs' Doctrine did nail up Schedules upon the Church Doors of London, containing that there were an hundred thousand ready to rise against all such as could not away with their Sect, etc. And hereon followed the open Rebellion of Sir John Oldcastle, and Sir Roger Acton and others in S. Giles Field by Holborn, 
Sup. c. 9  which before we have touched. And yet was the providence of God such, as this Sect could never prevail in England, neither then, or after (so Catholic were our Princes) until some Points thereof being renewed by Luther and Zwinglius, the later was admitted in K. Edward's days, I mean the Sect of Zwinglius, as all men know. Being the first Sect that ever was admitted publicly in England, either by Britan's or Englishmen, from Christ to that day. For as for King Henry VIII. though in the matter of the Pope's Supremacy he admitted the Opinion of Luther: yet in other things (as 
* Part. 1. cap. 12.  before we have showed at large) he held in all Articles, the Catholic Roman Faith, with singular hatred against both Lollards, Wickliffians, and Lutherans, but much more against Zwinglians, and other such Sacramentary Sectaries. As by his Laws made for their punishment and repression, doth sufficiently appear.  
35. And albeit his Majesty having yielded once, in that one Point of Ecclesiastical Supremacy, and subordination, (which held before all the rest in joint) it was no marvel, though Sects and Sectaries did grow upon him so fast, as with all his severe Laws he could hardly repress them in his own days, 
The great inconveniences ensuing upon King Henry VIII. yielding in one Point only to Heretics.  yet much more were the Judgements of God seen after his death, in that presently all was turned upside down in the Minority of his Son: notwithstanding his Laws, Testament, and Ordinances to the contrary. And that by those, whom he most trusted on that behalf, and who in his days had showed themselves, most earnest against Zwinglians, and their Doctrine of the Sacrament, as a thing most abhorred by the old King their Master. I mean, Cranmer, Ridley, Seymor and Dudley, the chief changers of all in King Edward's days.  
36. But this is the common event, where Princes be not careful at the beginning (as Walsingham doth well note about the rising of Wickliff's Heresy in in the end of King Edward III.'s time) when that old King was now impotent, 
Heresies to be stopped at the beginning.  and wholly governed by Women, leaving the care of his Kingdom, in the Hands of his Son the Duke of Lancaster, and others that followed him, who having partly emulation, and jars with the Bishops of Canterbury, Winchester, London, and some other principal men of the Clergy, and partly desiring to invade Church Livings, which Wickliff preached to be lawful, they were content to wink at him, yea and to use him, and his Doctrine openly, against the said Bishops, and Clergy, as also against Monks, and Abbots in the beginning of of K. Richard II.'s time, as appeareth both in the said Walsingham and Stow, who relate the calling of Wickliff to London for this effect, where he was publicly and scandalously born out by the said Duke, and Sir Henry Piercy, and others of that Faction, against the said Bishops, Monks, and Abbots, which here we shall set down, in Stow's own words, taken by him out of Walsingham and other Writers, which do contain the very sum of all the doings, and meanings of both Parties in those days.  
37. In the mean time (saith he) the Duke of Lancaster ceased not (with his Fellows) to imagine how he might bring to pass, 
Sto. an. Domini 1377. p. 425.  that which he had long contrived in his mind (to wit, for encroaching upon Church Livings, and revenging himself against some Bishops, and the City of London, that stood with them) for he saw that it would be hard for him to obtain his purpose, the Church standing in her full State, and very dangerous to attempt publicly, the Laws and Customs of London being in force, wherefore he laboured, first to overthrow as well the Liberties of the Church, as of the City, for which Cause he called unto him a certain Divine, who many years before, 
Upon what Cause and Motives Wickliff began his Doctrine. The Habit of the first Wickliffians.  in all his Acts in the Schools, had inveighed against the Church, for that he had been deprived by the Archbishop of Canterbury from a certain Benefice, that he unjustly, as was said, was Incumbent upon within the City of Oxford: his Name was John Wickliff, who with his Disciples, were of the common people called Lollards, they went barefooted, and basely Clothed: to wit, in course Russet Garments down to the Heels; they preached especially against Monks, and other Religious men that had Possessions, etc.  
38. They affirmed, that Temporal Lords if they had need, might lawfully take the Goods of such Religious Persons to relieve their necessities, etc. And when he had taught these, 

Walsingham an. ult.  
Edou. 3.   and many other such Doctrines, not only in the Schools in Oxford, but also had preached them publicly in London, that he might thereby get the favour of the said Duke and others, whom he sound prone to hear his Opinions; The Duke and Sir Henry Piercy commended highly his said Opinions, and endeavoured to extol his Learning, and honesty of Life above all other. Who therefore being thus set forth with their favour, feared not to spread his Doctrine much more than before, going from Church to Church, and Preaching his Opinions, whereupon at length, the Bishops awakened their Archbishop, who sent for this John to come, and answer to those things which were spoken of him. And the Duke hearing thereof, sent for four Doctors of Divinity of every Order of Begging Friars one (for unto them Wickliff adjoined himself, approving their poverty, and extolling their perfection, against other Religious Orders that had Possessions) whom the Duke advertised, that with a natural and old hate, he pursued the Religious Persons, that had Possessions, neither was it difficult, to compel the willing Friars, to aid him in this Point.  
39 Hitherto are the words of John Stow. Whereby you may perceive the true Causes of this new Gospel of John Wickliff, 
The first Motive of John Wickliff and his favourers.  so highly commended by John Fox who affirmeth his Doctrine to have proceeded from the strong operation of Christ's Spirit, etc. First you see that John Wickliff had for his motion the desire of revenge against the Bishops and Clergy, for that he was deprived of a Benefice in Oxford, which he had possessed unjustly. Secondly, was he moved with envy against Monks, together with ambition of gaining the Duke of Lancaster, and his followers by teaching them, that it was lawful to invade Church Livings at their pleasure. Thirdly, the very same motives of Ambition, covetousness, and emulation against the Bishops, stirred up the Duke and his Adherents, and Fourthly, both parts, as well the Heretics, as their favourers, were content to use and abuse the infirmity of some emulation, between Friars and Monks about matters of Perfection, Poverty, and Possessions. Which pious motives we do read commonly to have been the Causes of all other ancient Heresies from time to time. As coming from one, and the self same Spirit of him that is the proper Author of all Sedition, Schism, and Heresy, and professed enemy to the Union of God's only Spouse and Cath. Church Lucifer himself.  
40. furthermore Walsingham doth show, how that by this favour, and bearing out of the Duke of Lancaster, and his Partners, both the University of Oxford where Wickliff began, was brought to be cold in resisting him, and the Prince himself in punishing him. And this appeared by two Apostolical Breves written by Pope Gregory XI. in the year of Christ 1378. Registered by Walsingham. The one to the University of Oxford, 
Two Apostolical Breves written into England against Wicliffians. Walsing. in vit. Rich. 2. an. 1378.  reprehending them for their coldness and slackness in resisting the said Heresies. And the other to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Bishop of London, to deal with the King and Queen, and other Nobility, to put them in mind, as well of their Duty, as also of their Negligence hitherto used in this behalf. But what followed of this? I mean of this negligence in resisting this Sect of Wickliff at the beginning? Truly there followed, or rather flowed such Seas of Calamities, as were never seen in our Country before, nor scarce heard of in others.  
41. For whereas King Edward III had been a most glorious King, his end was pitiful: 
The Calamities in England by Wickliff his Doctrine.  his Heir K. Richard, after infinite Sedition, contention, and bloodshed of the Nobility and others, was deposed, and made away. The bloody division of the House of Lancaster and York came in, and endured for almost 100 years, with the ruin not only of the Royal Line of Lancaster, by whom specially Wickliff was favoured at the beginning (as you have heard) but with the overthrow also of many other noble Princes, and Families, and most pernicious Wars and Garboils continued, both at home and abroad, with the losses of all our goodly States, Provinces and Countries in France. Unto all which, the division of hearts, minds and judgements brought in by Wickliffs' Doctrine, did help not a little, and the Calamities so continued until the time of the most wise, Christian, and Catholic King Henry VII. Who as he extinguished the Relics of this Wickliffian Seed (as may appear by John Fox, who setteth out in Print and painting, twelve several Pageants of the Pope's highest Greatness, 

Fox p. 716.717. & deinceps.  
The praise of K. Henry VII.   Honour, and Supreme Power in the end of King Henry VII.'s Life:) so did he happily also extinguish all Temporal Division, about the Succession of our Imperial Crown. And had not our sins deserved that his Son had opened the gap (tho' not perhaps meaning it) to other Sects and Divisions of Lutherans and Zwinglians, (no less malicious and penicious than the former) England had been a happy State at this day.  
42. Well then, of these men, whom not only the whole universal Church did condemn as Heretics for their wicked Opinions, but English 
(a) Stat. an 5. Ricardi 2. an. Christi 1390. & an. 2. Hen. 4. an. Christi 1402.  Parliaments also (that had best cause to know their Lives) did Sentence by their public Acts, for Hypocrites, Seditious, and pernicious people in Manners, as 
(b) Fox in his Protest. p. 10.  Fox himself among others confesseth: of these (I say) he maketh up his Church until he come down to Lutherans, Zwinglians, and other such fresher Sectaries under King Henry VIII. and his Children. Which Sectaries Fox will needs couple together in one Catalogue and Calendar of Saints appointing Wickliff his Feast upon the second of January, with the title of Preacher and Martyr (though he died quietly in his Bed) as after shall be showed. And that of Luther upon the 17. of Feb. with the title only of Confessor, (but both of them in red Letters.) Notwithstanding that the Authors of these three Sects do disclaim one from another, as in the former Chapter you have heard. So as this forcible drawing of opposite Sectaries into one Catalogue, and Calendar of Saints, is like to that of Cacus, who drew Bulls backwards by the tails into his Cave. And this shall suffice for the contemplation of this strange composition, and combination of Fox his Church, from Wickliffs' time down to K. Henry VIII. of whose Reign and matters contained therein, we shall now successively begin our speech.   

CHAP. XI.  
The Search of John Fox's Church is continued under the Government and Reign of K. Henry VIII. and his Children: And it is discussed what manner of Church, John Fox then had, or may be imagined to have had.  
HAving made our former search or pursuit for the finding of Jon Fox his Church throughout the precedent years, and Ages of the Christian world, from the Apostles time, unto the Reign of King Henry VIII. and declared most evidently (as to us it seemeth) that the said Church was never yet to be found in any of those times and Ages, except perhaps in some such broken and contemptible Heretics, and so opposite and contrary one of them to another, as cannot possibly be thought to make a Church, that requireth unity and conformity of Faith: there remaineth now, that we proceed to examine, what may be found for John Fox's purpose, under the Reign of K. Henry VIII. downwards to our time. For that, (as often hath been noted) of this time doth John Fox brag and glory in his Book, as of the flourishing time of his Gospel. Which appeareth not only by that he employeth the half of his whole Volume, in these, only thirty years that passed between the breach of King Henry with the Pope, 
A false flattering Picture set out by Fox of K. Henry VIII.  unto the entrance of Queen Elizabeth: but also by a brave triumphant picture set in the first page of King Henry's Reign, with his Feet upon the back of Pope Clement VII. and other circumstances of Heretical insolence, which presently we shall declare.  
2. But first of all you must understand, that in the 12 last pages of K. Henry VII.'s Life, it pleased John Fox to set down pleasantly 12 large printed and painted Pageants of the Pope's greatness in those days, together with his Papal Cases reserved to himself, his Dominion both Spiritual & Temporal, his great Riches, the universal Obedience both of Temporal and Spiritual Princes unto him, and other such like points. All which being but a melancholy meditation, and Spectacle for Protestants, John Fox in the next page setteth down a merrier contemplation: to wit, King Henry VIII. placed by him in a high Throne with Clement VII. under his Feet, 
Fox p. 732.  grovelling on the ground, with his Cross Keys and Triple Crown in the Dust. Whereat many Friars are painted staring and gazing, and weeping round about, and B. Fisher and Sir Thomas Moor pitifully also weeping, and stooping down to help him up again. And on the other side, K. Henry is painted with the Gospel in his Lap, and his Sword in his right hand, lifted up for defence thereof. Which Gospel is also holpen to be held up by Cranmer and Cromwell, that on his said right hand do assist the King with great contentment of the new Ministers. Who are painted here to stand very gravely contemplating of the matter with a singular comfort: and all other Bishops, Abbot's Ecclesiastical and Temporal men bewailing and mourning.  
3. And this is John Fox his pleasant (or rather peevish) invention, to entertain the eyes of the simple Readers or lookers on, and to make pastime for Fools, whereof himself was a solemn Father while he lived. And I would ask the silly Fellow here, 
Fox his Pageants examined.  how King Henry, tho' he broke with Pope Clement, upon some matters of displeasure (as is notorious) and refused to yield him Spiritual obedience in England (as he and his Ancestors had done ever before:) yet how could he justly, or truly be said to have cast him down with his Crown, and Cross, as herein painted? Seeing that Pope Clement his Authority, power, and Spiritual jurisdiction throughout the Christian World was no less after King Henry's breach, than before. And albeit the Realm of England withdrew Her Spiritual obedience from him: yet the increase of new Churches in the Indies, was of much more Authority, and jurisdiction unto him, and his Successors in that kind, than he or they lost in England, Germany, or other parts, that retired themselves from his and their obedience.  
4. Further, I would ask this John Deviser, that devised this wise representation: how could K. Henry's Sword be said to be in Defence of the Protestants Gospel, when, by their own Affirmation he was the greatest persecutor of their Brethren that ever was King of England, from the beginning of that Monarchy to his days? For so showeth Fox himself in that he in his Calendar of Saints, setteth down more Martyrs of his Sect, made by King Henry only, than by all the other former Kings and Queens of England, from the first entrance of Christian Faith to his time. As we are to show more largely in the Third part of this Treatise, when we come to examine his said Calendar. But yet in the mean space, 
See from p. 663. unto 751. That K. Henry's Sword was not for the new Gospel, but against it.  if you will have some taste, how favourable K. Henry of his own inclination was to these new Gospelers: you may read, what Fox setteth down in the second part of his Acts and Monuments of this matter. Where among other complaints of this King's Reign, you shall find in one place, no less than fourteen whole pages of Names (by way of Table or Catalogue) of godly Men and Women, (as he calleth them) apprehended, persecuted and imprisoned for the Gospel's sake by the Bishop of Lincoln in one year? The King himself being the chief Author, and Inciter to the Persecution, as appeareth by a Letter of the said Kings, written to the said Bishop of Lincoln upon the 20. of Octob. 1521. and the 13. year of his Reign, which Letter Fox doth Register under this Title: The Copy of the King's Letter for the aid of John Longland Bishop of Lincoln against the Servants of Christ, falsely then called Heretics, etc. 
Fox. p. 764.   
5. Lo here King Henry proved to be an Aider and Inciter of Persecution against Gospelers, termed the Servants of God by Fox, but Heretics by the King. And if so many of these good Fellows were persecuted by him in one Year, under one Bishop only, within one Diocese; what may be imagined throughout the whole Realm? Truly you may read in Fox himself very large and lamentable complaints of this King's Reign, 
See from p. 887, to 912. and again from p. 949, to 957.  and divers copious Lists of these persecuted Saints of his Church set down by him; especially from the foresaid year of Christ 1521 to 1531, which was the last ten years before the breach with the Pope.  
6. But what did he from his breach forward? Did he spare the new Gospelers any thing more for his breach with the Pope? Truly it cannot be denied but that for some years he winked at their doings somewhat more than before, considering the new difficulties wherein he had cast himself by his new disunion and breach, as before we have noted in the end of the former Part. But as soon as he had put his Domestical Affairs in some quiet and security, 
That K. Henry after his breach with Rome was still an enemy to Protestants Religion.  he returned again to his former course and custom of restraining these new unruly Spirits, by calling them to account for their Innovations, and proceeding juridically against them, according to Church Canons, and according to his former judgement in matters of Religion: Which as I might show by divers ways of proof, as well of Acts of Parliament, as Proclamations, Injunctions, and other Declarations of his Will and Opinion in this behalf; so will we allege only two or three Examples in the first kind, besides those which we have set down in the 
* Cap. 12.  former Part.  
7. In the 31st year of his Reign, which was seven or eight years after his breach with the Pope, there was made an Act for abolishing of diversity of Opinions about Christian Faith, which beginneth thus: Whereas the King's most Excellent Majesty is by God's Law Supreme Head, immediately under him, 
See Stat. 31 H. 8. cap. 14.  of the whole Church of England, etc. intending the conservation of the same Church, in a true, sincere, and uniform Doctrine of Christ's Religion, etc. Thus beginneth his Preface. And then he determineth, together with the Parliament, That whosoever shall deny the Real Presence in the Sacrament of the Altar, or affirm that the Communion is necessary under both Kind's, 
Statutes in Religion made by K. Henry against Protestants.  or that Priests may by God's Law take Wives after Priesthood, or that Vows of Chastity are not to be observed, or that private Masses are not to be said, or that Sacramental and Auricular Confession is not necessary, etc. All these he condemneth as Heretics, and for such to be Apprehended, Arraigned, Condemned, and Burned, as at large is to be seen in the Statute.  
8. And the very next year after, perceiving that, notwithstanding his former Statute against Protestant Opinions, the same did grow and were spread abroad in England; he ordained another Statute, which beginneth thus: Whereas the King's Róyal Majesty, of his blessed and gracious disposition, 
Stat. an. 32 H. 8. c. 26.  etc. well weighing, that out of sundry outward parts and places there have sprung, been sown, & set forth, divers heretical, erroneous, & dangerous Opinions & Doctrines in the Religion of Christ, whereby his Grace's Leige-people may be induced to unfaithfulness, misbelief, miscreancy, and contempt of God, to the utter confusion and damnation of Souls, etc. For this cause his Majesty, according to the very Gospel and Law of God, meaneth to have matters determined and declared, etc.  
Thus he writeth in the Statute, remitting himself to his further Declaration; 
The very Gospel against our new Gospelers by K. Henry's judgement.  which is wholly against Protestants, whose Faith and Religion you see here called by the King unfaithfulness, misbelief, miscreancy, contempt of God, heretical, erroneous and dangerous Doctrine, tending to utter confusion and damnation of Souls, etc. And this proved by the pure Word of God, and the very Gospel itself, as his Majesty affirmeth.  
9 And will you have more clear testimony of his settled judgement against Protestants than this? But yet hear further. For that the same King, divers years' afters after this again, towards the end of his days, having had good experience of the falsehood of Protestants in corrupting the very Scriptures themselves by their crafty Translations, 
K. Henry forbiddeth the Protestant Translation of the Scriptures.  Notes, and Commentaries, he was forced to forbid under grievous punishments the reading of the foresaid Scriptures in English, which before he had permitted, as appeareth by a peculiar Statute made for that purpose, and for inhibiting Protestants Books, Sermons, and Preachings, in the 34th and 35th years of his Reign; this Statute being entitled, An Act for the Advancement of true Religion; 
Stat. an. Reg. H. 8.34, & 35, c. 1.  saying therein as followeth: Whereas the King's most Royal Majesty, Sumpreme Head of the Church of England, and also of Ireland, perceiveth that notwithstanding such holy Doctrines and Docucuments as his Majesty hath hitherto caused to be set forth, besides the great liberty granted unto them in having the New and Old Testament among them; 
The very true and perfect exposition of Scriptures prescribed by K. Henry against the Protestants.  which notwithstanding, many seditious, arrogant, and ignorant Parsons, pretending to be Learred, have the perfect and true knowledge, understanding and judgement of sacred Scriptures, etc. intending to subvert the very true and perfect Exposition thereof, after their perverse fantasies, have taken upon them not only to preach, teach, declare, etc. but also by printed Books, Ballads, Plays, Rhythmes, Songs, and other fantasies, subtly to beguile his Majesty's Leige-subjects, etc.  
10. Behold King Henry's description of Protestants, their Wit, Nature, Condition and Doctrine. But now followeth the Remedy. Wherefore, to ordain and establish a certain form of pure and sincere Teaching, agreeable to God's Word, and true Doctrine of the Catholic and Apostolical Church, etc. Be it enacted, That all manner of Books of the Old and New Testament in English, being of the crafty, false and untrue Translation of William Tyndall, 
Will. Tyndall's Translation of the Scriptures condemned, together with the Protestants Books.  and all other Books or Writings in the English Tongue, teaching or composing any matter of Christian Religion, contrary to that Doctrine which since the year of our Lord 1540 is, hath, or shall be set forth by his Majesty, is clearly and utterly abolished, etc. Thus ordained King Henry of the Protestants Books and Doctrine; and this Censure he gave of William Tyndall's Truth and Honesty in translating the Scriptures, whom John Fox calleth not only the true Servant and Martyr of God, 
Fox p. 981.  but the Apostle also of England in this our latter Age.  
11. Wherefore I do not see how Fox can with any reason make King Henry to be a gospeler of his Religion, or so earnest a Defender of the same; or why he should paint him with the Bible in his hand, holden up by Cranmer and Cromwell, as before hath been said, and seen in his Painting; seeing he contemned ever their Doctrine, and burned the Professors thereof as notorious Heretics unto his dying-day: Which is evident by many Examples, but most clear and notorious by that of John Lambert, a famous Zuinglian, with whom in solemn public Audience he disputed in presence of all his Clergy and Nobility of the Realm, 
The solemn Judgement & Condemnatian of Lambert by the King. Anno 32. H. 8.  and caused Cranmer to do the like, and in the end made Cromwell, as his Vicar-General, to give the Sentence of Death against him, and burn him in Smithfield; and this not two years before Cromwell's own Condemnation for like Heresy by the King's own pursuit, as may appear by the Act of his Condemnation yet extant. And the same, no doubt, would he have done with Cranmer, (which was the other Upholder of his Arm, to maintain the new Gospel, according to Fox his Picture) if he had known or suspected him, not only for an Upholder of that Heresy, but that he had so much as secretly and inwardly favoured the same. And for this very cause did King Henry use that solemn and sharp Judgement upon Lambert, and made Cranmer to dispute so earnestly against him for the Real Presence (whereof afterward he made also the said Cranmer write and print a Book for more evident Attestation therein;) and to the same end he made Cromwell to pronounce the Sentence, that all men might see and know (but especially his Favourites) that whomsoever he found faulty in that behalf should expect no favour at his hand. Whereupon, when he had spoken to Lambert, ask him, What he had to say more for himself why he should not die? And the other falling down on his knees, remitted himself to his Princely Mercy. The King answered with a loud Voice in these words, as Fox relateth them: If you remit yourself to my Judgement, you must die; 
Fox p. 1026. col. 1. n. 78.  for I will be no Patron of Heretics. And by and by turning himself to Cromwell, he said, Cromwell, read the Sentence of Condemnation against him; (which Cromwell (addeth Fox) was at that time the chief Friend of the Gospelers) who taking the Schedule of Condemnation in his hand, read the same, etc.  
12. Thus writeth Fox, and putteth in the Margin this Note: The King condemneth the Martyr of Christ John Lambert. And again, in another place: Thus was John Lambert in this bloody Session by the King judged and condemned to death, etc. 
Fox and King Henry fallen out.  And then speaketh he very dishonourably of King Henry about this matter, citing him to the last Day of Judgement to receive his Sentence for that Sentence. So as howsoever they flatter the Memory of this King for glozing with her Majesty in outward words, yet it is clear enough what they think of him in their hearts, and speak of him in corners. And howsoever Fox paint him out with their Gospel in his Lap, and Sword in his hand to defend it, calling him everywhere gospeler; yet can they not deny but that the sharpest edge of the Sword fell upon them.  
13. And here I cannot omit to let you hear Fox's complaint of ill luck and misfortune in this behalf, that the King, with Cranmer and Cromwell, and some others of his Gospel and Gospelers, should so unluckily concur to the condemning and burning of this fervent Brother of their Gospel Lambert. Here (saith Fox) it is much to be marvelled at, to see how unfortunately it came to pass in this matter, that through the pestiferous and crafty Counsel of Gardyner Bishop of Winchester, Satan did here perform the Condemnation of this Lambert, by no other Ministers than Gospelers themselves. This is Fox his complaint, laying all the fault (as you see) upon Bishop Gardyner, as tho' he had been able to have induced all these Gospelers, and among others the King himself and his Gospelling Counsellors to have concurred to the burning of their own Brother Lambert, if they had been then of his Gospel. But the truth is, that none of them at that time were come so far forward, as to be Zwinglians. For as for the King himself, he hated them deadly, both then and unto his dying-day; as also the Lutherans, tho' he bore somewhat more with them than with the other, in respect of their holding the Real Presence in the Sacrament, whereunto he was most devout. And as for Cranmer and Cromwell, it may be that in those days they were a little touched with Lutheranism; the former, to enjoy his Woman which he kept secretly, by whom he was also made a Zuinglian in King Edward's days; the second, for his Gain and Advancement. Yet the said Cromwell, coming soon after this to be beheaded, on the Scaffold said these words among others, as Fox relateth them: 
Fox p. 1086. The Protestation of Cromwell at his death that he was a Catholic.  And now I pray you that be here to bear me record that I die in the Catholic Faith, not doubting of any Article of my Faith, no nor doubting in any Sacrament of the Church. Many have slandered me, and reported that I have been a Bearer out of such as have maintained evil Opinions, which is untrue, etc. And then a little after he addeth again, The Devil is ready to seduce us, and I have been seduced; but bear me witness that I die in the Catholic Faith of the whole Church.  
14. Thus relateth Fox of his last Confession, and putteth in his Margin this Note: A true Christian Confession of the Lord Cromwell at his Death. Which if John Fox mean truly indeed, 
John Fox is sore pressed about the L. Cromwell.  and that Cromwell himself meant it also truly and sincerely as he spoke and was understood by the people, than died he a Catholic in all points, and believed all Sacraments of that Church which then in England was held for Catholic, and opposite to the new Gospelers at that time; by whom he confessed he had been somewhat seduced, and yet denieth that ever he was a Bearer out of them, as you see. And if all this be true indeed, how then can this Confession of the Lord Cromwell be called a true Christian Confession with John Fox; seeing it is a Catholic Confession, and renounceth Fox his Religion utterly? And if it were a false, feigned, and dissembled Confession of Cromwell, and meant contrary to the sound of his words at the hour of his death; how was he a true Christian man in so dissembling and lying, and this at his very going out of the World? And here I would have John Fox to solve me this Dilemma, both for his own and Cromwell's Credit; whom notwithstanding all this, Fox will needs enforce to be of his Gospel, whether he will or no; writing of him thus in another place: In this Worthy and Noble Person, 
Fox p. 1084.  besides divers other Eminent Virtues, three things especially are to be considered; his flourishing Authority, his excelling Wisdom, and his fervent Zeal to Christ, and to his Gospel, etc. And so much of Him and his Fellow Cranmer, the two chief Pillars and Under-props of John Fox's Gospel with King Henry.  

Tyndall's judgement & testimony of the first motives towards Protestancy in K. Henry Fox p. 977.  15. And hereby we may in part in contemplate the first Beginning, Fountain, Origin and Offspring of John Fox's Gospel in England; whereof we have spoken somewhat before, in the last Chapter of the former Part of this Treatise, where we alleged the words of William Tyndall written to John Fryth his Scholar at the very beginning, when King Henry first seemed to favour the Gospel; wherein Tyndall saith, that he had smelled a certain Counsel taken against Papists; but that Fryth must understand that it was not for God, but for Revenge, and to enjoy the spoil of the Church. These were the first motives, if we believe Tyndal whom John Fox holdeth and calleth an Apostle of England: So as this testimony coming from Him, must needs be also Apostolic, if not Evangelical.  
16. But what was the progress of this Gospel so begun in England? I have showed before, that not long after this beginning (to wit, in the year of Christ 1536,) King Henry being disposed upon former motives to make some certain Alterations, did not take counsel nor direction from the new Gospelers to do it, but rather set forth a Book of his own, entitled thus: Articles devised by the King's Highness. So do testify both Hall, Hollinshead, and Stow. And then Hall, 
Hall. in chron. an. Reg. H. 8.28. fol. 228. The first Book of alteration of Religion in England devised by King Henry.  who lived in those days, addeth further; In this Book are especially mentioned but three Sacraments, with the which the Lincolnshire- men were offended. And then again afterwards he writeth, This Book especially treated of no more than three Sacraments, where always before the people had been taught seven Sacraments, etc. Which Articles being delivered to the people, the Inhabitants of the North parts being very ignorant and rude, and not knowing what true Religion meant, etc. said, Now you see, Friends, that four Sacraments of seven are taken from us, and shortly you shall lose the other three also, except you look about you, etc. Thus writeth Hall of the beginning of the Insurrection of Lincoln, York, and other Shires, by occasion of these new-devised Articles in Religion. Whereby notwithstanding we see that King Henry thinking best to make some alteration, tho' he meant not indeed to take away any Sacrament, (as afterwards appeared;) yet disdained he to take his Platform from the Protestants, or Gospelers of those days, but devised of himself the Innovation which for the present he meant to make. Whereof I have heard of a certain Story not unpleasant, nor from the purpose, which therefore here I will set down.  
17. A certain Courtier at that day (some say it was Sir Francis Bryan) talking with a Lady that was somewhat forward in the new Gospel about this Book of the King's then lately come forth, 
A certain Conference between a Courtier & a Lady about devising Novelties in Religion.  she seemed to mislike greatly the Title thereof, to wit, Articles devised by the King's Highness, etc. saying, That it seemed not a fit Title to authorize matters in Religion, to ascribe them to a mortal King's device. Whereunto the Courtier answered, Truly (Madam) I will tell you my conceit plainly: If we must needs have devices in Religion, I had rather have them from a King, than from a Knave, as your Devices are; I mean that Knave Friar Martin, who not yet 20 years agone was Deviser of your new Religion, and behaved himself so lewdly in answering his Majesty with scorn and contempt, as I must needs call him a Knave; tho' otherwise I do not hate altogether the Profession of Friars, as your Ladyship knoweth. Moreover (said he) it is not unknown neither to your Ladyship nor Us, that he devised these new Tricks of Religion, which you now so much esteem and reverence, not for God, or Devotion, or to do Penance, but for Ambition, 
Cocl. in vit. Luther. & Sur. ann. Dom. 1516, 1517.  and to revenge himself upon the Dominican Friars, that had gotten from him the preaching of the Pope's Bulls; as also to get himself the use of a Wench, and that a Nun also, which now he holdeth. And soon after him again three other married Priests, his Scholars, (to wit, Oecolampadius, Carolstadius, and Zuinglius) devised another Religion of the Sacramentaries, against their said Master. And since these again, we hear every day of other fresh Upstarts that devise us new Doctrines, and there is no end of Devising or Devisers. And I would rather for my part stick to the devising of a King, that hath Majesty in him, and a Council to assist him, (especially such a King as ours is) than to a thousand of these Companions put together.  
18. It is true (said the Lady) when they are Devices indeed of Men, 
The Reply of the Lady with the Courtier's Answer.  but when they bring Scriptures with them to prove their sayings, then are they not men's Devices, but God's Eternal Truth and Word. And will you say so, Madam, quoth he? And do you not remember what ado we had the last year about this time with certain 
* Of these Hollanders, see Holinshead an. 27 H. 8. mensè Maii 1535.  Hollanders here in England, whom our Bishops and Doctors could not overcome by Scriptures, notwithstanding they held most horrible Heresies, which make my Hairs to stand upright to think of them, against the Manhood and Flesh of Christ our Saviour, and against the Virginity of his Blessed Mother, and against the Baptism of Infants, and the like wicked Blasphemies. I was myself present at the Condemnation of fourteen of them in Paul's Church in one day, and heard them dispute and allege Scriptures so fast for their Heresies, as I was amazed thereat; and after I saw some of these Knaves burned in Smithfield, and they went so merrily to their Death, singing and chanting Scriptures, as I began to think with myself whether their Device was not of some value or no; until afterward, thinking better of the matter, I blessed myself from them, and so let them go.  
19 Oh (said the Lady) but these were Knaves indeed, that devised new Doctrines of their own heads; and were very Heretics, not worthy to be believed. But how shall I know (quoth the Courtier) that Your Devisers have not done the like, seeing These alleged Scriptures no less than They; and did one thing more, which is, that they went to the fire and burned for their Doctrine, when they might have lived, which your Friar and his Scholars before named have not hitherto done. And finally (Madam) I say, as at the beginning I said, If we must needs follow devising, we Courtiers had much rather follow a King than a Friar in such a matter. For how many years (Madam) have Friars shorn their Heads, and no Courtier hath ever followed them hitherto to therein? But now his Majesty having begun this last May (as you know) to poll 
* See Holinsh. and Stow of this Polling. an. 1535.  his Head, and commanded others to do the like, you cannot find any unshorn Head in the Court among us Men, tho' you Women be exempted. And so I conclude, that the device of a King is of more credit than the device of a Friar. And with this the Lady laughed; and so the Conference was ended.  

The growing and going forward of the new Gospel under King Henry. Fox p. 1036.  20 And thus much for the first devising or setting up of new Religion in England. Now, for the going forward thereof, let us hear a large testimony of John Fox himself, and thereby judge how Apostolic the manner was of promoting the same. To many which be yet alive (saith Fox) and can testify these things, it is not unknown how variable the state of Religion stood in those days; how hardly and with what difficulty it came forth; what chances and changes it suffered, even as the King was ruled and gave ear sometime to one, and sometime to another; so one while it went forward, and another season it went as much backward again; and sometime clean altered and changed for a season, according as they could prevail which were about the King, etc.  
21. Here now you see both the beginning and progress of Fox's Gospel; whereof in the Margin he maketh this Note: The course of the Gospel interrupted by malicious Enemies. Here you do hear him say, that the Birth of his Gospel came forth hardly, and with great difficulty and straining; and than that it grew or went backward as the King was ruled by others, and gave credit to this or that Man or Woman: For so he cometh in presently with his Examples of Queen Anne and Cromwell. So long (saith he) as Queen Anne lived, the Gospel had indifferent success; 
Fox ib.  but after that she by sinister instigation of some about the King was made away, the course of the Gospel began again to decline: But that the Lord then stirred up the Lord Cromwell opportunely to help in that behalf; who did much avail for the increase of God's true Religion, and much more had brought it to perfection, if the pestilent Adversaries, maligning the prosperous Glory of the Gospel, had not by contrary practising undermined him, and supplanted his virtuous proceedings.  
22. Behold here a wise Discourse of John Fox! Whereby, if nothing else were, you might perceive how justly and truly that Spirit of Majesty that spoke to him in his Bed upon a Sunday in the morning (if you remember) called him, 
See before, cap. 7.  Thou Fool: For that no man but a very Fool indeed would have brought forth these Examples to have proved his purpose, being both impertinent, and clearly false in themselves.  
23. And first, they are impertinent, or rather against himself; for that they show that his Gospel had no other beginning in England, but upon Affection of Men and Women. False also are the Examples, if we consider the Times themselves; for that the foresaid new Book of devised Articles, (mentioned by Hall and Hollinshead, as the first public Alteration in points of Religion discovered in King Henry) was made and set forth after the death of Queen Anne Bullen, to wit, upon the 8th of June 1536, whereas the Queen died upon the 19th of May before: And Fox himself, having related the said Articles and Book, 
Fox p. 991. col. 2. n. 30.  as set forth after the death of Queen Anne, he saith thus: This Book treated especially but of three Sacraments, Baptism, Penance, and the Supper of the Lord; for which the Lincolnshire- men took Arms, etc. And then he addeth this Note in the Margin, Alteration of Religion a little beginneth. And after again presently this other Note, Commotion in Lincolnshire, Whereby is evident out of his own words, 
King Henry's beginning of alteration af-the death of Q. Anne Bullen.  that the first beginning of any alteration in points of Religion towards his Gospel, was after the death of Queen Anne Bullen; and consequently it is a ridiculous foolery which he writeth before, That so long as Queen Anne lived, the Gospel had indifferent success, etc.  
24. The other Example also of Cromwell is no less apparently false; for that, besides the particulars which you have heard before of his assisting to punish and burn Protestants, and his Sentence of death given against Lambert, with the Protestation he made at his own death of his being Catholic, 
The chiefest credit of Cromwell, when new Gospelers were most punished by King Henry.  and never doubting of any one Point of Catholic Religion: Besides all this (I say) it is notorious, that when the severe Statute of Six Articles was made against all sorts of Protestants in the 31st year of King Henry's Reign, (which was in the Month of April 1540, as appeareth both by the Book of Statutes itself, and Hall, Holinshead, and other Chroniclers) Cromwell was then in his highest Authority and Favor with the King, as is evident; for that in the time of the very same Parliament, besides all his other great Offices before received, (as of Baron, Chancellor, Knight of the Garter, Master of the Jewels, Vicar-General in Spiritual Affairs, and other like Titles) he was created also Earl of Essex, and High-Chamberlain of England; 
Hol. an. 1540 pag. 950.  which Holinshead setteth down in these words: The 18th of April at Westminster was Lord Thomas Cromwell created Earl of Essex, and ordained Great Chamberlain of England, which Office the Earls of Oxford were wont ever to enjoy: Also Gregory his Son was made Lord Cromwell, etc. Thus writeth he. And if in Cromwell's most flourishing time this Act of Six Articles came out for punishment of Protestants, the most severe that can be imagined, how fond and childish a babbling was that before used by Fox, when he telleth us, that as long as the good Lord Cromwell was in credit, or bare Rule with the King, their Gospel went prosperously, & c?  
25. Well then, by all this we may see how poor and trodden down a state John Fox's Church and Religion held under King Henry, notwithstanding all his brags, and flattering of him in his Pictures. Which yet, that you may not think we mean only of the temporal or external condition, or contemptibility of his Church, (for of that perhaps he would brag, seeing he defines his Church by the words obscure and trodden down) I would have you here consider briefly but two things only for the end of this Chapter, which directly do appertain to the true spiritual misery of Fox's Church and Religion in those days under King Henry, if a Confusion of fantastical Opinions, Errors and Heresies may be called a Religion.  
26. The first is, 
The first point of spiritual misery of the Gospelers Church under King Henry, Confusion.  That in King Henry's days (at leastwise for a great part thereof) the Protestants Sects were not yet fully distinguished into their Classes or Orders, but were a great confused heap of new Opinions, all going under the name of Gospelers or Protestants, as well Lutherans, Oecolampadians, Zwinglians, and other Sacramentaries, as Waldensians, Wickliffians, Anabaptists, Libertines, and other suchlike. So as in this first Heap and Mass of Gospelers were contained all the several Sects that since have been distinguished; as the four Elements, and particular parts thereof, were contained (according to the Poet's Fiction) in that great confused Chaos of the World before it was distinguished; or, to speak more properly, they were as the Bear's Whelps when first they are born, and new fallen from their Mother's Womb; to wit, certain disform, gross, confused things, which by often licking of their Parents are polished at last, and brought to some fashion of handsome Creatures, such as you know Bears Whelps to be.  
27. And even so was it in those days with Protestants Religion: For that every man that would hold a new Opinion, of what Sect soever, or would speak against the Catholic Church or Doctrine then used, was admitted presently for a Brother of the new Gospel, and for a sincere Servant of God, and holy gospeler, (as John Fox everywhere calleth them without distinction) whether he were a Lutheran, Zuinglian, Anabaptist, Waldensian, Wickliffist, Lolhard, or whatsoever else; but since that time, this Chaos hath been somewhat more distinguished and polished, and every sort of Sectaries divided into their Classes. 

Luth. in parva Confess de coena Domini.  
Melancthon lib. de suo Judicio ad Elect. Rhen. an. Dom. 1560. Freder. Staph. l. de Concord. Luth. Lyndan. in dubitant.  
Praet. initio lib. de vit. & sectis haeret.   Which Luther himself began first to do, noting nine distinct Sects to have risen in few years after him out of his Doctrine, and these only of Sacramentaries. Whereunto his chief Scholar Melancthon, a little before his death, in his Judgement written to the Palsgrave, or Prince Elector of Rhine, added six more to be among the Lutherans themselves. But others that have gathered them more exactly and distinctly (as, Staphilus a most Learned Man, and Counsellor to the Emperor, Bishop Lyndan, Dr. Gabriel Prateolus, and others) do divide them into a far great number; distributing first the Gospelers of our time that have proceeded of Luther, and by occasion of his Doctrine, since the year of Christ 1517, into three or four Classes; whereof the first is of plain Lutherans, divided among themselves into eleven Sects; and these again being subdivided into other three Classes, of soft, rigid, and extravagant Lutherans, do make above thirty other divisions and Sects.  

The different Classes and sorts of Sectaries sprung from Luther since the year 1517.  28. The second general Classis is of Semi-Lutherani, Half-Lutherans, that do partly agree with Luther, and partly disagree; but yet with eleven differences, which being obstinately held by their Authors and Professors, do make eleven different Sects. The third Universal Classis or Order of new Gospelers, are of Anti-Lutherani, those that are quite opposite to Luther, as Sacramentaries, and the like, whereof are set down fifty-six distinct Sects, and the first of these is of Sacramentaries, being subdivided into nine Sects, you may imagine to what Number the Sum will rise.  
29. The fourth general Classis of new Gospelers of our time are the Anabaptists, begun by Bernard Rotman, an unlearned Fellow of the Laity, but a Scholar and Son of Luther, about the year of Christ 1524, that is, seven years after Luther began; and this sort of men are divided again into thirteen Sects, as in the foresaid Authors may be read. All which deduction and distinction was not made nor known in England, (except very confusedly) in King Henry's time; but all were accounted good Gospelers, and of one Church and Faction, and so would John Fox have them accounted also now: For proof whereof, 
How John Fox coupleth all Sectaries in his Church.  wheresoever they were contradicted, restrained, punished or burned for what Opinion soever, John Fox putteth them down expressly for Confessors and Martyrs of his Church; excepting only the Anabaptists, which openly he doth not admit, for that now also They are burned in England by the Protestant Magistrate; but yet neither doth he reject them by Name, but holdeth himself silent in their Affair, tho' he doth set down sundry for Martyrs in his Calendar which held of their Opinions, as in the next Part of this Treatise we are to show by many Examples. And thus much of the first Point, concerning the Confusion, Obscurity, Impurity, and Imperfections of John Fox's Church under King Henry, which was not yet strained from her Suds, if Fox at that time may be said to have had any Church at all.  

The second spiritual misery of J. Fox's Church, contradiction among themselves in their Belief.  30. There followeth the other Point, of Antipathy, Contradiction and Exposition among themselves, that were held by Fox to have been the chief Pillars of his Church in those days. And as for the King, Queen Ann, Cranmer, and Cromwell, we have spoken of already. The other (if we believe himself) were Thomas Bilney, John Frith, William Tyndall, all three rubricated Martyrs in his Calendar. And then in black Letters (but of the same Order of Martyrdom) Robert Barns, William Jerome, Thomas Gerard, John Lambert, Peter German, Andrew Hewit, John Colyns, William Cowbridg, and divers others, that not only professed his Gospel as he saith, but willingly also gave their Blood in a holy and lively Sacrifice for testimony thereof. And to these he addeth divers holy Confessors of the same Confession, to wit, Erasmus Roterodamus, Picus Mirandula, Philip Melancthon, King Edward VI and the like.  
31. But now, if I should go about to draw all these Martyrs and Confessors of his Church into any one form of Faith and Belief, good or bad, (which is necessary, you know, to make a Church) it would prove a far harder Enterprise than to couple all the Cats of any great City by the Heads together, and to make them stand so for an hour of their own will, looking one upon the other, without turning their Heads aside. For as for Bilney, 
See part 3. of Bilney, die 10. Martii. an. 1531.  you shall perceive by my Treatise in the next part that he never held but very few of the Protestants Opinions, and very many against Them, and with Us; and abjured those few of the Protestants at two several times, and died in that Abjuration. 
Tho. Bilney Jo. Frith. Will. Tyndall.  Frith also and Tyndall were most opposite to Fox in many Points of Belief: I mean opposite both to Luther and Zuinglius in the Controversy of the Sacrament, holding the Real Presence to be indifferent, and to be believed or not believed as every man thinketh good; with other notable particular Heresies of their own, as in due place we are to show. 
* 
Part 3. die 2 Jan. & die 6 Octob.  
Friar Barns. Gerrard, Jerom, & Lambert.  
Ridley, Hooper, Rogers, Latymer. Andrew Hewit   Robert Barns was an earnest Lutheran, as Tyndall testifieth to Frith: And as for Gerrard, Hierom & Lambert, tho' they were Zwinglians, yet not after Fox's fashion, but different from him in many Points of Doctrine, as we shall declare when we come to handle of them severally, as also of Ridley, Hooper, Rogers, Latymer, in the next part of this Treatise; showing that under King Henry they were only Lutherans, if so far forward at that time.  
32. And as for Andrew Hewit, he was of no Religion in particular when he died, but said only, that he would die for the Religion that John Frith held, whatsoever it were, as 
* Part 1. c. 12. Peter German.  before we have noted Peter German inclined indeed to Zuinglianism: But together with that (as when we come unto his 
* 
See his day, part 3. & 13 Octob.  
Colyns and Coubridge made Martyrs. Fox p. 1033.   Holiday we shall show) he denied Christ to have taken Flesh of the Virgin Mary, and other like holy Assertions. As for Colyns and Coubridge, burned also for Heresy under King Henry, and assigned for Calendar-Martyrs by Fox, upon the 10th and 11th days of October; himself confesseth afterwards upon better consideration, That he thinketh them not worthy of the number of God's professed Martyrs; but yet holdeth (as he saith) That they are belonging to the holy Company of Christ's Saints. The first of these two held up a Dog to be worshipped of the People, instead of the blessed Sacrament; the second denied the Name of Christ flatly. Which Fox not denying, excuseth the matter thus, saying, That the one and the other of them were mad, and distracted of their Wits, as more largely we shall show afterwards in the discussion of the Calendar. And thus much of his Martyrs.  
33. Now for his Confessors; Erasmus Roterodamus, Picus Mirandula, 
Fox's Confessors under King Henry.  Friar Bucer, Philip Melancthon, King Edward VI and others, (which he setteth down for Saints in the end of his Calendar and Month of December) they do agree in Religion as just as Germans Lips, (to use the vulgar Proverb) either with Fox, 
Erasmus Roterodamus.  or among themselves: For as for Erasmus, whom every where Fox maketh (as it were) the Father and first Master of new Gospelling in England, you shall so hear him defend himself by his own words in the next Part of this 
* die 26 Decemb.  Treatise, as you will say they abuse him egregiously to hold him for any Protestant at all, having written so sharply against their first Captain Luther as he did, repeating oftentimes these words: Christum agnosco, Lutherum non agnosco, 
Erasm. l. 16. ep. 11.  Ecclesiam Romanam agnosco; I acknowledge Christ, I do not acknowledge Luther, I acknowledge the Roman Church etc.  
34. And the like Injury they offer to Picus Earl of Mirandula, 
Picus Mirandula.  who never held any one Protestant Opinion in his life, as we shall show when we come to his place in the Calendar. And as for Bucer and Melancthon, 
Bucer. Melancthon.  they were Lutherans indeed, and open Enemies for many years against Zuinglius and Zuinglians, that are the Flower of John Fox's Church. And tho' Friar Bucer afterward (to have the free use of his Woman in England) dissembled egregiously in some things, to please the Protector for a time, and seemed to bear with the Sacramentaries: yet told he the Lord Dudley, than Duke of Northumberland, being asked confidently his opinion of the Sacrament by the said Duke, 
Friar Bucer's Answer to the Duke of Northumberland.  in the presence of the Lord Pagett, than a Protestant, (who testified the same publicly afterward:) that for the Real Presence, it could not be denied, if we believe all that the Evangelists do write. But whether all be to be believed or no, he said merrily, that was a matter of more disputation.  

Of King Edward VI.  35. And lastly, concerning King Edward VI set down also by Fox in red Letters, for a solemn Confessor of his Religion: If we talk of King Henry's time, he was a very young Confessor; for that he was scarce nine years old, when his Father died. And it is very probable, that the Religion which he at that Age could receive, was rather such as his Father had caused him to be taught during his life, than such as it pleased Fox to assign unto him afterwards. But if Fox mean, that he was a Confessor of their Religion after his Father's death, albeit it be hard to say of what Religion the Child would have been if he had lived; yet do I think him rather worthy to be accounted a Martyr of Fox's Church, than a Confessor. Seeing it is probable, that the bringing in of that Religion, and change of state left by his Father, was the cause of his immature death. For that if matters had remained as his Father left them, and no Protector chosen (as he appointed) nor Wriothesley the Chancellor put out of his Office, nor other Catholic Councillors (most faithful to the conservation of the King's Blood,) had been disgraced and displaced by that unlucky change: like it is, that the good young King might have lived many fair years more, and his two Sisters never have fallen into those imminent dangers of present destruction, which they once saw themselves in, by the ambition of the new Gospelling Faction. But enough of this, and of all the Reign of King Henry VIII. Now shall we pass briefly over the rest that remaineth.   

CHAP. XII.  
Whether Fox's Church hath had any Place under King Edward, Queen Marry, and Her Majesty that now Reigneth: and how far it hath been admitted, or is admitted at this day.  
ALbeit John Fox did Paint out King Henry VIII. in the first page of his Life, sitting with his Feet upon the Pope's back, and the Gospel in his Lap, with his Sword lifted up in his right-hand, to defend the same (as before you have heard: 
Two fond Pageants of King Henry and K. Edward. ) yet did he Paint Cromwell and Cranmer staying up the said Sword, lest it should fall upon the Protestants themselves, as we have showed that in effect it did. But now in the first page of King Edward's Reign, Fox hath a much more ample and triumphant Pageant for the Child above his Father: Who though he were but nine years old, yet seemeth Fox to make him a fuller Head of the Church, than his Father, placing him in a high Throne of Majesty, and his stretched out Sword in the right Hand, and with the other (which is the left) he delivereth the Gospel unto the People, and Prelates, that stand round about him. Where Fox writeth in the Margin this Note: King Edward delivering the Bible to the Prelates, etc. As tho' the Bible had taken Authority from the Child's delivering. Who being so tender of Age as he was, (and of likelihood scarce able to read the same, and much less to understand it) as well he might have delivered them the Poem of Chaucer, or the Story of Guy of Warwick, or of Bevis of Southampton (if it had been put into his Hand to deliver) as this was by his Uncle the Protector, that knew full near as little of the Contents, as the Child himself.  
2. But besides this Majestical representation of delivering the Gospel, there be two or three other Pageants in the same page. The first is of pulling down Images with great diligence every where, and burning them, 
Other ridiculous Paintings of Fox.  with this Sentence written under: The Temple well purged. And then is there a great Ship, painted with Men, Women, and Children, carrying their Church-Stuff into that Ship; to wit, Bells, Books, Images, and Candles: and amongst other things also, the Blessed Sacrament. And over the Ship is written thus: The Ship of the Romish Church. And on the side this Sentence: Ship over your Trinkets, and be packing, you Papists. And thus is John Fox's pleasant Head delighted with these Fancies. But who seeth not how childish this folly is? Seeing scarce six years after this triumph, when Queen Mary came in, a Man might have said to him again, and his Fellows: Ship over your Trinkets, and be packing, you Protestants.  
3. But if we consider indeed, the different Wares, and Trinkets, which this Catholic Roman Ship carried away from England at that time, and those which the new Protestants Ship brought in soon after from Germany, Geneva, Switzerland, and other Places, we shall easily discover, whether the loss were greater for our Nation, by the departure of the one, or by the coming in of the other: For that in the Roman Ship was carried away, 
What the Roman Ship carried away, and what the Protestants Ship brought into England.  not only the blessed Sacrament, as Fox saith, and Painteth it out (which yet is the highest and most precious Treasure, that Christ hath left to Christians upon Earth:) but with that also all kind of virtue, and honesty for the most part. For that all Modesty, Gravity, Learning, Piety, Devotion, Peace, Concord, Unity and Charity was carried away. And in the new Gospelling Ship, came in all the contrary Vices: namely of Sedition, Division, Pride, Temerity, Curiosity, Novelties, Sensuality, Impiety, and Atheism. And in place of many sober, honest, and grave men, that retired themselves upon this change, there came running into England a main number of wanton Apostata Priests and Friars, each one with his Mate and Dame at his side, hungry and turbulent people, as Friar Bale, Friar Bucer, Friar Coverdale, Friar Martyr, and other like. Who joined with other of their own Sect in England, in such a vein of Innovations, as quickly brought all upon their own Heads. And so tho' after all these foresaid three Pictures, and Representations (to wit, the Bible distributed, the Churches spoiled, and the Catholic Roman Ship sent away). John Fox doth make a fourth fair Pageant, of the Protestants kind and comfortable meeting together, at their Communion Table, and their peaceable breaking of Bread. Yet if you consider what presently ensued in their actions, 
A Picture of the Protestants Agreement.  (I mean of their changing, chopping, pulling down, and setting up in those few years that it endured) you will easily see the Fruits of that new Gospel.  
4. For first, all begun with manifest perfidiousness against the old King, that was dead. For whereas he had two things in abomination above the rest; First, that his Son should have a Protector (considering the fatal events thereof in former times) for which cause he appointed sixteen Tutors, to govern with equal Authority, during the Minority of his Son; the other, that Heresy (but especially Zwinglianism) should enter into his Realm: both these things were determined contrary to the said Kings Will and Ordination, within three days after his death, and above a dozen before he was buried. For that the young Child being Proclaimed King upon the 28. of January, and his Father not buried until the 14. of February, his Uncle, the Earl of Hartford, was made Protector both of the King, and whole Realm, upon the first of the said Month of February following: and this by the private Authority of the greater part of the Executors only, without expecting any Parliament, or consent of the Realm, for so great a change, and charge, as that was.  

Promotions made by the Protector in the beginning of King Edward's days.  5. And albeit for obtaining the consents of the greater parts of Executors to this mutation, great advancements and Dignities were promised, and some of them also performed (for that the Lord Dudley was made Earl of Warwick, the Lord Parr Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Chancellor Wriothesley, was created Earl of Southampton, Sir Thomas Seymor was made Lord Sudley, and High Admiral of England, and other the like; and this within fifteen days after the Protectors Advancement) and tho' hope also was given to those, that were Catholicly inclined (as the most of them were, if they had followed their Consciences) that no great alteration of Religion should be made for the present: yet twenty days had scarce passed, after this advancement, but that the Protectors Fingers did so eagerly itch to be doing, and tampering about Innovation in Religion, 
Holinshead. Stow and others, a. Dom. 1547.  as upon the 6. of March next following, he sent away Commissioners into all parts of the Realm, to pull down Images, and other Ecclesiastical Ornaments, throughout all the Churches of the Realm, and to make other Innovations by his Authority, which now in all things he would have to be the Kings. And for that the Chancellor Wriothesley resisted the same, and would have had it stayed until a Parliament might be called; his Office was taken from him, thereby to terrify others from speaking in like Cases. Bishop Tonstall also was put beside the Council for like offence, though he were one of the sixteen Executors appointed by King Henry. So as now the Protector would needs have all things absolutely in his own Hand, both without Law, and before Law, yea expressly against the Laws of King Henry yet in force.  
6. And for that both he and his followers did easily see, the affection of the Realm to be wholly against these Mutations, (as before we have showed in the end of our former part:) he devised with the Lord Dudley, who soothed him in all at that time, the Journey into Scotland, of Musselborough Field which all men know, 
The Journey into Scotland, why it was devised in King Edward's time.  under pretence to gain the young Queen by force to Marry with the King. But yet every man of judgement, and discourse, did easily see, that not to be a thing likely, to get such a Princess by way of Arms from her Subjects. Neither was King Edward of such Age, as they needed to have hastened so much, to get him a Wife so soon (he being but nine years old) but that the matter might have been treated peaceably with the Scots, to have concurred willingly for their own interest, to that conjunction of both Realms by that Marriage, according as they had done in King Henry's time. And so wrote Bishop Gardener to the Protector, presently upon the first Sermon he heard the Bishop of St. David's in Wales, make in London, about that matter, I mean, to exhort the people to the enterprise of Scotland. For that now all Preachers were set a work by the said Protector, and Earl of Warwick, to show the great Glory and utilities of that Attempt.  
7. But the true cause of this Enterprise was indeed, to have thereby a just pretence, and occasion to raise an Army within the Land, and to call in Foreign Forces (as they did both Germans and Italians, under Petro Gamboa that had served King Henry at Bologne, and other Leaders) who they thought would be always more sure unto them, than English Soldiers in occasions of Religion. And so it fell out indeed. For the very next year after, these Foreign Soldiers, did stand the Protector in very good stead, when divers Shires of the Realm took Arms for defence of their Religion, in the third year of King Edward's Reign, as after you shall hear.  
8. This than was the first Summer's work after King Edward's Coronation: to wit, that the Protector made his Voyage towards Scotland, having first sent Commissioners and Preachers (as you have heard) into all Shires, to preach against Images, Procession, Litanies, Pilgrimages, Mass, praying to Saints: And this of his own Authority, without and against Law; for that no Parliament had yet disannulled the Religion left by King Henry. Which thing so much grieved the common Catholic people, as they began to exclaim every where against the said Commissioners; and one of them, called Body, was slain in Cornwall, for which divers Men were Executed in sundry places of that Shire, and a Priest sent up to be Hanged, Drawn and Quartered in Smithfield, for the terror of others, for that he was said by some to have been Accessary to the said Body's death.  
9 And this was the beginning of planting new Religion in England, 
The rushing in of Apostates into England.  by Authority of the Protector, under a Child-King; which Protector notwithstanding, for that he mistrusted his home-Doctors (as well as his home-Souldiers) to be sufficient for so great a Work as the planting of a new Religion, he sent over into Germany for divers strange Sectaries of what Religion soever, so they were not Catholic: But especially he desired to have Apostate-Friers, that had tied themselves to Sisters, assuring himself that they would be most pliable to his purpose. And so there came into England Martin Bucer, a Dominican Friar, who unto that day had been an earnest Lutheran; and Peter Martyr, a Canon-Regular that inclined to Zuinglianism, but yet came with great indifferency to preach and teach what he should be appointed; 
Bernard Ochinus. Vid. Saunder. l. de visib. Monarch. p. 627.  Bernardinus Ochinus was the third, who had been a Franciscan Friar, and by taking a Woman had lost all Religion, writing a Book de Polygamia, for having many Wives at once, and died after a Jew.  
10. These three were distributed into three principal Fountains of the Land, London, Oxford, and Cambridge; and with these joined other of the same Coat and Profession, as Coverdale an Augustine Friar, Bale a Carmelite, and other-like Englishmen, as before we have showed: All which beginning to preach in divers parts of the Land, filled men's heads with Novelties and Contentions, but had not the Gift of the old Apostolical Preachers, to preach the selfsame Faith and Doctrine every where; but so many men so many Opinions were set abroach, every man following his own fancy; only they agreed in impugning the Catholic Church, Rites, Doctrine, and Service, but among themselves they could not agree.  
11. Which thing being signified to the Protector, both before his departure, and while he was in the Scottish Journey, it grieved him exceedingly, and wrote back to Cranmer, Ridley, and the rest, that they should seek some means of Agreement and Conformity, and that they should make haste to end the Common-Service-Book, or Book of Common Prayer, Doctrine, and Rites, which they had begun to treat of before his departure out of London. 
The causes of jars between the new Protestant Preachers.  But this was not so easy to do, for that new Factions and Divisions were grown now among them, especially upon the arrival of the foresaid new Preachers, as well English, as strangers from beyond the Seas: For albeit the strangers could not much help in making this English Communion-Book, or rather new Mass-Book; yet did they hurt and hinder the same much by the variety of Opinions which they brought with them in matter of Doctrine; some of them coming from Saxony, and others from Switzerland, where there were different new Sects and Doctrines held and taught. And forasmuch as in this Book not only the Rites and Ceremonies of Service and Administration of Sacraments, but the Doctrine also of their Number and Nature, and other Articles of Belief, were to be expressed, or at leastwise insinuated; hereof arose a great War, for that Bucer would have one thing, Peter Martyr another, Ochinus a third; and then stepped in John Bale and Milo Coverdale, freshly come with their new Doctrine and wanton Women from beyond Seas, and would have room amongst the rest.  
12. But above all others did trouble the Market at this time, two heady married Priests, come also from beyond the Seas; to wit, John Hooper and John Rogers, the one from Wittenberg with a Germane Wife, the other from Argentine with a Burgundian Sister (as Fox testifieth); who dissenting wholly from the Course begun by Cranmer and Ridley, and bearing special emulation against them, as accounting themselves more Learned and zealous, and more reform than they, (as in their Lives we shall show, when we come to their places in the Calendar,) they being potent in Speech, and Faction, and had in estimation of the people in respect of their former Banishment, they made this Agreement at the first beginning much more difficult: Especially for that one Hugh Latimer, more turbulent than any of them all, and of more regard with the common people, for that he had been Bishop in King Henry's days, joined with Hooper and Rogers against Cranmer and Ridley, for that they were not inclined to restore him his Bishopric of Worcester, 
Stow. Anno 1539.  whereof he had been deprived by King Henry VIII.  
13. Whereupon the Protector, when he returned to London from the Scottish Voyage in the end of the Summer, he was greatly troubled to see these Divisions: But especially, for that he found nothing ready, as he had hope? for the new Communion-Book; but only that the old Religion was impugned, and the new not yet framed, and infinite strife was raised both about the one and the other. Yet a Parliament being called together upon the Fourth of November, Anno Domini 1547, and the First of King Edward, they thought to give an attempt, to see what might be done to have some Alteration established. But it would hardly be, notwithstanding all Art, Power and Persuasion was used by the Protector and his people to obtain the same: 
Statut. Anno Domini 1547. Edw. 6. An. 1.  For that in this Parliament they got only two things of moment to be determined about Religion. The first was, that all former penal Statutes made against any Heretic or Sectary whatsoever, from King Edward the Third downward (to wit, for the space almost of 200 years) should be revoked: But namely the Statutes made against Lollards, Wickliffians, Hussits, Anabaptists, and the rest, in the 1. Year of King Richard the Second, and in the 2. Year of King Henry the Fifth, and in the 25.31.33.34 and 35. Years of King Henry the Eighth, against what Heresies, Heretics or Sectaries soever. All these Laws and Statutes (I say) were recalled, annulled, and taken away, together with their punishments, prohibitions, or other restraints whatsoever; So as now every Man might think, say, preach, or teach what he thought best. 
Liberty and Impunity granted to all Heretics.  And this judgeth Fox to be a goodly sweet Liberty of the Gospel, where no Man is bound nor forced to any thing. And this determined a Child of Nine years old, against the Decrees of all his prudent Ancestors for 200 years upward.  
14. But yet in all this free liberty of Sectaries, to say, write, and teach what they list, the punishment of Death was reserved unto Catholics, that should speak in defence of the Doctrine of the Pope's Supremacy, or in derogation of the Supreme Ecclesiastical Headship of this young King. And this was the first and principal beginning of the Gospel in King Edward's time, to give every Man liberty to do and believe what he would, so he were not a Catholic. Which is much like the opening of Prisons and common jails in the beginning of a Rebellion, when all Malefactors are made free from fear of Laws, so they will join in Faction with the Rebellious. And upon the opening of this Gate, no marvel tho' all Sectaries rushed in, and among others, divers Arians, Anabaptists, Trinitarians, and like Heretics, began to preach presently their Doctrines, with such publicity, as Cranmer and his Fellows, for repressing thereof, were enforced to sit in public Judgement, and condemn divers of them to Death; albeit I do not see by what Law, having now revoked and annulled all former Statutes made against Heretics for their punishment, as hath been said: And namely, he condemned Joan of Kent, (alias Joan Knell) that had been a Handmaid of Anne Askew, 
Joan Knell condemned and burned by Cranmer. Sto. in Chron. An. 1549.  burned before in the last year of King Henry VIII. for denying the Real Presence: And Joan had profited so much under Anne's Doctrine, as now she denied Christ to have taken Flesh of the Blessed Virgin; who was so resolute with her Scriptures against Cranmer and his Assistants sitting upon her and her Fellows, in our Lady's Cappel of S. Paul's Church in London, upon the 27th of April, when he gave Sentence of Death against her, that she reproached him greatly for his inconstancy in Religion, telling him, that he condemned not long before Anne Askew for a piece of Bread, and now condemned her for a piece of Flesh: And that as he was come now to believe the first, which then he had condemned; so would he come in time to believe the second, etc.  
15. And for that O. E. in his Defence of Sir Francis Hastings, would not seem to think this matter to be true, I do assure the Reader in all sincerity, that I have it by relation and asseveration of a worshipful and honourable Knight, 
Sir Francis Inglefield.  that afterwards was of Queen Mary's Privy Council, and was either present when these things were spoken by Joan of Kent, or heard it from them that were present; from whom also I received divers other Particularities, which in this Chapter and the former are touched by me; Knowing the Man to be of such Wisdom and entire Credit, as I can hardly follow a better Author in things of his time.  
16. Well then, this is the first point obtained in this first Parliament of King Edward, that all Sects had impunity; whereof Fox glories much in these words: These meek and gentle times of King Edward, under the Government of this noble Protector, have this one Commendation proper to them, that during the whole time of the Six years of this King's much tranquillity, and as it were a breathing-time was granted to the whole Church of England, etc. Neither in Smithfield, 
Fox pag. 1180. col. 2. n. 40. Fox his impertinent Brag of impunity under King Edward.  nor any other Quarter of this Realm, was any heard to suffer for any matter of Religion, either Papist or Protestant, either for one Opinion or other, except only two; one an Englishwoman called Joan of Kent, the other a Dutchman named George Paris, who died for certain Articles not much necessary here to be rehearsed. Behold here Fox unwilling to rehearse the Articles of these two new Gospelers, which were no other but the Denial of Christ himself. And for that he saith no man suffered for Religion itself (either Catholic or Protestant) in all King Edward's days, 
The suffering of Catholics under King Edward.  I would ask him what he would say to so many hundreds as were slain and put to death in Somersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall, Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Yorkshire, and other places, in the Third year of King Edward's Reign, that were forced to take Arms for defence of their Religion, violently wrested from them, against all Truth, Reason, Law, and Order? Was not this Suffering also for Religion? But let us hear John Fox himself confess unto us the manner of entrance of his Gospel into England.  
17. After softer beginnings (saith he) by little and little, 
Fox pag. 1180. n. 14.  greater things followed in the reformation of the Churches, and a new face of things began now to appear, as it were on a Stage, new Players coming in, and the other thrust out. For the most part the Bishops of Churches and Dioceses were changed, etc. Bonner's Bishop of London was committed to the Marshalsea, and deprived; Gardener Bishop of Winchester, and Tonstal Bishop of Durham, were cast into the Tower, etc. Lo here, by Fox his own Confession, what Peace and Meekness there was used in these gentle times of King Edward, under the Government of this noble Protector, tho' they were but Six years in all. And let the Reader confess, that Fox hath a special Gift to contradict himself, tho' it be in the self same page. But now to the second point concluded in this Parliament about matters of Religion.  

The 2d Point handled in the first Parliament about the Blessed Sacrament.  18. The second Point was about the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, and use thereof; which as it was a very important and principal Point for these New Gospelers of King Edward's days to declare their Opinions, whether they would be Lutherans or Sacramentaries; so they being wholly divided among themselves in this point, (some of them coming from Wittenberg, and other places of Saxony, which followed Luther, some other from Strasburg, Basil, and other Towns among the Swissers, where the Doctrine of Zuinglius bare Rule; others that were home-Protestants, and desired to pass no further in neither of these two particular Sect and Factions, but only so far as was needful for holding their Women they had taken, as Cranmer and his Fellows) they could in no case come to any accord or agreement in this matter, but only to publish an Act or Statute, like a Ship-man's Hose, that determined neither the one nor the other; 
Stat. an. 1. Ed. 6. cap. 1.  the Title whereof was this: An Act against such persons as shall unreverently speak against the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ, (commonly called the Sacrament of the Altar) and for the receiving thereof under both kinds. And then beginneth the Statute thus:  
19 The King's most Excellent Majesty meaning the Governance of his most loving Subjects to be in most perfect Unity and Concord in all things, and especially in the true Faith and Religion of God, and wishing the same to be brought to pass with all Clemency on his part, as his most Princely Serenity and Majesty hath already declared, 
The Statute about the B. Sacrament.  etc. This is the Preface; and after coming to the matter, they say, In the most comfortable Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, (commonly called the Sacrament of the Altar, etc.) which Sacrament was instituted by no less Author than our Saviour, 
Mat. 26. Luc. 22. 1 Cor. 11.  both God and Man, when at his last Supper he did take the Bread into his holy Hands, and did say, Take you, and eat: This is my Body which is given and broken for you, etc. Which words spoken of it, being of eternal, infallible, and undoubted Truth; yet the said Sacrament, all this notwithstanding, hath been of late marvellously abused by such manner of men before rehearsed, who of Wickedness, or else of Ignorance and want of Learning, for certain Abuses heretofore committed of some in misusing thereof, have condemned in their hearts and speech the whole thing, and contemptuously depraved, despised, or reviled the same most holy and blessed Sacrament, and not only disputed or reasoned unreverently and ungodlily of that high Mystery, but also in their Sermons, Preachings, Readins, Talks, Tunes, Songs, Plays, or Tests, do name and call it by such vile and unseemly words, as Christian Ears do abhor to hear rehearsed: For reformation whereof, be it Enacted, etc.  
20. This is their Narration; and according thereunto they do set down remedy and punishment for them that shall speak any contemptuous words, to deprave, despise, or revile this Sacrament. But what the words or sense thereof are in particular, or what they mean by this despising or depraving, they do not set down, as they ought to have done if they had meant plainly; tho' by the words of their said Narration it may appear this Statute was made principally against Sacramentaries, that deny the Real Presence of the Body and Blood of our Saviour, and do dispute and reason unreverently and ungodly thereof; this being the highest Injury, Contempt, or Depravation that can be done to it. 
Deceitful dealing in this Statute.  But it pleased not the Makers of this Statute to be understood, or to deal clearly for the present in this behalf, but rather to speak obscurely and doubtfully, to the end they might afterward have a starting-hole to get out at, and become Zwinglians or Calvinists when they would. The other Clause of administering the Sacrament under both kinds to all sorts of people, they put down more clearly, with this Exception only; except necessity otherwise require. By which words they allow also the use under one kind in time of necessity; which is far from that which since that time they have taught.  
21. These were the two things of most moment determined about Religion in this first Parliament. Two other things were attempted by the Gospelers, with most earnest endeavour, but they could not be obtained. The first was to have a Book of Common Prayer pass, which they had composed in haste out of the Mass-Book, for altering the Service and Mass into English, or rather for abolishing of the Mass, and bringing in the new Communion in place thereof. And this Book was composed by certain appointed by the Protector and Cranmer. But when it came to the Parliament to pass, it was misliked, 
The first Communion Book in English rejected.  and contradicted not only by Catholics, but by many Protestants also. Especially those that were the most forward, as Hooper, Rogers, and some other. Who according to Fox, were Puritans in those days, and would neither take the Oath of Supremacy to the young King, (as we shall show more largely when we come to treat of them severally in the next Part of this Treatise) nor yet wear Tippet, Cap., or Surpless. And misliked moreover the whole Government Ecclesiastical in that time; neither agreed with the Opinions of Doctrine set down by that Book. And so it was rejected with no small grief, both of the Duke, Protector, and Archbishop Cranmer.  
22. The other Point proposed, and rejected also, 
The allowance of Priests and Friars Marriages rejected in this Parliament.  was about allowance of Priests and Friars Marriages, and Legitimation of their Children. Wherein great force was made by them, that had taken Women first, and sought approbation afterwards, but could not get it for the present. Though in the next Parliament about a year after, they obtained a certain mitigation therein, as you shall hear.  
23. Now than this Parliament being thus past, 
The resolute proceeding of the Lord Protector.  and ended upon the 20 day of December, and the Protector much grieved, that no more could be obtained therein, to the favour of the new Gospelers; he thought good for the time to come, to use his Kingly Authority under the Name of the young Child, for the altering of divers Points in Religion, using Cranmer and some other also of the Council for his Instruments. And first they began with Bishop Bonner, 
Fox p. 1183.  as may appear by a Letter from the said Bonner written to Bishop Gardiner of Winchester the 28. of January 1548. wherein he writeth thus: My very good Lord, these be to advertise your Lordship, that my Lord of Canterbury 's Grace, this present 28. of January, sent me his Letters Missive, containing this in effect. That my Lord Protector's Grace, with Advice of other the King's Majesties most Honourable Council, for certain Considerations them moving, are fully resolved, 
Candles, Ashes, & Palms forbidden by the Protector.  that no Candles shall be born upon Candlemas-day, nor from henceforth Ashes, nor Palms used any longer; Requiring me to cause Admonition thereof to be given unto your Lordship, and other Bishops with celerity, etc. Thus much there.  
24. And after this again, upon the 11. of the next Month of February, the said Protector with some others of the Council, at his appointment wrote to Cranmer, and by him to all Bishops of the Realm, Commanding them to pull down all Images, in these words, amongst others: 
Fox ib. Col. 2.  We have thought good (saith he) to signify unto You that His Highness' pleasure, with the Advice and Consent of Us the Lord Protector and the rest of the Council is, that immediately upon the sight hereof, with as convenient diligence as You may, 
Images taken away by the Protector's Letter before the Parliament.  You give order that all Images, remaining in any Church, or Chapel, etc. Be removed and taken away. And in the Execution hereof we require both You, and the rest of the Bishops, to use such foresight, as the same may be quietly done, with as good satisfaction of the People as may be, etc. From Somerset Place the 11. of February 1548. Your loving Friends: Edward Somerset, Henry Arundel, Anthony Wingfield, John Russell, Thomas Seymer, William Paget.  
25. And now Candles, Ashes, and Images being gone (as you see) there followed in the next Month after, (to wit, of March) that the Protector desiring still to go forward with his designment of Alteration, sent abroad a Proclamation in the King's Name, with a certain Communion Book in English, to be used for Administration of Sacraments, instead of the Mass Book. but whether it was the very same, that was rejected a little before in the Parliament, 
A new Communion Book thrust upon Catholics by the Protector's only Authority. Fox p. 1184. Col. 1.  or another patched up afterward, or the same mended or altered, is not so clear. But great care there was had by the Protector and his Adherents, that this Book should be admitted, and put in practice presently, even before it was allowed in Parliament. To which effect Fox setteth down a large Letter of the Council to all the Bishops, Exhorting and Commanding them, in the King's Name to admit, and put in Practice this Book. We have thought good (say they) to pray and require your Lordships, and nevertheless in the King's Majesty Our most Dread Lord's Name to Command You, to have a diligent, earnest, and careful respect to cause these Books to be delivered to every Parson, Vicar and Curate within your Diocese, with such diligence as they may have sufficient time well to instruct and advise themselves, for the distribution of the most holy Communion, according to the Order of this Book before this Easter time, etc. Praying you to consider, that this Order is set forth, to the intent there should be in all parts of the Realm, one uniform manner quietly used. To the Execution whereof we do eftsoons require you to have a diligent respect, as you tender the King's Majesty's pleasure, and will answer to the contrary, etc. From Westminster the 13 of March 1548.  
26. By all which, and by much more that might be alleged, it is evident, that all that was hitherto done against Catholic Religion for these first two years, until the second Parliament, was done by private Authority of the Protector and his Adherents, 
The Confusion that ensued in England upon the first Innovation.  before Law, and against Law. And now what a Babylonical Confusion ensued in England upon these Innovations in all Churches, Parishes and Bishoprics commonly, is wonderful to recount. For some Priests said the Latin Mass, some the English Communion, some both, some neither: some said half of the one, and half of the other. And this was very ordinary: to wit, to say the Introitus and Confiteor in English: and then the Collects, and some other parts in Latin. And after that again the Epistles and Gospels in English, and then the Canon of the Mass in Latin, and lastly the Benediction, and last Gospel in English. And this mingle mangle did every man make at his pleasure, as he thought it would be most grateful to the people.  
27. But that which was of more importance, and impiety; some did Consecrate Bread and Wine, others did not, but would tell the people beforehand plainly, they would not consecrate: but restore them their Bread and Wine back again, as they received it from them. Only adding to it the Church Benediction. And those that did Consecrate, did Consecrate in divers forms, some aloud, some in secret, some in one form of words, and others in an other. And after Consecration some did hold up the Host to be Adored after the old fashion, and some did not; And of those that were present, some did kneel down and Adore, others did shut their Eyes, others turned their Faces aside, others ran out of the Church Blaspheming, and crying Idolatry.  
28. And as this Confusion was in Spiritual Matters, during these two first years of King Edward's Reign: so no less was it in Temporal Affairs, especially in tne City of London, 
The troubles and garboils in Temporal Affairs, ensuing upon Ecclesiastical Confusion.  where a great Mortality and Pestilence was among the People, as Stow saith. And no less amazement, to see three chief Bishops sent to Prison Gardiner of Winchester, Bonner of London, and Tonstall of Duresme. But the greatest banding was betwixt the Protector, and his Brother the Admiral, and between their Wives, Queen Katherine Parr, and the Duchess of Somerset. In which Contention divers Chief Ministers and Apostate Friars were sticklers; but especially Hugh Latymer, that inveighed in his Sermons against the Admiral in favour of the Protector. On the other side Friar Bale was wholly addicted to Queen Catherine and her praises, having Printed and set her forth, in those very days for a famous Writer, and one of the Miracles of Womankind in his Book De scriptoribus Britannicis. For so he saith: 
Bal. de script. Britan. fol. 238.  Ingenii viribus, literarum peritia, verborum elegantia, & animi generositate foemine as dotes exuperat, etc. She doth exceed the Gifts of Womankind in the force of her Wit, in the skill of her Learning, in the elegancy of her Words, and generosity of Mind. And again, Magnarum virtutum, ac unicum hoc saeculo pietatis exemplar, etc. She is the only Example of great Virtues and Piety in this our Age. With which excessive praises the Duchess of Somerset, that thought herself as Wise and Learned as the other, was so offended, that Friar Bale could get no Preferment, while her Husband was in Authority.  
29. But now came on the second Parliament, 
The second Parliament of King Edward. An. 1548. 4. Novemb.  which was upon the 4. day of November 1548. and second year of King Edward's Reign. The Protector, and his Gospelers, had made all the preparation possible to get Voice therein, for Establishing of that, which they desired in Religion. As it is no marvel, if it were not hard to do, seeing the chief Bishops were now restrained, terrified, or put in Prison; some other of the Laity also disgraced, as the Earl of Southampton, Arundel, and others. The Lord Protector and Dudley, Armed with the remainder of their Forces made for Scotland. And the displeasure of the said Protector being held now for so dreadful a matter to any that resisted his Designs, as it was expected daily, that his own Brother the Admiral should be made away by him upon like displeasure  
30. But to speak of this Parliament begun now (as we have said) two things (as you remember) were excluded in the last Parliament, that could not pass, though never so much desired, and urged by the Protector and his Friends. To wit, the new Communion Book, and the allowance of Priests and Friars Marriages: but now both of them passed; albeit the second with a greater limitation, as you may see, for the Title of the Statute is only this, An Act to take away all Positive Laws of Man made against the Marriage of Priests. Whereby you see, that the Parliament being importuned by Priests and Friars, that had gotten them Women, to have them allowed by Parliament; they only obtained to be free from Temporal Punishment appointed for the same, leaving them to God for the rest, whether after their Vows made of Chastity, they were bound to observe the same, or no. Nay, in the very Act itself, they do highly commend Chastity in Priests, saying: That it were not only better for Priests and Ministers of the Church to live chaste, sole, 
Statut. Anno 2. Edw. 6. cap. 21. Anno Domini 1548. The Statute of Impunity for Priests and Friars to Marry.  and separate from the company of Women, etc. But that it were most to be wished, that they would willingly, and of themselves endeavour to keep a perpetual Chastity, and Abstinence from the use of Women. Yet forasmuch as the contrary hath been seen, etc. Be it Enacted that all Laws Positive, Canons, or Constitutions heretofore made by Authority of Man only (which doth Prohibit or forbid Marriage to any Ecclesiastical Person) etc. Shall be utterly void and of none effect, together with the Pains, Penalties, Crimes, Actions thereunto Annexed, etc.  
31. Thus goeth the Statute. Wherein you see there is nothing, but Impunity given to Incontinent Priests and Friars, to use Women without fear of Punishment in this World. And thereby you may consider, that the first and chief endeavours of these new Gospelers tended principally to break down Hedges, and to dissolve Catholic Discipline, and to take away Punishments appointed as well to Heretics and Heresy in general (as by the former Parliament you have seen) as also to lose and Incontinent Clergymen for their dissolute life. And thus much of the first Point. Let us come to the second, about the new Communion Book.  
32. This Book, though it were made new again by great diligence, both of the Composers, which the Protector and his Followers had chosen for that purpose, as also by the view of Cranmer, Ridley, and others of chief Authority in the Clergy: 
The second Contention about their new Communion Book.  yet had it marvellous difficulty to pass, as may appear by very Act of Parliament itself. For that it was not only contradicted by Catholics, but also by many Protestants themselves: Misliking not only the Rites and Ceremonies therein appointed, but the very Articles of Doctrine also. And in this were most vehement the foresaid Faction of Hooper, Rogers, Latymer, and some others, being at that time Puritan, as before we have noted.  
33. But the chiefest, and hottest Contention of all (whereof the principal Point of their new Religion seemed to depend) was, whether they should be Lutherans, or Zwinglians, concerning the blessed Sacrament. Seeing they longer well could not dissemble the same, as they had done in the former Parliament: though otherwise (as I have said) it was somewhat hard to determine. For that to the Lutherans inclined not only Cranmer, Ridley, and other in Ecclesiastical Authority, that had lived, and born Rule under King Henry VIII. before. But many of the Noble Men also, and Counsellors, that were half Catholics and half Protestants. Protestants, for liberty of eating of Flesh on forbidden days, Possessing Church-living, disobligation of Confession, and Restitution, and other such Motives: But yet for other matters were rather Catholic in judgement, and with these concurred such, as were come out of Saxony, 
The Zwinglian Faction did over-bear the Lutheran in King Edward's days.  and had Studied under Luther, as Bucer, Bale, Coverdale, and others. All which seemed to stand for the real Presence at that time. But against these were the Sacramentaries, whose Profession being of the fresher Frame, more pleased the Protector, and some other itching Ears, and thereby did overbear the other side, at length by the number of some few Voices in Parliament, but yet with great difficulty. Whereupon the said Parliament was continued in Disputation, and Contention, especially about this matter for the space of four Months and a half; to wit, from the 4. of November, unto the 14. of March, and in the mean space, all was in suspense, of what Religion England should be. For as on the one side many that knew or suspected the Protectors inclination, did think and lay Wagers, that Zwinglianism would prevail: so others hearing that Archbishop Cranmer, and his party stood resolutely on the other side, and had punished divers for speaking against the Mass, 
Two men cast into Prison by Cranmer for speaking against the Sacrament of the Altar. Fox p. 1180. & 1181.  and Real Presence in the Sacrament a little before, to wit, one Thomas Dobbe a Master of Art in Cambridge (as Fox telleth us) cast into the Counter by Cranmer, and held there till he died: and John Hume, Imprisoned for the same Cause by the said Archbishop: This (I say) made many to expect and Bet on the other side. But especially this doubt, and expectation was notorious in the Universities of Oxford, and Cambridge, where Peter Martyr, and Bucer, had Read now for the space of a year and more, and were oftentimes urged and pressed much by their Scholars, (whereof the far greater parts in those days were Catholics,) to declare themselves clearly, of what Opinion they wear, touching the Sacrament of the Altar, and the Real Presence; To wit, whether they were Lutherans or Zwinglians. But they kept themselves aloof, and indifferent or rather doubtful, so far as they could, until the determination of the Parliament should come. Yet was Peter Martyr put into a great strait thereby. For that having taken upon him to Read, and Expound to the Scholars of Oxford the first Epistle to the Corinthians (wherein the Apostle in the Eleventh Chapter handleth the Institution of the Blessed Sacrament) he had thought to have come to that place just at the very time, when the Parliament should have determined this Controversy.  
34. But the Contention enduring longer by some Months, than he expected, he was come to the Eleventh Chapter long before they could end in London. Whereupon many Posts went to and fro between him and Cranmer, to require a speedy resolution, 
The perpl ex tie of Peter Martyr in Oxford about expounding Hoc est Corpus meum.  alleging that he could not detain himself any longer, but that being come to the words Hoc est Corpus meum, he must needs declare himself a Lutheran or a Zuinglian: But he was willed to stay, and entertain himself in other matter, until the Determination might come; and so the poor Friar did, with admiration and laughter of all his Scholars, standing upon those precedent words; Accepit Panem, etc. Et gratias agens, etc. Fregit, etc. Et dixit, etc. Accipite, & manducate, etc. discoursing largely of every one of these Points, and bearing off from the other that ensued. But when at length the Post came that Zuinglianism must be defended, then stepped up Peter Martyr boldly the next day, and said, Hoc est Corpus meum, 
Dissembling and tergiversation of Peter Martyr.  This is my Body; interpreting it, This is the Sign of my Body; adding moreover, that he wondered how any man could be of another Opinion, seeing this Exposition was so clear. Whereas if the Post had brought other News, himself also would have taught the contrary Opinion. And this Story was testified (whilst they were alive) by Dr. Sanders, Dr. Allen, Dr. Stapleton, and others, that were present at this Trifling and Tergiversation of this Apostate-Frier. And thus began our Zuinglian Gospel in England under King Edward VI.  
35. Now let us hear a word or two out of the Statute itself about this Communion Book, and profession of Zuinglianism, established in England, after two years' strife among the Protestants. Whereas of long time (saith the Act) there hath been in this Realm of England divers Forms of Common Prayer, 
Stat. an. 2 Ed. 6 cap. 1.  commonly called the Service of the Church, as well concerning the Matins and Even-Song, as also the holy Communion, called the Mass, etc. And whereas the King's Majesty, with the Advice of his most entirely-beloved Uncle the Lord Protector, and others of his Highness' Council, hath heretofore divers times assayed to stay Innovations, or new Rites concerning the premises; yet the same hath not had such good success as his Highness required in that behalf. Whereupon his Highness, by the most prudent Advice aforesaid, 
The new Communion-Book made upon the frailty and weakness of Subjects.  being pleased to bear with the frailty and weakness of his Subjects in that behalf, of his great Clemency hath been not only content to abstain from punishment in that behalf, but also, to the intent that an uniform, quiet, and godly Order should be had concerning the premises, hath appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury, and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops, to consider and ponder the premises; and thereupon, having as well an eye and respect to the most sincere and pure Christian Religion taught by the Scriptures, as to the Usages of the Primitive Church, should draw and make one convenient and meet Order, Rite, and Fashion of Common-Prayer and Administration of Sacraments to be used in England, Wales, etc. The which at this time, by the Aid of the Holy Ghost, with uniform Agreement, is by them concluded set forth, and delivered, to his Highness' great comfort, and quietness of mind, in a Book entitled, The Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of Sacraments, etc.  
36. This is the Preface to that Act of Parliament; whereby you may see that this Communion-Book was devised first for bearing with the frailty of them that sought Innovations; & then that it was performed by uniform Consent, & Aid of the Holy Ghost, according to the most sincere and pure Christian Religion taught in the Scriptures; and lastly, that the young Child-Prince received great comfort and quietness of mind thereby. All which is ridiculous, if you consider what a multitude of Errors and gross Absurdities the latter Protestants (especially the preciser sort of them) have gathered out against this Book; yea, after it was twice more reviewed, altered and amended, (according to the pure Word of God) as was pretended once in King Edward's days itself, and then again in the beginning of her Majesty's Reign; whereof, tho' I have spoken sufficiently in my Defence of the first Encounter against Sir F. Hastings, yet cannot I omit to admonish the Reader in this place to read the ninth Chapter of the second Book, 
The judgement and speeches of the purer sort of Protestants against the foresaid Communion-Book.  entitled, Dangerous Positions, etc. set forth by public Permission, and printed in London, Anno 1593. In which Chapter you shall see put together the words of divers new Gospelers concerning this Communion-Book, affirmed here in the Statute to be according to the most sincere and pure Christian Religion taught by the Scriptures: But they say the contrary, to wit, that it is full of corruption, and that many of the Contents thereof are against the Word of God, the Sacraments wickedly mangled and profaned therein, the Lord's Supper not eaten, but made a Pageant and Stage play; that their public Baptism is full of childish superstitious toys.  
37. And finally, not to stand any longer upon this proof, how the latter Gospelers according to their pure Word of God do reject and contemn the very pure Word of God of Cranmer and Ridley's time, (alleging for reason, among other things, as the Survey of pretended Discipline saith, cap 28. That the Sun of the Gospel shineth more clear in these days than in those:) Not to stand, I say, upon this, Fox himself doth sufficiently show that this pure Communion Book and Order therein set down, was misliked and rejected by the most zealous sort of Protestants even in those days, 
Fox p. 1355.  as may appear by that which the said John Fox telleth us, when he talketh of the Prophetical Spirit of John Rogers the Minister that was burned in Queen Mary's days; how he sent word to the Brethren by a certain Book-binder, that except the Gospelers when they returned into England again (for so, saith Fox, he prophesied they should) did follow the Form and Plot set down by Him and Hoop●r, (different from this of Cranmer and others) they should have as bad an end as he and his Fellows had, that were burned under Queen Mary.  
38. But yet for the present this was the pure Word of God, and the Work of the Holy Ghost, and no man might mislike or reprove it without danger and great punishment; especially if he was a Catholic, for above all others they were to be punished, (especially the Catholic Bishops in Prison for resisting the former Book obtruded in the first Parliament;) which yet was pardoned to others; 
Catholics excepted from pardon in the Statute.  for so saith the Statute immediately after in these words: That all and singular person and persons that have offended concerning the premises, (other than such as now be and remain in ward in the Tower of London, or in the Fleet) may be pardoned thereof.  
39 But to return to our story, and first planting of the Gospel under King Edward, you must note, That together with this Comedy of the new Book of Service, disputed and passed in this Parliament, wherein the Protector was a chief Part and Actor, there was a bloody Tragedy handled in like manner, whereof he was both Head and Instigator; for that about the midst of the Parliament (to wit, 
The apprehension and condemnation and death of the Lord Thomas Seymor by his Brother and other new Gospelers.  upon the 16th of January) he caused his Brother Lord Thomas Seymor, High-Admiral of England, to be suddenly arrested and sent Prisoner to the Tower, being in Mourning-Apparel at that time for the late Death of his Wife Queen Catherine Parr; and not suffering the said Brother of his to be heard or come to his Trial, he caused a Condemnation to pass against him in the said Parliament, which beginneth thus: Whereas Sir Thomas Seymor, Knight, Lord Seymor of Sudley, High Admiral of England, not having God before his eyes, etc. Thus beginneth the Act, and then followeth a long Narration of his Offences; as, That he desired to have the custody of the King, was ambitions, and married Queen Catherine Parr secretly before he told the King or his Brother of it, and after helped to make her away again with secret intention to marry the Lady Elizabeth, if he could get her; was ungrateful for many benefits both of the King and his said Brother the Lord Protector; 
Stat. an. 2 Ed. 6. cap. 18. Anno Dom. 1548.  persuaded the young King to take the Government into his own hands, and thereby to exclude the said Protector from his Dignity and Government. It was inferred, That the said Lord Admiral aspired to the Crown itself, and to the Destruction of the King's Person, Lands, Realm, Church, and Commonwealth, etc.  
40. All these things (I say) and many other, are related in this Act of Parliament of Attainder against the Lord Seymor, Sir William Sharington, and other his Friends and Followers, but not proved at all by any thing in the Narration. But yet such was the force of his Brother and other chief Gospelers against him, (a doleful beginning of the new Gospel for him) as he was condemned to be Hanged, Drawn, and Quartered, and upon favour was Beheaded upon the 20th of March following. And presently the Protector, as triumphing both over his Mother and Brother, (as one said in those days, for that the Church was as well his Mother, as the Admiral his Brother) he made a Proclamation upon the 6th of April to put down the Mass throughout the whole Realm; whereupon there ensued such Revel presently in London and in other places of the Realm, as was strange and pitiful: the blessed Sacrament being thrust out in haste of every Church, and Altars pulled down; 
The Revel that ensued presently upon this Parliament of 4th of Novemb. 1548.  and upon the 10th of April (being but four days after) the whole Cloister of St. Paul's Church in London was thrown down; and together with That, a goodly Work of Antiquity cunningly wrought, called the Dance of Paul's, environing the said Cloister, was beaten down and defaced also; another goodly Monument in like manner of Antiquity belonging to the same Church, called the Charnel-house of Paul's, (where the Tombs, Bones, and Memories of dead Men were) was all beaten down by the fury of this time, and the dead men's Bones cast out into the Fields, as both Holinshead, Stow, and other Chroniclers, 
Holinsh. Stow. Anno Dom. 1549.  do relate.  
41. And for that the Protector had designed to raise a famous Palace, worthy of his Greatness and Renown, for his Habitation and perpetual Memory, called Somerset-Place, he first caused the Parish Church of the Strand without Temple-Bar, together with Strand-Inn and Strand-Bridge, to be pulled down, to give place to that Palace; and to the end he might have Stone for the same more near at hand, and with less Charges, he caused the fair goodly Church of St. John of Jerusalem near Smithfield (belonging in former time to the Knights of Rhodes) to be undermined, and with Gunpowder to be overthrown, and the Stone thereof to be applied to the building of his said House and Palace.  
42. And this was the form of the first planting of the new Gospel in London by Gunpowder, tearing and renting of ancient Monuments, and overthrowing of Churches; far unlike to the first planting of Christian Faith in England by St. Augustin and his Fellows, before in part by us described. And if this Revel was in London in the sight of the Prince and Council, and where most Order and Law ought to be kept, we may easily imagine what was practised throughout all the other parts of the Realm, where less respect was born to the public Magistrate, by no less unruly Spirits than were in London; whereupon the poor afflicted Catholic people were forced to take Arms for their defence. And from hence began the Commotions and Insurrections above mentioned of divers Shires for retaining their Religion: But being overcome and oppressed by Martial Law, and by the Troops of English and Foreign Soldiers made for the Scottish Voyage not long before, there ensued infinite Misery, Murder, Massacre, and Mortality in the Realm. All which the Earl of Warwick, with the help of others of the Nobility, laying afterwards to the Protector's charge, in the end of the very next year (to wit, the 3d of King Edward's Reign) they cast him into the Tower, deprived him of his Protectorship, and had cut off his Head also at that time, 
The Protector cast into the Tower, Octob. 4. an. 1549.  had not the Duchess of Somerset prudently pacified the Earl of Warwick by presenting a rich Casket of Jewels unto the Countess his Wife, (whereunto my Author was privy;) and moreover she offered a new Complot of Affinity between the said Earl and Duke, which afterward was effectuated; to wit, the Marriage between the Son of the Earl and Daughter of the Duke. All which, 
Stow an. 3, & 6. 1555,  together with a most humble, lowly and base Submission made by the said Protector, (which is extant in our Chronicles) moved the Earl to pardon him for the present, and to restore him to a kind of Liberty at his own House, and after that again to the Council and King's presence, (for of all he was deprived) but never to the Protectorship: Nay, soon after he cast him into Prison again, and cut off his Head, as all men know; and had thereunto the help of many chief Gospelers, who not long after this laid other Complots (conform to the turbulent humour and fruits of this Gospel) and made other new Alliances between the House of Suffolk (that was most forward of all others in Gospelling) and the said Earl of Warwick, now Duke of Northumberland; which Alliances are supposed to have shortened the young unfortunate King's Life, and known to have meant the Subversion of the whole Course of the Royal Line and Succession appointed by King Henry VIII. (cutting off his two Daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, that remained after King Edward) if God had not strangely defended them by cutting off these Evangelical Contrivances.  
43. Wherefore, to be no longer in this matter, which is clear enough of itself, we do see how the first public Introduction of Protestant Religion that ever was admitted in England, from Christ to that time, came in both under King Henry, and much more under King Edward his Son; to wit, how, and upon what occasions, by whom and what men the same was both preached and favoured, and what effects, by what means, and in what form and fashion it was performed; 
The conclusion concerning the occasions, means, events, and fruits of the new Gospel.  for as for the occasions, they have been declared before: But under King Edward, it is evident that they were the Childhood and Infancy of a tender young Prince, together with the Ambition, Covetousness, Pride, and desire of sole Command, in his Uncle the Protector; which motives made him break the Will and Testament, Laws and Ordinances, of his old Dread Lord King Henry, before almost his Blood was cold after his death: and the like Inductions of Promotions drew after him others, who seconded his Actions as long as they were profitable unto them.  
44. As for the men that first and principally broached these Doctrines, they were for the most part married Friars and Apostate Priests that living in Concupiscence of Women, and other Sensuality, desired to maintain and continue the same by the Liberty of this new Gospel. The Promoters and Favourers of these Men were such especially of the Laity and Clergy, as had more Interest by the Change for their own Promotion and Advancement, than Conscience, or persuasion of Judgement, for the Truth of their Religion; as would appear, if we should name them one by one that then were of the Council and chief Authority. The Effects and spiritual Fruits of this first Change were (as you have seen and heard) the most notorious Vices of Ambition, Dissimulation, Hatred, Deceit, Tyranny, and Subversion one of another; together with Division, Dissension, Garboils, and Desolation of the Realm; yea, plain Atheism, Irreligion, and contempt of all Religion that ever was known to have risen up in any Kingdom of the World within the compass of so few years: And (that which is most remarkable) there followed presently the Overthrow of all the principal Actors and Authors of these Innovations by God's own wonderful hand; and this more in these six years, than in sixty, or six score or perhaps six hundred, hath been seen to have fallen out in England in other times. And no doubt but it is of singular consideration, 
A consideration of much importance.  that whereas true Christian Religion (but especially any Change or Reformation to the better part) is admitted, there presently do ensue by usual consequence great effects of Piety, Devotion, Charity and virtuous Life, if the Reformation be sincere, & come from God indeed; here on the contrary side the Providence of God did show a notorious document to the whole World, of the falsehood and wickedness of this new Gospel, in that the first professors and promoters thereof in our Land, fell to more open wickedness in these Five years, than in so many Fifties before, as hath been said.  
45. And the chief Captain and Ringleader of all this Dance of Innovations after the Protector himself, (to wit, the Duke of Northumberland) coming soon after to Calamity, fell into the account and reckoning of this matter, and made a long vehement declaration thereof in the Chapel of the Tower, before divers of the Council, the day before he was put to death, to wit, upon the 21. of August 1553, showing, that he had found true by good experience, that this new Gospel (which he had followed hitherto) tended to nothing but to Atheism in Religion, dissolution of Life, and perturbation of the Commonwealth; which he repeated again at his Death, and the same was presently put in Print, and so it remained. Tho' Holinshed, Hooker and Harrison, 
Holinsh. An. Dom. 1553. pag. 1089.  (like false Companions as they be) do leave it out wholly of their large Chronicle, telling only, that he and the Duke of Somerset were buried one by the other in the Tower. But Stow proceedeth more handsomely; for tho' he omit the larger rehearsal of the matter, and do speak of other things less odious; yet doth he so set down the thing, as the truth may easily be seen thereby, which the other Companions do hold from us of purpose: for thus he writeth.  
46. The rest of the Duke's Speech, almost in every Point, 
Stow in Chron. An. 1553.  was as he had said in the Chapel of the Tower, saving that when he had made Confession of his Belief, (Stow dare not tell what Belief, for that it was wholly Catholic, with many vehement Protestations against the Heresies of that time) he had these words: Here I do protest unto you, good People, most earnestly, 
The Duke of Northumberland's Confession of his Faith at his Death.  even from the bottom of my Heart, that this which I have spoken, is of myself, not being required nor moved thereunto by any man, for any flattery or hope of Life. I take witness of my Lord of Worcester here, my old Friend and Ghostly Father, that he found me in this mind and opinion when he came to me. But I have declared this only upon my own mind and affection, and for the zeal and love that I bear to my natural Country. And I could, good People, rehearse much more even by experience that I have of this Evil, that is happened to this Realm by th●se occasions. But now, you know, I have another thing to do, whereunto I must prepare me, etc. And having thus spoken, he kneeled down, saying to them that were about him, I beseech you all to bear me witness, that I die in the true Catholic Faith. And then said he the Psalms of Miserere and De Profundis, his Pater. Noster, etc.  
47. This is Stow's Narration; whereby you see first the dishonesty and falsehood of the other Chroniclers, that leave it quite out; and the cozenage of John Fox, that only saith it in two or three Lines, and lieth most shamefully, 
Fox pag. 120.  affirming, That he having Promise made unto him, that tho' his Head were upon the Block, he should have his Pardon if he would recant, he consented thereunto. Which yet you see the Duke protesteth the contrary upon his Death, that it was not for Flattery or hope of Life, or upon any Man's Instruction, but only upon Conscience, first to save his own Soul, and then for desire to deliver his natural Country from the Infection of Heresy, and Calamities thereon ensuing.  
48. And thus much of those Men and their Fruits, who first planted this Gosael. But now as for the Means whereby these things were wrought, you have heard them before; that they were all commonly by pulling down, thrusting out, dissolving of Discipline, giving immunity from punishments to all sorts of Heretics, and of Marriage to loose Priests and Apostate Friars, and other like licentious Liberties, far different from the purity, severity, and strictness of Life used by the first Planters of Christ's Gospel. And as for the form and fashion of this new Religion, set up under this Child-King, it was, as you have heard both their own Men and ours testify, 
The form and fashion of Fox's new Church and Religion.  compounded and patched up of all diversity of Sects and Religions, as it pleased the Composers; many things they took and retained of ours, as well in Doctrine, as in Rites and Ceremonies; Some things of the Lutherans, some others of the Zwinglians; some of the Relics of King Henry's mutation, as that of the Supreme Head of the Church, (a singular Point of Doctrine, proper to England above all other Nations.) But most of this Composition was of their own Inventions, which yet neither the Protestants that remained in secret under Queen Mary, did wholly allow, as appeareth by that which I have cited before of John Rogers' Prophecy, nor the other that began again under her Majesty that now is, did wholly readmit the form and fashion, but made a new one of their own, as by their Communion-Book is evident; nor do the purer sort of Calvinists in these days, any way like or approve the one or the other, as before we have showed.  
49. Whereupon I may conclude as well this Chapter, as also this whole Second Part, that neither under King Henry the VIII. nor King Edward the VI nor Queen Mary, had John Fox any distinct Church extant or known to the World, especially if his Church be the Puritan Congregation, as he will seem to signify in many places of his Acts and Monuments. But whether he have any such Church now visible under her Majesty at this day in England, and in what state and condition it standeth, I will not stand to inquire or discuss, but do leave it to my Lords of Lambert and London, whom most it concerneth, being sufficient for me to have showed throughout all former Christian Ages, that John Fox hath had no Church of any Antiquity; and consequently, if he he have any now, it must be a very young Church, and of so tender Age, as he may marry her to what Sect or Sectary he listeth for her Youth, and that with hope of Brood and Issue. And so much of all this matter.   

CHAP. XIII.  
The Conclusion of both these former Parts, together with a particular Discourse of the notorious different Proceeding of Catholics and Protestants, in searching out the truth of Matters in Controversy.  
BY all that hitherto hath been written and discoursed (good Christian Reader) about the former Subject of discerning true Christian Religion, and the way whereby to know and find the same, I do not doubt, but that of thy prudence thou hast observed a far different course holden by us that are Catholics, and our Adversaries in this behalf, we seeking to make matters plain, evident, easy, perspicuous and demonstrable (so far as may be) even to the Eye itself; whereas our Adversaries, and namely John Fox, according to that which by reading this Treatise you have seen, doth altogether the contrary, intangling himself and his Reader with such Obscurities, Difficulties and Contradictions, both about Times, Matter, and Men, as he findeth not where to begin, nor where to end, nor yet how to go forward or backward, in that he had taken in hand; which I suppose to have been abundantly showed by that which hitherto hath been written: For whereas we, for our parts, begin clearly with the very first Corpse or Body of Religion, Instituted by Christ himself, and the first Professors thereof that made a Church or Christian Congregation, and do never after leave the same, but do deduce it visibly and without interruption from that time to this, and thereby do show the beginning and continuance of one and the same Religion from their days to ours. John Fox on the other side knoweth not well either where to begin, where to insist, or where to end, as sufficiently you have seen tried: For albeit in the Tile of his Book he tells us, that he will bring down his Church from the Apostles time to ours, 
Pag. 8.  and then after in his Protestation to the Christian Reader he do●h tell us farther, that his true Church is different from the great visible Roman Church; yet in the prosecution of his Work, he setteth forth and describeth only the Roman Church, as before we have declared, and doth not so much as name any distinct visible Church of his own or other, except only of such Heretics as himself, also condemneth for such, different from the said Roman Church for the space of almost 1200 years; 
The sleights and shifts of John Fox in his Writings,  and then falleth he into such a strange extravagant humour of building a new Church for himself and his, out of all sorts and Sects of later Heretics, as being not able in all Points for very shame to allow their Opinions, (which in many Points are most absurd and contradictory both to him and us, as also among themselves) he findeth himself extremely entangled, nor cannot tell which way to wind (tho' he be a Fox) nor which way to turn his Head, but is forced to double hither and thither, to go forth and back, say and unsay, and to cast a hundred shadows of wrangling glosses upon the whole matter, thereby to obscure the same to the Eyes and Ears of his Reader.  
2. And finally it seemeth to me, 
A Comparison expressing the different dealing of Catholics and Protestants about seeking the true Church and Religion.  that the difference between us and him and his, to wit, between Catholics and Protestants in this behalf, is not much unlike to that of two Cloth-sellers of London, the one a Royal Merchant, which layeth open his Wares clearly, giveth into your hands the whole piece of Cloth at midday, willeth you to view and behold it in the Sun, removeth all veils, pentices, and other stops of light that may give obscurity, or impediment to the manifest beholding, handling and discerning thereof; Whereas chose the other, being a crafty Broker, or poor Pedlar, having no substantial Wares indeed to sell, but such as are false made, and deceitfully wrought, and taken up also for the most part of the others leave, seeketh by all means possible to sell in corners, and to shut out the Sun, that it be not well seen, or to give you a sight thereof by false lights only; neither will he deliver you the whole piece into your hand, to be examined throughly by yourself, but showeth you one end thereof only, different from the rest which he suppresseth. And this manner of proceeding shall you find verified on their side throughout this whose Treatise, as we have done already, I doubt not, if you have read it over with attention; yet mean I in this place to discover the same somewhat more in particular, for an upshot and conclusion of these first two parts of my Treatise.  
3. Three special differences than I do find between our Adversaries and us concerning the Affair of this Treatise, 
Three differences.  about the finding out of true Religion by the true Church, and by the beginning, progress, and continuance thereof. The first is the estimation of the thing itself; The second the assigning out, or description thereof; The third the marks and properties, whereby to know and discover the same: Of every one whereof I shall speak a word or two in order.  
4. For estimation of the great importance, 
1. The different estimation of the Church, and lineal descent thereof, between Catholics and Protestants. Aug. l. 1. cont. Crescon. c. 33.  and singular moment of this matter, the difference is evident between us, for that we affirm the finding out and holding this Church, to be of such weight, as that all lieth therein for certainty and security of belief, and for determining of all doubts and controversies in all times and places, and in all matters of Religion whatsoever, even from Christ to the World's end. For we say with S. Augustin, when any difficulty falleth out, Quisquis falli metuit hujus obscuritate quaestionis, Ecclesiam de illa consulat; Whosoever doth fear to be deceived by the obscurity of this Question in controversy, let him go to the Church for his Resolution, and he shall be secure. We say also with Lactantius Firmianus before St. Augustin, 
Lactant. lib. 4. divin. Instit. cap. ult.  who was Master and Tutor to Crispus, Son to Constantine the Great: Sol● Catholica Ecclesia est, quae verum Dei cultum retinet, hic autem est fons veritatis, hoc domicilium fidei, hoc templum Dei, quo si quis non intraverit, vel à quo si quis exierit, à spe vitae, ac salutis aeternae altenus est; The only Catholic Church is that which hath the true Worship of Almighty God in it, and this is the Fountain of all Truth, this is the House or Habitation of Faith, this is the Temple of God, into which whosoever doth not enter, or out of which whosoever doth depart, he is devoid of all hope of Life and everlasting Salvation.  
5. Thus wrote Lactantius 1300 years ago, and addeth presently these words following, whereby he well showeth the conformity of spirit of those old Heretics with ours at this day: 
Lactant. ibid.  Sed tamen singuli quique coetus haereticorum se potissimum Christianos, 
All Heretics do challenge to be the true Church.  & suam esse Catholicam Ecclesiam putant. But yet every Congregation of Heretics do think themselves chiefly and principally to be Christians, and their Church to be the Catholic Church. And do not ours so in like manner at this day? But let us go forward to speak a word or two more of the different estimation we make of this matter.  
6. St. Cyprian, that lived more than Sixty years before Lactantius, maketh the very same account with him and us, that all is lost, if we lose or miss this Church: 
Cyp. l. de simple. Praelat.  Ardeant (saith he) licet flammis, etc. Albeit such Christians as are not in this Church should live never so well yea, should be so forward and fervous in defence of Christian Religion, as they should burn in Flames for the same, or be devoured by Beasts, yet this should be to them, Non corona fidei, sed poena perfidiae; Not a Crown of Faith, but a Punishment for their Perfidiousness. Which Doctrine of St. Cyprian, St. Augustin, as a devout Scholar of his, doth often repeat: Foris ab Ecclesia constitutus (saith he to a Donatist) aeterno supplicio punieris, 
Aug. Ep. 204. ad Donatum, Presbyt. Donatist.  etiamsi pro Christi nomine vivus incendereris; Thou being out of the Catholic Church thou shalt be punished with eternal torment, albeit thou wert burned alive for the Name of Christ.  
7. And finally, not to go from the forenamed holy Man St. Cyprian in this behalf, who died for the defence of Christ's Faith, and the true Catholic Church, 
No man can be saved out of the true Church.  and is a most blessed Martyr and Doctor to us all, he after a long Discourse made touching a Christian Man that misseth in this Point of finding out and following the true Catholic Church, and yet in other things endeavoureth to live well, and showeth great Zeal in God's Cause, and desireth in his Mind even to die for the same, of this Man he pronounceth this Sentence, Nunquam perveniet ad Christi praemia, 
Cypr. Tract. de unit. Ecclesiae.  etc. Alienus est, prophanus est, host is est, habere non potest Deum Patrem, qui Ecclesiam non habet matrem; This Man, notwithstanding all his other good Works and Endeavours, shall never come to enjoy the Rewards of Christ in Heaven; he is an Alien, he is Profane, he is an Enemy, he cannot have God for his Father, which hath not the Church for his Mother.  
8. Thus said St. Cyprian, as also all ancient holy Fathers after him, whereof I might allege many Authorities, if it were not over long; and the same say we that are Catholics, and do hold the same Faith and Church with them at this day. 
How much it importeth each man to consider, whether he be in the true Ch. or not.  We do hold (I say) that the first and principal Point of all other for a Christian Man, that meaneth his own Salvation, is to seek out the true Catholic Church, and to consider whether he be of it, or in it, or no: For if he be not, than all other diligence and labour is void and in vain, except it be to seek out this; and if he be in it, then is he in the right way of Salvation; not for that all be saved who are within her, (as in the second Point shall be showed) but for that all those who are out of her, shall be certainly damned, as now you have heard out of the chiefest Fathers of the ancient Catholic Church. And this is the first Point of singular moment, for which we esteem this Church so highly, for that no Salvation can be had without her.  
9 But Secondly, 
The benefits by being in the Church.  we esteem also the importance of this matter by the great and excellent helps which in this Church above all other Congregations, Christian Men have to procure their Salvation, tho' all do not use the same to their best benefit, and thereby do miscarry. For to come to some particulars, we say, That in this Church, and no where else, is the truth of Faith, and certainty thereof, 
Marc. ultim.  and this by the perpetual assistance of the Holy Ghost promised thereunto by the Founder, God himself. 
Mat. 18.  In this Church is the infallible Judgement both about the Books of Scripture and their Interpretation, as all other Doubts and Controversies, according to that you have heard before out of S. Augustin. In this Church alone, and no where else, is there true Priesthood by lawful Succession, Unction, and Imposition of Hands, 
Joan. 20.  and consequently Remission also of Sins by the Authority they have from Christ to that effect. In this Church is the true number, use, and force of holy Sacraments, and Grace given by them. In this Church is Unity of Faith and Doctrine, Communion of Saints, and of Merits and Prayers, which no where else is to be found. And finally, in this Church alone is there warrant and security from Error, assurance from overthrow, failing, or fading; which security is established by the promise of Christ himself, as our God Creator and Redeemer, and to endure unto the world's end.  
10. All these utilities and most singular benefits do we believe to be in this Catholic Church, above all other Congregations in the world. In respect whereof we hold this Church to be our ship, our rock, our castle, our fortress, our mistress, our mother, our skilful pilot throughout all storms of heresies, our pillar and firmament of truth against falsehood, our house of refuge against tribulation, our protection, our direction, our help, aid, and security in all points; and if any man perish in her, it is by his own default; but out of her none can but perish. And this is our estimation of this Affair.  
11. But now how different an account Protestants do make both of this, or their own Church, is easily seen by their own words and doings: For 
a The contemptibility of the Protestants Church even among themselves.  as they contemn and impugn our Church, which we hold for the only true, so do they seldom speak of their own. For when shall you hear a Minister or Protestant Writer, allege the Authority of his Church against us, or against his own Fellows, when they fall out (as often they do) or if he should, how lightly is it esteemed even by themselves? You may 
b See Luth ep. ad Alb. March. Prusiae & ep. ad Jacob. Brem. Aurif. tit. haer. West ph. l. cont. Calvin. Staunch. l. de Trin. & Mediate. Heshus. in defence. con. Calvinum. Calv. admonit. contra West ph. Kemnit. ep. ad Elector. Brandiburg. Confess. Tigur. tract. 3. etc.  read the eager Contentions of the Protestant Churches of Saxony, which are Lutherans, against those of Heidelberg, and other Towns of the Palsgrave's Country, that are of a different Sect; and of these again against other Consorts of other Provinces, both of Switzerland and other parts of Germany, yea between the soft and severe Lutherans themselves, as between the Calvinian Churches of England and Scotland; and in England itself, between the Protestants, Puritans, and Brownists at this day, (who are nothing else but soft and severe Calvinists). In all which sharp Contentions, if any part do but name the Authority of their several Church, (which is very seldom) the other presently falleth into laughter, holding the Authority thereof so ridiculous, as it is not worth the naming; so as the Argument taken from the Authority of the Church, (which with us is of so high esteem, as we say with 
c 
See also the two English Books, the one called Dangerous Positions; the other, A Survey of Disciplinary Doctrine, etc. August. cont. ep. fund c. 5. Lactan. l. 4. c. ult.  
What Church S. Cyprian and S. Augustin do call Catholic.   S. Augustin, That we would not believe the Gospel, if the Authority of the Church did not move us thereunto) with these Fellows is most base and contemptible.  
12. Moreover, when they talk of their own Churches, tho' every Sect and Sectary for Honour's sake would be content to have them accounted Catholic, (as Lactantius before testified of the Heretics of his time) yet do they speak it so coldly, and do use the word Catholic so sparingly, as they will show, that in their Consciences they do not believe it; and a man might answer them as S. Augustin answered Gaudentius the Donatist, whose Sect being a particular company of Heretics in Africa, presumed by little and little first in jest, and then in earnest, to call themselves Catholics, and their Church the Catholic Church, (as Protestants do at this day) and being reprehended for it by S. Augustin and others, would needs prove the same by the Definition of Catholic taken out of S. Cyprian. 
Aug. l. 3. contra Gaudent. Donat. cap. 1.  S. Augustin (I say) after a long refutation thereof out of S. Cyprian's words to the contrary, concludeth thus: Quid igitur, & vos ipsos, etc. Why then do you go about both to deceive yourselves and other Men with impudent Lies against S. Cyprian? If your Church be the Catholic Church by the testimony of this Martyr, show us that your Church doth stretch her beams and boughs throughout the whole Christian World, 
Cypr. l. de unit. Eccl.  as ours doth; for this S. Cyprian called Catholic, etc. So as by S. Augustin's Argument, if the Protestants cannot show that their Church hath her beams and boughs spread throughout all the Christian World, and that her Faith is the general Faith received amongst all Christians, and not only of particular Provinces, then cannot they call her, or esteem her for Catholic, as indeed they do not, but for fashion sake, and from the teeth outward, as hath been showed.  
13, For when they come to set her out in her best colours, they make her but a very obscure, base and contemptible thing; first in outward show, calling her, the poor, 

Fox's Protest. pag. 8.  
The baseness and obscurity of the Protestant Church by their own confession.   oppressed, and persecuted Church (as Fox's words are) trodden under foot, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, and almost scarce visible, etc. So as where all the ancient Fathers do triumph and vaunt against both Heretics and Heathens (as we do at this day against Protestants) that the Catholic Church is more eminent and splendent than the Sun itself, and more famously known than any other Temporal Kingdom or Monarchy that ever was in the World; Fox of his Church confesseth, that she is scarce visible, neglected in the World, not regarded in Histories, etc.  
14. And then again he playeth fast and loose, making her visible and invisible. 

Fox in Protest. ibid.  
See S. August. of this very Point, Tract. 1. in ep. Joan. & lib. contra ep. Petil. c. 14. & in Psal. 30. conc. 2. & alibi. Chrysost. Hom. 4. de verbis Isaiae, vidit Dominum, etc.   Although (saith he) the right Church be not so invisible in the world as none can see it, yet neither is it so visible again, that every worldly Eye may perceive it. So saith he. But how contrary to this was S. Chrysostom, who would not yield that the right Catholic Church could be so much as obscured by any force or means whatsoever, and thereof vaunting against Infidels, saith, It may be, perhaps, that some Heathen here will despise my arrogancy (about the Majesty of our Church) but let him have patience to expect until I come forth with my Proofs, and then shall he learn the force of truth, and how it is easier for the Sun itself to be wholly extinguished, than for the Church to be so much as darkened or obscured. Thus said S. Chrysostom. And mark (good Reader) the difference of Spirits; S. Chrysostom vaunteth of the outward splendour and majesty of his Church, and John Fox chose doth brag of the obscurity and contemptibility of their Church. And so again, whereas we hold and highly esteem, that our Church hath all truth of Christ's Doctrine and Religion in it, Fox writeth of his Church, as before we have recorded; 
Fox ibid.  That by God's mighty Providence there hath always been kept in her some sparks of Christ's true Doctrine and Religion.  
15. Again, whereas we glory, that in our Church there is power to absolve from sins, 
Fox in the difference, etc. betwixt the old Roman Church and the new, pag. 26.  security from error, and the like; Fox denieth these privileges to be in his Church, objecting unto us for an error, against the first, in a certain Treatise of his before his Acts and Monuments, That we in our Church have Confession and Absolution at the Priest's hands, etc. And against the second he bringeth in a large Conference of Ridley and Latimer agreeing together, that the greater part of the Universal Catholic Church may err, but yet fearfully, as you shall see more largely in the Third Part of this Treatise, 

Acts and Monuments, pag. 1560.  
Fox p. 1561. col. 2. n. 74.   when we shall come to treat of these Foxian Saints and their Festival Days, Acts and Monuments. The same Patriarches also do censure S. Augustin's Speech before by me alleged, for an excessive vehemency (for so are their words) where he saith, That he would not believe the Gospel, if the Authority of the Catholic Church did not move him thereunto; signifying thereby, as before hath been noted, 
August. contr. ep. Fundam. cap. 5.  that he could not know Scriptures to be Scriptures, nor the Gospel to be Gospel, neither their sense and meaning to be such as they were taken for, but by the Authority of the Universal Catholic Church, that had conserved them from time to time, and delivered them to him, and to the rest of the World, for such to be believed.  
16. Wherefore to conclude this matter, seeing that John Fox doth allow so well this Doctrine of his Patriarches, Ridley and Latimer, 
What John Fox taketh from his Church.  and thereby doth take from the true Church (and consequently in his meaning, from his own) all this excellent Authority which S. Augustin and other Fathers do ascribe to the Catholic Church, to wit the Sovereignty of approving or rejecting true or false Scriptures, of discerning between Books and Books, and judging of their true interpretations; and seeing further he taketh away from his Church both Confession and Absolution of sins, and all efficacy of Sacraments, leaving them only to bare Signs, that do signify and not work, seeing he taketh away from her all infallibility of Doctrine, confessing that she may err, and contenteth himself that she retain ever some sparkles only of true Doctrine and Religion, as before hath been showed out of his own words; and considering moreover, that he maketh her so poor a thing as now you have seen, and furnisheth her with such rags, to wit, with such variety of Sectaries as is ridiculous to name, they disagreeing among themselves, and the one most opposite to the other in Doctrine and Belief, she being such a Church (I say) so poor and miserable, 
The Protestants believe the Devil as much as their own Church.  so obscure and ragged, so doubtful and uncertain, no marvel tho' they make little account of her, or give small credit unto her, which in very deed is no greater than is given to the worst man, or most dishonest woman living, which is to believe her so far, as she can prove by others what she saith to be true, to wit, by Scriptures, without which witness none of her own children or household will credit or believe her; which is a remarkable Point, for that with the same condition they will believe the Devil himself, and must do, if he allege Scriptures in the true sense and meaning.  
17. And this is the estimation which Protestants do hold of their new Church. Now let us pass to speak a word only about the second Point, 
The second principal point wherein Catholics and Protestants do differ.  which concerneth the assigning out, or description of this Church. Clear it is, and cannot be denied, that Catholics do assign such a Church as may be seen and known by all men, begun visibly by Christ himself in Jury, when he gathered his Apostles and Disciples together, and continued afterward with infinite increase of Nations and People, Countries and Kingdoms, that in tract of time adjoined themselves thereunto, and that this most manifest, notorious and known Church, hath endured ever since under the name of the Christian Catholic Church, for the space of sixteen hundred years, as we have showed before both largely and particularly in the former Treatise, which is plain dealing, clear and manifest; whereas on the other side, the Protestants of our days following herein the steps of old Heretics their Ancestors, do seek to assign such a Church, as no man can tell where to find it; for that it is rather imaginary, mathematical, or metaphysical, than sensible to man's eyes, consisting (as they teach) of just and predestinate men only, whom, where, or how to find, you see how uncertain and difficult a thing it is, in this mortal life.  
18. Wherefore as the ancient Fathers condemned wholly the Heretics of their times, for this fond and pernicious device, and wrote eagerly against the same, as S. Cyprian against the Novatians, S. Epiphanius, 
Cypr. l. 4. ep. 2. Epiph. in haer. Catarrh. Aug. l. de haer. c. 69. & 88 & l. 3. contr. Par. men. c. 2.  and S. Augustin against the Donatists and Pelagians: for that under this cover and colour they would make themselves to be the only true Church, to wit, every Sect their own Sectaries and Congregation, saying that they only are predestinate, just, holy, and God's chosen people, and consequently also his only true Church; so do we at this day stand in the very same controversy with Protestants that seek the same evasion and refuge.  
19 And he that hath but so much leisure as to read over the Conference of the Third day, had between S. Augustin and other Catholic Bishops on the one side, 
The Conference at Carthage between Catholics and Donatists.  and the Bishops of the Donatists on the other side, at Carthage, by the Emperor's persmission and appointment, even upon this very Question of assigning the Church, he shall see the matter most clearly handled; and that the Catholics of this time do urge nothing in this Point, but that S. Augustin and his fellow Catholic Bishops did urge in that Conference against the Donatists, and that the Protestants of our time do take no other course of shifting and defending themselves therein, than the Donatists did in those days: for that after infinite delays and tergiversations used before they could be brought to this Conference, which S. Augustin setteth down in the collation of the first and second day, when at length in the third days meeting they came to join upon the Controversy in hand, they began first about the word Catholic itself, which the Catholics urged against the Donatists, as we do now against the Sectaries of this Age; and the Donatists sought to avoid the same by the very same sleights which ours do, as appear by S. Augustin's words.  

Aug. in Breviculo Collat. 3. cap. 3.  20. Donatistae (saith S. August.) responderunt, Catholicum nomen non ex universitate gentium, sed ex plenitudine Sacramentorum institutum; & petiverunt, ut pro barent Catholici, etc. The Donatists did answer, That the Name Catholic did not import the universality of Nations, (professing our Christian Faith) but the fullness rather of Sacraments (which they held to be in their Church;) and farther they required, that the Catholics should prove that all Nations did communicate with them and their Church; which thing when the Catholics most willingly admitted, and desired of the Judges, that they might be suffered to prove it, the Donatists presently ran to another Question, slipping from this Cause of the Church that was in hand.  

The first point discussed between S. Augustin and the Donatists about the Name Catholic.  21 Thus writeth S. Augustin of this matter, whereby you see that the Catholics in those days, as we in these, did urge those Heretics with the force of this Name Catholic, and with the signification and possession thereof on their side, importing (as they inferred) the universality of all Nations professing the Faith of Christ, so as they in those days assigned the great universal, visible and known Church for the true, which Church had been gathered by the Conversion of all Nations; whereas the Donatists to fly this Argument, were forced to say, that the Name Catholic signified only the universality or fullness of Sacraments; and consequently in what particular Congregation soever this fullness was sound, (as in theirs forsooth they pretended it was) there was the only true Catholic Church, which was a plain shift, as you see. And is not this the selfsame manner of proceeding of all our Sectaries at this day? Doth not every one of them brag, that their Church only hath the fullness and right use of Sacraments, and the true Preaching of God's Word? Do not the Lutherans say this? Do not the Zwinglians, Calvinists, Brownists, and Puritans Preach the like? And do not the Anabaptists and Trinitarians affirm the very same? This than was a very shift in the Donatists, and so it is in our Protestants.  

The second point between the Doatists and Catholics.  22. After this first running from the Cause, S. Augustin showeth that the Donatists full sore against their wills, were brought unto it again by Marcellinus, the Tribune, appointed by the Emperor to assist in that Conference. And whereas the Catholics had given up some days before a large Writing, showing by infinite Testimonies of holy Scriptures, that the Church of Christ foretold by his Prophets, and instituted by himself, could not be any particular Church or Conventicle in Africa, or out of Africa, but an universal, visible and illustrious Church spread over all Nations, and with which all Nations converted to Christ should communicate in one. The Donatists (saith S. Aug.) after a long Conference and Council held among themselves, did answer this Writing of the Catholics, by another large impertinent Writing of theirs, but quite from the purpose, not answering so much as one Text alleged by the Catholics for this Universality of the Church. Non solum (saith S. Augustin) pertractare, 
August. Coll. 3. cap. 8.  sed omnino nec attingere voluerunt. The Donatists not only would not handle fully, or answer these Testimonies alleged by the Catholics, for the Universality and extern Majesty of the Church, but not so much as touch any one of them.  
23. And then saith he farther, Nec aliquod testimonium in tam prolixa epistola sua, proffer ausi sunt de scripturis sanctis, quo assererent, Ecclesiam partis Donati esse praedictam & praenunciatam; sicut tam multa Catholici protulerunt, pro Ecclesia, cui communicant, quae incipiens ab Hierusalem toto orbe diffunditur, etc. Neither durst the Donatists in so large an Epistle of theirs (which they gave up) bring forth any one Testimony of Holy Scripture, whereby they might prove that the particular Church of the part or Faction of Donatus, was prophesied or foretold by the said Scriptures; whereas the Catholics on the other side brought forth many Scriptures for proof of that Universal Church with which they communicate; which Church beginning from Jerusalem, was spread over all the World. And thus writeth S. Augustin of their dealing in that Point.  
24. And presently after this he showeth that they fell to the discussion of a third Point, to wit, whether the true Catholic Church of Christ, 
The third point discussed between the Catholics and Donatists at Carthage.  to whom he promised those singular Graces and Privileges which the Scripture setteth down, should consist of good men only, as the Donatists held; or of the mixture of good and evil in this Life, as the Catholics taught; wherein the Donatists thought themselves to have a great advantage: First, for that it might seem to the simple people there present, to be a more pious Opinion to hold, that only good men were God's Flock, and of his true Church: Secondly, for that they had many places of Scripture that might seem to favour the same, 
C●llat. 3. cap. 8.  (for so saith S. Augustin) Illud ostendere tentaverunt, prolatis multis testimoniis divinarum scripturarum, quod Ecclesia Dei, non cum malorum hominum commixtione futura praedicta sit. They endeavoured to show by many Testimonies alleged out of holy Scriptures, that it was not foretold or prophesied of the Church, that she should consist of the mixture of good and evil men, etc. Behold here how old Heretics abounded also in alleging Scriptures, as well as ours at this day, but all from the purpose; for whatsoever the Donatists alleged out of Scriptures for the sanctity and purity of God's Church, it was either to be understood of the triumphant Church in the next Life, or of the better part of the Church in this Life, to wit, such as are not only of the external Body of the Church, but also of the Soul, as this holy Father speaketh; that is to say, endued and adorned with all necessary Virtues.  
25. But on the contrary side, when S. Augustin and his Fellow Bishops, 
A contention about the Parables of Christ concerning the Church. Matt. 13. Matt. 3. Luc. 3.  to prove that Christ's Church in this World consisted both of good and bad, alleged those evident Parables of our Saviour, used about this matter; as that of the Net cast into the Sea, that comprehended all kind of Fish both good and bad, some to be cast away, and some to be used: That also of the Barn-floor, which had in it both chaff and corn, the one to be burned, the other to be laid up in God's eternal Granary: The other also of corn and cockle permitted to grow in one field to the day of Judgement; and of the sheep and goats that live in God's Flock under the self same Shepherds in this World, 

Marc. 3. & 13.  
Mat. 29.   but yet the one to be consumed with everlasting Fire in the end thereof; and the other to be taken into eternal Joy. When these Parables (I say) with many other Testimonies of Scripture, had been alleged by the Catholics against the Donatists' Heresy, it was wonderful to see what shifts, deceits, and tergiversations they used to avoid the same; denying some, as invented by Catholics; 
Collat. 3. c. 9.10, & 11.  others they sought to avoid by false and crafty Expositions, and other such shifts, which you may read at large in S. Augustin.  
26. And for that this may be sufficient for a taste, to show the different manner of proceeding between Catholics and Heretics, both old and new, about this Point of assigning out the true Church, where, and in whom it is, and how to be found; 
The third principal difference about the proprieties & marks of the true Church.  I shall pass no farther in this matter, but only add a word or two of the third Point, which is the difference between us in laying forth the proprieties and notes, whereby this Church may be known and distinguished from all others; which Point, tho' it may sufficiently be seen and gathered by that which already we have said, yet for promise sake must somewhat also be spoken here; which in effect shall be nothing but this, That the difference between us and the Protestants in delivering these proprieties, is not far unlike to that of two Gentlemen, that should send forth two Servants into the Marketplace, 
A Comparison of different giving of notes to find a thing by.  where many Men are to seek out some Learned Physician, (for Examples sake) giving them certain notes to find him by, but far different; for that the one delivereth either general notes only, that are common to all, or most Men; as that he hath a head, beard, two eyes, two arms, and the like; or else certain inward invisible proprieties; as that he is learned, meek, chaste, etc. That he is a good Physician, cureth excellently well, and followeth therein exactly the Precepts of Hypocrates and Galen; and finally, hath all things necessary or needful for that effect. Which marks being little to the purpose, as you see, for knowing or discerning out the said Physician from any other, the Messenger might weary himself, before he found that which he sought for.  
27. But the other that sendeth forth his Messenger, considering that marks and signs must be more known than the thing itself, whereof they are marks, and not common to many, but proper and peculiar to that which is sought for; telleth his Servant, what special Name the Physician is called by, what age, what countenance, and what stature he is of, what apparel he weareth, what gesture and manner of going he useth, what sound of voice he hath in speaking, and above all where he dwelleth, how his house may be found, known and discerned from all others: All which signs being given, we must needs say, that the Searcher is a very simple or negligent Fellow if he miss him.  
28. And this very difference is to be noted between the Protestants and us in delivering proprieties to know the Church by, for that the Catholics give sound and sure notes, proper and peculiar to one only Church, which is the true Catholic Church, and these notes not invented by themselves, but founded in Scriptures, and delivered by the Tradition of Christ and his Apostles, and used by the ancient Fathers and Doctors of the Church, to this very purpose of distinguishing her thereby from all Congregations and Conventicles of Heretics whatsoever: 
Proprieties and Marks the true Church given by Catholics.  Of which notes and proprieties you have heard some before, mentioned in the Conference between S. Augustin and the Donatists, as the Name Catholic and the ancient possession thereof; Universality over all Christendom, and multitude of Nations and Gentiles converted to one Christian Church and Faith, participating, and holding the Communion of one and the selfsame number of Sacraments: whereunto are added by other Fathers, and the selfsame Doctor in other places, divers, other proprieties also, as antiquity with continuation and succession from age to age, visibility with most perspicuous and illustrious progress, apparent and admirable to the whole world; unity and conformity in Doctrine by one Rule of Faith throughout all ages; notorious sanctity in many members of this Church testified by infinite miracles, and supernatural operations; the conversion of infinite Pagans and Gentiles, with overthrow and extirpation of their Idolatry, which was a thing prophesied to be fulfilled by the true Church only.  
29. These notes (I say) and divers others are set down by holy Fathers, as both proper and peculiar to the only true Catholic Church of Christ, and agreeing to no Heretical Congregation whatsoever; as also manifest and notorious and most easy to be judged of by all people. For these two conditions ought to have true marks, as before hath been mentioned; the first, that they be peculiar and not common; the second, that they be more notoriously known, and more easily found out, than the thing itself which they do demonstrate: whereof you may read in particular in S. Cyprian against the Novatians, S. Hierom against the Luciferians, S. Augustin against the Donatists and Pelagians, Optatus against the same Donatists, and Vincentius Lyrinensis against all sorts of Heretics; and this is the real and substantial dealing of Catholics.  
30. But the Protestants on the contrary side do give such marks and notes as are either general and common, or else more obscure and harder to be found out and judged of, than the matter in controversy, as before we have signified, by the Comparisons of seeking out the Physician; as for Example, 
Luth. lib. de conc. parte ult.  Martin Luther, Father of our Protestants, having left the Communion of the true Church of God, and made a new Conventicle to himself, would needs make it the true Church of God, and prove the same by certain marks and proprieties devised by himself, which he setteth down to the number of Seven; 
The marks of the Church fond set down by Heretics.  whereof the first was, the true Preaching of the Gospel; the second, the right Administration of Baptism; the third, the lawful use of the Eucharist; the fourth, the due Exercise of the Ecclesiastical Keys in Absolving and retaining Sins; the fifth, the lawful Election of Ministers; the sixth, public Prayer, and Singing of Psalms in a known Tongue; the seventh, the Mystery of the Cross in bearing tribulations. These were Luther's notes, which other Protestants after him; and namely the Magdeburgians, and John Calvin, 
Magdeb. cent. 1. lib. 2. c. 4. Calv. l. 4. Instit. cap. 1.  do abridge to the number of two only, to wit, the true Preaching of the Gospel, and the sincere use of Sacraments.  
31. But now what manner of notes these be, which every Sect may and do challenge as proper to themselves, (which they cannot do with any probability, with the marks and notes of the Catholic Church before set down) is easy to judge; for what Sect will not say and swear also, if need be, that they only Preach the Word of God truly, and that they only Administer the Sacraments rightly, and that they use the Ecclesiastical Keys duly, and that the Election of Ministers is lawfully made among them, and that they have public Prayer and singing of Psalms, bearing the Cross, and the like? and it is harder to convince them in any one of these notes, than in the principal point itself, to wit, that they are not the Catholic Christian Church of Christ; so as these marks being common, and not proper, and less manifest than the thing itself, whereof they are put for marks, it followeth that they are fond, vain and ridiculous, and that the inventors thereof did rather seek to obscure and hide the Church, than to declare, and manifest the same by such proprieties.  
32. And here will we make an end of all this Discourse, reserving the rest unto the third part, which is to be Printed severally, for that the bulk of these two hath grown to a sufficient bigness for one Tome or Volume; only I might note to the Reader in this last Paragraph, that as our Adversaries do imitate the Donatists in the Point before mentioned, out of their Conference with S. Augustin and other Catholic Bishops; so have they done it also hitherto, 
Protestant Ministers do fly public Conference as the Donatists did.  in flying all equal and lawful Conference with us, as the Donatists did with those old Catholics, so much as lay in their power, until it was imposed upon them by commandment of the Emperor at the petition of S. Augustin, and the Catholic Party, as the said Father doth relate in his forenamed Book written of that Conference, telling us two points in particular of their dealing in that Affair, which he expresseth in these words, Qui causam bonam non se habere sciebant, id egerunt primum, ne collatio fieret, aut causa ipsa ageretur, 
Aug. in Brevit. Praefat. ad coll. 1. diti.  sed quia hoc obtinere minimè poterant, id effecerunt multiplicitate gestorum, ut quod actum est, non facilè legeretur. The Donatists knowing they had an evil Cause, endeavoured first to bring to pass that the Conference should not be made, nor the Cause itself be handled at all; but when they could not obtain this, than went they about to put down so many things in writing as they might not easily be read.  
33. Thus writeth St. Augustin; and for this cause thought he good to set down a Sum of all that passed, call it Breviculum Collationum, showing perspicuously the infinite Cavils, Frauds, and Shifts of these Heretics, to avoid all due trial; for when after all other delays, both Parties were now met together, 
Coll. 1. cap. 8. The tergiversation of the Donatists to fly public Trial.  Instare caeperunt (saith he) ut prius ageretur de tempore, de mandato, de persona: de causa, tunc ad negotii merita veniretur. The Donatists began to make new instance, (after all other Cavils and Exceptions taken before) that first it might be treated about the time that this Conference should endure, and about the Emperor's Commandment or Edict, and Clauses thereof, and about the Person as well of the Judge and Assistants, as the Disputers of both parts; and finally of the whole cause of difference, what had passed therein between them hitherto; and then after all this (forsooth) they should come to examine the merits of the principal Business or Controversy in hand, which in effect would never be, for that about every one of these Points the Donatists had many Quarrels, as S. Augustin showeth, and by each one thereof they sought delays; and particularly whereas order had been taken that 18 Bishops of each side should suffice, 
Coll. 1. c. 11.12, 13, & 14.  they would needs have all their side to be admitted; and so for ostentation sake they entered (saith S. Augustin) with great pomp into Carthage to the number of 279 Bishops of that Sect of Donatus (a pitiful sight for Catholics) together with all their Train. Other shifts, delays, and tergiversations of theirs, I leave for brevity's sake to be read in S. Augustin himself.  

How English Ministers have fled public Conference hitherto.  34. But how well our English Adversaries have imitated this manner of proceeding of the Donatists, for shifting off all public Conference and Trial for these 44 years of her Majesty's Reign, being so often and earnestly demanded at their hands, is sufficiently known, and needeth not to be proved or repeated here. But if it would please Almighty God to inspire her Majesty to force them thereunto, as he did the Emperor, to compel the Donatists to a public Trial, I do not doubt, but the like Issue would ensue, and the like Sentence be given in that Cause, 
Coll. 3. c. 25.  by any indifferent Judge, as was given by Marcellinus in the former Controversy, to wit, (as S. Augustin's words are) Confutatos à Catholicis Donatistas', omnium documentorum manifestatione pronunciavit. Marcellinus did pronounce by his Definitive Sentence, that the Catholics had confuted the Donatists, with manifestation of all kind of Learning. And so much for this Matter.  
The End of the Second Part.   
FINIS.