THE HISTORY OF VENICE, In the Times of Popes. julius' the 2d Leo the 10th Adrian the 6th Clement the 7th Paul the 3d julius the 3d Emperors. Maximilian the 1st Charles' the 5th Kings of Spain. Ferdinand the Catholic. Charles the 5th Kings of France, Lodowick the 12th Francis the 1st Henry the 2d Kings and Queens of England. Henry the 8th Edward the 6th Q. Mary Q. Elizabeth. Dukes of Venice. Leonardo Lordano, Antonio Grimani, Andrea Gritti, Petro Laudo, Francisco Donato. Written Originally in Italian, By PAULO PARUTA, PROCURATOR of St Mark. Likewise, the WARS of CYPRUS, By the same Author. Wherein the famous Sieges of Nicossia, and Famagosta, and Battle of Lepanto are contained: Made English, By HENRY Earl of MONMOUTH. LONDON, Printed for Abel Roper, and Henry Herringman, at the Sun against St Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet, and at the Anchor in the lower Walk of the New Exchange, 1658. HENRY, Earl of Monmouth, TO THE READERS His Countrymen. IN my Author's Sololoquie, in the latter end of his Politic Discourses, wherein he gives you a short Relation of his Life, He mentions this History of his, which he terms, Opera buona, & degna, a good and gallant Work. I took his own word for the Approbation thereof, and truly I find he hath made it good: and if I have not injured him in making it speak my Language; I am very confident you will be of my opinion: for you will find in it, great variety of History, handsomely woven, and delightful, intermixed with Negotiations, Treaties of War, and Peace, Leagues, and Confederacies made between Christian Princes, several Speeches and Orations, made upon many several occasions, and strongly argued; and indeed, whatsoever may make a Book seem pleasing to the Reader: Which, that it may do to thee, is the wish of Thy Compatriot, MONMOUTH. An Alphabetical Table of the most Remarkable Passages contained in the Twelve Books of the present History of VENICE. A ADrian a Fleming chosen Pope, 196. He endeavours to compose the Differences th●● were between the Christian Princes, ibid. He honourably receives the Venetian Ambassadors, 197. He dies, 204 Agostino Abondio, Secretary, hanged for revealing the secrets of the Venetian Senate. 588 Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, and his Designs, 167. Is in League with the French, and the Venetian 176. Hath many private Discourses with Bourbon, 244. join in League with the Princes of Italy 267 Admiral of France sent by King Francis into Italy with an Army, 201. Draws near to Milan, and takes Lodi, 202. Is driven out of Italy by the Imperialists and the Venetians, 205, 206 Andrea Gritti, a prisoner in France 8. Is chosen by the Venetians for their Ambassador to that King, 12. Comes along with the French into Italy, 19 Is created General of the Venetian Navy, 164. Is chosen Duke of Venice, 204. Persuades the Senate to defend their Country, 425 He dies, 556 Andrea Doria a Genovese, serves the Pope with eight Galleys against his own Country, 231. Is suspected by the Colleagues, ibid. Hired by King Francis to serve him, 258. Q●lts the King of France, and agrees with the Emperor, 284. Censures past upon him for the business of Prevesa 440, 441 Antonio Grimani chosen Duke of Venice, after he had been many years banished 171 Antonio da Leva commands the Garrison in Pavia, Comes with an Army into Lombardy, 180. Routs the French Camp, and takes their General prisoner, 309▪ 310. Goes to fall upon the Venetian Camp, and is repulsed with loss, 310, 311, 312. Is declared Captain of the League, Is chosen Governor of Milan, He dies, The Author, what he proposeth to write of in this History, 3. Whence he takes his Rise, ibid. The great Army ●f Charles the fifth in Italy, 315 B BArbarossa, a famous Pirate, taken into pay by Soliman, 339 Takes in the Kingdom of Tunis, Driven thence by Charles the fifth. Saves himself in Algiers. Counsels Soliman to make War upon the Venetians, 384. Takes some of their Islands in the Archipelagus, and is Soliman's only General at Sea, 420, 421. Leads out the Fleet in the service of the King of France, 593 Bartolomeo d'Alviano set at liberty by the King of France, whose prisoner he was, 12. Is chosen by the Venetians for their General, 16. Takes Cremona, and other places, 17. Goes against the Imperialists, 47. Fights Cardona, and is beaten, 48. Passes to Friuli, and beats the Imperialists, 70. Succoureth King Francis in Battle, 113, 114. Goes to assault Brescia, 119. Dies before it, 120 A Battle between the French and the Swissers near Novara, 25, 26. Alviano and Cardona at Olmo, 48, 49. King Francis and the Swissers before Milan, 112, 113, 114. The same King and the Imperialists at Pavia, 218 Bernardino Frangipane, a Venetian Rebel, 57 Seizeth on the Fort of Marano, 58. He relieves Marano, and routs the Venetians, 60. Takes Strasoldo, and Monfalcone, ibid. Falls upon Ossofo, 64. Is beaten thence, 71. Taken prisoner, and carried to Venice, ibid. Brescia taken by the Spaniards, 28. assaulted by Alviano for the Venetians, 119. Much straitened by the Venetians, 127. Relieved by the Germans, ibid. Besieged again by the Venetians & French, 131. Assaulted by the Venetian and French Forces, 139. Taken by the French, and yielded to the Venetians, 140, 141 C Causes for which the Venetians may not easily fall out with the Turks, 161. Why Charles the fifth drove the Turks out of Tunis. Why Soliman turned the War against the Venetians, 381. Why the Peace treated of between the Emperor Charles the Fifth, and Francis, King of France, came not to a conclusion, 416. What at last moved the Emperor, and the King of France to make peace, 603. The cause which moved Charles the Fifth to make peace with the Turks, 608 Cardona General of the Spaniards in Italy, 27. Takes in Brescia and Bergamo, 28. Makes many shot at the City of Venice from Margera, 38, 39 Assaults the Venetian Army, and is repulsed, 45. Fights it, and routs it, 48, 49. Recovers Bergamo, 85, 86. Charles of Burbone, sent by King Francis into Italy, 99 Left by King Francis to govern the affairs of Italy, 129. Returns into France, 139. Declared Lieutenant General for Charles the Fifth in Italy, 203. He relieves Milan, 229. Promiseth his Soldiers the sacking of Florence and Rome, 224. Slain with a Musket shot, as he scaled the Walls of Rome. 250 Charles Duke of Burgundy, Prince of Castille, King of Spain, 130. Stands for the Empire, 162. Declared King of the Romans, and Emperor, by the name of Charles the Fifth, 163. Intends to pass into Italy with an Army, 165. Desires the Venetians to join with him, 171, 177, 192. Makes a League with the Venetians, 199. His Designs after the Victory gotten of the French at Pavia, 221. Comes to an agreement with King Francis, and sets him at liberty, 224. Restores the Dukedom of Milan to Francisco Sforza, 324. His designs upon Milan after Francesco's death, 364. Cattaro assaulted by Barbarossa, and defended by the Venetians, 563, 564. Clement the 7th. Pope, 204. Treats with the Venetians about the affairs of Italy, 207. Treats to join with France, 209. Proposes conditions of Peace between Charles the 5. Emperor, and Francis King of France, ibid. Confederates with the King of France and the Venetians, 216. Dissuades the King of France from fight the Emperor at Pavia, 218. Agrees with the Emperor, 221. join with the Venetians to drive the Spaniard out of the Duchy of Milan, 227. Treats of an agreement with the Viceroy of Naples, 240. Crowns the Emperor in Bologna, 330, 331. Comes to a Parley with the Emperor in Bologna, 346. Comes to a Parley with the King of France in Marcelles, 354. Dies, 358 The Colonnesi plunder in Rome, St peter's Church and the Pope's Palace, 358 The Conditions of the League between Lodowick K. of France, & the Venetians 12. Of the agreement betwixt the Emperor Maximilian, and Francis King of France, 149. Of the agreement betwixt Maximilian and the Venetians, 152. Of the agreement between Charles the 5 and the Venetians, 199. Of the league between Pope Clement the 7th, Francis King of France, and the Venetians, 127. Of the agreement made by Pope Clement the 7. with the Viceroy of Naples, 260. Of the Peace made by Charles the 5. with the Venetians, 325, 326, 327 A Conspiracy of almost all Christian Princes against the Venetians, 5 Counsel given by the Venetians to Pope Clement the 7. 246 Corfu assaulted by the Turks, 384. It's description, ibid. Besieged by the Turks, 389. Freed from the Siege, 390 D DIsagreement between the General of the French, of the Venetians, & the Duke of Milan, about the manner of assaulting Milan, 309. New ones between the Emperor Charles the 5. and Francis King of France, 576. Amongst the Cardinals, at the election of the Pope 629, 630. Discourses, or Debatements, of the Captains of the League, how Naples should be assaulted, 241. Of the Venetians, about coming to an agreement with Charles the 5. 320. Of the same, about making War upon the Protestants, and Hans-Towns, 335. Of the same, concerning the conferring of Ecclesiastical Dignities upon their own Gentlemen, 337, 338, 339. Of the same, about joining with the Christian Princes against the Turk, 341. Of the same, touching the Imposition of Tithes upon the Clergy of their own Dominions, 356. Of the French Ambassador, with Soliman's Bashaws, 362, 363. Of the Commanders of the Christian Fleet, about the manner of fight the Turks, 435. Of the Venetians, whether they should make peace with Soliman or no? 398 399. of the same concerning the peace between the Emperor and the King of France, 605, 606. Of the Italians in general, upon the death of Francis, King of France 618. Of the Venetians, about joining with the Pope, and Henry King of France, against the Emperor, 622. Upon the actions of Pope Paul the third in his old age, 624. Of the Venetians, about standing to their neutrality, 647 Designs of Paul the third in the interview of the Emperor and the King of France, 418. Of Doria and Barbarossa, at Prevesa 438. Of Charles the Emperor, and Francis king of France 599. Of Henry king of France in taking up Arms, 625. Dragut, a Turkish pirate infests the Sea of Corfu, 558. Routs Commissary Pasqualigo's Galleys, 558.559. pillageth the Island of Candia, and is shrewdly handled by the Islanders, 559. is taken by Gianettin Doria. 575. E EDict of the Senate of Venice, concerning those of Verona, 29 Ernando di Toledo Duke of Alva, in Piedmont with the Emperor, left by the Emperor in charge of king Philip, and of Spain. 594. F FErdinand king of Spain makes a Truce with Lewis king of France, 15. Maintains an Army in Lombardy, 23. joins in a league with the Emperor Maximilian, against the Venetians, 101. his designs upon Italy, 103 he dies. 130 Ferdinand of Austria brother to Charles the 5th aideth his brother against the French, 175. Overcomes the Vaivode of Transilvania, 266. Raiseth men against the Venetians, Is declared King of the Romans, 295. Goes over with an Army into Saxony, in service of his brother, 615. Obtains of Soliman a Truce for five years, 627. Causeth the Bishop of Varadino to be slain, 642 A Fort built in Sienna by the Spaniards, called the Stocks of Italy, 637 Francisco Sforza, Duke of Milan, yields up the Castle to the Spaniards, 232. join in League with the Pope, the King of France, and the Venetians▪ 233. Sends Ambassadors to Charles the 5th, 316. Meeteth the Emperor at Bologna, 322, 323. Restored by the Emperor to the Duchy of Milan, 324. Marrieth one of the Emperor's Nieces, Dies. 363 Francis the 1. succeeds Lewis the 12. in the Kingdom of France, 94. His designs upon Milan, 95 Desires to see Venice, 101. Passeth into Italy with an Army, 104. Assaulted by the Swissers, valiantly fights, and overcomes them, 111. Takes in the whole State of Milan, 115. Passes the second time into Italy, takes Milan, and besieges Pavia, 209. is routed, and taken prisoner by the Emperor, 218. Is set at liberty; and returns into France, 224. Makes a new League with the Pope, and the Venetians, 227. Prepares to repass into Italy with a mighty Army, 304. Comes to an agreement with the Emperor, 317. Marries the Emperor's Sister, and recovers his Sons out of prison, 337. Endeavours to kindle war between the Venetians and the Turk, or between them and the Emperor, 361, 362. Holds secret intelligence with the Turks, to the great damage of Christendom, pursues his friendship already begun, with Soliman, 362. Falls upon three parts of the Emperor's State with three Armies, 587. Presseth the Venetians to join in League with him against the Emperor, 599. Makes peace with the Emperor, 604. Francisco Maria Duke of Urbine, chosen General by Land for the Venetians, 200. Proffers to go to Rome to set the Pope at liberty, 257. Is confirmed General of the Venetians, 206. Strikes a Captain of the Swissers for prating mutinously, 290. Assaults Pavia, takes, and sacks it, ibid. After the French had been routed, retreats, 310. Routs the Imperialists, 311. Much esteemed of by the Venetians, 416. He dies, and his Encomium, 444 The French beaten out of Italy, 4 Return for the recovery of Milan 15, 16. Assault Novara often, and in vain, 22, 23. Are routed by the Swissers, 25, 26. Return into Italy, 104. How basely they lost Milan, 177, 178. Beaten out of Italy by the Imperialists and Venetians, 205, 206. They pass again into Italy, 206. They take Milan, 208. Are routed by the Imperialists at Pavia, 218. Besiege Naples, 279. Assaulted by the Imperialists, and of Conquerors, become conquered, 287. Are routed near Milan, 309▪ 310 Fall upon Piemon●, and take in some places there. 367 G GEnoa besieged by the League's Fleet, 231, 232. Reduced into the power of the King of France, 263. Taken from the French by Doria, and made a free State, 287 Girolamo Savorgnano, 58. He defends Osofo, 64. Routs the Imperialists, 71. Is made Count of Belgrado and Osofo, ibid. Guido Ubaldo Prince of Urbine, taken into pay by the Venetians, 296, marries Giulia, daughter to the Duke of Camerino, Succeeds his Father in the Duchy of Urbine, and confirmed by the Venetians in their service, falls into the Pope's displeasure for the Duchy of Camerino, 361. Yields up that Duchy to the Church, 557. Is made General of the Venetian Militia, 611. Marries Virginia, Niece to Pope Paul the third. 621 H HEnry the 8. King of England, undertakes to reconcile the Venetians with the Emperor, 76. enters into a League with Charles the 5th, 193. Offers to engage for the safety of Italy, 223. Treats about relieving Pope Clement, besieged by the Imperialists, 255. Angry with the Venetians, and why? 349. Is displeased that he was not included by the Christian Princes in their League against the Turk, 414. Makes a League with the Emperor against the King of France. 591 Henry the 2. Son to King Francis, marries Catarina, Niece to Pope Clement the 7. Succeeds his Father in the Kingdom of France 354, 355. Intends to make war in Italy, 620. Negotiates a League with the Germane Princes against the Emperor, 638. Favours the Senesi in their insurrection 649 Henry the 3. King of France, in his passage through Venice, made a Noble Venetian, 616 I IAnusbei, sent from Soliman to the Venetians, 363. Being sent to the Venetian General, is taken by those of Cimera, and restored gratis. 379 Islands of the Archiepelagus taken from the Venetians by Barbarossa, 392 Julius the 2. (Pope) his Death, and Character, 12 Julius the 3. (Pope) elected, with great hopes (from all men) of future goodness, 630. He answers not those expectations, 632. Discovers himself to be an enemy to the French, 639 L THe Landgrave of Hessen, and other Protestant Princes, raise up a vast Army in Germany 355 A League negotiated between the Venetians & the French 8, 9, 10, 11 Concluded 12. A League between the Pope, the Emperor, the King of Spain, Sforza Duke of Milan, and the Swissers, 101. Between Pope Leo, and Charles the 5. and the conditions thereof, 174. Between Charles the 5. and Henry King of England, 193. Between Charles the 5. and the Venetians, 199. Between the Pope, the King of France, and the Venetians, 227 A League between the Pope, the Venetians, and the Florentines, 223 Between the Venetians, and Francisco Sforza, Duke of Milan, 318. Between the Pope, the Emperor, and many Princes of Italy, 348. Of the Christian Princes against Soliman, 387. A League between the Pope, the Emperor, the Venetians, and other Princes, against the Tu●k, 413 414. Of the Prince's ●f Germany against the Emperor 641 Leo the tenth chosen Pope, 13. His Designs in the beginning ●f his Popedom, ibid. His ill Will to the Venetians, 31. Negotiates a Peace between the Emperor and the Venetians, 72, 73. His Designs in that Negotiation, 75. Enters into a League with the Emperor, 174. Restores Parma and Piacenza to the King of France, 125. Gives the King of France a meeting in Bologna, 126. Negotiates an accord between the Emperor and the Venetians, 125. Sends his Legate to the Emperor, 133. Suspects the French, 138. Puts for an universal Truce among Christian Princes, 160. Sideth with the King of France in the Election of the Emperor, 162. Unresolved to confirm the League with France, 165. join in League with Charles the 5. against Milan 174 Die, 179. Lodi taken by the Swissers, and retaken by Alviano, 107. Sacked by the Swissers, 137. Yielded to the French, Taken by the Imperialists, 178. Taken by the French 202. Taken by the Venetians, 228 Lodowick the 12. King of France, gets the Duchy of Milan, and the Kingdom of Naples, 4. Hath new practices on foot for the recovery of Milan, 7. Makes a League with the Venetians, 12. Makes a Truce with Ferdinand King of Spain, 15. Raises an Army for Italy, 16. annuleth the Council of Lions, and adhereth to that of Lateran, 31. Dies whiles he prepares for invading Milan, 92 Lodowick King of Hungary, prepares for his own defence against Soliman, 163. Sends an Ambassador to Venice, 168. 170. Is relieved with moneys by the Venetians, ibid. Lewis, Lord of Tramogly, General for the King of France in the Enterprise of Milan, 16. Passeth into Italy, and takes Milan, and other Cities, 19 Assaults Novara, 22. Draws off from before it, 23. His Camp is routed by the Swissers, 26. Returns into France, ibid. Luigi Badoara Ambassador for the Venetians in France, 395. And in Spain, 398. Commissary General in Dalmatia, 425. Ambassador to Constantinople, and his Commission, 571. Concludes a peace with the Turks, and yields up to them Napoli, and Malvasia. 573 M MAffeo Leone, and others, punished for revealing the secrets of the Commonwealth of Venice to foreign Princes, 574 Malta bestowed upon the Knights of Rhodes, by Charles the 5. Marano seized upon by Frangipane, ●8. Assaulted by the Venetians, 58, 59 Taken by Baltrame Sacchia, and yielded up to the French, 589. Given by the King of France to Pietro Strozzi, who selleth it to the Venetians, 598. The Marquis of Saluzzo with the French Army in Lombardy, 228. Succeeds Lautrech before Naples, whence he suddenly rises, 287. His Army is defeated by the Imperialists, and himself taken prisoner, ibid. Maximilian the Emperor intends to drive the French out of Italy, 5. His qualities, 10. He stirs up the Great Turk against the Venetians, 55. Makes great preparations for the War of Italy, 102. Agrees with the Swissers, and some Princes, against the king of France, 127. Affirms that the State of the Church belongs to the Empire, 130. Passeth with an Army into Italy, 133. Takes in many places of the Duchy of Milan, and besiegeth Milan, 135, 136. Returns into Germany, 137. Makes peace with France, 151, 152. Makes a Truce with the Venetians, ibid. Die, 161 Maurice, Duke of Saxony, helps the Emperor in his Wars against the Protestants 615 Milan yielded up to Francis, King of France, 115. Besieged by the Emperor Maximilian, 136: Taken by the Army of Charles the 5.178. In what condition it was by Pope Leo's death, 180. Assaulted by the Popes and Venetians Forces, 229. Besieged by the French and the Venetians, 309. Returns into the hands of Duke Francisco Sforza, 324. Falls into the Emperors, 363 Monsieur de S Paul sent by King Francis with an Army into Italy, 288. joining with the Venetians, he takes Pavia, 190. Makes new progresses in Lombardy, 308. Goes against Genoa, 309. His Army is routed, and he taken prisoner by Leva. 310 N NAples, assaulted by the League's Army, 240. Besieged by Lautrech, 279. Much straightened both by Land and Sea, 282. The Siege is raised, 287 The Nature and Customs of Charles the Fifth, 167. Of Francis, King of France, 168. Of the French, 296. Noble Venetians, go to the defence of Milan and Trevigi, 51. Employed in great Galleys into the Levant upon divers sorts of merchandise, 159. Sent by the Senate to the defence of their Cities in Terra Ferma, 280. What they are that are so called, 615. The Number of the vessels that were into the League's fleet against the Turk at Prevesa, 432. Of the Army which king Francis brought in Italy, 108. Of the Galleys and Soldiers to be raised by the Christian Princes against Soliman, 413. Of the Soldiers sent by the Pope to the Emperor in his war against the Protestants, 61. Of the Imperial Army against the Protestants, ibid. Of theirs against him. 613. O ODetto di Fois called Monsieur de Lautrech, sent by King Francis to assist the Venetians, 129. Goes to the defence of Milan, 135. is declared by the King General in Burbon's stead, 139. joined with the Venetians goes towards Verona, 144. Assaults Verona, 145, 146. Riseth from before it, 147, 148. Having received the keys of Verona, he immediately delivers them to the Venetians, 153. Draws his Army into Milan, 177. Is beaten out thence by the Imperialists 177 178. Takes Pavia, 262. Quitteth Lombardy and goes towards Naples, 265.269. Enters that Kingdom, and proffers the Imperialists battle, 278. Takes in almost the whole Kingdom of Naples, 279. Besiegeth Naples, ibid. vexed at the many sufferings of his Army, he sickens and dies, 286, 287. The Oration of Andrea Loredano to the Army, 40, 41. Of Cardona to the Army, 44, 45. Of Antonio Grimani to the Senate, 69. Of Pietro Bembo to the Senate of Venice, 88 Of the Cardinal of Seduno to the Switsers, 110. Of Domenico Trivisano to the King of France, 116. Of the King of Hungary's Ambassadors to the Senators of Venice, 168. Of Alberto Pietra Commander of the Swissers, 186. Of Georgio Cornaro to the Senate of Venice, 210. Of Domenico Trivisano to the same, 213. Of the same man to the same Senate, 271. Of Luigi Mocenigo to the Senate of Venice, 273. Of the same man in the same place, 297. Of Marco Antonio Cornaro, in answer to him, 300. Of the same in the Senate, 373. of Lunardo Emo in answer to him, 375. Of Marc Antonio Cornaro in the same place, 406. Of the Cardinal of Ferrara, in the College of Venice, 599. Osofo, its Situation and strength, 63. Assaulted by the Imperialists, 64. The siege raised by Alviano, 71. P PArma assaulted by the Imperialists, 176. Yielded to the Emperor, together with Piacenza, 178. Attempted by the French, 181. given by the Pope, together with Piacenza to his son Pier Luigi, 610. Pavia taken by the French, 108. Yielded up to the Imperialists, 178. Besieged by Francis King of France, 209. Taken by Lautrech, and the pillage of it given to his Army, 262. Taken and sacked by the confederates army, 290. Paul the 3. of the family of the Farnesis, succeeds Clement the 7. in the Papacy, 358. Seeks to make peace between Charles the 5. and King Francis, 361. Negotiates by his Nuntioes for an universal peace among Christian Princes, 368. Denies the Venetians the Tything of their Clergy, 366. Concludes the league of the Christian Princes against Soliman, 387. Procures an Interview between the Emperor an● the King of France at Nice in Provence, 417. His designs in this Interview, 418. Gives the Emperor a meeting; and with what design, 595. His designs fall not out to his hopes, for which he complains of the Emperor, 616 617. Seeks to bring the Venetians to join with him and the King of France, 622. His vast designs and irregular thoughts, 624. Sends the Bishop of Verona his Legate in Germany, 626. He dies, 629. Peace, between the Swissers and the French, 151. Between the Emperor and the King of France, 152. Universal between Christian Princes treated about, 235. Negotiated between the Emperor and the Venetians, 323. Concluded, and the condition of it, 325. Between the Venetians and Soliman, 573. Concluded between the Emperor Charles the 5. and Francis King of France, and the conditions, 604 Prelates of Rome, how handled by the Germans in the sack of that city, 252. Princes of Italy, call in foreign Nations to their own ruin, 45. Princes named in the confederacy between Charles the 5. and the Venetians, 200. Princes of Italy affrighted at the great forces of Charles the 5. 315. Much troubled for the death of Paul the 3.629. A treacherous Priest hanged up by one foot in Venice, and there stoned by the common people, 58. New Pretences of Francis King of France for the State of Milan, 94. Of the Venetians for Ravenna, 293. Proffers made by the French to the Venetians if they would enter into a League with them, 370. by Charles the 5. to his brother Ferdinand if he would yield the title of King of the Romans to his son King Philip, 626. Prospero Colonna in the Imperial camp, 27. Dissuades from the enterprise of Trevigi, 51. I● declared by Pope Leo, General of the Ecclesiastic army, 174. Assaults Milan, and takes it, 177, 178. Raises the siege before Pavia, 184. Takes Lodi and Cremona, 189. Upon the Frenchmens passage into Italy, provides for the Cities of Lombardy, 208. Q THe Queen mother of France Negotiates with the Christian Princes for her son Francis his liberty, 221. Meets at Cambray with Margaret of Austria to treat about a Peace between the Emperor, and the King her son, 313. R RAvenna desires of the Venetians a Commissary and a Garrison, 256. By what right the Venetians held it, 293. It is restored to the Pope, 325. Renzo da Ceri Commander of the Garrison in Crema, and his gallant carriage, 33. Defends Crema against the Imperialists, 65 Being declared by the Venetians General of the Horse, will not accept of the place, 67. Frees Crema from the siege, 80, 81. Takes in Bergamo, 85. Makes a Truce with Milan, and goes to Venice, 86. Quits the service of the Venetians, and goes to Rome, 107 Rome taken by the Duke of Bourbon and sacked by the Imperial Army 250. Much affrighted at the coming of Barbarossa with the Turkish Fleet to Ostia 593 S SAvii del Con●iglio, what Office it is in Venice 366 A Sea-fight near Naples between the Imperialists and the French, 282 Skirmishes between the Venetians and the Imperialists at Valeggio and Anfo, 132, 133. The Imperialists and French at Bicocca, 185, 186. The Imperialists and Venetians before Monopoli, 306 307. The Duke of Urbine and the Spaniards, 311, 312 Soliman confirms the Truce to the Venetians, 164. Is very courteous to them, 265. Threatens to drive Charles the 5th out of the Empire, pretending that it belonged to him 343. Shows himself an enemy to the Venetians, and why, 364. Passeth with a mighty Army to Vallona, with a design for Italy, 368. makes peace with the Venetians, 575. Sends his Fleet to the King of France, 594. A friend to what is just and honest, 610 Spaniards, under the conduct of the Viceroy of Naples, against the Venetians, 27. Take Brescia, and Bergamo for the Emperor, 28. Fall upon the Venetian Camp, 45 Defend Brescia besieged by the Venetians, 119. Those which took Rome, would fain carry the Pope Prisoner into Spain ●●4 Stefano Tiepolo General of the Venetian Fleet. 593. 〈…〉 d●ur to Soliman in Hungary, 597. Chosen General of the forces in Terra Ferma, 62●. ●●neral of the Fleet 〈…〉 General the third time. ●●● Swissers, Of great authority 〈◊〉 Princes, 9 Take upon them the protection of the Duke of Milan, 19 Resolve to make War on the French in relief of the said Duke 22. They enter Novara, 23. Fall upon the French Camp, and rout it, 25, 26. Forty thousand of them enter Milan, to defend it from the French, 108. They assault King Francis his Army, and are routed, 111, 112. They quit Milan, and return home, 115. They abandon Verona, 144. Why quit the League's camp, 180. Their impatience before Pavia, 183. They complain of the French, 184 Their foolish vapouring and impatience, 184, 185. They leave the French Camp, 188 A Subsidy granted the Venetians by Pope Clement the 7. to be levied of the Clergy under their Dominions. 356 T THeodoro Trivultio, Governor of Milan, 70. Ambassador from the King of France to the Venetians, 99 Commander of the Venetian Army, 129. Goes with the Venetian Army towards Milan in favour of the French, 175. Taken prisoner by the Imperialists at Milan, 178. Being discharged by the Venetians goes into France, 200. Is Governor of Genoa, 263. Not being relieved, he surrenders the Castle, 291. Sent by King Francis to Venice, and why, 314 Tribute imposed by Charles the 5. upon Muleasses King of Tunis, 363. By Soliman upon Ferdinand, King of Hungary, 627. Offered to Soliman by King Ferdinand for Transilvania 640 V VErona, how situated, 145. Assaulted by the French and Venetian Army, 146. Relieved by the Dutch, 148. Is restored to the Venetians, 153. Fortified by the Venetians, 157. Is garrisoned by the Venetians for fear of the Imperialists, 316 The Venetians make a League with Lodowick King of France, 12 Exhort the King of France to the conquest of Milan, 31. They renew amity with Francis the new King of France, 95. Their great joy for the recovery of Brescia, 141. Recover Verona, and send great presents to Lautrech, 153. Make a Truce with the Emperor, 152. Their answer to the French Ambassador, 162, 163. They dissuade the King of France from coming to a Battle with the Imperialists at Pavia, 218. Are resolved not to abandon the Duke of Milan, 291. Restore Ravenna and Cervia to the Pope, and Trani, with other Cities of Apulia, to Charles the 5, 325. Desire the Pope that they may have the nominating of the Bishops of such Cities as are within their Dominions, 337. Enter into a League with the Pope and the Emperor against the Turk, 413, 414. Begin to think of coming to a Peace with the Turk, 554. Their answer to the Emperor's Ambassador, 556. They send Ambassadors to the interview of the Emperor and the King of France, and their Commission, 570. They make Peace with the Turk, 573. Deny to lend Vicenza for the keeping of a General Council therein, 582 They continue Neutrals in the War between the Emperor and the king of France, 592. Their answer to the Cardinal of Ferrara 594. To the Protestant Princes requiring their aid, 613. To the Pope and the king of France, pressing them to declare themselves enemies to the Emperor, 622, 623. Their custom at the Creation of Popes, 630. Continue firm in their friendship to the Emperor, 647. Their answer to the French kings Ambassadors, 648 Vicenza taken by the Imperialists, 36. Taken again, and sacked by the Imperialists, 61. Returns into the Venetians hands 86 Vicenzo Capello, Commissary of the Venetian Fleet, 32. Made Lieutenant General of the Venetian Fleet, 308. Created General of the same, 344. Relieves Antivari, 427. Routs a squadron of Barbarossa's Galleys, 434. Adviseth to fight Barbarossa, 438. A description of his person and Gallantry, 439. He takes castle nuovo. 442, 443 W War's of the Venetians with Maximilian the Emperor, 5. Between the Emperor Charles the 5. and Francis king of France, troublesome to many Nations, 362. Of Charles the 5. against the Protestant Princes, 611, 612. Between Soliman and the Venetians, 381. Of Germany against the Emperor, 641 An Alphabetical Table of the Remarkable things contained in these Three Books of the War of CYPRUS. A AN Agreement made between those of Famagosta and Mustapha 124 Agostino Barbarigo chosen coadjutor to General Venieri. 75 Is Commander of the Left wing of the League's fleet, 128. His valour in fight, 1●9. Is mortally wounded with an Arrow. ibid. Alvero, Marquis of Santa Croce, Commander of the Rear in the League's fleet. 128 He succours Don John's Galley, 138 Ali, General of the Turkish fleet, 42 Goes to Cyprus, 100 Is resolved to fight the Christian fleet, 132 His vain arrogance, 133. ●uts his fleet in order, and goes to meet the Christians, 134. Is slain, and his Galley taken, 138 Andrea Badoaro, and his Oration to the Senate of Venice, 87. Is chosen Ambassador to the Turk, 204. Goes to Constantinople▪ where the Articles of Peace are confirmed, 205 Antonio Canale, Captain of the Ships, 93. His Gallantry in the Battle of Lepanto, 139 The Arsenal of Venice much endamaged by fire, 12 Astor Baglione, Governor General of the Militia of Cyprus, 47. Being desireous to go over from Famagosta to the defence of Nicosia, is not suffered, 52. His valour in the defence of Famagosta, 122. Perfidiously murdered ●y Mustafa's orders, 126 The Articles of the League between the Christian Princes against the Turk, 91 B THe Battle of Lepanto, 136, 1●7, 138, 139, 140, How long the fight lasted, 140 Briefs sent by Pope Pius the fifth to the King of Persia, ●o Prestor John, and other Kings. 152 C Causes of the War of Cyprus, 6, 7. That put Selimus upon it, 7, 12. Why Mustafa broke his word with the Governor of Famagosta, 126. Alleged by the Spaniards for their delays in passing to the Levant, 155. Moving the Venetians to make peace with the Turks, 199 Charles the 9, King of France; and the reasons by him alleged, why he could not enter into the League against the Turk, 20. Absolutely refuses to join with the League, and his reason, 151. Yet makes as if he would side with it, 165. His Answer to the Venetian Ambassador, 167, 168, Cyprus, and its description, 44, 45 How it fell into the Christians hands, and how into the Venetians, ibid. After the taking of Nicosia, yields all of it without any resistance to the Turks, except Famagosta, 61 Conditions of the Peace treated of with the Turks by the Venetians, 81. Of the League between the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Venetitians, 91, 92. Concluded upon at surrendering of Famagosta, 124. Of the Peace between the Venetians and the Turk, 201 Consultations held by the Venetians at the coming of the Chiaus from Selino, 25, 26. In the Christian fleet what course should be taken for the relief of Cyprus, 62, 63. Held by the Magistrates and Chieftains in Famagosta about the the surrender of it, 123, 124. In the Christian fleet near Corfu, 129, 130. Of the Venetian Commanders before the Battle of Lepanto; 132. Held by the Commanders of the Christian fleet at Corfu, 170 171. Cruelty used by Mustafa, and why, 126, 127 Cubat a Chiaus sent from the great Turk to Venice, to demand the Kingdom of Cyprus, 25. His arrival, Entertainment and behaviour, with the Senate's Answer, 27, 28 The Town of Curzola how preserved, 108, 109 D THe Description of the City of Nicosia, 51. Of the place wherein the Sea fight between the Christians and the Turks, 134 Discourses upon Selino (or Selimus) 6, 7, 8. Upon the War with the Turks accepted by the Venetians, 29 30. Upon Dorias carriage at the Battle of Lepanto, 141 Upon the Christians success then, and whence it was, 142 Upon the Peace which the Venetians made with the Turk. Upon the Christians after their Victory, 145. Designs of the Spaniards in treating for a League against the Turks, 69, 70. Of the Christian Commanders after the Victory, 144, 145. The divers designs of Christians in general after the Victory was blazed about, 149, 150. E AN Edict set out by the King of France against such as should go armed into Flanders, 165 F FAmagosta ill provided both for ●en and Commanders, 47. Besieged by Mustafa, 61. The situation of it, 115, 116. Assaulted and Battered by the Turks, 117. Valiantly defended by the Christians, 118. Reduced to a sad condition, 123. Is surrendered to the Turks upon Agreement, 124 Feasts and Triumphs in Venice for the Victory at Sea, 143, 144. In Rome at the entrance of Marc' Antonio Colonna, when he returned from the said Victory; 147. Forts made by the Venetians at St Nicolo, Malamocco, and Chioggia, 1ST G GIacomo Fosca●ini, Commissary General in Dalmatia, 96. Chosen General of the Venetian fleet, 154. Proffers battle to Uluzzali, 175. Discovers the enemy's fleet again, and stirs up his men to fight the Turks, 178. Goes to charge Uluzzali, and is ●●●dred 179 Giacomo 〈◊〉, Commissary of the 〈…〉 i● the place of Barbarigo, 144. Commander of the Right Wing of the Christians fleet at Lepanto, 172. Charges some of Uluzzali's fleet, 179. Chases Uluzzali to the Castle of Modone, 189. Assaults, ●akes and slights the Fort of Varbagno, returns to Corfu▪ 192 Giovanni Andrea Doria, vide, John Giorgis Cornaro, brother to the Queen of Cyprus, persuades her to yield the possession of that Kingdom to the Venetians, 4 Girolamo Zan●, General of the Venetian fleet, 14. joining with the Galleys of the Pope, and of Spain, Presses them to go for Cyprus, 62. Hath a design to relieve Famagosta, 74. Lays down his Charge, 75 He dies in a deplorable condition▪ 93, 9● Girolamo Paruta, Governor of Tine, valiantly defends that place against Piali, 43, 44 Gregory the XIII. confirms the League with the King of Spain, and the Venetians, 157. Much troubled at the Spaniards carriage, 166. Being angry at the Peace which the Venetians had made with the Turk, denies audience to their Ambassador, 20●punc; Is reconciled to them, 204 I THe jealousies of States how great they are, 168 The Immoderate desire of Empire and Military glory, of the Ottoman Princes, ●●● The Author's Intent in writing of the War of Cyprus, ibid. John Andrea Doria, having orders to go with the K. of Spain's Galleys, and join with the Venetians, prolongs his going into the Levant, 34, 35. Comes with the Galleys to Candia, 41. Hearing that Nicossia was lost, would ●e d● go back, 64. Commander of the Right Wing in the Battle of Lepanto, 128. Charges Uluzzali's wing, routs it, and puts it to the flight, 140 Don John of Austria, declared General of the League, 92. Receives the Standard at Naples, 114. Goes to seek out the Enemy, 127, 128. Discovers the Turks Fleet, and immediately makes the sign of Battle be given. 135. Board's Alis Galley, and takes it, 138. Gets the victory, ibid. Blamed in Spain for fight, 15●. Delays going into the Levant, and at last gives his reasons for it, 161. John Baptista Contarini, sinks a Turkish Galley, 138. His valour at Corone, 184. L A League negotiated by Pope Pius the V, between Christian Princes against the Turk, 16. Between the same Pope, the King of Spain, and the Venetians against the Turk, 91. 〈◊〉 published in Venice, 105. Luigi Mocenigo chosen Duke of Venice, 32. His Speech to the great Council, 96, 97, 98, 99 His Oration before the Council of Ten for Peace, 196, 197, 198, 199. Luigi Martinengo Commander of the relief sent to Famagosta, 74. Captain General of the Artillery there, 118, His Worth, 122. Basely murdered by orders from Mustafa. 126. M MArco Antonio Quirini, Captain of the Gulf, 39 Takes in Brazzo di Maina, 40. Scours the Archipelagus, ibid. Carries Succour to Famagosta, 94. Sinkes three Turkish Galleys by the way, ibid. destroys some Forts of the Turks and returns to Candia, ibid. at the Battle of Lepanto forces a Squadron of thirty Turkish galleys to run themselves on ground, 138. Utterly routs the Right wing of the Turkish fleet, 139. Takes Malgariti, and sleights it, 146. Marc Antonio Colonna, general of the Pope's galleys, 35. Sent by the Pope to Venice, 82. confirmed General of the Pope's fleet, and in Dons John's absence, of all the fleets, 92. At Lepanto assaults Portau's galley, 137. Enters Rome in triumph, 147. Marc Antonio Bragadino, Governor of Famagosta, and his speech to the defendants of that City, 118. Surrenders it to the Turks, 125. Upon Mustafa's invitation, goes out into his camp, accompanied with most of the chief Commanders, ibid. Put to divers tortures, and flayed, alive, 126. Marc Antonio Barbaro, the Venetians Consul at Constantinople, informs of Selinos' resolution to wage War with them, 12. by order from the Venetians negotiates with the Turk for a Peace, 100L. Which after many obstructions and troubles, he concludes, 201. Maximilian the 2. (Emperor) distasted with the Pope, Pius the 5. for the Title he had conferred on the Duke of Florence; 19.80. resolves not to enter into the League with the Venetians, and why, 73. Propounds new difficulties, not to enter into the League, 150. Mehemet the first Bashaw, is against the enterprise of Cyprus, 9 Discourseth with the Venetian Consul about a treaty of agreement, 162. Endeavours to preserve friendship between the Christians Emperor and his own master, 153. Mustafa, a Bashaw; General by land of the Turks in the enterprise of Cyprus, 42. Passeth thither, and landeth without any obstacle at Saline, 46. Goes to assault Nicossia, 49. Gives the assault, and the course he takes, 54, 55. Exhorts those of the town to yield▪ 56.57. Assaults it in four places at the same time, and is repulsed, 58. Takes Nicossia upon a Parley, and most perfidiously sacks it, 60. Marches with his army to Famagosta, 61. Encourages his Soldiers to the assault, ●21. Hath Famagosta delivered him upon Articles of Agreement, 124. Most impiously and perfidiously breaks all those Articles, 126. N NIcossia in Cyprus reduced to a Fort Royal by the Venetians, 51. 〈◊〉 provided for defendants, 47. Assaulted by the Turks, 54.57. Taken and sacked, 60. The Number of the Turkish vessels of all sorts that were 〈◊〉 for Cyprus, 44. Of their forces that went against it, 46. Of the Defendants in Nicossia, 52. Of those which were slain in Nicossia, when it was taken, 60. Of the vessels in that Fleet which was conducted by Zann● for the relief of Cyprus, 63. Of what the Colleagues Christians forces were to be, in vessels and men, 91. Of the Turks fleet at Lepanto, 133. Of the vessels of the ●eagiles Fleet, 127. Of the Christians slain in that battle, 140. Of the Turks slain therein, ibid. Of the galleys and Prisoners that were then taken, 14●. Of the vessels of the Christian Fleet under ●oscarini, 176. Of the Turks Fleet, under Uluzzali, ibid. O THe Oration of the Bishop of Baffo to the people in Nicossia, 53. Of Marc Antonio Colonna to the College of Venice, 82 Of Paolo Tiepolo to the Senate, 84. Of Andrea Badoa●o to the same, 87. Of the D. Mocenigo in the Great Council, 96. Of Uluzzali to the chief Commanders of his Fleet, 173. Of D. Mocenigo in the Council of Ten 196 The Order of the League's Fleet sailing from Messina to Corfu, 127. Of the Turks Fleet, sailing from Lepanto, 134. Of the Christian Fleet expecting to be assaulted, 135, 136. Of the League's Fleet under Foscarini, 172 The barbarous Outrages committed by the Turks at Rethimo 101 P PEace is treated of between the Venetians and the Turk, 200 Concluded 201 Philip the 2. King of Spain, desired by the Pope to join with the Venetians against the Turk, 17. Promiseth great matters in service of the League, 112. Will not give way for Don John to winter in the Levant, 169. Shows no manner of displeasure at the peace made by the Venetians with the Turk, but rather justifies them, 202 Pope Pius the v. entreated by the Venetians for assistance against the Turks, 16. His desire to help them; and that the Christian Princes should enter into a League against the Turks, ibid. His speech at the concluding of the League, 67. Sends his Briefs to the King of Persia, Prester John, and some Arabian Kings, 152. Grows jealous of the Spaniard, 153. Dies, 156 Portau, General of the Turkish Fleet 100 At the Battle of Lepanto, escapes in a Cockboat, 138 The Christian Princes care not to make use of their victory gotten at Sea, 150. They are justly reproved, 190 A solemn Procession in Venice at the publication of the League, 105 Ordered to be observed there every year on St Justinas day, 144 A Proclamation made by Mustafa, throughout the Army before Nicossia. 59 R Reason's alleged by Pope Pius the 5. to the King of Spain f●● his entering into a League with the Venetians against the Turk, 17. By the Venetians to the Pope, for the hastening of the Spanish Fleet 112. By Silocco to Ali, not to fight the Christian Fleet, 132, 133. By Doria, for his falling Room-ward at the beginning of the fight, 141. Against the King, and likewise for him; about suspension of his Fleet, 162, 163. For the moderation which the Spaniards showed in their discourse of the Peace which the Venetians had made with the Turk, 202. Alleged by Nicolo da Ponte to the Pope, for the said Peace, 202, 203 S SEbastiano Veniero hath the chief charge over the Militia of Corfu, 13. Assaults and takes Sopporo, 36. Chosen Commissary General for Cyprus, 47. Preparing to relieve Famagosta, he falls sick in Candia, 74. Is made General of the Venetian Fleet, 75. Adviseth to go fight the Turkish Fleet, 129, 130. Causeth one of the King of Spain's Captains to be hanged, at which Don John is much troubled, 131 His diligence at the Battle of Lepanto in ordering his Forces, and encouraging his men, 135. join with Don John against Ali, 137 Being sent for by the Venetians he comes into the Gulf, 156. Returns to Venice, and is received with much honour, 191 Selino (or Selimus) the 2. succeeds his father, 6. Why he resolved upon the enterprise of Cyprus, 10. Is much incensed at the Venetians answer, 31. His design upon Rome, 99 Stratagem used by Uluzzali in his retreat from the League's fleet, 177 T THe Tumults of Flanders, a great impediment to the proceedings in the Levant, 153 The Turks much troubled for the loss of their Fleet 154 V THe Venetians resolve rather to make War with the Turk, then to give him Cyprus, 26. Troubled at the loss of Nicossia, and other misfortunes, they begin to think of making an Agreement with the Turk, 78. Growing jealous of the Spaniards, and others, they resolve to negotiate a Peace with the Turks, 79▪ 80, 81 They put it to the question, whether they should make a League with the Christian Princes, or peace with the Turk, 83, 84. They resolve upon the League, 91. They send a Commission to their Consul at Constantinople, to Treat and conclude a Peace with the Turk, 200. They send an Ambassador to the Pope, in justification of that Peace, 201 Vluzzali, Viceroy of Algiers, goes to join with Ali, 100 Does much mischief to the scattered Galleys of the Christians right wing▪ 139, 140. Seeing Doria, and other Vessels of the Battle make towards him, he flies, and escapes with some few Galleys, ibid. Being afterwards made General, he comes to Malvasia with 200 Galleys, and his designs, 173. His Speech to his Officers in the Fleet, ibid. He goes to meet the League's Fleet, 175. But shuns the Encounter, 175, 176. Being met by the Christians, puts himself in Battle Array, ibid. But flies again, 179, 180. Is offered Battle before Modone, 183. But will none of it, ibid. Puts to Sea again very strong with Pioli Bashaw, in prejudice of the King of Spain, 204. He plunders Puglia, and burns Castro ibid. The Errata of the twelve Books of the History of Venice. page Line for read 8 33 Trinusio Trivulcio. 19 12 Viscount Visconte. ibid. 19 N●var Novara. 20 10 Undecided Unconcluded 28 11 Liguago Lignago ibid. 19 So To 34 4 Trevigpe Trevigi 35 25 disturb disturbed 39 1 dispatch despiseth all 41 3 between & & the put of ibid. 4 Stat State 49 1 City Army 51 30 Cardona Colonna ibid. 35 if Il 53 24 laughed at deluded by 54 31 Hysmael Ishmael ibid. 31 Gitturi Vitturi ibid. 34 Savorgano Savorgnano 73 1 faithfulness faithlessnes ibid. 15 be easily easily be 81 ●7 them him 87 15 was were ●8 10 taking taken 91 4 deal the first to 96 50 injured by afraid of 99 10 had made 104 3 Guirome Gaironne ibid. 34 Pennimen Ap●nnine ibid. Montcinense Mont Seny 106 35 Write wrote 108 50 deal the second the 109 46 Files Ranks 110 22 array army 112 13 before they insert which 113 7 picked pitched ibid. 17 thereon thereof ibid. 36 Pisigliano Pi●igliano 117 13 Worth Valour 118 32 then that 119 3 deal of consideration ibid. 39 and or 120 16 deal the 123 16 insert miscarried 124 21 deal all incontra ibid. 33 his of of his 33 35 effects passions ibid. 46 molest honest 138 13 forestowed for-slowed ibid. 19 Bullen Bologna 146 42 after Camp put sat down 149 37 Charles Francis 151 39 Consciousness Covetousness 153 11 Cuon● Buono 159 43 Taragosa Sarago●a ibid. 45 le Sirte to Tunis not far from the Syrteses at Tunis 168 42 eminent imminent 173 43 Lerce Leseu ibid. deal the second to 177 4 Francisco La●s Alfonso Saus' 181 3 Pope Po 182 22 12000 1200 187 13 ought doubt 193 23 after might insert not ●05 34 infected infasted 208 14 which with 210 30 after opinion deal on 212 36 after for insert if 220 45 1000 10●00 221 2 eminent imminent ibid. 36 Lormano Sormano 228 8 Son Sons ibid. 18 1000 10000 130 29 Sange Lange 232 42 Gal●iazzo di Gaiazzo 224 31 descent descent 236 30 Lagni Lagri 247 45 Fu●ili Furli 251 22 County Count ibid. 32 on of 255 4 deal given them ibid. 14 things Kings ibid. 17 intervene interview 257 41 Alcone Alarcone 259 43 after and insert the ibid. 45 Cido Cibo 270 3 Romaga Romania ibid. 17 San Termo San Fermo ibid. 33 Sepontino of Sipontium 272 4 Agreement prejudicial 280 31 Town Towns ibid. 40 Marc Marca ibid. 50 Lanudo Sanudo 292 6 deal not 293 17 impose oppose 294 5 conjunct convinced 19 34 which with ibid. 38 deal and 296 21 N●vi Nani 305 23 Jialio julio 312 34 Mousa Monza 328 7 they their 332 45 Cruzado Cruzada 334 34 Augusta Ausburg 337 ●7 en●ring enduring 343 25 at of 354 before to insert daughter 370 40 Cantarinen Contarin●s 375 19 in by 381 23 hands heads 39● 24 before come insert was 391 47 N●ples Napoli 39● 21 Quirina the Quirini 427 9 D●●cutari of Scutari 430 30 them him 440 12 Paru Paxu 557 24 Samito Sanuto 561 1 after 2d and insert the 567 4 though thought 571 14 his her 573 27 Padino Nadino 579 2 Strozzitia Strozzi A 588 49 Gers Gens 597 6 Strigonia Strigonium 609 11 thought though 6●3 2 deal any ibid. 3 thed they had 614 31 him them ibid. 39 gave themselves given them 615 48 have having been 627 49 before rest insert the 640 39 deal that 641 35 after but insert for the next year 1552 647 28 it the hope The Errata of the three Books of the Wars of Cyprus. Page Line for read 3 14 the second the their 4 24 〈◊〉 Mamalucohi 12 13 after Church insert and 40 8 victory overthrow 45 22 latter former 46 33 Barthne burden 51 36 to by 59 42 before Piazza insert the ibid. 47 with the by the ibid. 50 quit quitted 60 44 fourth fourteenth 67 15 Vicentino of Vicenza 70 33 ill Serifo the Serif 81 13 after that insert the 94 42 shelves the rocks ibid. 50 deal of 97 40 before not insert may 98 47 after do insert not 100 43 Cessan Cassan 102 26 fill it it fill 103 21 after could insert do 116 1 Tevero Teucer 1●4 6 and an ibid. 12 O●ten●a●lousness obstinateness 126 30 ma●t main-yard 135 37 disposed disputed 145 36 pleaded called to mind 151 35 deal Dieu of Diu 153 24 Lesle Sessa 154 16 before not insert were 155 5 Tire Tine 162 21 Calaria Calabria ibid. 26 after the 2d to insert the ibid. 27 Ales●andrino of Alexandria 177 17 after yet insert without ibid. 38 Forecastles Poops 180 24 Andrea Andrada 182 46 Paru Paxu 192 43 deal of Za●cheria 2●0 30 Baylo Consul 204 8 Barbaro Badoaro. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK I. THE CONTENTS. A Preparatory Prooemium to the Description of the ensuing History; Framed upon some Actions of the Commonwealth of Venice. Italy (being made a woeful receptacle of foreign Nations) is miserably lacerated, and almost reduced to slavery, which is remedied by the Venetian Forces. The Miseries of Italy are renewed by Lewis the twelveth of France; and by the Spaniards, who occasion the contentions in Naples. Bajazet and the Venetians are agreed. Maximilian of Austria, is denied entrance into Italy, by the Venetians: He makes war with them, and loseth some Castles upon the Confines of the Empire. Almost all the Kings, and Princes of Christendom, conspire together against the Venetians: Lewis of France is the Author thereof. They regain some Cities; They refuse to make Peace: The intentions of King Lewis: Of the Pope: His Treaties. Of the Swissers: Of the Viceroy of Naples. The Senate is in dispute whether they shall embrace Peace, or War. At last they make a League with the King of France. War is renewed; The Articles of the League. The Election of a new Pope. Alviano, his first successes. The Dutch go out of Verona. Novara is defended by the Swissers. Alviano doth in vain assault Verona. The attempt of taking Milan, by Bishop Gurghense, the Emperor's Lieutenant; The Siege is given over. Various accidents which befell the Common wealth. The War by reason of the Winter, is deferred till a better season. THe Commonwealth of Venice, for the long continuance of her Command, and for the excellency of her Government, is deservedly held to be the goodliest, and most fortunate, of as many as ever were in the world; and if her remarkable Actions, both of Peace and War, had been more lively kept in memory by writing, and by men's mouths; so as her Fame had been equal to her deservings, she would by this time have arrived at such Renown, as her glorious Actions would have far exceeded the memory of all other Cities, Rome only excepted. And certainly, that such a flourishing Commonwealth; both for good Laws, and wholesome Institutions, should not, in so long a concourse of time, have achieved greater Empire; And also, that the glory of her Enterprises hath been so little celebrated by famous Writers, and not preserved in that Dignity, and Splendour, as becomes their merits, ought not to be imputed to the baseness nor wretchlesness of her Inhabitants, but rather to their Modesty: For the custom of our forefathers, was not to undertake War out of a desire of Rule; but to preserve their Liberties: and being wholly intent upon the welfare of their Country, they did not mind their own greatness; but studied more to be, then to appear, good. Hence it was, that not placing the chiefest Glory in extent of Empire, or in the praise of other men; but in the good Government of the City, and in the uprightness of their own consciences; they lost many occasions of aggrandizing their Commonwealth; and suffered many of their glorious Actions, to sleep in silence: But in the following Age, the Commonwealth being much increased in Citizens, Riches, and Laws, whereby she had drawn upon her, the envy of many other people; it might easily be known by their dangers, and by their affairs, that the Commonwealth stood in need of larger Dominions, and of greater Forces; to the end that she might provide for her safety, and for her plenty, both by Sea and Land: Therefore whereas formerly our Ancestors, being provoked to war by their Neighbours, thought they had done enough if they kept themselves from being injured by them; They began to take in Cities, and to enlarge their borders on all sides, to the end that they might put their Affairs into a safer, and a more honourable condition. It also oft times happened, that by their civil ways, without any noise of war, which was suppressed by peace; by their negotiations, and hopes of tranquillity; they won upon the People's good will, and did enlarge their Confines; In so much as the City being already become very powerful, both by Sea and Land; she seemed to represent the greatness and Majesty of the ancient Romans: Which things, if they had been sooner done, the City of Venice would have arrived to such a height, as she might have been paralleled to the Commonwealth of Rome, for Empire, and warlike Glory: But this advice was so long a taking, as that all things fell out cross unto her: For the Times began already, apparently to favour the Ottoman Family, which being come from a small beginning, it is a wonderful thing to say how soon it increased; so as having by great contest in war, overcome many Kings, and States; and by its formidable greatness, utterly ruined the Eastern Empire, it bereft the Venetians of all hope of enlarging their Dominion in the Maratine parts: Other hopes likewise of happy success, were by a short delay spoiled, and corrupted; for if the Commonwealth had turned her Forces sooner upon the Vicegerents of the Empire; who taking occasion by reason of the Emperor's troubles in the tedious wars of Germany, usurped the free Dominion of many of the noblest Cities of Italy, She might easily have regained them from their unlawful possessors, who were yet weak and of no repute. And then Italy being subdued, how easy it was for them to subdue all other Nations, and to spread their Empire from the East unto the West, is easily demonstrable, by the very proceedings of the Romans: But howsoever the Forces, Customs, and Laws, of this rich and flourishing Commonwealth, continue in greater vigour, and the Fates will one day open them the way to great Achievements. I have proposed unto myself to spend the time which shall be permitted me, in writing the Actions of this so famous City, as well in times of war, as of peace; the memory whereof, I will endeavour to leave to posterity, with as great sincerity, and uncorrupted Faith, as I possibly can. I thought it became me cheerfully, and readily, to undertake this, being laid upon me by public Commission, that I might employ my time in the service of this my Noble, and dear Country, in that point wherein (as I have said) the care of our Predecessors may seem sometimes to have been wanting; in which duty assuredly I will do my best. Therefore, laying aside all partiality and passions, I have, with a peaceable and free mind, undertaken this business; and if any one shall peradventure think, that I do sometimes praise the Affairs of the Venetians too highly; let them excuse me, and think, that it is not the love of my Country that moves me thereunto, but only the desire of speaking truth; the memory of these times, and men, not being to be sufficiently celebrated, whose excellent worth was able to govern so many affairs, and to sustain the violence of adverse fortune. I am by the commands of the Counsel of Ten; the supreme Magistracy of this our Country, to take the rise of this my Narration, from the time wherein the History of Cardinal Bembo, a Famous Personage ended, and therewith the League made by the Venetians, with Pope julius the second, and with Ferdinand, King of Spain, against the French; which League ended almost together with the life of this Pope. It will be good and useful, that in the continuation of this History, the perfect form of our Republic be represented; wherein may be seen the true Image of perfect Government, for those things to which the wit of man hath not been able to attain, in their fancying the Government of an excellent Commonwealth, are all seen to be confirmed by time and experience, in the City of Venice. The memory of these times will afford various Examples of both Fortunes, which may help very much to the acquiring of State wisdom; and moreover, many Testimonies of worth, whereby great moderation and constancy, in prosperous and adverse Fortune; at home, and in the wars, true Justice and Fortitude, may be found in our Citizens. But before I begin what I intent to say, I must expound some things, taking them a little higher, to the end that the truth of what is to be said, may appear the more clearly. It was already long since Italy was fallen into great calamity, and being become the Seat and Receptacle of Foreign Nations, she advanced a pace towards a long and hard slavery; being by them robbed of her Empire, and of her Military glory: For the French having a little before the time from which I am to take the rise of this my History, assaulted the Kingdom of Naples, by the means and advice of Lodowick Sforza, Duke of Milan, (who did not therein foresee his own ruin) the way was ever afterwards laid open for all the Italians greatest enemies to enter Italy, to her prejudice and ruin: For all our Princes being desirous of Novelty, and confiding in Foreigners, they waged war against themselves, renting this their unfortunate common Country in pieces by the Sword, and by all injurious proceedings, for they believed they might easily come by those Dignities and States, by disturbing her peace, which they dispaired of obtaining whilst Italy was in a quiet condition; wherein how they were cheated, the event did prove: For they soon saw those evils turned upon themselves, which they had prepared for others; In so much as there was not any one part of this Noble Country, which tasted not deeply of the miseries of war; and which being long tormented with slaughters, rapine, and all sort of cruelty, hath not lost almost all their ancient Privileges and Dignities, and changed their whole Aspect. The unlooked-for coming of the French into Italy, whether they brought a dreadful and unusual way of warring, did so terrify the Kings of Arragon, as having more respect to their safety, then to their Honour, they forsook a Noble Kingdom, and left all things as a prey to the avarice of the Conquerors. But the French, who had got the Victory, more by an opinion which was had of their Forces, than out of mere worth, did through their negligence, lose the fruit thereof, and were soon driven home out of Italy: which was chiefly done by the advice and Forces of the Venetians; And had our Princes been able then to have bounded their Appetites, the power of the French had not peradventure, extended itself beyond the confines of their own Kingdom. But hardly was this first Combustion over, when suddenly another war was kindled in Italy; the same way of civil discord being opened unto the French, by which they had at first entered our Countries: Their King Lodowick, the twelfth, having made a League with the Venetians, did again assault Italy, with yet a greater preparation for war, and won one of her most fruitful Provinces, and which did most abound in Inhabitants, and goodly Cities, having driven the Family of the Sforza's out of it: And soon after, having a mind to be Master of all Italy, calling in the Spaniards to assist him, he, together with them, possessed himself of the Kingdom of Naples. Great contention arose between these two Potent Kings of France and Spain, about the division thereof; and Italy being made the Seat of war, they often fought with various success, and keeping themselves out of danger, ruined the Countries of other men with sword and fire. In these troublesome times, whilst Italy, was full, almost in all her ports of Foreign Armies, and troubled with various successes of war, the Affairs of the Venetians went peacefully, and prosperously on; for Fortune not having as yet begun to frown upon them; and they having accommodated the differences between them, and Bajazet the Emperor of the Turks, with whom before they had made war, and put all their Maritime parts into a peaceful condition, they turned their thoughts upon their Land Militia, and to their Dominion on Terra firma; and did with all diligence study how to increase their Forces, and their Empire; that their Commonwealth might be able, when occasion should require, to resist foreign Forces. The Dignity and Fame of the City of Venice was hereupon so much increased, as it now held the first place for Authority and Power, in all Italy; and by common consent all differences were referred to her: there was not any one who intended to attempt any thing upon Italy, who did not chiefly endeavour to have the Venetians for their Friends, and Confederates. Thus Maximilian of Austria, King of the Romans, Elect Emperor of the West, desirous to come into Italy to receive the Ensigns of Empire, according to the customs of his Predecessors, and to restore Italy to her Liberty, by freeing her from the severe slavery of the French; and to reduce her under the civil German Empire, endeavoured very much to win the Venetians to join their Forces with his, or at least not to have them his Adversary's. But the Senate of Venice, not willing to make more way for the barbarous Nations to ruin Italy, whereby she might draw upon her the hatred of all her Neighbour Princes, resolved not to forego the friendship which she had contracted with the French, but to oppose the Emperor Maximilian, if he should come into Italy in a warlike posture. Hereupon arose war between them, which happened successfully; for the Venetians entering with greater Forces into the Emperor's Confines, took from him some Castles, which belonged to the Patremony of the House of Austria, and joined them to their Empire. The other Princes did very much envy the prosperity of the Venetians, where power being become so formidable, they thought fit to suppress: wherefore almost all the Kings and Princes of Europe, conspired against her, and proclaimed war against Venice, Lodowick, King of France, being the chief Author thereof, who was obliged to the Commonwealth by many ancient and modern good Offices, wherefore she thought she might very much confide in his Friendship. As soon as this unexpected news came to Venice, the Senators not showing any sign of fear of this so great and dreadful War; but being resolved to meet the Enemy's Forces, left nothing undone which might make for their defence, and which might be done by Advice, Gallantry, and Force of Arms. But now they must give way to adverse Times: the Commonwealth's Army did unfortunately fight the Enemy, upon the Banks of the River Ada; and after the bad success of this Battle, as if the Commonwealth had received a fatal blow, out of a sudden despair, she freed the Noblest Cities of her Dominions, from their former Oaths; and gave them leave to submit unto the Enemy: So as falling on a sudden from the height of Happiness into great misery, she was a great Example of the variety of humane Affairs. Yet soon after, the Senators resuming courage, began to Rally their dispersed Forces, to raise more Forces; wherewith in a short time, the Enemy's Forces being separated, and they having gotten some of the Enemies to join with them against their own confederates, they revenged themselves of the French, who were the first occasioners of their Calamity, and drove them out of Italy; and did likewise recover, and defend many of their Noblest Cities and Castles: by which success, growing higher in their hopes, they oft times refused peace when it was offered them; being resolved either to obtain such conditions, as whereby they might recover their ancient State, or else put themselves again upon the utmost dangers of war. Wherefore all men said, that even in the obscurity of so much adverse fortune, some light did yet remain of the ancient Glory of Italy, and of the Venetian virtue, in the perpetual constancy of that Senate, and in their generous invincible fortitude of Spirit. The Venetians oft times when they were worsted, treated with their Enemies which had overcome them, as if they were to give, not to receive Laws; demanding restitution of whatsoever was theirs before the war began, before they would lay down Arms. They had by this time recovered the Cities of Milan, Trevigi, Vicenza, Crema; and besides these, the Towns in Freuli, and the Cities of Feltre, and Belluno, submitted to the Venetian Empire; but Verona was still in Maximillians' hands: the 〈◊〉 of Naples held Brescia, whereinto he powered a great many Spaniards; and the Swissers having won Cremona, held it in the name of Maximilian Sforza: Ferdinand, King of Spain, possesed the Towns and Havens of Puglia, which formerly belonged to the Commonwealth; having restored them to the Kingdom of Naples, as Members thereof. And the Castles of Romagna, which were won by Pope julius, were by him annexed to the Ecclesiastical State. The Commonwealth was not then upon any good terms with the Pope, nor with the King of Spain, though not long before she had entered into League and Friendship with them▪ Not with the one, because he did favour Caesar too much, and not with the other, because contrary to Articles, he detained the City of Brescia, which appertained to her. The Swissers friendship was greatly suspected, though they professed adherence to the Commonwealth; as well by reason of their ancient repute of not being over faithful, as also for the new success of Cremona. But she professed open enmity to Lodowick, King of France; and the time of League made for some Months with the Emperor Maximilian, was expired, all Treaties of peace between him and the Venetians having always proved vain; out of their constant resolution to recover, and the like in him not to quit Verona. This was the Condition of the Times, and of the State of Venice; When in the beginning of the year 1513. counting from the Birth of Christ, and 1092. from the building of Venice, Leonardo Loredano, being then Duke, which is the highest degree of the Commonwealth; there began some appearance of peace and quiet, after so many troubles; for the French, who had been the beginners of the late Calamities, were already driven out of Italy, and had the Mountains given them for the bounders of their Empire, and together with them it was thought that the sink of all other mischiefs was thrown out. It was to be conceived by no improbable Arguments, that Peace would be acceptable to all those who had any Dominion in Italy; Caesar was not thought to be able of himself to make good the War, having no hope of assistance from the French, and environed with many necessities; wherefore it was likely that he would give way to some agreement; nor were the Venetians averse unto it, being now by the continual troubles of so many sore wars, invited to rest. The Pope, who had wont to boast that he by Counsels, had freed Italy from the slavery of the French, it might with reason be thought, that nothing could be more desired by him then this; That, since he had much enlarged the Church's Dominions, and re-invested the Duke of Milan in his State, the Affairs of Italy might begin to be in a better condition by enjoying peace. And it was very manifest, that Ferdinand King of Spain was to desire peace more than the rest: This wise Prince knew that it was by Peace that he was to confirm himself in his new possession of Naples, and by his own industry, or other men's negligence, increase his Force and Reputation; therefore under appearance of the Common good, but indeed minding more his own advantage, he had oftentimes sent Ambassadors to Caesar, and to the Venetians, labouring to compound their differences. But hardly did this light begin to appear out of cloudy by-gone-times, when suddenly it vanished. Some seeds of the former mischiefs remained yet in Italy; for the strong astles of Genua, Milan, and Cremona, held still for the King of France, and many factious men began to desire Novelties; and to the terror of all men, news was spread abroad of new stir in France, which as it was believed would suddenly break forth into open war. Lodowick did greatly desire to recover the State of Milan, and his ancient Reputation; and he was much the more incited by the discord of the Colleague Princes, hoping that he might easily divide them, and get some of them to join with him, when he should send his Army into Italy. He therefore sometimes egged on Caesar to war against the Venetians, and sometimes the Venetians against Caesar. He offered all his Forces to each of them, he propounded great rewards of Victory; he made himself appear to them to be in a condition of joining with any one of them, when the other should undervalue his Friendship. Moreover, to the end that a more firm and inviolable agreement might be made between them, he promised Caesar to give him his Daughter Renea for wife, to his Nephew Charles, or else to his Nephew Ferdinand, and to give with her for Portion, the State of Milan, when it should be regaind by their joint Forces. The Pope was hereat greatly troubled; for he saw that great dangers were threatened to Italy, by the power of the French, which he did no less hate than fear: but he was much in doubt which side he should favour: If he should lean to Caesar, he feared least the Venetians having no hopes of peace, should have recourse to the friendship of the French, and should endeavour to secure themselves by their Forces; so as he should lose all that Glory, which during all the time of his being Pope, he had so much laboured after. And on the contrary, if he should lose Caesar by assisting the Venetians, he thought he had not sufficiently provided for all dangers; and being very jealous, he persuaded himself it might easily happen that Caesar siding with the Council at Pisa, which the King of France had long before set up against him, and which was at this time removed to Lions, his Glory, and Dignity might be exposed to great danger. But a fervent desire to get the City of Ferrara did most of all prevail with the Pope in making him alter his first resolution of assisting the Venetians. Rejecting therefore at the last all things which might persuade him to the contrary, he resolved to be governed by Caesar's Interest; and whereas formerly he had wont with great dexterity and humanity to exhort the Venetians to Peace, he began now to threaten them severely, if they did not accept thereof upon whatsoever severe condions, as soon as it should be propounded: Whereby he hoped to induce Caesar to give over the defence of Ferrara, which losing his assistance▪ must needs fall into his hands. But the Venetians being certainly advertised by their Ambassador Francisco Foscari of these the Pope's new inventions, began to listen to the reasons which had been many times before urged by Andrea Gritti, of joining in League with the French. This Andrea being taken Prisoner in Brescia, and afterwards carried into France, was for his wisdom, good behaviour, and affability, very well esteemed of by all men, and especially by the King, and kept with great respect and honour, so as he now conversed and treated in the Court, much liker an Ambassador of his Country, than a Prisoner; the Venetians thought it an unworthy thing, and not to be endured, that their prosperous Success in War against the French had brought them no advantage, by reason of the great Injury that was done them by their Friends and Confederates; who notwithstanding would have it believed that they had undertaken that War chiefly for the Venetians good, and that their Commonwealth might flourish again. By which appearances the Venetians being nourished in hopes, they were the cause why they willingly continued the War, underwent much labour, and danger, not sparing for expenses; but as soon as the French had a way made them for the League, Constanso Ferrario was suddenly sent to Venice to negotiate it, not without the King's consent and knowledge. This man brought Letters with him to the Senate, from Giovanni Giacopo Trinusio, one who was then in great Authority with the King, wherein he appeared to be very well inclined to the Commonwealth, and then showing the reason which had moved him to send this his Servant of purpose to them, left the whole Authority of negotiating, and concluding the business to him; that it might be the more closely carried, this business of Treaty touching the League with Ferrario, was committed to Antonio justiniano's, one of the prime Senators, and who was then in great esteem for his Wisdom. These after divers meetings agreed, that some things being altered which the condition of the times did require, those capitulations should continue which were made some years before, when the Venetians joined in League with the French against the Sforza's. Gritti was made acquainted with all this, and was desired that he should by all means endeavour, that this Friendship and Peace might be confirmed by the King as soon as might be. Lewis seemed to be content with what was done, and promised to make good all that had been agreed upon by Ferrario, except that Article of yielding up Cremona, and Giaradada to the Venetians; which places he absolutely denied to surrender up to any. The Venetians would very gladly have had Cremona restored: for when they called to memory what expense and labour they had been at in the getting of it, the more desirous they were to repossess it. To which purpose they used these reasons to the King, that either of their States ought to be bounded by remarkable Confines, to take away all future occasions which might arise of breaking their Amity, which could be none else but the two Rivers of Poe and Ada; that the Cities of Brescia and Cremona were so situated, as unless they were Masters of Cremona, their Dominion must be continually divided and weak, and subject to many Inconveniences. That the better to strengthen the new League, it was best to renew it upon the same conditions which were formerly accepted of by the King, that the King could not retract (without injury to them) from any thing which was treated upon and concluded by Fe●rerio, not without his knowledge. Thus whilst both the parties were firm to their opinions, Affairs grew every day more difficult, and there appeared less hope of bringing them to their desired end. The Pope was very much moved, when he heard of this Treaty, though it came to him but by an uncertain Rumour, and was occasioned rather by Jealousy than by apparent Evidence, he therefore being desirous to keep the French and the Venetians divided, began to lay aside much of that severity wherewith he had wont to treat with them, and endeavoured to sweeten them with many Courtesies and Humanity's. He excused himself for having entered into a new League with Caesar, whereunto he was enforced, for the avoiding of many mischiefs: He promised that when he should have secured his own Affairs, he would declare himself a Friend to the Commonwealth; that the mean while he would not take up any Temporal Army against them, but would annul the Ecclesiastical Censures which he had laid upon them. Moreover the Swissers exhorted thereunto by Cardinal Sedunensa, a great Friend to the French, and being also stirred up by the Pope, sent their Ambassadors to Venice, to use their Authority in this business, which at this time was very great with all Princes, out of the high esteem which was had of their Military Valour. These exhorted the Senate to Peace, and making great boasts of themselves, and of their Power, strove to make all other Friendships less safe, and less desirable than theirs. Likewise by Advice of the same Pope the Viceroy of Naples sent Pietro di Castro to Venice, to let the Senate understand that the Viceroy had Power to prolong as long as they should please, the Peace which but a little before they had concluded with Caesar, by Ferdinand's procurement, and to use all means to confirm such as were jealous in their ancient Friendship and Affection with his King. The Senators being assaulted by these several Addresses, as if it had been by so many Engines; whereas they were jointly minded before, to make Peace with France and renew the War, some of them began now to think upon Peace; which they did the sooner, because News came every day from several parts, of great Preparations for War, which Henry King of England was making to assault France. Whence it was to be feared that King Lewis being busied in defending his own Kingdoms, could not that year bethink himself of the Affairs of Italy, nor employ his Forces therein: Therefore as soon as any Proposition was made tending to the new League, the others by spinning out time endeavoured to abstruct the business. They put them in mind of the great miseries of those times, affirming that after so much labour and danger it was now time to endeavour Peace to themselves, and their Subjects. That all humane things were governed with a certain variety and change, and by a perpetual turning about, were seen sometimes to increase, sometimes to diminish; that their Commonwealth had enjoyed Prosperity for a long time; it now became them to bear with some Adversity, that when the times should alter, she might recover her ancient Reputation, Empire, and Glory. That therefore they were to use such Wisdom and Temper, as not to bring their Commonwealth to ultimate ruin, by pressing upon time, and by too hastily accelerating the n●w growth of their Commonwealth; that all Italy might bear witness of the French men's cruel dispositions, which being imperiously used by them as well in Peace as in War, might prove how this Nation was equally troublesome and insupportable both to their Friends and Enemies. That to open the way again to this barbarous Nation, was to return Italy into much misery and calamity. That Maximilian 's nature was such, as through his Inconstancy and immense Prodigality, which had oft time brought him to greatest Extremities, they might assuredly hope shortly, and at no great expense, to recover all that he possessed of theirs. But others laboured to persuade the contrary, who were of opinion, that a high, though no assured hope, aught to be preferred before safer, but more humble thoughts. They said the Venetians were never so overcome by fear, as by so great a desire of quiet, to forego all occasions of just and glorious War. That it was therefore, that the fame of their Commonwealth was so highly extolled, and loudly cried up even in the farthest distant Nations. And that she had then purchased most praise, when she appeared to be almost extinct, triumphing over victorious Fortune. That they should still keep the same noble resolutions; for all things do at last bow to Worth. That their greatest dangers were already over, that they did not fight now for safety, but now for Glory and Empire. That since they had so freely undergone the weight of so great War, there was no necessity of oppressing the little remainders by Peace and Agreement, but to secure their Affairs for a longer time by a famous Victory: That they should remember what the common Proverb says, That every one builds up his own Fortune. That the loss at Geradada was accompanied by many other unfortunate successes, because despairing so soon, they neither hoped for, nor put for any thing. But as assoon as they began to rouse up their minds, their Fortune began likewise to rouse up, and their good hopes were accompanied by good success. That if the Affairs of Italy should be established in a settled Peace, and that Venice now accustomed to the Inconveniences of War, should be abased with idleness and wantonness, it would be too late to hope for the recovery hereafter of her former State and Dignity: That the condition of Italy was now such as she needed not to fear any prejudice by the coming in of the French, but that she might the rather recover her liberty by means of their Forces, so much the more easily, for that being now Lorded over by several powerful Princes, every one of their Authorities would become weaker, and less formidable; and one not bearing with an others greatness, it might so fall out as she might shake off the yoke of all foreign Nations. That if she should now sit down by so great injuries done her by her Colleagues, she would assuredly be hereafter scorned by all people, and injured without any manner of respect; that this might be argued, by the French men's so much desiring amity with the Commonwealth for no other reason, save only that they knew how generous and powerful she was by the revenge which she had taken of them. From this diversity of opinions and contention, the advice for War or Peace was carried on uncertainly: The doubtfulness of the thing itself was rendered yet more doubtful by the nature and condition of those with whom they treated. For the Emperor Maximilian was of a lively Spirit, able Body, patient in undergoing Labour, and with all was well acquainted with Military Affairs. But his drifts and affections were contrary to one another: He was hasty in Council, his Speech and Actions differed, he willingly embraced all that was presented unto him, but did not much mind the effecting of them. The Name of the Empire was large and magnific; but this Dignity was rather sustained by an appearing greatness, then by any real strength. It was otherwise with King Lewis, the power of whose Kingdom was very great, and his desire of War no less. But his desire of Dominion was such, as he made it lawful to break his word, and to violate all Justice, which the Venetians were sufficiently taught by the remembrance of their late received Injuries: Therefore as his Friendship seemed in some respects greatly desirable; so in some other it was as dangerous and suspicious. No certain hope was to be built upon the Popes, nor the King of Spain's promises; their assistance being weak and uncertain, and their Counsels not very sincere, which was sufficiently witnessed by their past Actions: So as it might easily be known, that their thoughts were set only upon their own particular designs, not upon the preservation of the Commonwealth. Hence it was that the hopes and hazards of War were equally poised. The Senators opinions being thus divided, the good Fortune of the Commonwealth did at last decide the business, which had destinied her to a larger and more lasting Empire. For this business being long discussed by the College of the Savii (who are sixteen picked out by the Senate, distinguished amongst themselves by several degrees of Dignities, and by distinct Offices, to whom it belongs to advise of all public Affairs, and report them to the Senate) it was by a joint Vote propounded, that by all means the League was to be made with the French; whereby the Commonwealth might be freed from the Treachery of the Confederates. The Senate was well pleased with the agreement, and with almost an universal consent, the renewing of the War was agreed upon: and that the business might be the more easily proceeded in, (they not having of many days received any Letters from Gritti) the Senate sent one speedily away to treat the business with the King, and Luigi di Pietro, Secretary to the Council of Ten, was chosen out to this purpose. He was enjoined first to endeavour Gritti's liberty, if it were not already granted him: For the Senate had at the same time chosen him for their Ambassador, authorising him to confirm the agreement, and to bind the Commonwealth by oath, to the observance thereof▪ but that if Gritti's setting at liberty should be too long delayed, that he himself should act that part with the King: that he should leave nothing undone to get Cremona and Giaradada to be restored to the Commonwealth: but that if he should find no hope thereof, he should not notwithstanding delay settling the agreement; provided that things agreed upon should immediately be put in effect, and that the King's men should forthwith come into Italy. For all the hopes of Victory seemed to consist in making haste, and in the terror of a sudden War, whilst the Enemies being but yet weak, might be easily suppressed. But before the Secretary could get to the Court of France the Pope unexpectedly died, notwithstanding which News, he was not sent for back, it being uncertain who should be chosen next Pope, and no less uncertain how he would stand affected to Venice; and howsoever the Senate thought the Friendship of so great a King must be a great Establishment and Reputation to their Affairs. It was said that a great affliction of mind was the chief cause of Pope Julio's death; for being very much subject to passion, and immoderately desirous of Glory, he could not long lie under the grief, hearing his advice mightily blamed by all men: That by his too much severity he had forced the Venetians to make Friendship with the French, and was cause of rekindling the War in Italy, which not long before he had much to his Praise, extinguished. It was evidently seen by many signs that julio was of a very eager Spirit, which neither his Age nor Dignity was able to correct or temper. As soon as the Secretary was come to France the King granted Gritti his full Liberty, and the League was suddenly concluded upon these conditions. That Cremona and Giaradada should be understood to be annexed to the State of Milan, and to belong unto the King; but that Brescia, Burgamo, and Crema should remain free to the Venetians, and that the King should quit all his Claim or Right therein to them. That the Colleagues should be bound to assist each other, and to run the same fortune in War, till such time as the King should be Master of the whole State of Milan, and that likewise the Commonwealth should be re-invested in all that she was possessed of in Terra Firma before the War. That all Prisoners on either side should be set at liberty and restored to their Goods and Country; and that free commerce might be granted both in the State of Venice and in France. It was afterwards added that by joint consent they should use all diligence to draw any Prince of Italy into the League, and particularly the Pope, who if he would enter thereinto should be allotted the first place. The League being thus concluded, and established by Oath on all sides, free power to depart the Kingdom was permitted to Gritti, to Bartholomeo o' Alviano, and to all the other Prisoners. Things being thus disposed of and confirmed, the Senate thought it was fit to give an account thereof to the other Kingdoms, and chiefly to the King of England, which by public order was done by the Commonwealth's Ambassador, then resident in that Court. Who said, That the Venetians moved by the Counsels and friendly Advertisements of that King, had the more readily accepted of Peace; that they had with patience suffered many unjust offences done by the Colleagues, to the end that by their Friendship, some occasion might be offered of co●ing to a fair agreement with Caesar. But that now it was too apparently seen that his Affairs grew daily w●rse and worse; and that the League being broken, not under the appearing name of Peace, but with apparent Injury, he plotted against their Liberty. So as being violenced by necessity, and not to abandon the welfare of the Commonwealth, they had contracted Friendship with the French. That they called God and man to witness the sincerity of their Souls and Counsels, and of the present necessity. But they excused themselves handsomely to the King of Spain, laying all the fault upon the late Pope; for that being long troubled, and confused by his dubious and importune Counsels, and also often provokea by Injuries, they were enforced to betake themselves to new Friendships, and to better helps to preserve their Affairs, which were in danger of precipitation. But howsoever they said they did not contemn the League which they had made with that King, but that they desired to continue his Friendship. This mean while john, Cardinal of Sancta Maria in Dominica, one of the House of Medeci was chosen Pope by the universal consent of the Cardinals. All men were overjoyed with this Election, but chiefly the Venetians, as those, who had always been very kind and civil to the House of Medeci, which was at that time received into the City, and put into the number of the noble Families, in whom the power of choosing the Magistrates, and the Majesty of the Empire in the Commonwealth of Venice lay. Wherefore the Senate hoped they might easily draw the new Pope to join with them in League and Friendship. But Leo, as soon as he was made Pope, had many high thoughts, revolved many things in his mind, fitting his Counsels sometimes for War, sometimes for Peace. He was moved by his ancient Customs, and by the Life which he had formerly led to embrace quiet, chiefly now, when he found he was in such supreme Authority: He thought it became him, who had always professed an Inclination to Learning, and to the Love of the Liberal Sciences, to foment Peace and Concord, by which those Studies are nourished, and do marvellously increase. Moreover he was to have respect to his high Dignity, wherein he knew he had taken upon him a great Charge, especially since he had raised so great an expectation of himself amongst all men, as he was very vigilantly to think upon the common welfare and safety; to the end that Italy and all other Nations who hoped to find some ease to their long sufferings, by his Popedom, might enjoy peace and safety. To these Considerations it was also added, that having often times tried adversity, he ought to shun all occasions of putting himself into the hands of Fortune. By experience of the late evils he did hate the name of War. But yet he thought not peace safe, amidst such rumour of Wars and general Confusion. He knew that men were naturally apt to grow insolent by successful victory, which bore them headlong to satiate all their appetites. That therefore whosoever should prove Conqueror was to be feared; that all Foreign Princes had so great a desire to be Masters of Italy, as whosoever of them should be very powerful, would endeavour to bereave all the weaker Princes of their States. Nor was the memory of the last Pope a small means to incite Leo to War, finding that by his Actions and diligence, the Church Territories were very much increased both for Dominion and Reputation. But if he should resolve upon taking up of Arms, he was in great dispute, with which party he should side. He was much troubled to think of the returning of the French into Italy, remembering the late private Injuries; and calling to mind the dangers of his Predecessor julius the second, and those wherewith he himself was likewise threatened by the Pysan Council, which was removed to Lions, but not extinct; he held the Power of the French to be very formidable. But on the other side, the French being joined with the Venetians, did daily increase so much in Force and Reputation, as no apparent means was seen how to make head against so great a Power. He knew that the Cities in the State of Milan, being plundered sometimes by their Enemies, sometimes by their Friends, were so exhausted, as it was impossible to get any considerable sum of money from them to maintain the War. And the Swissers, in whom all the hopes of safety seemed to remain, were known not to be willing to undertake any thing which they might not greatly gain by. And an opinion was had of them, that they had so given themselves over unto Avarice, as not being withheld by any shame, they grew oft times so very greedy and so immoderate in their demands, as the Treasure of a King was not able to satisfy them Nor saw he how he could lay any good Foundation for his designs, upon help from the Spaniards, though their Actions should be answerable to their words. Leo being thus full of various thoughts, did often alter his opinion, and was not steadfast to any one resolution. In the beginning of his Popedom he by his Briefs had exhortted all Christian Princes to peace and union, and to bring them the more easily thereunto, he resolved so to carry himself, as not to seem to incline to either party. Yet at the same time, as if he had laid aside all hopes of agreement, he incited the Venetians against the French, endeavouring to persuade them, that not only the Commonwealth of Florence, would side with his Authority, but that the Swissers would take up Arms, for the Liberty of Italy, and join in League with him and the Duke of Milan. But the Venetians would not hearken to this Advice, as well for that they thought they ought not to forsake the certain League which they had already made with the French out of any vain hopes; as also that looking more inwardly into the truth of the business, they knew that those things which at first sight did promise apparent liberty, did much increase the dangers, and hasten the Slavery of Italy. For it is most certain, that the French had not so regulated their designs by the Forces and favour of the Venetians, but that they treated the same time concerning divers things with Cesar, by whom they were sure they might always be easily received, for he very much desired their Friendship; neither did they think it was harder to agree with the King of Spain for what concerned Italy, since they had already accommodated their most important businesses with him, beyond the Mountains. Ferdinand who was a very wily Prince, was already accustomed to abuse the French by his wary Courses, and to reap the fruit of their Labours. Therefore the Venetians minded the Pope that there was nothing more dangerous, then by too much trusting the Spaniards, to put the whole Affairs of Italy into their hands; that they had condescended that an Italian Duke should be Master of Milan, because they knew he was rather to be a Prince in appearance than in effect, whereby they hoped they might reduce that State upon the first occasion that should be offered, under their Dominion. That therefore moved by the same Interests, they professed now to defend Maximilian Sforza, that they might make use of the Millanese and of the Swissers, to drive the French out of Italy, whom they thought they ought only to fear. That it might clearly be seen the Spaniards did no less aspire to the Empire of Italy, then did the French; but whereas these made their way by open Force, the others finding themselves to be too weak, sought to work their ends by cunning and by cozenage, and did under a colour of Friendship with the Italians, undermine their Liberties. That therefore it was very advantageous to suffer the Forces and Reputation of an other Foreign Prince to increase in Italy, to obviate their Power, since that the Italians, who had been so long afflicted with War, were not able of themselves to defend themselves against Foreign Nations. The Venetians did by these reasons make good their Counsels and Actions, but whilst these things were in Treaty with the Pope, all sides made diligent preparations for War. Nay Princes seemed to be the more set thereupon, for that Leo by his various thoughts and promises, made many of them hope to be able to maintain the War by his Help and Authority. But the Venetians were more solicitous in this business than the rest, as those who found themselves most necessitated to continue the War; therefore they raised men diligently in all parts to make up an Army. They solicited the King of France continually to come speedily into Italy, showing him that the Victory consisted chiefly in celerity. That if such Cities as were not yet provided of Garrisons should be on the sudden assaulted, they might be easily reduced into their Power. But that if the business were spun out in length, greater difficulties would daily arise. King Lewis being moved by these Exhortations, bend himself wholly upon this War: and being desirous to employ his whole Forces therein, he agreed with Ferdinando to lay down Arms on the other side of the Mountains for a certain time. This King was so carried away with a vain glorious desire of recovering the State of Milan, as he valued neither fear nor infamy. So as not caring what blame he might incur thereby, he by this suspension of Arms gave over his Friends and Kinsman's Cause, the King of Navarr, who for having taken part with the French, was a little before driven out of his Kingdom by the Spaniards, and reduced to a miserable condition. And being likewise advertised of great preparation for War made by Henry King of England, a powerful Prince, to assault France, he contemned the Forces of that Kingdom, though they had oft times made the French feel them to their Cost. For having already in his mind taken in the whole state of Milan, and taken the Victory for granted, he thought he might bring back his victorious Army time enough to defend his own Kingdom, before the English, devested of all Military Preparations by reason of their long Peace, could provide all things necessary for so great an Enterprise. All the King's men me● then according to Orders, in the City of Susa, that they might the more easily pass from thence into Italy. Lewis Lord of Tremuglia, a Personage very famous both for his Birth, and for many places which he had discharged, was made chief Commander of the Army. Yet the War was for the most part governed according to the pleasure of Giovanni Giacomo Trivulcio, who was at that time in great estimation for his great experience in Military Affairs. 'Twas said that the French Army consisted of about 20000 fight men; 〈…〉 mustered 8000 choice Italian Foot, to which were added 200 C●rassiers, and 500 light Horse, and a great Train of Artillery, which did much strengthen the Army. Two noble Venetians, Domenico Contareno, and Andrea Loredano were the Commissaries general, whose particular care it is to provide Victuals, moneys, and all things requisite for the Army, and then to be assistant in their Advice to the Captain General in all difficult businesses; for the Venetians do themselves execute all the places of the Militia by Sea, but in Terra firma, by their ancient wont, and the Custom of their Forefathers, they manage their War by Foreigners. At this time Bartholomeo Alviano was Captain General of the Venetian Army, who being lately returned from France, and Count Pitigliano being dead, was chosen by the Senate to succeed in his place, with the same Conditions, which were granted formerly to Pitigliano. His yearly pay was 50000 Ducats, and he was bound to keep still on foot 300 Curassiers, and 500 Cross-bow men on Horseback, to be ready upon any occasion to serve the Commonwealth. This man when his place was conferred upon him, went to the Army, which was then upon the Banks of Adice, and thinking it fit to be speedy in the business, began forthwith to exhort the Senate that he might anticipate the time, and that they would suffer him to march with his Army into the state of Milan, whilst the Enemy were unprovided of aid, and the Cities ungarrisoned. That all other attempts would be in vain, or to very little purpose: that it was requisite that the Venetians should run the same fortune as did the French in 〈◊〉 War. That if Affairs should go well with them, it was no question but they were to share in the good Fortune; but if otherwise, they had no hope, neither of getting any thing, nor yet of keeping any thing that they had lately regained. But the Senate after they had well and narrowly examined the business, resolved that the Army should not pass the Rivers of Po and Ada; for what remained they left the whole managing of the War free to Alviano, with leave to direct his Forces and Designs, whither he should be invited by the negligence of the Enemy, or advised by his own Industry and Reason. There was not as yet any certain News come that the French were past the Alps; therefore the Senate thought it a rash Counsel to leave their Country exposed to the Injuries of the Enemy, and to send their Army to a place, from whence, in any case of adverse fortune, they could not return. But Alviano, being very fervent in all he took in hand, and very quick and bold, thinking that the occasion and the present condition of Affairs invited him so to do, resolved to advance immediately with his Army, and took his way first towards Verona, hoping to get that City. Pandolfo Malatesta was taken into pay by Cesar at this time, and made Governor of one of the Towers, who alured by greater rewards, had sided with the Enemy when Affairs went ill with the Commonwealth. This man had agreed with some Citizens who stood well affected to the Venetians, to let in Alviano by St. George his Gate, as soon as he should be come unto the walls of the City. But the Conspiracy being discovered, and Alviano knowing that the Town could not be easily stormed, as also that though he should take the Town, he must spend much time in taking in the Towers, he thought it better to hasten towards Cremona, and in his March thither took the Town of Vallegio, and the Castle of Peschiera; places for their situation very fit and convenient for the State of Venice. He gave the charge of Vallegio to Zacharia Ghisi, and that of Peschiera to Luigi Bembo, and gave 200 Soldiers a piece to each of them. The News of the Venetian Armies approach being come to Cremona, those of the Town who were of the contrary Faction, soon left the City, and the rest who were of the Province of Marcha, received Alviano and all his men readily into the City, who were allowed to plunder a thousand Spanish Foot, and 200 Curassiers, who had the custody or the City; the Commanders not suffering any prejudice to be done to the Citizens, and keeping the Soldiers from plunder. As soon as Alviano was entered within the Walls, he soon made himself Master of the whole City; for the Castle whereinto the Venetians had formerly put a Garrison, who had sent a supply by Renzo de Ceri, held still for the French. Alviano displaying the French Colours upon the Walls, let the City know that he received it in the Name of Lewis King of France, for whom Theador de Triulcio, who was then his Legate in the Venetian Army, did take it. He afterwards endeavoured to free the Commonwealth from any b●ame, if having tried all things in vain she were forced to accommodate ●er self to the Times, and yield up so rich a City, and one which she did so dearly love, to another. He moreover exhorted the City to keep their Loyalty to so puissant and bountiful a King▪ under whose Government, if they would be honest and faithful men, they might promise themselves to live for ever after safe, and free from many grievances: for which they were obliged to the Venetians, who had procured them that good which they could never have hoped for from the afflicted Fortune of a petty Duke. These things being so happily and so speedily done, won great Reputation to the Venetian Army; in so much as Soncino, Lodi, and other Towns of Giaradada, following the Example of Cremona, surrendered themselves to Alviano. But the Venetians fared otherwise in the Territories of Verona and Vicenza: For after Alviano was gone with his Army, and had left small Garrisons in the Cities and Towns which held for them, and that Sigismonde di Cavalli Commissary General of the Venetian Militia stayed behind with some few men at St. Bonefaccio; the Germans, who kept Verona being advertised thereof, sallied out of the City with 2000 Foot and 500 Horse, and unexpectedly assault the Commissary. Our men, who for the most part were rude and unexperienced, troubled at the sudden assault, betook themselves to their heels, and those few which stayed and would stand the Enemy, being forsaken by their Companions, fell into their power, and amongst those Costanzo Pio, a man famous for Birth and Worth. The Commissary Cavalli seeing all his men routed, and chiefly the Alban Horse, wherein he had placed his chiefest hope, began likewise to run, and with him Giovanni Forte, a Captain of Curassiers, and a Tro●p of Horse which had tarried with him; wherewith they got to Cologna; but were so hotly pursued by the Enemy, as being hardly entered the Town, and not having ●ny the least time to take a better Garrison into the Town, or to put the men who were there in a posture of defence, they understood that the Enemy were come, and were about the Walls: The Town being therefore strongly assaulted, and but slenderly defended, was stormed and sacked. Cavalli, and Vector Malipiero, Mayor of the Town, together with some others of quality, knowing that they were not safe in the Castle whereinto they were retired, yielded themselves up to the Enemy, and were by them taken Prisoners. The Dutch men loaded with prey, and not having received any harm returned back to Verona, the Enemies grown insolent by their successes, began to promise themselves greater prosperity; and thus going forth of the City with 4000 Foot and 500 Horse, they marched towards Vicenza; which coming to the knowledge of Giovan Paolo Manfrone, who had the keeping of that City, he took in many Country men to a Band of Soldiers which he had with him, and provided for any accident that might happen. But the Dutchmen overrunning the Territories of Vicenza, ruined all things with sword, fire, and rapine; and being come to the Town of Arzignano, after having taken it, they committed great slaughter amongst the Townsmen, set fire on the Castle, and on other Buildings, and despairing of ever getting the Town of Vicenza, they returned safe to Verona. Whilst Affairs went on thus in these parts, tumults did daily increase, and disorders grow greater in the state of Milan; nothing there was safe or quiet. There was neither City nor Castle, which either could, or endeavoured to resist the Enemy: for the people of Milan, and the other Towns thereabout, being moved again by the approaching of the Venetian Army, and by the French men's passing over the Alps, began to waver in their Loyalty. The people wearied but a little before with the Government of the French, did very much desire the return of the Sforza's, their ancient Lords and Masters: But finding afterwards that they had not got that Liberty nor Immunity which they expected (for Maximilian their new Duke, being but a weak Prince, was forced to burden the State with many impositions, and being jealous of many, was necessitated to injure many for the better securing of his Dominion) changing their minds, as is common with the vulgar people to do, were desirous of Novelties: thinking that for the future they should be in better condition, and under more just Laws, if the State should return again to be governed by the French. Many also who hated idleness and quiet; some who were poor and banished, and other moved by the diversity of Factions, favoured the French. Therefore Count Mausocco, son to Giovan Giacopo Trivulsio being gone with a Troop into sundry places to make the people rise, finding them ready thereunto, did easily work his ends. Moreover Sacramoro Viscount, who had the Charge of besieging the Castle of Milan, forsaking the Sforza's as soon as he saw them forsaken by Fortune, wheeled about with her, and suffering the besieged to be relieved both with men and victuals, discovered himself so far an Enemy to Duke Maximilian, as it was now said abroad that he did not only plot against his State, but against his life. Maximilian being therefore greatly troubled, seeing his Affairs in so bad a posture, and seeking to provide for his own safety, retired with some few Horse into Navarre, to try the utmost of his Fortune. For he understood that some Troops of the Swissers were already got thither, expecting to be followed by many others of their Nation, who came in much greater numbers to defend that State. Wherefore the Millaneses, seeing their City bereft both of Commander and Soldiers, that their Castle which was well garrisoned, was in the hands of the French, and that the Enemy's Army drew near, some alured by hopes of better Fortune, others moved by fear, thought it best to put themselves willingly into the power of the French, and to this purpose to send Ambassadors to the General of the Venetians Army, who having already made a Bridge over the Ada, threatened to bring his Army before the Town. This mean while the French, with whom was Andrea Gritti, as Ambassador from Venice, assaulted Italy, took many Cities and Castles, some by slight skirmishes, some without any withstanding. Thus the state of Milan, straitened at one and the same time by the French and the Venetian Armies, fell in a short time into the French men's hands. Two only Cities, Navarre and Como held still for Maximilian. The Venetians heightening their hopes by these prosperous successes, promised unto themselves a happy end of all the War. Their Army was grown into such Reputation, after the getting of Cremona, as Renzo da Ceri being ordered by Alviano to go with a Band of Soldiers to recover Brescia, the City yielded as soon as he came before it. For the Spaniards who had the Guard thereof, when they heard of his approach, withdrew themselves into the Castle. There was but one thing which appeared might hinder the conceived hopes of Victory, which was, that it was said, the Swissers had so zealously undertaken to protect Duke Maximilian, as it was thought they would prefer his honour, before whatsoever other thing. Their Nation was then in very great esteem, out of the opinion which was had of their excellent Discipline in War. Wherefore they were much celebrated and feared by all people. So as blown up with Pride for having once had good success in their attempts, chiefly because the French Forces were once worsted by their means, and Duke Maximilian restored to his state, aspiring yet to greater Glory, they did totally despise the French Nation, which they had once overcome. Their haughty minds could not endure to be despised and undervalved by King Lewis, who when there was a treaty of renewing the League with them, seemed more desirous of some little advancement of Moneys, than of their Friendship; whereupon the business remained undecided. These men said that they had always highly esteemed the King of F●ance his Friendship, that they had toiled very much in several Wars to the end that he might by them receive Glory, that having by their egregious actions deserved much better salary than they demanded, they could not receive such reasonable reward from that ungrateful King, as they by their service and hazard had won. King Lewis repenting this his advice, sent his Ambassadors to their Diets to accord those differences, who though they had endeavoured to please some of the best amongst them with presents and promises, yet could they not get them to receive the King into their Friendship. 'Tis thought that the hopes of great Reward, and an Opinion of vain Glory did incite the multitude to fight against the King of France since they saw their Friends and Companions rich, and returned with Conquest from the late Wars of Italy. The Pope's authority and exhortations were added to these things; for julio was wont mightily to magnify the Helvetians, whom he had honoured with the glorious title of DEFENDERS of the ECCLESIASTICAL LIBERTY: and Leo did continually, though underhand, solicit them to take upon them the defence of the state of Milan. Besides he had sent them a certain sum of Money, by Morone, Maximillian's Ambassador, under pretence that it was due unto them for service done in the other Pope's time. And since the recent Memory of the glorious Actions done by that Nation invites me thereunto, I have thought it greatly suiting with the business which I am now in hand with, to say something of their Customs and Discipline. The Swissers are a Nation of Rustics, far from any neatness or civil breeding, but very desirous of War, and for strength of body, beyond all the Nations of Europe. They inhabit those high Hills which bound France on the West side, and on the East and North Confine upon Germany. Therefore as formerly this Country was held a part of Gallia Belgica, so now it is placed as a member thereof, within the Confines of Germany. The Inhabitants suffer much in the scarcity of all things, by reason of the Country's barrenness; the which they use to remedy, not by cultevating the ground, or by marchandizing, as other people for the most part do, but by the pay which they get in the Wars: They think that curious and delicate living makes men effeminate, therefore despising Learning and all civil Adornments, they spend their lives in continual sweat and labour. So as being naturally strong of body, and accustoming themselves to hunger, watching, cold, and thirst, they do so strengthen themselves, as they can easily undergo the hardest things. As soon as their years will suffer them to bear Arms, they leave their own homes, put themselves into other Princes pay, and learn all Military Affairs in Armies. Hence is it, that strength of body, and experience in War, makes these fiercely minded men, so daring, as they dread not any Enemy; nor is there any Enterprise so hard or difficult, which they do not willingly undertake; whereby they have won singular praise for matter of War, amongst all Nations: and their Discipline is chiefly esteemed in pitched fields, when people fight with Banners flying. For they so order their Squadrons, as they stand fast and firm, and bear any shock of the Enemy without any disorder. But this their great Industry is marred and corrupted by many bad Customs, so as they deserve not that praise which is due to true Worth. For they esteem nothing a fault in War, but to fear the Enemy, and think it not a fault for able valiant men, to take Liberty in committing other faults, so as the Soul being sick and weak in what concerns true Honour, suffers herself the more easily to be contaminated. They have often therefore been observed to despise Loyalty, to refuse obedience even to modest Commands, and to measure all things according to their own Interests, more than according to Honesty. They have Liberty in great esteem, and veneration, and profess the maintaining thereof more than any other Nation doth. Wherewith being contented, and secured by their cragged situation, they go out of their Confines, not with any intention of enlarging them, but to fight for other men's Power and Glory. So they exercise the Militia rather for profit and private praise, then to acquire Empire and public Dignity. They are divided into many Commonalties, which they call Cantons; and order their Affairs after a form of civil Government, according to the Rules of a popular State. Every Canton hath its particular Laws, and have peculiar Magistrates to do them justice.. But when they treat of most important business, which appertain either to War, or Peace, they all convene in a common Council, which according to occasion is appointed in several places The way to public Employments is open to all, for valiant Actions are those which are only esteemed as ornament and greatness in this Nation, which knows no other Riches or Nobility then what is placed in Military Valour. Finally their whole Life is nothing but Warfare, whereby they have won such Reputation with all other Nations, as great provisions are paid in unto them, both in public and in private, by the most potent Kings of Europe. And Ambassadors are sent to them from all parts, to seek League and Friendship with them. But the Swissers seemed to love the Venetians above all others, only for the name of Liberty which is so acceptable to them. Therefore our Commonwealth, to honour them the more, was wont to call them not only Friends, but Cousins, and hath often made use of their Friendship, particularly at that time when by their assistance they drove the French out of Italy. Therefore the Venetian Senate relying much upon the Swissers, chose Pietro Stella, Secretary of the Consiglio di Pregadi, and sent him to them in the Commonwealth's name, to endeavour the taking of them off from the League which they had made with their Enemies, and to reduce them to Friendship with the French. But when the Secretary was come to Zurick, and began to acquaint them with his Embassy, the fierce multitude, highly incensed against the King of France, could not only not be persuaded so to do, but scandalised with the motion, suffered themselves to be so carried away with an uncurbed fury, as violating the Laws of Nations, they used violence upon the Venetian Secretary, who with much ado and by means of some of the chiefest, and wisest amongst them, escaped the danger, and by order from the Magistrates was secured in his own house. The Council being then called hereupon, war against the French, was with such joint consent and such fervour resolved upon, as most upon receiving very little pay, and many without any pay at all, made themselves be listed in the Militia, and having in a short time made up a numerous Army, they began to fall down by Squadrons into the Dukedom of Milan. When the French Commanders heard that they were come, they were much troubled, remembering their gallant late actions; but considering that they had neither Horse, Victuals, Artillery, nor any other thing fit for an Enterprise, they thought they were not to fear such Enemies as came without any warlike Preparations, rather to pillage than to fight. So as they thought that being dissipated by their own necessities, they would return home without doing any thing, as they had sometime formerly done. Therefore the French not valuing this the Enemy's succour, left the City of Alexandria well garrisoned, where they had made their first stay, and marched with their Army towards Novara, they intended first to try the Swissers with gifts and promises, and see whether they could sooner overcome them with Gold, then with the Sword; hoping that they might easily bribe them to deliver up Duke Maximilian into their hands, following therein the example of their own Countrymen, who had violated their Faith some few years before to his Father Lodowick, in the same place: Which though it should not succeed, thought the taking of that Town would prove no hard business, wherewith they hoped the War would be ended. But this advice was even then blamed by men of great Experience and Fame in Military Affairs, who said the French did not manage the War well, who having already reduced almost all the Cities and Castles in the Sforza's possession, had bend all their Forces upon the taking of Novara, where they would find employment for a good while; when to have done well they should have marched forward with their whole Army to encounter the Spaniards, whom when they should have overcome, and driven out of the State of Milan, it might be hoped that the Swissers seeing themselves deceived in their hopes from the Spaniards, would take some other course, now that they were not far from their own homes. Therefore Gritti had often times exhorted the French Commanders to mind chiefly the beating of the Spanish Army, whereon the Enemies chief refuge did seem then to depend, and the maintaining of the War. And the Venetian Senate, thinking that the Enterprise should be handled thus, had given order to their General, and to their Commissaries, to make a Bridge over the Ada, giving out that they would suddenly pass their men over to meet with the French, to the end that the Spaniards frighted thereat, should not only forbear sending succour to the Swissers, but might be enforced to think of their own safety, and retire into the Kingdom of Naples. The Viceroys mind was various and uncertain, and his way uncertain; for being gotten but a little from the River Tre●bia, he returned the next day to the same place, and quartered his Camp there, which made all men grow jealous of him, it not being evidently seen whether he meant to retreat, and abandon the Swissers, or by seeming to do so, to assault the Venetian Army at unawars: But seeing that he kept the same Quarters a good while, every one believed that he stayed expecting the event of things, and accordingly to govern himself, either in continuing Peace with the Venetians, or in making open War against them. Therefore the Venetian Senate carrying themselves in all their resolves, according to the variousness of his Designs, ordered Alviano, that if the Spanish Army should pass over the River Poe, to join with the Swissers, who marched towards Novara, that he should advance with all his Forces to free that City from being besieged, and to give credit and assistance to the French Affairs. But that if they should pass the Poe on the lower side, and that he did conceive they meant to come upon the Territories of Verona, to join with the other Enemies of the Commonwealth; that then he should keep his men in such a place as he might be ready to assist wheresoever need should require. Alviano therefore halted with his Army in the Territories of Cremona, that he might turn any whither according to the Proceedings of the Enemy. This mean while the French had in vain made many assaults upon Novara, which was stoutly defended by the Swissers, and now despairing to take it by force, they were in a great strait; for they had certain Intelligence that the Defendants did daily expect great succours: Wherefore the undertaking grew more difficult; they thought that if they should give it over and retreat, the honour of their Army would be much lessened, and the Enemy would be thereby much inheartned; and if they should tarry longer in the same Quarters, they saw it would be to no purpose, and not without danger. Some of the Commanders were of opinion that the Army should remove from those Marish Grounds, and march into open Campagnia, where the Chivalry, wherein their chiefest hopes lay, might show their Worth. That therefore they should go to encounter the Enemy, and set upon them on their way, whom they might easily overcome, since they were unfurnished of all warlike Preparation. But Trivulsio's opinion prevailed, whose experience Fortune began already to mock. He said they were not to hazard themselves upon the uncertain Event of a Battle, wherefore they withdrew two miles further from the City, and encamped themselves near the River Mora, to the end that lying in a safer place they might keep the Enemy from Victuals, and by this means enforce them to surrender. When the French had altered their Quarters, the Swissers not seeing the Enemy appear any where, entered safely into the City of Novara, and were exceeding joyfully received by the besieged; and without taking any manner of repose, they called a Council of War, and began to consult how they were to carry on the War, and suddenly it was resolved with a general consent, that they would assault the Enemy's Camp the next night. They were so inflamed with a desire of Glory, as they despised the worth of all other Nations, which heat of theirs was made the greater by the exhortations of some of the Commanders, who laboured to persuade the multitude, That Affairs would grow worse by delay, that dangers did daily increase, and that therewithal Glory would decrease. For they knew that some other of their own Companies would shortly come in to their succour; which, in case that they should get the Victory, would usurp the greatest part thereof: And that notwithstanding, after such an assistance, their condition would be impaired, if they knew not how to make use of the present occasion of fight, which was offered them. For that there was certain News come that both many Foot and Horse were come into the City of Alexandria, sent by the King of France to join with his Army; which if they should be suffered to join with the rest of the Enemy's Forces, Maximillian's Affairs, and the defence of that City would be reduced to great difficulties. That therefore a short delay might produce great difficulties, and spoil a fair advantage. That they were to make use of the opportunity of place, and time which was offered them, whilst they had means so to do. That they had then great commodiousness to order their Army in the open Campagnia, and to assault the Enemy, who were not encamped in any strong situation, nor had yet time to fortify themselves by Art, or by their Soldier's labours; so as those little works wherein the Enemy were, would rather prove a hindrance, than an advantage to them. But that above all things nothing made so well for them, and so ill for the Enemy, as the obscurity of the night, for than they could make no use of their Guns, wherein they placed their hopes of Victory, more th●n in their own courage: Moreover they came with resolution and minds prepared to fight, whereas they should find the Enemy half asleep, astonished at the Novelty and unexpected Assault, expecting nothing less at such a season, than battle. That they should not fear the smallness of their numbers, nor for that lose any of their ancient Courage, since the Enemy, though they exceeded them in the multitude of men, were not to be compared to them for Valour. That if they should put this off till another time, there was no hopes hereafter of Battle, whereof the Enemy would be very far from giving any occasion, at they who having opportunity by time to fortify their Camp, and being sure to keep the City from Victuals, hoped to get the Victory with less hazard. That gallant men might be thus endangered by base people, when they should suffer themselves to be reduced to such necessity, as they must either fight upon much disadvantage, or else being tired out with want and molestation, fall at last into the Enemy's hands. That it better became their Generosity to run the same hazard of life by making Trial of their Valour, then by suffering the Inconveniences of a Siege. That it was greatness of Spirit, not wariness which was the true Ornament of Soldiers. These warlike men being wholly set on fire by these speeches, they all with loud voice desired to be led on to the Enemy. And feeding themselves with the desire of Glory, and hopes of Victory, were not overcome by the weariness of the way. The Commanders praising their Courage and Resolution, dismissed them, ordering them to be in readiness with their Arms, against the sign should be given. The French having been in Arms all that day, and part of the night, and being told by their Scouts, that all was quiet in Novara, had betaken themselves to their rest; and this being the first night after the raising of their Army, they lay scattered and confutedly amongst their Baggage. The better half of the night being passed over in silence, 10000 Swissers sallied ou● of the Town, and having divided themselves into three bodies, marched speedily straight towards the Enemy, and proceeded in such order, as the farther they advanced, the farther did the Army spread abroad. The greatest Squadron was ordered to assault the Enemy's Camp on the Front, and to begin the Battle: The other two, when they should be come to the Flanks of the Camp, were to tarry there, and keep the French Horse from succouring the Foot. The Swissers began now to march with displayed Banners against the Enemy, who being advertised of their coming by their Scouts, had but very little time allowed them to stand to their Arms, and put themselves in order; for being startled out of their sleep, and the Commanders being no less abashed at the first with the Novelty, than the rest, they were much terrified, not knowing well what to do; yet soon after, gathering such Troops together as the suddenness of the accident would permit, they began to give order for such things as were most necessary; and the Soldiers following their Commanders Order stood to their Arms, and got to their Colours as well as they could. Trivulcio kept in the midst of the Battle, Monsieur de Tremuglia took care of the right Flank, and Ruberto Sedanio commanded the left: They all of them exhorted their men the best they could valiantly to withstand the Enemy, affirming they had no reason to fear them, who were weary and tired with their journey, whilst they themselves were fresh and lusty. They showed them how much superior they were to the Enemy both for advantage of Place and numbers of men; that they wanted nothing to obtain the Victory, if they were not wanting unto themselves in boldness and Courage. The first thing the French did, was forthwith to order their Artillery against the Enemy, whereby to retard the Violence of the Assaulters. But the Swissers, though many of them were slain by the Cannon, keeping their Orders, advanced, and bending towards the right hand, they won the Ditch, which did environ the French Camp, and addressed themselves against the Enemies middle Squadron, which consisted of Dutch Foot, and wherein their chiefest strength lay. Thus a cruel Battle was begun, all sides fight with no less hatred than Courage: For these two Nations, as they use almost one and the same Discipline in War, so being Rivals in Glory, they strive for Precedency in Military Valour. The Dutch were not to be made forsake their Station, and the Swissers were very loath to depart without Victory. The Issue of the Battle was therefore a long while doubtful; but the other two Squadrons of the Swissers, which were sent on the Flanks of the French Camp, being safely got near the Enemy by byways, whereby they escaped the danger of the Cannon; and seeing that the Horse did not move to succour their Foot, they put on another Resolution; the one of them assaulted the Camp in the Rear, where the Soldiers that were on that Guard being slain, and run away, it turned suddenly to pillage the baggage; the other moving with great violence against the French and Navarese Foot, who guarded the Artillery, and making them run, advanced to succour their own men, who were fight with the Dutch; and coming very opportunely, fresh and entire upon the Enemy who were wearied, and weakened with fight, put them into great disorder. This mean while it was noised, that the Swissers were entered the Camp, and were pillaging the Baggage; which as soon as the French Horse heard, who till then had stood still, neither spur of Honour, nor fear of Infamy, being of Power enough to make them enter the Battle, they suddenly ran behind the Camp, to recover the prey from the Enemy. Therefore the Dutch being assaulted on all sides, and forsaken by their Friends, were at last forced to yield. The Commanders and all the rest seeing all hopes of Victory lost, fled, and provided as well as they could, for their own safeties. The French Horse, as if they had quite laid aside their ancient Discipline, did nothing that day worthy praise. There are some notwithstanding that say, that being placed in an ill Quarter, because there was a great Fen between them and the Enemy, they were so hindered as they could not get out of the Camp, nor put themselves into the Battle. This was the Battle of Novara, which I thought I could not pass over with silence, as well for the weight of the business itself, as likewise for the great Calamities which by reason thereof befell the Venetians. Great alteration of Affairs arose suddenly in Italy from this adverse Fortune of the French; and especially of those wherein the Venetians were concerned; For though the greatest part of the French Army, and chiefly the Chivalry, was got safe into the City of Alexandria, the Enemy wanting Horse to pursue the Victory, yet the French, parting soon from thence, retreated to Piemonte, using no less diligence to return into France, than they had done to come for Italy. But Gritti, who being then in the French Camp, accompanied them in this their fight, was not wanting in exhorting them not to be disheartened so soon at Fortunes first blow. He put them in mind, that by this their immoderate fear they would beget an opinion in men, that what had befallen them by chance, and through the obscurity of the night, proceeded from the Enemy's Gallantry, or else from their Cowardice, and that so they would make that their own fault which was the fault of Fortune. That by this base flight the King of France would suffer in his Honour, and the Fame of that Nation, glorious for so many Victories would be obscured. Trivulcio and the other Commanders used the like Persuasions; and it fell out very opportunely, that in their retreat they met with some Foot Companies, and some Troops of Horse which the King had formerly sent to recrute his Army into Italy. But nothing was sufficient to make them stop; they despised their Commanders exhortations and commands, all Military Honour, and whatsoever else, suffering themselves only to be guided by their own Wills. Therefore Gritti seeing the French Army wholly defeated, and knowing he could be no longer serviceable there for his Commonwealth, returned by Savona to Gen●a, and from thence took his way towards Luca, and at last after much ado, and having ran many hazards, got safe to Venice, from whence he had been four years absent. After this Victory, Maximilian Sforza, who being but a little before neglected by all his own men, was not in any good condition, did hereby get such Reputation, as the people's minds altering together with Fortune, Ambassadors flock apace to him from all his Cities to return under his Obedience; and the Millaneses by a solemn Embassy of the chiefest of their City, did strive most of all to obtain his favour and pardon, excusing their Rebellion, and showing themselves willing to do whatsoever he should command them. The Cities were received into favour, upon condition that they should pay a certain sum of money to the Swissers, that so they might reap the fruit of the Victory which was got by their labour and hazard. The Viceroy this mean while, who keeping his Spaniards within their Quarters upon the River Trebia even till this day, which was the thirteenth of june, had not discovered himself to be Enemy neither to the French nor Venetians; following the Fortune of the Conquerors, passed over the Poe, and marched towards the Territories of Cremona to assault the Venetian Camp, which he knew was there: Which when Alviano understood, and finding that the people began to tumultuate in all parts, and that being already begun to be Enemies as well to the Venetians as to the French, they prepared to take up Arms in Maximillians' behalf, he thought it became him to hasten out of those Confines, and to draw his Army safe out of so many difficulties. The Senate hearing the bad News of the rout of the French, had ordered their General, and Commissaries to retreat with their Camp to Valeggio, to defend their Confines; but that they should proceed in such manner, as their Retreat might not seem a running away, whereby their Friends might grow fearful, and their Enemies be emboldened. Yet Alviano putting on such resolves as became him to do upon such an accident; seeing his Affairs grew daily worse and worse, withdrew hastily with his Army to the Territories of Verona. But Cremona having none to defend her, when he was gone, fell quickly into the Spaniards hands, which was sacked for having received the Venetian Army within her Walls. Thus the Viceroy, seeing that other men's dangers had opened a safe way unto his Counsels, resolved to make use of the Occasion, and to fall at the same time upon divers Enterprises. He sent Prospero Colonna with 3000 Foot, and 300 Horse towards Novara to recrute Maximilian with fresh men, if he needed them. He ordered Francisco Hernando Marquis of Pescara to march with a good Band of men towards Genoa, willing him to make what haste he could, to the end that he might assault the City at unawares, and drive Adorno out of it, who was newly made Duke, and who was of the French Faction, and to put Ottaviano Fregoso into his former place, and use all means possible to reduce that City to Ferdinan●s devotion; which things were performed very boldly and luckily by the Marquis. The Viceroy passing with the rest of his Army first over the Poe, and then over the Ada, entered the Venetians Confines, and took Brescia and Bergamo almost without any gainsaying, together with many Castles in those Territories wherein were left either no Garrisons at all, or but very weak ones. These towns were received in Caesar's Name, and according to the abilities of each of them, had great Fines set upon them, which being severely raised, were distributed amongst the Spanish Army. Alviano being very much grieved to see himself bereft of that Glory, whereunto he had with great hopes aspired, but not any whit lessening his desires, and resolving howsoever to make some gallant Attempt, did without difficulty take the town of Liguago as soon as he came into the Territories of Verona, and leaving Giovan Paolo Baglione with 2000 Foot and a good Troop of Horse to take in the Castle, he marched apace with the rest of his Army to Verona, to endeavour the taking of that City by an unexpected Assault. Baglione applied himself diligently to the taking in of the Castle, and having beaten down part of the Wall near the Gate with his Artillery, took it after it had been long and valiantly defended by the Spaniards. Whereby he according to his deserts received thanks by public Order from the Senate. But soon after finding that the town could not be made safe in any convenient time, and that when it should be so, it would require a strong Garrison to keep it, they advised the General and Commissaries, that taking out the Artillery and Victuals, and burning, or throwing the other things into the River, which they could not easily carry away, whereby the Enemy might be deprived thereof, they should quit it, slighting the Castle and the Walls; which was immediately done. This mean while, Alviano, being of a ready and sharp wit, coming with miraculous speed so before the City of Verona, placed his whole Army on that side which appeared to be weakest, and having by frequent shot of cannon thrown down a good part of the Walls, and thereby made way for an Assault, he made all his light Horse advance, and followed in very good order with the rest of his men, that his Army might seem the greater, and more terrible. Then choosing out 3000 of the most valiant, he divided them into three Squadrons, so as they might undergo the labour and peril by turns, and might according to occasion assist one another. With these he gave the first Assault so fiercely, as those who were within upon the Guard of the Wall being frighted, our Soldiers scaled the ruin'd Walls; but the Wall was so high, though in part battered, as kept them from descending into the City. So as being forced to stay there, many were slain by Musket-shot, and the rest endeavouring often to advance, met with greater difficulties. For the Dutch Foot running from all parts to the place of greatest danger, threatened to receive such as should dare to descend, upon their Pikes point. Wherefore Alviano seeing the difficulty of entering the city hourly to increase, and that those who sided with the Commonwealth, did not rise within the Town in his behalf, as he hoped they would have done; despairing to do any good in this Enterprise, he thought it best to give it over, fearing lest his Army might receive more prejudice, having lost 50 men in this Assault, amongst which Tomaso Fabrone a very valiant Gentleman, and a Captain of a Foot Company. Thus with incredible speed he took away his Artillery the same day that he had begun the Battery, and given the Assault; and came with his whole camp to the Tomba; where thinking himself more safe, he put on new Resolutions, hoping to effect his design by another way of Warfare. He blocked up all passages by which any Victuals might be brought to the City, and then began to waste and consume the Territories round about just when the corn was ripe in the fields, hoping that by this means the Citizens and Soldiers might be brought to yield, the one to preserve their Incomes, and the others to shun the Inconveniences of a Seidg. The Senate had published an Edict a little before, that if the City of Verona would willingly of herself return under the Dominion of the Commonwealth, all those who had been of the contrary Faction, should be pardoned; and those who were well affectioned to the Venetians should be largely rewarded. Yet were it either that the Citizen's minds were alienated from the Commonwealth, or rather that keeping the same affection still towards her, they were forced by fear to conceal it, no commotion at all was seen in the City, nor was there any sign of surrender shown. Whilst these things were done by way of War, endeavours of Peace were not wholly laid aside. Leo, as he had formerly often times exhorted the Venetians to Peace, so did he now the more solicit them thereunto, hoping the better to compass his desire, for that he thought the Venetians being prosecuted by so many ill Fortunes, might be now somewhat more humbled, and better disposed to listen after Peace: And that on the other side Cesar being wearied with the length of War, might be no less desirous to have things accommodated in Italy; chiefly at this time, when he had undertaken other Wars, to make use of the occasion which was offered of recovering Bretagny to his Nephew Charles by Arms, and by the assistance of the Swissers; who to revenge their own particular Injuries, prepared to assault that State, at such time as France being molested with sore Wars by the English was less able to defend it. Yet there were some that imagined these the Colleagues endeavours for Peace with the Venetians, proceeded only out of a desire to make our State less careful in providing for War; which suspicion appeared the more rational, for that their Actions did not correspond with their words. The Pope sent Gentile Santesio to Venice, to treat of Peace, which the King of Spain sought also to procure, and yet inclining sometimes to favour Caesar, sometimes the Venetians, his Proceedings were so various, as it was not easy to discern whether it were Peace or War that he desired. Ferdinando was so ambitious of Glory, as he would not have any thing thought to be agitated by any Prince which was not done by his Council and Authority. Wherefore it was that at the same time, and by the same means he endeavoured contrary things. The Count di Caretto who was gone a little before this time from Venice, to the Viceroys Camp, his Secretary who stayed at Venice to dispatch such things as should occur, was present at the treaty of Peace which was negotiated by Santesio, and did by Order from him interpose the King's Authority therein. But this business which had been so often in treaty, had no better success now than it had at other times. For the Venetian Senate being disposed alike in all Fortunes, and not yielding any thing to the present calamities, resolved not to accommodate their counsels to their Enemy's desires, but to do in what concerned either Peace or War, what they thought stood most with the Dignity of the Commonwealth. There was one thing only which might seem to detract from their hopes, and from their constancy of mind; which was, that certain News was given out, that the King of Fra●ce, with whom (as it hath been said) Ferdinando had made Truce for what concerned Affairs on the other side the Mountains; did also treat with him upon conditions of Peace, which if it should succeed, there was reason to doubt that Caesar would likewise join with them, and that being all joined together, they might once more endeavour the prejudice of the Commonwealth. And this was the more likely to be believed, for that the King of France stood in need of such Friendships, now that a heavy War was threatened him by the English. The English Army which was very numerous, was already past over the Sea to Calais in France; and King Henry was ready to pass over himself, to be present at this Enterprise. Therefore upon this so weighty occasion, the Senate thought fit to confirm King Lewis by all means possible in his former taken resolution, and to exhort him by the mouth of their Ambassador Dandalo, who was then Resident at that Court, not to give the Affairs of Italy quite over. That he would endeavour as soon as might be, to renew the War before the Reputation which he had won was lessened, and before his Claim to the Dukedom of Milan, which did now begin to be of Force and Vigour, should grow stale. That the Forces of so great a King were not so much lessened for one Rout received at Novara, as that he should suffer the Swissers, a Mountainous Nation, and which wanted all things, to say they had driven a powerful Prince out of his Dominions, and robbed him of all the Praise and Profit of the Victory which he had almost already got. That his Majesty of France would put on such Resolutions as became his greatness, and assure himself that the Venetians would never be wanting in any thing to him. That he might command their Forces, Men, and Money, for whilst they had any Power, nay whilst they should have Breath and Life they were ready to expose themselves to all hardship and danger, for the Greatness of the Kingdom of France, and in defence of the common cause. To these things King Lewis answered, That he very much thanked the Venetians for this their Civility, he gave them very good words and hopes, showing a great desire to revenge himself of his Enemies, for the Injuries which he had received; that it was true his Forces were somewhat diminished, but that his mind continued still the same; and chiefly in prosecuting the War, and continuing League and Friendship with them. That it was the ancient Custom of the Kings of France not to be grievous, but helpful to their Friends: That therefore though he should little mind the Affairs of Italy for any Interest of his own, he would not be unmindful of his Obligations to the Venetians; wherefore he would be ready with all his might to help them to recover their ancient Dominions, and to increase their Honour and Dignity. But it was certainly held that the King of France could not mind the Affairs of Italy that year, his Kingdom being infested in several parts; for not only the K●ng of England, but Cesar, and the Swissers had declared themselves his enemies. Yet the Venetians thought it must needs make for their Affairs to keep the King's mind by these means still set on Glory, and confirmed with hopes of better success, and to keep him their Friend as much as they could. And that they might begin to receive that advantage by this Negotiation at lest which they could not as then expect from his Forces; they exhorted the King, that since he could not at present employ his Forces, nor his thoughts upon the Affairs of Italy, he would the mean while endeavour to remove all those Impediments which might afterwards, when he should have leisure to think thereon, make his acquisition of the Dukedom of Milan more difficult. That therefore he should endeavour to get help from all parts, and that he should chiefly get the Pope to join with him in League and Friendship. Which thing being desired very much by his Nobility, and generally by all the people of France, Lewis was persuaded to send the Bishop of Marcelles Ambassador to Rome, to let the Pope know, That he had annulled the Counsel which he had formerly removed to Lions, and was ready to join with that of Latheran, which was then celebrated in Rome, and that following the Custom of his Ancestors, he would always highly honour the holy Name of Pope, and would be ready to defend the Church of Rome to the utmost of his Power. At the same time the Venetians sent ten Ambassadors to the Pope, all of them both for Age and Dignity the chief of the City, that they might witness the singular Affection and Reverence which they bore unto him, which having formerly endeavoured to do, they had appointed their Ambassador at Rome, Francisco Foscari, that as soon as the Counsel should be begun which the Pope had intimated to be held at St. john of Latherans, he should be present there in the name of the Commonwealth. But afterwards they found the Pope's mind to be otherwise disposed than they had thought; for fearing now no more the French Forces after the Rout at Novara, which was the reason why till then he had handled his business variously, dissembling his secret Intentions, expecting the Issue of that War, he began to discover himself, and the Practices which he had held secretly before with the Commonwealth's Enemies. He reprehended the Venetians, and blamed them for having called back the French into Italy, to their own prejudice, and the like of others; and that they, who ought mo●e then all the rest to have laboured the quiet and liberty of Italy, were the cause of raising new Commotions, and of bringing her again under the Slavery of Barbarians. Which that they might appear the more heinous faults, he accused them of being minded if their Affairs had succeeded prosperously, to turn their Forces against the Church; which he said might be easily seen by their League made with the French, wherein having obliged King Lewis to a●st them in recovering whatsoever they were possessed of before that War, there was no doubt but that they aspired at the Recovery of the Lands of Romagna. Leo did oft times expostulate these things; for not being able long to conceal his Counsels, he endeavoured to excuse himself by laying the fault on others, and by supposing a necessity for what he had done, and by alleging false reasons for it, to deserve Praise instead of Blame. He was continually solicited by Cesar to send him those Aides which were promised him by agreement by his Predecessor, and which were renewed by him. Therefore Leo being no longer able to make either excuse or delay, he ordered Toroilo Savello, and Mutio Colonno, who commanded his Gens d' Arms, that they should depart from Bolognia, where they than were, and go with their Troops, which consisted of one hundred Horses apiece, to join with the Dutch and Spanish Army. The Venetians were troubled at nothing more than to see that the Pope had declared himself their Enemy; for they having never been faulty in their Love and Observance to him, in any whatsoever condition of his Fortune, as he himself had confessed, and seemed desirous of an occasion to deserve it of the Commonwealth, they presumed they might safely build upon his favour: And though he had not as yet joined with them in any League against their Enemies, yet they thought him no whit less well minded towards them, but rather that he desired to have no hand in the War, to the end that he might be the freer from all suspicion, and be the better able to use his Authority in serving them upon managing any Agreement. The Venetians seeing no hopes of Peace, and that their Enemies did increase in numbers and Forces, placed all their hopes in themselves, and betook themselves to provide more diligently for all things, which they thought might secure them from so many dangers, and revenge their Injuries. They took many Foot Soldiers into pay out of Romagna, and listed a great many light Horse: Moreover they ordered Vicenso Capello, who was Commissary for the Fleet, that he should recrute the Galleys with Mariners, and furnish the Fleet with all things necessary, that he should recall the Candie Galleys, and having gotten what numbers of Vessels he possibly could from all places, he should with all speed bring the whole Fleet to Sara. With the like diligence they provided Victuals, Ammunition, and Moneys, and all things else, as it were, for the beginning of a new War. Some Senators were of opinion, that the Fleet should put into the Rivers of Puglia, and infest the Maritime Places, and that they should by all possible means seem at lest to revenge themselves of King Ferdinando, who being provoked by no Injury, had declared himself an Enemy to the Commonwealth. Yet having thought better hereupon, they thought it was not fit, in so calamitous times as these were, to incense a great King so far as to block up all ways of ever returning into his favour. The Venetian General was this mean while with his Army upon the Banks of Adice, and being advertised by the Spies, that the Spaniards were gone towards Vicensa, intending to go to Milan; and that Cordona, with whom those men were already joined, which, as we told you before, were sent by him upon other Enterprises, was marching with his whole Army towards him, he thought it fit to get beyond the Adice, so to free his own men from danger, and by them to secure the Cities of Milan and Treviso. Therefore the Senate, though it had been of an other Opinion but a little before, fearing lest their Affairs might run into some greater disorder, commended Alviano's Advice, and forthwith sent Luigi Barbaro to rebuild the Bridge over the Adice at Albaredo, which as soon as it was finished, the Army passed immediately over, and stayed at Montagnana, where it quartered. But after the departure of their Army, the Venetian Affairs, which by reason of their first good successes, began a little to hold up their head, fell to precipitate again. Polesine d● Rovigo yielded presently to the Enemy, and great Risings were in all parts; for the people in the Venetians Dominion, seeing their Enemies to grow strong, and their Friends weak, and that they were grievously molested by the one, and but slowly defended by the others; even such Towns as had been most faithful to the Commonwealth, did on all sides, for their own safety surrender to the Enemy. Only Renzo da Ceri, who stayed with part of the people to defend Crema, won some Praise in War at this time, and did somewhat maintain the ancient Venetian Reputation; for sallying frequently out of the City, he much incommodiated the Enemy, he pillaged and overran their Confines, fired their Towns, took many Prisoners, took away their moneys, which he brought to the Camp, and maintained the Soldiers therewith. The Spanish Army being this mean while advanced to countenance and assist Caesar's Affairs, the Town of Peschiera, having made some little resistance, fell into the Power of the Enemy, and the Castle likewise, though it were strongly walled, and well garrisoned, was the easilier lost by the disagreement of the Captains. Lodovico Contarini, who was Purvoyer for the City, was taken Prisoner together with the Captains, and most of the Soldiers, the rest escaped the Enemy by flight. From hence, the Spaniards losing no time, went presently towards Verona, and joining with the Dutch, at the Town San Martin●, they began to consult, how they were to manage the War, whereupon there being several Votes given, the Opinion of the Bishop Gurghense was at last followed, which was to march with the whole Army to the taking in of Milan. Gurghense was the Emperor's Lieutenant in Italy, and was particularly at this time as Head of all the rest in Verona, from whence going to the Army, he held therein likewise the supreme Authority. It was not well known whether this Enterprise were propounded by Gurghense, as by command from Cesar, or of his own mear Advice, that so if it should succeed, he might win the greater Praise, the Enterprise being very difficult. But howsoever, Gurghense despising the Opinion of the Military men, who were all against him, did obstinately persist in his Opinion; and yet in his Speeches he stood rather upon amplifying the Greatness of the Rewards which they were to expect from the Victory, than upon giving any reason why they should hope to be victorious. But Alviano, who had already conveyed all the Artillery and Baggage into Milan, that he might be the freer and readier to march accordingly as he should see the Enemy move; when he heard their Resolution, arose presently with his whole Army, and was very solicitous in putting good Garrisons into Milan and Trevigi; for it was generally thought that the whole success of the War did depend upon the Preservation of these two Cities. Baglione went with 2500 Foot and 400 Horse to the custody of Trevigpe; and Andrea Malipiero was sent thither likewise from the Senate, that he might take particular care for Ammunition, and all other things which might be requisite for the Soldiers. And Alviano went himself with the rest of the Army into Milan; and though the City might seem to be sufficiently therewith garrisoned, yet the Senate would have some companies chosen out of Venice and Istria which should be put into Arms, and sent to guard that City: Moreover many of the Country people who were run into Venice to save themselves from the Enemy, were sent thither, to be made use of as Pioneers upon any occasion. To infuse the greater courage and confidence into all which, many of the young Nobility of Venice, and many other well born Citizens, went with their Servants and Friends to the defence of Milan, and readily exposed themselves in common with the other Soldiers to all labour and danger of the War. Gritti also, who had hardly been eight days in his Country, was sent by order of the Senate to that City to discharge the same place which was formerly done by Malipiero. Milan, a great and noble City, was kept by the Venetians with great care and vigilancy; for the Commonwealth having placed the surest Foundations of her Empire by Land in that City, both for the opportunity of its situation, fertility of ground, and certain other fortunate Auspexes, they had not been wanting in these hardest times, to attend the Preservation of that City with all sort of care; so as it was made very strong, and those parts of the Suburbs were thrown down, which extending themselves into a great length, could not be walled in; the Trees were cut down for a good space round about the City; and all the neighbouring Villages pulled down to the ground, so as being environed on all sides by open fields, no Enemy could approach the City, but must be discovered from a far off, and exposed to the shot of Cannon. The Emperor Maximilian had formerly endeavoured the taking of this City with great warlike Preparation; but finding all to be in vain, was forced to quit the Enterprise. But the Venetians hereby instructed, had with all care and diligence caused works to be made about the Fort, and had brought it to great security and perfection. The City was likewise excellently well provided with Victuals, and much corn was every day voluntarily brought in by the Neighbouring Inhabitants. There was great store of Artillery of all sorts, which being very well ordered and disposed of, did sufficiently guard the Walls on all sides, though they were of a very large circute. Thus had the Venetians carefully provided for all things requisite to the Preservation of this City, moved thereunto rather out of the considerableness of the cause, then fear of danger. All these things being thus ordered, those who were to defend the City did courageously expect the Enemies Approach: who being gone to the Castle of Este, and from thence falling down along the River banks till they were come within two miles of the City, encamped themselves on the right hand of the river Bachiglione. There was nothing in the enemy's Army except the train of Artillery which could give such Reputation as was requisite for the winning of so renowned a City. The men were but few for such an Enterprise; the Foot did not exceed 8000, nor the Horse above 1000 in all: And their provision for Victuals was but by hazard, from day to day; so as it was conceived the Army would in a short time be reduced to great straits. There were several Commanders in the Army of very great Renown in War, but their experience was of no avail here, by reason of the Bishop Gurghense his great Authority, and his greater Obstinacy. But that which did most of all trouble, and confound the Commanders, was the difficulty of bringing the Artillery to the Wails, and of leading on their Soldiers safe to the Assault. Which could not be done without a long and laborious work of Trenches, under the shelter whereof they might escape the Canonshot which played from all parts. But such work required so many men to make them, as though all the Country round about was fetched in with great severity, yet could they not find men enough for the business. Insomuch as the Enemy having begun to make a broad and deep Ditch, which was led on by crooked lines from the Camp to the City, to make a Fence against the cannon-shot which was made from off the City Walls, with the earth which they threw out; they were forced quickly to forsake that work, as well for want of pioneers, as for the continual disturbance which they met with from the City, and chiefly by the light Horse, which sallying out often at unawares, fell upon the Pioneers, disturb the work, and did continually infest the Enemy sundry ways. So as nothing passing on either side but slight Skirmishes, the time passed on and but little was done; and the Inconveniences of the Enemy's Army increasing every day more and more, their hopes of getting the City grew lesser and lesser; for the Camp being pitched in a low situation, and subject to the often Inundation of water, and consequently less healthful, the Soldiers began to fall sick apace, so as they could not tarry there; moreover the Camp being kept from being victualled, by Light Horse which sallied often out of the City, and not being furnished with any great store out of the Country, the Army was greatly inconvenienced. The Soldiers not being content with their abode there, complained grievously, and with injurious words told their Commanders, That that Enterprise was idly undertaken, that the business was too difficult, and which by other Trials was almost impossible to effect; that they would not refuse any duties how sore soever, nor shun any danger if there were any hope of good success, but that a business which was not accompanied with any hope of good, was certainly not only vain, but very dishonourable, and mis-becoming Military men. What hopes had they to win a strong City now, when numerous Armies of several joint Princes being brought before it to the same purpose four years ago, were forced with shame to forego it? What reason had Caesar to persuade himself, that his very name, though at a far distans▪ should make so much for the Victory now, when his presence could not effect it before? That a War of such importance ought not to be governed by the Authority and Counsel of Bishop Gurghense, a man wholly unexperienced in what belonged to War. That he minded only Caesar's Affairs, and cared not for the Soldier; that they had not received their due pay, nor had not had such Aids sent them as was promised. What remained there now to be done but immediately to raise the Camp. These Speeches being noised throughout the whole Camp, came to Gurghense's car, who being moved thereat, and despairing now to perfect his work, it being taken into consideration to raise the Camp, he who had formerly tenaciously defended the contrary opinion, gave suddenly his consent thereunto: So as on the 16th of August by consent of all, the Camp was raised, and Milan was freed from the Siege, which had laid before it 20 days, occasioning more fear than danger. The Enemy marched towards Vicenza, and finding it without any Garrison, and forsaken by the Venetian Magistrates, and chiefest part of the Citizens, who hearing of the Enemy's approach, had with-drawn themselves into stronger Holds, they soon took it: and the Soldiers began to commit many enormous cruelties; they plundered private men's Houses, not forbearing Churches, nor sacred things, but tore and rend the miserable City; not for that they had therein received any injury, but because the Army was for the most part maintained by Rapine, which did never receive pay in due time. When the Camp had stayed there a while, it began to find want of many things; for the City being wasted by War could not supply the Army with sufficient Victuals, the Inhabitants having transported their corn and cattle to other parts; and it was hard to get any from other parts by reason of the freebooting Carobines, which by perpetual Inroads kept the Enemy's Army from Victuals; being then forced out of these respects to quit those Quarters, the Bishop Gurghenses went with the Dutch to Verona, and the Viceroy went to encamp at Alberedo upon the River Adice. Over which he began to cause a Bridge be made, intending as he affirmed to lead his Soldiers into the Territories of Bergamo and Brescia. But seeing that the Viceroy tarried long in those Quarters, Alviano was of opinion, to draw the men out of Milan and Trevigi, and to assault the Enemy, who free from all suspicion, and scattering themselves about the Country for Pillage disorderly, might soon be routed. He said that the whole Remainder of the War lay in this Army, which if it should be beaten, the War was ended; and that as long as it should be kept together, the Enemy would always be able to molest the Commonwealth. But the Senate thought otherwise, being constant in the opinion not to hazard that Army to the uncertain event of Battle, in which the chiefest hopes of their Preservation lay. Neither thought they it safe in such hazardous times, to draw the Garrisons out of Milan and Trevigi. But howsoever keeping this their Intention secret to themselves, they endeavoured to beget an other opinion amongst men, to the end ●hat such News being spread abroad, and that the Enemy hearing that their Army was to take the field, they might forbear freebooting, and might hasten out of their confines. But Cordona, little valuing such Rumours, which he saw not in many days seconded by any effects, but rather taking courage hereby, and hoping for better things, he began to promise himself good success in whatsoever he should take in hand. Wherefore changing his former opinion, and calling back the Dutch Soldiers to him, he marched once more towards the Territories of Milan, with intention (as it was seen since the season would suffer him to do nothing else) to overrun and pillage all that Country. Some say that Cordona was moved to this by the many complaints which Gurghense made against him, calling him a Liconian, of an unsettled mind, that he did too much affect the continuing in that Dignity, and that he used deceit, because he proceeded slowly in the Siege of Milan, and in all his other works. Others believe that Cordona was enforced to take this course; for that the Army being much in arrear for pay, which they demanded with great fervency, and not without insolency and tumult, it became him since he wanted moneys to satisfy the Soldier, to stop their mouths by suffering them to pray upon the Enemy, so to supply their want of pay. Prospero Colonna was of a contrary opinion, who held the next place in the Army, after Cordona. This man having often overcome the Enemy both by Counsel, and by the Sword, had worn great Renown both for his Valour and Wisdom in Military Affairs. He after his accustomed manner, affirmed the other to be a rash and unbecoming Counsel; for that good part of the Autumn being now over, and the time drawing near wherein Armies began to draw out of the field, this would be to engage the Army in action out of Season; that they could not go into the Enemy's Country without much danger, they being to pass between two strong Cities, full of Soldiers, as if they went through the jaws of the Enemy; but that the chiefest difficulty would lie in getting out of the Country, which was so environed with Rivers, and in a season when great rains were likely to fall, and where snares were to be laid for them by their Enemies on all sides; that therefore that Counsel was to be held the best, whereby the Army was to be preserved from great danger, which when it should be closed in by great Rivers and in the midst of the Enemy, and should also want Victuals, might instead of spoiling the Enemy, be made a prey of by them. That therefore some better Proposals ought to be made for the preservation of the Army, and not seek to prevent uncertain dangers by certain ruin. But Colonna's advice would not be listened to; for Piscara, who confided much upon the Spanish Foot, and totally slighted the Italian Soldiers, joined in Opinion with Cordona, and got it to be put in effect. Wherefore the Camp suddenly moved, and that they might march with more speed, they left the baggage behind them, neither did they take all their Artillery with them. They took up their first Quarters at the Castle of Montagnana; and went from thence to that part of the Paduan Territories, which extends itself towards Chioggia, and towards the Sea; which was the richest part of all the rest, both for fruitful fields, and store of Inhabitants: And was at this time particularly full both of people, and of cattle, because many of the Country people had with-drawn themselves thither, as into a place of safety. There is one Town in these parts observable, called Bovolenta, seated in a place free from the sudden Inroads of the Enemy; for the River Bachelone which takes its course from the Territories of Vicenza, as soon as it comes to the Town of Bassanello, two miles distant from Milan, runs a various and crooked course through the Paduan Territories, having received into her bosom some parts of the waters of Brenta, which environing a great space of ground, meet and join together in this place. There was a Castle here of old, which being taken by Alphonso Duke of Ferara, when things went worst with the Commonwealth, was afterwards recovered by the Venetians, and fortified as much as the situation could bear. The Enemies came first hither, and passing over the River with some Boats, they took, and burned the Castle, and sacked the Town; hav●ng opportunity to make the greater Booty, for that the Inhabitants of that Country, thinking that the Enemy's Army was so far advanced, as not to return, fearing no farther danger, were returned to their own houses; so as the Enemy coming upon them at unawares, they had very little time left them to escape their hands. The Viceroy then led on his Army farther to that part of the River which comes from Milan, overrunning and plundering all that whole Country even to the Gates of Chioggia. Nothing was seen through all places that they went, but death and rapine. From thence he went towards the Castle di Piove di Sacco, a rich place, and well inhabited, which they ransacked, with all manner o● injurious dealing, pardoning nothing neither sacred nor profane. And whilst the rest are busied in these Rapines, Tro●lo Savello one of the Pope's Captains, understanding by some that fled away, that many Country people were with-drawn with their Wives, Children, and Goods to those Marshes, made by the waters of Brenta, five miles distant from the City of Venice, where the Terra firma parts from the Wash, passed over the Brenta with 150 Horse, and some Foot Companies, and marched speedily thither, which when the many that were there without either Arms or Garrison, understood, they began suddenly to fly, and being scattered here and there as they ran, they were taken Prisoners; yet many out of the knowledge of the passages, escaped. The prey which they got here was forthwith carried away by the Enemy, whereby they got but little good, though much Infamy. Savello past on then towards Mestre, whither Mutio Colonna was gone a little before with some of the Pope's men, and chase away some Horse, nor meeting with any to withstand him, had taken that Town: Wherefore Savello's Soldiers, which came thither after, minded nothing but Booty, and not leaving any thing behind them, burned the Castle. These were followed more slowly by Cor●ona, who being come to the Wash at the utmost point of the Terra Firma, which is commonly called Marghera, he gave order for the planting of his cannon there, and made many shot towards the city of Venice, which was just over against him. This City which is round about environed with salt water, hath no way which leads unto it by Land, and the ways by Sea which are known to those who are acquainted with the sundry and uncertain channels, are blocked up to others and concealed. Therefore safe by her situation, and needing no Garrison to defend her, she is preserved from any calamity of War, and dispatch the power of her Enemies. But this proud Spaniard, to whom this was well known, would be able to boast as of a very glorious thing, that he had got so near so famous a City with so small an Army, whereby he might, as it were, bereave her of that Renown which she had won amongst other Nations. 'Tis very true that Fortune had shown herself at this time very bitter and cruel towards the Venetians, who were not able now to stop the force of so weak an Army, having formerly with much boldness and success, opposed the greatest Forces which threatened the liberty of Italy. The Citizens were therefore sorely grieved, seeing the Honour of Venice with such insolency offended, and that they must be enforced to suffer those who were so well affectionated to the Commonwealth, and who had lived so long safe and quiet under her Empire, to be now thus lacerated by all sorts of cruelty: And that whereas formerly they were wont to assist distressed Foreigners, they could not now defend their own. The Venetians were formerly formidable to others, but now so cowed, as they were forced to fear their own Affairs. Which variety of Fortune was the harder to be tolerated, out of the memory of their former Felicity. But the Enemy foregoing those parts the next day that they were come thither, went still wand'ring up and down the Paduan confines, and wheresoever they came, laid the Country waste, all things were stolen and consumed by the Soldiers, who where they found no Inhabitants, and consequently nothing to bear away, that they might even there leave some signs of their rage and wickedness, they showed their madness against the Walls and Houses, firing all as well public as private Buildings, as were any thing beautiful. But Cordona, growing now aware of his rash counsel, was desirous to hasten his departure, but could not keep the Soldiers from pillage and plunder, who had so long a time lived licentiously, neither by laying before them the necessity of departing suddenly, nor by his Power or Authority. At this time Alviano kept with his Army in Milan, and much troubled to see these Proceedings of the Enemy, could not well suffer, that so much to his disparagement, and to the dishonour of the whole Italian Militia, they should be permitted to pass by, leaving so strong, and so well garrisoned a City behind them, without paying for this their rashness, and for having ruined and wasted so large a space of ground. He therefore advertised the Senate, that he would march out of the City with his men, and meet the Enemy to block up his way in his return. He alleged, That being loaden with prey, and marching in disorder, they might easily be beaten; that their Commonwealth was fallen into a most miserable condition, very much unworthy of her former Glory, nor was she to be put into a better, but by a noble daring, and by a gallant, and generous Assault. But the Senators were of another mind; thinking that to have respect to all things, was not the part of abject and cowardly, but of solid and resolute persons, and that it did not suit with the Gravity of the Venetian Senate, nor with the praised Wisdom, which they had in the perpetual course of so many years won, to place their resolutions, and the total of their Affairs in the power of chance; the success of Battle being always doubtful, and uncertain: That therefore their judgement was, that the Enemy should only be molested by the Chivalry, leaving the rest of the Army to guard the City. But Alviano was too head long born to the desire of Victory, so as his mind being blinded with a desire of Glory, he oft times knew no danger, and did despise the safest and wisest counsels. Therefore pressing daily more and more that the Army might remove from Milan, and the Venetian Commissaries being of the same opinion, being induced, as they said, to hope well, out of a singular good affection which they found in the Commanders and Soldiers towards the Commonwealth, and as great a readiness in them to defend her honour, the Senate departing a little from their first resolution, left the business to Alviano; that if he thought it might make well for their Affairs, he might march with his Army out of the City: always provided that he would be sure to quarter his Army in so secure a place, as he might not be compelled to run the hazard of a Battle. And that he would so follow the Enemy, as without endangering himself, their Army might be enforced to dis-band, being consumed through their own Inconveniences. And that he should remember that it was the duty of a Commander to overcome the Enemy no less by counsel than by the sword. The Senate also charged the Commissaries, that they should use all means possible to confirm the Soldier's minds; and that in the name of the public, they should thank the Captains, and every man of any account in the Army for their good will to the Commonwealth. The Soldiers were then quickly drawn out of Milan; they took up their first Quarters at Limina, where the Brent dividing herself into two branches, takes her course by several ways into the Sea: This place was made choice of, because 'twas thought the Enemy could not pass the River lower, it being deeper there. Our Army being fixed here, Andrea Loredano, one of the Commissaries, having assembled all the Horse Commanders, and Captains of Foot, and some other of the chiefest Soldiers together, spoke thus unto them, according to the Order he had received from the Senate. The Senate having understood by Letters from us, and by the relation of many others, with what Courage, and hopes, You my fellow-soldiers have taken the Field, as if you were assured of Victory, but yet with a mind prepared and disposed for all events, were all of them so overjoyed with the News, as even with tears in eyes, they humbly thanked God, that amidst so many blows of adverse Fortune, he had afforded them this of comfort, that in so calamitous times he had given them proof of your Loyalties, and of your singular affection to the Commonwealth. Therefore they have commanded us in their Names ●o let you know that our City bears the like good will to you; and to witness unto you how great an obligation the whole Commonwealth acknowledgeth to owe unto you for it; and that her Citizens will always thankfully remember it, which they desire you to take in good part till such time as when Fortune shall better upon us, they may witness it better by effects. The Commonwealth doth now by me give you many thanks. Let nothing then be of force enough to remove you from the affection which you seem to bear her, or to make you repent this your purpose. You have taken upon you to defend▪ a noble City and her just Empire, which is the Seat of the Liberty, and the Glory of Italy; which City whilst she shall have either Seat or Power, you may be sure will not be wanting in rewarding your great deserts; for we have ever greatly esteemed, and honoured all valiant and honest m●n. It is too apparent that the Transalpine Nations envy our re-rising greatness, out of the memory of the ancient Worth and Empire of the Italians; and that therefore they do use all the means they can to ruin our Commonwealth▪ which is the true Glory of Italy. But we having formerly made much greater Forces of our Enemies prove vain, our City hopes we shall now ●e easily able to beat the remainders thereof, which are all now in this Army. The Aids which we have had from the Friendship of Foreign Princes, and from Trans-Alpine Forces, have been of no advantage to us, but have often done us more harm than good; but our Commonwealth will find all things in your love and affection, a ready Will, perspicuous Worth, and as I hope, successful Fortune. We are not now to fight with Soldiers, but rather Thiefs; for they do not wage War according to the Custom of Military men, nor do they thereby endeavour Empire and Glory, but guided by fury, are contaminated with all sort of Rascality: God will not suffer their wickedness to remain long unpunished; so as our Militia will be crowned, as I trust, with Victory and Triumph. We have a faithful, and loyal Army, and in it many gallant Soldiers chosen out of the Flower of all the Italian Militia; the Enemy are oppressed with much want of Victuals, and their men, now many months accustomed to pillage, not to fight, being beyond measure embased, slothful, and wanton, have made their bodies weak, and th●ir minds effeminate▪ Yet must not we for all this be the less diligent, we must observe all the removes of the Enemy, block up their way, and finally we must leave nothing undone, whereby either by mature advice, or forward d●●ing, according as time and place shall require, we may be able to stay these insolent Enemies; ●o take them, scatter them, and recover what they have got of ours. If those things which we have resolved upon, be duly put in execution, doubtlessly the Enemy's Army, which is now become so insolent through the prey which they have gotten, will become our prey. Things are now grown so hopeful, as the senator's, and the whole City, believing the Victory to be certain, begin to think how they shall reward you, and pay you the merits of so gallant an action. The eyes of all Italy are be●t upon this, and are big with expectation what the success will be, hoping to be one day revenged for all the Injuries which she hath received from the Barbarians. You must therefore endeavour by all means not to defraud the Senate of the fruit of their hoped for Victory; nor ●he rest, of the opinion they have conceived of your Gallantry, nor yet yourselves of Praise and Glory. Loredano having said this, the whole Army answered with one joint voice, That they were rea●y for all things▪ nor would they refuse cheerfully to undergo any whatsoever danger, for the welfare of the Commonwealth, and for their own honour; that they wished the Commonwealth might for the future be more prosperous and successful, which for their parts they would by all industry endeavour, and whatsoever her fortune should be, they would think it to be their own: That the Commonwealth might many times before have known their Fidelity, but that they were glad she should now have trial both of their Fidelity and Valour. Thus with universal consent, and great alacrity, the Camp removed, and the Army was brought to Fontanina, two miles distant from Cittadella, where our men resolved to wait for the Enemy, because the River could not be well waded over any where else. They planted their Artillery upon the Banks thereof, and placed sufficient Garrisons in every fitting place, and not far from hence was the Army encamped, betwixt which and the Artillery, a large Ditch was drawn, that the Soldiers might upon any whatsoever occasion be fenced within a strong Trench. The Enemy hearing this, began to hasten their March, to the end that they might pass the River before those men which they knew were led on by Baglione, might join with Alviano's Army. But as soon as they were come to the Banks of Brent, and that they found them to be guarded by many Garrisons, and that their passage was stopped there, they resolved without delay to march farther on; Cardona gave order, that whilst the rest of the Army marched, the Light Horse should stay behind, and that keeping about the River Banks, they should let themselves be seen by our men who were on the other side, whereby their departure might not be suspected; and the Enemy having marched three miles towards the upper part of the River, where they found no Guard, they passed their men safely over, using such diligence therein, as our men hearing afterwards that Cardona was gone to pass over the River; before our men could be drawn forth to hinder their passage, the Enemies whole Army were passed over, and had put themselves in order to stand our Assault. Alviano finding that the business had succeeded much otherwise then he had thought, was much afflicted, that he had missed the opportunity of assaulting the Enemy, whilst they were divided, and busied in passing over the River; for by the opinion of the other Commanders, and his own also, it was resolved, that they would not come to a day of Battle with the Enemy, but upon some noteable advantage, and that they would expect the succour which Baglione brought them from Treviso. But Cardona, as soon as he ha● past the Brent, turned towards Vicenza, and because he was to take his way about, Alviano, that he might prevent the Enemy, and possess himself of the passes by a nearer way, took his way suddenly thitherward: The mean while he sent Nicolo Vendramino before with all the light Horse, to the end that he might vex the latter Squadrons of the Enemy, and retard their March as much as he might. He then gave order that all the Bridges which he thought the Enemy might make use of, should be broken down, that the tops of the Mountains should be possessed by Country people, and that many Trees should be cut down, and laid cross the Highways, and that all Avenues might be with all diligence blocked up, Manfrone, having assembled a great many Mountainers of all the Country thereabout, to near about the number of 5000, with these, and with some small pieces of Artillery, possessed himself of the pass of Montecchio. At the same time whilst these things were a doing, Alviano having left Gritti, and Baglione with a third part of the Army in Vicenza, to defend that City, he passed on three miles farther, and finding a Plain fit to receive the Camp, ●e took up his Quarters there, and began forthwith to fortify it. This place was thus situated. In the Highway which leads from Vicenza to Verona, when you come to the Village Olmo, there is a little Plain out of the way, somewhat on the right hand, which being guarded on the right hand by Monti di Creazzo, and environed almost every where on the other side by a Valley, is naturally very strong, and there is but one way that leads unto it. In the midst thereof the ground is somewhat raised up, and makes the place fitter to encamp in. Alviano chose this as a fit and safe place to tarry in. He together with the rest of the Commanders, resolved to expect the coming of the Enemy's Army there, according to the Senate's Order, and blocking up his Passes to reduce him to a scarcity of Victuals; not affording the Enemy any opportunity of coming to a day of Battle, for it was clearly conceived, that without running any hazard, the Victory was to be ours. The Venetian Camp was pitched (as hath been said) in a very strong place, and very fit to draw the business out in length, and where they had plenty of all things necessary; on the contrary the Enemy suffered many Inconveniences, and their difficulties did daily increase. Cardona this mean while, following the journey he had begun, was come to within about four miles of the Venetian Army, and making his Camp tarry in a place which is called by the Country people La Motta, being much confused and troubled, he consulted with the rest of the Commanders, what course they had best to take in the very great straits which they were in. They differed in their Opinions, but they all agreed in their very small hopes of safety, or remedy for so many dangers and difficulties. They could not keep longer in those parts for want of Victuals, and it was almost impossible for them to get away, the Passages being straight, difficult, and guarded by strong Garrisons. They must either go towards Trent, or towards Verona, to either of which they might go by two ways; for they might go from where they were into Germany either by a shorter cut over the Mountains of Schio, or by a longer way about, through the confines of Basenese; and likewise they might get into the way which leads to Verona by the way of the Plain wherein they were, or by climbing up the Mountains on the right hand. But whichsoever of these ways they should take, they were to meet with almost the same difficulties, some of these passages being very rough and craggy, and the rest fortified and guarded by the Venetians; so as the Commanders knew not which way to choose, nor how to make their passage. Thus after long and various disputes, they at last resolved to make their way by the Sword, since in great difficulties, great and unwonted Valour is to be shown. Wherefore Cardona, seeing that the present wants, and the greater ruin which over-hung the Army, could be no longer concealed, without farther delay, thought it was best to acquaint the Soldiers how Affairs stood with them, and to encourage them as much as he might; wherefore calling them all together, he spoke thus unto them. Were not your Worths, my Fellow Soldiers, well known to me by many gallant Trials, I should not dare to lead on this Army, recommended to my trust by two great Princes, Cesar and Ferdinando, where I know you are to make your way by your Swords. But if I should take any other course, your Glory would be the less, and your condition the less fortunate, by losing the Honour which this noble Attempt, and the rich Booty which you have taken from the Enemy, doth put into your hands. As the memory of your former actions hath put me upon this bold and generous undertaking, so trusting to your Worth and upon the Fortune which attends this Army, I assure myself I shall conduct you all safe out of danger. And certainly if you will be men, and mindful of your own actions, these difficulties which seem now to threaten ruin to you, will turn to your greater Glory. Necessity sometimes makes even abject and cowardly men, daring and generous; but to tarry till you be thereby constrained to show your Va●our, suits not with the opinion which is held of you, and of your Worth. You ought to know into what condition we are brought: All ways whereby to march away, are stopped, either by the Mountains, or by our Enemy's Forces. On the one side we have craggy and Mountainous places, strong by nature, and possest●y the Enemy's Garrisons; on the other side our return is impeded by the Venetian Camp: Want of Victuals, against which there is no fence, will not suffer us to tarry any longer here, though otherwise it might be good for us so to do: We cannot march any whither, be it either by way of the Plains which lead to Verona, or back by the Mountains, without meeting with many Inconveniences, which will be still occasioned by our Enemies. So as whats●ever resolution we shall put on, the Danger will be the same, but not the Glory. But I have always been of opinion, that it became a good Commander to have a care of the preservation of his Army so far, as he be not unmindful of their Honour: And yet not to value that so much, as that he have not a like care of their safety. If we turning our back upon our Enemies, shall take our way by the Mountains, we shall not be able to shun many dangers before we can come thither, being that the Enemy will always pursue us, and when we shall have most need of rest in respect of the journey which we shall have made, and of perpetual Skirmishes, we shall then (being come to the narrowest places) be to fight both with the difficulties of the ways, and with th●se that do guard them. Therefore I think it better by much, that you, who profess Soldiery▪ may fight with those of the like profession, in an open and equal place, and by your Worth, experience the event of Battle, then suffer that this Army being molested, and outraged by Mountainers, be at last consumed. But let us suppose, that by excessive good Fortune, (after having left our Artillery, Baggage and Booty in the Power of the Enemy) we escape safe through the jaws of these Mountains, and get into Germany, (which truly I cannot expect we shall do) we may perhaps free ourselves from danger; but how can we cancel such shame and ignomy? or how can that life be dear unto us, which we shall have valued more than our Honour? And what greater Infamy can we undergo, then through base fear, to have shamefully abandoned an Enemy's Country, which we have but just now victoriously overrun) without being overcome in Battle? I think it therefore our best course, to fight the Enemy as soon as may be, and to make our way with our Swords through the midst of their Camp. As this resolution suits best with the Honour of this Army, so doth it carry along with it more hopes of safety. Whereas if we tarry longer disputing, and shall suffer ourselves to be overborn by immodederate fear, our Enemies will have so much more reason to grow resolute and insolent: But if they see us ready to defend ourselves, I am confident they will soon reassume the same Cowardliness which they have hitherto shown. If they did confide in their Forces, who sees not that being so often provoked and invited by us, they would not have stayed so long locked up within their City's Walls; and now they are come into the field, only to make a vain show of Valour, not with any intention of hazarding themselves in Battle. They very well know that the Italian Soldiers can no ways stand in comparison with the stout and valiant Spaniards, and Dutch, who are much better than they at the Militia; I have often tried their Valour in War, and their desire of Glory: Therefore if you will imitate your domestic Gallantry, nay if you will be what you always have been, we may assuredly account the Victory already our own. These clownish people, and unexperienced in War, who have neither learned to observe Order nor to follow their Colours, and who practise the Militia for a little gain, not out of any desire of Praise, cannot long sustain nor retard our Assault: Therefore for what I can at the present foresee, we may promise ourselves assured Victory, and by that Victory, great and certain rewards. But say that we should meet with some ill success, and that I should be deceived in my expectation, we may miss the fruit of Victory, but certainly this our gallant action cannot miss of Praise; since having done what was possible for us to do both by Counsel, and by Force of Arms, all men must confess, that neither daring, nor Valour was wanting in us, but only Fortune. The Soldiers being greatly moved by this discourse, casting away all doubts and fears, began to desire what they had formerly avoided, promising the General to do their parts: And Cardona finding the Soldiers willing, led the Army, though the day were far spent, out towards Alviano's Camp, and being come within two miles of him, he made almost all his Chivalry, together with some companies of Spanish Foot advance, who gave furiously upon those who were upon our Guard. But being terrified by our Artillery, (for the Trees were cut down every where round about, so as they had no place to shelter themselves from shot) they faced about, and having passed over the Valley, went against those, who as it was said, were left by Alviano at the Gate of Vicenza: Our men made presently towards the Enemy who came to assault them, and having stoutly stood their first Onset, quickly repulsed them, the Horse staying to skirmish, a little while after the Foot were retreated. But the night drawing on, and being much galled by our Artillery, they were likewise soon glad to quit the field, and retreat to their own men. Whilst these things were a doing, Cardona was drawn with the rest of his Army, very near the Venetian Camp, and had kept his Army in posture to fight Alviano's Camp, even till Sun set. Wherefore the night being already come on, and our Quarters being so near, Cardona would not suffer the Tents to be set up, nor fall to fortifying, fearing left his men might be unexpectedly set upon by our men, whilst they should be busied about the works. The Soldiers did not quit their Arms all that night, lying down upon the ground, without any light, and in great silence, to keep from being hurt by the Artillery of the neighbouring Camp. This mean while the Commanders, possessed with great fears, bethought themselves of many things, but could not well say which was the least dangerous course to take amidst so many hazards; they stayed expecting day, hoping that it might chalk them out what to do amidst these difficulties. Alviano's Soldiers kept in Arms all that night likewise, diligently observing every motion of the Enemy, as well in their own respects, as also for the safety of those other people, with whom Baglione (having taken them away together with the Artillery to whither we told you he was gone) had possessed himself of the other part of the Valley which stood over against Alviano's Camp. Which as soon as the Enemies knew, utterly despairing to make their way on that side, and being by necessity dictated so to do, they altered their way, and turned backwards towards the Mountains of Schio, the which they might the more easily do, for that they found themselves less encumbered, and not bounded within any Quarters. They divided their whole Army into three Squadrons, wherewith they marched in close order; and that they might march the faster, and be the readier to fight, if they should be thereunto enforced, they left such part of their Booty behind them, as was of least value; and the greatest part of their other Lumber, and though they made great haste, yet they marched in good order, and with much safety. That day being the 9th of December, chanced to be so dark and cloudy, as the Enemy had thereby opportunity of getting out of the ken of our Army, unseen by us; so as the day was well advanced before our men were aware of their departure, which when it was known, Alviano being very glad, said, What have we now to do but to make use of time? If we lose this opportunity which is now offered us of utterly overthrowing the Enemy, when shall we ever meet with the like? The Victory is undoubtedly ours, the Enemies confess themselves overcome, they have already turned their backs, having no hopes of safety but in running away; this is the time for us to recover the Honour and Dignity of our Commonwealth, and of all Italy. Alviano said this with the greater assurance; for that Loredano, who had scoured up and down the fields all that night, had much encouraged the Soldiers to fight, and had had such discourse with the Commanders, as he appeared to be clearly of Alviano's opinion, saying, That they were not to refuse the first occasion of Battle which was offered; for if they should suffer these Rascals, their bitter Enemies, to depart safely and quietly away now that they were almost routed of themselves, it was to be feared that they might incur very much blame; for that it being in their Power to free the Commonwealth from a bitter War, and the Italian name from great Infamy, they had either through negligence or cowardliness let stip so fair an occasion. Besides Alviano, and the Commissaries, had sundry times given such an account of the State of Affairs to the Senate, speaking very loudly of themselves, and lewdly of the Enemy, as all men had conceived an assured Victory, and they began already to feel the fruit of Praise for these their Services. Alviano being hereby inflamed, and being of himself very hasty and confident, thought the Victory so clear and certain, as he counted his Glory so much the longer retarded, as the Battle was deferred. So speedily quitting his Quarters, he made Nicolo Vandramino; and Barnardino Antignivola advance with the Stradiotti a Cavallo, or Dragouns, to the end that following the Enemy, and skirmishing with them, they might the more molest and hinder their March, to boot with what impediment they were to meet withal by the Mountainers, who waited for them on all sides. The Venetian Army consisted of about 10000 Italian Foot, and 1500 Curassiers, and 1000 Light Horse. Half the Foot were new men, drawn to that purpose out of the Towns and Villages by the Venetians, some of them coming by command, some of them of their own free will: The rest were veterane Soldiers, who had been a good while under the Commonwealth's pay. Of all these Alviano framed three bodies, mingling the old and new Soldiers together in some of them, but he placed all the stoutest men in the middle Squadron, which was the greatest. There was therein, besides Alviano's own person; Guido Rangone, Giulio Manfrone, Giovan Ba●tisto da Fano, Giovan Paolo da Sant' Angelo, and divers others. These did enclose, with their several Companies disposed of in two wings, 500 Curassiers. Antonio di Pio commanded the left wing, who had with him the rest of the Foot, and on the right wing was Baglione, with 1000 Gens d' Arms. Things being thus ordered▪ Alviano commanded Pio that he should keep where he was, diligently observing what way he should take, and expect Orders from him. He charged Baglione (who had with him the Gens d' Arms, as hath been said) that fetching a compass, he should go beyond the last Squadron of the Enemy, and that as soon as he should see the Battle joined, he should at unawares assault the Enemy on the Flank. He moreover made 20 pieces of Artillery be drawn on before the Army in very good order, he himself riding sometime on one hand, sometimes on another, encouraged the Soldiers to Battle, Praying them not to suffer so great a shame, as to let the Enemy go away without being revenged of them, who were a people contaminated with all sorts of wickedness, hateful to God and man, that therefore they should hasten to an assured prey and victory which was prepared for them. That they should not any wh●t fear that Enemy whom they saw grown so weak, and already reduced to the utmost extremity: That they should remember what they had by Oath promised to the Commissary Loredano but a little before touching their Loyalty and Courage; and than that they fought for a Commonwealth, where, as in a safe place of refuge; valiant and honest men had always been largely rewarded; nay that they were to fight for the Liberty, and Glory of all Italy; that therefore it was expected from that Army, wherein were none but Italians, that they should show how excellent that Nation was for Military Knowledge, and true Valour. This mean while the Enemy's Army having marched two miles, was come to the same place della Motta, from whence we told you it was gone but a little before, having our Horse still in their Rear, who continually held them play, and did much molest them. Then Cardona, finding that he was followed by our whole Army, seeing no other way of safety, encouraged by despair, resolved to hazard all upon the event of Battle: Whereof the sign being given to the Soldiers, he made them all halt, and turning his last Squadron upon our men, made thereof the Front of his Army; wherein were the Dutch Foot, who were commanded by Prospero Colonna. These men couching their Pikes, did stoutly stand the Assault made by our Horse, who had first begun the Skirmish, whom a great Band of the Enemy's Horse coming from two parts did furiously charge, seeking to cut off our men in the midst, and though they were repulsed at the first Encounter, yet the Enemy continuing to press violently upon us, and being much the stronger, they forced us to retreat: Which when Alviano saw, he hastened his March, to bring timely succour to his men; wherein he was the more diligent, because he feared lest that part of the Horse being made to run, all the rest of the Army might thereby be put in disorder. Thus the two Armies joining suddenly together, a terrible Battle began. Alviano being formest in all dangers, endeavoured both by words and actions to infuse Courage into his men, nor was Colonna wanting this mean while in exhorting the Dutch Foot not to forego their ancient Worth, telling them often that therein only did all their hopes of safety lie: and truly they fought courageously; but notwithstanding Alviano had given them so fierce an assault at first, as they could not possibly long sustain it; so as in this first Encounter the Battle began already to favour the Venetians; which being seen from above by those Country people who were placed upon the Mountains, they in hopes of Prey, ran down into the Plain, and mixed with the Soldiers: But Cardona coming in presently after to the aid of his men, who was somewhat advanced with the main body, wherein the Spanish Foot led the Van, those Country people who were come to pillage, not to fight, being affrighted to see so many Enemies, began to cry out they were overcome, and at the same time turned their backs; at which noise, and by their sudden running away, the Venetian Soldiers began to slacken their former violence, and to give over the Battle. Wherefore the Enemy still advancing, our men's Out-cries, Tumult, and Fear began to increase throughout the whole Army. At first Alviano, nothing at all astonished at so strange an accident, provided for all things; he stayed his affrighted men, re-ordered them, called every one of them by their names, encouraged them, excited them to show their worth, in 〈◊〉, left nothing unattempted: But the Soldiers were so possessed with sudden fear, as all that their Commanders could say or pray, was in vain; they could not be made to stay neither by shame nor by command. There was not any one of them that remembered their former worths, nor hopes. Thus in a moment the fortune of War did so alter, as nothing was to be seen in our City (which but a little before was as good as Conquerors) but fear, flight, and death. The Soldiers being routed, and made to run, fled towards Vicenza, believing that they might there save themselves. But those who were upon the Guard, fearing lest in such a confusion, the Enemy might together with our men enter the City, clapped to the Gates, and kept both Friends and Foes out. So as the Venetian Soldiers, not being in a condition of reordering themselves, nor expecting any succour from elsewhere, were almost all of them shamefully cut in pieces before the City Walls, suffering themselves to be slain, without any revenge. Many of them also who fled another way towards the River Rorone, finding the Bridges broken, and not able to overcome the violence of the River, were therein drowned. But Baglione, who as we told you, was passed forwards by another lower way, whilst he hasted to assault the Enemy, being intricated, and hindered by the Bogs of the neighbouring Valley, could neither then, according to Alviano's directions, assault the main body of the Enemies, nor after our men's Rout, get himself into any place of safety: Wherefore being environed on all sides by the Enemy, he together with many of his Horse, fell into their Power. But those who escaped so many dangers, by taking another way, got into Milan, and Trevigi, amongst which were Alviano, and Gritti, who being gone to Vicenza a little before, to raise men, was not present at the Battle. Of Commanders there died, Sacramor● Visco●te, Hermes Bentivoglio, Costanz● Pio, Francisco Sassarello, Alfonso da Parma, and Meleagro da Forli; who amongst others had won very great Praise; for thrusting himself into the thickest ranks of the Enemies, and killing many of them, he himself was at last slain. Many also were taken Prisoners, either in the Battle, or as they ran away, among which, of the better sort & who had any command in the Army, were Giovan Paolo Baglione, Malatesta Malatesta, O●tone Visconte, Battista Savella, Pamfilo Bentivoglio, and Allessandro Fregoso. But Commissary Loredano who whilst he endeavoured to stop the Fugitives, had forslowed his departure, was wounded, and fell into the Power of the Enemy, and met with an end far unworthy such a man; for two Dutch Soldiers striving which of their Prisoner he should be, the one of them by slaying him, ended the contention. By this days Battle it may be known what various and unexpected chances are occasioned by Fortune in War, and what strange turns arise our of slight accidents. Those whose hopes lay first more in their flight, then in their fight, being of conquered become Conquerors, pursued their routed Enemies with great cheerfulness, and courage; and those who before the Conflict built upon assured Victory, being beaten, overcome, put to flight, and having lost all hope, found no relief to their miserable condition. The nearness of Vicenza was thought to be the chief occasion of this our Armies so great calamity, and of so strange a variation; for our Soldiers believing that they should there receive sure refuge, as soon as disorder arose in our first ranks, the rest giving over the Battle, placed all their hopes in their 〈◊〉 On the contrary part, the Enemies being environed on every side in an Enemy's Country, were forced to defend themselves, and boldly to encounter all danger. The place was likewise thought to be very much prejudicial to our men; for the Plain being on that part very narrow by the Neighbourhood of the Valley, our men could not be all of them put in good Order, nor could they make use of all their Forces; for that part of the Army which was, as hath been said, divided together with Baglione from the rest, was not of any help, when the Battle began to retreat. Alviano was greatly blamed by all men for these things; for that uninforced by any necessity, he would forsake the very strong situation which he had first chosen to quarter in, and put himself upon the hazard of a Battle, when he might more safely have overcome the Enemy by Counsel then by the Sword. It is most certain that the importunate solicitousness of the Venetian Commissary, and the immature Counsel of the Commander in chief, made amends for the Enemy's unadvisedness, insomuch as Cardona who was the Author of their inconsiderate departure, won Honour, and advantage, instead of the shame and prejudice which he was threatened with. As soon as this unfortunate News came to Venice, the Senators were greatly afflicted, seeing the condition of their Affairs so strangely altered in a moment: The blow was the greater, for that by reason of the Generals and of the Commissaries Letters, they had all of them conceived hopes of an undoubted Victory; for they had informed the Senate but a little before, that the Enemy's Army was by them besieged, and already reduced to such a necessity, as they had no means left, neither of running away, nor of trying their Fortune by Battle; so as the Victory was in a short time to be assuredly theirs, without loss of blood. Yet the Senators were not hereat so much troubled, as to make them do any thing mis-becoming the Magnanimity, and Dignity of that Order, which may be witnessed by this, that the very same day wherein they received this unfortunate News, the Senate with a joint consent resolved to write thus to Alviano. That they could not deny but that they were somewhat troubled at this so strange an accident, yet were they not thereat affrighted nor cast down; for this adversity should rather awaken them to more diligence, than any whit detract from the constancy of their minds; therefore they desired him to be of good Courage, and not to yield to Fortune; for the News of his safety in whose Valour they had always very much confided, was of great comfort unto them all, amidst this their sore Loss; and that if he would still continue his ancient stoutness of mind, they hoped they might yet be able to stop the Course of their adverse Fortune, to assuage the severity thereof, and perhaps at last to get the better of their Enemies, who were now conquerors. That therefore he should attend the defence of Milan and Trevigi, that he should employ all his diligence, thoughts, and pains therein; that the Senate would be ready to furnish him with Soldiers, Arms, Victuals, moneys, and of all things that was else needful. After having written this Letter, the Senators betook themselves carefully to advise of, and provide for all things that were requisite. Prince Loredano, who was their Duke, speaking gravely in the Senate, exhorted them all to lend what help they could with all possible spe●d to the afflicted Commonwealth, that they were not at this time to expect help from any but themselves; that therefore in this so great necessity the Country must have recourse to their own Citizens; that every one should endeavour to raise her up again, and to lend her their help and advice in what they were best able. As for himself he would not forbear to do any things which might be serviceable to his Country; to which purpose he had already resolved to send his two Sons, Luigi, and Bernardo presently away, the one to Milan, the other to Trevigi, and by readily exposing them to all events to dedicate them to his Countr●. These words spoken by the Duke, were of great efficacy, but the example greater, by which many other young Gentlemen, the chiefest of the City, who were of great worth and expectation, went to the Custody of those Cities: Moreover many of the common sort of the City were listed, and many of the Ar●enal, together with many Galleyslaves, and Mariners commanded (for at this time many Galleys were luckily come to the City) to go suddenly to Trevigi; to the taking of which City, the Enemy after their Victory, prepared to go. But Prospero Colonna, by his Counsel and Authority put off the execution thereof for a while. Therefore having put off the Enterprise for many days, by propounding several difficulties, at last he wrought it so, as before any resolution should be put on, the whole business should be referred to that Bishop Gurghense; alleging, that nothing could be done more to the prejudice of that Army's Reputation, then to undertake any thing that might prove vain, as the business of Milan had done, but a little before. Thus Cardona and Prospero agreed to go to Verona, leaving the Army at Vicenza; where having spent some 20 days, Cardona agreed with Maximilian Sforza to take his pay as General of all his men; and so quitted the Service of the Spaniards. To make amends for which the Viceroy made some Conductors of Gens d' Arms come with their Companies from Bergamo and Brescia, saying, that as soon as they should be arrived, he would go to the taking in of Trevigi, ●f Gritti, the Cavalliere della Volpe, Ugo de Popoli, Giovan Paolo Manfrone, and other Commanders of great esteem, had the Custody of this City; and at this time when the City was not molested by the Enemy, it was sufficiently garrisoned and victualled: So as Cardona being advertised thereof, and the Winter coming on, an unfit Season to fall upon such a business, he went with all his Army into the Territories of Milan, and quartered his men in Este, Montagnana, and Moncelese. Thus only through the advantage of the Season, which forced the Enemy to lay down their Arms, the Calamities of War which the State of Venice was likely to have undergone, did for this year cease, and Affairs were brought to some short condition of quiet. This likewise was the only remedy for the many afflictions and adversities of France; for the King of England who had taken Terwin and Tornai, two great Cities, and who had slighted the Walls of the former, and put a strong Garrison into the other, resolved to return with all his men to his own Kingdom, to the end that his Army might be refreshed with commodious Winter Quarters. Thus the W●r was not ended, but deferred till another Season, and so many remainders and seeds of Discord continued still in all parts, as it was clearly seen, that Arms must quickly be re-assumed with greater Violence. The End of the first Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK II. THE CONTENTS. SElino having possessed himself of the Ottoman Empire, during the life of his Father Bajazet, renews the Peace with the Venetians. He suppresseth the boldness of his Brother Achamet by death. He begins to plot the destruction of Italy, and of the Venetians. The Plots of Amurath, Son to Achomate, are hindered. Pope Leo, having many things in consideration, cannot accord the Christian Princes. Marano is lost by the means of Frangipane, a Rebel to the Commonwealth; neither can it be re gotten. He sacks Strasoldo and Monfalcone. Vicenza is sacked by Risano's means. Calepino not long after is routed, and taken Prisoner. Udine, not making any resistance, surrenders itself to the Dutch. The Fort Osofo cannot be taken by the Enemy. Crema is defended by Renzo Ceri. Baglione is taken Prisoner by the Enemy. He is changed for Caravagiale, a Spanish Prisoner. A miserable fire in the Rialto of Venice. Alviano by order from the Senate goes to take in Friulye. He sacks Porto Gruaro. Savorgnano's Victory. Frangipane is taken Prisoner. Gurghense disturbs the Treaties referred by the Senate to the Pope, concerning the differences with the Emperor. The King of England finds faults with the Senate's Counsels. They are justified by the Lieger Ambassador. Renzo frees Crema from being besieged. Este is taken by night by Sculado, by Alviano; and is plundered. The Spaniards cut to pieces. Alviano his Victory at Rovigo. Bergamo returns into the Spaniards hands. The Viceroy of Naples is laughed at for Alviano's retreat to Milan. Selino's Victories in Asia makes the Pope treat again with the Venetians of Peace, but in vain; who whilst they make closer Friendship with the French, King Lewis dies. AT the same time that these things happened in Europe; in Asia Selino, during the li●e of his Father Bajazet, possessed himself or the Ottoman Empire, hav●ng overcome h●s brother Achomate in several Battles, who pretended likewise to the succession of the Empire; but though he had got the Victory by much Gallantry in War, he was therein so very severe, as he gave clear and evident signs not only of wonderful Magnanimity of mind, but also of great cruelty. Therefore all Christendom was much afraid, that as soon as Selino should be rid of civil Wars, he would turn himself against the Christ●an K●ngs, and be the cause of much mischief. Which mischiefs though they were fore-seen by all men, yet not any one appeared to provide for the common safety. Wherefore the Venetians, though the greatness of the Ottoman Emp●re did more molest them than others, yet suffering under many adverse Fortunes, and weakened by many Wars, and knowing that they could neither extinguish nor lessen his Power, they thought it their best course to keep him their Friend, and to accommodate themselves to the times. Therefore A●tonio Giustiniano was chosen to be sent Ambassador to Selino, who w●● in name o● the Commonwealth to congratulate his accession to the Empire, and also to ratify their ancient Friendship with the Ott●m●n House, and to establish Peace. The Venetian Ambassador was received with great Honour and alacrity by Selino in the City of Andrinopoli, where he and his Army wintered. Selino knew he could no ways better secure his Dominions in Europe, then by Peace, at this time, when he was to pass armed into Asia, to oppose his brother Achomate, and by suppressing him to end the War. Achomate was fled to Armenia the Le●s; where bewailing his Fortune, and desiring aid of the Neighbouring Kings, he had got together a good number of men, being assisted, and succoured by many, and especially by Hysmae Sofi, K●ng gf Persia, who had sent many Troops of Persian Horse into Achomates Camp; by which Forces being enheartned, he had already taken many Towns in Capad c●a▪ and hastened to assault Selino, who was not yet very well provided to resist him. Therefore Selino finding that offered him, which he did so much desire, he willingly embraced the Venetians Friendship, promising to keep it always inviolably. Thus the Peace was renewed, and established, almost upon the same terms that formerly it was made with Bajaset. Herein regard was had to contract such an Amity, and good Intelligence on both sides, as not only the State's ●f both Princes should be free and secure from War to be made b● e●ther of them against the other, but that the Venetian and Turkish Subjects (who ●ad traffic much at that time in either's jurisdiction) might have free and safe Commerce; and also that safe Harbour might be permitted to the ships of b●th parties in all their Countries; and that their Navigation by Sea should not be hindered. The Venetians reap much advantage by the frequency of Merchants, who do bring in, and export great store of Merchandise into Venice, where, for this their Interest, they procure that people of all Nations may inhabit safely there, and exercise Commerce. Giustiniano's having agreed thus upon all things, he returned for Venice. And Selino sent his Ambassador Alemb●i along with him, to the end that what had been concluded by the Ambassador might be confirmed by the word of the Prince. He also gave credential Letters to Alembei to present unto the Senate, wherein highly magnifying his own Power (according to the usance of that Nation) he exhorted the Venetians to keep Friendship with him, which he promised should on his side remain firm, and inviolabl● for ever. The Turkish Ambassador being come into the Senate House, Duke Loredano did before him, in his own Name, and in the Name of the whole Commonwealth, swear to observe whatsoever Giustiniano had concluded and agreed upon. Selino free from fear of any War in Europe, since he had made Peace with the Venetians, and renewed League with the Kings of Poland and Hungary, having speedily mustered as many Horse and Foot as he could, marched towards Amasia to suppress Achomate before he grew too strong. Fortune favoured his Designs, for Achomate whilst he made too much haste, and rashly put himself upon the event of Battle with but half his men, was routed in fight, his Army made to run, and he himself by Selilino's Commandment was slain. After whose death, all Asia the less fell without any dispute into Selino's hands; who grew so proud by this good success, as he began to promise unto himself already the Government of the whole world. And having ended all civil Dissensions by the death of almost all his kindred of the Ottoman Family, and being become sole lord of all the strength, and riches of that Empire, he thought he should meet with less difficulty in all other things. His mind was chiefly set upon Italy, thinking he might easily subjugate it, since it was very weak and much wasted by long Wars. He was hereunto likewise solicited by Maximilian the Emperor, who for many years past, had left nothing untried whereby to plot the Venetians ruin. He showed him how opportune a time it was to make this War, since Selino might assault the Venetians in their Maritime parts, whilst he himself molested them by Land, and kept their Forces busied elsewhere. But it does not appear with what Preparations of War, or against what State more particularly the Turks designed this Enterprise. It is most certain that Maximilian had sent his Ambassadors to this purpose to Constantinople, and that his Embassage being heard, many Mariners were listed, old Galleys were new calked, and new ones built, and Order was taken for all things belonging to a great Maritime War. These things were done in the Winter; but the next Spring News came to Constantinople that Amurate, son to the late Achomate, who was not present at the Battle unfortunately fought by his Father, and who was the only Survivor of Bajazet's Race, being fled into Persia, was unexpectedly entered Capadocia with many Horse and Foot, laying the Country waste, and had what by Force, what by fear reduced many Towns of that Province into his Power. At which Selino was the more troubled, because he knew the Sophy, King of Persia, was the chief occasion of this, and of the other troubles which he had formerly received from his brother Achomate, whose Fame being very great both for extent of Empire, and Glory of War, Selino though his own Dignity reproached, and lessened, if he should any longer suffer such Injuries to go unrevenged. Wherefore quitting all other thoughts, he resolved to go for Asia with all those men and that Preparation for War, which he had formerly intended for Europe: Which, as is confessed by all, fell out very happily, for the Princes of Christendom; since just then when the War was hottest amongst them, this powerful Prince, whose Enmity threatened great danger to their States, was enforced to forbear those his designs, being busied in other War. By reason of these Selino's Prosperities, and for the immoderate desire of rule which was seen to be in him, Pope Leo began to be not a little troubled, he thought it became him and his place, to employ all his power and diligence, to keep these potent and formidable Barbarians from growing more powerful, who were already so much increased both in all things belonging to the War, and in the extent of Empire, through the discords of our Princes, having possessed themselves of many Christian Kingdoms, almost without any gainsaying. The Cardinals upon this occasion putting the Pope frequently in mind in the Consistory of his duty, and of the imminent dangers, were resolved to make him reassume the Treaty of Peace, nor to be quiet till he had effected it; to the end that Peace being had amongst the Christian Princes, they might all of them with all their joint Forces bend themselves against Selino the common Enemy. They showed plainly that nothing appertained more to his charge and degree than this, or which at least might be of greater glory to him: But the Pope, though he were of the same mind, yet being troubled and perplexed he bethought himself of many things; for as this Counsel, if it should take good success, promised assured Praise, so divers considerations of Peace and War, and much difficulty which appeared to be in the whole business, made him afraid and withheld him from the Enterprise; for to put an end to so many Wars was of itself thought to be a very difficult Affair, but more difficult to find out such a composure, as Leo thought might prove good for him, and advantageous for the Affairs of the Church▪ for he could have desired that the French might neither have been kept so low, nor yet have been so exalted: If no remedy were to be found against such great Preparations of War as were preparing against them, it was to be feared that the Affairs of France might grow to so low an ebb, as they could no longer give a just Counterpoise to the Dutch and Spanish Forces; so as they being become Masters of all, they might at last put Fetters upon whole Italy; but on the contrary, if the Enemy's Forces being weakened, and divided by his Counsels, France should be freed from so heavy a War, he knew he had not sufficiently provided for his own safety, nor for the Liberty of Italy; for nothing was more sure than that King Lewis being an Enemy to peace and quiet, would never give over his ancient and natural desire of War: But that being freed from the fear of the English Forces, and having put his own Affairs into a sure condition, he would soon turn both his thoughts, and his Forces upon Italy, for the recovery of the state of Milan: which might be evidently seen, since that though he found himself beset by many difficulties, yet he had always refused all conditions of Peace, which might make him quit his pretensions to the State of Milan. The Venetian Affairs were almost upon the same conditions the which the Pope thought could not he reduced to such terms, but that they must bring great difficulties along with them; for he desired that the Dignity of that Commonwealth might not be much diminished, nor yet her Forces much increased. He knew that it imported much for the Honour of all Italy, that the Venetian Commonwealth should remain whole and entire; that to this end Pope julio had endeavoured the re-raising of her much abased condition, and that following for the same reasons the last, and wisely taken Counsels of his Predecessor, he had laboured much to put the Venetians into a peaceable condition. But on the other side, calling to mind their ancient greatness, he thought that if Fortune should smile on them again, they would become no less formidable than the other Potentates. Thus whilst he wavered in his Resolves, sometimes hoping, sometimes fearing, his proceedings were different and contrary; sometimes he showed himself to be but ill satisfied with the Venetians and to be no good Friend of theirs, other times he would appear well disposed towards them. Whilst the Pope was thus doubtfully minded, the War continued still in the same heat, the sharpness of the Winter not having any whit hindered it; for Prospero Colonna being passed with the Millaneses to Crema was joined with the Spaniards; so as that City was the sorelier besieged. The Paduan Territories, wherein the Viceroy had taken up his Quarters, were vexed with continual Inroads; and the War grew sharper in Friuli, that Country having been some years before mightily terrified; for not having any City or Citadel in it strong either by art or situation, nor able to hold an Enemy play long, the Inhabitants were forced to follow his Fortune whosoever was Master of the Field. But the Emperor, nor the Venetians having neither of them any strong Army in that Country, the unfortunate Inhabitants were by the various success of War, continually vexed with Pillage, and Taxes: So as for a long time it had undergone much Calamity, and they who were most affectionate to the Venetians, were by their Enemy's worst used. Amongst the rest Christofolo, Son to Barnardino Frangipane gave a noteable Example of Cruelty; for after having burnt a certain Town in the Territories of Marano, he commanded that all the Inhabitants should have both their eyes put out, and that their right thumbs should be cut off, because they adhered to the Venetians, and had hindered him from Victuals. Bernardino Frangipane was a little before this turned Rebel to the Commonwealth, and had sided with Cesar, and much vexed that whole Country. He often solicited the Dutch Commanders, that drawing some Country people out of the next Towns of Carnia and Carinthia, they should mischief the Territories, and Subjects of the Commonwealth: So as these people entering into Friuli, not as Soldiers, nor after the manner of War, but as Thiefs and Murderers, they destroyed the Country by plunder and fire, and robbed the Citizens of all that they had. By which Injuries when the Venetians were at last constrained to send better succours into that Country, to keep their Affairs from falling into farther ruin, the Enemies who had no warlike Tackling, and who were come, as hath been said, rather to pillage then to fight; being loaded with Booty, when they heard of our men's coming, hasted homewards. But hardly was this Country reduced to quiet, when our men being to go elsewhere to oppose other designs of the Enemies, who assaulted the State of the Commonwealth, not in one part only but in many at one and the same time, either the same men who were but a little before gone from thence, or others of the same sort, drawn by a desire of prey, returned with great fury to assault the Territories of Friuli, insomuch as they left not any thing at all to those unfortunate Inhabitants. The Enemies being at this time grown very powerful, so as keeping in that Country, they kept some Towns which they had gotten by fraud, longer than they had used to do, the Senate thought it fit for their safety and reputation, to turn their Forces into those parts, to the end that the Enemy might not grow more bold to their prejudice, and that those people might not totally forego their love and esteem of the Commonwealth. A little before this Frangipane had by fraud possessed himself of the Fort Marano, having to this purpose made use of a wicked perfidious Priest, Bartholomeo, who being familiarly acquainted with Alessandro Marcello, Commissary of Marano, prevailed with him that one morning before day a gate of the Town should be opened under pretence of going out early to hunt, by which means Frangipane, (having formerly agreed thereupon with the Priest) possessed himself of the gate, before which he was unexpectedly come with some Dutch Foot Companies, and a Troop of Horse, wherewith he entered the Town. For which wickedness the Traitor was justly punished; for being taken Prisoner by Nicola Pisaro, Podesta of— Porto Gruaro, he was sent to Venice, where he was hung up by one foot, and stoned to death by the common people. This Town, as it was very convenient for the Venetians, by reason of the situation thereof, being placed in the innermost part of the Gulf, and washed by salt water on the one side, so it being at one and the same time to be assaulted both by Sea and Land, it promised speedy and good success to any one that should fall upon it. Wherefore the Venetians resolved to make the taking thereof their first business; to the end that if they should find easy success therein, they might go to the recovery of Goritia, which being taken by the like fraud by Frangipane, held for the Emperor. Baldissera Scipione, one of Luca, went by order from the Senate to this Enterprise of Marano, together with four other Conductors of Gens d' Arms, each of which commanded 50 Horse men; besides all the light Horse, in number 500 under the Conduct of Ulatico Cosazza, and of Nicolo da Pesaro, who were likewise to be accompanied by Barnardino da Parma, with 400 Foot. To these Forces were added about 2000 Country people, whom Gierolamo Savorgnano (who was at this time of great Authority with the people, and not less affectionate to his Commonwealth) had gathered up from all the parts thereabout. Scipione commanded the whole Army, who had the charge of all that was done by Land; but Bartholomeo da M●sto had the charge of the Maritime Affairs, who was then Savio di Terra firma, a man famous for his experience by Sea; he was followed by order from the Senate, by the Podestus of Murano, Torcello, Chioggia, and by those of Caurle and Pirano, and of other Towns of Histria, who were all commanded to rig out as many Barks as they could for this Enterprise; who being all met at the time appointed, the whole Fleet passed into the Washeses of Marano, where when they were come, our men sent Heralds to the Citizens, and Dutch Soldiers of the Garrison, to demand restitution of that Town in the name of the Commonwealth; exhorting them not to force them to use violence, but rather that they should lay aside all hopes and thoughts of being able to defend themselves. But discovering thoughts much of another nature in the Defendants, who returned injurious words, our men much incensed, and being greatly desirous to regain the Town, they resolved not to stay for the Arrival of some Galleys which were to come up unto them, but to advance, and assault the Walls. But as soon as our armed Barks began to be divided, and disordered by their Cannon shot, and many that were therein slain, the Mariners and Galleyslaves who being unexperienced in War, and not acquainted with danger, had earnestly desired to be led on to the Assault, were strangely terrified, and falling to their Oars every one as fast as they might, they endeavoured to carry the Barks out of the reach of the Artillery, being more endamaged in their flight by the fear and confusion which they were in. Our men being thus taught their danger by experience, durst make no farther Attempts till more aid was come up unto them; but four lesser Galleys being afterwards come up unto the Fleet, whereby they were made the stronger, and the better encouraged, they resolved to assault the Town again. The Walls were lower, and the Towers much battered by the Artillery on the side which was towards the Haven, wherefore our men thought they might land the easilier on that side; and to the end that the Enemy being kept busied in divers parts, might be the less able to resist, they thought their Enterprise might prove the more successful, since the Town was set upon at the same time by the Fleet by Sea, and by Scipione and Savoragnano by Land. The business began now to have good success, when those Land-men that were with Scipione, and some others that were got out of the Galleys, and had landed some Artillery, were kept from coming nearer the Walls, by a great deluge of water which fell from the Skies, which filled all the Plain and Marish Grounds which were round about the Town. The Defendants being therefore safe on that side, ran all to the other side where they were assaulted by the Fleet, and repulsed our men, who began already to scale the Walls. At the same time that these things were a doing, the Soldiers which were sent by Scipione to possess themselves of the Passes, and to keep the besieged from being relieved by any succours which might come from Gorilia, which is not above 20 miles from thence, sent Savoragnano word, that Frangipane was drawing near with a great many men; so as if they had not more help sent speedily to them, they should be forced to quit those places, not being able with a few men long to resist a far greater number. Savoragnano hearing this, and despairing now to take the Town by Assault, marched suddenly with his men thitherward; and was hardly advanced one mile when he met those very men, who had but a little before sent to him for succour; for being terrified at the fame and great opinion which was had of the Enemy's Forces, they durst not tarry till they came: Wherefore joining them with his own men, he went to find out the Horse, who were within their own quarters, in somewhat a higher place, not far from the rest of the Army, that they might be ready upon any occasion to wait upon the enemy, according as they should see them move. Savorgnano strove by entreaties, and all other means to persuade the Horsemen to come nearer Marano, and join with the rest of the Army, showing them what had been done, and what was to be done; which as not concerned any ways in point of shame, they refused to do: Some of them being frighted by what was commonly noised in the Camp touching the great Power of the Enemy, other mutinying for not receiving their pay in due time; so as many began to forsake their Colours, and dissolve their Companies. Wherefore Savorgnano fearing that the strongest part of the Army might be weakened, and that the Commonwealth's Forces might be thereby diminished, endeavoured to persuade the Gens d' Arms to retire towards Udine, into a place of safety, promising to go along with them, and to secure the way. In this Interim, Frangipane, meeting with no obstacle, advanced, and entered safe with all his men into the Town of Marano; and without any delay, taking along with him the Dutch Foot that were of the Garrison, he unexpectedly went out of the Town, and assaulted our men before they were aware of his being come; wherefore possessed with fear, they began to run, thinking on nothing but how they might every one of them save themselves. The Enemy pursuing our affrighted and scattered men, some of which endeavoured to pass over the Washeses, others to get unto the Fleet, cut them in pieces, and made themselves Masters of their Quarters, and of some pieces of Artillery: Moreover one of our Galleys, which was too late in putting forth, and could not get free by reason of the Ebb, fell into the power of the Enemy. Scipione being struck on the head with a stone, recovered the Fleet by swimming, though he were almost half dead. Bobizza was this day slain, a gallant man, and who in several Battles had given great Testimony of his Valour: Those who saved themselves by flight, got into Udine. In this so great fear and confusion, one of ours only, Francisco Trono, Captain of a Galley, won some praise; for being mindful of the Venetian Dignity, he with a few of his Soldiers, did valiantly withstand the first Encounter of the Enemy, nor did he forsake his station, till all his men were either slain or sorely wounded. Frangipane, making use of his victorious Fortune, went forthwith to Strasoldo, and to Monfalcone, two Towns in Friuli, and finding little or no Garrisons in them, took them at his very first appearance, and pitifully plundered them. At the same time, some other Dutch Foot Companies, fell unexpectedly upon the Territories of Vicenza, these being got together from the neighbouring parts of Carnia by the two Captains, Rifano, and Calepino, sacked many Towns of that Country, and even Vicenza itself. Then dividing their Army, they went to plunder the neighbouring places; Calepino went towards Feltre, and on the sudden possessed himself thereof; but hardly was he three days Master of it, when he was driven out by Giovan Bradolino, who being sent by Commissary Girolino Pesaro to relieve that City, did behave himself very valiantly; for having assembled a great number of Country people in the Valley of Marino, he passed speedily with them and with his light Horse into those parts, and forced the Enemy, who were affrighted at his unexpected coming, to abandon the City, and save themselves by flight. But Calepino being driven out of Feltre, retired into the confines of Bassano, intending to sack that Town: whereof Francisco Duedo, Major of that Town being advertised, he assembled together many of the Inhabitants of the neighbouring Towns, and calling Bernardino Antignola with his Troop of light Horse into his aid, he went to meet the Enemy, who being by him assaulted at the Town of Carpenedo, amidst the straight passages of the Mountains, were routed, and dispersed. It made much for our men, that they were acquainted with the places, which made the Victory the greater and the more easy. Many of the Enemies were slain, and many taken Prisoners, amongst which their chief Commander Calepino, very few came off safe. But Risano who had taken his way towards Goritia with 800 Foot and 300 Horse, meeting with Frangipane by the way, who was come from thence, he joined his Forces to his, which amounting in all to about 5000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, they jointly resolved to go to the taking in of Udine. When this News came to Venice, Malatesta and Giovan Gitturi were speedily sent towards Udine; the one as Commissary General of the Militia of Friuli, the other Commissary of the Camp; these when they came to Udine; where they found Girolamo Sourgano, began to consult with him, and with the Governors of the City, how they were to govern the War. Many things were variously propounded: Some were of opinion that they should chiefly endeavour the safety and defence of Udine, others were of another opinion, that they should quit the City, and remove with their Army into some safer place: Those that were thus minded, pleaded that they understood by the Spies, that Frangipane was marching thitherward with his men, and that he would suddenly sit down before the City, the defence whereof would be very doubtful and difficult for many reasons: Their small number of Soldiers, no train of Artillery at all, and generally a want of all things necessary for War; and notwithstanding the City was very large, begirt but with a very weak Wall, which would require many valiant men to defend it. But many good reasons being alleged to the contrary, they were doubtful what to resolve upon: Their hopes were somewhat bettered, when they considered that the Enemy's Army consisted altogether of Country people, unexperienced in War, that their Commanders had neither experience nor reputation, that they had but few Guns, and that they had not men enough to besiege the City. At last, after mature advice, they all agreed, that they would defend the City, provided that the Citizens should promise they would take up Arms, as well as the Soldiers, and do all the duties of the Militia; for besides the Horse and some few Country people there was but 400 Foot in the City, which were no ways sufficient to guard the Walls, and sustain the Assault of the Enemy. Savoragnano was therefore enjoined to try how the Citizens stood affected, and what might be expected from them. He therefore calling before him many of the best and valiantest men of the City; He exhorted them to take up Arms for the safety of their Country, and Honour of the Commonwealth, and that being moved by the desire of praise, and by their own danger, they would strive to keep the cruel Enemy far from their own homes. He showed them what they were to do for their own defence, and how an idle fear of the Enemy might turn to their real ruin; that if things were rightly cast up, they needed nothing but Courage, and a stout resolution to defend themselves; that if they would show themselves willing to do this, though but for a short while, making at least but an appearance to fight, and to stand the Assault, the Enemy who had undertaken this business, not out of any desire of Glory, but out of Booty, confiding more in the small numbers of our Soldiers then in their own Worth, would doubtlessly soon quit the Enterprise: So as within a few days they might free their City from the great danger it was in: what could they hope for of any truth from the Enemy? And how bitter use were they accustomed to make of their Victories, was known sufficiently by woeful experience to that whole Country; that if they should resolve to submit themselves to the will of the Enemy without making any resistance, they could not notwithstanding have any hopes of saving the City, for it was almost impossible to keep the Dutch Soldiers from committing Insolences, who were usually greedy of Booty, but now almost necessitated thereunto for want of pay: So as they were to expect nothing but plunder. Thus did Savoragnano endeavour to encourage the Citizens, partly out of a desire of praise, partly out of fear of having their City sacked. But they differed in their opinions: Some of them moved by Savorgnano's Authority, promised willingness to be assistant in all things, and to obey the Commanders will; others though they seemed to be of the same mind, yet laying the fault upon others, said that all they could do would be to no purpose; for that they were more than jealous that the Soldiers of the Garrison would betray them, since some of them had said publicly, that if the Enemy should draw any nearer, they would quit the City: Moreover they excused themselves as being unacquainted with what belonged to War, so as let them do what they could they should do no good, nor could they long undergo Military Duties. Those who at the beginning seemed to be somewhat moved by Savorgnano's Speeches beginning now to be irresolute and fearful, the Commanders upon fresh debate resolved not rashly to expose all the Chivalry that was in the City to danger: Thus both Horse and Foot went out of the City, and marched towards the Livenza that they might pass over it, and get into some safe place; fearing lest the Enemy might prevent them, and hinder their passage: and Savorgnano went to Osofo, a Castle in his Jurisdiction, to put a Garrison into it, to defend it, when the Enemy should be farther advanced. Thus Udine being quite bereft of all defence, yielded quickly to the Dutch, upon condition that the Citizen's lives and goods should be preserved, and upon payment of a thousand Ducats to the Army, to keep the City from being sacked. Cividale, Porto Gruaro, and other Towns, compounded with the Enemies upon like terms; and the Enemy not finding wherewith to feed their Army any longer in that Region, which they had wholly overrun and pillaged, went towards Trevigi, to join with the Spanish Foot, who wintered in the Territories of Vicenza and Milan; that so being become stronger they might fall upon any Town or City, that should hold for the Commonwealth; there was only one thing that did obviate this result, to wit, the leaving of the Fort Osofo behind them, which might be a hindrance to the Victuals and men which were to come to them out of Germany. This business and the occasion seem to require that the nature and situation of this place be particularly shown, and described as if it were in a Map. The Mountain Lauro, is as it were cut off in many parts on that side which divides Italy from the Dutch, affording sometimes by Valleys, sometimes by no very high Mountains, an easy passage from the one Region to the other; but the readiest and best is that which leads from Vilacco to Venzone, which is commonly called the Imperial Way. When coming from Germany into Italy by this way, you arrive at a certain place called L' Ospitale, the Mountains extending themselves into two several arms, do divide; the one of which turns Westward towards Trent, the other to the contrary side towards Goritia, the former are called Carnician Alps, the other the Giulian. All that Country which lies in the midst between these two Mountains, and turns towards the Eastern Sea, is now called Friuli; as soon as you come out of this row of Mountains, you see the Castle Osofo, which is not above two miles from the bottom of these Mountains; the Castle is placed upon a little rock of stone, which riseth up in that Plain, as if it were placed there by Nature itself to preserve Italy from the Forces of such Foreign Nations as have the easier passage on that side to us. And consequently it is fortified and secured by Nature, just as such strong Holds are used to be by humane Art. The Mountain hath three sides; that which looks towards the East is watered by the River Tagliamento, and on each of the sides some little heaps of Stones are raised up, like so many little Towers, so as they afford commodity for the defence of themselves, and of the space that lies between them. Upon one corner of the Mountain there stands a little Rock, which is severed from the Mountain by a little Valley, the Rock being about 20 paces long, and but 8 over; a high and strong Wall is raised hereupon, whereupon stands a work, whereby all that space being a little more heightened, is made a safe Fort. The Mountain is naturally sterile, unmanured, and very steep on all sides, save only upon one, on which side the rise is less difficult. Frangipane having brought almost all his Army to this place, resolved to attempt the taking of Osofo, being thereunto the more enheartned, for that having at the same time that he drew near to it, sent some of his men to take in the Castle Chiusa, he suddenly effected it, and put a good Garrison thereinto; for our men did shamefully surrender it to the Enemy at their very first appearance, not so much as waiting for the approach of cannon. This place is by its natural situation very strong, being placed in the very jaws of the Mountains, so as it became as it were a Gate which shut up the way to those who would on that side enter into the state of the Commonwealth, from whence it was called Chiusa. When therefore the castle Osofo should be taken, the Enemy had nothing else to hinder them; for being abundantly furnished with men and provisions from Germany, they might easily make themselves Masters of all Friuli, and make a longer abode there then they had yet done. But Savoragnano trusting upon the strength of the situation, and upon the valour of his men, though he had not above one hundred Foot, and fourscore cross-bow men on Horseback, to boot with some Country people, hoped to be able to defend the Castle against all that the Enemy could do; and to this purpose had chosen Theodoro Burgio Captain of his Horse, whose Loyalty and Valour was very well known to him, and who did very good service in this Siege. The Enemy pitched their Camp on that side which looks towards the South, and began to play upon the Castle with ten piece of Cannon, wherewith having thrown down part of the Wall, they had made some other works, like unto a Penthouse, whereby being sheltered, the Soldiers prepared for another Assault. But Savoragnano to provide against this imminent danger, went from the Castle into another work, where sparing for no labour, he diligently provided for all things, and did much encourage the Soldiers by his example. The Enemy strove to open their way by a continual Battery, that they might bring on their Soldiers to an Assault; but all in vain, for the lower part of the work, being made of soft stone, received all the shot without any prejudice, and the upper part of the Wall being built of Brick, though it were beaten down by the Cannon, yet falling inwards, it served the Defendants for a Rampiere. Wherefore the Enemy despairing to get the Victory that way, resolved to try another, and to open their way into that work by new Engines. They put some rafters together at the foot of the Mountain, in somewhat an eminent place made like Towers about some ten foot high of earth, by standing wherein they hoped they should be the better able, and with less disadvantage to fight those that did defend the work. But Savorgnano planting his Artillery on the opposite part of the Mountain before these raftters were raised any higher, began to trouble them, and finally by many shot beat it down to the ground. All the hopes the Enemy had lay now in their Soldier's Valour. Wherefore Frangipane having chosen out the valiantest of all his Army, prepared for the Assault, drawing near the Walls by those very steps which were formerly made by Savorgnano and cut out of the hard Rock, that they might be of use for the Castle. But herein their many Attempts did likewise prove vain, for they were always stoutly repulsed by Savoragnano's Soldiers, who did not only make use of their Weapons against them, but tumbled down great stones upon them, which precipitating from those steep crags, and falling upon them that were underneath, proved very mortal to them: So the Enemy were forced to fall from assaulting the Castle to besieging it. Those within had Victuals and Wine enough to serve them for a long time, but so great scarcity of water, as the greatest part of their Horses being already dead for want thereof, there was hardly enough left to make bread with. The Senate did this mean while encourage Savoragnano with many Letters, and did invite him to a greater desire of praise; they said they did all of them very much confide upon his Worth and Loyalty, for which he might promise himself an answerable reward from the Commonwealth, which was always very grateful to her well deserving Subjects; that when his Glory and the like of his Soldiers should be considered by all men, it would be immortal; but that the Senate in particular would be always mindful of his deserts. It is hard to be said how much joy and good hopes these praises and encouragements did infuse into the Besieged: And it so fell out as they were also befriended by divine Providence; for there fell such store of rain as did suffice a long while for all their occasions: Wherefore it was thought that the supply which was long before treated of in the Senate, might safely be deferred unto another time. Whilst these things passed thus in Friuli, the Venetians Affairs went prosperously on in Lombardy, though all things were not quiet there; for the Spaniards and Sforzeses being encamped (as hath been said) before Crema, Renzo da Ceri had very valiantly defended that City, rendering all the Enemy's endeavours vain, who had gone about the taking of it both by Assault and Siege: Nay the Soldiers of the Garrison had much endamaged the Enemy by many bold Sallies, and returned safe into the City. Renzo being advertised by his Spies that Cesare Feramosca, one of the Spanish Commanders was come with 50 Gens d' Arms, and 50 light Horse, to take ●p his Winter Quarters at Calcinato, a Town in the Bergamasco Territories, about 20 miles from Crema, thought he had a fair occasion offered him, of doing a noteable Act, if he should assault at unawares the Enemy, whilst they lay lazying, not apprehending any danger, but thinking themselves safe by reason of the season of the year. He chose out three valiant men, in whose Worth he thought he might very much confide, to wit, Silvestro Nerni, Baldisera da Rastano, and Marcello Astoldo, the first two being Foot Captains, the last a Commander of Curassiers; he acquainted them with what they had to do, and told them that the chief hope of dispatching the Enterprise lay in expedition; they with all diligence and courage strove to do what was committed to their trust. They went in the dark of night out of the City, and got to Calcinato before day, where they entered the Town by Scalado, not meeting with any resistance, and possessing themselves suddenly of the Gates, they let in the Horse, and the remainder of the Foot, and having guarded the Gates, they fell to pillage the Country (the Enemy being astonished at the unexpected chance) and made themselves Masters both of the Goods, and persons of the Inhabitants, not receiving any the least harm themselves. Which being done, our men returned to Crema loaded with prey, and much commended for so noble an Action, Renzo's diligence and vigilancy was highly commended; for that with a constant and undaunted courage, being long opposed by the Enemy both with Sword and Famine, he had not only withstood them, but had much endamaged them. But the more he was cried up, the more desirous was he of Glory. He was very careful in observing the Enemy's removals and abodes; he considered both place and time, when any occasion might be offered of doing some other handsome Action: and being advertised that Count Santa Severina was in the Territories of Brescia with 50 Gens d' Arms at Quinzano, he suddenly bethought himself how to be Master of them; the which that he might the more safely do, he intended to deceive the Enemy with a piece of Military cunning. Hearing that many of the Enemy were got to the Town of Triogol●, and fearing lest his men might receive some prejudice by these either as they went to Quinzano or in their return from thence, he sent 20 Horse with ten Drums into the Territories of Cremona, who were to pass by all the Towns beating an Alarm, and making a great noise, to affright the Inhabitants, and make them believe that the Enemy was at hand, so as they should (as they did) retreat speedily into Trigoli, where shutting to the Gates, they endeavoured to secure the Town, expecting every moment to be assaulted. In the interim those that were sent by Renzo about this business, came speedily to Quinzano, and falling at unawares upon the Gens d' Arms that were in the Town, took them all, and their Commanders Prisoners, and took much corn, cattle, and other things from those Territories which were of great use to the Besieged in Crema. The readiness of the Citizens and Country people to serve the Commonwealth to the utmost of their Power was a great furtherance to Renzo in doing these things; for they did not only show themselves willing to do what was commanded them, but when money was wanting to pay the Soldiers, (for all the Avenues were shut up, so as moneys could not be safely sent from Venice) the Citizens maintained the Army at their own charge: No News was ever heard of yielding, no complaining upon the times, no weariness of being besieged, nor of so many burdens and toil; all things were governed with great concord and good order, as if the City had been in great quiet, and far from any danger or trouble of War; and yet another great mischief was added to all their sufferings, for the Plague began to grow hot amongst them. For which the Senate charged the Magistrates to thank the Citizens in the Name of the Commonwealth, promising them that these their good Services should be kept in perpetual Memory, and that their Deserts should be acknowledged, and rewarded even to posterity: That they knew their singular Worth and Loyalty: That therefore they might promise unto themselves all things which could be expected from a grateful Commonwealth, which did always willingly embrace and very much cherish all such as were faithful and valiant. The Senate did likewise commend Renzo da Ceri, as they had done many times before, striving to confirm him in the loyalty and worth which he had hitherto shown; and herein they used many gracious expressions, exalting his deserts, so to honour that man with praise, (which is the reward of Virtue) who was so desirous of Glory, and to invite him to the undertaking of other worthy Erterprises. They said, That the Venetian Soldiers had learned to overcome under the Conduct of such a Commander, who by the greatness of his Courage had overcome even the greatest difficulties, and made them appear easy; that they expected yet greater things from his Gallantry. And having occasion soon after to show themselves thankful to so well deserving a man, he was by general consent chosen to succeed Giovan Paolo Baglione in his Office, who having ended his Conduct, had taken his leave of the Venetian Army. Baglione being taken Prisoner, as you have heard, in the unfortunate Battle at Vicenza, had got leave of the Spanish Commanders to go to Venice, upon exchange for Caravagiale, a Spanish Commander, which if he could effect he was to have his liberty, but if otherwise he was to return Prisoner to the Enemy. Baglione got leave of the Senate for the exchange, and Captain Caravagiale was carried from Venice to Milan; but Gurghense, without whose knowledge this exchange was made, opposed it, saying it was not to be observed, the quality of the persons not being alike, nor the good which might redound to the several Princes by the Exchange. Wherefore Baglione thinking he was free from his Parole, since the fault proceeded not from him, refused to return any more Prisoner to the Enemy, and having obtained leave of the Venetians, went to Rome, whither he was sent for by the Pope. Baglione held the next place in Dignity after Alviano, who was the Venetians General; his pay was 30000 Ducats a year, and he was bound to have in his Troop 200 Gens d' Arms, and 100 light Horse. His place was granted to Renzo upon the same conditions, but he refused it; Rendering notwithstanding many acknowledgements to the Senate, who of their own free wills had conferred that Honour upon him who was absent, and had no ways sought it, though it was wont to be much put for by others; he told them that his abode in Crema at this time of many eminent dangers, was of much concernment to his own Honour, and to the service of the Commonwealth; that he desired nothing more than to preserve that City to the Commonwealth; that he knew very well the Senate had offered him that preferment, not to invite him to serve them well and faithfully, but to witness the love they bore him; for nothing could now add to his ancient affection, which he knew he could not more apparently manifest, then in defending that City. There were some who thought Renzo the more to be commended for having preferred Worth itself before the badge of Worth; but many suspected what did afterwards appear by many signs more clearly: to wit, that Renzo would not be obliged to go unto the Army, because he bore a secret enmity to Alviano, and shunned to be under the command of another, especially of one who was of so severe a nature, and who was no very good friend of his. Whilst these things went thus, the year of our Lord 1514 began, and began unfortunately; for on the 10th of january, the first hour after midnight▪ some shops fell on fire in the Rialto (which is seated in the midst of the City, a place much frequented, and held in great esteem for the happy Auspice of the Cities first rise, which began first to be built there, and wherein all things are usually sold) which fire taking hold of the neighbouring houses, did soon mightily increase, and in a moment burned many public Buildings, and great store of Merchandise of all sorts; and for the greater misforfortune, the wind blew very furiously then from the North, which carried the fire into the most remote parts of the City; and the houses that were nearer hand were soon irreparably consumed; there was not any one who either by Council or Action could suppress the violence of the fire, in this sad and sudden chance, and in this confusion, which filled the whole City with fear, though the Nobles and common people flocked presently thither from all places. The fire dilating itself on all sides got to the Pescaria on the one side, and on the other side to the Temple of Santo Apollinare, (places which stood far asunder) miserably consuming, and throwing all things down to the ground. Many gallant Ornaments of the City, and much wealth of private people, which was long in gathering, perished almost in a moment, which caused great lamentation, and out-cries throughout the whole City: The Citizens and Merchants bemoaned themselves that their so long labours should be so soon lost; others were more troubled at this misfortune, as if it fore-boded greater mischiefs; they began now to fear the greatest: Some in these common afflictions showed some more moderation; for being enured to so many afflictions, they were not easily sensible of new sorrows. It was never clearly known whether this happened by chance, or by the Enemies abominable wickedness; yet by many tokens it was thought that the fire was fraudulently and by cunning conveyed into those shops where it first broke forth. Thus at this time nothing was free from the treachery of the Enemy. The Senate though perplexed with so many adversities, managed the War with their wont constancy, and did not slacken in providing for all things which might either maintain their Honour, or obviate the Enemy. But the Affairs of Friuli did chiefly trouble them; for Frangipane, having (as you have heard) possessed himself of many places of the Country, did still besiege Osofo. Many of the Senate were of opinion, that they should gather all the Forces they could together, and endeavour to relieve Savorgnano: Others were of a contrary opinion, affirming, That they had already sufficiently tried the fortune of War, and that the many damages which they had suffered, might teach them and others, to how many various and uncertain chances Battles are subject, and how often it falls out that men come to a day of Battle even against the determinate will of the Commanders. That after so many losses the best course would be to endeavour the keeping of Trevigi and Milan, and to reduce all their Garrisons thither, knowing that upon the event of these two Towns the end of the whole War would finally depend. Wherefore they were not now without necessity to alter their managing of the War, nor suffer those Cities for want of better Garrisons to be exposed to the will of the Enemy: That they should consider their men were much diminished, become less loyal, and less ready for Military Actions, by reason of their slow pay: But that they were chiefly cast down by reason of the last rout; so as it was hardly to be known whether their worth or fidelity were less to be trusted to; that therefore they should not proceed contrary to their ancient custom, and contrary to their last resolution: who could be sure that a powerful Army of the Enemy being so near, and succour so far off, some tumult might not be raised in those very Cities, either out of fear or desire of Novelty, especially when the whole War, nay the total of all things, was committed to a few, and those not over valiant? Others on the contrary, amongst which were Antonio Grimani, who then held the place of Savio del Consiglio, and Luca Trono, one of the Council of six, who endeavoured by all the means they could that succour should be sent to Savorgnano; and that the recovery of the Towns in Friuli should be put for. These showed how that the Commonwealth was much concerned in the preservation of Osofo not only out of hopes that by the means thereof, other places in Friuli might be preserved or recovered, but for the preservation even of those very Cities which by common consent were to have a high esteem put upon them. Assuredly (said Trono) nothing hath retarded Frangipane from not arriving safe at the Spanish Army, but his fear of leaving this strong Hold behind him; which if it should fall into the hands of the Enemy, there was no other thing which could hinder them from coming with all their Forces quickly into the Territories of Milan, by whose assistance the Spaniards being become the stronger, they would suddenly attempt the taking of Milan or Trevigi, which we know is the thing they chiefly desire, and that their not having done it hitherto, hath only been, because they dare not venture upon it with so few men, as do not exceed 4000 Foot, and 600 Horse; therefore when mention is made of sending relief to Osofo, it must be granted that the preservation of those Cities is treated of; so as though we cannot promise ourselves easily to rout Frangipanes Forces, yet the advantage is not small which we shall receive by sending our Army into that Country, since the Enemy will be thereby necessitated not to make any longer abode in those parts, and to forbear plotting our farther ruin. Our late experience may teach us how dangerous a thing in War it is to suffer the Enemies to join together, meet, and s● increase their Forces, when they must fight though they be but weak and divided; for if the French Commanders had been better advised at Novara, and had endeavoured either to fight the Spaniard, who expected the coming of the Swissers, or had else encountered the Swissers who came to relieve the Besieged, all things would have succeeded more prosperously with them, since one only Enemy would have been the more easily overcome, and the others would have been made afraid: If we shall abandon the Towns, Lands, Men, and the Goods of our Subjects of Friuli, leaving all things in the power of bitter, but weak Enemies, without endeavouring any revenge, I am shrewdly afraid we may fall into such contempt both of our Enemies, and of our own men, as that the Honour of our Commonwealth will fall too low to be ever raised up again, all men being already of opinion, that the Commonwealth of Venice is reduced to so low a condition, as she is either not able, or else not willing to secure them from injuries, who live under her jurisdiction, and who have always been faithful to her. But if by showing courage we shall strive to repair the losses we have received, our men will be inheartned again, and the Enemy will be more humble: and we may hope to enjoy the Country more quietly hereafter: No man is ignorant of what importance and conveniency the Castle of Osofo is; and the stronger it is by natural situation, the more carefully it ought to be kept; for if it should fall once into the hands of the Enemy, we cannot hope easily to recover it, as we have done other Towns; for the Enemy having taken, as we are informed they have, the Castle Chiusa, they will always have the way open whereby to be abundantly furnished with Artillery, Victuals, and all things necessary for War. The Senate being persuaded by these reasons, resolved to draw out as many men as they could out of Milan and Trevigi, and send them to Friuli, leaving Theodoro Triulcio the mean while in Milan, with charge of all the Militia, and with him Dominico Contarini, who being Captain of Milan, was made Commissary. The business of Friuli was committed to Alviano, the Senate having formerly given him charge to proceed with much safety, and not to pass with his Army over the Livenza, unless he had certain knowledge which way the Enemy went, and were sure to return quickly; for it was thought very dangerous, lest the Dutch, when our men should be gone far off, might pitch in some strong seat to hinder their passage, till such time as the Spaniards hearing of Alviano's departure might come in unto their aid, and so our Camp might be at the same time beset with two Enemy's Armies. Alviano took 700 commanded men with him out of Milan and 400 Horse, the one half whereof were Albaneses, and came in two days march to Sacile, whither it was said that the Horse and Foot which were come out of Udine, were retired to save themselves. Alviano understanding here that 500 of the Enemy's Horse were in Porto Gruaro, from whence they were often wont to go out and skirmish with our Horse in the Plain which lies between Sacile and Porto Gruaro, he suddenly drew forth into the field, and sent the light Horse before, with commission that when they should come within sight of the Enemy, they should provoke them to fight. The Enemy according to their custom, were easily persuaded to come out of the Town, and began to skirmish with our men, who according to their directions retreated; the Enemy pursued them, and not knowing that the rest of our men were come, drew at unawares near our Army; then Malatesta Baglione, who was sent with a hundred Curassiers to succour the former who had begun to give way, seeing that the Enemy could not well retreat, fell furiously upon them, and amongst the rest, charged Captain Risano, who was easily known by his Arms and by his corpulency of body; whom he hurt dangerously, unhorsed him, and took him Prisoner; the rest having lost their Captain, after a while fight, began to run, and got into Porto Gruaro; but Alviano, though night drew on, pursuing the flying Enemy immediately clapped ladders to the Town Walls, and his Soldiers being gotten upon the Walls, fought with those that were upon the Guard, and after long dispute, drove the Guard from the Walls and entered the Town, and sacked the whole Town, as well what belonged to the Townsmen, as to the Soldiers, and took a hundred Curassiers that were in the Town, Prisoner's. After this fortunate success, Alviano resolved to march towards the relief of Savoragnano, who having valiantly repulsed the Enemy, did still maintain the Castle of Osofo: Frangipane hearing of the coming of our men, set fire presently upon all the works which he had made about the Castle, and raised his Camp, marching with his Army towards Germany; but being come into the Town of Venzone, and fearing that he was pursued by Alviano's Forces, as indeed he was, he resolved to make all his Chivalry stay there, to retard the Enemy, that thereby the Foot might have the more time to get into some place of safety. But Alviano, hearing that the Enemy were gone, sent Nicolo Vendramino soon after them, with the Albanese Horse, and Barnardino Antignolo with the remainder of the light Horse, hoping that if they made haste they might reach Frangipane. But he was past a little forward, and having gotten over the Tagliamiento, had taken up his Quarters in the Castle of St. Daniele. Vendramino and Antignola, were so diligent in their March, as finding the Enemy's Horse at Venzone, they fell upon them, cut most of them in pieces, and took the rest Prisoners; but the Foot which were marched forwards with the carriages, escaped; our Horse not being able to follow them by those steep and craggy Rocks. Yet could they not well save themselves; for the Siege being raised, Savoragnano issued out of the Castle, and having assembled together 200 Horse, and a good company of Country people, pursued the Enemy by way of the Carnisen Alps, and his Forces increasing where so ere he went, (for the Country people were very much affectionate to the Venetians, who led him by secret and shorter ways) he was got before Alviano's Horse, and assaulting the Dutch Foot had so routed them, as they were forced to leave their Baggage behind them, and seven pieces of great Artillery, which rendered the Victory more clear and remarkable. They say that Frangipane pleaded for excuse, that he was at this time much indisposed by reason of a blow which he had received on the head by a stone, whilst he lay before Osofo, which disabled him for providing for such things as were fitting for the safety of his Army. Yet he could provide for his own safety; for as soon as the Enemy fell upon his men, he, with 30 of his Horse fled, and got into a safe place; but this was but for a short time; for being soon after cured of his hurt, as he was riding amongst the neighbouring Mountains, to raise new tumults, and gather more men to renew the War, he fell into an ambush which was laid for him by Giovan Vitturi, and was by him taken Prisoner, and sent to Venice. He was certainly a fierce and haughty man, but grievously faulty, and a mighty Enemy to the Venetians, whom he had long troubled by his incursions, and rapines committed in Friuli. Savoragnano grew now very famous for these prosperous successes, for which he was by the Senate created Count of Belgrado and Osofo; and to leave a testimony of his Worth to his posterity, he had 400 Ducats a year assigned unto him out of the public Exchequer, to descend to him and his Heirs for ever. The Enemy's Army being routed, as you have heard, Udine, Belgrado, Monfalcone, and all the other Castles which were formerly taken by the Enemy, returned into the power of the Venetians, and were by them received into favour; for it was evident that the people had done their duties, and had not quitted their Loyalty to the Venetians, otherwise then necessitated by Fortune, and by the power of the prevailing Enemy. Alviano hoped by means of this Victory to regain Goritia and Gradisca, if the Army should march thitherward; and he did this the rather, for that he understood there were but small Garrisons in these Towns, and that they were in great want of all things, especially of Gunpowder, which was all spent in the Siege of Osofo; yet being unwilling to fall rashly upon this Enterprise, he sent a Band of men to discover the condition of the places, who having diligently observed all things, brought word, that the taking of those places would require much time and pains; wherefore Alviano having ended what he went for into Friuli, and knowing that by tarrying longer in those parts, his return into the Territories of Milan might be hindered by the Spaniards, whose numbers increased, he resolved to return with his Army into the City of Milan. At the same time that these things were done in Friuli, many Treaties had been in Rome concerning Peace with the Emperor; for the Pope having at last overcome all doubts and difficulties, had taken this business in hand, and was very diligent in the negotiation thereof, to the end that peace might be effected, he used all possible means by his Nuntios both with the Emperor and the Venetians, exhorting them to concord. He showed them that both of them had made sufficient trial of their fortune, and that things were already reduced to such a pass through the length of War, as though they should refuse to come to any accommodation, they would both of them be forced shortly to lay down Arms out of very weariness; but that then the Issue would be this, that Forces being broken on both sides, yet Enmity would still remain to the common ruin; for it was to be feared that by means of these discords, and the weakness occasioned by so long Wars, both the conquerors, and conquered would fall into the power of Selinus Ottoman (a bitter and powerful Enemy) if the Fortune of War favouring his designs, now that he was upon difficult, but glorious Attempts, he should turn his victorious Forces into Europe. He moreover told the Venetians, that France was so weakened, both by the last received rout, and by the greater dangers which did yet over-hang them, as it was in vain for them to think to be able to maintain the War by assistance from France. But that whilst peace was on treaty between England and France, the event whereof was yet uncertain, and whilst the Commonwealth was yet in good esteem, both by reason of her own strength, and the like of her Confederates, they might accommodate their Affairs upon honourable conditions; which being afterwards reduced to disadvantage, they would not be able to do. He laid before the Emperor, the length of the War, the various and doubtful successes of Erterprises, the faithfulness of Confederates, the certain advantages of peace, together with the enlarging of his Empire's Confines. But because the Pope had many times endeavoured this in vain, from which he might ground what now he was to trust unto. Cesar and the Venetians having never been able to be made friends, he knew it was necessary a third person should take upon him the conditions of Peace. Wherefore he made known to them both, that if it might stand with their consent, he had resolved to take upon himself this whole Treaty of Peace, and to judge and determine what was fitting to be done therein, and what each of them should be content with; that though he was not ignorant of what a burden he was herein to take upon him, yet laying aside all other respects he would mind only the peace of Christendom, and the duty of his charge and office. And that the mean while, whilst Affairs might be brought to some composition, and friendship might be renewed, they would lay down Arms, to the end that when his determination should be heard, War might the more be easily appeased, and all things might remain quiet. The Venetian Senate, moved thereunto out of the hopes of peace, and by the Pope's Authority, resolved to refer to him whatsoever had been long in dispute between them and the Emperor, thinking they should do well and worthily to acquaint the Pope and all Christendom with their pretences and injuries; that all men might know how great reverence and respect the Venetians bore to the Pope, and that all their designs aimed at agreement. The chiefest difficulty lay in whether the City of Verona did belong to the Emperor, or to the Venetians, and in what moneys the Venetians should pay unto the Emperor, and what time they should have for the payment thereof. The reason of paying these moneys was, as well for the expenses of the War, as also that Cesar should cancel all his pretensions, if he had any, either by claim of the Empire, or of the House of Austria, to those Cities and Towns which were by agreement to remain unto the Commonwealth. The Venetians made Leo the Arbitrator of these things, leaving the Arbitrement thereof in him by public Authority. Leo not content herewith, desired that this might be drawn up in another manner; to wit, so as without mentioning any particular Controversy, the Senate should refer the whole business to him, as the Compounder of all differences: saying that he desired this for the taking away of all occasions of difference, and that he might bring all things the sooner to the desired end; wherefore he pawned his faith, not to use any farther freedom, nor to pronounce any sentence, than what he should have first communicated to the Ambassador of the Commonwealth, and by the will and consent of the Senate; adding that for the future he would use no less diligence, to have Verona, and all the other Towns which were possessed by the Commonwealth before the War, restored unto her, than he now used to make peace. Thus he obtained free leave and power from the Senate to put an end unto the War upon what conditions pleased him: He having promised that when this should be done by the Ambassador of the Commonwealth then resident with him, that he, the Pope, would be sure not to propound any thing for reconciling the differences, which might prove the beginning of new difficulties, or which might disturb the whole business, for it was much to be feared, that the Commonwealth's Enemies (whose request whether they did agree with what was just and honest he himself might very well know) knowing that all things were now left to his free disposal, would egg him on, as it were against his will, to propound such conditions as might be too prejudicial to the Commonwealth, and which he himself should not be very well pleased withal. When the Pope began to negotiate this Affair, he met with many things which gave him reason to be doubtful and jealous; the rather because he desired both Cesar and the Venetians satisfaction. The Emperor demanded that Verona, which was then in his possession, should still continue in his power; to which though it had been always heretofore denied, the Venetians did at this time condescend upon condition that Gange and Valegio, two Towns of the Territories of Verona, should be yielded up to them; alleging that without these their State being as it were cut off by another's Jurisdiction, it was evident that all that part of their Dominion which lay beyond the River Adige, would be of no use at all to the Commonwealth. On the contrary, the Emperor, who seemed at the first to be contented with Verona, demanded Crema likewise; and somewhat to honest this his desire, he said that this City ought to be put into the Pope's hands, since he was content to put Vicenza thereinto. But it was apparent to every one how unequal this proposition was; for Crema was a very strong and safe City, long in the Venetians possession, and lately defended with much cost and labour against the Enemy; whereas Vicenza being neither strongly walled, nor well garrisoned, had often changed Fortune and Masters, and was now in these latter times possessed by Caesar's men, only because it was never striven for: So as it could hardly be said that he possessed the City; for if the Venetians would send their Forces thither, they might easily drive the Emperor's weak Garrison out, and recover it. Whilst these things were in treaty Cardinal Gurghense, who had ever been an utter Enemy to peace, came in an unhappy hour to Rome. He began (as he had done formerly) to trouble the business, finding many occasions to draw it out in length, and bending all his Might against what was just and honest. The Pope had obtained that the Spanish Foot should abstain from doing any new prejudice, since the business of right was to be treated of: yet the Viceroy ●aining sometimes not to understand this Treaty, sometimes blaming such advice, proceeded in hostile manner against the State of Venice, and the Affairs thereof; nay taking occasion by reason of the truce to pillage more securely, he entered the Territories of Milan, and plundered the whole Country, nourishing his needy Soldiers with what they got from miserable Inhabitants, in a time when they thought themselves free from such Injuries. By which proceedings it might be conceived that the Pope and the Venetians were much deluded; that the Commonwealth's Enemies had no mind to peace, but that they played the Counterfeit, as well not utterly to lose the Pope, as also to make the Venetians through their hopes of peace less careful in providing for things appertaining to War; and they the mean while might have opportunity to recrute their Army, which was much diminished. Wherefore the Venetians discovering their Enemy's cheats and deceitful Proceedings, entreated Leo, That he would penetrate into the secret Counsels of the Emperor, and of King Ferdinando; for than he would clearly find that Ferdinando did not only aspire to the States Dominions, but to the Government of all Italy. So as if he would keep up his Dignity, and Authority amongst Princes, which he might perceive begun now to grow less, he should not suffer them so to abuse the reverend name of Pope. That therefore quitting his first Counsels, he should betake himself to new and safer cogitations, and should resolve upon things becoming the safety of Italy, and his own Dignity, and that he should forthwith recall his Troops of Horse from the Spanish Army; for that the Enemies having placed much hopes in his friendship and assistance, they would proceed with more sincerity when they should see themselves deprived thereof, that they would abstain from injurious proceedings, and treat less arrogantly hereafter. That he on his part had abundantly satisfied the tye of confederacy which he had with them; that it became an Italian, especially him who was pla●ed in so high a degree of Dignity, and who was endowed with so much wisdom, by the present troublesome state of things, to foresee the beginnings of greater evils, and to provide such remedies for them, as became their importance, and which might as yet be used; that if these Princes, whilst their Affairs were in so bad a case, by reason of the few Spanish and Dutch Foot which were then in Italy, had notwithstanding arrogated so much Authority, and would make such use of bare reputation, without Forces, it was much to be feared, that when their power should be increased, they would endeavour to domineer over all Italy. The Venetians used reasons to exhort the Pope to keep up his greatness and authority: They told him he could by no other way better effect it then by entering into League with the King of France, and their Commonwealth. But finding that these endeavours did no good, they went to work with him the same way that they knew their Enemies had done. It was generally thought that Leo favoured the Emperor's Affairs; for he thought that thereby he promoted his own designs: He had set his whole mind upon the aggrandizing of his own House, hoping that he might be much farthered therein by Caesar's favour, whereby he might be enabled to alienate the Cities of Parma, Piacenza, Modena, and Reggio, from the Church, and pass them over in fee by the Emperor's help and consent to his Brother juliano. Wherefore the Venetians laboured to persuade him, that he might better advance his Family by this new confederacy; the Venetians being very willing to grant the Kingdom of Naples in fee to his Brother Juliano, when it should be won by their common Forces, upon the same conditions that he had desired those other Cities; and to defend, and maintain him in the possession thereof by all their forces and endeavours: And that he should not need to doubt their promise, nor suspect the Commonwealth's faith, as well in commemoration of the benefit, which would be esteemed the greater in these unfortunate times, as also for the States peculiar Interest, for whose advantage and safety it would make very much that an Italian Prince, a Friend of hers, and obliged unto her for so great a favour, should be Master of so noble and rich a part of Italy. That doubtlessly he might promise himself the like from the King of France, who setting his heart upon the reputation and keeping of Milan, it did much import him that more potent Lords should be kept far from the Confines of Italy, the parts whereof which should belong to the French, would be the better confirmed unto them by the Pope's Friendship. That this was the only way to make the House of Medici truly glorious and splendid, which was famous enough already of herself: And the best way likewise for the quiet and security of the Church and of all Italy. That the Senate did recommend these things to his consideration in pursuance of their ancient custom, and out of their particular observance of his own Person, and their affection to his Family. That he should not argue out of these their persuasions that they were so weakened by adverse Fortune, or that they were so cast down, but that they were able to renew and maintain the War of themselves, though he should not be advised by them. The Commonwealth had above 6000 Foot and 1500 Horse in pay at this time, divided between Milan and Trevigi; and Soldiers were continually raised for the service of the Commonwealth in several parts; so as she hoped to have 10000 Soldiers on Foot within a short time. Moreover new ships were a building to increase the Fleet, and to furnish it with all things fitting, that she might be ready and able for any Enterprise. That on the contrary, though the Enemy's men were very few, and impotent, i● great want and scarcity of all things, and that it was rather reputation, then true strength that made them subject, yet were they so encouraged by their past prosperous successes, as they thought all things easy, and promised themselves success in all their undertake. Wherefore Leo fearing more the audacity of the Spaniards and Dutch, than he trusted or hoped in the French and Venetians, could not resolve to accept of these new conditions, but falling into his ancient irresoluteness, was the occasion why both War and Peace grew daily more difficult. But it was certainly known that Leo was more addicted to Cesar, and did too much covet his favour; for though he was not ignorant that the Emperor's whole drift was to oppress all Italy, and that he himself did confess as much, yet he still spun out time, as if he durst not pronounce; nor did he limit any means, or time wherein to do it. Henry King of England had formerly undertaken to reconcile the Venetians with the Emperor, behaving himself so therein, as it appeared evidently to all men that he was well inclined to wish well to the Affairs of Venice; but his affection seemed now to be quite altered, out of jealousy that the Venetians had aided the French in the War which he made with their King the year before. He complained particularly that the Commonwealth had sent her Albanese Horse into France. Which suspicions were conceived to be purposely taken to the end that he might afterwards have the better colour to favour the Emperor in his proceedings, whose good will he endeavoured by all means to win, out of a desire to draw him from the Truce which he had began to treat of with the French. Therefore whereas Henry was formerly wont to exhort the Venetians to peace, and to comfort them, and assist them in their greatest nacessities; he now proceeded clean otherwise, accusing them by his Letters to the Senate for having persevered too much in breaking of the hopes of peace when things went well with them, and deprived Christendom of much good; saying that they ought to behave themselves according as the times went, and not carry themselves higher than their present Fortune required; wherefore he was very earnest with them to lay down their Arms, and not to trouble Maximilian any longer with that unreasonable War. These Letters being read in the Senate, they resolved to justify the Commonwealth by their Ambassador, who was then resident in the Court of England; and to free the King from such false suspicions. The Senate seemed to wonder very much why Henry, towards whom the Commonwealth had showed such affection as became them well to do to a great Prince who was their Friend and Confederate, a well Wisher and Amplifier of their Dignity, should believe that the Venetians would injure him, or should have endeavoured to disturb his Victory whereat they had much rejoiced; to witness which, they had at this time sent Francisco Capello, Ambassador into England, who died in his journey thitherward. But that as for those things whereof he particularly complained, he was to know that all the Albanesis were not Subjects to the Commonwealth, nor were the Venetians able to inhibit them the Service of other Princes: That their Fleet was prepared not to assist others, but only to withstand the so great Forces which the Enemy had prepared against their State; that they had long before been Confederates with the French, as the condition of those times required, which was the reason why they had not satisfied Maximilian in his first requests: Which had made him wage War with that Commonwealth, not having been any ways injured by them; nor had the Venetians taken up Arms against him otherwise then in their own defence; that after these first successes, and Truce being made, it was violated by Cesar, who entered in an hostile manner into their Dominion; wherefore they were forced to take up Arms again to drive him out of their Confines: whereby Henry might conceive, that they had not been the first Authors of War against the Emperor, having only endeavoured to keep themselves from being injured, according to the wont of their Ancestors; who were always accustomed neither to do nor suffer wrong. And that notwithstanding they forbear not all this while endeavours by Letters, by Ambassadors, and by all other means which they thought might do any good, that the occasion of controversies being removed, they might come to some Agreement with Cesar; that many might witness this, but especially the Archbishop of York, an honourable and worthy Gentleman, who had often interceded in this Treaty of Peace, and who knew very well what their intentions were, and what the Enemies were minded to do; that men would think that Cesar, who was a great Prince, should offer at nothing which was not honourable and becoming him; yet it could not be denied, but that many of his Advisers did corrupt this his good Will, endeavouring their own advantage by drawing out the War at length, though they seemed to be concerned in Caesar's Interests only. That therefore it became Henry, who was a great and excellent King, to be so just and moderate, as not to suffer himself to be diverted by any conjunction which he had with the Emperor, from what was fair and right; but as a just and upright Arbitrator to interpose his Authority for the laying down of Arms on all sides, upon such reasonable conditions, as might not be injurious to any one: So as the people of Christendom long molested with so many Wars, might n●w enjoy some rest and safety: and as for them they would the more willingly make peace with Maximilian in respect of Henry's being the Author of it. But all these endeavours were of little avail with a Prince who minded more the composing of his own Wars then those of others; wherefore the Venetians finding no hopes of Agreement, began to bethink themselves of War. All people whom it became to speak their minds were enjoined by the Senate, to propound such things as they thought fittest for the raising of moneys upon such occasions. Many things were proposed and argued in the Senate with diversity of Opinions: New Taxes were laid upon the City, and several ways were found whereby to bring in moneys into the public Treasury. There was a new Magistracy instituted consisting but of three; who had Authority given them to impose what sum they should please upon every Citizen or Inhabitant of Venice, according to every man's condition and ability, provided that it should not exceed 300 Ducats for any one Family or Person. Moreover power was given to Alviano and two Savij of the Council, who upon occasion of some other employment were then in Milan, to free such from exile as had been banished for no very grievous offences, enjoining them to pay such sums of Money as they should think fit for payment of the Army; whereunto if any one should be backward, their Goods were to be distrained. So as in a short time the scarcity of the Exchequer was provided for, and some hopes were had of being able to maintain War for a while. Alviano being this mean while gone out of Friuli, as hath been said, the Senate, being thereunto chiefly moved by the persuasions of jerolimo Savor●gnano, resolved to reassume the Enterprise of Marano, the chief care whereof was given to him; who cheerfully taking the employment upon him, and having got together about 2000 Country men, and drawn 400 of the best Foot out of Udine, went about this. And that he might do it with the more safety and Honour, jovan Vitturi who commanded all the light Horse, and jovan Paolo Manfrone Captain of the Curassiers, were ordered to pass with all their Horse over the Tagliamento, and to be aiding to Savoragnano in his Enterprise, by overrunning the Country, and by securing it from any new commotions of the Enemy; moreover the Fleet was sent to the Marshes of Marano that it might be bese● both by Sea and Land. As soon as Savoragnano came to Marano, he possessed himself of a strong situation not far from the Walls, where he took up his Quarters: He than began to make Ditches, by which the Soldiers being sheltered, might get to the Walls. The Town was situated much to our men's disadvantage; for it was environed all about with low Moorish Grounds, wherefore Savoragnano to overcome the badness of the Seat by Industry, made certain rises of several materials, like so many little Towers, and did munite them excellently well; whereby he got two great advantages; the one that they might be a greater safety for his men, if the Enemy should sally out of the Town at unawares; the other, that for matter of fight, his men and the Enemy might be upon equal terms, the one standing upon the Walls, the other upon the made Rises. Thus all things being prepared for an Assault, towards which the Soldiers had already made some advancement, some Captains who did differ in opinion from Savoragnano before, meeting with some let, by reason of deeper waters, were occasion why what was before resolved upon, was not put in execution. And in the Interim Letters came to Savoragnano, and the chiefest of the Army from the Senate, wherein they signified their opinion, that it was better to take the Town by Siege, then by Assault; moreover Manfrone had still been of that opinion, and had given particular account thereof to the Senate, being moved thereunto either out of Envy that he bore to Savoragnano, or by Alviano's Authority, who also advised to the not taking of Marano by Force. All things were then handled in order to a Siege: But there were many things also which made against this opinion; for the people that were assembled together being nigh at hand, the Country people (of which the Army did for the most part consist) could not be kept together any longer in those parts, for they were come thither out of hopes of a sudden Victory and of some booty without any pay: Moreover it was to be feared that these men being wearied by long labour, and a tedious Siege, were likely to abandon the Camp; but say they would have tarried, they could not have done so by reason of the condition of the place, and unwholesomeness of the Air, whereof many fell grievously sick daily. The Commanders adhering to the safest counsel, and to that which pleased the Senate best, altering their way of warfaring, fell from Assault to Siege, and placed their Camp in many several Quarters, that they might the more straighten the Besieged, and keep them from Victuals. Thus whilst time was spent in vain, the Enemy had means afforded them of increasing their numbers, and of advancing to relieve those that were within. But our men understanding that the Dutch had mustered many Foot and Horse about Villacco, and that many Country Mountainers were come from the Neighbouring Villages to Gradisca, and that great preparation was made both of men and Arms wherewith to assault our Camp, the Captains fearing lest they might be taken in the midst by two adverse Armies, resolved hastily to raise the Siege, and to march with all their men towards Udine and Cividale: and at the same time the Fleet parting from the Washeses of Marano, went to Is●ria, to secure the Towns of that Country which were much molested by Barnardino Frangipane. As soon as the Siege was raised from before Marano, the Enemy hasted to victual the Town, and to recrute the Garrison; so as growing more powerful, and more bold, they sallied out often, fell upon the Neighbouring Villages, wasting the Country, and laying heavy Taxes upon the miserable Inhabitants, from whom they injuriously, and oftentimes by torments did exact Monies. The Senate being much troubled hereat, and fearing lest greater dangers might issue unless some speedy remedy were taken, they ordered i'll Cavalliere dalla Volpe, who commanded all the light Horse, to march speedily into Friuli with 200 Horse, and Pietro Marcello was commanded to do so likewise, who was at this time sent Commissary into the Field, to succeed jerolemo Pesaro in that place, who was chosen one of the six Counselors which sit next unto the Prince, a chief Dignity of the Commonwealth. But before these could come, our men being sorely weakened, were much endamaged. Commissary Vitturi, who wanted more assistance, was retreated into a place of greater strength with only one hundred Albanese Horse; where being unexpectedly set upon by a great many Dutch Foot, after having resisted long and valiantly, his Horse being wounded under him, and all his men forsaking him, he was taken by the Enemy, and led Prisoner into Gradisca, and afterward farther into Germany. Of those Horse which were with him, some were cut in pieces, some taken Prisoners, and but few of them got safe into Udine. At the same time Renzo da Ceri, who had stayed long idle within the Walls of the City, whilst agreement was in Treaty; all hopes of peace being vanished, and a way being opened unto him to indamage the Enemy, he diligently observed their ways and their counsels that he might find some fit occasion of happy success. Having received advertisement that Silvio Savello was lately come out of Milan, with light Horse and 50 Curassiers, and 400 Foot, and that being sent towards Crema, they marched in some disorder, he resolved to send Mariano Ascoli and Alessandro Donato with two Troops of Horse, and Andrea, and Silvestro da Perugia with 400 Foot, to assault him at unawares upon his March, as they did Silvio running away at the unexpected coming of our men, was enforced to give over his first design, and to retreat into the Town of Pandino, where fight our men who pursued him, to keep them from approaching the Walls, he was at the first Onset put to the retreat, his men being so routed, as many of them were slain, others taken Prisoners, and he betaking himself betimes to Flight, with much ado escaped. But Renzo not content with these prosperous successes, was resolved utterly to defeat the Enemy, who were routed, and dissipated in many places; and to do his utmost to free the City from Siege; things being therein reduced to such straits, all the Citizen's wealth being consumed by the length of War, and the City full of many great wants, chiefly of corn, as mere necessity forced them often to hazard themselves, and make trial of their Arms and Fortune. Savelli retreated with those that had escaped out of the Fight at Ombriano into those parts where Prospero Colonna was (as hath been said) with the Duke of Milan's men, and had made two camps, about a mile and a half one from the other: which Renzo hearing of, he thought he had an occasion given him of deluding the Enemy, by assaulting them with all his Forces, whilst they were divided. Therefore the day preceding the night wherein he was to assault the Enemy, he began with them on that part where Savello commanded, thinking that the Soldiers, wearied with their days March, might sleep the longer: But as soon as night came on, he sent his light Horse to the other Camp where Colonna was, to make him keep within his Quarters. He with a thousand Foot, and all the Gens d' Arms that were in the City, marching through Marish places, and by obscure ways, when the night was well nigh passed, assaulted the Soldiers who were upon the Guard of the Quarters, and before the Enemy were well aware, he fired the Ammunition. The Italian Foot were the first that resisted him; and having endured the brunt for a short while, the business being more tumultuous, and more dreadful as coming at unawares, they ran away: The Swissers made somewhat longer resistance, making good their station for a good while, and endeavouring to repulse our men, but Renzo's Soldiers throwing many artificial Fireworks amongst them, whereby their Ranks were disordered, they gave way likewise: The Curassiers, who not apprehending any such thing had put off their Armour, and were laid to sleep, and not having leisure to put them on again, strove to save themselves by flight: Many whereof whilst they endeavoured to get over the River Ada, were therein drowned: But Savello according to his custom, saved himself by flight. This was a great blow to the Enemy, for of 500 Horse, which were in the Camp, scarce 50 escaped free away; and but few of 1800 Foot. Renzo won much Honour by this Action; for though he had tarried long in those parts to ruin the Town of Ombriano, sacking the Neighbouring Territories, to bring all the Booty that he could get into the City, yet Prospero Colonna suffered these things to be done before his eyes, and his Army looking on, not daring so much as once to get out of his Quarters▪ nay hearing some days after that Renzo was coming with 300 Horse to relieve the Town, fearing lest he might fall into some greater mishap, he raised the Camp, and freed Crema from Siege, quartering his Soldiers in several Towns of Ceradada. The Spaniards, though they treated of Peace yet had they not all this while forborn injurious Proceedings; wherefore the Senate, though they had resolved not to suffer their men to go out of Milan, after what you have heard was done in Friuli, yet not willing that the Enemy should daily grow more insolent, gave way that Alviano (who had often desired permission so to do) should take men out of the City, putting them in mind that they were not now to revenge themselves upon the Enemy, but should think they had done enough, if they could keep them from committing rapine and plunder: But desirous notwithstanding that the Army might be stronger, so as it might be ready upon all occasions, they commanded jovan Paolo Ma●frone, who remained in Friuli with a hundred Curassiers, that he should forthwith go with his Horse to Alviano's Camp: Who before he took the field, sent Bernardino Antignola and Hanibale Lencio with 300 light Horse towards Cittadella to keep Bassano and Marostica in Loyalty, and to preserve them from being injured; having understood that the Enemy were dr●wing near those Castles. He went the next day out of Milan with the rest of the Army, consisting of 600 Curassiers, 600 cross-bow men, 400 Albanese Horse, and about 8000 Foot, and marching towards the Eugenean-Mou●●●ins, when he wa● got four miles off to Brassegana, he there divided all his men into two bodies, and resolved to tarry there till he might better understand what the Enemy did. But the Senate, when they heard of this, writ him word that he should join all his men together presently, to the end that if peradventure the Enemy should come to assault him, he might not be necessitated shamefully to abandon one pa●t, or by assisting it, to engage himself again in a Battle, which they wished him by all means possible to avoid. These proceedings, and resolutions of our men were very well known to the Viceroy; wherefore tarrying at the Torre in the Territories of Vicenza, he commanded the Marquis of Pescara to march speedily to Cittadella with 300 light Horse, 500 Foot, and some pieces of Artillery, wherein Antignola was with the Chivalry: So as the Enemy being got thither before our men thought they would have done, they furiously assaulted the Castle, which Antignola did valiantly defend. But Pescara understanding that that part of the Town which was opposite to where they fought, was left without any men to defend it, he sent a Band of his men thither, without the knowledge of them that were within; to the end that scaling the Walls whilst the Defendants were fight on the other side, they might the more easily overcome them, and fall on upon the backs of our men; which falling out just as it was designed, Antignola's Soldiers being busied in several fights, and astonished at so unexpected an accident, some of them were slain, some taken Prisoners; amongst which Antignola's self was one, and Francisco Coco the chief Magistrate of the Town another, and the Castle was sacked by the Soldiers. As soon as this was known at Venice, the Senators being greatly moved, both for the present loss, and much more for the scorn thereof, and the remembrance of their late calamities, they commanded Alviano that he should suddenly pass his Army back again over the River Bachillione; but he thinking that this might be a dishonour to him, and to his Army, before this order was obeyed, let the Senate know, that he was in a very safe place, where he could not fear to be endamaged by the Enemy, that he was absolutely resolved to abstain from battle, whereunto he could not be by the Enemy enforced. But some of the Senate continuing in their opinion that he was to remove his quarters, it was resolved that Dominico Trevisano, and Lunardo Mocenico, who were then Savij of the Council, should be sent to view his Quarters, that they might the better know the Captain's Opinion and the reason of this advice. These brought word back that the situation was indeed such as Alviano had represented it to be, for the Quarters were in the midst between two Rivers, Brenta and Bachilone, and the Fortifications such, as there was no fear to be had of the Enemy; for Alviano had been very careful in drawing a Trench and a Ditch, and had very well fortified all befiting places; so as there was no more speech had of changing Quarters. Yet the Spaniards, though the Army which was in Milan was drawn out into the field, did by continual Inroads daily vex the Inhabitants of those parts. Having heard that a great many Country people had with-drawn themselves and their cattle to Cavarzere, that they might be there the freer from Injuries, that place being every where environed with Fens, they betook themselves in great numbers towards that part in many Barks which were got together upon the Banks of Adice; whereof when Andrea Bondelmiero, the Podestà, or chief Governor of Pioggia, herd, he caused many Barks to be armed, and sent them towards Cavarzere, whether also jovan di Naldo went with the light Horse out of Milan. Wherefore the Enemy altering their resolution, went to Carigiola and Candiana, two very rich Towns by reason of the fruitfulness of the ground; from whence they carried away much Booty. And as they had sacked all the Banks of Bachillione on the left hand, the year before, so doing now the like on the other side, they left nothing but bare ground in that Country. All this while Alviano kept within his Quarters, observing the Enemy's Actions, and hearing that they had carried great store of corn to the Town of Est●, and that there was 300 of their Foot, and 100 light Horse there, he sent Antonio da Castello thither with a good number of Foot, and a Troop of light Horse, who clapping their Ladders to the Walls by night, and entering the Town, took all the Enemies that were there Prisoners, carrying away as much corn as they could, and burning the rest. This was of more praise to our Soldiers; for that it was done almost in sight of the enemy. And soon after Mercurio Bua and Malatesta Baglione, as they were marching through the Territories of Milan and Vicenza, to secure those parts from being ransacked by the enemy, they met with two companies of Spanish Foot at Camisano, whom they cut all in pieces, and put some others to flight who came to relieve them. This mean while Nicolo Vendramino came to the same place with 500 valiant Albanese Horse, who joining with those of Bua and Malatesta, and growing thereby more powerful and more strong, they began to enlarge themselves, and to pursue the Enemy, destroying the country with fire and sword even to Trent. And having sufficiently vindicated their Injuries, they returned safe to Alviano's camp, without the loss of any one Soldier. The Commonwealth's Soldiers were much inheartned by these happy successes; and so much was the reputation of Alviano's Army already increased, as a Troop of our men being come very near the Viceroys camp, not any one durst come forth to skirmish with them; nay, not thinking themselves safe in those Quarters, they soon after quitted their Quarters at Montagnana, and went to Polesin●: By which departure of the Viceroys, Alviano thinking that he had now opportunity to oppress those of the Enemy's party, who tarried in the Territories of Vero●a, commanded Malatesta Baglione and Mercurio Bua, to march presently with the Chivalry towards Verona, saying that he himself would follow them the same way with the rest of his Army. Baglione and Bua found the Enemy at the Town of Zevio, where they lay secure, not apprehending any thing from our Army: So as being set upon at unawares by night, they were very much damnified by our men, wherefore the Viceroy learing some worse business, removed his camp presently into the Territories of Verona, leaving part thereof at Rovigo and Lendenara, that they might live the more commodiously in that fruitful Country: As he passed forward, chiefly to secure Verona, he began to be more apprehensive, because he heard Alviano came on with his whole Army, wherefore he sent 800 Foot and 500 Horse to succour the Town. The Veronese began already to mutiny in that Town; for growing very weary of the Dutch Government, they desired to return under the Dominion of the Commonwealth: and being at this time chiefly given to rebel, they expected Alviano's coming; and the rather, for that they hoped when his Army should approach near the Walls, the Soldiers who were distressed for want of many things, might out of danger, be the more easily be brought to yield: The Enemy therefore were timorous in all their Proceedings, and our men the more hardy; which made our men the more successful, and theirs the contrary. Alviano knowing that by the Viceroys departure the Soldiers that were at Polisine were much decreased, bethought himself suddenly of that place; thinking that he had now a secure occasion of Boory offered him. He at the present discovered his mind only to Baldesara Scipione, because the greatest hopes of success lay in assaulting the Enemy before they could be aware of it, or provide for defence. He sent Scipione to those Confines, to discover the condition of the Seat, the number of the Enemy, and their works; but he himself, to free the Enemy from suspicion, marched another way, towards the Territories of Vicenza, and hearing by Scipione that the business might easily be effected, if all the Army were suddenly brought to Rovegio, he departed from the Town of Malo, whither he was first bend, and marched thitherward; and came with such speed to within a mile of Rovegio, as the Enemy were not as yet aware of his coming, nor had they discovered any thing. Wherefore Alviano sent Scipione with some few before, that he might enter the Town at unawares to the Inhabitants, and possess himself of the Gates, to make them sure for him who followed after with the rest of the Army. The Gates being seized on, all Alviano's Soldiers got into the Town, and quickly advanced even to the Piazza; for as good luck would have it, the Country people according to their custom, were come in great numbers to Rovigio, where there was a solemn market held, and the Spanish Soldiers mixing with the Country people and Tradesmen, went promiscuously through the Marketplace, some to buy things, some for pastime; so as being unexpectedly set upon by our men, they being dispersed here and there could neither sustain the violence of the Assalliants, nor assemble themselves together for their better defence: Some drew their swords to defend themselves, but were either soon cut in pieces or taken Prisoners. This Victory was the more remarkable, as being gotten without so much as any of our men's being wounded; for the Enemy without any fight, lost almost all their Horse, and many of them of all sorts wree led away Prisoners; whereof 200 of the chiefest of them, and Mauricco's self, a Spanish Captain, who had the command of all those men, were sent by Alviano to Venice, where they were put into safe custody. The other Spanish Soldiers who were in the neighbouring parts, hearing of Alviano's being come, and what had befallen their Fellows, leaving their Baggage, and throwing their Victuals into the River, saved themselves by flight, wherein many of them were notwithstanding taken Prisoners, and Piscara retreated with the rest of his Army to Verona. The News of this happy success did very much rejoice all the Venetians, not so much for the thing itself, as that the Fortune of the Commonwealth being altered, they thought they might hope for better things for the future. The Senate sent Letters of great acknowledgements to Alviano; Saying he had truly showed how great his worth and experience was in Military Affairs, wherein he had manifested his love to the Commonwealth, and a great desire to recover what she had lost, and had much increased his own Glory, and his merits towards the Commonwealth. But Alviano, though he had chased the Enemy, resolved still to proceed with the same diligence and circumspection: So without delay he marched with his Army towards the Territories of Verona; where possessing himself of all the Avenues, and placing men of War in all fitting places upon the Shore side of the River Adice, he endeavoured to keep Victuals from being brought into Verona. But being advertised that Pescara was come with his men out of Verona to encounter him, and fearing lest his Army might run the danger of being caught in the midst between the City, and the Enemy's camp, he resolved to go farther from the City; and finding safer Quarters, to keep there, and to inform himself diligently of the Enemy's intentions, and of whatsoever they should do, as well in the camp as in the City; that so he might resolve upon better grounds what he had to do. Renzo da Ceri hoping for better things by these the Venetians happy successes, began to think upon matters of greater moment. Wherefore hearing that the City of Bergamo was but weakly garrisoned, and imagining it might easily be taken, he committed the business to Mafsio Cagnuolo Bergamasco, one who was thought very expert at Military Affairs, and very well affectioned to the Venetians. This man, taking along with him 500 light Horse, with each of them a Foot man behind them, made what haste he could to Bergamo, and assaulting the Soldiers that were upon the Guard unexpectedly, he put them to flight, and took the City at the first Assault. Which when Renzo heard of, he took with him 1200 Foot and went presently himself in person to Bergamo, to munite the City, and make good the acquisition. Whilst he was in Bergamo he sent some of his men toward Brescia, under the conduct of Bartholomeo Martiningo to confirm the minds of those Citizens in their good affection towards the Commonwealth, and to encourage them to make some Attempt against Caesar's Soldiers; intending that if any tumult should upon this occasion arise in the City, to lead the whole Army thither with hopes to gain it. Whereat Cardona being much troubled, he caused Colonna's men to come unto him, resolving to go into those parts, to secure the City of Brescia, and to endeavour the recovery of Bergamo. And having brought all the Spanish Foot, as also those that appertained to Sforza, he went to sit down before Bergamo, and began to play furiously upon the Walls; which being very weak on the side towards the Suburbs of Santo Antonio, were thrown down by the Artillery, and there being no earth within to make Rampires, Renzo could not hope to defend the City against so great a force; he bethought himself of providing by times for the safety of the Citizens and Soldiers. He therefore articled with Cardona, that in case no succour came in 8 days space from Alviano's camp, he would yield the City up to him; upon condition that all the Citizen's Goods should remain safe and untouched, and that the Soldiers might have leave to return to Crema: But no succour coming within the prefixed time, the City according to agreement fell into the Spaniards hands, and Renzo returned to Crema; where finding great want of all things, he made Truce for six Months (but he did this of himself, without the authority of the Commonwealth) betwixt the state of Milan, and City of Crema. The Truce being made, Renzo leaving Giovan Antonio Ursino commander of the Militia in Crema with 500 Foot and as many Horse, he went with the rest of his men to Milan, and from thence to Venice, to give an account unto the Senate of what had passed at Bergamo, and in Crema, as also to advise upon what was farther to be done. He was very welcome to Venice, and very honourably received; he had refused, as you have heard, the place of Governor General of the Militia, and there being no other place now vacant for him, whereby to exalt him to higher Dignity, the Senate did much increase his pay, and gave him the Castle of Martinengo, with all the Revenues and Rights belonging thereunto. Cardona having gotten Bergamo, turned towards Alviano, who (as you have heard) was quartered in the confines of Verona: And at the same time Pescara, whose Forces were much increased by the Foot that were come from Germany, prepared to assault our camp: Wherefore Alviano resolved to retreat with his Army into Milan, which he did so readily and so well advisedly, as cozening the Enemy, he got safe thither with all his men and carriages. He sent first the light Horse towards Montagnana to entertain Pescara, till such time as the Curassiers might, together with the Commissary Dominico Contarini, get into some place of safety. But he himself having at the same time got together many Boats, whereinto he put his Foot and Artillery, falling down the River Adice till he came to Cavarzere, he landed his men there, and marching in by washy ways, he brought his Army at last safe into Milan. The Viceroy finding that he had come too late to where our men were formerly quartered, and that he had failed in his designs by Alviano's diligence, he quartered his Soldiers some in the Territories of Verona, and some in Polesine, and went himself into Germany to negotiate the renewing of the War the next Spring. Whilst these things passed thus and that Fortune appeared various and inconstant to the Venetians, the City of Vicenza, which was come under their Dominions, kept always true and faithful to the Commonwealth, though it had but a small Garrison within, and so many Enemy's Armies about it, which was chiefly attributed to the diligence of some Citizens, the chiefest of which were, Giorali●● dalla Volpe, Dominico Almenico, Leonardo da Porto, Bartolemeo da Nievo, and many others, who having gotten great store of men out of the Territories thereabouts, kept the City excellently well munited. Insomuch as Nicolo Pasqualigo who was the Podesta thereof, and was resolved to abandon the City by reason of the few Defendants that were in it, conceiving better hopes, exhorted the Citizens to defend themselves, and ordered all things so as the Enemy's minds misgave them, and they made no Attempts upon the City. The Summer was spent in these slight skirmishes, and with uncertain hopes of peace for what belonged to the Affairs of Italy. But much greater things were done in Asia; for Selino having led (as you have heard) many men into Persia, met with Ismaels' Army, and got a glorious Victory of him in Battle, which was chiefly occasioned by his Artillery; the use whereof was unknown to the Persians. It was hereby evidently seen that great mischiefs were threatened to other Kingdoms and Provinces by Selino, who through these prosperous successes grew every day more haughty and insolent: His thoughts in this point was easily discerned, for that at the same time when he made so great Preparations for War with the Persians, his Son Soliman by his Father's directions, entered the confines of Hungary in hostile manner with great store of Horse, kept the Inhabitants of those parts continually molested, and took some Towns, which he annexed to his Empire. Pope Leo, to put bounds to this audacious power, wrought it so, as that a certain order of Militia should be raised in Hungary, consisting of a multitude of men, who being thereunto bound by Oath, should promise to defend the cause of Christian Religion against the Infidels, who had for their Badge a red cross, and were called Cruciferi. But it so fell out that what was intended for the good of that King, proved almost his utter ruin; for Arms being rashly put into the hands of the Country people, who did greatly hate the Nobility, they had means afforded them of committing much wickedness, and of putting that Kingdom into farther dangers. At which Leo being very much troubled (as he himself affirmed) he turned his thoughts and endeavours to peace; to which end, he resolved to send Pietro Bembo, a noble Venetian, and who was then one of his Secretaries, to Venice. But many did suspect, that Leo, who was used to put on resolutions relating more to the present Affairs, then to the future, and to value only such as might make for his particular Interest, and increase the greatness of his Family, not caring for any thing else, as but little relating to him, had an eye likewise in this business, to the honour and advantage of his House, though he sought to cloak these drifts over with the appearing zeal of the common good; for when he should have reduced Italy to peace, and that by his means the Emperor should have gotten any state therein, he hoped to obtain from him in lieu of such a benefit, things which might mightily increase the Dignity, and Revenue of the House of Medici. There were great signs shown of this his intention; for that having dispaired a little before of making an accommodation between the Venetians and Cesar, he had turned to the French party, promising to assist King Lewis, and exhorting him to come into Italy▪ yet now being of another mind, and returning to wish well again to Cesar, he endeavoured to dissuade the King of France from that, to the which he had advised him but a little before, objecting many difficulties, and sometime plainly denying to help and assist him, as he had promised, since he had so long deferred to wage War; alleging that many new accidents had happened, which required that the War which was then made by the French in Italy, should be now drawn out into a much greater length; and moreover that the present dangers did require, that all Christian Princes laying aside all their home Hatreds and Wars, should direct their Forces and Power against the powerful and formidable Enemy Selino, before that having ended the Wars in Persia, he might bend his Forces against Europe. Bembo having this mean while taking upon him his place of Legate, and being come to Venice, spoke thus unto the Senate. That Pope Leo had been always very well affected towards the Venetian Commonwealth, and had much desired the greatness thereof; that he had been much afflicted at what had befallen her of ill, and had taken her very much into his care, as his Actions had clearly manifested: That it did likewise clearly appear, that all his endeavours tended to peace, and that he had not taken up Arms but enforced by necessity; that he had always embraced the Commonwealth with a fatherly Charity; that he had continually exhorted, admonished, and entreated her to accommodate herself to the present condition of times, and to her present Fortune. By which endeavours he thought he had abundantly done what belonged to him; that seeing he could do no good neither by his Authority, nor by his Favour, he had resolved with himself to be quiet for the time to come, without meddling any more in the Treaty of pea●e, which he had so often endeavoured in vain: Yet he had since altered this his resolution, by reason of the present condition of times, and of his ancient affection to the Commonwealth: That he had sent him therefore as his Legate to exhort the Senate in his name, that they would have 〈◊〉 sitting respect both to their particular Liberty, and to the safety of all Italy, and finally to desire them that they would be better advised: That the Venetians might serve to instruct others, what the Proceedings of the French were, and how great a desire of rule they had, what 〈◊〉 they used towards the Conquered, how soon they forgot benefits received, and that King Lewis his so eager desire to recover the State of Milan, tended to nothing else but to make himself Master of all Italy; for when he should have overcome Maximilian Storza, and driven him out of his paternal State, he thought he should be easily able to get the Empire of all Italy, and to bereave the Venetian Commonwealth, together with all the other Italians, of their Liberty. That whereas formerly the Venetian Senate had in the height of all their misfortunes, and compelled by necessity, applied themselves to the Friendship of the French, it might per adventure be thought to be so far well done, as it related to the condition of Times and Affairs: But that if they would continue to do so any longer, let them take heed left whilst they went about to work more safety to themselves, they did not accelerate their ruin; for such was the nature and custom of the French, as their Friendship could not be long useful, which ought rather to be kept at a distance then near at hand. That many late examples might show, what constancy and faith was to be expected from those people, who had abandoned the King of Navarre, being driven out of his State for their Service, and for not having refused their Friendship; and that they had used the like ingratitude and inconstancy towards them, who had deserved so well of the Kingdom of France: That therefore they were not to hope that those who had abandoned their nearest Allies, would be more loving or faithful to the Venetians, who were Strangers; and that this was the more unlikely, for that the French had plotted the final ruin of the Commonwealth, at the very time when they had been much beholden to her, and had not been by her injured in the last War, wherein there had been many bitter proceedings which might upon better grounds have alienated their minds. That therefore it became the Venetian Senate to gather that good from the friendship of the French, which occasion offered them, to wit, to treat upon agreement with Cesar more honourably, and to conclude it upon more rational conditions: But that they should endeavour above all things to keep the French Forces far from Italy, there being nothing less credible than that when the French should have got the Dukedom of Milan, they would limit themselves, and not strive to make themselves Masters of the other Dominions. That the Venetians being wearied with the length of War, ought now greedily to embrace peace and quiet, to the which nothing could be more averse than the coming of the French into Italy, from whence a cruel War might easily be foreseen, wherewith whole Italy might be long molested. But on the contrary if the Commonwealth would join with the Dutch, Spaniards, and Potentates of Italy to drive out the French, when they should but hear of this confederacy, it would be enough to make them lay aside the thought of renewing the War, which they were now preparing to do; and so the Affairs of Italy might be reduced to a peaceable condition. That if this his counsel should be contemned, the Pope took God and man to witness that he had never been wanting to the common good of Christendom, nor to the particular welfare of the Commonwealth of Venice. That it was to be imagined he had hitherto done as he was persuaded by reason and experience: That he might peradventure give way hereafter to his own affections, siding with Cesar and the Spaniards, and join with them to the prejudice of those, of whose safety he had so long been in vain careful; nor ought they to be the more confident of him, for that the Interests of the Apostolic See and of the Commonwealth were the same, so as they were both to run the same Fortune, being both of almost alike subject to the same chances: That they should remember that they also being governed once, more by their own peculiar affections then by reason, and to revenge the injuries done by Lodowick Sforza, had not such consideration as they ought to have had, to the danger whereinto they put the Commonwealth, by calling in for their Companion of War a powerful foreign King, who was to neighbour upon their Dominions, in stead of a weak Italian Prince. That therefore they should be well advised and learn how to reap some advantage by the Pope's favour, which they had ever till now endeavoured to preserve. Thus did Bembo deliver his Embassy in such manner as he was commanded; but the Senate were much otherwise minded, esteeming it neither a safe nor easy thing to have recourse to Cesar's favour and the Spaniards. So as these the Pope's request being reported to the Senate by the Savij of the council, according to custom, they were not accepted of, but by frequent Votes they resolved to continue in the favour of the French, and to give this Answer to the Pope's Legate. That his Embassy was very w●ll received by the Senate, as well in respect of his own person, whose worth and singular love to his Country was very well known to them all, as also in regard of that Prince who had sent him; for great had the observance always been which the Commonwealth had born to the Popes of Rome, but that their inclination bore them more particularly to reverence, and observe Leo; wherefore the Senate had always highly esteemed his wise Couns●ls and friendly Admonishments. But that it had fallen out by a certain Fatality, that the more they had desired his Friendship and Association above that of all others in so great variety of Affairs, the less could they get to join in confederacy with him; so as though their good wills were never severed from him, yet it behoved that their Forces should be always divided. That therefore as they returned many thanks unto his Holiness, and did confess the great obligations which the Commonwealth had to him, for his having by many endeavours readily embraced and favoured their cause; so were they very much troubled that they could not follow his advice, since the ancient custom of the Commonwealth would not permit, that leaving ancient Confederacies, they should make new ones, or unprovoked by any injury, forbear to do that which was convenient f●r them, and which by Articles and Conventions they were bound to do. That they had always been taught by their Forefathers that what was honest was useful; that therefore they could not without great Infamy to the Commonwealth, break that League which they had a little before made with the French. Moreover that if the Pope would call to mind the ancient merits of the Kings of France as well towards the Church, as towards the State of Venice, as also the Wealth and Power of so great a King, he would commend this their advice, and think that he himself ought to follow their example, for the safety of the Ecclesiastical State, and the greatness of his Family would be better founded, by his adhering to the Forces of the French, and to the Venetians Friendship. Moreover they acquainted Bembo with their Jealousies, which made them believe that such a Treaty of Peace would not be very safe: Since the Pope was persuaded thereunto by the Emperor, and by Ferdinand, who, as it did plainly appear, did under a pretence of agreement, plot as they formerly had done, a pernicious War against the Commonwealth; for at the same time when the Embassabour of Spain treated with the King of France touching the Affairs of Italy, Ferdinando had begun to renew these Treaties of Peace, out of no other end certainly but to make the King of France jealous of the Venetians, whereby he might make more advantageous conditions with him. Which when he should have done, and that the Venetians were dis-associated from the French, what could keep him from making himself Master of whole Italy, which he had long endeavoured? Bembo returned to the Pope with this answer to his Embassy. The Venetians calling to mind what Leo had often affirmed, that he would never give way, no not though the Senate had assented thereunto, that any part of the Commonwealth should remain in the power of any other, knowing that by her the Liberty of Italy was chiefly maintained, and that it behoved the Greatness of the House of Medici to have her for their leaning stock, they certainly thought they ought not to believe much in his exhortations; for at the same time that he divulged these things under pretence of Friendship, he treated with them of peace after such a manner as that if it had been granted, the Commonwealth would be bereavest of the richest and noblest part of her Dominions; by consenting that Cesar should keep Verona, a gallant City, and the Gate of Italy, whereby he might always enter at his pleasure to ruin her. But the Venetians did build their chiefest hopes upon the coming of the French into Italy, which made them care so little for Peace; for Lewis not being able to fall upon the Enterprise of Milan the year before, by reason of the War with England, and yet longing very much to put an end to the War in Itataly, the differences being now accorded between him and Henry King of England; he had promised to send over a great and powerful Army very speedily to Italy; to which when the Venetian Forces should be added, they thought they might be able to drive their Enemies from the confines of the Commonwealth. Who as they were more insolent by reason of the late troubles of the French, so the force of the League being strengthened by their return into Italy, and they themselves wanting many things, especially moneys, they would lay aside their audaciousness, and for their own safeties sake put on new resolutions. To increase these their hopes, and to confirm such Princes as were their Friends, still in Friendship with them, they chose two Ambassadors, to send to the two Kings, the one of France, the other of England, to wit, Francisco Donato, and Pietro Pasquillio; but Donato falling soon after desperately sick, they chose Sebastiano Giustiniano in his place. They were first to congratulate with both these Kings for the Peace, and Marriage which had ensued between them, (for Lewis had married Mary, Sister to Henry) and that they should render them many thanks, for that the one and the other of these Princes, had in the Articles of Peace made between them, named the Venetians as their Friends and Confederates. That they should also assure the King of France, that the Senate had the same intentions as he had, and the like desire of renewing the War, and to increase the strength of the League; that therefore he should not doubt of the Venetians good will towards him, since they were not only most ready to continue the Friendship of the French, and to prefer it at all times, and upon whatsoever events before any other Friendship which might be propounded to them, but also, if occasion should require, be as ready for their service to undertake new enmities; that the condition of times had often caused an interruption of their offices of good will, which was not notwithstanding irradicated out of their minds. And that though the Ambassadors should find a ready willingness in the King, concerning the Affairs of Italy, and of the Commonwealth's Interests, they would not notwithstanding forbear to make use of public authority to exhort him to come as soon as might be into Italy, promising him that the Venetian assistance should be such and so ready, as it was not to be doubted but that being joined with his Forces, they might break the Forces of the common Enemies, and taking from them that which they had injuriously possessed, reduce such things under the Dominion of the King of France, and of the Venetian Commonwealth, as did belong to each of them. The Ambassadors were enjoined to perform the like offices with the King of England; that there had always many good offices been mutually observed between the Kings of England and the Commonwealth; that they were confident that Henry would carry himself so as they showed not need to desire any farther demonstration of Love from him; but that he would of himself do whatsoever he knew might make for the good of the Commonwealth. But that they should chiefly entreat him, to endeavour the increase of the King of France his affection towards the Commonwealth, and by his exhortations incite him to send his Forces away immediately into Italy to their succour; whereby great glory would redound unto his name. This was that which was given in charge to the Ambassadors. But whilst they were upon their way, King Lewis fell sick and died. It was thought that his death would have caused great alteration of Affairs. The Ambassadors were not recalled, but commanded to go on; and for what concerned their Embassy, they were to expect new commissions from the Senate. King Lewis afforded the Commonwealth of Venice occasion of proving various successes of Fortune. His Friendship was useful to them at the beginning; for they made good advantage of his assistance to revenge the Injuries done them by Lodowick Sforza; so as she got Cremona, a great and rich City, and for a while the favour and friendship of so great a King, seemed to win the Commonwealth no small credit with other Princes; but afterwards, when not to part from the Friendship of the French, the Venetians took up Arms against the Emperor Maximilian, they fell into great troubles and dangers. Moreover Lewis was the first Author and Driver on of the League of Cambray, which was cause of great ruin to the Commonwealth; as may be partly known by what you have already heard. Lastly he who had plotted so great mischiefs against the Commonwealth, reassuming his first affection towards her, began to desire and to endeavour her exaltation, and did at this time use all the means he could to make her return to her former Power and Honour. And certainly the Commonwealth's recovery of her State in Terra firma afterwards by the assistance of the French, must be chiefly attributed to Lewis, who did use the same various and uncertain Proceedings all his life time; so as he made others, by reason of his inconstancy, make trial of Fortune several times, so did not he neither continue steadfast either in prosperous or adverse fortune, nor did he long make trial of the same luck. All humane Affairs are for the most governed by such mutual alterations. The End of the Second Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK III. THE CONTENTS. FRancis Duke of Angolema is declared King of France. He is well minded towards the Commonwealth, which send Ambassadors to him; their Proposals to the King. They go from thence to England: Pasqualio sent to the Duke of Burgony; Martin Georgio Ambassador at Rome. The Pope cannot be reduced from his obstinacy by the new Venetian Ambassadors. The King of France prepares for War; he goes to Lions. The Swissers differences are adjusted by the Emperor and Ferdinand; the Pope enters into League with Cesar. Ambassadors sent by the King of Poland to the Senate. The French enter Italy. Alviano recovers Lodi. The Armies are described. Sedunense his Oration to encourage his men to Battle. Colonna taken Prisoner. A bickering between the French and Swissers before Milan. The business succeeds well at last on the French behalf, by Alviano's succour. The number of the dead, and the Victory uncertain. Milan is in the French men's hands. Sforza surrenders the Castle, and himself. The King's Entry into Milan. Alviano attempts the taking of Brescia, and dies there. Giovan Giacomo Trivulcio succeeds Alviano. The Spaniards defend Brescia stoutly. The Venetians recover Peschiera, and other Towns. The Bastard of Savoy joins with the Venetian Army; departs from the Camp. Pietro Navarro serves the Venetians; he endeavours to take Brescia, but in vain. The Pope and King of France speak together at Bologno. Brescia is relieved by Roncandolfo. Wherefore the Venetians retreat from thence. Trivulcio being distasted leaves the Army. Theadoro Trivulcio succeeds him. The King returns to France. Andrea Trevisano near Barbone. The Pope endeavours to alienate the Venetians from the French, but fails therein. New Wars made by Cesar, by the King of England, and by the Pope. Cesar prepares to enter Italy. The Venetians recall the French▪ and take 8000 Swissers into pay. Cesar attempts to take Asola; but fails therein; the French being afraid to retreat to Milan: and are encouraged by Gritti. Caesar's Army is dissolved. Brescia returns under the Venetian Government. Lotreco betakes himself slowly to the Enterprise of Verona. He retreats at last, and is distasted by the Senate, who are jealous of his Actions. The King of France and Duke of Burgony meet at Brussels. Divers difficulties which arise there; an agreement is made at last; by which Verona returns to be under the Venetians. THeir time of rejoicing for the death of King Lewis, who were troubled at the power of the French in Italy, lasted but a little; but the Venetians hopes began quickly to revive, who desired the return of that Nation into Italy to reduce their Affairs to a better condition, who were likely to have suffered longer by the late King's death; for Prince Francis, Duke of Angulesne, to whom by their ancient rights of that Kingdom, he being descended of the House of the Capets, and the nearest a Kin to the late King, the succession did belong, was declared King of France. He being young, and of an eager Spirit, of a lively and ready wit, greatly desirous of War, and all things fitting for War being ready and prepared by King Lewis, every one thought that the new King, who suddenly had his eye upon Milan, and wanted not Forces to assault it, would forthwith send a powerful army to that purpose beyond the Mountains; and he was the more fervent herein, for that he thought he had just cause to undertake this War, since new reasons were added to the ancient pretences which the Kingdom of France had to that State; for he had married Claudia, eldest daughter to King Lewis, to whom the state of Milan might seem to belong; her Father being ●on to a daughter of jovan Galleazo Visconte. But the desire of redeeming the ancient reputation of the French Militia, which he knew was much lessened by the unfortunate success of the battle before Novara, by the dishonourable conventions made with the Swissers at Dijune, and by the loss of two noble cities, Terroana and Tornai, which were taken by the English, prevailed most with this young King, who was desirous of Military Glory. Which mischiefs King Lewis could not remedy; for just when Fortune began to smile upon him, and that the honour of France began to revive, he died. Francis therefore thought he had a fair occasion offered him of doing what he so much desired, if by his Forces he should win a noble Dukedom, which did of right belong unto him, by which Enterprise the Glory of his name would be much increased, and the Power of France, and whereby way would be made for greater achievements. He therefore together with the Government of the Kingdom, took upon him the same thoughts of renewing the War in Italy, wherein his Father in Law, Lewis, had been much versed. And knowing that Friendship with the State of Venice, might make much towards his getting the Victory, as soon as he had taken the Crown upon him, he writ kind and affectionate Letters to the Senate, wherein he acquainted them with his being King, and showing a ready and good affection towards the Commonwealth, he seemed to desire to know their opinion touching their renewing of their League with the Kingdom of France; and that if he should find them disposed like himself, the League and ancient Friendship might easily be renewed to the common good. He made the Bishop of Aste signify as much unto them, who was then in Venice, having been sent Ambassador thither by King Lewis. Wherefore the Venetians who at the same time coveted friendship with the French, and desired that they would come into Italy; and who as soon as they had heard of Lewis his death, had charged their Ambassador Marco Dandalo that he should endeavour to pry into the secret counsels and intentions of the new King, and should begin to treat of renewing the confederacy; when they had received these Letters, and Embassies from the King, seeming to put an high esteem upon his Friendship, they humbly thanked him for his affection to the Commonwealth, and for his desire to assist them. They promised to correspond with him in love and affection; saying they knew very well how much it imported both of them to keep the Forces of France and theirs joined together by reciprocal obligations of League: That they were therefore ready to renew the present League, and would always be ready to assist him in getting some Footing in Italy, and in aggrandizing his Power, so as he might be a terror to his Enemies, and a friend and sure help to the Commonwealth. Moreover the Ambassadors who were sent, as you have heard, to the Kings of France and England, and who being upon their journey, had tarried at Lions after Lewis his death, were ordered to go on, and had commissions sent them to renew the League with the King of France. These when they were come to Court, did easily renew the League upon the former Articles: To which the King was already so much inclined, and treated with such fervency of the Affairs of Italy, as he laboured in all his discourses with the Venetian Ambassadors, to show them what reasons had moved him to undertake this War; affirming that he would never lay down Arms, till he had gotten the state of Milan, and till the Commonwealth had recovered all the Cities which she had lost, and were returned to her former Dignity. The Venetians were very glad of this the King's resolutions: and fearing lest this so great fervency, might (as it often falls out) be by some new accident abated, they showed him how that the chiefest hopes of Victory lay in expedition, to the end that the Enemy whose Forces were now much diminished, and their resolutions doubtful and uncertain, might not have time to recrute and reassume courage: and that the City of Crema this mean while, which was known by experience, might be a great help towards the recovery of Milan, might not run any farther hazard, which having for so many years undergone the inconveniences of War, was now brought to great extremity; and that the Truce made with their Enemies being now near an end, stood them in no stead; for they had heard it credibly reported, that Prospero Colonna had assembled his Forces together from all parts, and prepared to besiege that City. That the Senate would not be wanting in any thing that was in them to do, who had already begun to raise new Soldiers, and to provide Arms, Money, and Ammunition. Moreover, that though the War were chiefly to be made by Land-men, yet thinking it not fit to lay aside the thought of ordering their Fleet, that they might upon occasion therewith molest the Enemy, they had resolved to rig out many Galleys, entreating his Majesty that he would do the like. The Ambassadors having thus done all they had in command with the King at Paris, they went into England to fulfil the other part of their Embassy; where being graciously received, they showed in their first Audience. The Venetians great sorrow for the death of King Lewis, husband to King Henry's Sister, a great Friend to the Commonwealth. They then told the King how highly the Commonwealth was bound unto him, for that in the Agreement made formerly with King Lewis, and lately with King Francis, he desired that she, as a Friend, and sharer with him in all his Fortunes might be particularly named and included in the League. But afterwards at a more private Audience, they earnestly desires him, that he would by his Authority, and by his exhortations, confirm the King of France in the mind he seemed to be in, of intending the Affairs of Italy, and of sending assistance speedily to the Venetians; and that in the mean time peace and friendship should be held inviolably between them, from which great safety was to arise to both their States, and much advantage to all Christendom; that the Senate of Venice for their parts would never be wanting in any thing which might make for the g●od of the Crown of France, or that of England; and did very much desire that these present Kings, as their Predecessors had done, might know that the Commonwealth was much bound and tied unto them. This Embassy being done, Giustiniano's stayed behind with Henry to treat of the Commonwealth's affairs, but Pasquillio returned to France, and being come to Paris, he met with Letters and Commissions from the Senate, commanding him to go immediately to Charles Duke of Burgony, and to congratulate the Marriage, and Peace with him. From which as the Commonwealth knew that great honour and safety was to redound to her, so was she very much pleased with her love and observance towards them both. And that to make known this her good will, they had sent this Embassy to make faith thereof unto him. By these complimental ceremonies the Venetians strove to preserve themselves in the favour and good will of other Princes, as the condition of times did require; but they were desirous above all things to draw over the Pope unto them, and to make him join with the French in Friendship: whereof they had the greater hopes, for that juliano, the Pope's Brother, who was of great power with the Pope, having married Filiberta Daughter to the Duke of Savoy, who was allied to King Francis, it was believed that he would favour the Affairs of France. Moreover, that the Pope would hereafter be better inclined to friendship with the French, for that they having by the last confederacy and alliance secured the King of France from the King of England, and Duke of Burgony's Forces, it was known their power in Italy would be much increased, and might become so formidable, as that the proudest of Potentates might be injured by them. Yet the Pope, continuing still doubtful, and never fixing upon any one resolution, was sometimes one ways minded, sometimes another: Sometimes his hatred being overcome by fear, he thought upon friendship with the French; but he held discourse oftener, and more willingly, with Caesar's and Ferdinando's Ambassadors, touching agreeing with them. And he answered the Venetians, who desired to learn somewhat of his Intentions, that for the present he would be a Spectator of the Wars; and that when either side should have the Victory, he would then declare himself and side with them that should have the better of the business. Yet men thought otherwise, and that the Pope had many thoughts in his head, but that he would keep them secret, to spin out the business in length, hoping that in the interim, the King of France wanting his assistance, and by his authority the like of the Venetians, would fore go all thoughts of Italy. But it was hardly credited that the Pope would have no hand in the War, but that he would adhere with his Forces to some one side, when King Francis should have passed over the Mountains with a powerful Army; for he might clearly see then, that things were brought to such a pass, as there was little security to be hoped for from standing idle, and but little praise; and that he must either fear others, or make others fear. So as when he should see the War resolutely made by the French, and knowing the uncertainty of relying upon the Swissers, how weak the Emperor was, and how cunning Ferdinand, so as he could not hope for good by making League with them, he would be enforced to provide better for his Affairs, by Friendship with the Venetians. Wherefore the Venetians thinking it better to send Marino Georgio Ambassador to Rome, than Pietro Lando, they wished him to treat otherwise with the Pope, than had hitherto been done, to try whether he could make him alter his resolution; by acquainting him with what danger he was in. That therefore he should heighten the Forces of the King of France, which since France was now free from War, might soon be sent into Italy; that then he should let him know the king of France was so bend upon the getting of Milan, as there was nothing how hard or difficult soever which could divert him from this his constant resolution. That the Venetians had the same desire of renewing the War, and of adhering to the French: That they had always greatly desired to join with the Commonwealth of Rome both in time of Peace and War, running the same Fortune, which they had always very much endeavoured to do, But that not being able to persuade Leo thereunto, and finding that the hopes of Victory did not only not go less, but was not in any part diminished, the Venetians saw no reason why they should forego the friendship of the French, knowing that they had thereby very well provided for themselves; that therefore his Holiness might put on such results as best became his Wisdom and the weight of the Affair; that he might do well to think what hopes or what helps he could have recourse unto, to hinder or to retard the King of France his resolutions; and that if he could find none, that he should keep from resolving upon any thing which did no ways stand with his Dignity, and which he himself knew, and thought to be such. And that if the French should succeed well in their Attempts, who would be able to defend the State of the Church, or the Pope from their victorious Forces? That he might learn by what had already past, what the strength of his Confederates would be, what their intentions, and what reason they would have to wage War. That there was but one way to prevent all these eminent dangers, by which the discords of so many years might receive a period, and Italy be freed from fear; to wit, the Pope's joining in League with the French and Venetians; for it was certainly believed that the Swissers being abandoned by his authority, and deprived by his assistance, would no longer defend Maximilian Sforza, but would lay down their arms which they had taken up against the French: So as the Confederates being bereft of their aid, would be enforced to change their counsels: and Cesar quitting any farther thoughts of Italy, and Ferdinando resting satisfied with his Kingdom of Naples, others might recover what was theirs; the French the Duchy of Milan, and the Venetians such Cities as were injuriously detained from them: and all things might be reduced to perfect Peace and Tranquillity; but that if this business should be otherwise handled, the War would without all doubt be prolonged, and the Miseries of Italy would be renewed. Which things as they made much for the universal good, and for the quiet of Christendom, so would they bring glory to Leo, and to the House of Medici; for what could there be more glorious to him, then by his Wisdom to have put an end to so long a War, which had been so unfortunate f●r Italy; Or what could occasion greater safety to his Brother, and to his Nephew, than this universal quiet, wherein their greatness might be confirmed, and their riches and dignity increased; that no account was to be had of Maximilian Sforza, a new and weak Prince, where the Interests of so great Princes were in question, who had always deserved so well of the Apostolic See. That the Kings of France, and Commonwealth of Venice, had so often undertaken sore Wars, not without great danger to defend the Pontifical Dignity, as if Leo would have respect either to ancient or more modern Affairs, he might easily know that these Princes ought to be upheld by Pontifical Authority, and to be thereby assisted. For all these well grounded reasons, Leo could not be persuaded to agree with the French and Venetians, but being constant to his first resolution, thought he might more easily draw the Venetians to condescend to his will; and finding he could not compass his mind by fair means, he resolved to proceed more rigorously with them. He published an Edict, whereby he prohibited all the Subjects of the Church upon grievous penalties, to take any pay of the Venetians, though at this time many Captains of that State had taken moneys of them; moreover he commanded all his Captains of Horse, who were gone a little before to Verona, under pretence of guarding that City, to go with all their Horse into the Spanish camp; and in fine left nothing undone which he thought might lessen the Venetians strength or reputation; to the end that being environed with so many evils, they might be at last enforced to accommodate themselves to his pleasure and to the times. But on the contrary, the Venetians keeping firm to the French, hoped by that means to be able to sustain themselves, and to defend their State, affirming that they thought themselves safe enough in their Friendship. And thinking that this might be much witnessed by keeping a French Ambassador in their camp, they prevailed with the King Francis that Theadoro Trivulcio, (who having been sent by the King to Venice, as you have heard, had kept still in the Army) should be still kept Ambassador, and not have leave, according to his desire, to return into France. Francis this mean while provided with all possible diligence for all things necessary for War: He knew that great endeavours were made by the Enemy, especially by the Swissers, and that he must have powerful Forces to suppress them. He therefore resolved to go himself in person to Lions, to the end that greater conceits being had of the preparations for War, and more haste being had, the Enemy might be terrified, and their inconveniences might be augmented, by a sudden and continued War. The French resolved to send part of their men before into Piedmont, to force the Swissers, when they should hear of their approach, to quit their own homes the sooner, and block up their way: From whence they thought they might get this good, that falling sooner into want of Victuals and Money, and consequently beginning to dislike that Militia, which they had adhered to only out of a desire of Novelty, and great hopes of prey conceived by reason of their last Victory; and that being troubled likewise, as they oft times were, by domestic discords, they would give over the business at the first, and return home leaving the passage open for the French Army. And the fear of the Swissers being taken away, they needed not fear any of the other confederates; for if they would keep sufficient Garrisons in the Cities which they had taken from the Venetians, their numbers would be so lessened, as they would not have Forces sufficient to make up the body of an Army, able to oppose the French, when they should be entered Italy. The King gave the charge of this whole business to Charles Burbone Grand Esquire de France, to whom he gave the chief authority of ordering the War, in case he himself should not go along with his Army out of the Kingdom, whereof he was not yet positively resolved. Burbone was at this time in great esteem and authority at Court; for his Mother, who was daughter to Frederick Marquis of Mantua, a woman of a manlike Spirit, and endowed with many noble qualities, had purchased much favour and authority both to herself and son from all the chief Personages about the Court. Whilst these things were doing in France, the Viceroy to debar the Venetians from any quiet, when the Pope's Chivalry was come, as hath been said, to the Spanish Forces, and many Troops of Horse being according to order come to the Cities of Brescia and Bergamo, he marched with his Army towards the Banks of Adice, with a resolution of coming to Vicenza, hoping to win that City easily and in a fitting time, to seize upon the revenue of silk, wherein that Country did much abound, and to turn it into pay for the Soldiery. But Alviano having notice thereof, resolved to march out of Milan, where he than was, and to go with all possible speed to the Territories of Vicenza, taking along with him so many of his men, as were sufficient to munite the City of Vicenza, to disturb their intentions, and to break their designs; and many being of a contrary opinion, Alviano gave them reasons for this his resolution, showing chiefly of what importance it was to him and to his Army which was beaten in the last rout, to get some reputation for the inheartning of the people, who seemed to be very affectionate to the Venetians, and to keep them in their Loyalty and Duties, he therefore kept upon those confines till such time as the Inhabitants had time to gather in their silk, and to carry it into more safe places; the Enemy having this mean while endeavoured in vain by often change of Quarters, to force our men to forego those Territories, and to retreat to where the other Army remained. But the cause of his coming thither being ceased, and knowing that he could not tarry longer there without some danger; for the Enemy being gotten very near, were encamped at Barbarano, where people flocking to their camp from elsewhere their Forces did daily increase, Alviano retreated with all his men towards Milan, where Renzo Ceri was with the rest of the Army, and resolved to take up his Quarters at the Town Brentelle, two miles distant from Milan, where he tarried a long time; for the Senate taking the safest way, ordered Alviano not to stir with the Army from thence, unless he were so sure of the Enemy's ways, as that he might not be compelled to fight; from which the Senate being always averse, it was now thought he ought chiefly to abstain; for if he should receive any the least prejudice, whereby he might suffer either in his Forces or reputation, the King of France would cool very much in his thoughts concerning Italy; since he himself had often affirmed that he relied very much upon the Venetians assistance; to which purpose he had often let them know by his Ambassador that he wished them not to hazard a Battle, nor put themselves upon any the least danger, before he should be come into Italy; for it would not be wisely done, to hazard the whole success of that War, upon a part of their Forces. The Venetian Army being therefore come to the castle of Este, after the Spaniards were removed from the parts about Vicenza to those of Verona; the Senate out of the same consideration would not listen to Alviano touching the leading of his men into the confines of Rovigo; for the French drawing near to Italy, by whose coming the Spaniards would be soon forced to keep aloof from their confines, they thought it became them to wait for such an opportunity, to the end that they might both keep their forces farther from their own State, & assault the others with better hopes: Yet at this time the Soldiers of the Commonwealth made many incursions, whereby the light Horse did chiefly disturb and trouble the Enemy. This business was committed to Mercurio Bu●, and to Giovan di Naldo, who behaved themselves very gallantly. Naldo, passing into the Territories of Rovigo, took many Curassiers Prisoners; and Bua entering into the confines of Verona, brought away good store of prey, and came so near the Walls of Verona, as meeting by chance with the Count di Caretto, who was a little before come out of one of the Gates of the City, he had taken him Prisoner, had he not saved himself from the Enemy who pursued him, by throwing himself into the Ditch without the Wall. Thus did both the Venetian and Spanish Army pass away many days without making any Attempts, each of them governing themselves according to the approach of the French. Yet the Senate resolved at the same time to send Renzo da Ceri with most of the Infantry, to Crema, to witness unto the King how much they desired to infuse terror into the Enemy. This mean while the French were very busy in preparing Arms, Horse, warlike Instruments, in raising Soldiers in all parts of their own Country, in taking in Foreigners upon great stipend, and Commanders of best esteem, and in making haste to put all things in order for a great and powerful Army, wherewith it was generally said that the King would go himself in person to recover the State of Milan. The King would often say in his discourse with the Venetian Ambassador, that he had a great desire to see the City of Venice, and that now, that he was to be so near, he would not sl●p the occasion, which he desired several times to acquaint the Senate with, The like was confirmed by all the chief of the Court, who spoke very honourably of the Venetians. There was so great a desire seen in them all of coming for Italy, and so general a consent to undertake this War, as that there was not any considerable man in France, who did not mind this business with all his might; every one strove to wait upon the King in this journey, and all places sounded of Preparations for War. The Pope being much troubled hereat, seeing himself to be endangered by this War, began to lean a little to friendship with the French: Yet he was on the other side incited to keep his confederacy with Cesar out of hope of very great matters which were offered him, in reward for his pains, and danger by the Emperor, and the other Confederates; for at this time the League which had been treated of with the Swissers was finally concluded, in which Maximilian Sforza, Cesar, the King of Spain, and the Swissers did join for the defence of the State of Milan, with a resolution not only to oppose the French with all their might, if they should make War in Italy, but to assault the confines of France in several places; in which confederacy the Pope being named, they used all the means they could to have his company in this War. Insomuch as certain difficulties arising upon the confirming of the agreement, by reason of the Cities of Parma and Piacenza, which the Pope would keep to himself, and the Swissers professing on the contrary, to defend Maximilian Sforza and his Dignity, they could not be brought to consent that he should be deprived of these two noble Cities; to accommodate which difference, the Confederates promised, that instead of Parma and Piacenza, the Cities of Brescia, Crema and Bergamo, should be joined to the Dukedom of Milan, when they should be taken by the common Forces: In which case not only Modena and Reggio, but Parma and Piacenza, which were then in the possession of juliano, the Pope's brother, Feudatory of the Church, should be left to the Apostolic See. Cesar and Ferdinand were persuaded to yield to these agreements, for fear lest the Swissers, when they should see the Pope depart with his authority and Forces from the League, they might also forego the agreement made with them, and join with the French, to which they were by many Embassies continually sollicitated. Then which nothing could be more pernicious to the Confederates, nor was more to be feared. The Pope being long assailed by two powerful affections, Fear and Ambition, at last thinking that he had certain hopes offered him of his brother's greatness, covetousness overcame, and forced him to yield to what she propounded; and trusting that those things might easily fall out which he so much desired, he changed his former fear into confidence, thinking that assuredly when the French should understand this conclusion of a League made against them by so many Potentates, they would give over the design they had for Italy. The agreement being thus made, the Pope forthwith sent the Florentine Forces, under the Government of his Brother juliano into Lombardy. Cesar at the same time being according to his custom, greedy of Money, but very poor, did continually solicit the Towns and Princes of Germany to assist him both with men and moneys: Nor did he leave any thing undone which might make for the muniting of Verona, and the increasing of his Army in Friuli, to the end that growing stronger, it might advance and fall upon other of the Venetian Territories. From whence he expected this advantage for the Confederates, that the Venetians being busied in defending themselves, should not be able to assist the French at their first coming into Italy. He assembled many Diets in divers parts of Germany, he desired, entreated, commanded them, not to abandon him now, when he was endeavouring things which would be so advantageous for himself and for the Germane Nation. He moreover chose several principal men to send them with the Army into Italy; to wit, Casimere, the Marquis of Brandebourg, and Bartholomeo a Commander of Slesia; Casimere had the charge of keeping Verona given him, and the Marquis was to enter Friuli with a new Army to ransack the Country; but Bartholomeo as he was going into Bohemia to raise men was drowned in the Danube; notwithstanding all these Preparations, Maximilian did not trust so much in his own Forces, nor in those of his Confederates, as to hope to overcome the French and the Venetians, wherefore he began to incite other Princes against the Commonwealth. To this purpose he called an assembly in Hungary, in the City of Possonia, where he endeavoured to have Sigismond King of Polonia, and Udislaus King of Hungary present, with whom giving out that he had to treat of many important things, his chief drift was to move those Princes to take up Arms against the Venetians; but he, handling all things with a certain natural negligence, when the rest were met at the Assemby, he came not thither himself; but being busied about slighter Affairs, sent the Cardinal Gurghense thither in his name, giving him in charge to propound such things as were to be treated of in that Diet. But nothing was concluded in what Cesar chiefly desired; and particularly touching the proposal made, against the Venetians; answer was made by both the Kings. That they had no reason to take up Arms against the Venetians, with whom they had had long friendship, and which had been confirmed by many good Offices: Moreover that the present condition of times were such as the weakening of that Commonwealth could not but turn to the great prejudice of all Christian Princes; and that the power and reputation thereof, ought rather to be maintained, that they might be the better able to resist the Turks, who were grown so insolent and bold by the late Victory which they had gotten in Persia; and had at the same time so enlarged their Confines by their having overcome John King of Da●ia, as all Christendom had reason to dread their Forces: That therefore it would be much better done to endeavour the reconciling of such Christian Princes as were at odds and enmity by reason of so long and heavy Wars, that so they might with joint consent oppose the so formidable power of the Ottoman Lords; lest whilst Christian Princes out of greediness strove to make themselves Masters of one another's States, they might not all of them be enslaved by barbarous people. Both these Kings did therefore promise to use their best means and authority with the other Princes, and chiefly with the Commonwealth of Venice, to persuade them to lay down Arms; which Udislaus did immediately endeavour by his Ambassador, who lay Leaguer at Venice. And Sigismond chose Matthew Bishop of Udislavia, and Rafaelle di Licusco, Commander of Scodovia for his Ambassadors, whom he sent to Venice, to acquaint the Senate in his name, That it was the King of Poland's desire, that the Commonwealth after so long and tedious Wars, would at last be reconciled with Maximilian, with whom as he had often formerly treated of Peace, so he did now the like with the Venetian Senate, in desiring them to lay aside the memory of past Injuries, and embrace peace and concord; and if any thing of hatred or prejudice remained in them by the late Wars, that they should pass it over for his sake, and for the like of all Christendom. The Senate thought fit to give the same Answer to these Ambassadors, as they had formerly done to the like propositions. That the Venetians did not first make War with Cesar, but had taken up Arms in their own defence; that they did not desire to possess themselves of any thing that belonged to another, but to recover, what of right belonged to themselves, and that they would willingly lay down Arms, when they might do it upon honourable terms. Thus, and by these means did Cesar endeavour to renew the War, but Ferdinando, though he were bound by Articles of agreement to wage War from the Perenean Mountains, yet not thinking that to do so would make any thing for their advantage, he neither prepared any men for that Enterprise, nor did he hasten to send Foot into Italy to increase his Army, being resolved, as it appeared, not to keep any Soldiers as then in pay, save such as were under Cardona's command, which he kept upon very small expense, upon design, that keeping his Forces entire, he might take the Empire of the States of Italy from out of the hands of others, when they should be weary and wasted. But the Swissers made open profession of maintaining that War, saying that they preferred the Honour of Maximilian Sforza, and the liberty of entire Italy, before their own particular good; for they were so inheartned by the good success which they had had in many Battles, as they believed they were able of themselves alone to free all Italy from the fear of the French. Wherefore as soon as the League was made, they began to choose out their best Soldiers, and to order many Companies, and having received two months pay, they came in great numbers into Piedmont, and quartering themselves in three places, Susa, Pignarv●lo, and Saluzzo, they blocked up all the ways o● that side. The French prepared this mean while to make War more settedly, and upon better advice, than did the Confederates; for that their affairs were governed with a joint consent, and for that they did cheerfully hasten to pass into Italy; their Army being the greater by reason that the Kingdom of France was on all sides free from Enemies; for though Ferdinand was tied by the articles of the League to enter with an Army into the confines of Guirome, and the Swissers into the Dukedom of Burgony, to perplex the French, yet neither of them had made any Preparations to do so. Wherefore the French having prepared all things ready for their departure, began on the 15th of july to march towards the Alps; and being come to Grenoble they quartered their Army in the neighbouring parts; for they were necessitated to stay there awhile to resolve upon what way they would go. There were great difficulties on all sides; for all the passages were so blocked up either by the nature of the places, or by the Enemies, as they could not make their way without much labour and danger. If they would go by the right and ordinary way, and enter Italy by the Confines of Piedmont, the Swissers had possessed the narrowest passes, so as they must cut their way through with their Swords, and fight the Enemy upon great disadvantage: and if leaving the Cotian Alps on the left hand, they would pass lower with their Army, they were to overcome the tops of steep craggy Mountains, and to pass through large Valleys, with great inconvenience and difficulty, which would be the greater by reason of the numbers of men, and cattle, and the train of Artillery which they brought with them. Yet the King could not be pacified with these considerations, who resolved to pass upon whatsoever conditions, and not to leave any thing unattempted which might be done either by labour or industry; hoping by power and constancy to overcome the natural asperity of the places. So taking their way by the right side of the Alps, which looks towards the South, and terminates upon the Tuscan Sea, the French came in three days to the Mountain Argenta; and going from thence on the left hand by divers unaccustomed paths, they overcame all difficulties on the fourth day, and to the great joy of the Soldier, brought their whole Army into the Confines of the Marquisate of Saluzzo; they passed from thence unto Vercelles, where they tarried to advise how they were to manage their War. About 2000 Swissers kept all the ways at the Foot of the Pennimen, and Cotien Alps, called Montcinese, guarded and blocked up, that they might oppose the French on that side, by which they thought they were to come and hinder their passage: and when they heard that the powerful Enemy had deluded their Forces, by taking another way, and that they were already got out of the hardest and most difficult passages, they admired the worth, and Fortune of the French; and chiefly the constancy of the King's resolution, to which it seemed even nature herself had yielded obedience; and then they began to abate much of their former forwardness, and to despair of Victory. So laying aside all thoughts of joining Battle without the advantage of place, they retreated to Novara; which made the French hope they might soon end the War, and get the State of Milan without the loss of blood. They were well acquainted with the nature and customs of the Swissers; how that they were fickle, seditious, easy to fall at odds, desirous of Novelties, but chiefly greedy of money; they therefore began quickly to bethink themselves to overcome them with this engine of gifts, and fair promises. Many of them being hereby tempted, laid aside their first desire of glory in War; and preferring the certain reward which by agreement was promised them, before the uncertain hopes of Arms; minded presently to return home; they with much arrogancy demanded pay, left their Colours, refused to obey Sedunense, and the rest of their Commanders; and all things went tumultuously on. They gave these reasons chiefly for this their so great change, that things had succeeded prosperously, nay with great glory to the French at their first entrance into Italy, and on the contrary, whatsoever the Swissers had attempted, had proved vain and ignominious; that therefore having lost all hopes of Victory, and more certain gain being offered them, it was in vain to spin out the War any longer. The Duke of Burbone, who commanded the first Squadrons of the French Army, past first on the left hand not far from Ville Francha, where Prospero Colonna by chance was, who hearing of the arrival of the French, came thither to muster the Swissers Army, which till then was divided in several parts; to the end that being all in one body, they might oppose the Enemy in their passage into Lombardy, and fight them whilst they were tired and weary with their journey. But the French prevented Prospero in his designs; for Palissa and Obegny went with a good number of Foot towards the Town, where Colonna with his men thought himself to be safe; and having sent some few Soldiers before clad like Pedlars, who made as if they would lodge in the Town, the Guards at the Gates, who suspected no such thing, were by them slain, and the Gates being possessed, the French Commanders and those that followed them entered, and took Colonna Prisoner together with all his Horse. At which all the rest being discouraged, as well for the loss of so gallant a Commander, as for shame of the thing, fell into such disorder, as the Colleagues Forces were of several opinions, and divided in all things. The Viceroy, who had stayed long in the Territories of Verona, and taken up his Quarters about the Banks of Poe, durst not advance any farther; and Lorenzo di Medici stayed to little purpose, with the Pope's men at Parma, not undertaking any thing. So as no succour coming to the Swissers, Maximillian Sforza's difficulties grew daily greater, and his hopes of defending his State, which was set upon at one and the same time in several parts, grew less, for King Francis, thinking it made much for the Victory to keep the Enemy's Forces divided in several parts, whilst the affairs of Italy were in great commotion, by reason of the unexpected arrival of his Army, had sent Emat de Pria, with a good Band of choice Foo●, and with 400 Horse to Genua, to find out Ottaviano Fregoso. This man had then the Principality of that City, and had begun long before to adhere unto the French Party; and having gathered together 4000 Foot, and received the French Forces, he joined with them, and at unawares fell upon Lombardy beyond the Poe, and laid all that Country waste. Moreover the King did much solicit the Venetians (who were ready enough of themselves) to move speedily with their Forces: So as Renzo da Ceri being returned, as hath been said, to Crema, the Senate commanded him to enter in hostile manner into the State of Milan, and to endeavour the recovery of some of those Towns, as occasion should serve, in the name of the King of France. And though the Truce was not yet ended which was formerly made between the Cities of Crema and Milan, it was thought that no private agreement could hinder this order, because the men that were drawn out then against the Enemy, were not taken out of the Garrison of Crema; but were newly come to the Army from Milan; and moreover they fought not at the entreaties of the Venetians, but for the King of France his service. The Venetians had likewise ordered their Captain General, that as soon as he should know the Spanish Army was gone from the Territories of Verona, he should go with all his men into Lombardy, and take with him those others that were sent to Crema, that so he might fall upon greater undertake. He therefore understanding that the Enemy were gone, went from Polisine di Rovegio, where he had stayed awhile, and past over the River Adice, with his Camp, at Abbadia, and came near Cremona, exciting all the people as he passed by, to Rebellion. The French Army was in another part, which proceeded forcibly, and made great progress against the State; so as Sforza's Dominion, being set upon on so many sides was shortly to fall; the King of France being already with all his men within his Confines, and finding that the Treaty handled by the Duke of Savoy, was spun out at length, and proved vain, he prepared to lay Siege to Milan. The disagreement was occasioned by the coming of many new companies of Swissers to the Camp, who unacquainted with the troubles of War, were more hot in the prosecution thereof; said that Sforza's reputation, which they had undertaken to defend, was to be maintained by the Sword, not by Treaty; so as the face of War was various and doubtful, both Peace and War being at the same time in discourse with the Swissers, and there being many Armies in the same State; some to oppugn it, some to defend it, but all of them so divided, as the Forces of neither party could be increased by the assistance of their companions; none of them having the means allowed them of meeting together, but were by the nearness of the Enemy, forced to take uncertain and dubious counsels; wherefore the King did desire the more to have Alviano's Forces join with his: To which purpose he was gone to the Town of Marignano, where he took up his Quarters. From hence he write to the Venetian Senate, acquainting them with his safe arrival in Italy, and with his prosperous successes, and moreover made his hopes and his counsels known to them. Thus the affairs of the French and Venetians went on with great union both of mind and Forces. The others being this mean while doubtful what to do, Renzo da Ceri being entered the confines of Milan with 2000 Foot, 500 light Horse, and 200 Curassiers, had taken the Castle of Leone by force, and had received many other Towns into the King's Loyalty, carrying away such Soldier's Prisoners as did guard them: Wherefore he was more honoured and respected then the rest; and had won so great a conceit of Worth, as mighty things were expected from him; but certain secret enmity, increasing daily between him and Alviano, Renzo could not suffer that the supreme degree of the Militia should rest in Alviano. Wherefore foreseeing that when the Armies should be joined together he should be compelled to obey him; at a time of great importance, he asked leave, to give over serving the Venetians. They were both of them certainly very gallant men, but very proud and haughty minded. Alviano would not see any equal to him in Dignity, and Renzo could not be commanded by another: and both of them were highly esteemed by the Venetians, who had been very diligent in composing the differences between them: To which purpose the Senate had sent Dominico Trevisano and G●orgio Cornaro, two Senators of great authority, to Milan; but finding them both to be strangely high minded, and full of envy and hatred, they could not appea●e them, nor make them friends; wherefore they returned to Ven●ce without having done any thing. Renzo's transcendent Worth, accompanied with like Fortune, had raised his name to that height, as by consent of all men, he was equalled for fame and glory to the most cried up Commanders of Italy: But either his Worth or his Fortune beginning to decline, he did not any thing from that time forwards worthy of his former fame. Having obtained leave of the Senate, he went to Rome, under pretence of negotiating his private affairs, but in effect, to be entertained in the Pope's service, wherein he had but ill success, so as the things which he had attempted, but failed in, did in a great part obscure his formerly won fame. Renzo being gone from Lodi, the Swissers finding the City without a Garrison, possessed themselves of it; but hearing soon after that the French Army drew near, and thinking that they were not able to defend it, they quickly quit the City; which was soon possessed by Alviano's people who were formerly gone into those parts. From thence Alviano went with some few of his men to Marignano, to advise with the French how they were to manage the War. Whilst these things were done, Alphonso Duke of Ferrara was only a quiet Spectator of the success of War; and though he had often promised to adhere unto the French, yet he had not as yet sent in any assistance; but minding his own interest, solicited and entreated the Venetians to assault Modena and Reggio, whilst their Army was in the Territories of Rovigo; affirming that those Cities were so weakly garrisoned, as if their Army would but draw near them, they might easily be taken; which when they should be, the Pope would be so much troubled thereat, as apprehending his own affairs, he would easily be persuaded to alter his resolution. But the Venetians, though the Pope adhered to their Enemies, did notwithstanding abhor making War upon the Ecclesiastical State; and this the more, because they did not as yet well know the King's mind herein; for Leo using his accustomed cunning, had not as yet discovered his alienation from the King. Wherefore the Venetians not listening to Alphonso's advice, pressed him to send his men unto the Camp, where the Commonwealth's Forces were, and to lend his assistance to the War, affirming that nothing was to be done, but to lay a good foundation for the French; for if they should prove prosperous, those Cities would certainly be restored to him, as a reward of his pains and fidelity; it not being to be doubted but that the Pope would follow the Victor's fortune, and accept of such conditions of agreement as they should impose upon him, who being victorious, were become arbitrators of the affairs of Italy: That therefore, since the condition of affairs were such now, as there was no peace to be hoped for, it behoved him by all means to add unto the forces of the League, against the common Enemies; for it was clear that those who had most men, would at last be Masters of the Field and Towns. These reasons did not notwithstanding prevail with Alphonso to make him quit his Neutrality, till he saw what would become of the War. Hardly was Alviano gone from the confines of Rovigo, when Mark Antonio Colonna, who had the keeping of Verona, issuing unexpectedly out of the City with 3000 Foot, and about 700 Horse, entered the Confines of Vicenza, plundering and ruinating the Country. At which though the Venetians were very much troubled, yet could not the grief thereof make them forget their promises made to the King of France, nor change their resolution, of pursuing the War in the places, and manner already begun. Alviano gave order therefore that not any whatsoever accident should make his men alter the way they had taken, but that they should march on, and chiefly mind the good and greatness of the King of France; it being their chief design to oblige him; for they knew if the King should prosper in his attempts, the state of the affairs of Italy must change, and the fortune of the Commonwealth must chiefly be raised up. Out of these reasons, all other respects being laid aside, the Venetian Army passed into Lombardy; but the nearness of the Enemy kept them from joining with the French, so as all things concerning the War proceeded yet but uncertainly; for there were four Armies in the same Country, encamped not far from one another. There were in the French Camp above 40000 men, of which 1500 Curassiers, the choice Noble men of France. who being excellently well armed and horsed, were of great beauty and strength unto the Army. The French men hoping that by these men chiefly they might be able to keep the Country open every where, passed on, and having got the Cities of Pavia and Novara, they stayed, as hath been said, in the Town of Marignano. The Venetians were not far from this place, who having taken the Town of Lodi, kept still in those parts, and this Army consisted of 12000 Foot and 3000 Horse; and both these Armies had great store of Artillery, and of all warlike Preparations. To oppose these there were two other Armies ready of the Enemies, which were likewise forced for the same reasons to keep asunder. In one of these Armies were the Pope's Militia, the Florentines and the Spanish Foot, of more esteem for the worth of their veterane Soldiers, then for their numbers: and these lay near Piacenza upon the Banks of Poe. The other Army was the Swissers, wherein 'twas said there was 40000 men, who being entered at this time into Milan, at Sedunense's entreaties, kept the City excellently well munited: and though they had neither Horse nor Artillery, yet were they full of courage and confidence, as well in respect of their valour and military discipline, as for the many Victories which they had won; so as the business seemed to be so evenly balanced, as it was not easily to be discerned which party was likeliest to be worsted, nor what the event of the War would be. But whilst all labour alike, though upon several hopes and reasons, to weary the Enemy, and to reduce them into straits, and that therefore it was thought by all men, that the War would be spun out into the length, the Cardinal Sedunense put an end to these doubts and delays. He being returned to the Camp, from whence he was gone for fear of the rising of the multitude, reassuming courage, because many Bands of Soldiers, who adhered to his party, were come unto the Army, breaking all Treaties of agreement, which till then had been negotiated by the Duke of Savoy, he returned all things to the first covered War: Unto which it was not hard to persuade the Swissers, who were fierce, and desirous of money; for Sedunense magnifying the Triumphs, Rapines, and other things which wait upon Victory, as great and assured rewards of their labours, showed them how that by getting the State of Milan, they might with much glory to their Nation, get much wealth, far beyond whatsoever was promised them by the King of France in guiderdon of an ignonimious Peace. The Soldiers believed this the rather, remembering the great Booty which they bore away in the last Wars; wherefore not valuing any faith plighted, a choice Band of Swissers were immediately sent to Castle Bufeloro to detain the moneys which were brought thither by the King's agents to confirm peace with them. Thus all former conventions being broken, Sedunense, to keep the King from any opportunity of making those people who are subject to change, give over the thought of War, knew he must come to blows with the Enemy as soon as he could, and try the event of Battle; saying it stood not with the Swissers fame and reputation to shun conflict. The French men in this interim, drawing near Milan, had taken up their Quarters at San Donato, which Town they fortified without much labour, because it was already environed by many Ditches, made by the Inhabitants; by reason whereof the Commanders, thinking that they had found a very opportune place, had in encamping themselves taken up such a space of ground, as that all their Troops were so ordered and disposed of, as though the whole Army was divided into three parts, the first Squadrons might easily succour the last; and likewise that in the midst, those of either side. Which things being known in the City, where they were advising touching the going forth of the Army, some of the Swisser Commanders thought it a rash and dangerous advice to assault the Enemy, who were ready and prepared for Battle; especially since it was likely that within a short time they might find a fitter occasion to fight them: It being said that the French Camp would rise, and go meet the Venetians who came to join with them. But Sedunense, thinking that any delay, how short soever, would thwart his counsel, (for as the desire of Battle was easily kindled in them, so might it be easily extinguished) and fearing likewise lest the Soldiers incited by their factious Commanders, might either listen again to an accommodation, and refuse to go out of the City, or else might manage the War otherwise; made it be falsely reported by frequent Messengers, that the French had gathered up their Baggage, and made ready their Arms and Horses, and that the first Files were already on their march to go meet the Venetians; and that they intended when they should be met, to return, and fight the City jointly. From hence he took occasion to excite them to make haste, and shun all delay that they might fall upon the Enemy whilst they were raising their Camp, and were in some disorder, not suspecting to be set upon: That they might make use of that opportunity which they had so much desired, and which now did offer itself: Which if they should let slip, or be slow therein, they would hereafter seek for help from Fortune in vain, when they should through sluggishness have basely showed that they valued not her favours, nor the hopes that she had laid before them of Victory. Upon this the Soldiers ran to take up Arms almost in a tumultuous manner, and many companies went one after another out of the City; and at last the whole Army moved thereunto out of shame, and by their Commanders exhortations went out: So as orders being suddenly given for all things, they prepared for Battle. Then Sedunense, lest they should be discouraged when they should find the error, riding up and down amongst them every where, spoke thus unto them. That News was lately brought that the French did keep still within their Quarters; that it was to be believed that this was out of fear, they having heard of the Swissers being marched out, strong and able men, whose violence they knew they were not able to resist; and therefore desired to defend themselves by their works: But that if ●he bare News of their coming, and the formidable name of the Helvetian Nation, had caused such fear in the Enemy, as it had made them alter their intended March, and forced them to change the whole course of their War, how would they suffer the presence, or withstand the violence of so great an array? And certainly, said he, the changing of the Enemy's intentions, ought not to frighten you, nor make you give over what you have begun to do; nay rather you ought to be the more encouraged, since you find the contrary in your Enemies. If you marched out of the City with such joy and such hopes of Victory, how can your generous purpose be retarded, by knowing that the Enemy, for fear of your approach dare not look out of their Quarters? Wherefore think you is it that they trust more in their Rampires then in their Arms? Is it not an apparent sign that they trust little to themselves, or to their own Valour? If they made any account of themselves, they would have come out into the field already, to make trial both of their Worth and yours. But certainly as there is no fence strong enough for fear, so stout and valiant men, safe enough in their own Worth, place their hopes of welfare no where but in their own right hands. You are not now to fight with a new, or an unknown Enemy; who know the nature of the cowardly French, and their unexperience in matter of Militia, better than you? You have fought so often both for them and against them, as you may easily conceive the French are no ways to be compared to you, neither for experience in Military Affairs, nor for fortitude of mind. These are the very men, who having taken up Arms against Charles Duke of Burgony, received so great a rout at Nansi, and afterwards were overcome by you in Battle near Novara, to their so great slaughter, as that action added glory to the Illustrious name of Switzerland. What reason therefore have you to fear an Enemy, whom you have so often beaten? Their retreat into their Quarters shows plainly, that they yield the field unto you, and esteem themselves already overcome; so as if you will be but minded like Conquerors; I already see all danger secure, and foretell that you may this day get a great and glorious Victory, with very little labour; that desire of Glory, which seems to be naturally infused into the Souls of all men, hath always so fervently, and so particularly inflamed those of our Nation, as nothing hath ever been so difficult or dreadful, which when the hope of praise hath been at stake, hath not been willingly embraced by you: and you yourselves, calling to mind your Domestic Valour, and spurred on by glory, have now left your houses, and exposed yourselves to so great labour and danger: Therefore if any of you shall think the business may prove sharp and difficult, let him think what noble and rich Booty this Victory will bring along with it, when so great an Army of the French shall be overcome, wherein the Person of the King himself is. The hope of so great Glory and Triumph, will free your hearts from fear, and make you despise danger. Many other Commanders who were of Sedunense's faction, seconded him, praising his advice, and encouraging the Soldiers to Battle. Wherefore going into every several company, they conjured them to be mindful of their ancient Worth, and of the late Victory: They showed them what it became them to do; they amplified the great rewards, which was to be expected from the victory; they told them that if they would undertake this business courageously, one only battle would put an end to their so many labours, & crown all their past victories. The Soldiers being set on fire by these speeches, did greatly desire combat; and the sign being given, marched speedily towards the Enemy to assault them in their Camp. The French when they understood of the Swissers approach, were at first greatly troubled (as usually falls out when things come unexpected) they betook themselves hastily unto their Arms, and in some disorder made ready their Horses and other necessaries for Battle; afterwards taking courage, they went to their colours, took their several places, and drew out into the open fields. The whole Army was divided into three parts; the first was assigned to the Duke of Bourbone, with whom were Monsieur di Talamone, Son to Monsieur della Tremouglie, Giovan Giacopo Taivulcio, Pietro Navaro, Gabeano, and other Commanders, famous either for glory of War, or for their Birth. All the Dutch, Gasconne, and French Foot were in this first Squadron; the King himself took care of that in the middle; about whom were placed the greatest part of the Chivalry, and a select Band of Germane Soldiers; in this Squadron were many chief Personages, the Dukes of Lorraine and Albany, Lewis Lord of Tremuglia, Francis Bourbone Count of St. Paul, Odetto di Fois, surnamed Monsieur di Lotrecco, and some others: These were followed by Alencon, Palissa; and Obigni, who commanded the last Squadron, wherein were the remainder of the Foot. The Swissers leaving some of their companies in the rear for a reserve, made but one strong body of their whole Army, wherewith they marched apace in a close order, towards the French Camp, to the end that by coming up close unto them, they might keep the Enemy from making use of their Cannon, wherein they knew they did chiefly confide. Both Armies being come so near as that they might give Battle, the Dutch Foot, who were placed in the Front of the French Army, growing jealous, by reason of some News that was given out, that the French and Swissers were agreed, and that the Swissers out of a certain hatred and emulation in War, which is between those two Nations, meant to fight only with them, began at the first Onset to give way, and permitted the Enemy to advance, and to come to where the Artillery was placed; which Navarre being aware of, he called some of his companies of Foot, and made them immediately advance, and possess the Station which was appointed for the Dutch, so as the Enemy, who came in good order upon them, were made stay. In the Interim Monsieur di Bourbone comes in with his Gasconne and French Soldiers, and renews the fight; the combat was very hot on all sides; but the French had much ado to withstand the Swissers violence, who minding only to repulse the Enemy, had not yet possessed themselves of any one piece of Artillery; the King going then from the middle Squadron into the formest ranks, brought the Chivalry along with him, which enlarging themselves, assaulted the Enemy's Squadrons on several sides, they might the better do, for that (as hath been said) their Quarters were very large. Wherefore the Swissers, after having in very close Files, kept off the Enemy's Horse a good while with their Pikes, at last their Ranks being a little opened, began to separate, yet still fought though upon great disadvantage, being scattered here and there: Many of them were slain every where; others being forced from their places, and disordered, directly yielded; others charging fiercely in among the Enemies, were more solicitous to kill others, then to save themselves, every one being his own commander and encourager. The King not being at all afraid in this so sharp and dangerous Battle, that he might the more encourage his Soldiers, by sharing in their danger, made himself be seen amongst the formest, and most forward of them, and did at the same time both encourage the Soldiers, and fight the Enemy, playing the part both of a good Commander, and of a good Soldier. And having wearied several Horses, he himself to all men's wonder, remaining still unwearied, he showed himself every where, and both by his presence, words, and actions, egged on the Soldiers against the Enemy, and incited them to fight: The night came on already (for a good part of the day was over, before the battle began) and yet the conflict continued. Soldiers fell down dead on all sides, as well French as Swissers; for they were mingled together in every place in great confusion: They fought, not distinguishing their Colours, nor hearing their Captain's commands: So as the heat of the Battle was comprehended more by the clashing of Arms, by dreadful voices, and by the miserable Out-cries of dying men, then by the eye, which was hindered by the obscurity of night. All places were full of tumult, death, and flight. One of the stoutest Bands of the Swissers being mixed amongst the French, cried out France, France, to the end that cozening the Enemy, they might have way made them to get into their thickest Ranks, and make the greater slaughter. But the French soon after perceiving their deceit, environed the Swissers round, who being got so far from their Fellows, as that they could not be relieved, were all put to the sword: No end was put to the slaughter till the Soldiers of both Armies were so very weary as they could wield their Weapons no longer. The French and Swissers rested that night in the same place, so as two Enemy Camps appeared to be but one Quarter: They kept on their Arms all night: The King showing always an invincible spirit amidst such confusion and danger, called a Council of War, to resolve upon what was to be done the next day, and with great generosity comforted his Commanders, and bade them hope well. The whole Army was divided, as the day before, into three great Squadrons, but otherwise ordered; for all the most valiantest Soldiers were picked out, and placed in the Front, to the end that keeping close together they might stand the first assault of the Enemy, who being picked just over against them, were ready to give an assault; they disposed of all the Artillery in the most convenient places, the chief care whereof was given to the Dutch Foot, who promised to witness their Valour and Loyalty that day. And these men were ordered, that keeping quiet at first, they should assist those who were first to enter Battle, if they should see them give back. The Swissers at the first appearing of the sun, having allowed almost no time for dressing their wounds, re-assumed their Arms, and, as they had done the day before, marched towards the French Artillery; for they knew that the greatest hope of Victory on the Swissers side, lay in possessing themselves thereon, and on the French behalf in defending them; the business was therefore long and stoutly disputed about them, the Soldiers on both sides showing great courage. The Dutch, to cancel the fault they had committed the day before, and to remove the jealousy which was had of their truth, fought so stoutly, as the Swissers despairing to win the Artillery, were forced to alter their way of fight; they divided all their men into two Squadrons, whereof one stayed over against the first Squadron of the Enemy, the other passing over a Fen, near which the French Camp lay, assaulted the Rear at unawares. Monsieur d'Alanson, who had the charge thereof, was gone from thence a little before, to assist the Dutch Foot, who were sorely put to it by the Enemy; whereby the French did with greater disadvantage sustain the assault, and being set upon on the Flank, they were compelled to disorder their Ranks very much by facing about; and the condition of the place was such, as they could receive no help from the Horse. The French being by these reasons in great danger and disorder, Alviano came in in a lucky time, to succour the hindmost Ranks, who had much ado to withstand the Enemy. The Venetian Army had stayed at Lodi; for first they could not march safely, the Enemy being so very near, and next the King, thinking that he had accommodated affairs with the Swissers, and that therefore he should not need their assistance, had agreed with the Venetian Commanders, that they should keep their Army at Lodi, and expect the final end of the business; for the Armies had this advantage by their being severed, that they might be the easilier victualled, and might pass to wheresoever it was most behoveful for the War. But the King, upon occasion of this Battle, had dispatched Messengers speedily away to Alviano, to acquaint him with the condition of affairs, and that they required speedy help, wherefore he desired him to make all the haste he could to the French Camp. Which when Alviano understood, he immediately sent for 200 of his best Curassiers, such as were known to be of great birth, and worth, and went his way with these immediately: Leaving order for the rest of the Army to follow after, and made what haste he could to the French Camp. Alviano knew he could do nothing which would be more acceptable to the Venetians, nor whereby he himself might purchase more honour, then by helping a puissant King, and Friend to the Commonwealth in time of so great need. Therefore finding at his first coming that the Battle was already begun; ●aving briefly said such things to his men as the time would allow of, persuading them to show their courage and generosity, and to hasten the getting assured glory; he at his very first arrival assaulted the Swissers on the back, and falling furiously upon the Enemy where they were thickest, he broke, and dissipated their orders; then they who were first intent only upon one Battle, must now turn both their thoughts, and hand against the Venetians, and leave the French; and not knowing what to do either by way of offence, or defence, by reason of this unexpected accident, they began to slacken that courage wherewith they fought at first. On the contrary, the French encouraged with greater hopes of Victory, gave more furiously upon the Enemy, the effects whereof were the greater, for that both sides believed the whole Venetian Army was come. The Swissers, finding themselves fought withal on all sides, began by little and little to draw out the Battle, and to wheel about, endeavouring to join with all those who fought the Enemy on the Front. And thus having made one strong body of all their Forces, they all of them retreated in miraculous good order, and safety into Milan: and the French, being wearied with long fight, (for they had fought from the Sunrising till after twelve a clock) suffered the Swissers to retreat safely, without pursuing them. But Alviano's Curassiers following some of the Enemy who retreated later than the rest, drove them into a Village not far off, where by Alviano's command they were all destroyed by fire and sword. This Battle which happened on the 17th of September, was very great and bloody, and for a while uncertain; for it was valiantly fought on all sides, and lasted so long, as many were slain on both sides, and the field was every way covered with dead bodies. There is not any one who mentions the number of the dead positively, yet all agree in this, that the loss was much greater on the Swissers side: But many illustrious men were missing of the French, as Francis Lord of Tremuglia, Imbercatio, Sanserio, Monsieur Ambaysa, the Count de Guise; and to boot with these, a son of Count Pisiglian, a youth of excellent Parts, who fought under the Venetians. Therefore though the French got the Victory, yet was it very sad and bloody to them, and a long time uncertain. The French accounted themselves victorious, because they were not driven from their Quarters, which was the Enemy's design to have done, and because they had forced the Enemy to retreat to within the Walls of Milan. But on the other side, since the Swissers had retreated in good order, and gotten in such numbers into the chiefest City of that State, as that they were able to defend it, it cannot be said that this was a real Victory, the War not being thereby ended, nor the Enemy routed. And certainly, as by the Swissers admirable Valour the French bought all dearly which they got by fight, so by their natural fickleness the French got greater advantage by this Victory; for the very next day to the day of Battle, the Swissers giving over the thought of defending Milan, leaving only a Foot Garrison in the Castle whither Maximilian Sforza was forced to retire, returned to their own homes: and Cardinal Sedunense, knowing that by the bad success of his counsels he had lost his former authority with the Soldiery, so as all that he could say was not able to make them stay one minute longer, le●t Milan likewise, and went by the way of Trent to find out the Emperor. This may teach Princes upon how weak foundations the safety of that State is grounded, which wanting a Militia of its own, is forced to have recourse to mercenary Foreigners. After this Victory the French were every where Masters of the field, and easily reduced all the Towns in the Dukedom of Milan into their power. The Viceroy, who had not stirred all this while from about Placenza, despairing to defend the State of Milan any longer, and suspecting also that the Pope had quitted the League, went into Romagna, and by little and little brought all his Army from thence to the Kingdom of Naples. And at the same time the Pope's men went to Reggio in Lombardy; so as Sforza's State being bereft of all hope of help, or of returning to its pristine condition, Milan, and all the other Cities, yielded of themselves to the French, and sent Ambassadors to the King to beg pardon for all that was past, and to promise obedience for the time to come; the Ambassadors were received, and a great sum of money was imposed upon the Millanese, to be paid according to every man's abilities. But the King would not as yet enter into Milan; for Sforza keeping the Castle still, he thought it stood not with his honour to enter armed into that City, which he had not totally reduced under his Dominion. But for the present the Duke of Burbone entered the City, who received it in the King's name, and committed the reducing of the Castle to Pietro Navaro's charge, who having played upon it a good while with his great Guns, began according to his custom to fall a mining. He was excellent good hereat, and by applying fire to the Gunpowder, wherewith he filled his works under ground, he was wont to blow up Walls and Towers which were otherwise impregnable. Wherefore Sforza being much terrified, and being a little besides himself by reason of a long sickness contracted by so many adversities; being also advised by such as were none of his best friends, he resolved a month after the Siege began, to receive Antonio Bratano, a Doctor of Law, into the Castle to treat of surrender, and concluded at last that he would put both the Castle and himself into the hands of the French, though it were so well victualled and manned, as it might have held out a long while. He was upon these conditions received by the French. That he should be forthwith carried into France, from whence he was never to depart; that he should for ever quit all claim and right which he had to the State of Milan, to King Francis; being to receive such a revenue from him, as whereby he might live commodiously and with honour. The King having by agreement received the Castle, he entered Milan in great Military Pomp, and almost in manner of Triumph, environed by the choicest and richliest arrayed of all his Chivalry. He here received an honourable Embassy sent unto him from the Venetians to congratulate his Victory. These were four of the principal Senators of Venice, grave and reverend for their age, and famous for the supremest Honours of the Commonwealth. Georgio Cornar●, Andrea Gritti, Antonio Grimani, and Dominico Trevisano, Procurators of St. Mark, the chiefest Honour in that Commonwealth next to the Duke. It fell to Trevisano's part, as being youngest, to make the Oration, which is said to have been thus delivered. As soon as the so greatly desired News (most Christian King) that your Majesty had taken your journey towards Italy, came to Venice, all our Souls were overwhelmed with joy, as if even then the Victory had been certain; for we very well knew that there was no force which could withstand your singular Worth, and your invincible Army; wherefore our Commonwealth, judging that they had great occasion of joy offered them, at this your coming, that they might not let slip any thing whereby they might manifest their affection and observance, had chosen us her Ambassadors to wait upon your Majesty, and congratulate your having brought your Army safe into Italy, and returned your Affairs to that ancient Honour, to which questionless prosperous success in War would soon bring them. The Senate did afterwards desire that all the Forces of their Commonwealth might be offered you by us, as hath been formerly done by other Ambassadors; that your Majesty might please to make use of them upon whatsoever occasion, either for your own greatness, or for the conveniency of your Army. We could not execute this our Commission which was long ago given us, before now, because the ways were every where blocked up by the Enemy; but it hath happened by divine providence, that we, who were sent to congratulate the hop●s of your beginning to be victorious, may now give you joy of your already won victory; for outdoing the thoughts of all men, you have achieved those very great things, which we, out of a singular affection and desire of your prosperity, were in our thoughts designing: Since having by a miraculous confidence in yourself, and constancy of mind, made your way through craggy Cliffs, and almost inaccessible Mountains, you have mastered all difficulties, passed over the Alps even there where they were thought to be impassable; and have conducted your Army in four days space entire and safe into Italy. Having thus overcome the asperous Mountains, you have instructed us, that nothing is so difficult through which the valiant man cannot make his way; and that a magnanimous Prince ought to esteem nothing too hard for him to overcome; but you have chiefly shown your Worth to be such, and so excellent, as you can rule even nature, which rules and governs all things. That which amongst other of that cried up Commanders Actions, Hannibal, is numbered as a thing of singular praise, to wit, that he durst venture to pass over the top of the Alps with his Army, and that in 15 days space he conducted it safe over; your Majesty by a more singular virtue, and in a more excellent manner have outdone, by having brought over your Army▪ Artillery, and all your warlike Preparations in a much shorter time into the Confines of the Enemy, by rougher, and by straighter ways. But whilst men stand admiring this egregious action, and highly celebrate your name, you have by a much more glorious Enterprise, and that which none other durst to have done, outdone yourself, out-shined your Glory, and have left to posterity greater and better memory of the French Gallantry; for though your Army was wearied with their long and toilsome march, yet you stuck not to join Battle presently with most bitter Enemies, wherein your Valour was such, as you have showed that those may be beaten, who were before thought unconquerable. You have routed and put to flight the Swissers, who formerly despising all other Nations, did proudly usurp unto themselves chiefest praise for what concerns the Militia; and have forced them to return home, whence they are not likely to come so soon again to disturb your Affairs. And that nothing might be left desirable to your praise, Fortune, which for the most part useth to have the greatest share in Battles, dare lay claim to nothing in this your happy success; for no cunning, no stratagem, nothing but mere Worth had any share in this Victory. 'Tis merely this Worth then, which whilst all things else were equal in Battle, hath made you Victor, causing fear, flight, and slaughter to your Enemies, and freeing your own Army from the like, which hath not only fought under your happy conduct, but whilst you yourself acted both the Captains and Soldier's part: So as it is not the splendour of your Dignity, but your own peculiar Worth, which hath preserved you amidst the fury of Weapons, and hath freed you more than once from danger. Your Majesty may therefore promise unto yourself all things prosperous, and favourable hereafter. Those things which are propounded as a reward to conquerors, Glory, Wealth, and Empire are already yours; you have already recovered the State of Milan, and your Enemies the Spaniards, who being grown more insolent through the courage and labour of other men, attempted greater things, abandoning the Enterprise, and retreating to within their own Confines, do hardly believe they can defend them against your victorious Arms; but we your true friends, wellwishers to your Honour and Greatness, being consolated and rejoiced by this your prosperity, have raised our Souls to greater hopes: and as we were ready to partake with you in any whatsoever fortune of War, so you having by God's good will, by your own Worth, and we may say partly by our assistance, gotten so great a Victory, we also promise prosperous success to our own Affairs: Which as we know it is much desired by you, so we hope that you will be assistant to our fortune, with all your forces, since thereby your power & glory will be greatly confirmed and increased; for to have aided such a Commonwealth, after her being oppressed by many evils, so as she be returned to her ancient state and dignity, will be numbered amongst your prime praises; and as you have always found us to be your faithful Servants, so remaining still such, but more powerful, your Affairs in Italy may peradventure receive greater security. Many therefore are the reasons of our joy, that a King who is our friend hath purchased so much glory, as will be envied by memory in all ages, but peradventure paralleled by none; that we have hopes given ●s of recovering our own State, and that Italy is freed from the fear she was in of the Dutch and Spaniards, who sought to enthral her Liberty. Certainly since your coming into Italy hath been long desired by us, and assisted by all our endeavours, as you yourself know, it cannot be doubted 〈…〉 our joy is great, in seeing all your designs prosper so successively; for we do very much rejoice that we have had fortune to be aiding to so great a King, and do think ourselves already sure of those rewards, which we assured ourselves would be very great, when we resolved to adhere unto you even in your dubious condition. Then as our Commonwealth thinks that she hath got what soever your Majesty hath won by so great a Victory, and is therefore greatly consolated thereat; so we desire and hope that your Majesty will have the same respect to her, and her Affairs; being confident that our State Forces, and fortune, what soever it shall at any time happen to be, shall always be ready to wait upon, and to attend your convenience and greatness. To this the Lord Chancellor in the King's name made a very civil and honourable reply; the Ambassadors had private audience the next day of the King, who in a long speech endeavoured to show his good will towards the Commonwealth. Saying, That he took their Embassy in very good part, and that the affection of the Commonwealth of Venice towards the Crown of France had been long since witnessed by several Testimonies, but that it was more clear by their recent deserts. That he had always much valued her Friendship, and was naturally given to embrace it; that it was very fitting that they who had had their share of the labour and danger of the War, should partake of the fruit of Victory; that therefore being mindful both of their ancient amity, and of their last service done him, he would not fail their expectation in the recovery of their State; that he had already destiny'd that many of his men should fight under their Banners, and that he would send them greater helps as soon as his Affairs should be brought to a peaceable and safe condition: In fine, that he would readily do any thing which might increase the Dignity and Power of the Commonwealth. The Ambassadors, though they had ended their Embassy, received orders from the Senate to keep with the King, and in greater testimony of the honour and observance which they bore him, to wait upon him whithersoever he should go, whilst he was in Italy. At this time whilst the Castles of Milan and Cremona were besieged, Alviano marched with the Venetian Army towards Brescia, to attempt the taking of that City. He desired very much to follow the Spanish Army, after the success of the Battle, that he might revenge both their former and late injuries, and utterly destroy that bitter Enemy. But the Viceroy was so speedy in removing his Camp, as Alviano lost all hopes of encountering with him. Moreover, this his desire of following the Enemy was sufficiently cooled by Letters which he received from the Senate, wherein they signified their will and pleasure to be, then setting all other things whatsoever aside, he should endeavour the recovery of the Cities they had lost, and mind only that: That he should make use of the Victory, and his late won reputation, in things of greater importance; and that he should chiefly employ all his labour and study, where greatest good, and most hopes of ending the War were promised. Wherefore Alviano passing over the Ada, went with his whole Army to the taking in of Brescia; Bergamo having been soon surrendered to him after the Swissers defeat. The Commanders in the Venetian Camp differed in their opinions concerning this: Some affirming, That they were first to endeavour the taking of Verona, which City was, the Seat of the War, and which had always been a safe receptacle of the Enemy; so as there was no hopes of ending the War, till they were driven out of that nest: That that City had still been the chiefest cause of contest, and had often been the only cause of hindering Agreement; that others difficulties would soon be ended, if this City were returned into the power of the Venetians: Therefore if they could get Verona, all the Castles and Territories which were possessed by the Enemy, might easily be reduced under the power▪ of the Venetians, either by force, or by agreement that the like advantage could not be had by the taking of Brescia, the possession whereof would always be uncertain and unsafe, whilst the Enemy was powerful in Veron●. They added that by the business of Brescia little more of consideration than the Town itself would be gotten, of much consideration either for War or Peace; that also great respect was to be had for the accommodation of the Army; that questionless if they should sit down before the Walls of Verona, they might be better furnished both with Victuals and with all things else by the conveniency of the River Adice, whereby they might tarry longer, and more commodiously in that Country, and make use either of Siege, or assault as time and occasion should require. The Senate being moved by these reasons were at first of this opinion, but not being so long, and taking the business again into consideration▪ to the end that they might not spend time to no purpose in the diversity of opinions, and that if the condition of Affairs should alter upon any accident, (as it often happens) they should not be forced to do what were not fitting, they resolved to leave the resolution to Alviano, after they had acquainted him with their opinion therein. Thus the Venetian Camp, not staying for any help from the French, came before the Walls of Brescia, and Siege was laid to the City, and great diligence was made to storm it; Alviano thought he might easilier and more honourably do this, then take Verona, because the one City being near friends, and the other near the Enemy, if he should carry his Army before Brescia. He thought the business might prove the easier by reason of the vicinity of the French, and that it might be done with more reputation, and readier help; whereas on the contrary, if the Army should be employed in battering Verona, he feared le●t the Spaniards and the Pope's men, not being far off, might, though they were gone out of the Country, return thither, and hope to set upon our men whilst they were in disorder; and making of Trenches, or other works. Whereby he knew he could not tarry in those parts without much danger; nor depart from thence, and give over the Enterprise without as much shame, and loss of honour. Moreover Verona was better walled and was excellently well provided of Victuals, and men, by the Garrison of Dutch Foot which was lately come thither. Whereas there were but few Soldiers in Brescia, and little provision of things necessary for defence▪ the Citizens very well affectioned towards the Commonwealth, and the Enemy driven out. But Icardo a Spanish Captain, a shrewd, and nimbly witted man, who had then the command of of Brescia, having heard, and suspected this resolution of the Venetians, had with great speed caused 1000 Foot to come from Verona to that City, had brought in much corn, and all things requisite for defence, so as it was sufficiently munited against an Assault. And he had used such speed, and industry in all this, as that the Soldiers of the Garrison of Verona might safely enter into Brescia, and not only not be hindered by Alviano, but do it before he should know of it till after it was done. Alviano's advice was to assault the City on several parts, at one and the same time, and to storm it; but whilst he was contriving these things, and that his thoughts were much troubled, fearing le●t the number of the Defendants being increased by the new Garrison, the business might prove more difficult than he had thought at first, and having at the same time undergone much bodily labour, he fell sick, and his sickness increasing daily upon him, he was carried from the Camp to a Town called Ghedi, where being seized on by a violent burning Fever, he died on the seventh of O●tober in the threescore year of his age. He died just when Fortune began to smile upon him, he having in his former days endured many adversities; for he had won great reputation by his prosperous successes the year before in Friuli, and Polisine di Rovigo, and likewise by the confession of all men, he showed singular Valour in the last Battle of the French near Milan. Alviano was acknowledged generally by all men for an excellent Commander, of great courage and experience in Military Affairs; and he proved the more famous, because he flourished in a time, wherein he had field room enough to show his Worth and Military Skill in managing important Wars. But he suffered a little, by being thought more bold in fight, then good at the counselling; for he was so desirous of Military Glory, as he was often too hasty in coveting Victory. Yet it may be numbered up amongst his praises, that in point of execution he used miraculous, and at that time unusual speed: He was very much beloved and yet very much feared by the Soldiery. His great Liberality purchased their love, and his severity in making Military Discipline be observed their fear. He was more patient in taking pains than is to be believed, wherein he would equal any whatsoever private Soldier; wherefore he was wont to say, that the Commander was not so sensible of labour as was the Soldier, the hopes of Glory, which sweetens labour not being equal in them. He served under the Venetian pay almost 20 years, always with great fidelity, but most commonly with ill luck; for having fought successively in the Germane Wars, near Cadore, he was soon after abandoned by Fortune, and these good beginnings were not followed by like success. 'Tis true that he himself by the fierceness of his nature did often times increase dangers and difficulties; for even then Alviano was thought to be born for greatest Attempts, though through greatest dangers, and to be one who might with praise serve any Prince in War, who was desirous of Glory, and willing to hazard himself upon Fortune, upon easy terms. But this his forwardness did not suit well with the Commonwealth, which being always the same, keeping still the same orders, though she change Officers, cares not for undertaking things though never so glorious, if dangerous: But that she may deal in them with more security, waits for time and occasion, and walks on to her greatness with more mature advice. Alviano's body was carried to Venice, where his Obsequies were very solemnly celebrated, his Funeral Oration being made by Andrea Navagiero, a man of excellent wit, famous for learning and eloquence; and for the greater honour of his memory he was buried in San Stefano's Church at the public charge. And because he left his wife and children very poor, he having continually loved Glory and the good will of his Soldiers more than riches, the Senate, the more to gratify his Worth and Loyalty, rewarded him in his posterity, they gave his wife and his only Son, to be paid them during their lives out of the public Exchequer, 60 Ducats a month, and gave them a commodious house in the City, exempting them from all taxes belonging to their livelihood; they gave also 3000 Ducats a piece to his three daughters, to be paid them out of the public Treasury at their day of Marriage. After Alviano's death, Commissary Emo took the care of the War, and for some days commanded the Army as Captain General. The mean while the Venetians thought upon Giovan Giacopo Trivulcio, to confer the General's place upon him, for his singular vivacity of wit, for his exquisite knowledge in all Military Affairs, and especially for his ready, and well disposed inclination towards the Commonwealth. Wherefore the Venetians very much desired King Francis that he would permit them to make Trivulcio, who (as hath been said) was at this time in pay under the French, to be their General; which having obtained, they forthwith conferred Alviano's place upon him, and the Senate writ Letters unto him. Wherein they signified the great love which the whole Commonwealth bore him, and the assured hopes they had in his singular Worth, and that confiding therein, and hoping to meet with the like willingness and desire in him to serve the Commonwealth, they had freely of themselves offered him that degree of Dignity, which they had not wont to grant others, but upon much entreaty and intercession; wherefore they desired him that he would behave himself so in that Service, as became him, who was an able and famous Commander, greatly desirous of the Liberty of Italy, and affectionate to the Venetian Honour; that he would show himself to be still the same man in this great and honourable employment, as he always had been. Trivulcio having received these Letters, willingly accepted of the employment offered him, and went suddenly to the Venetian Camp, where being received by Commissary Emo, he began to govern discreetly and diligently. The first thing he did, was to call the Council together, and to be truly informed of the Enemy's strength, as also of ours, what had been done, and what was to be done, and finally to inform himself of the whole State of Affairs. He afterwards began to consult with the rest of the Commanders how the War was to be carried on, wherein there were divers opinions according to every man's judgement. Some despairing to get Brescia, were for raising the Siege, and carrying the Army into the Territories of Verona, that they might be ready upon any occasion that should be offered to take Verona: Others affirmed that the begun Enterprise was not to be given over, that the business would not prove so difficult if it were governed by the ordinary ways of War; that they themselves being wearied with the trouble of a longer Siege, would not quit the hopes of Victory. But there were many things which made against these advices. Those that persuaded to be gone, might receive for answer, that by raising the Siege from before Brescia, the opinion which was had of their Forces would be lessened, and it would seem a vain and foolish thing to undertake greater and more difficult matters: And those that were for keeping the same Quarters, that Winter being near, the very season would not permit them to be long about the business, they therefore all agreed in this, which was first Alviano's opinion, to wit, that environing the Town on that part where the Walls were weakest, and setting their Artillery in order, they should play uncessantly with their Cannon upon one and the same place, till so much of the Wall might be thrown down, as might make way for an assault. Bringing then their Artillery into a certain place, where a little Rivulet called la Garzetae enters into the City, they began to play violently upon the Walls; so as having thrown down the uppermost part, the rest might be easily mastered by the Soldiers. And now this first action taking effect, the Venetians began to hope well in the victory, but the City was stoutly defended by the Spanish, and Dutch Soldiers, who were very ready upon any action; they kept diligent Guard every where, they raised their Rampires, and did munite the Walls with their own bodies; nor did they leave any thing undone which appertained to defence. Therefore our men growing daily cooler in point of assault, and all resolution being drawn out at length, the Enemy growing bolder by our delay, accused our men of cowardliness, and not content to keep them aloof from the Wall, did often times in damage them by Sallies. And growing more confident by some small successes, about 2000 of them sallied one day out of the City, intending to drive away some of the Venetians that were gotten nearest the Walls; and bending their chiefest force against those that guarded the Artillery, they slew many of them, and chase away the rest, forced them to retreat and to forsake that Station, pursuing them even unto their Quarters. So as our men would have been notably prejudiced that day, had not Trivulcio speedily sent them a recrute both of Horse and Foot, by which relief they being stayed, who ran away, they began to fight in their own defence, and being encouraged did not only sustain the Enemy, but after many Skirmishes, drove them to within their Walls, and recovering many pieces of Artillery brought them to the Camp; the rest were either broken by the Enemy, or carried into the City. Amongst the rest jovan Paolo Manfrone wan great praise in this action, but Trivulcio did not only despair by this to take the City by force, but growing somewhat afraid, by seeing the Enemy encouraged, and his own men abased, that somewhat of worse might befall him, thought it his best course to remove the Camp to a place two miles from the City, called La seconda Pietro: To the end that the Army might have means to refresh themselves, and to expect aid from the French, whereby he might afterwards with greater force, and better advice return, and reassume the business. In the interim, that the Soldiers might not grow lazy through idleness, and to keep up the Venetian honour, which being begun to get head again, might seem by so small an adversity to decline; the Commanders resolved to send some of their men to Peschiera, and regain that Town to the Commonwealth, which was very useful to the War. Wherein they had such happy success, as they took it the very first day by assault; and soon after, encountering with a Squadron of Curassiers, and some Foot Colours, who were sent to relieve Peschiera, they put them to flight, slew many of them, and took many Prisoners. Hereupon Asoli, Lonato, Sermione, and some other Towns thereabouts soon surrendered; so as the affection to the name of Venice which seemed to be fallen asleep, began to be awakened in the people's minds. It was now November, wherefore the Venetians, partly by reason of the time of the year, partly by reason of the difficulty of the business, resolved for that time to give over the Siege of Brescia; when News came to the Camp, that many Horse and Foot would soon come in to their succour. The King of France had thought to have sent these recrutes much sooner to the Venetians, but they being to have been commanded by the Gran Bastardo di Savoia, a Kinsman of the Kings, and a man of great Worth and Authority, who had likewise given him in charge, first to take in the Castle of Cremona; he spent more time therein then he thought to have done▪ which had caused him to defer his coming thus long. He brought along with him 5000 Foot, 800 Horse, many pieces of Artillery, and great store of victuals; wherefore as soon as he was come to the Venetian Camp, they altered their opinion, and were all of one mind, to re-attempt the taking of Brescia immediately with the whole Army; thinking that the bitterness of the season might be overcome by the number, and assiduity of the Soldiers. But the business, though first attempted with great hopes of victory, rather by the falseness and foolish obstinacy of friends, then by any Worth in the Enemy; for the Dutch Foot commanded by the Gran Bastardo— soon began rather to be a trouble, than a help▪ They oft times raised tumults in the Camp, they refused sometimes to fight against Cesar, sometime cried insolently for pay, before they had deserved it, and despising their Captain's commands, ran into the neighbouring parts, ransacking all things, and plundering as well their Friends as Foes. Another great inconvenience was added unto this, able to disturb any design how good soever; for the Gran Bastardo— falling very sick, was forced to depart the Camp. The Venetian Ambassadors who were with the King of France being advertised of this, did by commission from the Senate, again very much desire the King to send more aid; they desired other Soldiers, other Commanders, but chiefly Pietro Navaro, who was at this time in great repute; for being very expert at the taking in of places, & wont to get the victory by a new way of Militia: He used such art and industry in working Mines, and in using several unusual Engines, as made all men wonder. This man being sent by the King with succour to the Venetian Army, the Siege was again begun to be laid to Brescia; Trivulcio was encamped on one side with about 900 Venetian Foot, and 2000 Horse; on the other side, which lies over against the Gate usually called delle Pille, and of which ill Bastardo— had had formerly the care, Navaro placed himself, with 5000 Gasconne and French Foot which he had brought with him; so they began to play upon the Town in several parts at once, and the City being besieged on all sides by continual Guards, nothing was free nor safe to them that were within; they were forced to keep Sentinels in all places, to be in perpetual work every where; and herein lay the Venetians chiefest hopes, that the Defendants tired out with continual action, and consequently growing weak, would be forced to give over much of their defence; for the Spanish Soldiers, having had leisure time enough to fortify the City, had been so diligent in raising Cavaliers, in making Trenches, places of Retreat, and in well defending the Walls, as not any one part lay open, or naked to the assaliants; and if any part of the Wall chanced to be thrown down by the Cannon, a new Rampire was raised for defence in the place thereof. So as the Soldiers might use their Artillery under shelter, and all other sort of Arms. But the business drawing on in length, and the Venetians knowing that their labour was but in vain, and that the City could not be taken by assault, Navarre betakes himself to his other accustomed Stratagems, which he had not yet made use of here, because it required much labour and pain▪ and because he feared lest all his labour and design might meet with disturbance, by the condition of the season, and by the great store of rain that was fallen. He began to make a passage under the earth, which led from the Camp to the City, through which the Soldiers were to march, and on the sudden fall upon the City within. This work being diligently, and with much labour wrought upon by the Soldiers both day and night, so as it was now brought almost to an end; the Spaniards, moved thereunto by some sign, or were it only out of suspicion, because they saw our men had given over their Battery, and that Proceedings went slower on in the Camp, betook themselves to observe diligently in every part of the City, whether or no they could find or hear any motion of the earth, they dug Ditches in many places, and searched diligently into Navar's hidden ways, of which as soon as they discovered any the lest show, to the end that they might be the more certain of it, and apply remedy, they began to make countermines all in contra, and throwing great store of Gun powder thereinto, they gave fire unto it, and overthrew our work, slaying all the Soldiers that wrought upon it: Thus many days labour was lost in a moment; yet the Venetians had one hope left whereby to get the City; the rest proving vain through various accidents; to wit, to straiten it by Siege; for they knew it wanted many things, which would force it to surrender. Corn was grown to such a scarcity, as the Dutch Soldiers not able to endure it, not having received neither any pay of along time from the Emperor, refused to do duties, grew insolent with their Commanders, put all things into confusion, and began to rebel. Which when the Venetian Camp knew, Trivulcio thought he had a fair occasion offered him of taking the City, without the loss his of men; wherefore neither the inconvenience of Winter, nor the Snow, nor the trouble of a long Siege, were able to make him alter his resolution. He knew it made much for his Renown, and for the proving of his affection to the Commonwealth, that he should prosper in his first attempts. He therefore kept the City environed on all sides with his Army, to keep any victuals from being brought into it, and to keep the Soldiers that were within from coming out, intending likewise to seize on such moneys as might perchance be sent them; and in the interim there past light Skirmishes between them and the Enemy; for many Foot came from the Garrison of Verona, striving to get into the Brescian Territories, and to prejudice our Army. But to hinder these the Soldiers of the Commonwealth came from out Pesc●iera and Valeggio, and meeting with some of them, they often fell to blows with various success of both sides; nothing happening notwithstanding worthy of memory, nor which did much concern the main business. Whilst Brescia was thus besieged, many things had passed concerning peace: The Pope, seeing that his attempts by Force and Arms succeeded not according to his thoughts, betook himself to his wont artifices the better to secure himself thereby. He therefore resolved to be a Mediator of peace between the Emperor and the Venetians: Which if it should succeed, he thought he might treat of peace with the French upon better terms. But the Venetians weary of such Proceedings, and being often deluded by vain hopes, could not believe much in the Pope's words. Wherefore thinking that the safety of their State and of their Affairs could be grounded no where better than on the friendship of the French, which they desired might be made as much known to them as might be, they refused all offers of agreement, and thought it better to acquaint the French Ambassador with all things that were propounded to them by the Pope concerning peace: And to do the like with the King by their Ambassadors that were with him; who told him in the name of the Commonwealth, that the Senate in their present troubles of War, placed their hopes in nothing but on their own Forces, and on the King of France his help and favour. The King was of the same mind, to keep friendship with the Venetians, and to pursue the War. Wherefore Cesar who was much troubled at these prosperous successes, having by his Ambassadors endeavoured to come to some agreement, the King utterly despising the Friendship and League which was offered him, dismissed the Ambassadors, and acquainted the Venetians particularly with the whole Treaty. The French knew very well by many examples, that Caesar's mind was so mutable, and so desirous of Novelties, as their affairs could never be reputed safe nor quiet, whilst he had any Footing, or his men any receipt in Italy: So as they must be forced to be at great cost, and not out of danger in maintaining the State of Milan, till Cesar and his Armies were driven from thence; but the King thought otherwise of the Pope; for though he had alienated himself from him, when he thought him to be most his friend, yet he greatly desired the Pope's Friendship; nor was he parted from him, but upon great necessity. Wherefore the Pope, having sent his Nuntio into the French Camp, without knowledge of other confederates, to treat of agreement, the King received him graciously, seeming very well pleased that there was means left him whereby to be easily received again into favour, and friendship with the Pope; yet being resolved not to buy it at any dear rate, since it was voluntarily offered him, the Nuncio could get no positive answer, unless the Cities of Parma and Piacenza, which were then detained by the Pope, should be restored to the power and possession of the French. The Pope though he thought it very severe for him to be bere●t of those two Cities, and to lose that reward which he had purchased by so many dangers and labours, yet after having spent many days and nights in great agitation of mind, he at last resolved to satisfy the King, and to resign up those Cities. Finding that all his labour was lost in going about to bring the Venetians to agreement with him and Cesar. Nor could he defer it any longer without hazard, not thinking either his own Forces, or those of his colleagues sufficient to secure him and his affairs from the power of the Conquerors. These chief points being therefore accommodated, to the end that they might treat the better of the rest, and that the League might be the more firmly made, it was resolved that the Pope and King should have an Interview, for which a certain time being appointed, the one parted from Rome, and the other from Milan, and met both at Bolognia, as the most convenient place for them both. The Venetian Ambassadors accompanied the King▪ the more to honour the Royal Court in a time of such solemnity; the Court being then full of many French Lords, and very glorious in all manner of Preparations; as also for that it was reported, that many things belonging to the Commonwealth were to be treated of at that convention, and touching universal agreement; which caused much rejoicing in all Italy, which had been so long molested, but especially amongst the Venetians, all of them hoping well in a future peace, Yet for what concerned the Commonwealth, because divers difficulties lay in it, it was only resolved, that Cardinal Egidio Eremitano, a Personage of singular Integrity and Learning, should be sent Legate to the Emperor from the Pope, to treat of this business, and to endeavour to make him comply, and agree with the Venetians. Pontifical Briefs were likewise sent to the Venetians, wherein they were exhorted to embrace peace; but as concerning the common condition of affairs, and the ordering of a general peace, nothing was either concluded, nor so much as treated of, but rather many seeds were sown of other Wars; for on the one side King Francis, not being able any longer to cloak his desire of winning the Kingdom of Naples, which he had long thirsted after, had by his civility and complacency with the Pope, got leave of him, that by the Pope's favour and authority, he might, when time should serve, fall upon that Enterprise; on the other part, Leo discovered a no less ardent desire in himself of the greatness of the House of Medici, by denying the King, who had very much desired it at his hands, to pardon Francisco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino, if he had found any fault in him. Whence it might be easily comprehended how he was minded (when there should be occasion again of taking up of Arms, and of exposing himself again to the danger and troubles of War) to put his Nephew Lorenzo 〈◊〉 Medici into possession of the State of Urbino, wherein he had a little before invested him. Thus the Sequel did show manifestly, that both Leo and Francis, aimed only in this their convention, at their own advantage, and their present accommodation; and that they did not almost at all think upon the common agreement, and peace for the future; for having established divers things touching their own security, and the aggrandizing of their States, they both departed from Bolognia, after having spent six days in this Treaty. 'Tis most certain that both these Princes did very much desire this Interview, out of a thought of reaping much advantage thereby; for the Pope, being strangely ingenious, and knowing how to handle business best for his advantage, thought he should be able by his persuasive speeches, and elegancy of words, to pacify the King, and make him become his friend, if he should find him otherwise; and if he should find in him a well disposed will, to be then able to increase it, and to dispose of the King's Forces at his pleasure. But King Francis, seeing his ancient Enemies re-kindle their hatred, and his Friends behave themselves as Enemies, and that they all conspired together against him (as it is always seen that prosperity produces envy) thought nothing could make more for his good at the present, then to take the Pope from his Enemies, and join his Holiness to him. Cesar and the Swissers were already joined together, and it was commonly said that the King of Spain and King of England were likewise joined with them; the latter because he could not willingly endure to see the King of France his power and glory increase so much; and the other, because it was held for certain, that when the French should be at peace with the rest, he would soon make War with him, either to put the King of Navarre into his State, or else to recover the Kingdom of Naples. Wherefore King Francis, finding such dangers threatened him by so many Enemies, thought he had provided the better for his affairs, by how much he should join in a straighter League and Friendship with the Pope. Those things being then thus disposed of, which concerned the annexing the Forces and Authority of the Church unto him, he began to think of his return into France to comply with his wife's entreaties; but much more to secure his Kingdom from the imminent danger of War, by the men that he brought back with him; and he stayed now only that he might first somewhat establish the Venetians affairs, and so increase the Forces of the League, as though he were not himself in person in Italy, he might have no reason to fear the Enemy for what concerned the State of Milan. Therefore as soon as he was gone from Bolognia, and arrived at Milan, he chiefly minded the sending of more Forces time enough to the Venetian Camp before Brescia. Which was already reduced thereby to so great straits, as it was thought it would soon fall into the Commonwealth's hands. It was known that the Soldiers who defended it, and who had already showed great Valour, in resisting many assaults; being weary through so many inconveniences of the Siege, and chiefly not having received pay nor relief; nor Cesar not having taken any provision for it, were brought almost to the very last point of despair; in so much as the Spanish Soldiers had agreed, that if the promised relief should not come from Cesar within twenty days, they would deliver up the City to the Venetians, upon condition that they might be permitted to go forth with their Colours, and their other Military Affairs. The King was particularly informed of these Proceedings by the Venetian Ambassadors, who accompanied him all this journey; and showed him how affairs went, and desired him not to give over the hopes of getting that City; but to send his men forthwith to the Venetian camp to keep the Dutch Foot from relieving the City, who were led on by Captain Roncandolfo, which if it should succeed well, so many month's time would be spent in vain, and they should lose so fair an opportunity of putting an end unto the War. But though the King very well knew the importance of the business, he could not use such diligence as that the French aid could prevent the coming of the Dutch Foot, who being 8000 in number entered all safe into the City the 20 days not being yet expired, not meeting with any obsticle; for the Commonwealth's Soldiers, who when News came of the Enemy's approach, were sent to the straight Passes of the Mountains, basely retreated to the Army, not staying so much as to look the Enemy in the face. The Dutch had for their guide in this their voyage Captain Lodovico da Ladrone, who being very well practised in those parts, led them over the tops of Mountains by unusual ways, so as getting at unawares out of those straight and difficult Passes, they caused thereby more fear in our men. When News came to the Venetian camp that the Enemy was come, they differed in their opinions, some were for continuing the Siege, some for carrying the Army elsewhere; but the number of the Dutch Foot being given out to be greater than indeed it was, and the Spies having informed at the same time that Marco Antonio Colonna was gone out of Verona, and entered into the confines of Mantua, and hasted to assault them; the Venetian Commanders, fearing that if they should tarry any longer they might easily be encompassed on both sides by the Enemy, thought it best to raise the Siege. So the Artillery being brought into the Cities of Crema and Cremona, the Army marched to Castelnedulo, six miles from Brescia. When this News came to Venice it caused much wonder, and as much sorrow in all the Citizens, who built confidently upon the getting of Brescia. The Captain General and Commissaries had by letters advertised the Senate that all the Passes were so guarded by our Soldiers, as it was impossible for the Besieged to receive any succour. And this was the more credibly believed, because News came at the same time, that the Forces which were sent from the French to assist our Camp (which were 3000 Dutch Foot, and 400 Horse) were already on their way from Milan. And assuredly the Commonwealth lost no little reputation hereby to think that so few men gathered together out of the Country, unexperienced in the Militia, without either Artillery or Horse, should infuse such fear into a numerous Army, so well provided of all things as was that of the Venetians and French, and which expected new succours suddenly, as should make them give over their hopes of getting the City by Siege, and to change their Quarters. Trivulcio was accused by many of too much haste and bad advice, in losing the opportunity of putting an end unto his business, which so much labour had been bestowed about. Whereat he being very much incensed, he demanded leave to quit the Service of the Commonwealth; alleging that he was sent for home about some private affairs of his own, which would not suffer him to tarry any longer in the camp. But the Senate, who thought this man's reputation and skill might be of great help in that War, writ unto him, and exagerating his Worth, said, They had always found much fidelity in his Actions, and much readiness, and had never found fault with him, but much commended him for it; that it became not the gravity of a Senate, when things wisely undertaken, did not succeed well, to lay the fault upon the Authors, according to the custom of the common people; that they therefore never blamed any thing but the bitterness of the Season, and the Fortune of War, which had been so long averse to the Commonwealth; so as though they might be sometimes troubled at the success of the Commanders counsels and advices, yet knowing them to be good, they did not blame the counsels: That for all this bad fortune the Senate would not go less in their former intentions of providing for the War, but would take care that the Army should be abundantly furnished with all things, which belonged to the care of a General, as if he himself were present at their Counsels. And that the General should want nothing whereby to show his Worth. These, and the like means were often used not only to Trivulcio, but to the King of France, yet were they not able to make him alter his resolution. He therefore departed from Milan, and the care of the Venetian Army, and the administration of the War, was committed to Theadore Trivulcio. This man was formerly entertained by the Venetians, and had the same place and employment as Renzo da Ceri had before; but was not able to come unto the camp till now, whither as soon as he was come, he had the same authority given him as Giacopo Trivulcio had before, though not the name, nor degree of Captain General. This mean while King Francis, having provided all things for his departure, and sent some of his men already before, he left the Duke of Burbone in charge with the Government of the affairs of Italy, wherein he endued him with great authority, and returned into France. But being resolved before he went to send more aid to the Venetian Army, he recommended the men to the care of Monsieur Odetto de Fois, named Monsieur di Lautrech, one famous in War, and desirous of Glory, who for his worth and courage was thought fit to exercise the place of any Commander. His commission from the King was to go with those men to the taking in of Brescia, and to do all things for the good and service of the Venetians, with the same care and diligence as if the City were to be recovered for him, and to be annexed to the Crown of France. And certainly all the Kings Proceedings were such, as plainly showed he bore a great good will to the Commonwealth; for he had often constantly affirmed, that if the occasion of War should require it, he would be ready to return again into Italy, with no less Forces than he had done now, to the end that the Commonwealth might be restored to her former Power and Dignity. Wherefore the Venetians to purchase more grace and favour with the King, thought fit to send an Ambassador who might continually reside with Monsieur di Bourbone, who, as it hath been said, was left in Italy in the supremest place of Dignity; since it was likely they might have many occasions to treat with him in: To which employment they chose Andrea Trevisano, who as soon as he came to Milan, Andrea Gritti, who had tarried in that City after the King's departure to procure the coming of the French to our Army, returned to the camp by order from the Senate, where he was made Commissary in the place of Dominico Contarini, who falling sick, had got leave of the Senate to be gone. Almost about the same time came Monsieur di Lautrech to the Army; and now the French aid being come, it was thought it was no more to be doubted, but that Brescia, not being able any longer to ressist so great Forces, would at last fall into the power of the Commonwealth. The Pope thinking that such success would make much against his designs, sought by all means to hinder it. He propounded a Truce, and howsoever desired that the business might be spun out at length; hoping that if the Siege of Brescia should prove long and difficult, some occasion might arise, which might make the Venetians listen the sooner to agreement, though upon bad conditions. And because he himself was able to do but little in this business, no great belief being given to his words, nor exhortations, he thought to interpose the King of Polonia's authority, persuading his Ambassador, who was yet at Venice, to reassume the business of Peace, by making new Proposals. As, if the Venetians would forego the friendship of the French, and side with Cesar, the noble Cities of Cremona and Lodi might be added unto their State; for the King of France might be easily driven out by the joint Forces of the Emperor, the Pope, and the Commonwealth; and then those Cities might be obtained from Cesar, by the King of Poland's Intercession, and Authority; so as being for the future severed from the State of Milan, they might be added to the Dominion of Venice, which would make way by occasion of handling other particulars, for the regaining all the other things which were now held by Cesar. Upon the same design, the Pope, to the end that by absence of the Commander the business of Brescia might be drawn out more at length, exhorted King Francis to send Monsieur di Lautrech to Rome, seeming very desirous to treat with that grave and wise man in many things concerning the business of Naples, which he knew the King did very much desire, and therefore he thought this proposition would be very acceptable to him. And though the Pope had contrary thoughts in his head, yet he seemed very desirous that the beginning of that War might not be deferred; for that Ferdinando King of Spain, after long sickness was dead, and the power of Charles Duke of Burgony, who had taken upon him the name of Prince of Casteile, grew daily more formidable to all those that had any States in Italy, but chiefly to him; that therefore all force and industry was to be used in not suffering his power to increase too immoderately. But as Leo's cunning, already sufficiently known to all, could not bring about his design, he having lost all credit; so did it afford great cause of wondet by his uncertain way of proceeding; for it seemed that these courses wherewith he thought to have jointly provided both for his own safety, and the like of the Ecclesiastic State, did ill become his wisdom; for he endeavoured, as he had done all the time of his Popedom, that the Venetians, who had always showed themselves obedient to the Apostolic See, whereof there wanted not many evident examples; being suppressed by so many adversities, should be still troubled with the labour and dangers of War; so as their Forces should be kept low, and the dignity and power of the Commonwealth weakened; and that on the contrary he should so study to advance the Emperor's greatness, when he knew that nothing could be so pernicious both to himself and all Italy, as to suffer the Dutch Armies to continue long in that Country; giving occasion thereby to revive the ancient claim and pretences of the Emperors. And say he should have forgot ancient passages, whereby he might be instructed how many cruel and bitter things that Nation had plotted against the Popes of Rome; how could he forget modern affairs and speeches told unto him, used by Maximilian? Who was wont in all his discourses to say publicly, that the Church's State did belong to the Western Empire; and that it would be his Fate to return the Dignity of the Empire in Italy by his Forces, to its former greatness. Therefore they who thought they saw more into Leo's intentions, were of opinion, that his chief aim was to take the Venetians off from the friendship of the French: Which if he could not do, yet that by the weakening of their Forces, those of the King of France would likewise be weakened, he being a friend and confederate of the Commonwealths▪ whose greatness (moved thereunto either by hatred or fear) the Pope could not tolerate. Whereas he was less jealous of Cesar's Forces as well in his own respect, as of that of the Church, by reason of his natural light headedness; by reason of his paucity of men, and want of moneys; for which reasons he thought his greatness could never be so well grounded, but that it might by some chance be made to to●ter. Thus did this year end, men's minds being variously possessed with hope and fear; and not knowing what the end of so many evils would be; for in the beginning of the next year, which was the year of our Lord 1516, and the 8th year from the time that all Italy, and especially the State of Venice began to be sorely molested with War, new Preparations for Arms, and evident signs of future troubles began to appear. Soldiers were taken into pay every where; more means were used for the renewing of War, than was before: and chiefly the Venetians, refusing all Treaties of Peace, or of new Leagues, and being returned to besiege Brescia, with great hopes of gaining it, were resolute to continue the War till such time as they should have gotten that City either by force, or by voluntary surrender. Cesar also (who had not been himself in person in any of the Armies the last year past, but managing the War by his Captains, had not managed it over well) reassuming his former thirst after War, sought to raise commotions in all parts, and to augment his Forces that he might molest the affairs of Italy; he called many Diets, craved aids, mustered men, sent for Commanders; but he chiefly solicited the Swissers to take up Arms, and to revenge the death of their valiant companions, promising to be their Leader, and to be willing to share with them in all labour and danger. The King of England did the like, out of envy to the King of France his recent glory, and out of anger that he had taken the King of Scotland into his protection. The Pope with the like intention, but more secretly, endeavoured the same with the Swissers. All these affirmed that the Swissers could undertake no War which could bring them greater glory or richer booty, then that of Italy, which being already begun, must now again be renewed with greater Forces. They moreover promised them some pay for their Soldiers, but much hopes of greater advantage which they might always have by their Friendship. This mean time the Venetian Commanders, Lautrech being already come (as hath been said) with aid to their camp, held many Councils, and did differ in their opinions touching the managing of the War. Some were for the raising of the Siege from before Brescia, and for carrying the whole Army to Verona; for which they alleged that that City, now that their veterane Soldiers were gone to relieve Brescia, was but weakly garrisoned, and that the Enemy had made no provision for necessary defence; as not suspecting any such thing then. But the season of the year made much against this opinion; for the Camp could not without great inconvenience be removed in the midst of Winter, nor the Soldiers be led to a new Enterprise. Besides it might appear a rash thing to change greater hopes of getting Brescia, with the uncertainty of what might befall about Verona; for the condition of Brescia being considered, it was evidently seen, that unless they did intermit their begun works, the Town must of necessity fall into their hands, either by force, or by surrender; it was apparent that the City was in great want of money, Corn, and of all sort of Victuals; the Commanders were at odds within themselves; the Soldiers weary of being long besieged, and by reason of many sufferings, rather ready to mutiny then to fight; and the Citizens, as well by reason of their new grievances laid upon them by their new Masters, as out of their ancient affection to the Venetians, desirous of Novelties, and ready upon any accident to drive the Garrison out of the City. Moreover the Defendants were reduced to a small number; for the Foot who were come a little before to assist the Besieged, seeing that with diversity of opinion, but no resolution, many discourses had been had of leading the Soldiers forth to fight, and that the scarcity of Victuals did daily increase, were most of them gone from the City, leaving the business unperfected. These things being found by the report of many to be true, it was by general consent agreed, that they should keep their Quarters, and attend with all diligence to straiten the City more. Our Army abounded in all things; for the Senate were so careful to provide all things requisite for War, as though the Enemy strove much to hinder it, all their endeavours proved vain. Amongst the rest Mark Antonio Colonna endeavoured often by sending his Soldiers out of Verona, to keep the Army from victuals, and by laying ambushes to intercept the moneys which were sent to the Venetian camp. To which purpose he kept continually good store of Spanish Foot and Horse at the Town of Legnano, which was now fallen into his power; to block up all the ways of that Country, and the Enemy growing daily more bold, and offering at great matters, they made incursion even to the Territories of Brescia, which they might safely do, because they saw the Venetian Army was busied about the Siege. Wherefore the Captain General and Commissaries, thought that it stood not with the honour and reputation of that Army to suffer that so few men should come so near hand to insult over them. Wherefore having notice that Colonna endeavoured to come into the confines of Mantua, to block up that way likewise, which as the safest, was frequented by those that went to the camp; Paolo Manfrone and Mercurio Bua were sent by our men to meet them, and to fight them. Who though they undertook the business courageously, yet did they not succeed well therein; for Colonna having notice of their coming by his Scouts, took with him some companies of veterane Soldiers, and went speedily towards Valeggio, where he had such advantage of place, as he might choose whether he would keep safe there, or fight upon advantageous terms: Our men and the Enemy entered at the same time by several ways into this Town, and both of them strove to possess themselves of the Bridge, which joins the Town together, being otherwise divided by the waters of Menzo; each side hoping to repulse the Enemy, and to make themselves Masters of the Town. When they came to skirmish, our men at first did not only valiantly withstand the Enemy, but repulsed them, and if after a long dispute they were sometimes forced to give back, yet soon after they would return and pursue them. Thus this Conflict lasted a good while with dubious success: but the Enemy, who were many more in number, having at last driven our Horse from the Bridge, whereby they had power to settle their Ranks in a larger space, they charged so furiously upon our men, as not being able to resist any longer, but being dispersed, and discouraged, our men began to run, some of them getting safe unto the Camp, othersome being taken Prisoners, amongst which julio, Son to Paolo Manfrone, was one. janus' Fregoso, and Corrado Orsino, succeeded better in their Attempts, who being gone at the same time from the Camp, to suppress some Dutch Foot Colours, in some narrow passages of the Mountains, they met with them who were sent before to be a Convoy to certain Moneys which were brought to the Besieged. They fought them so courageously, and so fortunately, as but few of the Enemy escaped safe away: But being more encouraged afterwards, they made way for a greater Victory, being by an unexpected accident, put upon a business of much danger, but of more hopes; For Fregoso, and Orsino, being come to the Castle of Anfo, when they thought the Enemy were far off, they were unexpectedly advertized of their being near at hand; And although the night were already come on, they resolved to Assault them forthwith, without any delay, and at unawares; They quickly put the first Squadrons to flight, whereat those that followed being disheartened, they likewise began to run; which they could not do so fast, by reason of the craggy Ways, but that they were cut in pieces. But the mean while these were Fight, those who had the conducting of the Moneys, relying upon their knowledge of the ways, and the darkness of the night, went over the sharpest tops of Mountains, and saved this prey, which the Venetian Soldiers thought themselves almost sure of. But these things made little for the main business, nor did they conduce any thing to putting of an end unto the War: And much greater businesses began now to be agitated, by reason of the news of the Emperor's coming for Italy, which news increased every day, affording both the Besieged and the Besiegers, various effects, both of hope and fear; and many new things were broaching both in the City, and in the Camp. The Emperor had raised many Horse and Foot in his own Dominions, and having egged on many Swissers to take up Arms, he was already upon his way for Italy, intending to enter by the Mountains of Trent, into the Territories of Verona, and when he should have munited the Garrisons of Verona and Brescia, to pass into the State of Milan, and drive the French from thence. When the Pope heard of his coming, for his greater honour, and to witness how well he stood affected to him, he sent his Legate Bernardo Bibiena, to meet him, a man of great note, both for his honour of being a Cardinal, and for his favour with the Pope; which did not a little molest Cesar's Affairs, nor confirm the Swissers. The Venetians, believing for certain that the Emperor would come for Italy, did several times earnestly entreat the King of France to provide betimes for the common Affair, and not to suffer himself to be bereft of the fruit of so much labour, neither by Cesar, nor by the Swissers, who envied his glory; That therefore he should either return armed himself into Italy, or if that might not be, to increase his Army lustily, and to take order for all such provisions as the greatness of the Affayr did require; as for their part, they promised to spare for neither cost, nor labour. The King was very much troubled at these things, not only for the danger which he saw the Dukedom of Milan would be in, but because it would be a great hindrance to him afterwards in the business of Naples, which he had set his heart upon. Being resolved to defend his own Territories, and those of his confederates, he first propounded to the Venetians that 8000 Swissers might be taken into pay at the common charge; for having opportunely made League at this time with that Nation, in their agreement it was particularly declared, that it might be lawful for the King to have as many Soldiers out of their Country as he should please. To this the Venetians assented readily, promising for their parts to pay 2000 Foot of that Nation, and to be ready to disburse moneys for all other necessaries for the War. And though the public Treasury was already much exhausted, and the whole City mightily oppressed by the weight of so long a War, yet was there no provision omitted which was thought necessary for maintaining the Army, and continuing the War. Four thousand Italian Foot were raised, the Garrisons of Cities increased; Paulo Gradinigo and Luigi Barbaro were made Commissaries; the former to have particular care of all things belonging to the Militia in Milan, the other, the like in Treviso. There were at this time in our camp 4000 Gasconne Foot and 500 Curassiers, commanded by French men; in the Army which was particularly under Trivulcio's charge were 7000 Foot, & about 2500 Horse, part light Horse, part Curassiers. The Duke of Bourbone, after the King's departure, had with him 4000 Gasconne and Italian Foot, and 700 Curassiers; these men being all joined together, & the Swissers Foot being likewise to be added to them, whereof 6000 were already said to be come to jurea, the French and the Venetians might seem to have great hopes of being therewithal able to defend the State of Milan, and to frustrate all the Emperor's endeavours; for though it were given out that Cesar brought with him 25000 Soldiers to this Enterprise, yet it was confidently believed that his Army was more numerous than valiant, and that their other Requisites for War were not answerable; for the Dutch Foot were for the most part raised in his own Dominions, and tumultuously of all sorts of men; that his Horse were few, and unexperienced, the provision of victuals and moneys but small, and no great constancy in the Commander himself to support these inconveniences, nor much knowledge how to remedy them. There was only one thing which seemed to make for the strength of this Army, to wit, the Swissers Forces; yet Cesar could not much confide in them, by reason of their changeable disposition, and for a certain ill will they bore to the House of Austria: Therefore these Forces of the Emperor's being greater in fame, then in reality, it was thought that the Venetians would encounter with them, and fight them with all their men, as soon as they were come near their confines; lest any longer delay might show fear in them, and make the Enemy grow the bolder: and lest their affairs might far the worse as if they durst not look the Enemy in the face, but had yielded the field unto them. They therefore considered, that though they should resolve not to give Battle, yet they might choose some strong place opposite to the Enemy's Quarters, wherein they might keep, and observe Caesar's ways, and search into his counsels, and then change place and purpose according as time and occasion should counsel them. Yet because the French were of a contrary opinion, the whole Army was brought from the Territories of Brescia, and brought into those of Cremona, whither the Duke of Burbone was come but a little before with his Horse and Foot. Their intention was to wait for the Swissers here, who were not yet past by, and to keep them from passing. Maximilian being this mean while passed over the River Adice with all his men, came to the Town of Guscolenga, having met with many Soldiers from Verona in his March, as also with Mark Antonio Colonna with 200 Horse; for the Venetian Army being drawn off, they thought they might find all things sure in that Country. Cesar being entered into the Brescian Confines, resolved before he would go any farther, to possess himself either by fair means or by foul of the Town of Asola, which is the first Town on that side of the Country, thinking it neither became his safety nor his honour, to leave any place behind him in the power of the Enemy, whereby they might keep back victuals from his Army. But this proving a business of great length by reason of the Defendants valour, all other warlike Proceedings were impeded, and in the mean time the French had better opportunity to increase their Army. Much praise was attributed for this to Francisco Contarini, Commissary of the Town, to Antonio Martinengo, and to all the rest as well Soldiers as Citizens that were in the Town; for having with so few men, but much courage withstood so great an Army, and by defending Asola frustrated the Forces of so great a Prince, and much lessened his reputation; since with expense of much time and labour he could not get so small a Castle. Yet the Swissers had won such reputation and credit in their last Skirmishes, as the French resolved neither to keep where they were, nor to hazard themselves upon the event of Battle, unless their Army were munited and increased by the same Nation. Wherefore Maximilian being gone from before Asola, after having spent much time there in vain, for fear lest by keeping so great an Army so long a time, before so little a Town, his Soldiers might be discouraged, and might miss of doing greater matters; the French Commanders when they heard of his being gone, called suddenly a Council of War, wherein they resolved to raise their camp, and to carry it to the River Ada, hoping that by keeping upon the Banks thereof, they might hold the Enemy play, and hinder them from passing over the River. But the French and Venetians were not well gone from thence, when all that lay between the Rivers Poe and Adice, fell into the Emperor's hands, except Cremona and Crema, which redounded so much to his honour, and to the terror of the others, as the French neither confiding in themselves nor in others, marched away with their Army so suddenly, and so fast towards Milan, as it was doubted, whether they went thither to defend the City, or to be defended themselves by the Walls thereof. Maximilian, making use of opportunity, pursued those that fled, and began already to promise all good success unto himself, and staying six miles from Milan, he let the City know, That if it did not surrender all the sooner, it must look for all severity: But if it would yield to him of its own good will, it might presume of obtaining many immunities, and much more freedom in all things. Affirming that he was come into Italy with intention, according to the custom of his Ancestors, of taking up the Ensigns of the Empire in that City, and to drive the French from thence, and out of that State, who were unjust and unlawful Lords thereof, and to recover the right deuce of the Empire. This Message was answered, as pleased the French; that the State of Milan which was formerly a member of the Empire, was severed from thence by authority of the Emperors, and for a certain sum of money which was paid down for it; that therefore Cesar had now no more pretence to that City, which both by right of inheritance, and right of War, was lawfully possessed by Franc●s Vallois King of France; that therefore the Millaneses would keep that City for their legitimate Lord, to whom they had sworn Loyalty, and that they had so provided for all things, as they doubted not but to be able to defend the City against all injurious violence. Yet all things were full of fear in that City, the Citizens and Soldiers doubted much what the issue of the War would be, and not knowing well how to provide for their own safeties, which they more minded than the preserving of the State for the King, all their consultations were full of fear and doubts: Amidst these doubts and difficulties, the Venetian Commissaries, especially Andrea Gritti, who had most power with the French, being firmly resolved to defend the City, Exhorted all the rest to do their utmost, and to be of good courage; they put the Citizens sometimes in mind of the King's humanity towards them, sometime of what punishment they were to suffer if they should often provoke his anger; they likewise applied themselves to many of the chief of the Army, entreating them, and conjuring them, that calling to mind their late Victory, and the Glory which they had won, they should resolve upon serving the King and the Venetians: That the cause and common interest was the same therein, and that the business itself was not desperate, if it were courageously and constantly defended; to what purpose (said Gritti) do the French take such pains, and put themselves into so much danger, to what purpose do they send so many Armies into Lombardy, if at the very first appearance of the Enemy all defence must be given over, and those things must be yielded, which they have gotten with long War, and with much expense, yea even of their own blood? We, as knowing the Senate's intention, and the like of our whole City of running the same fortune with the French, will willingly expose all our men and all our Forces, not refusing to endeavour every thing even to the utmost. Thus by Gritti his counsel and exhortation, the Suburbs of the City were set on fire, to the end that the Enemy might not make use of them for their advantage; great Guns were placed upon the Walls, divers Corpse de guard were ordained, and all things were prepared for defence. These provisions did somewhat cool the Enemy's courage, and afforded them occasion of many doubts and difficulties, so as taking time to think what to do, those within began to be of better hopes; for in this interim many Colours of the Swissers came opportunely to Milan, commanded by Alberto Pietra, to the number of 4000, of the Cantons of Seduno and Berne, who were very welcome to the Soldiers and Citizens. By their coming the faces of things altered; all fear fled from the French to the Imperialists; for the City being munited by such supplies, so as it was not to be taken but with expense of much time and labour, they within thought themselves safe enough, since Cesar could not tarry long before the City for want of money, victuals, and of all things necessary. Wherefore the French began to be of better heart, and on the contrary, Caesar's hardships grew daily greater and greater. But he was chiefly troubled with jealousy of the Swissers, for calling to mind the past and present affairs, he found that there were many of that Nation as well in his camp, as in the City; whom the French might easily win over unto them by their moneys, which he could not so easily do by reason of his want thereof. Moreover, that that Nation had always, unless it were upon some occasions in these latter times, been great friends to the French: And that they had always hated the greatness of the Emperors. These considerations occasioned much fear in him, and took from him the chief ground work of his hopes of Victory. He likewise thought with much more commotion of mind, upon Lodovico Sforza's latter fortune near Novara, where he was delivered up into the hands of the Enemy, by the perfidiousness of those people. He therefore held it the better counsel to free himself from that danger by reason of the Swissers fickleness. At last his mind being agitated by such like thoughts as these, and fear growing more powerful in him, he resolved to quit his Army without having attempted any thing, and to return himself into Germany. Wherefore taking only 200 Horse along with him, he gave out that the cause of his departure was only to provide moneys for the payment of the Army, and that he would speedily return to the camp. But the Soldiers seeing their chief Commander gone, began every one to do what he thought best for himself. The Swissers went to Lodi, and ruinating the Country every where, sacked the City: And would have continued to commit the like Outrages, had not the Swissers which were in Milan protested, that unless they would give over those injurious Proceedings, they should be forced to come out against them, together with the French and Venetians; so as Swissers fight against Swissers, they were to imbrue their hands in one another's blood. The former Swissers for this respect forbearing doing any other damage, after having made some peaceful abode in those parts some few days, returned all of them to their own homes, except it were some few companies, who went with their Commander Morco Setio to the custody of Verona, whither Colonna went also with his Horse, and with the Spanish and Dutch Foot who were before drawn out from that Garrison. The rest of the Spanish and Dutch Foot, returned by several ways into their own Countries, having been much prejudiced in their journey by the Venetian Horse. Soon after the Emperor's departure came the Marquis of Brandenbourg to the camp with a certain sum of money, who though he did his best to rally the Soldiers that dis-banded, yet things being already grown to great confusion, and the Moneys that were brought not being sufficient to satisfy all, he could do no good. Thus a great Army, which was at first so formidable to the Enemy, being in so short a time vanished to nothing; not any danger at all having befalen it, may teach us that men are oftentimes deluded in their Counsels by various accidents, and meet with much unexpected ends: And that we are often times deceived through hopes, and fears, arising out of mere opinion, without discerning any thing, save the first appearances. In this perturbation of Affairs, the no great good will which was between the Pope and King of France, began to be more manifestly known, sprung from former reasons, which were unknown till now; for King Francis complained that the Pope, out of some bad intention, had forestowed the sending of such recrutes unto his Army, as by agreement he was bound to do, that he had privately incited the Swissers against him, and had given many other signs of his bad inclination towards him. Certainly 'tis worthy note (since occasion leads me thereunto) with how many several affections, and sometimes contrary within themselves, the minds of Princes are agitated. Pope Leo, and King Francis, thought when they parted at Bullen, that they had sufficiently provided for their Affairs; and that the Friendship and League that was confirmed betwixt them, was likely to last long, and to be cause of much safety to them both: But soon after, construing the same Affairs otherwise, they began to doubt that the things agreed upon between them would not be observed; so as each of them grew jealous of the other. The Pope being conscious how bitter, and open an Enemy he had already showed himself unto the French, how often he had abused their hopes, under a feigned pretence of Friendship; that even then when they were in treaty of reconciliation he would not satisfy him in many things, pressed hard upon by the King, in behalf of his Friends and Confederates; began to doubt the King of France could never be his true Friend: Moreover, calling to mind the many injuries done by the two preceding Kings, Charles, and Lewis, to the house of Medici, he could not persuade himself that then when the French hoped to get some principal places in Italy, King Francis could willingly tolerate the greatness of Lorenzo de Medici, should still increase; whereby he had opportunity given him to revenge the ancient injuries done to the prejudice of his reputation, and to the States which he held in Italy. On the contrary, the King thinking that the same reasons remained still, which had formerly disgratiated him with the Pope; and that this the Pope's ill will towards him was the more increased, by how much his power was increased in Italy, and was become more formidable to him, interpreted all things to the worst, and according to this his apprehension, that Leo had concealed his truest intentions from him, that it was necessity which had made him accommodate himself to the condition of the times at their meeting; and that as soon as he should meet with any means of hurting him, this would evidently be seen. The Venetians laboured oft to free these Princes of these suspicions, and sought by all means how to reconcile them; for they knew how much it imported the strength and reputation of the League, that the Pope, King of France, and Commonwealth, should hold true intelligence together; and did of all things abhor to be necessitated to take up Arms against the Church; wherefore passing by the injuries they had received from Leo, they desired to have him less their Enemy. The King of England did also oft times out of the said reasons, endeavour to bring these two Princes to fair terms; for that it very well became a great and wise Prince as he was, and who had always preferred the Interest of Christian Religion before any self-respect, to use his best endeavours to introduce peace amongst Christian Princes, that they might be able to defend their States against the Turks; who having overcome the King of Persia in Battle, totally destroyed the Empire of the Mamalucky, and taken the Kingdom from Cam●sone Gauro, King of Memphis, did very much advance by the ruin of other men; and to the end that they might win greater Favour and Authority with the King, the Senate, knowing that it would be acceptable and commodious to the Kingdom of England, resolved to send their great Gallioans, towards the Rhodes of that Island, which had not for some late years been upon those Seas. Whilst these things were treated of by Ambassadors, the War did notwithstanding, still go on; for after the Swissers and Dutch were gone, Lautrech, having left sufficient Garrison in Milan, drew all the Army out of the City, and not making any delay, marched into the Territories of Brescia, intending to renew the Siege of that Town; the Duke of Burbone, being at this time gone from Italy, the supreme Government of the King's affairs were entrusted with Lautrech, a man famous for many endowments of mind, and who would have been more Famous in War, had he not been too much opinionated. After the departure of Cesar's Army, the City of Brescia was left almost without any defendants; for the Soldiers of the Garrison, seeing Cesar grow less in his reputation, and having no hopes of relief; being also weary of the toilsome labours, and inconveniencies of the late Siege, and not having received their pay at due times, were some of them returned home, and some gone over to the Venetian Camp: So there were but only 700 Spanish Foot left to guard the City, under Captain Hiccardo, but these were all men of known Valour, and Integrity; Where o'er the Venetian Commanders thinking they might now hope well to get that City, made the more haste, not tarrying for the French (who followed them a little more slowly) to the end that finding the Enemy unprovided, they might be the more confused at their unexpected approach. Thus though the night came on whilst they were on their March, not allowing any the least time for the Soldiers to rest themselves, at the very instant of their Arrival they ordered their men before the Walls, and suddenly clapped their scaling Ladders thereunto, by which many of them began already boldly to mount, and to put for entering the Town. The Foot who were upon the defence, astonished at this unexpected accident, and confounded by the darkness of the night, ran up and down every where, striving to keep the Ladders from off the Walls; and if any of our men were got up to the tops thereof, they threw them down; they fought in several places, endeavouring to defend themselves, some here, some there: They at the same time minded fight the Enemy, and their own defence; The Combat drawing forth thus in length, the Enemy having borne the first brunt, grew hourly more courageous, so as the Venetians being in a disadvantageous place, where they could neither tarry, nor fight, were forced to quit the Enterprise, and to retreat. It was afterwards known that this design miscarried by the Ladders being too short; soon after came Lautrech, with his Army, wherefore the Commanders thinking they were now strong enough, endeavoured to do their best to storm the City: They surrounded the Walls with 5. bodies, and placed their Cannon in such parts as they thought most convenient, and began to play so furiously upon the Walls, as in a short time a part thereof fell down to the ground, which facilitated the way to make an Assault: Amidst these dangers and difficulties, Hiccardo, not at all discouraged, provided carefully for all things, not refusing any labour, and all the Soldiers being equally desirous to defend the City, laboured both day and night about the Walls, by day in repairing the Rampires, by night in bringing the Rubbish into the Town, wherewith they quickly rai●ed new Rampires where the Wall was broken down; but the ruin which were made by so many Batteries, could not be repaired in so short a time, nor by so few men; nor could sufficient Guards be kept in all necessary places at once: Wherefore Hiccardo understanding that the Enemy were ready to give an Assault, which he could not sustain without evident ruin to himself, and his men, he resolved to surrender the Town. This was welcome News to the Venetians, who desired the preservation of that Noble City, and to return it unto the Commonwealth undefaced or ransacked, which would have been hard to do, if the City had been taken by force; the Commanders not being able often times to refrain the insolency and rapine of the Soldiers, especially if Foreigners. Truce was therefore made by a certain tacit consent of both sides; and by Messages sent between the Town and the Camp, an agreement was made upon these conditions. That the City should be delivered up to Lautrech, unless it were relieved by 8000 men within three days, that the Soldiers of the Garrison should be permitted to go whither they licted, provided it were not to Verona; that no prejudice should be done to the City, neither by the Venetian Soldiers, nor by the French; and that it should be lawful for the Count Gambara, and for some few Citizens who had adhered to Cesar 's party, to enjoy their Country and all their goods, and that all their faults should be forgiven them. These conditions were the more easily given way unto, for that it was confidently believed so great a supply could not come unto the City in so short a time; for the Dutch Soldiers who were come to the Castle of A●fo to relieve the Besieged; were returned back, being routed and put to flight, by a greater number of our Soldiers. Things being thus agreed upon, and no succour appearing within the prelimited time, Hiccardo and all his Soldiers marched out of the Town in good order with their Colours flying, and Drums beating; and at the same time Lautrech and the Venetian Commissaries entered, who were received by a great concourse of people of all conditions, and of all ages, manifesting shows of much joy, whereby they witnessed their good will to the Commonwealth. Lautrech took possession of the City first, and then presently delivered it up to the Venetian Commissaries, and the Commonwealth's Standard was set up. Thus this famous City after so great confusion of affairs, having suffered very much and run several fortunes in War, returned under the Dominion of her ancient Masters, and was restored to her former peaceable condition. When the News of the recovery of Brescia came to Venice, great joy was throughout all the City, and the Citizens by this success began to have better hopes of putting an end unto the War. The Venetians did always make very great account of Brescia, by reason of the number of her Inhabitants, and she was of great service to the Commonwealth by means of her fruitful, rich, and copious fields; and moreover because the Gentry and commonalty therein were ever held to be faithful and loving to their Country. The Senate gave many thanks to the King of France for that by the ready assistance of his men they had regained that City, wherein, as his Commanders had shown singular Worth, as should always be by them acknowledged, so did his Majesty share in the glory, and the Commonwealth's obligations to him was much increased thereby. Letters were likewise written to Lautrech, wherein as his faith and diligence were much commended, so was he desired to make use of such fitting occasions as did offer themselves for other prosperous successes, since the fortune of the Commonwealth began to alter. They put him in mind, that if the Army (who were very desirous of the Enterprise) were suddenly carried to before the Walls of Verona, they might be almost sure to get that City; and so the whole War would be prosperously ended; that he could do nothing that would redound more to his own glory and to the advantage of his King then this; for assuredly when the Commonwealth of Venice should chiefly by the aid and favour of the French, be restored to her pristine greatness, their Empire would be confirmed for many years in Italy, to his particular and immortal glory, whereof he having showed himself to be at all times desirous, he needed imitate no body but himself. Lautrech being much taken, as it appeared by these Speeches, he resolved to march with his camp in company with Trivulcio towards the Territories of Verona; but being come to Peschiera whilst the Army was yet on this side the River Menzo, Lautrech told the Venetian Commissaries, who expected nothing less at this time, That he could not tarry longer than three days in the Territories of Verona, for that he had had intelligence, that the Swissers were resolved to take up Arms, and that they were already prepared to assault the Dukedom of Milan, the danger whereof being considered, he thought it would make much against the Service of his King to keep his men any longer farther off from the Confines of that State. These things being propounded in the Council, they were all of a joint opinion, not to remove the camp from the place where it was, but to tarry there, till they might have some more certain News of the Swissers moving, which was brought to the camp only by a flying rumour. Lest if the Army should advance farther, and be doubtful whether it should tarry there any longer or no, they might make men believe by their sudden departure that they had raised the Army for want of Forces, or for fear of the Enemy's approach, and out of despairing to do any good upon Verona, which would make them lose the reputation they had won by their prosperous success at Brescia, and whereas now they were a terror to their Enemies, they would become their scorn. But the News of the Swissers advancing increasing daily, Lautrech would needs carry the whole Army into the State of Milan. And though this resolution was gainsaid by all the other Commanders, who alleged, That the place where the Army now was, was naturally very strong, and very fit wherein to put on such Resolves as the condition of Affairs, or the Enemy's March, which was then uncertain, should require. Yet he standing fixed to his opinion of removing the camp, moved that it should be carried to near Asola, in the Brescian Territories, alleging, That Verona was then gallantly garrisoned; for that after the dis-banding of Caesar's Army, many of the Swissers and Dutch were retreated thither; so as that Attempt was likely to prove vain, and that therefore to undertake a difficult business, without assured hopes of effecting it, was no better than to hinder themselves in their other Proceedings, and to confound the whole Government of the War. He added hereunto sometimes (to find other excuses for his counsel) that the Venetians had given ear to the King of Poland, who was said to have treated of peace by his Ambassadors, wherefore they were to expect an issue of that Treaty, before they fell upon any other business; and finally he complained that moneys were not sent at the time appointed to pay the 6000 Dutch Foot, as the Commonwealth had promised. Gritti gainsaid all these assertions, saying that things were much otherwise then Lautrech had represented them to be. That there was a great scarcity of all things in Verona, especially of Corn; that the Garrison which was entered thereinto, was likely to be a greater inconvenience to the City through the dearth of Corn, than a safety by increasing the numbers of the Defendants; that if the Army should fall off then when the Harvest was so near at hand, and should afford the Enemy opportunity to gather in the fruits of the Earth, and bring them into the City, they must make account to attempt the same Enterprise upon much greater disadvantage at another time, when they should have no other hopes than what lay in their Forces and Weapons; and that not without much danger, and uncertainty of good success. Moreover, that they understood by those Soldiers that were fled into their Camp, that there was great falling out in the City between the Citizens and the Soldiers, and great confusion in all things, whereby the Affairs of War were treated of with much negligence and jealousy: That therefore when the Army should draw near, 'twas likely that the people, partly to provide for their own safeties, and others out of the●r affections to the parties they sided withal, would make some commotion, and afford better opportunity of gaining the City. Assuredly said Gritti, it is not to be believed that the Senate of Venice should ●reat of any thing touching peace with the Polish Ambassador, contrary to the will of the King of France, nor yet so much as without his knowledge; the constancy of the Senators having been such, and so manifest, in renewing the War for so long a time, their observance towards the King, and their confidence in the French Nation having been so great, as that they had often times refused fair conditions of peace which had been offered them, and had always studied the King's greatness no less than the good of the Commonwealth, which might be witnessed as well by their actions of the former year, as now of latter days near Milan; wherein rather an express Commandment, than tacit consent, came from the Senate. Let these suspicions and jealousies than cease, and let them not prevail so far as to make any of us less ready to do what the common good doth counsel; the moneys which are due to the Dutch Foot are already prepared, and as soon as the ways shall be safe and open, they will doubtlessly be brought to the Camp; but when I think of our departure from hence, and of our going into the Brescian Territories, I find that greater inconveniences will ensue thereby: And the like will befall our City; for the people of that Country who have been always faithful to the Commonwealth, and who have suffered so much by the Wars, now when they should begin to make themselves whole, will be oppressed almost with their late former grievances, by the coming of so great an Army into their precincts; since it is they that must feed it. So we shall be burdensome to our friends, and shall forbear our Enemies; we shall lessen the affections of the former, and encourage the others. When Gritti had spoke thus, to confirm his opinion, he added; that though Lautrech should not follow them, his opinion was that the Venetian Army should of, and by itself, march into the Territories of Verona. The Captain General, and all the rest of the Venetian Commanders were of the same opinion with Gritti, so as certainly his opinion would have been followed, if after more mature consideration, they had not feared, that such a resolution would in some other respects be prejudicial to the Commonwealth; for by this division of the Army, the forces of the League would not only be diminished, but the Enemies would believe by this disagreement of the Commanders, that the confederate Princes might easily be divided. But Lautrech, were it either in pursuance of his nature, which was not to part easily from his opinion, or that he would not willingly hazard the glory of having recovered Brescia, to any new events of War; could never be persuaded either by reason or by entreaties to venture upon the taking of Verona▪ but with much ado yielded at last to tarry awhile in those Quarters where he was. The opinion of many was afterwards confirmed by the sequel of things, that Lautrech having notice of a Treaty of agreement which was in hand between King Francis and Charles Duke of Burgundy, which was begun in the City of Noyon, did by thus drawing things out at length, more mind his King's conveniency, then either his own praise, or the Venetians service. The Senate being this mean while informed of all these passages, and esteeming it to be very disadvantageous and contrary to their designs, to permit the Enemies who were in Verona, to gather in their Harvest, they charged Commissary Paulo Gradinigo to draw forth a Band of the best Soldiers that were in Garrison at Milan, and that with them, and those that were in the Territories of Vicenza under the Government of Frederick Gousaga, he should overrun the confines of Verona, spoil the corn which was upon the ground, and use all means possible to keep the corn from being brought into Verona. But the Enemy being advertised of these men's departure, went unexpectedly out of Verona, and going by another way then our men did, went into the Territories of Vicenza and Milan, and did much mischief. Lautrech had stayed in the same Quarters about some thirty days when the News of the Swissers being quite over, and having no other reason for his so long delay, growing likewise suspicious that it might redound somewhat to his disparagement that he had kept the Army so long idle, and had lost so much time, he resolved at last to remove the camp, and to go into the Territories of Verona; whereunto he was the rather moved by a protestation made by the Venetian Commissaries that else they would not issue forth the moneys which were then come to the camp for the Dutch Soldiers. The camp being raised the first day of August, all the Army was led to the Town Gotalengo, to be passed over the River Adice. The first thing the Commanders did was to possess themselves of the straitest passages of the Mountains, by which the Dutch were wont to come from Germany to Verona, by placing good Guards in them; to the end that the ways being blocked up, the City might be kept from being relieved: By which means the Spanish and Dutch Foot, (corn growing every day dearer and dearer, and not having received their pay from Cesar, whereby to help their many inconveniences) passed over in great numbers to the Venetian camp, where they were willingly received and mustered amongst their Militia. And the Swissers, moved by the example of others, and hating the great inconveniences of a Siege, returned most of them to their own homes. There were then in Our Army 8000 Italian Foot, and 6000 Dutch, to boot with the French aid; 1000 Curassiers, 2000 light Horse, many famous Commanders in War, and all other things necessary for the taking in of the City. It was resolved that the Army being divided into two camps, the City should be begirt on two sides; to the end that the Defendants, who were already reduced to a small number might be the sooner wearied by doing perpetual duties. These things being begun to be put in execution, as was resolved of in counsel, the Dutch Soldiers, though they had received three month's pay, began to mutiny, and refused to obey their Commanders; and though Trivulcio was already on his March with his other companies, they would not stir from where they were; saying they would not carry Arms against the Emperor, nor be led to the taking of a City possessed by him. These men not being to be persuaded out of their opinion, the Venetian Soldiers not being able to do of themselves what was particularly recommended to Trivulcio, Lautrech, promised to give them other companies out of his Soldiers; but considering afterwards that by the loss of those men his Army would be much weakened, and his camp not be over safe, he changed his mind, and without attempting any thing, fell aloof off two miles from the City; and the Venetians were forced to do the like, for they were not able to do any thing of themselves. This mean while the Garrison began daily to decrease within the City, for many Dutch Colours returned home, and others passed over to the Venetian camp; and came in such numbers, as no more fugitive Soldiers would be received into the camp; for the Venetians remembered that these men were rather a trouble and an expense than any aid; wherefore they thought it not safe to rely upon their Loyalties: And they feared likewise lest a much greater number of Mountainers, who had formerly been in Caesar's camp, seeing such hopes of gain given them, and that they might get those pays from Cesar's Enemies which he had not paid them might descend from the neighbouring Villages, into the Territories of Verona. Yet so many were the defendants, as though great store were gone, the City was notwithstanding well munited: Wherefore Lautrech not thinking it fit to attempt any thing without the hopes of effecting it, demanded more help of the Venetians, if they would have him take Verona; which though it were hard to do, yet that they might not leave a business of so great importance▪ unattempted, they sent 4000 Foot to the Camp, and great store of Artillery, Powder, and Victuals, that nothing might be wanting which was necessary for War: All sufficient provisions being had, the Army drew near the Walls of Verona: This City is divided by the River Adice, which runs through the midst of it, into two parts; and is walled round about by Walls which look upon a large Campagnia, and are in compass 7 miles about; near unto which are great Rampires of earth, which take up the greatest part of the space which lies between the Wall and the Houses of the City, whereby the Wall is so secured, as it cannot easily be shot through, nor beaten down by the Cannon. There are besides in the Walls themselves divers Bastions of several forms and greatness; which bearing out beyond the right line of the Wall in certain fit places, are very proper to disturb the Enemy's Artillery, to keep the Enemy aloof from the Wall, and for the safety of the Soldiers who stand thereupon to defend the Town: The City was therefore thought to be strong enough, and safe according to the custom of those times, and the than manner of fight; and the rather for the Count Carreto, who had the Government of that City, had added several new works, the year before, to the old Fortifications, which made it more defenceable. Moreover grea●●tore of Artillery were carried thither, and many expert Cannoneers. And the Garrison was not to be esteemed small, for besides Horse, there were about 6000 Foot, what Spanish, what Dutch, what Swissers, in the City; who were all commanded in chief by Mark Antonio Colonna, who was now no longer a Commander under the Pope, but under Cesar; a man very expert in Military Discipline, which he had learned by being under Prospero, and Fabritio Colonna, in the Wars, very Famous Commanders in those times. He was very ambitious of glory in War, more of which he would have won had he not been given, according to the abuse of those times, too much to pillaging, and to other barbarous and dishonourable deportments. He had been very diligent in preparing all things fitting for defence, and having carefully, and with much confidence, exhorted the Soldiers, and Citizens to stand upon their defence, he expected an Assault. Lautrech on the other side, divided his Army into two Camps; he pitched himself, with his Foot and Horse, over against that part of the City, which lies towards Mantua; and Trivulcio having passed over the Adice, with his Venetians, sat down with them opposite to that part of the Wall that looks towards Vicenza. Both Camps began to play upon the Walls at one and the same time, but with some difference of design; for Lautrech placed all the force of his Artillery, against one only part, that he might make way for his men to enter the City, and that the Enemy might not have leisure to repair the breach made in the Walls by the violence of Cannon shot. But Trivultio having taken more room to encamp himself, began to batter a larger place of the Wall, hoping that when he should have thrown it all down, he might fight upon better advantage; since the Enemy not knowing where the Assault would be given, must consequently be employed in several places. Lautrech having observed that a certain place, near the Gate commonly called della Calcina, was not very strong, for there was there no other defence, but one ancient weak Tower, he turned his Cannon upon it, and having quickly beaten it down, he commanded his Soldiers to go presently to the wall; who being encouraged by their Commanders, and egged on by the hopes of sacking so rich a City, went boldly on, and making haste that they might soon get out of the danger of Cannon shot, they came to handy blows with the Enemy, and a valiant fight was performed on all sides. The French, to win praise and shun shame, strove to get to where the Enemy were thickest, knowing that they fought in their Commanders fight; for Monsieur de Lescu, Lautrech's brother looked on, and was a witness of each man's Valour and Cowardliness. But the Spanish and Dutch Foot were full of confidence, calling to mind their own Gallantry, and what they had done formerly, which made them the bolde● against danger; for they were all Veteran Soldiers, who had been pre●ent at all these wars of Italy. The Assault was given, and sustained, with equal Valour. The Enemy brought many of their Artillery into the vacant place where the Tower had stood, and where the Combat was, and placing them in some more eminent parts, played therewith apace upon the French on the flank, and made much slaughter upon them. So as having lost many of their men, they were forced to retreat unto the Camp. But Trivultio, although he had already thrown down a good part of the Wall, and that there was space enough for the Soldiers to have Assaulted the City, forbore falling on; being aware that a great number of the defendants, having well munited the place from whence they had repulsed the French, were run thither where they knew the greatest Effort was made to assist the weaker side; wherereof Trivultio gave notice to Lautrech, and desired some men of him, that he might the more safely attempt to take the City: But Lautrech, though he might very well have done it, for the Venetians and French Camp were so joined together by means of a very strong and safe Bridge which was made over the Adice, as the one might assist the other, and though he had often promised to send him assistance, yet he prolonged the time, and sent none; it was now 15 days since the Camp before the City, and the Enemy was reduced to great extremity, a great part of the Wall was thrown down, the Soldiers were weary with fight, great scarcity of Powder, and the Commanders, and Citizens differed in their opinions: All which things invited to make haste, and yet the business must be drawn out at length. This mean time news came to the Camp that a strong band of Dutch Foot came speedily to relieve the Besieged, and that they had already upon Articles taken the Castle della Chiusa, which they had Assaulted at unawares, so as the way was open▪ for them to enter the City. Lautrech was hereat more discouraged than he had reason to be, which made him give over all thought of continuing the Siege; so as he seemed not to mind it much now, and that measuring more according to opinion then reality, he was solicitous of nothing but how to carry his Army quickly to a place of safety: At which sudden change, and pernicious resolution, the Venetian Commissaries being much perplexed, they went unto him, and did all they could to entreat and to conjure him, by the loyalty he ought unto his King, and for his own honour, that he would not too much undervalue his own Affairs, the reputation whereof he ought to enhance as much as he could. They told him that it was usual to report the Forces, of Enemies to be greater than they were because the Authors of such News do invent ●●ny things according as fear dictates unto them; but grant that all was to be believed, that was reported; none affirmed that the Enemy's Forces exceeded 7000 Foot, and those with out any Military Discipline, and without any Warlike preparations; that a more unworthy resolution, nor more prejudicial to their honour, could not be taken, then to show unto the Enemy by raising of their Camp, wherein there was above 20000 Soldiers, many renowned Commanderes, gallant Horses both for Number and Worth, store of all things necessary, that they did so fear so small a number of the Enemy, as at the very News of their approach, they had retired themselves; so as they might with reason be thought to be driven out of their Quarters, and to have given over all hopes of Victory: And wherefore (said they) should we not think rather of sending out our light Horse, followed by our fleetest Foot, to encounter and oppose the Enemy? The business would not last long, nor would it be difficult; since those men who had no experience in War, and were unprovided of all things, would easily be put in disorder, and routed: And say they should prove so stout, as to stand and make resistance; a little delay of succour, would make it come too late, and do no good, since if we do resolve to use our utmost power, the City must needs yield, and fall into our hands, at the first or second Assault. To these things Lautrech answered. That he had not taken this resolution by chance, or moved thereunto by any fear; but that he thought it fitting to do so, that he might in time provide for the safety of those men who were opposed by two Armies of the Enemy, the one within the City, the other upon the Mountains: That the Dutch Foot were already gotten out of the straightest and most difficult ways, and that there was no hopes to keep them off, since they were already Masters of the passes that were naturaly strong: It was therefore to be considered, that if they should send some few men against them 'twould be but in vain; and that the nature of the places, the strait and Rocky ways would not permit them to send many. That he had a care of the safety of that Army, which being divided into two Camps, was thereby the weaker: So as if they should lessen the numbers of their men by sending a great number to this action, they should not a little endanger the main business; since several accidents might bereave our Camps (which were divided by the River into two parts) of the means of Interchangeably succouring one another, if they should be Assaulted by the Enemy. Lautrech standing thus firm to his first opinion, he commanded that the Ensigns should be suddenly removed, wherein being followed by the other Commanders, all the Army was brought to Albaredo; Commissary Paolo Gradinige, and Giovan Paolo Manfrone being left with 800 Horse, and 2000 Foot to guard the Bridge left if it should be broken, the Army might not know how to come by victuals; but the Army having tarried there but a little while, went to Villa Franca, where they took up their Quarters, and fortified themselves. They began then to think upon the main business; but the advisers differing in their opinions, nothing was concluded on. This mean while Rocadolfo who commanded the Dutch Foot, our Army being gone, and there being none to hinder him, entered into Verona; and having brought good store of corn, wine, and cattle into the City, he tarried there some few days, and leaving many of his sound men in the places of such as were weak and wounded, fearing left his longer abode there might prove incommodious to the City by reason of the scarcity of corn, he returned into Germany. Our Soldiers, though they were removed from before the City, and though it were in the depth of Winter, did not notwithstanding forbear to overrun all the neighbouring Country, to keep victuals from being brought to Verona. Whereupon many slight Skirmishes were had, and chiefly by the Horse; for the Enemy issuing out of the Town, endeavoured to bring in some corn to amend the scarcity thereof; and our men on the contrary going out of the camp, and falling upon the Enemy as they were scattered abroad here and there, did seek to keep them from so doing. In these Skirmishes Mercurio Bua and Baboon Naldo won great praise both for Manlike valour, and Military cunning; they left nothing quiet nor safe for the Enemy in that Country; they were every where, kept back victuals, and brought many of the Enemy Prisoners to the camp. The Castle of Crovaria was at this time held by the Dutch (this is a very narrow place, seated amidst the hardest passages of the Mountains upon a steep cliff, from whence the River Adice is carried with a swift and violent course towards Verona) which if our men could recover, that passage would easily be stopped, and victuals hindered from being carried by the River into the City. Mercurio and Baboon were employed about this, who by their worth and diligence overcame the craggedness of the ways, and the Forces of the Enemy; for setting upon the Soldiers, who had the guard of the Castle, unexpectedly by night, they slew them all, put all the rest to flight, forcing them to quit the Castle, and to provide for their own safeties. This Castle being taken, a Garrison was put thereinto, which did much incommodiate the Enemy, by keeping them from such corn as was wont to be carried by the River. But nothing of great moment was done in the camp, nor did they think of altering their Quarters; which made the Venetian Commissaries complain yet more of Lautrech, for that by his means the City of Verona was not yet taken: And that at this time when the Enemy's inconveniences persuaded them to return again unto the Siege, the Army kept loitering within the camp, as if nothing remained to be done. And truly as all men wondered at these Proceedings, so there was not any one that commended them. But Lautrech bade the Commissaries be of good cheer, and finding several excuses for his delays, told them that all things sufficient should be had whereby to put a good period to the War, and bade them believe constantly that Verona should quickly return to the Venetians Dominion. Which words made the Commissary suspect that he meant some other thing then what was then in hand; for at that very time when the Army rise from before Verona, News was spread abroad in the camp, that a Messenger was come to Lautrech from France, and that having spoken with him in secret, Lautrech strove to keep his coming concealed from the rest. The Commissaries did very much press him therefore, to acquaint them with the reason of his counsel, and why so great an Army should be maintained, without any necessity or hope; and which through excessive expense weakened the Forces of the Commonwealth, which were always ready to serve the French. The Senate being acquainted by their Commissaries with what had passed in the camp, were much perplexed, not knowing what course to take for the advancement of their Affairs; they who but a little before were so rejoiced and comforted for their good success at Brescia, began now to have new fears and troubles since when they thought the War to be near an end, they saw reasons arise of greater length and difficulties. And they were chiefly troubled to think that the French, in whose assistance they had put their chiefest hopes, should proceed with various and uncertain counsels; and perhaps, (as it was then believed) wholly separate from the Commonwealth's Interest. Whilst these things were in agitation, Letters came from their Ambassador who was in France, by which they were fully informed with all that had passed at Noion; for King Francis being desirous that the Venetians might have leisure to advise well, would have them quickly acquainted with whatsoever had past till then between him and the Archduke Charles: To the end that as soon as the Commissioners of both parties should be come to Brussels, for the confirmation of such things as had been treated of, they might find all doubts resolved. The chief things treated of and resolved at this convention, were▪ That the King of France and the Duke of Burgony (a name which Charles of Austria took unto himself till this time) had by the means of their Ambassadors contracted Friendship and Peace, and confirmed it by the tye of Alliance; for King Charles had promised to give the Lady Renea, daughter to King Lewis, to Charles' for wife. In this Confederacy all the other Princes that were friends to either party were included: On Charles his part Maximilian Cesar was chiefly nominated, and the Commonwealth of Venice on the King of France his behalf. But those that would be comprehended within this agreement, were bound to declare their minds within two month's space. The Emperor being hereof advertised, promised to stand to what was agreed upon, provided that peace might be established upon fair conditions; wherefore Brussels was appointed for the place of convention, to treat more particularly of the conditions of agreement; where Charles his Ambassadors and those of France were to be, who should intercede as Moderators and freely Composers of the business. One chief thing which they were to treat on, was how the Venetians might by this agreement recover Verona; for it was evident, that as this business had oft times before disturbed the Treaty of peace, so if it should not now be decided, all other Negotiations would be in vain; for the King of France being mindful of the League which he had made with the Venetians, and being desirous to keep his word, was resolved not to come to any agreement with the Emperor, unless Verona were thereby first restored to the Venetians. Wherefore as soon as the Assembly was met, this was the first proposition which was taken in ha●d. Caesar's Ambassadors demanded a great sum of money in exchange for the restitution of Verona, and moreover the possession of some other Towns which were formerly in that jurisdiction. It was farther added that Cesar would not consign over that City into the hands of the Venetians; but unto some of Charles his Ministers, in whose power after it had been six weeks, the French might dispose of it as they should please. Notice being given of all these things by the Ambassador of Venice, the Senate was much perplexed and full of various thoughts. After so tedious and troublesome a War nothing certainly could be more desirable than peace and quiet. They knew that they had often hazarded the fortune of the Commonwealth, that they were now to endeavour some case and amendment, to free them from the necessity of continuing longer in War. Yet some men of more mature years, and greater experience, thinking how great a change of things a short time was often cause of, feared that (some time being by the agreement required for the re-delivery of Verona) some accident might happen the mean while, whereby all things being put in disorder, they might remain in the same troubles, and peradventure be plunged into greater. This jealousy was much increased by the knowledge of Maximilian his nature, and tricks which he had wont to use, which if he should continue to do in this business, they feared left under the colour of Honour, by which he seemed desirous that Verona should be restored to the Venetians by the hands of some others, and not by himself, he might plot a greater mischief against them. For which doubt of theirs they seemed to have the more reason, for that being contented to yield up another place of much greater importance, he earnestly desired certain little Towns, from whence not being able to reap any profit, they judged he might have a mind to keep the way open in several parts, so as he might assault the States of the Commonwealth when he should please. Many things were moved in the Senate, but nothing concluded, because they generally desired to recover Verona, which they thought they might effect better by force then by agreement. They ceased not continually to solicit Lautrech not to wait for the receiving of that from the Enemy, which he might take from them by force; for sure peace was not to be hoped for but by Arms. If Cesar did really desire friendship with the French, he would not stand so much upon the loss of Verona, but would covet their Friendship though upon conditions more advantageous to them. The Senate would therefore have the King of France acquainted with these doubts which made them suspend their resolution; desiring him that he would so provide for the common Affairs as became his wisdom and his singular love towards the Commonwealth; and that he should take heed not to do any thing which might occasion greater difficulties. As for them, they would willingly submit all things to his pleasure if it should be needful so to do; assuring themselves that he would have a great care of the Honour and safety of the Commonwealth. The Assembly being this mean while met, there were many differences between the French and Dutch, which grew to that height as Cesar's Ambassadors were ready to depart from Brussels, leaving the business unperfect. These differences were thought to be in a part occasioned by Cardinal Sedunense; for this man who thought to acquire much glory by disturbing peace, finding a fit occasion to provoke the Swissers, laboured to undo whatsoever was formerly agreed upon between them and the King of France. He went likewise to Henry King of England, and sought by all means to incense that King yet more, who did already sufficiently envy, and hate the King of France. Sedunense had propounded unto himself to persuade both these Princes to join their Forces with those of Cesar, or at least to promise him they would do so, to keep him as he alleged from being necessitated to throw himself by headlong counsel into the Friendship of the common Enemies; which could not be done without prejudice and danger to them. The King of England and the Swissers being wrought upon by these persuasions, they had sent their Embabassadors to the Emperor to make him large promises, Insomuch as he, who seemed at first to be well inclined to peace, began now to be otherwise affected, and to raise new doubts, seeming sometimes to refuse, and sometimes again very much to desire the same thing. But peace being finaly concluded between the French and the Swissers (for the Inhabitants of some of those Cantons who were at first more averse, and opposite to the King, being made more pliant by means of a great sum of Money, which by the agreement was to be paid to each several Canton) did afterwards desire the Friendship of the French, as well as the rest, and did by common consent confirm the League. Hence it was that Maximilian failing in the hopes of their assistance, and knowing that he was able to do but little of himself, did much desire friendship with the French, and Venetians; and began to treat more calmly; yet the Venetians were so troubled at the slow proceeeding of all things, as well concerning War as Peace (men's minds being very changeable, and apt to believe every thing, when they are governed either by consciousness or fear) as they suspected every thing. Sometimes they much doubted the Catholic King (which name Charles of Austria being already gone into Spain, begun to take unto himself) though it was likely that he being a new Prince and environed with many difficulties, should rather desire Peace, than War in Italy. Sometimes they would not stick to be jealous of the very French; to whom they had wont to commit all their Affairs. firmly resolving to keep perpetual friendship with them. Whilst the Venetians were full of these doubts, and fears, the treaty of Peace was concluded at Brussels; for King Francis finding the difficulties did daily increase, made friendship with Cesar upon condition, that he should likewise make peace with the Venetians; and that there should be a suspension of Arms between them, and him, for the space of eight months; to the end that the mean while such particulars whereby a firm peace might be settled between them for the future, might be more commodiously treated of. Farncis, King of Farnce, and Charles, King of Spain, were to be Judges, and Arbitrators, to examine, and decide all difficulties; who were to meet together within the space of two months, to negotiate these things, and many others, appertaining to their own particular States: Charles was to come to Cambrai, and Francis to St. Quintans, within the time appointed, where they were afterwards to make choice of some convenient place between these two Towns, for them both to meet in. But before all other things, it was established that the Towns of the Venetians which were in Cesar 's possession, should be restored unto them, Cesar being by particular agreement bound to put the City of Verona presently into the hands of the Catholic King, and to take away the Garrison, and after six weeks the French were to receive the same, that they might deliver it unto the Venetians. But as soon as Verona should be delivered up into the hands of the Catholic King, or his Ministers, the French and Venetians were to remove all their men both from the City and from the Territories of Verona; that the City should not be munited the mean while, neither with new works, nor victuals; The Soldiers were to abstain from all injuries both in the City, and Country: The Dutch were likewise to quit the Territories of Verona and all the Towns that were therein except Riva, and Roveredo, which though they did formerly belong to those Confines, should notwithstanding be in the Emperor's jurisdiction: For the present both Cesar and the Venetians were to keep possession of such Towns as were now possessed of in Friuli. The Soldiers of the Garrison which were in Verona, were to be permitted to return quickly to their own homes; and to carry all their goods along with them; and moreover 200000 Ducats were to be paid to Cesar, at three payments, within the space of one year, for the expense he had been at in the War, the one half whereof was to be disbursed by the French, the other half by the Venetians. All things being thus agreed upon between Cesar and the King of France, Lautrech was to see them executed, who was particularly informed of all things that had passed at Brussels. The Venetians moved thereunto by the irksomeness, and inconveniences of so long a War; as also out of a desire to please the King of France, whom they had clearly found to be well minded towards them, did by approbation of the Senate approve of all that he had done, and promised to stand to the agreement that the Town of Riva and Roveredo did of right belong to them, and had been under the power of the Commonwealth for above 100 years, yet to satisfy the King they were content that they should remain in the hands of Maximilian. The Bishop of Trent was then sent to Verona, to receive that City from the Emperor's Ministers, in the name of Catholic King; but at his first meeting with Lautrech, out of a difference in opinion that arose between them, all things went topsie turvy; the Bishop would have it, that the time of restoreing that City should begin from the day that it was delivered up to him, and not before. Lautrech counting the six weeks from the time that the agreement was made at Brussels, said that the time prefixed was already at an end, and therefore demanded that the City should be presently delivered up to him. Thus the business being left undecided, they departed. But when the Bishop returned to Verona, the Soldiers seeing there was no provision made for their pay, and that the business drew out into length, began to mutiny, and threatened the Bishop as the Author of these difficulties. The Imperialists were therefore content that the City should be immediately delivered over unto the French, to the end that receiving the moneys which by agreement was to be paid unto them by them and the Venetians, the Soldiers might be pacified. Wherefore meeting together again at the Town called Dosso Cuono, and Lautrech having given in security to pay the aforesaid moneys, the Bishop promised that the Town should be delivered up unto him the next Tuesday, which was the 23 day of january. Things being thus ordered, the Citizens of Verona lent Nicolo di Cavalli and Leonardo Lisco, Doctors of the civil Law, to congratulate with Lautrech, and the Venetian Commissaries: Who, accompanied with 400 select Curassiers, and 2000 Foot entered the City the next day, and were met with unspeakable joy by all the people, and with such a concourse of men of all conditions, and of all ages, as they could hardly pass through the Streets; and being come to the cathedral Church, had much ado to get in at the Gates. Here Lautrech having received the Keys of the City from the Bishop of Trent, did at the same instant give them into the hands of the Venetian Commissaries, Andrea Gritti, and Giovan Paolo Gradinigo. Then some of the chiefest of the Citizens did together with the Commissaries, and in the name of all the rest, congratulate the return of that City to under the command of the Commonwealth; attesting the Citizens constant good will towards her, and promising Loyalty and Obedience thereunto at all times. These things being ended, and the French assistance being to be dismissed, the Senate, that they might not omit to show their respects and love to so gallant a man, and one who had deserved so well of the Commonwealth, as Lautrech resolved to present him honourably in the name of the public, and charged Commissary Gritti to wait upon him to Milan. When he came to Lodi, he found Giovan Giacopo Trivulcio there, who was come to meet him, and to bring him the Order of St Mihel from the King. Then after the passing of many compliments on both sides, Gritti left him; who according to orders received from the Senate went to visit the other Cities belonging to the Commonwealth, to provide for all things necessary for them, and to confirm the people in their love to the Commonwealth. And at last, after having for so many years performed his faithful service with much applause to the Commonwealth, having won much love amongst the Citizens, and glory amongst Foreigners, he returned to Venice. Great joy and general Feast was had throughout the whole City: Every thing seemed to smile, and to echo forth joyful acclamations. But chiefly all due praises were rendered to God, and solemn processions devoutly made by public Decree for many days; thanks being given to God for his great goodness in having granted them a desired peace, after so long and troublesome a War. Great alms were given to Monastries and to Alms houses, and such Citizens, and Foreigners as had served the Commonwealth faithfully were well rewarded. The Commonwealth being thus restored to her pristine greatness, after having suffered so many Calamities, and the Affairs of Italy being put (as it was thought) into a firm and settled condition, the Venetians hoped they had been freed from all Fears for many years. The End of the third Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK IU. THE CONTENTS. THe Peace of the Commonwealth; such Cities as were returned to their obedience send Commissioners to the Senate. Milan and Verona are strangely fortified. The Venetian Merchants obstructed in Spain: The situation of Venice. A voyage of the Commonwealth's Galltouns. An end of the Truce with Maximilian. A treaty of peace between him and the Venetians. Universal Truce treated by the Pope. Truce concluded between Cesar and the Venetians; the conditions. Maximillians' death. Francis King of France, and Charles' King of Spain, contend who shall be Emperor. Francis sends Ambassadors to Venice to stand for him. Charles is declared King of the Romans. Soliman succeeds Selino in the Turkish Empire. His nature. Lodowick King of Hungary prepares for War. He sends Ambassadors to Venice. The Venetians send Ambassadors to Constantinople to confirm the peace. The King of France scandalised at Charles his being chosen Emperor, treats of confederacy with the Venetians. The Pope hisitates. The Diet is held at Worms. Cesar endeavours to make the Venetians his friends; Caesar's genius; the like of the King of France. The Peace of Italy is disturbed. The King of Hungary sends an Ambassador to Venice. The Senate resolves to help that Kingdom. Soliman takes Belgrado, and frights all Hungary. The death of Duke Loredano. Antonio Grimani succeeds him. The King of France speaks with the King of England at Ards in Picardy. Commotions in Spain. Risings in Germany. New designs in the King of France. The Pope agrees with Cesar. The Venetians endeavour Peace. Preparations made by the Pope and Cesar. Lautrech goes for Italy. The Venetians arm their Confines: join with the French. The Imperialists before Parma. They retire to before Milan: They take it. Lautrech gets safe with his Horse to Como. He winters in the Territories of Brescia. The Duke of Ferrara in Field. The death of Pope Leo the tenth. The consequences thereof. Lautrech marches into the field again. He attempts Parma and P●acenza, but in vain. He returns towards Milan. Takes Novara, and Vigueano. The King of France prepares to go for Italy. Lautrech gives over the Siege of Milan. Sits down before Pavia. Withdraws from thence. The French and Imperialists meet at the Charter house of Pavia. The Imperialists retreat to Biccoca, where they are assaulted by the French. The Swissers make a gallant retreat, are backed by the Venetians. The Swissers Impatiency mars all. Alberto Pietra's speech to make them keep the field. They disband. The Venetians and French retreat to the confines of the Commonwealth. Lautrech repasses over the Mountains, to acquaint the Court how Affairs go in Italy. THe ensuing years contain more prosperous successes, and will afford me more delightful matter to write on. Wherefore I hasten thereunto, as abhorring the memory of the past calamities; and as weary as if I had had a part in those troubles and dangers. The Commonwealth after the past Wars, enjoyed three years quiet, in which time being healed of her so great labour and grievous adversity, she began to hold up her head again; and to resume her ancient power and reputation. The Wars therefore which we now shall write of, made by the Commonwealth on Terra firma, though they be no less remarkable for the Grandetsa of Princes, for famous Commanders, Forces, length of time, and other circumstances, yet were they more prosperous, and of less danger; the Commonwealth having taken up Wars for the space of almost ten years, no less to defend the Affairs of her friends and confederates, than her own; and more for glory then safety. In the beginning of the year 1517. all Truces being solemnly published, as you have heard in the former Book, and all men hoping that secure peace would assuredly ensue, all the Cities on Terra firma, which before the late War were under the Dominion of the Commonwealth, were returned to her obedience, and sent their Deputies to Venice to congratulate with the Senate, that Arms were laid down with Honour, and the State recovered: And they did also willingly offer all their means, forces, and fortunes, to be at the Commonwealth's service. The Senate's first and chiefest care was, to ease the City of Venice, and all the other City's and Castles on Terra firma of many grievances, which were imposed upon them in the more troublesome times of War, by reason of the scarcity of public moneys; to the end that private men's means being restored unto them in the time of peace, they might be the readier to assist the Commonwealth at another time of need. It was likewise provided that the places of Magistracy, as well of the whole State as City which were formerly granted upon certain loans of money to the public, should be disposed of without any such loan, consideration being had to every man's worth and merit; and likewise that all such as did serve the Commonwealth in any place, should be paid their full stipend; part whereof was formerly made bold with for the greater occasions of War. Nor were such things forgot as tended to the convenience or splendour of the Commonwealth. Study was renewed in the City of Milan, which had been given over for the space of eight years, and many famous men in all sorts of learning were brought thither. This University▪ famous throughout the world for the excellency of all learning, for the number and quality of Professors, and for the abundance of Scholars, was a great adornment to the Commonwealth; and a great convenience for all other Nations; for to this place came many from all Countries, to be instructed in the learned Arts. But the pleasantness of peace, had not made them forget the occurences of War, nor lessened their care in things belonging to the preservation of the State. The wise Senate thought that whilst their thoughts were not employed elsewhere, it became them in wisdom to provide for such things, which being ordered and disposed of in peaceful times, do either keep the storms of War far off, or if they shall happen, make the State the stronger, and more able to resist them. They were chiefly careful in seeing Milan, and Verona well munited, the soundest foundations of their Empire on Terra firma. The Senate spared therefore neither for cost nor labour, to make these very strong Fortresses; to the end that for the future, the Enemy despairing to win them, might not think of assaulting them. Andrea Gritti and Georgio Cornaro were appointed to take the care hereof; who going to those Cities, were, with the advice of Trivulcio, and the other prime men of the Militia, to deliberate, and do whatsoever should be requisite for the exact and secure defence thereof. Many things were there renewed, which had been destroyed by the War; and many new works were added: Great Bastions were built in several places of the Wall, according to the modern ●ashion. Many noble Gates were also made, not only for safety and conveniency, but even for ornament. And certainly if we shall justly consider with what Grandezza, what illustrious show, and what regal expense these strong holds were in these times built by the Commonwealth, we shall find that the Venetians ought to be as much admired for the magnificence and stateliness of these, as were the ancient Romans for their hot Baths, and Aquiducts, and other rare Fabrics. And because the friendship and sa●e commerce with the Ottoman Empire was of great importance for the preservation of the peace and quiet of that City by means of Traffic, the Senate chose two Ambassadors Luigi Mocenice, and Bartholomeo Contarini, to send to Selino to congratulate the victories which he had won; who inflamed with the glory of War, after his prosperous success in Persia, had assaulted the Empire of the Mamalucchi with a puissant Army, and overcome in Battle Campsone Gauro King of Memphis, had chased and routed his Forces, and subjugated great and rich Provinces which had been long under the Empire of the Sultan's of the Mamalucchi; whereby he had much enlarged his confines. Therefore his friendships was for these respects much the more to be desired; h●s power being so much increased and become formidable, and since the Venetian Merchants exercised great Traffic in those Countries which he had lately won. To this was likewise added, that the pretensions of a certain Tribute paid by the King of Cyprus to the King o● Egypt, for which the Commonwealth paid 8000 Ducats yearly to the Sultan's of Cairo, as the Lusinian Kings had wont formerly to do, were now together with the Empire of the Mamalucky passed over to the Ottoman Princes. These Ambassadors sailed therefore first to Cyprus, and from thence went to Damascus, where Selino wintered with all his Army. Their commission was chiefly to endeavour, That the Venetians, who by reason of their merchandizing, had w●nt to keep in Alexandria, Tripoli, Baruti, Damascus, and other places of Merchandise in those Regions, might enjoy the same rights and privileges wh●ch had been long granted them by the Lords of Egypt and Soria: And that the Commonwealth might likewise be permitted to keep her Magistrates in those places, with the same authority and dignity as they had done formerly, who were to have a care of the Venetian Merchants Goods and Persons. These things were easily granted by Selinus, who having at this time turned his thoughts, and forces elsewhere, desired friendship with the Venetians, and in the beginning of his new Empire to increase traffic in that Province; for his own particular good, for the conveniency of his subjects, and for the Interest of the public Revenue. They were at the same time likewise to treat of the like Affairs with Charles King of Spain; to wit, that the commerce and traffic which had been long before held in his Kingdoms and States might be confirmed; and that also the Venetians might be suffered to go into those parts, and to contract Merchandise, as they had always been allowed to do in King Ferdinand's time: Wherein it seemed there was now some interruption; for Charles his Officers, he being but newly come unto his Kingdoms, had persuaded him, that he might easily, and much to the advantage of his customs, tranfer all the merchandizing which was had in divers Maritime Cities of Africa, into the sole City of Oran; which was in Charles his possession, if the Venetian Vessels which were wont first to touch there, and then to pass into the Spanish Rivers, should be forbidden to enter upon any such occasion into the Havens of his Dominion, when they had tarried to contract any Merchandise in any of the moors Cities. By which prohibition it was hoped that those Inhabitants might be necessitated to come to Oran; and to furnish themselves there with divers sorts of Merchandise, which cannot be brought them from elsewhere; many whereof they keep for their own use, and make much advantage by carrying many others to the Ethiopians. Moreover the Spaniards had laid new Imposts upon our Merchants; for whereas formerly one only tax of ten in the hundred, and that only of such things as were exported, was wont to be paid, now two tenths of all things, as well imported as exported were exacted, and that according to a price limited by them. But the business was much otherwise then the Spanish Ministers represented them; for neither would the moors have thought they could traffic securely in those Towns which belonged to the Spaniards, whom they held to be their bitter and perpetual Enemies; neither would the Venetians have run the hazard of so long navigation, if their profit should have been so much lessened by new impositions; and if they should not have been permitted to merchandise with the moors, and make their best advantage in all places. Wherefore experience soon showed that the Spaniards were much prejudiced, and did quite lose that Traffic, by which they thought to have increased their public Revenues. And since so fair an occasion is now offered, I think it may stand with my intended purpose, who have undertaken to record to memory the Venetian Affairs, that I ●ay something of their Maritime Negotiations, to the end that the chief reason of that City's wealth may be the better known. The ancient Founders of this City, and their Lawmakers, took special care that the Citizens' should exercise themselves in Voyages, and Traffic at Sea, and that they might by their industry endeavour to increase the riches both of the private and of the public; and at the same time make the name of the Venetians famously known to far distant countries. The situation of the City did invite to this manner of life, and exercise, and did almost of it self administer such thoughts to the Inhabitants; for the City not having any Territories of her own by land, by the fertility whereof, or by man's diligence, she might enrich herself; nay, wanting such things as were necessary to maintain life, they were first necessitated to exercise their industry, and afterwards got abundance of all things. The ancient custom was to sail with great Galleys, built for Merchandise, into many Countries both Christian and Pagan; and to bring many things from thence which might not only serve for the use of their Citizens, but might be sent into foreign Nations, and great gain might be made thereby. Many of the young Nobility had wont to go in these Galleys, as well to practise Merchandizing, as to learn the Art of Sailing, and the knowledge of Maritime Affairs. Others of them continued many years in Foreign Nations, and almost in all those places wherein they did traffic, to deal for themselves, and for others: So as hereby they did not only acquire riches, but experience in many Affairs; and that being to be employed in the Government of the Commonwealth at their return, they might not appear rude or unexpert in managing public employments. Hence it was likewise that frugality, modesty, all goodness, and the like, were better observed in that City, wherein the youth being employed in honest exercises, were not corrupted by idleness, and all that first age was void of Lawsuits, and ambition. The wise Authors of these good orders knew very well that the desire of honour and power did imprint itself early in our souls; and that as our age increaseth, it getteth to such a growth as it finds no bounds, and does sometimes grow immoderate, and plots things prejudicial to the State: And that in idleness youth grows effeminate; and that those are sooner corrupted by evil customs, who never parting from home, spend their lives in abundance of all domestical Affairs. But that we may not digress too much from our first purpose, we will reassume our discourse where we left. The voyages made by our aforesaid Galleys, that were commonly called Galleys of traffic, were these. When they put from Venice, their first voyage was to Taragosa, in the Island of Sicily; from thence they went to Tripoli, in Africa; then touching at the Island of Gherbe le Sirte, to Tanis: Here they turned their course towards the Kingdom of Tremisine, making their chief abode at Tusen and Mega, which now are called O●a, and Oran, as in the fittest and most frequented places of those Regions. Lastly, they went to divers Towns in the Kingdom of Morocco, called in their language Fez, to Bedis of Gomiera; and having already touched all the Havens of Barbary, which were anciently termed Mauritania, and Numidia, they went to Spain, traffiquing in Almeria, anciently called Abdara; from thence to Maligo, Balance, and Forora. But they did not use the same traffic in all places; for they carried many sorts of Metals, and much linen cloth from Venice to the moors of Africa; to buy the which the moors came at a certain time of the year to the aforesaid places, bringing much gold with them. Then passing with this gold into the Rivers of Spain, they bought there divers sorts of Merchandise, as silk, wool, grain, and other things which that Country produceth, and all these they brought to Venice. This Navigation, which was long used by the Venetians, and was of great advantage to them, began to be disturbed by the reasons we have before spoken of; and divers accidents supervening afterwards, the State of Affairs being altered, it is wholly given over and lost. But let us now reassume our interrupted Narration. A good part of the time of Truce was now past, and the year 1518 begins, wherefore it behoved them to come to a new agreement with Ma●imillian. The Pope endeavoured as he had often formerly done, that this business might be transacted at Rome; but the Venetians confiding more in the King of France, desired that it might be handled at his Court, whither Cesar was to send his Ambassadors with authority to assent unto, and to observe what should be agreed upon. The Treaty was begun by the procurement of the most Christian King, but things could not be brought to a settled composure; for the Venetians wearied with so long War, and no less cloyed with Maximillians' dubious and suspicious counsels, cared little for any other agreement save such whereby they might be put into an assured condition of peace and quiet. But the Emperor, according to his accustomed and natural inconstancy, that he might always have a loop hole for new designs, as also hoping to get a greater sum of money from the Venetians by these frequent agreements, propounded a treaty rather of Truce then of Peace. At this very time Pope Leo was very earnest in procuring an universal Truce, whereby all Christian Princes might lay down their Arms, to the end that true amity and sincere peace ensuing, they might by a general consent establish and conclude a powerful and firm League against Selino; for the Ottoman Empire being so mightily increased both in State and Power by the acquisition of Egypt and Soria, it was evident that great mischiefs were threatened to all Christendom by a powerful Enemy. The same immoderate desire of Reign which had made Selino wage War with the Sultan's of the Mamul●ccchi, would always be the like in him, towards all Christian Princes. Therefore mature care ought to be had, that the Turk might not arrive at such greatness, as that without any impediment or gainsaying▪ he might hereafter make all other Provinces subject, and Tributaries to him. These things being thus represented to the Venetians in the Pope's name, and many principal Prelates of the Court of Rome being sent to all the Princes of Christendom to the same end, were a great means of moving the Senate to agree with Cesar touching a new Truce; since greater and longer difficulties appeared to be in the establishing of a Peace: To the end that they might not be thought to disturb so great a good to all Christendom, out of any particular respects unto themselves. But as for the motion which was particularly made unto them by Leo of making War against the Turks; they answered, when things should be hopefully begun, and that they should be prosecuted with like fervour, the State of Venice would be readier than any others for such an Enterprise; nor would they at any time be wanting unto themselves, to whom they knew the care of these common dangers did more particularly belong, as being most concerned therein: Nor would they be backward in the good of all Christendom, nor in obeying the Pope's pious and earnest entreaties. But that notwithstanding by reason of the condition of their State by Sea, which was every where environed by the confines of this powerful Enemy; and not being able with their much weaker Forces to withstand the first Onset of the Turks, nor to sustain the War in their own Territories, before the Ottoman Empire should be assaulted by the Armies and Fleets of the Confederates; they could not be the first in declaring themselves Enemies to the Turks. But Truce with Cesar being treated of by Antonio justiniano's, who was Ambassador for the Commonwealth, with the King of France, it was at last concluded upon these conditions. That all Arms should be suspended for five years: And that people might live peaceably in either State, without either doing or receiving any injury. That it might be lawful for Caesar's and the Commonwealth's Subjects to travel and traffic safely in each others Country, as in time of Peace. That each of them should keep such Towns as they were now possessed of; that all Prisoners of War should be released, except Christopher Frangipane, who was to be sent into France to be kept there; that during the time of the Truce the Venetians should pay Cesar 20000 Ducats yearly: And that the Venetians should pay the fourth part of what they had got by the Revenues of such as had followed Caesar's party, to the former Owners. And the differences concerning the confines being many, and hard to decide, and chiefly in Friuli, they could not as then come to any determinate end; Caesar's Commissioners saying that they had no orders nor power to treat thereof; but the settlement in this point, as in all other difficulties, was left to the King of France, as to the Author of this agreement: Wherein he afterwards decreed; that the Emperor and the Venetians should choose Commissioners, who meeting in Verona (whither he would likewise send one who should represent his name and authority) should treat upon, and resolve the business of confines. The State of Venice chose Francisco Pesaro for them, and acquainted the King of France therewith; saying that they would be ready to send their Commissioner to the place appointed, as soon as they should hear that Cesar was about to send his. Whilst these things were a doing, the Emperor Maximilian fell sick and died in the beginning of the year 1519. Whereupon the Soldiers that were in Garrison at Gradisca and Marano, entering licentiously into the confines of the Commonwealth, plundered many of the Venetians Subjects Houses, and committed many other Hostile Acts; wherefore the Senate write Letters to the Viccars of the Empire, telling them, that for their parts, they would not violate the Truce, nor innovate any thing for Maximillians' death, provided that the Commanders and Soldiers of the Empire should abstain from doing injuries: Which being by them praised and embraced the Truce was afterwards inviolably observed on all sides. Now they began to treat of choosing the Emperor, whereunto Francis King of France, and Charles' King of Spain, did chiefly pretend, Princes of rare endowments of mind, and very eminent for Fortune, but very formidable by reason of their great power. The Princes of Italy were not a little troubled at this Election, considering that whether of these two should be exalted to the Dignity of the Empire, when they should have the reputation of the Empire added to the already potent Forces of their own Kingdoms, and be made much greater than the other by the help of Germany, he would endeavour to drive the other out of whatsoever he possessed in Italy, and so this Counterpoise being taken away, they would at last bend their thoughts upon making themselves Masters of all Italy; for ambition does always increase in great Princes, together with new acquisitions and the unquenchable thirst of Government grows greater. Therefore such an Election could not but be bad for Italy. Yet balancing all things well, it was thought less dangerous for Italy that the King of France should be made Emperor, than the King of Spain; for they considered that the former, as being a Stranger, would be of much less power in Germany; and that the French Nation, as it is very hot and violent at the first, so not being very constant to its purposes, often times neglects and gives over those very things which it did before so much desire, and endeavour; wherefore the French are commonly thought better at getting, then at keeping▪ The Italians hoped that the Empire of the French in Italy, though it were great, might by some accident decline, and at last be extinguished. Which was not to be hoped for in the Spaniards; who when they have once much enlarged their Dominions, and laid a good groundwork for it, all labour and endeavour to drive them out would be but in vain. These were the reasons which did chiefly move the Pope, and the Venetians to favour the King of France in this his standing for the Empire. His Ambassadors which he had sent to Rome and to Venice for this purpose, were therefore willingly listened unto. But to boot with all this, Monsieur de Taligni, who was sent by the King for this purpose to the State of Venice, made several other propositions. He desired the loan of a good sum of money, that his King when he should be declared Emperor, might have wherewith to supply many gifts, and great expenses which he was to be at; and moreover that the Venetians would forthwith send some Soldiers into Germany, to secure the Electors from any violence: And that the Senate would declare what was to be done, if Charles should enter Italy with an Army (as it was given out he would do) to go to Rome, and force the Pope to free him from the Oath, which he took from Julius the second, when he was invested in the Kingdom of Naples (note that it was decreed by Pope Urban, that whosoever should possess that Kingdom, should not take upon him the Imperial Dignity) which was the chief reason why Leo used means to the Electors, to keep Charles from being chosen Emperor. To which demands the Senate answered, That the Commonwealth was so highly obliged to the King, as that they wished him all prosperity; for they had always thought, that whatsoever addition of State or Honour should befall the Kingdom of France, would be of no small importance for their security; wherefore they would employ all their endeavours and power for the aggrandizing of the King thereof; and that though the public Exchequer was very much emptied by reason of the long Wars, yet if need should require, they would overcome all difficulties, to accommodate him with the sum of 100000 Ducats. But as for sending their Forces beyond the Mountains, nothing could be of less use to the King, nor of more prejudice and danger to themselves; for they should show a great will to do harm, where they could do none. That all the straight and difficult passages, by which their Soldiers were to pass into Germany, were possessed by the Dutch, and well guarded and garrisoned by them. That as it would be very hard for their men to pass over the Mountains, and to get into Germany, so it would be easy for the Dutch to fall down from several parts into the Confines of the Commonwealth, and put their Affairs into great confusion. But if that Charles, being unprovoked by any injury, should come armed into Italy, and should attempt to violate the sacred Majesty of the Pope of Rome, the Senate of Venice would not differ f●om what their Ancestors had ever proved themselves to be; to wit, DEFENDERS of the ECCLESIASTICAL LIBERTY and DIGNITY, which name of Honour and true Glory was always held by them in high esteem, and should be preferred before the Imperial greatness. Whilst King Francis treated thus by his Ambassadors, Charles, who partly by favour, making large promises to the Electors, partly by fear, having already got many men together, had got the good will of the Electors, he was declared King of the Romans. Almost at the same time, Soliman, only Son to Selino, his Father being dead, possessed himself quietly of the Empire, and was put into the Seat of the Ottoman Princes, without any contention. Only one Agazzelle a Captain in Soria, proved contumacious, and a Rebel to the new Emperor; but his Rebellion was soon suppressed, and all the Provinces of the Empire became obedient to Soliman, in whom there appeared evident signs of an high and great Spirit; so as being come to the Empire, there was no doubt but that he would fly high, and plot great mischiefs against Christendom. Yet the Christ●an Princes not minding so great a danger, whilst the want of experience in the young Prince, their innate Enemy, might somewhat allay his power, having other thoughts, suffered the greatness of the Ottoman Empire to increase and be better established. Only Lodowick King of Hungary took up Arms, and endeavoured help from all parts, whose Kingdom was likely to partake first of the mischiefs of War; for Soliman would not renew the Truce with Lodowick, which when it was formerly offered him by his Father Selino, was by him refused, being thereunto advised by the Emperor, and the King of Polonia, because Selino was then busied in Wars far off, which was perhaps a generous, but no good counsel. Lodowick sent therefore his Ambassadors to all Prince's Courts, chiefly to Rome and Venice, admonishing what danger others were in by his ruin. To this the Venetians answered, that the Ottoman Empire was a good while since grown very formidable to all men, but more particularly to their Commonwealth, by reason of the neighbourhood of their States: That for their parts, they had never refused such invitations, but had oft times both by words and example excited other Princes to withstand the growing power of so great an Empire. But what were they able of themselves to do? They therefore chose Marco Minio for their Ambassador, whom they sent with their accustomed presents to Constantinople, to confirm the Articles of peace after the same manner as they were concluded a little before by Antonio justiniano's, as you have heard; adding thereunto those things which Selino after his conquering of the Mamalucchies Empire, had lately promised to grant. To wit, that the Venetian Merchants might enjoy the same privileges, and immunities in their goods, in Egypt, and in Soria, as they had anciently done. Which Soliman was so ready to grant, as the Eastern Seas being then much infected by Pirates, he offered to send out his Fleet against them if the Commonwealth would do the like, to the end that the Seas might be kept open, and that the Venetian Merchants might continue their traffic by Navigation into Nations which were under the Ottoman Empire; of which his ready will, and desire of peace and friendship, Soliman had given testimony, having at the same time that Minio prepared to go for Constantinople, sent Acmat Ferrat on his behalf to Venice, to acquaint them with his accession to the Empire, and that he would continue those conventions and friendly offices with the Commonwealth, as his Father Selino always had done. This peace with the Turks was very opportunely made, to the yet unsettled condition of Italy: and for the quieting of those suspicions which the Senators were full of, the beginning of this year, by reason of News that was spread abroad of a great Fleet that was to put forth from Constantinople; wherefore the Senate not thinking it fit to be at the discretion of a barbarous Prince, naturally ambitious, and grown insolent by new victories, had been very diligent in furnishing all their Sea-Forts with great Garrisons, and added 50 Galleys to their Fleet, wherein the Commonwealth's chief hopes seemed then to lie; and they made Andrea Gritti Captain-General of the Navy: Moreover the order of the Militia, of the men of that same Country, was instituted in the Kingdom of Candia, as it was done some years before in the State by Terra firma; to the end that upon any sudden occasion, the Garrisons of Cities in Countries far off, and which it would be hard to succour speedily, might be increased. The charge hereof was given to Gabriele Martiningo, who was honoured with the title of Governor of that Island. But these provisions proved unnecessary for that occasion; for Selino had by his death, put a period to these thoughts of War, and Soliman did readily confirm the Articles of peace, as hath been said; wherefore the Venetian Fleet, the other dangers being removed, went into the Seas of Barbary, which were infested with many Pirates to secure their great Galleys, which Sailed through these Seas not without great danger of Pirates; by the taking of many of whose ships, the Sea was much cleansed, and the way was opened for those Voyages. Thus did the Venetians temporize with the Turks, and kept friendship with them, since there appeared no hopes of overcoming them: For that the Christian Princes kept still at en●ity within themselves, little minding the much greater common danger. The King of France being greatly scandalised at the conferment of the Empire upon Charles of Austria; and fearing lest his Forces and Authority being so much increased, he would suddenly fall into Italy, and bereave him of the State of Milan; had signified to the Pope, and to the Venetians, that their States would be in great danger, if the new Emperor might be permitted to pass Armed into Italy; he therefore propounded that a firm League and good Intelligence, might be established between them three, whereby each of them should be bound to defend the Honour, and Territories of the rest, against whosoever should go about to injure them, and particularly to oppose Charles his Forces, if he should come with an Army to Rome, to take upon him the Imperial Crown, as it was thought he intended; which could not be done without much danger to whosoever had any State in Italy, as well by reason of all Emperor's ancient pretences, as for what was discovered to be in the mind of this new Cesar. The King of France did so much apprehend this, as he persuaded the Pope to send Charles the Crown of the Empire, by way of Bull, before he should be resolved to come into Italy; which being better examined by the Venetians, was found to be rather prejudicial then good for the common Interest; for this would not have been sufficient to have altered Cesar's desire; that indeed was not to take upon him the Ensigns of the Empire, but to get more Territories in Italy. The Venetians readily assented to the proposition made by the King of France of a new confederacy, having the same fear, and the same desire to secure themselves from Cesar's getting farther footing into Italy: And these were increased by the mischiefs they suffered in the late years, by being of themselves to resist the Forces of so many Princes. They therefore said that as it had always been their firm and constant resolution never to part from the friendship of the Crown of France, so upon this occasion they were to set the higher value upon it; as that by which they might receive the greater advantage; wherefore they would still adhere to his counsels. But the Pope being irresolute, was assaulted by variety of reasons, and diversity of affections; for he thought himself not safe from the fear of Cesar's Forces, without the favour and friendship of the King of France, having manifestly opposed his Election, by showing his incapability of receiving the dignity of Emperor, he having sworn at his being invested into the Kingdom of Naples, that he would never endeavour it, nor accept of it; of which Oath the Pope had not as yet freed him. On the other side, the Diet at Worms being intimated, wherein Martin Luther's doctrine was to be treated of; not only concerning the Tenets of faith, but even of the Pope's authority, Leo thought it imported much upon this occasion, to keep Charles his friend, at least, not to incense him with new Leagues, lest he might become less diligent in proceeding against Luther, and in condemning his Ten●yts, whereby his authority might increase, to the great disparagement of the church of Rome. The Pope was likewise much troubled, that the reputation and power of the French should be increased, whereby they might be confirmed in their possession of the State of Milan: Proceeding therefore slowly, and irresolutely, he seemed desirous to join with the King of France, and with the Venetians, in defence of the common cause▪ but when the business drew to a conclusion, he would not yield that any agreement should be made in writing, saying, That it was not good to expose themselves to danger by writing, whereby the business, wherein secrecy was chiefly required, might the more easily be made known: That the words of Princes, to do what was agreed upon between them, might suffice. The business drawing thus out at length, and the King of France growing with time somewhat more cool in his former fervency, the Venetians began to grow jealous, lest he might hold some secret intelligence with the Emperor, which might be the chief cause of the Pope's irresoluteness, and of the so long delay in confirming the things agreed upon. This suspicion was fomented by many things; as the certain knowledge that Monsignor di Chiures, a Spaniard, was gone from Caesar's Court into France, to agree of an Interview with the King of France, as was by them given forth; and that in this Interview, the Peace should be confirmed which was made some months before between the King of France, and the King of England; wherein Charles being named as one of the chief contractors, he had not as yet ratified it. Moreover, the articles wherewith the King said he had dispatched away Monsieur di St Marscho from France, were kept very secret, when he was come to Rome; and also the said St Marscho departed from Rome, before the League was established, when there was most need of his presence for the consummation thereof, and left none with the Pope in the King's behalf, but Alberto Carpi, who was so grievously sick, as he was not fit for any negotiation: These were things which argued strongly that the King had altered his mind: Yet the Venetians continuing their former resolution, of not foregoing the friendship of the French, acquainted the King with this their jealousy, but did not seem any way to resent it, nor to alter their resolution: Nay, they said, they did assure themselves, that if the King had an intention to make any new confederacy with Cesar, their Commonwealth should be mentioned and comprehended in the agreement, whatsoever it should be; so as whatsoever differences they had had with Maximilian, should now be accommodated with Charles, and all occasions of new troubles should be laid aside. But on the other side, Charles, when he was declared King of the Romans, having peradventure his thoughts bend upon the affairs of Italy, as hath been said, and knowing it would become him chiefly to hold fair with the Venetians, seemed very desirous to agree those differences with them, which had been formerly between the Commonwealth, and his predecessor Maximilian: and that his actions might correspond with his words, he had sent his Commissioners to Verona, with full power, not only to Treat of the things appertaining to the last Truce of five years, but also to accommodate all those other particulars which in the former agreement made two years ago, were not yet decided. Commissioners on all sides being met, Francisco Pesaro for the Commonwealth, who was chosen many months before for this employment, and four of the chief Councillors of Ispruch in the Emperor's behalf, to whom he had particularly committed the business, and jovanni Pino being likewise sent thither as Ambassador from the King of France, who (as hath been said) was made Arbytrator in the differences which were by reason of the last Truce: The Venetians propounded that all Towns which were taken in the last War, should be restored by both sides, and that all things should return to their former condition▪ alleging, that only such an agreement could put an end to all past differences, and bring a certain and a long peace. But the Imperialists finding out sometime one difficulty, sometimes an other, spun out the business, not concluding any thing, and sometimes making new demands; as, That all such as had been banished from their Country by the Venetians, should be thereunto restored; together with some other such like things, whereof no mention had been made in the articles of Truce, and whereby a firm agreement might be rather kept off then made. Some months being thus spent in vain, Cesar's were sent for home by their fellow Councillors of Ispruch: Yet at this very time the Ambassador of Venice had great hopes given him at the Emperor's Court, of a good issue of this business, promise being made, that new Commissioners should be chosen, who should be sent with better Instructions to Friuli, that being near the places of most important differences, they might decide them the sooner, and with more ease. All Charles his chiefest Ministers of State, showed that he had a great desire to live neighbourly with the Venetians, and to make a firm peace with them; whereby it was clearly seen, that Cesar desired friendship with the Venetians, and that he cunningly prolonged the accommodation of differences with them, so to get them to make a straighter League with him, and forgo their respects with the French, whose friendship they seemed to value so highly, as he had but little hopes to agree with them answerable to his need and designs, unless they were moved thereunto out of some such necessity. But the Venetians replied, that they much desired peace and quiet; that the institution of their Commonwealth had always been such, and that they would use the same means; but that it became them in honour to keep their plighted faith: wherefore they must profess clearly, that they could not, nor would not do any thing, which might any ways cross their League with the King of France. But since I shall several times have occasion to discourse of things that past between these two most famous Princes, both in this, and in other ages, and with whom the Commonwealth had both War and Peace, and several Treaties of things of very great importance; it will not be far from the purpose of this our discourse, to know some thing of their natures and customs: for as they were both of them very desirous of Empire and Glory, so they took several ways to arrive at this their end. Charles was very wary, quick of foresight, mature at deliberation, grave at business, wonderful patient, and much given to perseverance; whereby he knew how to wait for time and opportunity, and to make use of them to his best advantage. But Francis was of a magnanimous spirit, which made him willingly embrace any thing whereby he might purchase the applause of being generous, and honour in war; he desired to overcome his enemy rather by true valour, then by advantages, and craft. His words and countenance discovered his most inward thoughts: Cesar loved men that were wary and warlike: his words were few, his thoughts deep, he was very ambitious, but not very open therein; striving still to cloak his aspiring after greatness, under the pretence of uprightness, and common Interest. But Francis favoured and embraced all such, and was very liberal unto them, who were rare at any profession; he affected to be thought eloquent, affable, civil, liberal, and was chiefly desirous of warlike glory: Neither did he conceal this his desire, but discovered his will and thoughts by his words and actions. These two Princes did at the same time, but by several ways, endeavour friendship with the Commonwealth, that they might make use of her Forces in their Affairs in Italy, in which businesses this year was spent, without coming to any conclusion in any one thing. In the beginning of the next year, which was the year 1520. the peace of Italy began not only to be disturbed, but even Christendom in several parts to be molested with great mischief and dangers: Which though they were fore-seen by all, none did seek to prevent; for Soliman, finding himself very prosperous, and not willing to grow effeminate through idleness, nor to degenerate from the Worth of his Ancestors, resolved to wage War, as it was formerly suspected, in Hungary, hoping thereby to reap the greater glory, for that the fame of that Nation was very great for War, and because though that Enterprise had several times been undertaken by his Predecessors, it was not as yet brought to a good end. Therefore the year 1521. being begun, Soliman marched with a powerful Army from Constantinople, himself in person into Hungary. At which great warlike Preparations King Lodowick being much troubled, not finding himself able to support so great a bulk of War, and the danger growing every day more apparent, he did again by new Embassies solicit all Christian Princes to succour him in the defence of his Kingdom, and therein befriend all Christendom. To this purpose he sent Philip More, Bishop of Agria to Venice, who being brought before the Duke and his Senators, spoke to this purpose. My King, most Illustrious Prince, and you famous Senators, doth so much confide in your faith, humanity and power, in the straight conjunction which for these many years hath been between your Commonwealth, and his Crown, as that for the common Interest of both States, for the justice of his cause, and out of the usual custom of yourselves, and your Ancestors, you will favour what is just, and assist him with your help, who in this eminent War of the Turks would make his chief recourse to you, and communicate his Affairs, and Needs first to you: Hoping not only to find you ready in yourselves to do what you are able for the defence of his Kingdom, but that by your power and intercession you will apply yourselves to other Princes, and facilitate their assisting of him; and truly reason tells us that the first applications belong to this Commonwealth, when opposition is to be made to the increasing of the Ottoman Empire; for as her opportunity is great of troubling this Enemy, by the power she hath at Sea, so for the neighberhood of so many of her States, she ought to covet the abasing of it, and to be careful that together with the ruin of others, her own danger do not increase. Therefore if you my Lords will be the first who shall move other Princes to take upon them the defence of the Kingdom of Hungary, so as the courage of this new, and fiercely minded Emperor may be allayed, who will leave nothing unattempted whereby he may hope to purchase Glory and Empire, you will reap the fruit of real and true Honour, of great safety, and of the increasing of your State. Consider Gentlemen to what an height the Ottoman Family is risen of late years: And chiefly (if I may be permitted to say so) through the negligence of Christian Princes; for meeting with no obsticle, he marcheth on apace to Supreme Monarchy; if Constantine's entreaties and protestations had been listened unto when Mahomet assaulted Constantinople, assuredly the Grecian Empire would not have been destroyed: Nor would the like of the Mamalucchi have now fallen, if that had stood. These two joined together did so counterpoise the Turkish Forces, as their safety would have freed now the Kingdom of Hungary, and the rest of Christendom from danger. He who shall well consider the progress of the ancient Monarches, will find that their chiefest difficulty lay in getting to such a pitch of power and force, as no one Potentate could of himself alone give a just counterpoise to their power. Other acquisitions have been the sooner, and more easily made by reason of the almost insuperable difficulties which have been still met withal in getting many Princes join in the destruction of one alone. The Romans spent many years in conquering Italy, but being by the Conquest thereof made stronger than the rest, they in a few years vanquished so many Princes, as they subjugated the greatest and farthest distant Provinces. It is therefore evident, that the longer Christians defer to oppose the Turks, they make the danger the greater, and the remedy more difficult. I will not say that to take upon them the defence of Hungary is a glorious thing for Christian Princes to do, not that it is a duty which they owe to their Religion, to their profession, not that it makes for every one of their Interests, but I will more truly say it is necessary for the preservation of their States. This Kingdom being lost, which hath for so many years withstood the violence of the Turkish Forces on this side, and retarded the course of their Victories, what remains to keep them from overrunning Austria, from disturbing all Germany, and from entering into the Confines of this your State? This very Kingdom, which hath hitherto been the great Bulwark to hinder their advancing, if this be lost (which God forbid) it will be of great opportunity for them, to the subjugating of other Nations, and to the ruinating of other Kingdoms. But this being defended, as it is necessary it should be, so is it neither impossible, nor yet very hard to withstand their farther progress, if Princes do not rather want will then Forces. The Hungarian Nation by ancient custom, and almost by nature, ha●h always been warlike, our Princes and our people have won great and particular praise and honour in War; nor hath my now King and Master, nor his Subjects degenerated, nor are they to degenerate any whit from the Worth of their Ancestors: They have minds, and for as much as is possible for men to have, Forces ready to defend themselves. But alas how can one only Kingdom, not very great, not very rich, find men, moneys, munition, and so many other requisites for War, to withstand the numerous Turkish Armies, gathered together out of so many Provinces? Marry if it be assisted and succoured by other Princes, the Kingdom of Hungaries Forces will not only be so increased, but even the Honour and Courage thereof, as we no ways doubt to frustrate all the Enemy's designs made against us; nor will we refuse if occasion shall be offered, to give him Battle in a pitched field, so to secure by our own dangers (if God shall please to favour) as we are to hope he will, our pious and generous boldness) not only of our own Country, but all the Kingdoms and Provinces of Christendom for many years. But I find I have transgressed my bounds by my too long speaking: I speak of things that are well known, and to those that understand them better than I do. The sum of all is this. Our Kingdom is one of the out-walls of Christendom, against the fury of the Turkish Forces; Common safety, and common defence, aught to be provided for by common Forces and Counsels: Your wisdom and piety makes you foresee, and consider dangers, and your power and authority endows you with means to give a speedy and opportune remedy thereunto. The Ambassador was very attentively listened unto, whose speech made the greater impression in all that heard him, because they were all very well minded to the business, it was therefore resolved, that endeavours should be made with all the Princes of Christendom, by means of the Commonwealths Ambassadors, to make them all join with common consent and force, to assist the Kingdom of Hungary, and to provide against such great dangers, to the which they readily offered their best assistance, and the power of the whole Commonwealth: But these Treaties wrought no better effect than they had formerly done; so as the danger growing daily greater, and King Lodowick thinking himself necessitated to fight the Turks, for the freeing of Belgrado, a strong and important City, and the Frontier Town of that Kingdom, from the fury of the Turks, before which the Turkish Army was already encamped, he sent jovan Statilio his Ambassador again to Venice, to borrow some moneys of the Senate, by which he might increase his Forces, and put himself with better hopes upon the fortune of Battle. The Commonwealth had formerly many times furnished the King of Hungary with moneys, to assist him against the Turks; and they thought themselves now more obliged to abbet that Kingdom out of the particular straight conjunction which they held with King Lewis, and for that by reason of the greatness of the Ottoman house, those respects were grown more considerable, for which he had endeavoured the preservation and prosperity of that warlike Kingdom. The Senate therefore resolved to send thirty thousand Ducats to King Lodowick, together with greater promises and offers, and not concealing the friendship which they held with him, they ordered Lorenzo Orio, who was their Ambassador in Hungary, to follow his Camp. Bet the King's forces had ill success, Belgrado was lost, nor were the other Cities of the Kingdom free from fear of the Turkish forces; for Soliman left his Artillery, and part of his Militia in Hungary, intending to return thither (as he told the Venetians by one of his Chiaus, whom he sent to Venice, to acquaint them with this his victory) and subdue that Kingdom. At this time, to the great grief of the whole City, Duke Loredano died, who had governed the Commonwealth very prudently for the space of twenty years, and who encouraging others by his invincible spirit, had overcome the malice of Fortune, and reduced the City to a peaceable and quiet condition. He was of a great wit, and natural insight into Affairs, and of much experience in the world; having spent his youth in continual Navigations, and his riper years in managing the most important Affairs of the Commonwealth, exercising the chiefest places of Magistracy both within the Commonwealth and abroad. He died being almost 90 years old, having even till then had vivacity in his Intellectuals though his body was subject to divers infirmities. His Encomium was made by Andrea Navaghiero, and he was buried with great pomp in St john and St Paul's Church. Antonio Grimani was chosen to succeed him, a man famous for his wealth, and for the honours he had attained to in the Commonwealth, and one who had often times tried both prosperous and adverse fortune; and who was lately returned to his Country, after having been many years banished, for that being General at Sea, he had not made good use of occasion in fight, and in overcoming the Turkish Fleet at Lepanto. Grimani took upon him the place of Duke, the Commonwealth being (as you have heard by what is passed) in Peace and Tranquillity. But such seeds of discords and war between Princes were already sown, as it was to be feared they might bring forth new troubles in the Commonwealth, and perhaps necessitate her to take up Arms again; for Cesar (who was already gone to Aquisgrane in Germany, where he took upon him the first Crown of the Empire) had still a great desire to come into Italy, wherefore he had often times sollicicited the Venetian Senate to join with him; thinking that the Friendship and Forces of the Commonwealth, would be of great importance for his designs. Therefore amongst other things, he promised to invest them fully with all those Towns and Territories which he then possessed, and unto which the Empire laid any claim, or pretence; which the Venetians, who knew that by just title and right they had long belonged to them, did little value; and therefore this was of no greater force than his other promises, to make them alter their first intentions. Wherefore they delayed sending to congratulate with him, according to custom, for his acquired Dignity; and having chosen Francisco Contarini, for their Leaguer Ambassador, in the place of Gaspero Contarini, who had stayed at that Court the usual prefixed time; lest they might give any the least suspicion to the French, of their joining with Cesar in any undertaking, they retarded his expedition. Wherefore Cesar despairing to make the Venetians forego their friendship with the French, he took a new resolution, which was to send Monsi●ur Philoberto, Ambassador to the Court of France, with a resolute intention, as he would have it believed, either to agree with the King of France touching the Affairs of Italy, excluding the Venetians; or else that they being jealous thereof, might at last be moved to join with him, so to shun the greater evils which they had a little before had trial of, by the joining of those two Crowns against the Common wealth. And that he might leave nothing unattempted, he, by his Ambassador, who was then resident in England, complained grievously to the King thereof, (whose Authority was then so great, as he was made Arbitrator and Moderator of all the important businesses which passed amongst the Princes) accusing the Venetians, for that, not having observed what they had promised in the Agreement made with Maximilian, they had refused peace, when he had offered it them. But the Princes did the less believe these things, for that Cesar, at that same time that he seemed so much to desire peace, was known to prepare for war. Therefore King Francis, acquainting with great sincerity the Venetians, with this whole Treaty, would not listen to Caesar's Proposals, but growing rather every day more and more desirous, either to fall foul upon Caesar's Territories, or else to defend his own Dominions from being assaulted by him, he applied himself to confirm his friends, thereby to increase his power and reputation: he therefore spoke with the King of England, at Ardes, a Town in Picardy, to confirm the peace made between them but a little before; and having a daughter born unto him, he desired the Senate, that she might be held at the Font by their Ambassador, and proceeded very civilly in all things with the Commonwealth. But for all this, the League, which had been long treated of at Rome, was not yet concluded: but the Articles being drawn up by common consent, and the Venetians having sent sufficient Commissions to their Ambassador, then resident at Rome, to ratify them, the Conclusion was deferred by reason of new difficulties which arose: For the King of France, who was at first content that the League should aim only at the peace and safety of Italy, to the which, the other Italian Prince▪ being invited, there was place reserved for such as would Confederate; to the end that they might join in the Common cause, made, now new proposals, which aimed at other ends; moved thereunto, either out of new desires, or out of some new occasion, seeing Cesar busied about many weighty affairs; for there were many Commotions in many of the chiefest Cities of Spain, which in a tumultuous manner sought to withdraw themselves from Charles his Government; and constituting a popular Government, to enjoy Liberty, as many Towns in Germany do: Besides, many of the Princes and people of Germany, showed themselves to be but badly satisfied with the new Emperor, for divers of his actions; especially, for Martin Luther's being banished, by Imperial Proclamation, at the Diet at Worms; so that, he had reason enough to be troubled. Wherefore the King of France, thinking that those dangers were sufficiently secured, which had first made him endeavour the League, being little satisfied therewith (as humane minds, especially those of Princes, disquieted with new longings, are easy to give way to new desires) he more fervently coveted greater matters; thinking, that he had now a fitting opportunity offered him, to oppose Cesar's greatness, which did already grow too immoderate; and particularly, to drive him out of his Territories in Italy, wherefore he made his forces move towards Navarre, to assist the King, and repossessed him of his ancient States, which were formerly taken from him, by King Ferdinando; and did little less then discover his intentions openly, in the Treaty of League with the Pope and Venetians. The Pope moved by these or by some more hidden reasons, he likewise being full of new cogitations, began to propound new Articles in the conventions of the League; desiring, that it might be specified, that all the Colleagues should be bound to assist him, in punishing the Churches contumatious Subjects; whereby it clearly appeared, that his ancient desire of driving Duke Alfonso d'Este out of the Dominions of Ferara, was risen up in him again; which was nothing else, but to kindle a great combustion in Italy: for the less able the Duke knew himself to be, to resist the power of the Colleagues, by reason of his small forces, and the little love his Subjects bore him, the more he should be enforced to have recourse to Foreign aid for his defence, and to leave no stone unturned. The Venetians knowing that whereas they desired to procure quiet and safety, both to themselves, and to all Italy, the way would, by these new Obligations, be opened to new troubles, and to greater dangers; they began likewise to proceed more slowly in concluding the Agreement: For they maturely considered, that it made not for their good, wholly to break the Truce for five years, confirmed by Cesar; and to anger the King of England, who they knew would not be pleased with the new Confederacy; he having done many friendly offices to the Emperor. Whilst the business of the League, for these Respects, was delayed, and doubtful; it was known by a new, and unthought of Accident, which did alter the whole course of affairs, and was cause of grievous and important Tumults, that the Pope, after having showed so great a desire for the peace of Italy, and after so many negotiations had with the French, to oppose such as should go about to disturb it, had secretly agreed with the Emperor, to assault the State of Milan, by their joint forces. All men, especially the Venetians, did strangely wonder, and were very much confused, that the Pope, by taking away the Counterpoise of the French Forces, should by his forces and authority increase the Emperor's power in Italy, which he himself had, but a little before, made appear to be so suspicious and formidable to the Church, and to all the Italian Princes; and that it ought to be suppressed, or at least moderated. By the Pope's consent and counsel, several secret practices were held by the Imperial●sts with those that were outlawed in Milan, whereof there were many principal Noble men, of great attendance, and authority; that, by their means, tumults should be unexspectedly raised, at one and the same time, in several Cities, to drive out the French of Force, who feared nothing less; whose Garrisons were already much lessened, and when Lautrech was absent, who was gone a little before to France. But these consultations coming to the knowledge of Monsieur di Lerce, brother to Lautrech, and to whom he had left his Lieutenant in Italy, before the time was ripe, to put them in execution, he speedily raised so many men as did suffice to suppress these Plots; and many of the Outlawed being by him driven out of the State of Milan, where they had secretly hid themselves, and fled to the City of Regio, where they were received by him that was governor for the Pope, who, as hath been said, was conscious of what was formerly agreed on with Cesar, and knew all these Designs. And these men being pursued by the French, even to the gates of Regio, the Pope complained grievously, that the French, bea●ing so little respect to his dignity and authority, and to the friendship which he held with the King of France, should go to his Forts, and seek to use violence; anticipating by these complaints, which were chiefly made to the Senate of Venice, those which were rather to have been made by the King of France; that the Pope, contrary to the agreement which was made between them, should suffer that his rebellious and contumacious subjects, and who were Outlawed, should be received into the Cities belonging to the Church, just when they sought to disturb his affairs. But the Venetians being desirous (as much as in them lay) to appease these tumults (for the Pope's more resolute will, and his confederacy made with Cesar, though it were ratified by him, was not as yet publicly known) laboured to free the Pope of these suspicions; showing, that the proceedings of the Kings of France, had always been such towards all Popes, and that upon their knowledge, the now present King bore so great a respect to the affairs of the Church, and such observance to this Pope's person, as a contrary opinion was not now to be grounded upon so slight an occasion; nor ought so continued, and so good an Intelligence betwixt that Kingdom and the Apostolic See be broken upon such a cause: They therefore earnestly desired Leo, that before he should settle in such an opinion, as might produce many pernicious effects, he would be pleased to write to the King, to know his mind, and to be better informed of what had happened. But it was in vain to persuade the Pope; who though he seemed to put on new resolutions upon this new accident, had notwithstanding, for certain established his agreement already with the Emperor, wherein it was accorded, That when the State of Milan should be recovered by their joint Forces, the Cities of Parma and Piacenza should return to the Church, and all the rest of the State of Milan should be assigned over unto Francisco Sforza: That the Pope should forthwith absolve Charles of his oath, which he took at his being invested into the Kingdom of Naples, that so he might with the better Title hold the Empire. All Treaties of agreement being then despaired of, the Venetians resolved to be by no means failing to the obligations which they had to the King of France, touching the preservation of the State of Milan. It was known that many soldiers were assembled by order from the Pope and Emperor, to the end, that since they succeeded not in their secret practices, they might forthwith betake themselves to open force: To which purpose the Pope, though under other pretences, had already taken six thousand Swissers into pay, and Prospero Colonna, who was declared Captain General of the Enterprise, went to Bologno to raise a great many soldiers, and the Viceroy of Naples, with the Cavalry of that Kingdom, and Marquis Pescara, with the Spanish Infantry, were come to the banks of the River Tronto, to be ready to pass over upon the first occasion. Wherefore the Venetians hasted to take six thousand Italian foot into pay, and mustering all their Horse in Brescia, they ordered their Governor Theadoro Trivulcio, to march with them to the banks of Ada; and that if the French affairs should require it, he should pass over it. They likewise commanded Paolo Nani, who was then Commander of Bergamo, that he should wait upon the Governor, and follow the camp, executing the place of Commissary. This news being this mean while come to France, Lautrech returned speedily into Italy, began to provide for the succouring of the State of Milan in time, there not being sufficient Garrisons there in it, to defend it, if it should be fallen upon by a powerful Army: His chief care and diligence was, to keep the new succour which the enemy expected (who had already about a thousand Curassiers, and eight thousand foot) from joining with them. The Pope had lastly taken three thousand more Swissers into pay; for half of his former number of them were diminished: And at the same time, Ferdinand, brother to Charles, being come to Villaco, to raise six thousand foot in those parts, prepared (as soon as his number should be full to pass with them into Italy, for whom Cesar demanded passage from the Venetians: They answeted, they could by no means satisfy him in that his desire, by reason of the agreements which they had made with the King of France; wherein to fail, was to falsify their words: But to be sure that they should not enter against their wills, they gave order for the stopping of all passages, and placed diligent Guards in them: And because there were several Passes whereby the Dutch foot might fall down into the Territories of Verona, and join with Colonna's men, so as it would be a difficult matter to secure them all, by putting sufficient Garrisons into them, the Venetians were minded to erect a Fort between Peschiera and Lonato, whereinto their Forces being put, which were then eight hundred Curassiers, six hundred light Horse, and six thousand Foot, they might hinder the enemy from advancing any further; whatsoever way they should come; which it was thought they might easily do: for those Dutch Foot had neither Horse nor Artillery with them, nor any warlike tackling, whereby to force their passage. This advice was at first much applauded by Lautrech, who affirmed, that he would come himself in person, with his men, and join with the Venetian Army; confessing oft, that this was the securest way to defend the State of Milan; yet altering his mind not long after, he desired the Venetians, that leaving the thought of hindering the enemy's passage, which he thought to be impossible, they would send their men to join with the French in the Territories of Cremona: So the Venetians leaving the Passes, Guarded the best they could by the people of the Country, ordered Trivulcio to go with all his Horse and Foot towards Cremona; and for that Lautrech desired that he might have some Venetian Gentleman with him, of authority and experience, with whom he might advise what way that War was best to be managed, the Senate sent forthwith Andrea Gritti to the Camp, continuing Paolo Navi there still, to provide for all things necessary for the Army. jerolimo da Pesaro, was moreover chosen Commissary General on Terra Ferma, to whom the care and custody of the Forts was particularly commended; where into were put 2000 foot newly taken into pay, and some Cuirassieers to secure themselves upon all occasions from danger. Moreover the Senate resolved at Lautrech's entreaty, to take 3000 more Foot into pay; and gave willingly way likewise to the contributeing of maintaining some Horse and Foot, with whom the Duke of Ferrara promised to march in behalf of the French: To the end that the King, and all men else, might acknowledge that nothing was wanting one their side for the safeguard of the State of Milan, nor to the ready, and sincere maintaining of the agreement which was made between them and the French. But the French were more diligent in exhorting the Venetians to make good the Articles of the confederacy, then to make requisite provisions themselves, wherein they proceeded but slowly; which is very prejudicial to the essence of War: For though Lautrech did continually affirm that Monsieur di St Vallie● was to pass immediately over the Mountains with 6000 French Foot, and that 10000 Swissers being already raised by the King, would soon begin to march, yet they were never seen to appear. On the other side the Enemy, being already grown very strong, the Dutch Foot being joined with them, passed safely into the Territories of Mantua, and from thence to those of Milan; and knowing what advantage it was for them to make haste, they went to Besiege Parma, the taking whereof would be of much safety and honour unto them. But Lautrech, who when he first saw them begin to move, had some suspicion of the business, and had sent his brother Monsseur di Lescu thither with a good Garrison; which did not, notwithstanding, keep the Cesarians, and Ecclesiastic Commanders from pursuing their first intention, hoping to take it, since the Town was but weak of itself, and their Army very strong: Which they had done, had not Lautrech, to whom a great recruit of men was come from France, resolved to march nearer up to the Enemy with his whole Army, by whose coming and because the Duke of Ferrara had raised a great many Foot, theatning to Assault Modena, and Regio; Colonna was forced (as he himself said afterwards) to rise from before Parma: Which the Pope▪ was wonderfully displeased at who in his joining with Cesar did chiefly covet the getting of that Town. The bad success of this first enterprise begat (as it usualy happens upon such like ocasions) no small jealousies between the confederates; for the Pope complained of the Imperial Commanders, as if cunningly prolonging the taking of Parma, they had taken an occasion to rise from thence to enforce him, whom they knew to be so desirous of that place, to contribute readily to all the expenses of the War. And on the other side the Emperor, finding the Pope so ill satisfied, grew more confirmed in his former suspicion, that he would either forsake him, when he should have achieved his end, in getting by the confederacy all that belonged unto him; or else that failing that hope, and being soon weary of the expense and danger of War, as also being naturaly given to change in opinions, he might as easily forego his Friendship, as he had done the like of the King of France. Therefore thinking it necessary, for the well grounding of his designs, to draw the Venetians into the confederacy, because the Pope, by reason of the Authority and Strength that they would add unto the confederacy, would be more cautious in breaking it; and because the Commonwealth's Aids would be readier, and more constant than those of the Church; he resolved to send Francisco Laus to Venice, to reside there as his Ambassador: And by him he did again very much press the Venetians to join with him and the Pope. Saying that this was the only way to that peace which he desired no less than they; and that this was his intention might easily be proved, by his ready condescension to invest Francisco Sforza, Duke of Bari, in the Dukedom of Milan, thereby to reduce the affairs of Italy to a peaceful condition, when he might lay just claim thereunto. But the Senate, not altering their first determination, partly because they thought Cesar would not be as good as his word, partly calling to mind the last actions done by the French in service of the Commonwealth; thought it stood not with their faith and honour to abandon them, upon the first occasion of danger. The War went therefore on, and more men were daily raised, as well in the French and Venetians Army, as in that of the Emperors and Popes, by the coming of many Swissers to both Camps; for Cardinal Sedunense went into Switzerland, where he took many of that Nation into pay in the Pope's name, who finding the opportunity of some Barks, passed therein over the River Oglio, though the Venetians had endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage, and to guard the Banks, and so entered into the Territories of Brescia, and not without great harm to the Country people, got to the Emperor's Army: And the 10000 Swissers which had been so long expected, came at last to Lautrech. Thus both Armies being very strong, so as they gave a just counterpoise one to the other, they did nothing for a good while, but stood doubtful; till at last Colonna was the first that moved, to pass over the River Ada, and marched towards Milan. Which when Lautrech heard of, he resolved to depart immediately from the Territories of Cremona, where he had tarried a good while, and marched towards Cassano, to hinder the Enemy from passing over the River, but they preventing the Frenchmens designs by their speedy March, past the River safely between Riva and Cassano, and continued on their March towards Milan: So as Lautrech failing of his first hopes, followed the Enemy with more diligence, intending, if he conveniently could, to give him Battle; b●● Prospero who loved not much to hazard himself upon Fortune, kept him from doing so; and Lautrech at last brought his Army into Milan, leaving the Venetian Commissary with the Artillery, and part of his men at Lodi. The rest whereof being led on by Trivulcio, entered Milan too. But Colonna thinking that he might attempt Milan without much danger, came speedily to the Suburbs, rather to try what he could do by an unexpected assault, than out of any hope of good success. Advancing therefore a Band of select Soldiers, he assaulted one of the Gates of the Suburbs after Sun set, when the Defendants did least fear it, giving order that these should be readily succoured by a greater number, if the first assault should prove prosperous. Trivulcio had the guard of this Gate with some companies of Venetian Foot, who (such Orders being given as the shortness of time, and the unexpected action would permit) made stout resistance, and advertised Lautrech of the sudden accident, and of what danger he was in. But many Harquebusiers coming in to assist the Enemy, and no supply coming to the Venetian Foot; for the Swissers being commanded by Lautrech to go thither, would not stir; and the Guascons who were sent afterwards in their steed, came too late; Trivulcio was enforced to retreat with his Soldiers, and to give way to a greater Force: So as the Imperialists entering the City, where all things were full of fear and confusion, they fell to plunder the Houses with such fury, as there was no distinction made between those that were for the Imperialists and the contrary party. In this tumult Trivulcio was taken Prisoner, Mercurio Bua Captain of the Venetians light Horse, Luigi Marino Secretary to the Commonwealth, & many others; Lautrech minding nothing else but how to save the Cavalry, wherewith he got safe and entire out of Milan, and got quickly to Com●. The Venetian Curassiers, who being gone from Lodi, were coming towards Milan, were stripped by the way, and the greatest part of them got into Bergamo. And the Swissers who first began the mutiny, the tumult increasing, valued not their Captain's commands, but returned to their own homes▪ Milan being thus taken, and the French Army in so great disorder, Lodi, Pavia, Parma, and Piacenza, yielded suddenly to the Imperialists, as did Cremona soon after, though a great number of French arriving, who made good the Castle, it was soon recovered. Thus the French, not having received any rout, nor having so much as struck a stroke, being very strong, were by a very slight accident put to great disorder and confusion, and lost so large and so fair a State, the winning whereof had cost them so dear. This is the change and uncertainty which all humane actions are subject to, wherein we often labour in vain, the labour of many years being lost in one day, in one moment. Colonna endeavouring to make use of this good Fortune, and to defeat the remainder of the French Army, pursued Lautrech, who leaving Como, was gone towards Lodi; but not making any stay there, he went with his Curassiers into the Country of Geraddada, and not tarrying long there neither, he went to Leonato, in the Territories of Brescia. Which though it were very grievous to the Venetians, by reason of the inconvenience which would thereby redound to that Country, which had been already exhausted by long War, being to find food for so many Horse, whereof Lautrech had 5000. Every complete Lancier having 10 Horses, yet being unwilling to refuse the admittance of the French into their State, they made other proposals to them. They put them in mind of carrying their men into the parts about Ferrara, which indeed the Duke did desire for his own ends; for that being a very fat Country, and not touched upon by the War, they might be there fed commodiously, and it was very opportunely situated; moreover it might be advantageous; for the Pope, who was still apprehensive, being by reason of the Neighberhood of so many Warriors, jealous that Bologna, and the State of Urbine might run some hazard, had caused the Army of the League to come into those parts; so as this might be a means of some good success. But Lautrech refusing this and all other proposals, the Senate was contented to please him, by suffering him to winter his men in their Dominions; at which, when the Emperor's Ambassador seemed to be troubled, answer was made; that in case of such misfortunes, not only friends and confederates, but even enemies ought to be assisted: that therefore, both in respect of their Articles of capitulation, and out of mere civility, they could not but assist the French in this their adverse Fortune, and afford them all convenience, for the preservation of their men, which were to serve either for the defence, or recovery of the State of Milan, to the which the Commonwealth was by particular agreement bound. It was therefore ordered, that the French, and our men also, should forbear molesting the enemy, whilst they tarried in those Territories; lest the enemy might take occasion to pursue them too within the Venetian Confines, which would be very prejudicial to the Country. But Bartolomeo di Villa Chiara, and Monsignor Visconte being passed over the Ada, and entered with some of their Troops into the Bergamasco, to infest the Country; Commissary Gritti gave leave for the defence thereof against the Imperialists; so as some Troops of light Horse, and some Gentlemen that were banished out of Milan, coming out of Crema, and passing likewise over the Ada, they assaulted some of the Enemy's Curassiers at unawares, plundered them, and did them further harm. This mean while Lautrech propounded to go with all the men he then had, to Cremona, intending to throw a Bridge over the Po at Pontinico, near the greater Cassal, that he might be master of the country on both sides of the River, and might hold intelligence with the Duke of Ferrara, who was come into the field with no small forces to attempt the taking of Modena and Regio. This Seat was likewise thought very opportune to fall upon the Territories of Mantua, and particularly Viadana, a very rich and opulent Town, from whence they might get good store of Victuals for their Army: and the Marquis of Mantua, who was in the League's Camp, as Captain General of the Church's forces, would be forced to depart from thence, and come to defend his own affairs. But the Venetians not thinking it fit to make any attempts before they had greater forces, not to draw new enemies upon them in time of ill fortune, not being thereunto necessitated, dissuaded Lautrech from this: When things were in this condition, Pope Leo died, whereupon the face of things did soon much alter. This Pope was famous for many virtues, particularly for his Princely liberality and munificence, wherewith he cherished and befriended the Litterati, and all such as were excellent in any knowledge: But he would have left a better memory of his Popedom behind him▪ if he had not obscured his glory, by busying himself and others in troublesome Wars, and suffering himself to be sometimes transported by his affections: He seemed both by his words and intercessions, to be well affected to the Commonwealth, and to desire her greatness, yet covering his contrary proceedings, by various pretences, he was always a back friend to her. It was evidently seen, that the reputation of the Colleagues would be much lessened by the Pope's death: for the Swissers, who by reason of their confederacy, renewed (much to their advantage) with the King of France, were always troubled to be led on against him, having already begun their wont tumults, when they heard that Leo was dead, they presently left the Camp, and the State of Milan; and it was thought that the College of Cardinals would at their first meeting, recall the Church's forces out of Romagna, whereby great opportunity appeared to be offered for the recovery of the State of Milan, with as much ease as it was lost before, the City not being over-well Garrisoned, and the Enemy not having sufficient forces in the field to succour it. Moreover the Town was full of confusion, the people were very ill satisfied with the Imperialists, by reason of the many mischiefs done by the Swissers, Spanish, and Dutch foot; hating them and their Nations, almost as much now, as they had formerly done the French; and the Cardinals of Medici's and Sedunences were gone from the camp, that they might be present at the election of the new Pope; and by their absence, the authority of the League, and all men's observance thereof was much lessened. Out of these respects, as also to free their Territories from the expense of feeding the French, the Venetians hasted to raise soldiers every where, taking the greatest part of the Garrisons from their Cities; they ●hose also new Commanders, for Malates●a Baglione, and some others, had foregone the Venetian pay, that they might recover their particular States in the vacancy of the Apostolic Sea. But the hopes of good success consisted chiefly, in the Protection which the Swissers had taken with much fervency of the French affairs, and of the recovery of the State of Milan, in the last Diet of Lucerna; to which purpose, they had, by resolution of the same Diet, sent some to Venice, to desire the Senate, that they would continue their forwardness in favouring the affairs of France, and to make good their Articles of confederacy; promising that they would take upon them, to defend those who should in this case help, and adhere unto the king of France: wherefore Lautrech reassuming courage, resolved, though it were in the very depth of winter, to move with those men which he had got together, and to enter the Territories of Milan. But Colonna this mean while minded the mending of the Rampires, and enlarging the Platforms, and the securing of Milan, by many other works: the Garrison whereof (which consisted only of Spanish Foot, was much increased by the Dutch, who were first brought from Como, to Marignano, and from thence to Milan. The Marquis of Mantua was no less diligent in Lodi, where he had 200 Horse, and but a few Foot. The French and Venetian Commanders falling to consult what they had best do, at first, many things were propounded, with some difference of Opinion. Frederico di Bozzuolo propounded, the sudden assaulting of Parma and Piacenza, wherein there were but weak Garrisons, and those made yet the weaker by the uncertainty of the Swissers Loyalty, it being gathered by some discourse which had been had with them, that they would pass over to the French camp, But it being necessary, that to effect this, the whole Army must be carried beyond the River Poe, it was openly gainsaid by the Venetian Commissary, as a thing wherein there was more danger, than hopes of good success; especially, since they could not very well guard the Pope, so as they might at their pleasure retire. He therefore was for carrying all their men to Cremona, and for getting the country thereabouts, the greatest part whereof held for the Spaniards, and that then they might make use of time and occasion, in falling upon other enterprises: Thus both of them persisting in their opinion, it was resolved, that (neither of these counsels being fully allowed of, nor yet fully rejected,) Frederick should pass the Poe, with part of the forces, and draw near Parma, but without any artillery; because, if his design did not succeed, he might retreat the sooner, and without danger: and that the rest of the French Army, and all the Venetians, should return to Cremona. But affairs not falling out successfully about Parma, Bozzuolo, without making any attempt upon Piacenza, returned to join with Lautrech; who was already gotten into the Territories of Cremona; and this was all that was at that time done, and wherewith the year 1521 ended. But the two great Princes, Charles the Emperor, and Francis king of Fance, were still set hot upon war, which foretold great combustions in Italy, and other Provinces, in the beginning of the next year. The French Army being now very strong, for many Swissers were come unto their Camp, and the Venetians, who were then 6000 Foot, 600 Curassiers, and 800 Light-horse, being already thereunto joined; Lautrech, by the consent of the other Commanders, resolved to attend the final issue of the War, and to march towards Milan. Being therefore advanced with the whole Army, the French encamped themselves at Cassano, and the Venetians at Binasco, upon the Road that leads from Pavia to Milan, to hinder the Victuals which were brought by that way. Whilst they were in these quarters, some Companies of Swissers, and some Troops of French Horse, were sent to Novara, which place, not being time enough relieved by the Marquis of Mantua, who was come out of Pavia to th●● end, it was easily taken and sacked by the Assalliants, and Philip Torniello, Commander of the adverse Party, was made Prisoner. Novarra being taken, Vigevena soon surrendered; which purchase was thought the greater; because it opened the way for Succours, which were expected from France, to come and join with the Camp: in hopes whereof, they did the more easily bear with many hardships, which the camp began already to undergo, for want of moneys, and through other inconveniences; there being no hopes of bringing the War to a final good end, without other new and important succours; the King of France had given out, that he would come himself into Italy: and being gone in the beginning of April to Lions, he sent the Admiral there forwards to Granople, and gave order for the levying of 12000 Foot of several Nations, being very solicitous in ordering such a preparation for war, as became his forces, and such an enterprise, on which his heart was so set, as he would often times say, That rather than to give it over, he would hazard his own person, and his kingdom. He therefore endeavoured, by many fervent solicitations, to keep the Venetian Senate in their first and constant resolution, of not foregoing his friendship, for any offers that Cesar could make them. He writ likewise particularly to Gritti the Commissary of the camp, as to one that he knew very well, and esteemed very much, recommending the business to him, and assuring him, that he might safely build upon his coming into Italy, and upon the Forces which he would bring with him, which should be certain, and sudden: which made the Venetians concur the more readily to the charges of the war, not only for what belonged unto themselves, but in the concernments of the French, assisting them at their needs with much ammunition, and many other things; and with good sums of money to pay their soldiers. For all this, provisions came not from France, answerable to what was requisite, and to their promises: But after long expectation, Monsieur di Lescue came, without any men, and but with little moneys. Therefore thinking that they should do no good by tarrying longer about Milan, they resolved at last to remove, and to come with their camp before Pavia; hoping, that the strength of their Army, and the weakness of the Garrison which was in that City, being considered, they might get a sudden, and a safe victory; for though, out of some such suspicion, the Marquis of Mantua was entered the Town, with some soldiers, yet there was not, at that time there, more than 12000 Italian Foot, 500 Curassiers, and some few Light horse: wherefore it was thought, that when the Marquis should see the French Army draw nigh, he would come out, and forgo the defence of the City, as a thing too hard to be done. The whole Army, both of the French and Venetians, being encamped before the walls, they began to batter, and having already thrown down about 50 foot of the wall, the Swissers: who are naturally impatient of delay, desired the French Commanders, that they might be led on to the assault. But they thinking it better to let the business grow more ripe, till they might be more sure of victory, differred the doing so, till a Mine might be accomplished, which was preparing to be made by the invention of Petro Navara under a great Bastiome, by the downfall whereof, the assault might be the better given. And the mean while, a bridge being made over the Tesino, the Light-horse made inroads, even to the very gates of the city, keeping the enemy from either coming in, or coming out. Yet all passages could not be so diligently kept, but that some Foot sent with succour from Milan got into the City, by the way of Marignavo, though many of them were kept back by the Cavalry, and many brought prisoners into the camp. But businesses went slowlier forward than the present necessity required; for Navaro's Engines required length of time, and were hard to compass; and some pieces of cannon were expected from Lodi and Crema, wherewith to renew the battery. By this delay, Colonna had opportunity given him, to draw forth his whole army into the field, and having taken up his station in a strongly situated place, upon the way to Pavia, the French were very jealous, lest he might advance farther, and endanger them, whilst being busy about assaulting the City, they were the less intent upon other business: Therefore they placed 10000 Swissers, and 600 French Curassiers on their back, who if need should be, might sustain the brunt of the enemy, who should come to assault them. In this interim, some French horse which were gone out to overrun the Country, advancing too far, fell upon the Enemy's Vanguard, by whom they were chased, and many of them taken Prisoners; Colonna's men leaving their first Quarters, came and placed themselves in a strong situation at Binasco, about 8 miles distant from the French Camp, which made the French Commanders more jealous and afraid; for to tarry long idle about the Walls of the City, without using any violence, redounded much to the disreputation of their Army, and there was much danger in making an assault; for if they should be beaten back, they feared lest the Swissers, having made this trial in vain, despairing of good success, might quit the Camp, not being well satisfied that they had not received the pay which they had already deserved. Moreover, being of some days past much straitened in victuals, they could not have been able to refresh their wearied and afflicted Soldiers, nor supply their greatest necessities. But say that things should have succeeded luckily, and that they should have taken the City, how could any Commander hope to keep his Soldiers, especially the Swissers, from plundering; wherein being bu●ied without either any Order or Government, the whole Army was in danger of manifest ruin, having so powerful an Enemy so near at hand. These things being considered, Gritti advised that they should raise the Camp from before Pavia, and go to some strong and safe place, where they might expect the coming of the King of France, which they were informed by new messages from France, would be very soon, and with great Forces. And it is most apparent that his presence accompanied with such a strength of men, would have brought so much reputation to that Army, and have won so much favour from some, and infused so much terror into othersome, as they must have been sure of a notable Victory. Nothing pleaded against this commendable and wholesome advice, but the Swissers fickleness; who not admitting of any reason, did obstinately demand either to be dismissed, that so they might return home, or else brought to fight the Enemy: And it was the harder to appease them, for that the scarcity of Victuals was now grown greater, because the Country being overflown by very great rains, and the Bridges over Tessino being broken down, whereby Victuals was brought from Novarra, and Vegivene, they had much ado to get provisions for the Army. Whilst these doubts and difficulties were disputed in the French, and Venetian camp, they understood that the Imperialists being risen from Binasco, were marching forwards with all their Forces. Whereupon Lautrech resolved suddenly to meet them, and to fight them. He was very diligent in putting his Army in good order, behaving himself like a valiant, and well experienced Commander. But the Enemy hastening their march, got into a strong Station, so near the Charterhouse, as Colonna and the Marquis of Pescara, were quartered in the very Monastery of the Carthugiens; a place very Famous for the stately and excellent Building: Lautrech not being then able to do what he first intended, moved to march forward, and get beyond the Enemy, and to settle in some fitting place upon the way to Milan, thinking to make Colonna dislodge, and draw nearer Milan: But this being argued in the counsel of War, and many difficulties being found therein, it was resolved that they should go to within two miles of the Emperor's camp, and that the Swissers and French should Quarter on the outside of the Park of the Charterhouse, and the Venetians within the Park; but yet so as both parts of the Army might commodiously succour each other through some gaps which were made in the Park wall. And before the camp was settled, Lautrech, to try the Enemy, ordered that two Bataglions of the Swissers and two great bodies of Curassiers, should advance near the Enemy, against which none appearing, it was thought that the Imperialists were suddenly removed, and returned to their former Quarters of Binasco, whither they came two days after; Colonna having the mean while, much to his praise, relieved Pavia, and made the Enemy's camp to rise from before it. But the French camp were in great disturbances, by the Swissers mutinying, who though they knew that the Moneys destined for their pay was come to Arona, yet they continued still to mutiny, refusing to go any whither, save where they might soon, and most commodiously receive their money. Wherefore they propounded that the whole Army might go by the way of Biagrassa, towards Vigivene, and that making a Bridge over the Tesino, a safe convoy might be sent to bring them their Moneys. Which Gritti did openly gainsay, saying, he would not go so far from the Territories of the Commonwealth, and expose his men to so much the greater danger, as that the Swissers being in a better, and safer way homewards, might the more easily forsake them. After divers debates, it was at last resolved that the whole Army should march towards Monz, to which the Venetian Commanders consented; having first caused Lodi to be well munited, and thrown a Bridge over the Ada at Trecco, that they might upon all occasions have a way to retreat safely, and to secure their Men and their Country. When the Swissers were come to Monz, they would presently have passed over the Tesino, Openly blaming the French for their irresoluteness, and backwardness, and complaining grievously, that they, who were a valiant Nation, should be put to suffer so many inconveniencies so long, without recieving their just, and well deserved pay; and without being brought to try their Valour in War. That they had several times offered to be the first who should go on in assaulting Pavia, that they had often times desired to come to a day of Battle with the Enemy, who were more encouraged by the fear, and cowardliness of others, then by their own Forces. That they had never refused any danger, labour, or military action, wherein they might serve the Crown of France; but that yet they would not be held to be base, and servile, such as would do their work, without such reward as their Valour and Labour did deserve. And though the French Commanders did what they could to appease this tumultuous proceeding, Showing that the King's service (which was the thing they ought chiefly to respect) required them to do what they had done, and what at least would redound to their glory, and secure the Victory; that the delay of their Pay proceeded not from any want of care in the King, or negligence in his Ministers; but from unavoidable impediments, all the passages being blocked up by the Enemy. Yet they had much ado to appease the tumult, and to keep them in the Camp. The Cesarian Army which was come to Bicocca, a place about four miles from Milan, was in great disorder for the same cause: For the Lanschenets muty●i●d, demanding pay; and many Italian Foot, who were not paid, passed over into the Enemy's Army, and were taken into pay by the Venetians; and some of the Spanish companies had let our Commanders understand that they were ready to do the like, if they might be received. Moreover there was no good correspondency between the chief Commanders; for Pescara being high minded, scorned to do any thing by any other man's order, or counsel, or to depend upon Colonna's Authority. But so great was the Swissers impatiency in the French Camp, as it marred all good resolutions, and would not suffer the Commanders to make use of time, or to draw any advantage out of these the Enemy's disturbances. So as the Swissers affirming still that they would go over the Tessino, and Gritti being necessitated therefore to say, that then he must need depart the same day with his men towards Lodi; Lautrech, partly disdaining these Proposals which were made on all sides, partly to shun the being thought a Dastard (for the French are always naturally friends to sudden counsels, though not safe, more than to long expectance, though with more security) resolved to try the Fortune of Battle, though upon great disadvantage, being to assault the Enemy within their Quarters, which were naturally strong, being environed by many waters, and made the stronger by many works which the Imperialists had raised with much industry, for their better safety. The assault was so ordered as all the Swissers went in the first Squadron, being divided into two great Battalions, with 14 pieces of Artillery, and they were attended by Babon di Naldo, with 800 Venetian Harchebusiers on Foot: After these were the French Curassiers to follow, and then the whole body of the Venetian Foot with 9 pieces of Artillery, backed by their Curassiers divided into two parts. The Swissers marching thus apace, but in great good order, went boldly on to the assault; and though the badness of the place appeared to be far worse when they were at it, than they had conceived it to be, yet not at all abating their fierceness, they strove to beat the Dutch Foot back, who did defend the Rampires: Who making use of the advantage of place, fought the more courageously, to the end that they might not dispute the business with the Enemy upon equal terms, if they should be suffered to win the Ditch. At the same time the Swissers were played upon on the Flanks by great abundance of Musket shot, by the Spanish Foot; but all of them readily encountering the danger, those who remained alive, soon revenged their companions death. Whilst it was thus stoutly fought on all sides, on the Front of their Quarters, Monsieur di Lescu, wheeling about with the French Horse, assaulted the Enemies on the back, and finding the field open on that side, he advanced a good way in, committing great slaughter, and put the Enemy into great fear and disorder: So as it was generally thought, that if he had been followed by good store of Foot, the French and Venetians would that day have easily routed, and defeated the Imperial Army. But the Swissers, who after five hours fight, found they were in vain to overcome the disadvantage of the place, began to retreat by little and little to within their Squadrons in a stupendious order, carrying off all their Artillery, and being more encouraged in their orderly retreat, because they saw themselves backed by the Venetians, who making good the Rear, secured them from being pressed upon by the Imperialists. O● the French Army there perished in this assault more than 20●0 men, all of them Swissers; but the loss was peradventure greater in the Imperial Camp, they having lost many men of good condition. Though this action had no very good success, yet as being full of confidence and courage, it was likely rather to have added unto, then to have lessened the reputation of the French Army, and to have invited them to other undertake, had not the same impatiency of the Swissers, which formerly persuaded them against reason to attempt the Battle, disturbed all their designs, and frustrated other hopes by their returning to their former tumults; Lautrech loaded the Captains of the Swissers with gifts and promises, and prayed them that by their entreaties, reasons and authority, they would endeavour to keep their Foot in due obedience, which they all did: But amongst the rest Alberto Pietra, a man in much favour and authority with his Nation, calling them all together, spoke thus unto them. You gave yesterday, My valiant Fellow Soldiers, so noble a proof of your daring, and military experience, as that action is not to be numbered amongst the least of praises which by common consent are given to our Nation, in all that appertains to the Militia: But to arise to the height of glory, it is requisite that we persevere in the same purpose of beating and quite conquering the Enemy's Army: And that we return to try the fortune of War, lest it be thought that by yielding to the first no very fortunate encounter, it was fickleness, not true valour, which made us expose ourselves to the dangers of Battle: Or else that we confess we are overcome, though in truth we be rather Conquerors, having assaulted the Enemy even within their works, done them much harm, and retreated safe and in good order, not any one of the Enemy having dared to come out of their Camp, and pursue us: No not so much as to show any resentment, or that they do equal us in Force and Valour. But if we do first quit our Quarters which we now are in, it will assuredly be said, that the Imperialists got the Victory, and that we are gone, not of our own wills, but driven away by the Enemy. Whereas on the contrary, if we tarry here, we may get many notable advantages; we shall confirm all men in the opinion, that the Victory was really ours, we shall not a little encourage those that adhere to the French party, we shall infuse such terror into the Enemy, as to avoid the danger of more assaults, and of more certain ruin, now that they are aware we are better acquainted with the situation of their Quarters, and with our advantage, and disadvantage, they will retreat to within the Walls of Milan, and will leave us Masters of the Field, and free to fall upon whatsoever Design we shall please: We have understood by express Messengers, that it is the will, nay the express command of our Masters and Governors, that we continue during this Militia, in the service of the King of France, How can we disobey what they command? Or, wherefore ought we to do it, in a business, which for our own glory and profit, we ought to seek and pursue, yea, though we were forbidden? We must not then certainly refuse to do it, when it is enjoined us under pain of disobedience. We are assured that the King will very shortly come into Italy with a great warlike preparation, nor can I see what forces the Enemy have to withstand so great a Force, or how they can oppose our Designs. The whole State of Milan will assuredly fall suddenly into the King's hands, who to revenge himself of the City for her rebellion, and of those his Subjects for their many injuries, and to reward the valour of his Army, will give the prey and plunder of them and it, unto his Soldiers; and you who have hitherto shared in such labours, and in so many dangers, will you lose the advantage thereof, and not be at the sacking of so many, and so rich Cities; for the very hopes whereof, though you were in Countries far off, you ought endeavour by all means possible to be present at this Militia, that you might receive fitting rewards for your military actions? What consideration can there be of so great moment, I beseech you, which can counterpoise so great glory, so great advantage? What else is it that can make you forego such hopes? You complain for want of pay, and in resentment thereof, will revenge yourselves upon yourselves: Consider better what the injury is that is done you, what it is you can with reason complain of: The King hath not provided moneys time enough for your occasions: his Ministers may peradventure have been negligent therein: Can you doubt that your Pays are stopped▪ or that there is any doubt to be made of your receiving them? We know for certain, that the moneys are already in your master's hands, and that the delay of payment, is only because the passages are so shut up and guarded by the Enemy, as the moneys cannot without manifest danger be brought unto the Camp: If you will resent this, revenge yourselves upon those that are the true cause why they are detained. Think of beating the Enemy, and so all the ways will be open, the Country will be ours, all things will depend upon us, and not upon the will of others: These are more useful, more generous thoughts, and more answerable to your former actions, then to think of returning home, as chased by your enemies, to whom you have been a terror, and will be so still, if you be not wanting unto yourselves. T●ese words unwillingly listened unto, made no impression in the Soldiers, as being contrary to their already resolved will; who persevering obstinately in their former refractoriness, required that the Camp might be removed from thence, and that they might be dismissed the Militia: wherefore Lautrech▪ to shun further danger, was forced to rise, and went with his whole Army towards Trecco, where finding the Bridge already made, he lodged upon the Banks of Ada, ●is men being quartered, some on the one side, some on the other side of the River; the Venetian Commanders desiring it should be so, for the better security of their affairs: Where having stayed a ●ew days, the Swissers disbanded, and went several ways to their own homes; but most of them took their way towards Lecco, where they understood the moneys for their pay was come; The Grand Ma●stre, Monsieur de Mommorancie, Monsieur de Palissa, and other Frenchmen following them, with their companies, since neither words nor action's were able to prevail with the Swissers, to make them tarry any longer; for it was so provided by the Venetians, that they should be defrayed by them without moneys, till their pay was come from France: For the Venetians were very much troubled, and damnified by the Swissers departure; Lautrech affirming, that he must be enforced to return with all his men to France, together with the Swissers, and thorough their country, if they should resolve to go, so as the parts about the Ada being left unguarded, the Imperialists might freely at their pleasure enter in hostile manner into the Territories of the Commonwealth. But if the French should stay in Lombardy, they desired the Senate that they might be permitted to quarter in the Territories of Brescia, against which there were many objections to be made; the country was wholly ruined by so long Wars, and by so many Garrisons, and it was to be feared, that it might afford the Imperialists occasion of passing into the confines of their State, who did already complain, that they had exceeded the bonds of their confederacy, in favouring the French; so as in many considerations, several inconveniencies and differences and difficulties arose by the departure of the Swissers; who not being by any means to be detained, the Senate resolved to satisfy the French in their desire, and to receive them into their State, that they might not lessen their past deserts with the King, and because the preservation of those men made for the common safety, and facilitated the business of Milan, against the King should come into Italy▪. But Lautrech, and the other Commanders, being persuaded either by the reasons formerly alleged by the Venetians, or out of no small fear of what might ensue, if they should so suddenly abandon the whole State of Milan, resolved that part of their men should go to Cremona, whither also Lautrech himself went, and the rest to Lodi, with Frederico da Bozzuole, and Giovan de Medici; though Medici not being able to make his men move without money, came not time enough thither: and the French Garrison which was in Trecco, not being sufficient to defend it, the Venetian Commissary sent Giovan dal Saracino thither, who was under the pay of the Commonwealth, with two companies of Italian Foot: But Lautrech seeing that nothing came from France but fair words, and news of great warlike preparations, things which did little avail the present business, resolved to pass over the mountains, and to go himself to Court, to give an account of the affairs of Italy, leaving his brother Monsieur di Leiscue in Cremona; whither Colonna coming with all his Army, and no succour appearing, Lescue was forced to ye●ld up the City unto him, he having taken Lodi but a little before by an unexpected assault. The End of the fourth Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK V. THE CONTENTS. Judgement given upon the Venetians resolution, by reason of the misfortune of the French. The Emperor endeavours to part them from the French, and the King of England interposeth himself: A League between these two. The Venetians advisedness; who being inclined to the French, acquaint that King with their sense of things. The League of London invalid by the death of Leo the tenth. Girolomo at Venice in Cesar's behalf, endeavours to separate the Senate from the French. The Spaniards increase in Giaradada. The Venetians Arm by Land, and the reason why. Soliman prepares for the Siege of Rhodes. They Arm by Sea. Adrian the sixth is chosen Pope: He goes from Spain to Rome: His good disposition. Rhodes is taken by Soliman. The Pope propounds a League between the Italian Princes. An Embassy from Venice to Rome. An Agreement treated of with Cesar. Respect born to Soliman's Friendship. The Archdukes Ambassadors break the League made with the Emperor. The Bishop of Feltre sent to Venice by the Pope. Adorno, the Emperor's Ambassador, dies. Marino Caraccioli succeeds him. Several French Ambassadors at Venice. The King of France his Declaration. The Peace is concluded with Cesar: the conditions thereof. Ambassadors sent from Venice to Cesar, and to the Archduke. Trivultio is discharged the Service of the Commonwealth. The Duke of Urbane in his place. The Commonwealth excuse themselves to the King of France, for making this Peace. He resolves to go into Italy, but is stayed by the Duke of Burbon's rebellion. He sends the Admiral thither. The Venetians secure the Imperialists. The French before Milan. The Viceroy of Naples passeth into Lombardy. Bourbone is declared Caesar's Lieutenant General. The Venetians are jealous by reason of a Treaty of Peace between the French and Cesarians. The Venetian Ambassador is dismissed from France. The death of Adrian the sixth. Clement the seventh is chosen Pope. Antonio Grimani, Duke of Venice, dies: and Andrea Gritti is chosen in his place. His conditions. The French fall upon the Milanese. The Duke of Urbane, General to the Venetians, does many things. Renzo da Ceri upon the Confines of the Venetians with 8000 Gris●uns. The Admiral joins with the Swissers. The Ambassador of the three Leagues at Venice. The Pope exhorts the Senate to hold with him. The Pope's designs. He sends his Datario, Giberti to France; The French again before Milan: They take it. The King of France besiegeth Pavia in his own person. Which causeth jealousy and irresolutions in the Pope and Venetians. Gregorio Cornaro and Dominico Trevisano make Orations in the Senate hereupon. The Siege of Pavia is prolonged. The Pope, Venetians, and Florentines join in a defensive War. The Venetians adhere to Trevisano, and secretly conclude a League with France. The Cesarians come to the relief of Pavia; they assault the King's Army, get the victory, and take the King Prisoner. The Italian Princes fears hereupon. The Pope's League with France troubles the Imperialists. The Duke of Ferara offers himself to the Pope. The Duke of Urbines' Valour. The Pope being afraid, treats of agreement with the Imperialists, and draws the Venetians along with him. Caesar's joy for the Victory at Pavia. His offers unto the Pope. The Queen of France her endeavours with the Venetians; their perplexity. The Pope makes an agreement with Cesar, who alienates the Venetians, from himself, by detaining the Dukedom of Milan. Who break off all treaties of agreement, and join with the Pope. They are favoured by the King of England; the Venetians treat of a League with France: But grow jealous at France her agreement with Cesar. The King of France his complaints against Cesar. His entreaties thereupon to the Pope and the Venetians; his actions contrary to his Proposals. The League between the Pope, France, and the Venetians is at last published. The Armies of the Colleagues join upon the Territories of Milan. Bourbon's Valour renders their designs vain. Pietro Navaro, General of the Confederates Fleet, attempts to take Genua: But Andria Doria deals treacherously. The Duke of Urbino returns to before Milan: Sforza yields himself up to the Imperialists. The Spaniards fail him, and therefore he ratifies the League with the Confederates: Who winning Cremona, assign it over unto him. The Colones● enter Rome, and s●ck it. The Pope treats therefore of Truce with the Spaniards: His immoderate fear. The King of England presents him with 30000 Crowns. New treaty of peace. Cesar prepares to succour Genua. Giorgio Sfonspere musters 10000 Dutch at Bolzano; and in despite of the Confederates passes into the Country of Mantua. Giovan de Medici his Valour. The Dutch pass into Tuscany. The Venetians secure the Pope's State, and send Marco Foscari to Florence. The Imperial Fleet towards Genua, is pursued by the Venetian Fleet, chased by Navarro, gets at last to Gaetta, and lands the Viceroy of Naples. Renzo de Ceri sent by the King of France to Rome. The Viceroy succours the Collonesi, and besiegeth Frussolone. The Colleagues attempt the taking of Naples: their proceedings. Important actions before the City. The Neapolitans are afraid, and are supported by Don Ugo Moncada: The Ecclesiastical Army in disorder. Burbone comes forth of Milan, to join with the Duth, and goes to Bologna: The Pope the mean while concludes peace with the Viceroy: his little discretion in laying down Arms: his fears, and his excuse to the Colleagus Ambassadors. A Tumult in Florence, appeased by the Duke of Urbane. Burbone despairing of the Enterprise, marches towards Rome: desires passage from the Pope, which is denied; wherefore he besiegeth the City, he is shot upon the walls thereof with a musket, and dies. The Emperor's Army enters Rome. The Pope retires to the Castle of St Angelo. Rome, in a few days, undergoes the miseries of being sacked, of Famine, of Pestilence, and suffers total desolation of all things, as well sacred, as profane. THe Fortune and reputation of the French being much declined, by their being driven in a short space out of the State of Milan, and by Forces not greater than their own; it was generally thought, that the Venetians, whose Army was defeated, and the greatest part of their Horse by them dismissed, they having likewise given leave to their Commissary Gritti to return from the camp, and come home: having largely made good their Confederacy with King Francis, though they got but little good thereby, would at last follow the victorious Fortune of Charles the Emperor: who as he had formerly seemed to desire their friendship, so did he now more than ever endeavour to draw them to side with him; hoping, by reason of the low condition which the French were in, to be able to separate them from King Francis; and believing that the preservation of the State of Milan, and the good end of all the war did chiefly depend upon this new Confederacy, and upon the assistance and forces of the Venetians; for it was very certain, that king Francis made great preparations to pass into Italy with a powerful Army; and that if he should be assisted by the Venetians, the Emperialists and Sforza's would not be able long to maintain the burden of so heavy a war: As on the contrary, if the Venetians should join with the Imperialists, it was thought, that the French would be kept from retiring into Italy, being they were to meet with so stout resistance: and that King Francis, seeing himself deprived of the Venetian's aid, would lay aside all thoughts of coming into Italy, as despairing of good Success. Cesar therefore laboured hard to effect this; and did not only treat thereof at his own Court, with Gasparo Cotarini, who was Ambassador there, for the Com-wealth, acquainting him with many reasons, wherefore the Senate should be persuaded to join in like Confederacy with him, to defend the States of each other, as they had of late years done with the King of France; but he likewise interposed the authority of the King of England, with whom Charles having had speech at his return from Spain, he had had much discourse thereupon; and the Cardinal of York had the copy of the Capitulations, drawn up by the Emperor's Lord Chancellor; and having acquainted Gasparo Contarini with them, offered to moderate them, and to make them such as the Commonwealth (which had complained thereof, as being too severe) should have reason to accept them. But the business requiring some length of time, by reason of this distance of place, a League was concluded between Charles and Henry, reserving room for the Venetians to be comprehended therein, if they would declare within three months; and if they would accommodate their affairs first with Cesar, either by way of Truce, or Peace: which being communicated to the Senate, produced as then no other result, save only fair correspondency in general, with a show of being much inclined to peace, and to friendship with Cesar, so it might stand with the honour and safety of the Commonwealth: and that, since the Cardinal of York had already offered himself to be a Mediator, and stickler in the business of greatest difficulty, it was requisite, to hear what he would propound, before any resolution could be taken. But the news of the French preparations for the affairs of Italy increasing daily, and greater doubts arising in Charles, and Henry, by reason of the Venetians delaying to put on any resolution, that their State would continue their confederacy with France, they resolved to send Ambassadors to Venice, to accelerate the conclusion of the League which was propounded by them. The King of England's Ambassador came thither first, which was Richard Pace, who having received his Commission from his King, whilst the said Richard was at Rome, discharged his trust, together with the Emperor's Ambassador, which was resident at Venice; desiring in their Prince's name, that the Senate would declare, what they intended to do, when the King of France should return with an Army into Italy, to possess himself of the State of Milan. But the Emperor's Ambassador proceeded further, desiring that the Commonwealth would wage war against the King of France, if he should not desist from troubling Cesar, and from disturbing the peace of Italy: alleging, that the Venetians were bound to do so, by a particular Confederacy made two years before at London, wherein by particular consent of their Senate, the State of Venice was named amongst the chief Contracters. The Venetians proceeded very maturely in this Treaty; weighing how pernicious any resolution they could put on might prove to the Commonwealth, according to the various events which might happen in the affairs of Italy, and by the secret Counsels of Princes: for it was certain, That if the King of France should, through any accident that might happen, delay sending a powerful army on this side the Mountains, his reputation would be so much lessened, and the Forces and authority of his enemies so confirmed, as the adherers to the French would be exposed to eminent dangers: and, on the other side, to forego their Friendship, to boot, that it went against their general inclination, brought with it no lesser difficulties: For it was rather to be believed, both in respect of the power, and wealth of the Kingdom of France, and out of the immense desire that King Francis had to get the State of Milan, that the French would return with powerful Forces on this side the Mountains, and regain his former power, and authority, so as they might have means to revenge themselves of the Italian Princes, for any injuries received by them; which if they should not be able to do, they might peradventure join in League with their own enemies, against the Commonwealth; as King Lewis had done some years before, which was the beginning of her so many and so heavy calamities. Out of these and other such respects, the Senate being resolved not to make any new confederacy, unless necessitated; and being unwilling either to forgo Friendship with the French, or to make Cesar despair of what he was in treaty with them; acquainted the King of France with these practices; and answered Charles and henry's Ambassadors, in general terms: seeming to be as desirous of Cesar's friendship, as he was of theirs: But the present condition of Times, and the many late afflictions of the Commonwealth did require, that being to make any new agreements, they should aim at putting their State into a quiet and peaceable condition, and shun whatsoever determination might (though upon like, or greater hopes,) be an occasion unto them of new disturbance and danger: That therefore, if the King of France should come into Italy, they would so keep their Confederacy with him, as they would have a care not to violate the Truce, and their Promises made to Cesar; nor would they the mean while be wanting to do all good offices, as well for the common service of Christendom, as for their own particular good; to the end, that arms might be laid down, and injuries cease to be done on all sides: But, that if this might not be compassed, they had not any just pretence to make war with the French, with whom they had so long had Friendship, and that Friendship confirmed by many obligations: The League made at London not being any ways valid to that purpose, as well, because it was never completely perfected; as also, that Leo being dead, who was one of the chief Contracters, it became invalid, and null. Whilst the Imperial and English Ambassadors could get nothing but general answers, though they laboured that the Ambassadors of the Commonwealth who were resident at their Prince's Courts, might have Commission given them to come to some conclusion concerning this propounded League: Girollimo Adorno the Emperor's Counsellor and Chamberlain, came to Venice, sent by Cesar with Commission, to treat upon and conclude those things wherein there lay any difficulties between him and the Commonwealth; knowing that to treat thereof at his Court, or at the Court of England, as was begun to be done, would require much length of time; a thing very unfit for the present business. Adorno laboured in a long speech to persuade the Venetians to quit their Friendship with France, and to embrace the like of Cesar's, which was offered them upon honourable, and advantageous terms. But the Senate still moved by the aforesaid respects, continued in the same answers, neither resolving nor dissolving this Treaty; but looking to find out in process of time what would be best for the Commonwealth to do; they excused this their delay by the Importance of the business, by the condition of the times, and of the state wherein their Commonwealth then was, and by the form of their Government; where all things being to be sifted, and resolved by the liking, and judgement of many, which are most commonly (especially in such things as are hard and difficult) several, and sometimes contrary, Affairs could not be so soon, nor so easily ended, as in Prince's Courts, where they pass through the hands but of one only, or but of a few. This mean while the number of Spaniards increased very much in Giaradada; wherefore the Venetians raised many Foot, and increased their Garrisons, which begot many jealousies in the interessed Princes (for minds contaminated either by too immoderate desire, or fear, use to judge of things according as their affections lead them, not as they are in themselves) Cesar, and Henry thought this raising of men to be made in favour of the French; and on the other side, the King of France being already grown jealous of these negotiations, though he were made acquainted with them, began to think that the Imperialists might be entered into Giaradada, by the consent, and counsel of the Venetians; and that the Soldiers raised by the Venetians, might be to effect some new confederacy, which they might have made privately with the Emperor. The one and the other of them being much troubled hereat, they all of them endeavoured to make the Venetians side with them, or at least, to declare themselves. The King of England, to add necessity to his endeavours, made two of the Venetians great Galleys, which were full fraught with rich Merchandise, and which chanced to be then in his Havens, to be unloaded, under pretence that the Emperor would make use of them for his navigation: But notwithstanding all such occasions being over, the vessels, and goods, were still detained in that Island, to the great inconveniency of particular Venetian Merchants, and to the offence of the public dignity. On the other side the King of France did often advertise the Venetians of the very great preparation for War which he made to come with, into Italy: Touching which, he desired to receive the Senate's opinion and counsel. To which, answer being made in very affectionate terms, but without any particular expression concerning the Enterprise, they commended much the King's wisdom, saying, that he knew best the fittest time, and the condition of Forces wherewith he might securely effect what he had designed; but that it was to be believed, it was speed which was to do him most good therein, so to prevent the counsels and preparations of the Enemy. At the same time that these things were in treaty, News came that Soliman prepared a powerful and numerous Fleet, to assault, as was better known afterwards by the effect, the Isle of Rhodes, the seat and peculiar habitation at that time of the Knights of jerusalem. The News of this preparation made the Venetians make Dominico Trevisano their Captain General by Sea; they increased their number of Galleys, and the Garrisons of their Islands, minding chiefly the security of the Island of Cyprus, which, according to no slight suspicions which were given out, Soliman intended to assault with this Fleet. Trevisano was ordered to advance towards Cape Malio, to observe the ways of the Turkish Fleet, which if they should make towards Cyprus, that then he should go first to that Island, and should possess himself of the Haven of Famagosta; and that if the Turks should intend any prejudice to the Commonwealth, he should by all means possible endeavour the safety of the State, and the indemnity of its Subjects: But that if he should see they bend their Forces elsewhere, he should carry himself so, as Soliman might know, that their Fleet was intended for the safety of their own affairs, and not to hinder his designs: Thinking it no wisdom to expose the Commonwealth, which was hardly as yet freed from the malignity of fortune, and from so many cross and calamitous events of War on Terra firma, to greater, and more grievous dangers, for the safety of others, at a time when the other Christian Princes, being bend upon their private and present Interests, did not mind the public cause of Christendom. Adriano Fiorentino, by Nation a Low Country man, was now chosen Pope, a man but of mean Parentage, but highly esteemed by all men, for his goodness and learning, as also by reason of Charles the Emperor's grace and favour, whose Tutor he had been: He took upon him the name of Adrian the sixth, and departed soon by Sea from Spain, where he than was, to Nise, and from thence to Rome: Whither many Prelates and Ambassadors from Princes, flocked from all places, to do their wont obedience: The Senate of Venice sent six of their chief Senators in a solemn Embassy to Rome, to present themselves according to custom before the Pope's feet; To wit, Marco Dandalo, Luigi Mocenico, Vicenzo Capello, Antonio justiniano, Pietro Pesaro, and Marco Foscari. Who being gone as far on their way as Bologna, stayed there, because the Plague was grown very hot in Rome, and the infection still increasing, so as the Pope himself was forced to quit the City, they after a few days returned to Venice. The Pope wished very well to concord and general quiet, and was very zealous of the welfare of Christendom; for as soon as he took upon him the Popedom, he set himself wholly upon accommodateing of differences between Princes, and sent Briefs unto them all, wherein he piously and efficaciously exhorted them, all to lay down the arms which they had taken up one against another, that they might turn all of them jointly against the Turks, the common Enemy, who threatened grievous and instant danger to Christendom, and had now assaulted Rhodes with so great a power, threatening ruin to others. He gave many grave and fatherly admonitions in particular to the Venetians, exhorting them not only to dispose themselves to peace, but that they would, together with him, endeavour to accommodate the differences which were amongst other Princes; to the end, that they might at last join all of them in a firm League, and oppose the power and greatness of the Ottomans. But finding the Princes very slow, and cool in embracing his rememberances; and on the other side the dangers of Christendom increasing; for the Island of Rhodes was already taken by Soliman, with a powerful Army; the Pope thinking it became him to proceed more severely in this business; he made his Legates who were resident at all Prince's Courts, to present them with Monitories, whereby he made all such liable to Ecclesiastical censures, who did not within the space of 3 Months, apply themselves to accept of the universal Truce, which was propounded and treated of: And because the differences which were between Caesar and the Venetians, was a principal impediment to the bringing of this business to a good end, he offered to take upon himself the care of accommodateing all their difficulties. The mean while, he desired that a League might be made between the Church, the Emperor, Venetians, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines, for the de●ence and quiet of Italy. Which thing though it was known to be of itself very good and advantageous and was willingly listened unto by the Senate; yet there arose some difficulty in the manner of the Pope's propounding it, whereby it was clearly seen, that the end of this League aimed at the taking up arms against the Turks; by which vain rumour, the Venetians feared lest they might provoke the anger of a most powerful Prince against them; who was now more proud, and puffed up then ever, with his new victory: So as they might be the first, and peradventure, those alone, who were to withstand the violence of his Forces. The aforesaid Ambassadors were therefore more speedily dispatched away from Venice, to do their obeisance unto the Pope; and that they might inform him with their rational respect, and therewithal ascertain him of the Senate's good will, always ready, and disposed to peace, and true quiet with Christian Princes; and no less ready to wage War with the Turks, when they should see it might be done jointly, and with Forces fitting to suppress their power. The Ambassadors were honourably received by the Pope, who commended the Senate's good intention, promised to enlarge their privileges, and that he would so handle the League, as that it safely might be embraced by the Commonwealth; hoping (as he said) that when he should have any earnest of the other Princes good will, the Venetians would be the forwardest, and most servant in providing for the safety of Christendom, and in preventing so many eminent dangers. The Venetians did not this mean while intermit the treaty of agreement with Cesar, but to the end the particulars thereof might be more commodiously treated of, the Senate deputed three Senators, of several orders of the College, to wit Luigi Mocenico, Counsellor, Georgio Cornaro, Savio of the Counsel; and Marc Antonio Veniero, Savio di Terra firma: To negotiate all things thereunto belonging, with Adorno. The chief difficulty lay in finding how to accommodate things which were taken by all sides in time of War. Cesar propounded that all parties should keep what they were then possessed of, but the Venetians desired that all places which were usurped should be restored, and that all jurisdiction should return to the same condition it was in before. Whereunto was added that Cesar would have the Venetians bound by virtue of this confederacy, to defend not only the State of Milan, but the Kingdom of Naples also, generally against all men; the which the Venetians refused to do: For to oblige themselves to take up Arms against the Turks, seemed so dangerous, as the safety of this League did not counterpoise it; and that by sending their men so far from the State, would more weaken their affairs, than Cesar's friendship could secure them. Moreover this League aiming at the defending of Charles his Territories in Italy, from being offended by the French, the Kingdom of Naples was thought to be safe enough, by defending the State of Milan: the condition of times, and the Commonwealths occasions required, that before all other things, regard should be had to keep friendship with Soliman, who had a great Army ready to assault Hungary, as he did afterwards; so as it was wisely done to shun all occasions of irritating a powerful Prince, whose friendship they might make use of to the singular advantage of the City, by reason of the great good it reaps in time of Peace, by its many negotiations to the Levant: and the Commonwealth having at this time particularly sent Pietro Zeno to Constantinople, by reason of the success at Rhodes, he was honourably received by Soliman, and had quieted some former distastes, occasioned by certain dep redations made upon the confines of Dalmatia; and had obtained very large orders to the Sangiacchi of those neighbouring places, that they should deal friendly and neighbourly with all the subjects of the Commonwealth. But to return to the Treaty of the League. Many things were urged by Cesar's Agents to obtain their intent: That it was not reasonable, that since Cesar did prefer the friendship of the Commonwealth before his other conveniences and interests, he might also make use thereof for the preservation of his own States; nor ought it to be esteemed so hard a thing, nor so prejudicial to the Venetians, to send their Armies into the Kingdom of Naples, since there was an example thereof, when not many years since, they sent the Marquis of Mantua with their men, to assist the King of France. To satisfy which particulars in part, the Senate resolved to promise Cesar some Galleys for the defence of the Kingdom of Naples, provided that in time of such need, they should not be busied in the Turkish War. The slow and irresolute counsels of France, concerning the affairs of Italy, made the Venetians the more inclinable to agree with the Emperor; which affairs they thought the French to be far from thinking upon; for that it was said, all their forces would be turned upon the Kingdom of England: and truly, if no other accidents had intervened, the confederacy with Cesar had then been concluded: for Ambassadors came from the Archduke Ferdinand, in whose name Cesar's agents had formerly treated; who brought word, that their Prince's pleasure was, not to come to any certain agreement of Peace at that time, but only to a renewing of Truce for five years: for being but newly entered (as he said) into the Government, he was not so well informed of the State of his affairs, as was requisite, to come to such an agreement: so as the Archduke being excluded from this confederacy, whereby the chiefest difficulties which were between the Commonwealth, and the House of Austria, were kept on foot, the Venetians resolved not to conclude any thing with Charles the Emperor. Moreover, the Pope had at this time sent Campeggio, Bishop of Feltre, to the Venetian Senate, to exhort them to embrace the Universal League, and to put all other differences which were between them and Cesar, into his hands; alleging for this his request, that he feared if the Commonwealth should first confederate with the Emperor, and so forego the friendship of the French, the French would the more hardly be brought to join with the other Christian Princes in the general League against the Turks: This gave the Senate a just cause of new delay: but of all things else, Adorno's death did chiefly impede the conclusion of this business, who died in the beginning of the year 1523. A wary and wise man, who by his fair carriage, had won favour with the Senators. Marino Caracciola, the chief Apostolic Notary, who was already gone from Spain, and destined an Ambassador for Rome, was sent to Venice by Cesar, to supply his place. The King of France having certain knowledge of these practices, who did much suspect them before, sent Renzoda Ceri, and soon after Ambrogio da Fiorenza, and Monsieur di St Valiere to Venice, that they might assure the Venetians of the many preparations for War, which were making in France, and of his resolution of coming himself in person into Italy; and that consequently, they might solicit the Venetians to order their forces for the sudden attempting the enterprise of Milan; thinking hereby to remove the chief cause of the Senate treating of a new confederacy with Cesar, which the King and Court knew to be, because they feared that Forces would not come so soon, nor so strong from France as was requisite: But all these endeavours were of less efficacy, because little belief was given to the words nor promises of the French, of whom they had heard so much, and seen so little. Wherefore some colour for delay being made, by reason of the endeavours of an universal Truce, as hath been said, which was so much put for by the Pope, the Senate answered the Ambassadors, That they neither could, nor would do any thing, till they saw an end of this business, left they might seem to trouble the peace of Italy, and spoil the hopes of great good to Christendom. But the King of France having reasons for Truce propounded to him by the Venetians, and by the Pope himself, said, That he was not dis-enclined to lay down Arms, nor that he did desire to enjoy what belonged to another; but that his honour would not permit him now to desist from the recovery of the Dukedom of Milan, which was his; wherein if the Pope and Venetians would assist him, they should find him very ready for the future, to do any thing which might be for the common peace and safety: but that it was in vain to attempt the union of the Christian Princes, and the settlement of the affairs of Italy, without this. To which purpose, and in witness of his good will, he sent Lodovico Canosa, Bishop of Bayeux, to Rome, and to Venice. But howsoever, there was more noise of Wars heard, than effects seen: so as many months being spent in these transactions, with great variety of counsels and opinions, Peace and League was at last with great solemnity concluded between Cesar and the Venetians, the particulars whereof were these. That the Venetians should possess the Cities; Towns, Villages, and other places of their Dominion●, in the same jurisdiction as now they did▪ That they should pay two hundred thousand Crowns to Cesar within the space of eight years. That the Citizens of their State, who had adhered to Cesar, should return into their Country, and should be received into favour, all faults being forgiven to such of their Citizens as had followed Cesar 's party, to whom (in lieu of their confiscated goods) five thousand Ducats of yearly Revenue should be assigned. That restitution of all places taken, should be made by all parties, as was agreed upon at Worms; which, as soon as it should be performed in its other parts, the Venetians should be bound to disburse thirty eight thousand Ducats, as was likewise determined by the agreement at Worms. That it should be lawful for the subjects of the Venetians, as also for Cesar 's subjects, to live freely, and commerce in either of their Dominions, and that they should be civilly and lovingly treated, as subjects of the same Country. That for the defence of Milan, Sforza (for whom Cesar engaged his word) should be bound to maintain continually in time of Peace, five hundred Curassiers, and that the Venetians should maintain as many; but that in time of War, the number should be increased to eight hundred Curassiers, five hundred Light Horse, and six thousand Foot, with an answerable Train of Artillery; and that Charles should be obliged to do as much, for the defence of the State of Venice: and they all of them promised to hinder, for as much as in them lay, the coming of any victuals to any Enemy's Army, which should come to the prejudice of their States. It was also added, that the Venetians should be particularly obliged to defend the Kingdom of Naples in time of War, with five and twenty armed Galleys; which defence was intended to be made against Christian Princes, and when the Commonwealth should not be busied in any Turkish war. The Kings of Poland, Hungary, and Portugal, the Duke of Savoy, Commonwealth of Florence, Antonio Adorno, Duke of Genua, the House of Medici, and the Marquis of Monferato, were included, as friends to all parties concerned in this confederacy; and the Pope and King of England were named as Keepers and Conservators of these Articles. The Peace being thus concluded, Lorenzo Pri●li, and Andre● Navagiero were chosen Ambassadors to be sent from Venice to the Emperor, and Carlo Contarini to the Archduke, Cesar's brother, to congratulate this renewed confederacy, and to witness the Senate's desire to continue in friendship with the House of Austria. And because Trivultio, Governor of the Venetian Militia, depended much upon the French party, that charge was taken from him; yet they were very civil to him in their words, and seemed very well satisfied with his service, offering him a pension of three thousand crowns a year, if he would live in the Commonwealth as a private man, till a better time and occasion should happen. But he refusing all offers, would return to France. This place, under the same Title of Commissary General, and upon the same conditions as Trivulcio had served, was given to Francisco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbine, he and his State being protected by the Commonwealth, against whosoever should molest it. They discharged themselves to the King of France, answerable to the time and occasion, excusing this their resolution, partly by reason of the slowness of his provisions, by which their hopes, which were grounded upon his forces and assistance, were too much weakened; and partly by reason of the Pope's commands, that they might no longer hinder, nor delay the Treaty of universal peace, which he did so affectionately propound and desire. But the resolution the King of France put on, when he was assured of the League made between Cesar and the Senate, was certainly very strange, differing from the common opinion of men, and very void of reason: Whence it may be conceived, how hard it is to know the secret thoughts of Princes, by any force of argument, or by the rules of ordinary reason; or to foresee their actions before they be done. King Francis, who being entreated and solicited by the Venetians to come into Italy, when he might hope to be received, and assisted by the Commonwealth, which he in his own judgement knew to be of great concernment, was either averse thereunto, or at least, but cool therein: now when he wanted such friendship and aid, when he was sure to meet with great opposition in Italy, where all were become his enemies, when the dangers and difficulties appeared to be greatest; resolved to undertake the business of Milan: But the Duke of Burbon's rebellion being at this time discovered, so as he had reason to apprehend danger at home, he was forced to forbear that his fervency at that time; so as tarrying himself with part of his forces in France, he sent Monsieur di Bonivette, Admiral of France, into Italy, with two thousand Lanciers, and twelve thousand Foot of several Nations. Though Prospero Colonna was not ignorant of these preparations, yet did he not so much consider them, as the importance of the affair required. But when the French Army began to move, and that those suspicions proved true, which he would not credit before, he assembled speedily all the men he could, and came first to the banks of the Tesino, hoping to hinder the enemy's passage; which quickly finding he could not do, he entered with part of his soldiers into Milan, and with the rest increased the Garrisons of Pavia and Cremona, abandoning Lodi; to the end that he might not weaken the more important places, by dividing his small forces into so many Garrisons. The Venetians being advertised hereof, that they might readily make good their new confederacy, ordered their Curassiers to go towards the banks of Oglio, and resolved at the same time to raise six thousand Foot, and four hundred Light Horse, for the defence of the State of Milan, and other three thousand to dispose of in the Garrisons of their Cities. They made Lunardo Emo Commissary General of the Army, and acquainted the Duke of Urbine, that he would come speedily into Lombardy, to execute the place which he had taken upon him. But the Admiral being quickly passed over the mountains, and it being said that he advanced with his Army to pass over the Tesino, the Venetians resolved to bring their men into Giaradada, to secure the Cities of Bergamo and Crema, and that they might be the readier to succour Milan. And because the Duke was long a coming, they sent a Secretary of the Pregadi to hasten him. But the French having taken up their quarters between Binasco and Bigrassa, twelve miles distant from Milan, and the Duke not being as yet come unto the Army, they were doubtful whether they should pass over the Oglio or no. Thinking it then the safer way to bring their Army (which they understood the French intended to assault) into some strong place upon the Banks of Ada, where it might be free from that danger. So the Venetian Camp was at last brought to Pontivico, whither the Duke of Urbino came within a few days. Not far from hence was the Marquis of Mantua encamped with other forces: Wherefore Colonna did earnestly desire both of them, that they would join together, and enter into Lodi, which was not yet possessed by the Enemy. But they both of them refused to do it; the Marquis saying that he would go with his men to succour Parma; holding himself bound to do so, as being a Soldier of the Church; and the Venetians General, because he thought he could not do it without much danger. So as Lodi being abandoned by all, fell easily into the Frenchman's hands. Who having resolved to succour the Castle of Cremona, sent to Marignano, Frederico Bozzole with 6000 Foot and 400 Launciers, wherewith they began to straiten the City; which having within it 4000 Foot, and 100 Curassiers, did manfully defend itself, and beat back the French several times. Yet Cesar's Ambassador and the Duke of Milan's did earnestly entreat the Senate of Venice, that their men might pass as soon as might be over the River Oglio, and incamp in some strong situation in the Territories of Cremona; that so by raising jealousies in the French, they might keep them from persisting in the Enterprise of Cremona. But the French intended nothing but Milan, before which they were sat down, and that they might keep it from being relieved, endeavoured to hold those forces which might assist the Besieged, busied else where. For which their intention it made much that they should keep their men at Caravaggio and Montia, in the Territories of Cremona: Whereby the Venetian Army was troubled much to advance. This the Enemy's counsel being discovered by the Emperor's Commanders, who did not justly weigh the dangers and difficulties, was the reason why they did greatly solicit the Venetians, that their men passing suddenly over the Ada at Trecco, might place themselves somewhere, whereby the City of Milan might be succoured. Whereupon many things being discussed by the Senators, and knowing that the best resolution to be put on therein, consisted in the particular condition of places, and variety of accidents, they committed the whole business to the opinion, faith, and diligence of the Duke their General, leaving him to do what he thought might make most for the advantage of the Enterprise, and for the satisfaction of the Colleagues: Having a convenient regard to the preservation of that Army, on which the security of their State did chiefly depend. But the Duke, having maturely considered all the situations, resolved to quarter his men beyond the River Oglio, between Romano and Martiningo: at which the Imperialists being but badly satisfied, they desired that the Venetian Camp might be brought nearer Trecco, and that if the Duke should not think fit to pass with all his men then over the Ada, he should at least send 3000 Foot, 200 Curassiers, and 100 Light horse to relieve Colonna, when they should be desired by him to do so. Which thing being very hardly to be done, the Duke sent Baldisera Signorelli to Milan, to inform himself more particularly of Colonna's pleasure and designs, and of the Enemies proceedings. This mean while other succours came to defend the State of Milan; for 400 Lance Knights, whom Cesar had taken into pay in the Archduke's Country▪ came to the Territories of Verona, by the way of Trent; and the Viceroy of Naples was already on his way with an Army: To whom for his greater honour, the Venetians sent their Ambassador Carlo Contarini to meet him, and to be assistant to him. The Duke of Burbone was likewise speedily expected, whom Cesar had declared to be his Lieutenant General, in Italy, and to whom he had committed the whole management of the War. Yet amidst the fury of arms, the business of agreement between the Emperor and the most Christian King was not pretermitted. The Archbishop of Bari, who was once Nuntio from the Pope in France, was at this time gone into Spain, to treat upon the conditions of peace. Which though of itself it was pleasing to the Commonwealth, in relation to the general agreement, yet could they not but be troubled thereat, by reason that by former example they could not be totally free from fear that these two Princes might agree, leaving them out, and peradventure to their prejudice. Yet the Senate unwilling to be faulty to the obligations of confederacy, without some more evident reason, gave commission to their Commissaries, that if the Imperialists should have a mind to go into the field with all their Forces, they should join with the Viceroy of Naples, and pass over the Ada: But so as they might leave good Garrisons for the security of their Towns, and be sure to quarter themselves in some strong and safe place, and that above all things they should shun being necessitated to go into Milan. But however, the execution of this Order was delayed; nor did the Army pass over the Ada: For the Duke of Urbane thought it not safe, to go into the field with those men, till the Lance Knights, and the Marquis of Mantua's forces were arrived: and especially, having understood, that more Swissers were come into the French camp, so as they now amounted to the number of 10000 Wherefore, being desired by the Imperialists to go with his Army to Belrisguarda, he refused to go; for, that quarter being but bore four miles from the French camp, he had reason to fear, that being so near the Enemy, he might be forced to fight, against his will, and upon disadvantage: He was moreover troubled, to think that the Territories of Crema, or of Burgamo, might be assaulted by those of Lodi, whether 2000 Swissers were lately come: which Country was threatened also with another danger, it being given out, that 6000 Grisons were sent by the King of France to endamage it; who, just at this time, had dismissed the Venetian Ambassador his Court. But at last, the Viceroy continuing to solicit the joining of Forces, the Senate, to avoid the giving suspicion of any distrust, resolved to send again to the Duke of Urbane, to join with the Imperialists; having, the mean while, taken into pay 3000 Italian Foot, & 400 Light-horse in Greece, for the preservation and safety of their State; and the charge of these men was given to jovanni Moro, who was then chosen Podesta of Crema, with the Title of Commissary General in Bresciana: and Emo, who was Commissary of the camp, being at that same time very sick, he got leave of the Senate to return to his own Country; and Pietro Pesaro was chosen in his place. But Carlo Contarini, after having stayed a while with the Viceroy, was sent to Milan, to the end that a Public person might be near the Duke, till such time as Marc' Antonio Veniero, who was intended to be sent Embadour to him, but was now sick, might go to perform his Embassy. By the Venetians drawing near to the Town of Trecco, the Marquis of Mantua being gone, to the same purpose, to Pavia, the French Army was brought to a great scarcity of Victuals; all passages being blocked up, by which provisions were formerly brought to the camp: in which the Venetians Grecian Horss did very good service: So as the Admiral fearing lest his Army might be reduced to the same necessity, whereunto he had thought to reduce Milan, he resolved to enlarge the siege, and to take up his quarters 12 miles further off. The Apostolic Sea being at this time two month's vacant, by the death of Adrian, a new Pope, to the general joy and satisfaction of all men, was chosen: For julio, Cardinal of Medici, being called up to the Supreme dignity, who was afterwards called Clement the 7th, and was held by all men to be of a mature Judgmement, great Ingenuity, and of admirable dexterity, in weighty and important business; it was thought, that Christendom was fitly provided of such a head, as did become the conditions of those times. The Senate, desirous to do all honour and reverence to the new Pope, resolved to send him eight Ambassadors, all of them chief Senators of the Commonwealth, to congratulate his election, and to do their obeissance to him: These were, Marco Dandalo, jerolomi da Pesaro, Dominico Veniero, Vicenzo Carepello, Thomasa Contarino, Lorenzo Braggadino, Nicolo Tiepolo, and Luigi Bono. Soon after, the Duke Antonio Grimani died, having had the Dukedom only 22 months: His funeral Oration was made by Frederico Valeresso, a young man, very eminent for his learning; and he was honoured with a stately Tomb in St. antony's Church: Andree Gritti was created Duke in his place; a man of great worth and fame, who had for many years before been employed in all the most important businesses of the Commonwealth, both at home and abroad; as partly may be seen by what we have related: So as it fell out very happily for the Commonwealth; that in time of so great commotions of Arms, a man of mature Wisdom, and of very great Experience should happen to be their head. Thus ended the Year 1523. The Year 1524 followed: In the beginning whereof, the Affairs of France, which did already begin to decline, fell into much greater, and irreparable ruin: For the Admiral being brought into great straits, both of Victuals and money, so as many soldiers left the camp every day, did notwithstanding still continue obstinately in his opinion, increasing rather the disorders thereby, then seeking to remedy them, by some new resolves, till such time, as he was glad to free the State of Milan from all danger, rather by his flight, then by his retreat, as shall be said hereafter. By the enemy's falling further off, the Venetian Army was advanced to join with the Viceroy, and with the Marquis of Mantua, who leaving a sufficient Garrison in Milan, were come before to those quarters; so as the Imperialists being very strong, came too within five miles of the French camp: and did not only hinder them from making any further proceedings, but did much endamage them; hindering, and disturbing their victuals: and afterwards, assuming more courage, the Venetians and Imperialists passed over the Tessino, near Pavia, to make themselves masters of the Country, and to keep the Enemy from those things which it did furnish them withal. Which the French Commanders not having timely foreseen, they were likewise forced to pass over the River, to oppose the Imperialists designs: But the Duke of Urbane being gotten beyond the Tessino, began to possess himself of the Country, and much to the praise of the Venetian soldiers, stormed the Town of Garlasco, a place esteemed strong, both by situation and Art, and wherein there was a good Garrison, and did advance so gallantly with his Army, as many Towns did of themselves come in to the Imperialists; which harms the Admiral had hoped to prevent, rather by the forces and advice of others than his own; for having heard that Renzo da Ceri being already come to the confines of the State of Venice with 8000 Grisons, was ready to enter with them into the Territories of Bergamo, he thought that the Venetians, moved by this danger, would have recalled their Forces, to defend their own affairs: he hoped likewise that the Swissers, which were sent him by the King, would come quickly, whereby he might recrute his Army, which was much diminished: but failing in both these hopes; for the Venetians provided sufficiently against the Invasion of the Grisons, who finding that they were likely to meet with opposition, and not with help, as was promised them, retreated quickly to their homes: and the Swissers being come to the River which they found so swollen, as they could not pass over it, were forced to stay on the other side of the River; so as the Admiral marched thetherward, but was still pursued by the Imperialists, and infected by them, and throwing a bridge over the Sesia, passed his whole Army over it, that he might join with the Swissers, and put himself into better order. But the Imperialists, finding in what disorder the French were in, (for in their March they had left many pieces of artillery, and other ammunition behind them,) desired the Duke of Urbane, that he would together with them pass over the Lesia, and so make use of the occasion which was offered them, of destroying the Enemy's Army totally: Which request the Duke did not deny, l●st the enemy might have stayed there, if they had not been followed: But howsoever resolving to go no further, (for the Articles of confederacy were fulfilled on the Venetians part, in his having defended the state of Milan:) he ordered Commissary Pietro da Pesaro, that, the very day which was destined for the passing over Sesia, he should retreat with the Foot: and the Imperialists beginning to pass over the next day before day break, the Duke passed over likewise with all his Horse: which when the French understood, they quitted their quarters, and hasted to return back over the mountains, lest they might have been fallen upon by two Armies. The Duke after he had ridden a little further on with the Imperialists, told them the Commonwealth was not bound to do any more than what they had done, nor could he enter into the Duke of Savoy's Country without a new Commission; so passing back again over the River, he joined with Commissary Pesaro: for which the Duke was very much praised; who, having showed his wisdom, valour, and Loyalty, in this, as in all his other actions, the Senate, in acknowledgement of his deserts, though he had served but some few months of 5 years which he was to serve, honoured him with the Title of Captain General, gave him the command of the Curassiers, and added to his stipend; and his name grew very famous throughout all Italy. While the Venetians were busied in this War, they were threatened elsewhere with great dangers, and were full of Jealousy; which put them to many other expenses: for they daily discovered more haughty and ambitious thoughts in Soliman the Emperor of the Turks, numerous Armies, great preparations of Fleets, and a mighty desire of Warlike glory. Wherefore their State being to be in continual jealousy, by reason of the power and ambition of so formidable an neighbour, the Commonwealth kept all her places by Sea strongly garrisoned; especially the Island of Cyprus, which they knew Soliman did very much thirst after. To supply so many expenses, they were forced to take several extraordinary courses for the raising of moneys; particularly, by many Lones of particular Citizens, and Cities; who seeing the occasion, did, with much readiness, offer some of them 10000 Ducats, some more, according to their several abilities. The difficulties with the house of Austria were not at this time fully ended, nor all the Capitulations agreed upon: Wherefore, Guiddo d'alla Torre was sent to Venice by the Archduke Ferdinand, with whom they treated, and concluded what belonged to the restitution of the places in Friuli: But more difficulties arising concerning the parts about Verona, to put an end thereto, it was resolved, that Commissioners should be sent, from all parties concerned, to Riva di Trento; whether the Arduke's Commissioners being come first, and not finding those of the Venetians there, after a short stay, they departed, and left the business undecided: nay, new disputes arose to hinder the effecting of what was formerly agreed upon with la Torre: so as to the great displeasure of the Venetians, this root of descension between the Commonwealth, and the house of Austria remained yet alive. At this time, the King of France, not having given over his thoughts concerning the affairs of Italy, for all his Armies unfortunate success; nor any whit abated his former fervency; but being the rather more incensed, for that the Imperialists, not content to have defended the State of Milan, had endeavoured to trouble him in his own Kingdom, and to provoke the King of England against him, had been very solicitous, and careful in providing all things necessary for his own coming very speedily, and very strong, into Italy: which he might the easier do, by reason that all his men were returned safe into France. The Venetians were much troubled at these mighty and important preparations of the French: Not only in relation to the great expenses and disturbances, to which they were obliged by the League which they had made with Cesar, for the defence of the State of Milan; but for fear of their own affairs: The King appearing to be very much offended with them, not only for what they had at first done against him; but for that being afterward desired to reassume their friendship with him, they would not forego Cesar: and for that Martino Bovolino, being lately come to Venice, in the names of the Lords of the three Leagues, to entreat and exhort the Senate to renew their ancient confederacy with the French, the Senate persisting in their opinion, and justifying their last actions, by the necessity of the times, and by the Pope's command, said they could not at the present satisfy their desires, by reason of their new League; which they could not be faulty to, without some marks of infamy, and peradventure not without some danger. Therefore things continuing in their former condition, and the French Army passing notwithstanding over the Mountains, the Venetians made all their Soldiers which were in the several Garrisons of the State, be brought to the Territories of Verona: and having thereof framed the body of an Army, they commanded the Duke of Urbi●, and the Commissary Pesaro, to come speedily thither, and there to expect Orders from them. But the Pope, being more afraid, and full of jealousies, did continually solicit the Venetians to keep inviolably in good intelligence with him, and in reciprocal good will, and to proceed always with one and the same advice and counsel, since the respects were the same in them both, for the defence of their own particular States, and for the common Liberty of Italy. He commended their keeping fast to the Imperialists, and their minding the defence of the State of Milan, if they really thought they could do it; but that if they should see they were not able to resist the powerful Forces of France, they should begin betimes to reconcile themselves with the most Christian King, not tarrying to make peace upon unreasonable conditions, when the King should use such insolences towards them, as do usually accompany the victories and good fortune of Princes: That they must consider the power of the French was very great, and apt to turn the whole State of Italy upside down: Since to boot with the numerous Army which the King brought with him, his Forces that had defended Marcelles (now that that City was freed from danger) were embarked for Italy, and bend against the Kingdom of Naples, And on the contrary, that all the Emperor's designs upon the Kingdom of France were proved vain, and no less than the rest, their hopes grounded upon the Duke of Burbones rebellions. That the King of England growing apprehensive of the Emperors too much greatness, gave certain signs that he would not keep the capitulations made with him: Wherefore if it should be thought fit for the Church, and the Commonwealth, to think of an accommodation with the Christian King, they must not lose time, which was to their manifest danger and prejudice: But that they should rather send sufficient commission to their Ambassador Marco Foscari, who was at Rome, to intervene and listen to those Treaties, which were already promised by the French. Which things though they were propounded by the Pope by the way of advice, yet it was evident that he was inclined to a new confederacy with the French, to secure the State of the Church, and State of Florence; which he had the greater care of, because the Duke of Albany being to pass through Tuscany, to the prejudice of Cesar's affairs, the Florentines were exposed to more certain and nearer danger. But the Pope, cloaking this particular Interest as much as he could, laboured to prove that his only aim was at universal peace, and to free Italy from War, for the common good of Christendom; and that he laboured to break the business to the King of France, to dispose him the easilier to an agreement with Charles and Ferdinand of Austria. To which purpose he said he would send (as he did afterwards) his Almoner Mattheo Giberto to entreat the King to make peace with Cesar. But which commission even then, as was afterwards known, to negotiate particular conventions for himself, and for the Florentines; the Commonwealths interest, being neither wholly left out, nor wholly considered. But the Senate were of opinion, that no greater necessity appearing, they were not to forego their friendship and confederacy with Cesar, as unwilling to show so much inconstancy, as also not to make the Emperor their Enemy, before they had more certainty of the King of France his good will: And therefore they had resolved that their men should enter in to the Dukedom of Milan, for Caesar's service. But the Duke of Urbino, not obeying this order suddenly, gave them to understand that it was very dangerous for the affairs of the Commonwealth, to pass at that time so forward with the Army; for by securing the State of Milan so early by their forces, they gave the Enemy occasion to turn elsewhere, and peradventure, upon their Commonwealth; that therefore they might expect till the French Army was passed over the River Sisa, and then put their resolution in effect. But the French without any delay, came into the State of Milan, before it was thought they would have done; so as the whole Army drew near the City, and got into the Suburbs by the Gate Ticinese, before the City, which was but ill provided of Rampires and victuals, could be sufficiently succoured. So as all the Imperial Commanders together with their men, that were within the Town, were glad to retreat suddenly: the Duke of Bourbon, the Viceroy, and Sforza, went to Soncino, and the Marquis of Piscara to Lodi: But their chief care was, how to Garrisonnize the City of Pavia very strongly, which they thought might be better defended then any of the other Cities. They therefore put Antonio da Leva thereinto, with three hundred Curassiers, and five thousand Foot, part Spanish, part Dutch, all of them being old Soldiers. Thus did the French easily get Milan, which was abandoned by the Imperialists. But the King would not suffer the Soldiers to enter the Town, to preserve it from sacking. At the same time, john Stuart, Duke of Albany, sent by the King of France to assault the Kingdom of Naples, with two hundred Lanciers, seven hundred Light Horse, and four thousand Swissers, desired leave of the Pope to pass thorough the State of the Church, and thorough Tuscany, to go to Naples; which the French did the rather endeavour, that the Imperial Forces drawing towards those parts, the State of Milan might be the weaklier defended, whereof many Towns did daily surrender, without making almost any opposition: But the main point of the War was brought to about Pavia, to the taking whereof, the King was come in person with his whole Army, firmly resolving not to rise from before it, till he had taken it; for he thought, that to leave a City of the Enemies behind him, so well munited with men, would be to the danger, and certainly, to the dishonour of that his Army, which was said to consist of above 24000 Foot, 2000 Curassiers, a great Train of Artillery, and wherein were all the famous Warriors of France: and on the other side, the Cesarians placed their chiefest hopes of good event, in the preservation of that City; wherefore all men's eyes were turned upon this business, whereupon other important effects were to depend. The Pope and the Venetians were chiefly solicitous herein; fearing on the one side, that the French forces, who were but badly satisfied with them, might prove victorious; and on the other side, that if the Imperialists should beat the French, they would remain the sole Arbitrators of all Italy: So as it being hard to know which party it was best to take to, in so difficult a business, they spun it out in length, pitching almost upon a Neutrality; therefore neither did their men go to assist the Imperialists, neither did they come to any agreement, with the French; but expecting what the success at Pavia would be, which the Town being now besieged, would require some time, they thought to make advantage of time. Yet the Pope, to the end that if need should be, he might come to better conclusion with the French, he by means of his Almoner, who was already sent to the camp, did negotiate divers things tending to agreement. To the which the King of France seeming to be very well inclined, the business would have been soon agreed, had not the arrival of some new advertizements stopped it on the Pope's behalf; for News being come that 6000 Dutch Foot, which were sent by the Emperor to relieve Milan, were already come to Ispruch, with whom the Archduke Ferdinand was to come himself in person into Italy; and also that the Spanish Foot which were destined for the same purpose, were already embarked the Pope being somewhat encouraged, and thinking it stood with his honour (since he was not enforced by any greater necessity) to seem that he had realy (according as it was given out) sent his Almoner to the French camp to treat of general peace, together with particular agreement; sent Paolo Vittori to the Viceroy, to witness unto him his great desire answerable to the place he was in, to make peace between the King of France and Cesar, so as they might both attend, according to their callings, to repair the present mischiefs, which were threatened Christendom by Soliman, who was already armed in the field. That having therein all fitting respect to Cesar's benefit and satisfaction he would propound very good conditions unto him, if, as he had often affirmed, his mind were inclined to peace. To wit, that he might freely keep possession of the Kingdom of Naples, wherein he would oblige himself to maintain, and defend him: And that the French should possess the Dukedom of Milan, but upon particular promise, not to make any other attempt upon Italy, without the Pope's consent. Which negotiations being held on for a few days, produced no other fruit, but divers jealousies, both in the French, and Spaniards; so as both parties did continue to solicit the Venetians to favour them; Girolemo de Pij came to Venice, on the behalf of the French, endeavouring that the Commonwealth would renew their Friendship with the most Christian King, or at least, that she would not be against him. And the Viceroy sent Charles of Arragon thither, desiring the Senate that they would cause their men to join with the Imperialists. The French Ambassador was answered in general terms, showing that they had referred this whole business to the Pope; but they gave the Viceroy many reasons why they had delayed sending their men. Thus they continued to proceed irresolutely a good while; till at last the Pope having made agreement, though very secretly, with the King of France, in behalf of himself and of the Venetians; reserving a caution unto themselves, and entering protestation likewise, that they did not enter into the League to interrupt the general peace; the Senate was necessitated to come to some resolution. Many things, and with much diversity of opinion were consulted hereupon. And the Senate being met upon a day appointed, to put a final end to the business; Georgio Cornaro, Procurator, who had still been of the same opinion, spoke thus. I was never of their minds, who think that States may be always governed by the same Rule; and who are for the continuing in the same opinion on which they have once been of, without distinguishing of times or affairs. I very well know the uncertainty and variety of th●se affairs that we busy ourselves about in these our discussions, and therefore I do little rely upon myself▪ or my own judgement; and I use not to be t●o forward in speaking my sense of things, lest I may say somewhat which I may afterwards repent: Which custom of mine I do now the more willingly follow, for that the business is dubious and difficult, and subject to various and important accidents. We speak of making a new League with the King of France, and of foregoing that which but some months ago we made with Cesar, which was published, and begun to be observed. I see that the State of the affairs of Italy is in a sho●t time altered; and our designs, hopes, and fears, altered through new accidents; but I see also and very well know, that this fluctuation and variety is such, as we cannot ground any counsels we can take, upon assured foundations; nor can we presume that o●r this days results, though now good, will prove so to morrow; for the Fortune of War is still in question, and what the success shall be of the offence, or defence of the State of Milan, is uncertain: The whole condition of the affairs of Italy is most uncertain, she is shaken and disturbed by the arms of two of the chiefest Princes of Christendom. Wherefore, to know whereupon we may with most s●●ety repose our hopes, and our advices, we must accurately consider the State of affairs; balancing the various, nay rather, contrary respects; but chiefly, we must lay aside all affection of love or fear, by which we may be yet more blinded in coming to the knowledge of this truth, which is of itself obscure, and ha●d to be f●und. The King of France is come into Italy with a most powerful Army contrary to the opinion of all men; and therefore finding the State of Mi●lan for the most part unprovided, he hath so happily begun his Enterprise as by marching, not by fight, by the bare name and reputation o● his Forces, he without use of weapons, or exposing himself to danger, hath put the Enemy to flight, won a great part of the Country, taken the very City of Milan and found all things prosperous and obedient: But it seems this his too hasty Fortune is very soon at an end; and having now sat down before Pavia, he meets with expense of time, and unexpected difficulties, in compassing his end: so as the issue thereof is not only doubtful, but the whole fortune, and end of the War, depends thereupon. It is above forty days since the French sat down before Pavia; yet do we not find their hopes of getting it, much increase, nor the courage and fervency of those that do defend it, diminish; nor the Imperial Commanders slacken in their diligence to relieve it: It is certainly a very hard business to foresee the event of this Siege; but it is easy to know, that all other successes will for the most part depend upon this: for the Imperialists having the Cities of Lodi and Cremona, whereinto they have put great Garrisons, and are very busy in fortifying them, if they can likewise defend Pavia, who (as we know) do expect a succour of Spanish and Dutch Foot to be brought them by the Archduke Ferd●n●nd himself, they may easily maintain the State of Milan, and force the French to pass back over the mountains; and the more numerous their Army is, and full of all the Nobility of France, so much the more it may be doubted that it may disband, both by reason of the great expense, and inconveniences, which it will not be long able to undergo; as also, out of the natural custom of that Nation, not go●d at patiently supporting any enterprise lo●g, as of late years we have had many experiences. If then this should happen, as it easily may, and that the French being either driven away by the Enemy's Forces, or confused by their own disorders, should forgo the Dukedom of Milan, and should return to France, and that we shall have abandoned Cesar 's friendship, not have valued our Confederacy, broken our Covenants, and by this ou● inconstancy and fickleness of faith, shall have purchased, not only the Emperor's displeasure, but shall grow hateful to all men, what is it that we may not have reason to fear: The Imperialists being so very strong, s●●ll satisfied with us, fit to offend us, and disposed so to do? Whereby our own troubles will not be a little increased, and our afflictions and dangers will be the less compassionated by others, since it is ourselves who have been the occasion of our mischief, which God grant it may not prove very great; and that (together with our own ruin) we draw not after us, the r●ine of all Italy: For the Imperialists being armed, and strong in Italy, as they are, and the counterpoise of the French Forces being taken away, who knows not that they will not only possess the State of Milan quietly, but will be Arbitrators of all the affairs of Italy. For the prevention whereof, si●ce the Forces of all the Italian Princes are not able to make head against him, and effectually oppose so great and formidable a Power, There is no other remedy against so eminent a danger, but to take all occasion of anger from the Emperor, by showing ourselves ready and willing, whereby he may be the more induced to establish peace. But if we should be otherwise minded, it is not these reasons only which persuades us to continue our confederacy with Cesar, but even necessity does force us so to do. For, for us only to follow this advice, and to unhearde ourselves from the other Potentates of Italy, in the defence of common liberty, would be to take too great a weight upon us, with no small danger: For I know not what grounds we can have to rely upon the other Princes of Italy. The Pope is immoderately fearful, inconstant, irresolute in his Counsels, low in moneys, and ready to repose his safety rather in the reverence which is born unto his person, and in the respect which is to be had unto the Church, then in his own forces, or those of his confederates; The Florentines must do as he doth: The Duke of Ferara, fearing to be bereft of the City of Modena by the Pope, and of Reggio, is ready to side with any body, and come what will come, to close with the most powerful, ●o● save his own stake: And the other lesser Potentates, not thinking that they depend upon the Authority of any others; so as they may by any means, preserve themselves will side with the Conqueror. But on the other side, if we shall continue our League made with Cesar, and that the French get the upper hand in this War; we are not to fear the like dangers, for our Counsels, and Actions, will be much excused by the tye of our League with Cesar, which is very well known to the French; and which they know it was necessity which forced us to no free will; nor was it without some fault of theirs, by reason of their slowness in making necessary provisions for maintaining War against Cesar. Moreover, as we being mindful of the friendship which for these many years we have had with them, those respects and dangers being over, shall willingly join with them; so it is to be believ●d that they will have the like inclination; which clearly shown by their Kings having so often and so fervently pressed us to close again with him, and to renew our ancient friendship, and confederacy. But that which may better witness his will thereunto, is his own interest, which will always easily persuade him, to endeavour our friendship, and to put an esteem upon it; either to keep what he hath gotten, or to make further acquisitions in Italy: For he shall happen to drive the Spaniards out of the State of Milan, he will not notwithstanding, have driven them out of all Italy: Nay, as long as the Spaniards possess the Kingdom of Naples, so Noble and so Principal a place, the French will still have new suspicions of their Forces, and new desires to possess themselves of that Kingdom; to the which they pretend as well as to the State of Milan: Wherein our Forces, and our assistants will be too useful for them to make them despise us or to refuse our friendship. By all these reasons it clearly appears, that come what will come, we may more easily make friendship with the French, then with the Spaniard. Therefore, my opinion is, that whilst things are in this doubtfulness, and suspension, and the event of War so uncertain, we make not too much hast to have that with danger, which we may soon after hope to have with more honour, and safety, when there shall be a fitter occasion to treat: For the present, we may do better to temporize, and put ourselves as little as we can out of our own power; neither to agree with the French, nor totally to satisfy the Imperialists, but to wait the advantage of time: for a few days will show us what we had best to do, for the safety of our Commonwealth, and for the Liberty of Italy. Cornaro was willingly listened unto, and his wise counsel much commended: But to the contrary of his opinion, Dominico Trivisan, Procurator, and a Senator of great authority, spoke thus. Our Commonwealth is at the present in such a condition, both in respect of the potent Princes, who set all their thoughts, and bend all their Forces upon Italy; and in respect of our own low and weak condition, by reason of long Wars, such expenses, so many, and so grievous misfortunes, for so many years, as we are necessitated to accommodate ourselves to the times, and to change often our opinions, our thoughts, our friends, and our enemies, to be jealous of all Powers, to fear much, to be but little confident, and vigilantly observing other men's ways, to govern ourselves accordingly; having amidst this Inconstancy, a constant, and firm object in all our actions, to wit, the safety of our State, and the flourishing of our Commonwealth: By doing thus, we have freed our Commonwealth from many calamities, whereinto she was fallen of late years: By the like we may still preserve her, and bring her at last into a quiet condition. We have for many years passed followed the friendship of the French, and therein made trial both of prosperous and adverse fortune; but in these last days, finding that the King of France neglected the affairs of Italy, and that the burden of the War whereinto we entered to serve him, lay upon us, we were forced to close with Cesar, to provide in time for our own safety. When we were joined with the Imperialists, we were not wanting in our duties; but by the assistance of our forces, and of our Armies, the Admiral was driven out of Italy, and the Dukedom of Milan secured: But if the Imperialists have drawn the King of France his forces again into Italy, by provoking him, and by assaulting him in his own Dominions, and that through their negligence, and by their not having provided time enough for the affairs of War, they have left the way open and easy for a new Invasion into the Dukedom of Milan, Are we to make good their faults, or to supply their Omissions? He who shall consider all things aright, will always think, that the French first, and now the Spaniard, have rather been wanting both to themselves and us, than we to any of them: But such considerations are more esteemed of, by reason of a certain institution of this State, of preserving their Word and Honesty, than out of the ordinary reason of State used now adays by Princes; who measure all things by their own peculiar Interests. Let us then consider according to this true rule, what we are now to do; Whether (as the present condition of affairs stand, we may hope for greater security, peace, and quiet, by the King of France his friendship, or by the Emperors. We have always constantly hel●, that the chief means to preserve our Commonwealth, and the Liberty of Italy, in these miserable times whereinto we are fallen, is to keep these two potent Princes powers equally counterpoised, that, of the Most Christian King, Francis; and that, of Charles the Emperor. And that to endeavour that both of them may have some footing in Italy, since the power, force's, and intelligence of the Italian Princes is not able to drive them both out, is a good and wholesome advice: So as that there may be continual emulations, suspicions, and jealousies between them. This it is that makes them put an high esteem upon the Friendship of the Commonwealth, and endeavour it by all means: For he who can join with us, gets the better of the other, is more certain to keep what he hath, and confides more in getting what he desires. If we then shall continue in League with Cesar, and shall by our Forces make his weakness good; and when his Armies shall be grown stronger, and we joining with them, we shall endeavour to drive King Francis out of Italy, (as lately befell his Commanders, and his Army) are we not aware that we do hereby draw great mischief upon ourselves, and put all Italy under the Spanish yoke; and by confirming them in the greatest part thereof, make way for their immoderate ambition to become Masters of the rest. The French, if all these their so great Forces shall prove vain, will despair of ever doing good in Italy; they will turn their Weapons, and their thoughts elsewhere, especially when they shall see that all Italian Princes grow obdurate against them; it will be then too late to have recourse to them for help against so eminent slavery, or to curb the Spaniards insolency; for all that is said by him who is of a contrary opinion, makes much for what I say: Since the greater Cesar 's power grows, the more need have we to withstand it betimes, by endeavouring to moderate it, and by not permitting, that, through our idleness, or (as some would have it) through our assistance, it grow more formidable. But if it be good for us at the present, neither to assist the Imperialists, as we are bound by our League to do, nor yet to join in new confederacy with the French; we must consider on the contrary, that this our slowness may produce the same effect, as our total alienation from the King of France would do; for by prolonging the War, the end thereof will be always doubtful: Which may the more easily happen, for that we are certain the power of the Imperialists will increase very much, who finding themselves at the present inferior in Forces to the French, we may assure ourselves, that when they shall know that our Forces, wherein they do not a little trust, shall be turned against them, they will come to some agreement, and will yield up the possession of the Dukedom of Milan; which is already in part lost, and so the War will be ended, and greater dangers for a time secured: So as by our speedy resolution the sole name and reputation of our friendship may be of more advantage to the French, and in my opinion, consequently to ourselves, than our whole Forces will be able to do at another time, if we do not retard our resolution. And if we shall forbear resolving any thing, to the end that in so great a suspension and doubt of Affairs, we may be the better advised, and stay till we see an end of the War, or at lest which way it is likely to lean, to the end that we may serve the time, and accommodate ourselves to the fortune of the Conqueror; I am confident we shall be no less deceived therein; nay it may be our neutrality will be so much the more pernicious, for that we are secure on neither side, and come what will come, we are exposed to the discretion of the Conqueror. For it is not to be hoped that Cesar seeing himself abandoned by us at his greatest need, will bear us any respect when he shall be at the highest pitch of his prosperity: Nor that King Francis, who hath so oft in vain sought our friendship, when his fortune, though favourable, was yet doubtful, will have us for his Friends and Confederates, when he shall be totally Victor, and free from the fear of his Enemies: It is then the best course by much, to side early with those, whom we may promise ourselves we may make use of, as our truest friends and neighbours, who can most opportunely assist us in our affairs, and who we have reason to believe, will in this great action bear away the victory; and these are doubtlessly the French, with whom we have been joined in Amity for these many years, between whom and us there hath passed so many friendly offices, and reciprocal good will, who have the same affections, respects, and ends that we have, to allay Cesar 's immoderate greatness. I am of opinion, that we ought to carry ourselves much otherwise in these affairs, than he advised, who spoke last; for it is often seen, tha● greatest hatreds and enmities falls out amongst those, who have been nearest joined in affection and love, which usually happens, because the omissions of a friend, who is tied by many obligations to another, is held to be greater, than those of a stranger would be; wherefore if we, who have so many ties of obligation to the King of France, shall defraud his hopes, and interrupt his designs, by separating ourselves from him, I know not how we can hope, if we let slip this occasion, to regain his favour; and though his own Interests may persuade him to embrace our friendship, yet we must think that Princes are but men, and subject to like affections as other men are, nay more than others, because they may the more easily satisfy their appetite. Anger therefore conceived by the King against us, may be of greater force, than any reason which should persuade him to the contrary: But that which more imports our present Resolves, is, we see that Fortune favours the French very much, and is ready to settle them in full possession of the Dukedom of Milan, the King himself is in Italy with a powerful Army, to the very fame whereof, as many Cities have already yielded, so must Pavia quickly do to its Forces, and whatsoever else the Imperialists hold in this State. Moreover, the Duke of Albeny is ready to pass with a great many men into the Kingdom of Naples, to molest the Imperialists also in those parts who to succour it, will be forced to divide their men, and be the less able to defend the State of Milan: I see not therefore upon what foundation he grounded his judgement, who sought on the contrary, to show that Pavia may be maintained, and that the ●rench Army will soon disband. We know by the last advises, that that City is brought into great straits of all things, and that the Dutch Foot, who were at first so ready to defend it, being now oppressed by many sufferings, and not satisfied for their want of pay, do daily raise such tumults, as they make their Commanders despair of any good success; the Viceroy, and Duke of Bourbon confess, that unless Pavia be reneved within a few days, it must be lost, and then withal, the whole Dukedom of Milan: And what hopes can there be of relieving a City environed with so great and so valiant an Army, there being but few men in it, and fa●●ing of its expected succour. I therefore think, that it may be feared with reason, that the Imperialists despairing to be able to defend the State of Milan, will make use of all their forces in the Kingdom of Naples, and the whole burden of the War will rest upon us, if we do not early stave off this danger: And certainly, it is too straight a precinct wherein he thought to save himself, and whereinto to reduce our hopes, who dissuade us from friendship with the French, and slight this safer receptacle, affirming that the King's Army will disband of its self, and will be ruined by its own disorders. On the contrary, methinks that nothing hath been attempted of many late years by the French Nation in Italy, which hath a fairer aspect of constant will, and of assured success, than this present business, wherein the King seems to be very fervent, wherein the whole glory, and warlike honour of that Nation is concerned, there being therein the better sort of people, and the most cried up Commanders that France hath; and it being assuredly known, that if their so great Forces prove vain this time, the Crown of France must for ever give over whatsoever it pretends unto in Italy, and much to its shame, and to its greatest dishonour, tolerate Cesar 's so vast greatness, and the like of the Spanish Nation, which is very odious to them. Whence it may be probably argued, that the French will be very constant in their prosecuting this Siege of Pavia, and that finally, they must have the better of the whole war, the end whereof, as it becomes the wisdom of this State to foresee, so it becomes us in like wisdom to provide early against those evils into which our State may by such accidents fall, and to make use of those means, which God of his Divine grace, hath offered us, by suddenly concluding a Confederacy with the most Christian King, which hath been offered us by him himself, and propounded unto us. These words of Trevisano wrought very much upon the auditory; and his reasons, together with the inclination which the Venetians have commonly had to France, in memory of their long friendship with that Nation, did at last prevail; but they were no less persuaded thereunto, by the fear which they had, on the one side, of the present danger of the French, and on the other side, of Caesar's future ambition. Peace was then established and concluded with the French, by means of Ambassadors at Rome; and was afterwards confirmed in Venice, in the beginning of january, the year 1525. It was said in the preamble thereof, That Pope Clement, from the very beginning of his Popedom, had always had peace between Christian Princes, for his principal object, but that he could not effect this his desire before now, by reason of divers impediments and difficulties; that the present condition of times would not permit the deferring of laying the groundwork of universal Peace, by accommodating the affairs of Italy; wherefore his Holiness, and the Venetian Senate, knowing that the most Christian King was well inclined to the quiet and safety of Italy, long vexed with perpetual war, which drew on also other wars, were come to agreement with the said King, not to offend one another, nor to assist or favour either others enemies; whereby some hopes of Peace was commenced: and moreover, the Venetians agreed to renew their former interrupted confederacy with the King; but with a particular condition, of not being bound to assist him in this present business. These things being privately concluded, the Senate excusing themselves for not making their men advance, answered the Emperor's Agents, who still pressed for a resolution, That they could not disobey the Pope, the rather, for that it was hoped, Peace would ensue thereupon; whereof the Pope, with Cesar's consent, had begun to Treat: they therefore would not interrupt it, by fomenting the War, or occasioning the prolongation thereof. The agreement being thus established, the King sent Monsieur di Ronvere Cafore, to congratulate the concluded League, and to testify his continual good will towards the Commonwealth; though through the malignity of times, and through various accidents, their friendships had been interrupted. He exhorted the Senate not to trust the Imperialists, and promised that he would never forego the Commonwealth's friendship. He afterwards desired, that this League which was privately concluded, should be presently published: wherein he found the Venetians of the same opinion; thinking it would be a means, that when the Imperialists should know those Forces were now against them, which they hoped would have helped them, to make them quit the possession of that Dukedom, which they knew they could not keep, and so come to some agreement: whereas on the contrary, nourishing themselves with hope of being assisted by the Venetians, they would continue making provision for war, and growing in time stronger, it would be harder to come to any agreement afterwards. But the Pope advised the contrary, alleging, That it was fit this confederacy should be kept secret; to the end, of reducing the Imperialists to greater necessity and danger; which they would be, when the French should be passed over the Po, as they said they would do, promising that they would pass back again, whensoever the Pope should please; but he was forced almost to discover it, being to grant passage to the Duke of Albenyes men, who was sent (as hath been said) by the King of France, into the Kingdom of Naples. Wherefore the Pope seeming as if the Duke had violently usurped licence to pass with his men thorough the State of the Church, and Tuscany, and that he was wholly minded to stand a Neuter, and to endeavour a general Peace: He began to proceed with protestations, admonishing both the Princes to lay down Arms, and to put whatsoever either of them was possessed of in the State of Milan, into his hands, that so they might come to make a firm Peace; wherefore the Imperialists growing jealous that the Pope had agreed secretly with the King of France, as indeed he had, and might seek to bring over the Venetians also to the French party, they offered the Senate to refer the investing of Francisco Sf●rza to them, and the pitching upon what sum of money the Duke should pay unto the Imperialists for it: which the Venetians refused to do, saying, That such a decision did not belong unto them, but to the Pope. There were many things which passed at the same time between the Imperialists and the King of England, to move him to make War the next year against the King of France; to the which purpose, the Cavalier Cassal was come to the Imperial Camp; which made the Imperialists more fervent in their own defence; for that they hoped, the King of France being molested in his own Kingdoms▪ might be forced to pass speedily back again over the mountains, to defend his own affairs; the convention made between him, and the Pope, and the Venetians, being not yet published. For the news being confirmed of great preparations made by the King of England, which was thought would make the French turn their forces elsewhere, the Venetians did not much mind the divulging of it. But the event of the business of Lombardy, and of all those counsels, was finally to depend upon the success of Pavia, the Siege whereof continued longer than was expected, whereat the Pope and the Venetians were exceedingly troubled; not so much for that the length thereof did much defacilitate the good end of the business, as that they feared, the French Commanders, impatient of so long delay, might persuade the King to come to a day of Battle with the Enemy; whereby, together with that Army, the safety of their States, and of the Liberty of all Italy, would be put to the arbitrament of Fortune; and Italy having no other means of making opposition, would be left in prey to the Imperialists, if they should prove victorious. Whereat the Venetian Senate being troubled, they did very much solicit Ronchfancora, laying before him, that the interest of the Confederates, and the Kings own safety and glory, and victory, did wholly consist, not in hazarding any thing, but in making good use of time, and of his enemy's disorders and wants. The like desires the Pope made likewise known to Alberto da Carpi, Ambassador at Rome, and did also send an express messenger with the same desires to the Camp: But all these endeavours did but little good, the King showing himself every day more and more resolved not to rise from before Pavia; but rather, if the Enemy should draw nearer, come unto a Battle; whereby he was unnecessitated to hazard his own fortune, and the like of his confederates, which were all exposed to danger. Wherefore the Pope, the Venetians, and Florentines, resolve● to join in a defensive League, for the preservation of their own States; being to this purpose to take ten thousand Swissers into pay, upon the common expense, and each of them to increase their own forces as much as they could: which things whilst they were slowly, and with various resolutions discussed, the rout of the French Army ensued, together with the death of many of the chief Lords of the Kingdom, and the imprisonment of the Kings own person. The Cesarians were come from Lodi to relieve Pavia, which was reduced to a great scarcity of all things, they being gotten to be strong enough, and for Foot, almost equal to the French Army, though far inferior to them in Horse; and drawing near to the French Camp, they forced the King either to suffer them to relieve Pavia, or to come to a day of Battle, the thing which they desired, that they might put their desperate affairs to the utmost trial; and fortune favouring their forwardness, they had the opportunity of assaulting the King in the Park, where he, contrary to the opinion of his best experienced Commanders, would needs stay: So as the French, not being able to come into the field till it was too late, nor to make use of their Horse, wherein they did exceed the enemy, the whole Army was routed and put to flight, and the King taken Prisoner, Monsieur d'Alanson only escaping with the Rear. This so great and signal Victory gotten by the Imperialists against the French, was cause of much trouble to the Venetians, knowing that a heavy load lay upon them; for the Counterpoise of the French failing, and all the other Princes of Italy being weak, and full of Terror, by reason of this so mighty success, they were, almost of themselves alone, to defend the liberty of Italy, against the power of Cesar, which was increased greatly by this, his late good fortune; nor could they hope, that he would contain his Forces within the Confines of the State of Milan; it was rather to be believed, that his Army, pursuing the victory, would enter into the neighbouring States; whereunto, their being so unprovided to make any stout resistance, might very well invite the Imperial commanders. The Venetian Forces were only of some consideration: for they had 1000 Curassiers, 600 Light-horse, and 10000 foot; they therefore resolved to make use of these forces, and to increase them, and to exhort the rest of the Princes of Italy to do the like, and to arm themselves so strongly as they could. But their chief study, and care, was to join themselves with the Pope, for they believed, that all the Potentates of Italy would finally depend upon his Authority, and that there might be thereby some hopes of good. They therefore solicited the Pope often; Showing him into what great dangers Italy was brought, which, if they should not receive some sudden, and powerful remedy, they would increase so fast, as all labour, and industry, and expense to prevent eminent ruin would be in vain: That Cesar 's actions did clearly show what his thoughts and intentions were; since he had not assigned over the Dukedom of Milan to Francisco Sforza, as by his Confederacy he was bound to do; but, that having defeated the French Army, so as there was now no more fear of any enemy; he did notwithstanding keep his soldiers still in that State, placed Garrisons in the Cities, and would have all things done by his authority, and in his name; and that certainly Cesar had so fair a way opened unto him, of making himself master of Italy (if the Italians would stand idle, and leave their affairs to the discretion of others) as one that were never so moderate, having so fair an occasion, could not abstain from turning his thoughts, and Forces upon the taking of Territories so ill defended: and that, in such a case the State belonging to the Church would be no freer from offence, than the like of their Commonwealth; but would rather be in more danger, because her weakness did the more expose her to injuries. Nor did such thoughts and actions as these want several appearances of a fair colour far war; Chiefly by reason of the League made by the Pope with the French; which being come to the knowledge of the Imperialists, they seemed to be more troubled thereat; because it was made contrary to their opinion or sense: they put him in mind that it became not a wise Prince to think upon giving satisfaction, when he was able to take up arms, and to depend upon himself, and his own Forces: and that truly the most expert men thought it a more easy thing, far the Italian Princes to join together, and being joined, to defend themselves against the Emperor's Forces, if the Pope would declare himself to be head and author of such an Union; For the Florentines were always at his command, and had now particularly signified their will and readiness to defend themselves, by Francisco Vettori, whom they had sent to Rome, to that purpose, thereby to invite him, to take upon him the common defence: That the Duke of Ferrara would be ready to do the like, in consideration of his own State, and to free himself from the contumacy which he was run into with the Church, whereof he had already given sufficient signs, he having sent an express messenger to Rome, presently after the defeat of the French, to offer the Pope 250 Curassiers, 400 Light-horse, and all his other Forces, for the defence of the Apostolic Sea; and for the welfare of Italy: That the other lesser Princes could not, nor would not sever themselves from the authority, and from joining with the forenamed; with whose joint forces the Duke of Urbane did promise to defend all their States: That it was to be considered, the Cesarians wanted money, and that the soldiers, chiefly the Dutch, being much behind hand for pay, ●ere readier to mutiny, and to return home, then to fall upon any other Enterprise, without being paid their Arrears: That the State of Milan was totally exhausted, and unpeopled: That the name of a Spaniard Emperor's Army was already much diminished: and to conclude, That part of his men were sent from Lombardy, to resist the Duke of Albany. These things, though they were very punctually represented by the Venetians, and diligently listened unto by the Pope, yet were they not able to infuse any hope into him; or to keep him from precipitating into an agreement, and from thinking of securing his affairs, rather unworthily, by receiving any, whatsoever condition, from the conquerors, then by his own forces, and by the aid of other Princes, and Confederates: so as without so much as expecting Cesar's will, or any orders from him, he had begun new Treaties with the Viceroy; being hereunto induced by an immoderate fear, that the Emperor's army should be necessitated to pass through the state of the Church, or else through Tuscany, and to bring either the one, or the other, and peradventure both of them into great trouble and danger. The Viceroy listened willingly to the Treaty of agreement promoted by the Pope; knowing that peace and union with him did greatly concern confirming the Victory, and freeing the Army of many necessities which it then suffered under; whose Authority being, as he believed, to be followed by the other Princes of Italy, the State that was won would be secured for the future from the French Forces; who could not hope to do any good in Italy, without the assistance of some Italian Prince: These considerations being discovered by the Ventians, who knew, that such a security would at last cause more danger to them, and could not notwithstanding keep the Pope from making this Agreement; they proceeded slowly in their Counsels, not making the Imperialists despair, nor yet joining in any straighter friendship, or confederacy with them: but they persuaded the Pope, that, to the end he might be provided for all events, in case the agreement should not be made good, he should forthwith send Monsignor Verulano, who was long before destined thither, into Switzerland, to make 1000 Swissers come in presently to the defence of the Liberty of Italy, the nation being greatly ambitious of the name of Liberty; and that he should, with the like diligence, dispatch away a Nuntio to England, whether the Commonwealth would at the same time, send Lorenzo Orio, whom they had chosen for their Ambassador, to negotiate with the King thereof, who was in great esteem with all men, and who was then Moderator in the weightiest affairs of Princes, touching preventing Italy from the eminent dangers, threatened her by Cesar's greatness: wherein they hoped to find that King the readier, because it was very like, that such a Victory would purchase Charles much envy, and might alienate the mind of Henry more from him; who, being haughty and ambitions, would unwillingly see him so eminent above all others, and to become Lord of Italy. Yet the Venetiens, finding the Pope still inclined to accord with the Imperialists; they, as resolving not to part wholly from his courses, began to think upon some conditions: and therefore, the Viceroy having sent jovan Sermento to Venice, to give them an account of the victory, they treated very civilly with him, seeming to bear good will to Cesar; and ordered Lorenzo Privily, and Ardrea Navagiero (who being formerly destined to be sent to Charles, had by public directions tarried at Genua) to pursue their journey, and go to Spain, to congratulate with him, for the Victory which he had won, and to excuse their slowness in sending their men to his Camp. But Charles, when he had received the news of his Armies so prosperous success, though he did inwardly rejoice, being inflamed with a desire of glory, and Empire, and hoped for better things, yet showing great moderation in his words, and outward appearance, he said, he would) as it became him to do, use this signal favour, which God had been pleased to bestow upon him, to the service of Christendom, and to universal agreement. Wherefore he sent the Duke of Sesta, not long after, to the Pope, to proffer him peace, and to assure him, that he very much desired the Peace and Tranquillity of Italy. He made the like be done to the Venetian Senate by his Ambassador Alfonso Sauces, and by his Secretary Caracciolo, who was not as yet gone from Venice. But the more the Cesareans seemed to desire Peace and League with the Italian Potentates, at a time when they might rather expect to be desired, then to desire others, they gave the more suspicion, that their secret thoughts were pernicious to the Liberty of Italy. The Venetians did therefore temporize; neither concluding nor excluding these Treaties; and this the rather, because Propositions made unto them by the French caused them to suspend their judgements; Gasparo Lormano being come, at the same time, to Venice, being sent thither by the King's Mother, who was then Queen Regent of France: who showing, That the Kingdom feared no offences, that it had fares sufficient, and ready enough to be employed in the recovery of their King, desired the Senate, that they would not abandon so glorious a cause, and so advantageous for their Commonwealth, but that they would join with the Lords of France to set her Son at liberty, by force of Arms, whereby the safety and liberty of Italy would likewise be had. To which desires the Senate, showing first the great resentment they had of the King's misfortune, and that they wished very well to the honour and welfare of the Crown of France, did not as yet give any positive answer; but replied only that the weightiness of the proposition, required time and advisedness to ground any solid resolution thereon. But in the mean while, the Pope, who had sent the Archbishop of Capua to that purpose to Spain, ratified the agreement which was formerly made with the Viceroy; including the Senate of Venice if they would declare their consent thereunto within twenty days. Wherefore the Senate was almost necessitated to dispatch the treaty by many, though unresolved endeavours with the Emperor's Ambassadors; and that they might accommodate the most important businesses (for some others remained undecided) Pietro Pesaro was sent to Milan to negotiate with the Viceroy. But the French did not for all this forbear pressing their desires, not having altogether quitted their hopes of making the Venetians join with them, though the Pope's authority and advice had as then drawn them to be of a contrary opinion. They therefore sent the Bishop of Baiosa to Venice, and Ambrogio da Fiorenza, who in the name of the Queen Regent, and of the whole Kingdom, did upon more mature advice, make better grounded proposals then the first were touching the League, and freedom of the King; in which respect, but much more because every day new and clearer signs were discovered of Caesar's ambition, and of his Counselors designs which were all bent to make him absolute Master of Milan, and to put a yoke upon Italy, the French Ambassadors had attentive audience given them in the College, and the business was taken into new consideration, and put into a way of Treaty. At this time the Marquis of Pescara was come into Milan with 3000 Foot, 200 Curassiers, and a good number of light Horse, and had desired the Duke that he would cause the Castle of Milan, together with the like of Cremona, to be delivered up unto him; publicly affirming that he was sent by Cesar to take possession of Milan, in whose name all exactions, expeditions, and the whole administration of Government was made; and he endeavoured to make all the Cities swear Fealty unto him: Wherein though the Pope did appear very much, in striving to make Cesar keep his articles of confederacy, and assign over the State of Milan to Duke Francisco Sforza; yet it did no good; sometimes one reason, sometimes another, being alleged for the delay thereof; and amongst the rest, that he had treated of delivering up the Castle of Milan to the Venetians: A thing which was never so much as thought upon, much less negotiated by any of the parties. These things did alienate the minds of the Venetians from the Emperor daily more and more, and increased their jealousies, and made them not adhibite faith to what Gaspero Contarino, who was their Ambassador with Cesar, did inform them of, being made to do so by him; that Caesar's mind stood well affected to the quiet of Italy, and to a general peace. Therefore the Venetians seeking out an occasion to break off the treaty of agreement, proposed divers difficulties, the chief whereof was, that the Duke of Milan being one of the principal Contractors, the League could not be well concluded, if it were not first known what was to become of him, and of his State. The dispatch whereof was thought to be cunningly delayed; which made them believe, that these calumnies were forged, which were laid upon Sforza, thereby to bereave him of his State, with an intention to keep it, though large promises were made that it should be given to the Duke of Bourbone, or to any other that the Colleagues should like of. The Pope likewise beginning to discover these artificial proceedings of the Imperialists, did no longer believe any thing they said: Wherefore to proceed speedily against the common danger, he resolved to join in a good and strict intelligence with the Venetians quickly, since there would be some difficulties in concluding the French in the League, which would cause longer delay, a thing very prejudicial to the present business. The agreement was then concluded by the Pope on the one side, who engaged himself for the Church, and for the Republic of Florence; and on the other side by the Duke and Senate of Venice. By which agreement it was said, That these Potentates did join together to avoid the eminent dangers, as they had been taught by the experience of times past, and to lay more solid foundations for the quiet and safety of Italy, and for their own particular States: That each Prince should take upon him the protection of the other Prince's States and persons; that all the Confederates should run the same fortune; that not any one of them should treat with any other Princes in any thing which might be repugnant hereunto; that they should succour each other with 4000 Foot, 400 Curassiers, 300 Light Horse, and with greater numbers also, according as their several needs should require▪ Hereunto was added, that the Venetians should be bound to protect the greatness of the Medici, and suppress such commotions as should be raised against them by any seditious Citizens; and particularly, to favour, and assist whosoever the Pope should place in the City of Florence as head of that Government. These things being thus accommodated, the Pope beginning now to be more sensible of that true fear, which he slighted before, gave straightways order to the Marquis of Mantu●, that he should go with the Curassiers into the parts about Parma, and was very diligent in continuing the Treaty of bringing the Grisone Foot, and the Swissers, which being formerly begun was but slowly prosecuted: And on the other side, the Venetians resolved to increase their Army, to the number of 10000 Foot, to raise 300 light Horse more in Greece, to bring other Commanders, and to provide for their own safeties in every thing; being much encouraged in all this by the King of England; who growing jealous of Caesar's greatness, and perhaps envying his glory, discovered himself to be very much displeased with the success at Pavia, and with the King of France his being made Prisoner; affirming that he was ready to do any thing, whereby to free the King, and to keep Italy in safety. The Italian Potentates being thus agreed, there was hopes of easy coming to an union with France; but the Treaty was proceeded in, in a divers manner, and in somewhat a diversity of affection; for the Pope thinking that he had put some stop to the present dangers, by the already made confederacy, and that he might enjoy better conditions from Cesar, and have them better observed, proceeded coolly in the agreement with the French; the rather for that since the coming of the Duke of Sessa to Rome, who was sent thither by Charles to attest his desire of peace, and his willingness to restore the Dukedom of Milan to Francisco Sforza, always provided that he should prove innocent, and if he should be found guilty, he would invest his Brother Maximilian Sforza thereinto. But on the contrary the Venetians were very fervent in their endeavours, that they might come to a speedy agreement with the French, fearing lest the Spaniards proffers might tend to no other end, then to break the Treaty of the League, and to slacken the provisions for War: And fearing likewise lest the Queen, by reason of these slow and irresolute counsels of the Italian Princes, witnessing either their not very great good will towards that Kingdom, or their weakness in forces; and that being resolved to do all that she could for the release of her Son, she would at last make some conditions with Cesar, with whom some Treaties to this purpose were known to be already begun. Therefore the business with the French proceeded on with some diversity▪ and uncertainty, not coming to any settled conclusion. The quantity and quality of the forces which the Colleagues were to put together for the common service of the League was already agreed upon: To wit 30000 Foot▪ ● 4000 Curassiers, and 3000 light Horse, to be employed in such service in Italy, as might prove more advantageous. The French were moreover bound to make War with Cesar upon the Confines of Spain; and other articles were in Treaty, when in the beginning of the year 1526. unexpected News came to Venice, That an agreement was made between the Emperor and the King of France; whereby the King was to be set at liberty, and peace and good intelligence was to be had between these two Princes, which was to be strengthened by the tye of Matrimony; the King being to marry the Lady Leonora, Caesar's Sister, and Cesar to marry the King of Portugal's Sister; and the Dukedom of Milan was to be given to the Duke of Burbone, who was likewise to marry the Lady Renea, the King's Niece. A thing which had been formerly feared, but not now so much as before, for that the Queen did constantly affirm, that she had sent her Ambassador Alberto Carpi, who was then at Rome, sufficient commission to conclude the League. The Pope and the Venetians were sorely troubled at these tidings, but this their trouble was somewhat mitigated, out of a common opinion that King Francis would not observe his articles made with Cesar. The which was the rather believed, because it was said, that he was departed very ill satisfied with his Treatment, whilst he was a Prisoner; and much worse with the agreement itself, whereby to purchase his liberty, he was forced to put Charles into the possession of Burgony. To know whether he was really disposed to do thus or no, and to increase this desire in him, the Senate sent Andrea Rosso, Secretary to the Pregadi, immediately away to France, to treat upon this important business; and the Pope taking the like course, sent Paolo Vittori thither with the same direction. Nor was it hard to draw the King thereunto, for at the very first speech which he had with these, he complained very much of Cesar, for having dealt severely with him in all things. He said, That he would not be wanting to the welfare and safety of Italy, if the Italian Princes would not be wanting unto themselves. Which he would quickly witness, being ready to join with them, and to make good whatsoever had been formerly negotiated, and for the most part concluded with the Queen his Mother and the Kingdom; that therefore they should exhort their Princes to send them sufficient authority there; for they should always find him ready and constant in this point, and in the same mind for what concerned the common good. He said he hoped that the King of England would be of the like intention, and no less desirous to abate Caesar's greatness, and to provide for the defence of Italy. To whom he would speedily send his Ambassadors, and could wish the Italian Princes would do the like; for it would help the business very much, that the Emperor's designs might be opposed by the full consent and forces of so many Potentates joined together. As soon as the Venetians heard these things, which were conformable to their wishes, they were not slow in sending commissions to Rosso to conclude the Leagues; the heads whereof (some few things being altered) were already framed in the former Treaties. They also gave order to Secretary Gasparo Spinelli, who did then negotiate the Affair of the Commonwealth with the King of England, Lorenzo Orio their Ambassador being dead a little before, to be very earnest with Henry to make him enter into the League which was in treaty in France; much exalting the esteem that they put upon his authority, as desirous to have him for the Preserver and Protector of this agreement, and for the particular Defender of the Liberty of Italy. But the Pope proceeded so slowly herein, as they were forced to go more hotly to work with him. The Venetian Ambassador did therefore often lay before him the great opportunity that was now offered, of providing for the common safety, by disposing of the King of France his mind, who was wholly set to revenge himself for the injuries which he thought he had received from Charles. That if this his indignation should in time grow less, and that he should resolve to keep the Conditions which were agreed upon at Madrid, there remained no hope of ever freeing Italy from the bitter slavery of the Spaniards. The Pope having heard these things, and being somewhat moved thereat, resolved at last, to send Don Caplino, a great confident of his into France, with Commission to join in the League; though Don Hugo da Moncada did at the same time labour the contrary, who was sent by Cesar to Rome, to confirm the Pope in his first resolution of joining with him, and to exhort him to contemn all other agreements and offers. Don Hugo laid before him the weakness of the confederates, with whom he was in Treaty to join; the natural fickleness of the French, the uncertainty of the Venetian Counsels: and on the contrary, he magnified Cesar's power, his preparation for War, his abundance of Foot already raised in Ispruch, his expectation of lusty and opportune succours out of Germany, from the Archduke; and told him that Cesar propounded peace unto him out of his desire of the universal good, and out of his particular respect unto the Church; not that he did any ways doubt his being able to resist solely of himself all those Potentates that conspired against him, being likewise confident to make them alter their purposes. Don Hugo signified almost the same by Letters to the Senate of Venice, whom he acquainted with his being come into Italy as soon as he arrived at Milan; and with the reason why Cesar had sent him thither But to all these pressures, he received the like answers, both from the Pope, and from the Venetians. ` That when Cesar should have a mind disposed to peace, as by his words he seemed to have, he should find the like disposition, and reciprocal will in them: But that they desired this might be witnessed by some real effects which they would be readier to believe; and to this purpose that he would cause the Siege to be raised from before the Castle of Milan; that he would restore the State thereof to Francisco Sforza, that he would observe what by his capitulations he was bound to do, and that he should then speak of laying down of Arms, and of restoring peace and tranquillity to Italy. No answer was made to all this but in general terms, and actions to the contrary did still continue: Whence it might be clearly comprehended that the treaty of Peace was made use of to no other end but to keep back the preparations for War, and by these jealousies and tricks to alienate the French from the Italian Princes. And this began to have some effect according as was desired; for the business of the League began to cool very much in France; either for that the King did not much confide in the Pope nor the Venetians, thinking that they might be wrought upon by Ugo, all whose endeavours were communicated to him; or else (as some others believed) because being only intent upon the redemption of his Sons whom he had left with Cesar for Hostages, and to compose the business of Burgundy with some other recompense, he might make use of the name and of the reputation of the League, to make the more easy agreement; and not for that he had really any more mind to meddle with the affairs of Italy, which he had so often and still so unfortunately attempted; or that he did any ways take the Interests of the Italian Princes into his consideration: Insomuch as his Ambassador, the Bishop of Bayosa, who was sent by him to Venice for that intent, was there a whole month without hearing any one word from the King; neither of his resolution touching the League, nor of any forces which he should prepare to effect the things agreed upon. Others conceived this slowness of the French proceeded from some other designs of theirs, to wit, to reduce the Confederates (to whom every little delay seemed tedious and troublesome, by reason of the great scarcity of victuals that was in the Castle of Milan) to give them the Dukedom of Milan, if it should be recovered by their common Forces; bereaving Sforza of it, to whom, by all that had been yet treated on, it was to be restored. Therefore that they might leave never a stone unturned, but do any thing which might draw the French into Italy, the Pope and Venetians did consult of making this offer also, to the King; to the end, that he who had been always ambitious of this acquisition, should more readily, and with greater Forces embrace the business: thinking, that for what concerned the present occasions, that which was chief to be put for, for the safety of Italy, was to drive the Spaniards out of the State of Milan: and this they did the rather, for that, though the King should be bound by agreement to assign it over to Sforza, they could not be sure that he would keep his promise better to him, than he had done to the Emperor, which would afford occasion of new wars, and of parting him from the Italian Princes. But, on the other side, considering that it would not greatly redound to the honour of the League, to give way unto this, but that it would rather leave a blur upon the Italian Princes, since that they had always given out, that their chief object was to restore the Dukedom of Milan to the Dominion of an Italian Prince, they resolved not to part from their first Propositions. But the King of France desiring that the Kingdom of Naples and the State of Milan might be both of them assaulted at one and the same time, they endeavoured to give him some satisfaction in that point, by adding to the other Articles: That, if it should appear, that, for the safety and quiet of Italy, it were requisite, the Government of Naples should be altered, the Colleagues should contribute such Forces as should be requisite to effect it: and that, when it should be gotten, the Pope should determine to whom it should be given, so as might make most for the quiet of Italy, and so as it were done with the satisfaction of the Confederates, without whose consent the Pope promised he would do nothing in that point: that the new King, who ere he should be, should pay the usual Tribute to the Church, and 70000 Ducats to the King of France, whose pretences should remain entire to that Kingdom, if it were not won now. This being agreed upon, the League was finally concluded in France; Don Capona intervening for the Pope, and Secretary Andrea Rosso for the State of Venice. The end of this Conjunction was specified to be, The freeing of the State of Milan from the oppression of the Imperialists, the Liberty of Italy, and the recovery of the King of France his children, adhering for what concerned particularities, and preparations for War, to what had been formerly treated on, and concluded with the Kingdom, before the King had his Liberty. Yet it was not published, till they might know the King of England's resolution; who was desired to be one of the chief Contractours: For it was thought, that his name and authority might add much to the reputation thereof: It was therefore resolved, that some should be sent into England from the Colleagues, to request Henry, that he would quickly declare, in the behalf of the Confederate Princes, against Cesar. For the Pope, there went jovan Battista Sanya, a man of an high spirit, and great with the Datario: for the King of France, joan joachino; and Mark Antonio Veniero for the Venetians, who was intended before to be sent Ambassador thither from the Commonwealth. But the king of England, though he said he was very well inclined to this League, and not well affected towards Cesar, resolved notwithstanding, not to declare himself publicly, till he had desired Charles, that, to gratify the Colleagues, he would set the son of the most Christian King at Liberty, and restore the State of Milan to Francisco Sforza; which if he would not do, he declared, he was to denounce war against him in all their names: which, though it was consented unto, yet the business was prolonged, and divers difficulties promoted: So as any longer delay being thought to be unseasonable; the League between France, and the Princes of Italy was published and proclaimed with great solemnity: and it was generally thought, that the Forces of this League would be able to quell the Imperialists, and to drive them out of the State of Milan; especially, since the Castles of Cremona and Milan held still for Sforza. There were at this time, in the Venetian Army 1000 foot, 900 Cuirassieers, 800 Light-horse, and a great many Swissers were suddenly expected, taken into pay, partly by the Pope, and partly by the Venetians, and partly by the King of France; who, when they should be arrived, it was resolved, that the Colleagues would go to succour the Castle of Milan, to attempt the taking of that City: and that, on the other side the Marquis of Saluzzo should fall down into the Dukedom of Milan wi●h the French Curassiers, and 10000 foot, raised at the Confederates common expense, and assault the Cities of Novarra, and Alexandria: and that, in the mean while, the Maritime affairs should be prepared to molest the Imperialists in other places, and to divide their Forces. The Venetians gave order to their Captain General, and to Commissary Pietro Pesaro, to bring their Camp, as soon as might be, to Chiari in the Territories of Brescia, to begin the war: and the Pope ordered all his Commanders, and soldiers, to go into the parts about Parma; to the end, that being joined together, they might do what should be thought best for the League. But this joining of forces was unseasonably deferred, by reason of the difficulty in what place the Armies were to meet; for Francisco Guicchiardini, who was Lieutenant General of the Ecclesiastical Army, would not give consent, that the Pope's men should go to Cassalle Maggiore, as it was first resolved: alleging, that the State of the Church was not to be abandoned: though it was urged on the contrary, that, they being masters of the field, there was no cause of fear. This mean while Malatesta Baglione came to Lodi with a Troup of Vinetians, where he had private intelligence with Lodovico Vistarlino, a Citizen thereof, and though there were in it a good Garrison of 1500 foot, yet he easily took it, and held it in the name of Francisco Sforza. After this, the whole Venetian Army passed over the Poe, and two days after, the Pope's men joined with them, and they went all to Milan: the Duke of Urbane had good hopes to get the City at the first assault, for he was informed by some of the Milanese, that the people were up, and ready to side with them, as soon as their Army should be come to the City: and that the Imperial Commanders, having already sent away their baggage, would soon be gone themselves, and give over the defence of the Town: This was so verily believed, as Lodovico Count di Belgiojoso had desired the Duke of Urbane, to give him 2000 Foot, with which he offerred to relieve the Castle of Milan. The whole Army of the Confederates being advanced, they quartered in the Monastory del Paradiso, toward the Porta Romana, with a firm intention to give an assault, hoping to win the Suburb, and to lodge there: and the enemy, being often come forth to skirmish, were still valiantly repulsed by our men: but soon after came the Duke of Burbone, with a good number of foot, and did not only make good his station against such as skirmished with him, but indammaged them on sundry parts: so as the Duke of Urbane failing of his hopes of getting the city by assault, and fearing lest he might fall into some greater disorder, if he should tarry long in those quarters, retreated with the whole camp in good order to Marignavo, without receiving any prejudice. But, great hopes having been had by the Armies being drawn near Milan of good success in the Enterprise, and there being great necessity of relieving the Castle of Milan, the Senate, when they heard by their Commissary, that the camp was raised, were very much amazed and grieved: and the Duke, to justify this his act, sent Luigi Gonzaga to Venice, who might by word of mouth give an account of what was done, and of the reasons which had moved the Duke thereunto: whereupon the Senate were satisfied: but the Pope was not so easily appeased; he did not only complain very much of this action, but likewise of the manner of the Duke's proceedings; for not having acquainted those that employed him with his most important counsels; which Guicchiardini did aggravate to the Pope, by his bad offices done to the Duke, being displeased with him, because his Discourses were not well listened unto by the Duke, nor had in such consideration as he thought was due to his reputation and degree; but were rather despised, as coming from one of another profession, and who (as the Duke had wont to say) ought not to meddle in matters which belonged to military men: So, as to give the Pope satisfaction, the Senate ordered the Duke, that for the future, he should acquaint Guicchiardini with all businesses of importance which were treated of in the Camp. All things appertaining to the Fleet were this mean while prepared for, that some attempt might be thereby made upon Cesar's Territories. The Venetians, to this purpose, chose Luigi Armero for their Commissary, and sent him to Corfu, where the other Commissary jovan Moro was with the Fleet; from which Armero was to take 12 Galleys, and come along with them with all speed, to the Sea Coasts, near Rome, to join with those of the Pope, and of the King of France; and then jointly fall upon such Enterprises, as might be for the service of the League. Divers things were propounded, touching whether the Maritime Forces were to go. The Pope desired, that they might go into the rivers of Pugliae, to break the designs of the Collonesi, and to divert their Forces in those parts; who, having raised 7000 foot, and a good number of horse in Naples, began to be very formidable unto the Pope. But the King of France, and the Venetians thought it would be more advantageous for the League, to have them go against Genua; as well for the fitness of that city for other actions, as for that, if they should succeed well therein, it would add much to the reputation of the League. Pietro Navarro was declared Captain General of the Confederates Fleet, a man of long experience in war, who though he were propounded by the King of France, yet he received stipend from the other Confederates, but the Galleys belonging to the Church, and those of the Commonwealth being already in a readiness, those of France were slow in coming with the Captain General, which gave them just occasion of dislike, and of no slight suspicion, that the King of France his ends aimed only at his own advantage, despising the interests of the League; of which his mind, there appeared other signs: for but little of 40000 Ducats, which he was bound to send into Switzerland, for the levying of 10000 Swissers was as yet sent thither: whereby the League lost no little reputation. And, though the Venetians had sent Secretary Sabbadino thither, to solicit the raising of those Foot; yet could he not much encourage them, nor hasten their departure; nor was there any news heard of any preparation made by the King, to make war upon Cesar on the other side of the Mountains, as by his Articles he was bound to do. But the King, besides some excuses which he made, finding how ill the Colleagues were satisfied by their pressing solicitations, or else being conscious of his own faultiness, and fearing, that therefore the Pope and the Venetians, laying aside his interests, as he seemed to have little valued theirs, might treat of peace with the Emperor apart by themselves, sent Monsieur di Sange into Italy to excuse his tardiness; with directions that he should first pass through Switzerland to solicit the departure of those of that Nation, or at least, to make it be believed, that he had done what he could therein: He therefore coming first to Venice, and then to Rome, used the same endeavours in both places, laying the fault of the slowness of the French men's passage into Italy upon the Commanders, and other officers; and affirming the Kings very great desire to prosecute the war, and that he would not only make good his Articles, but exceed them by increasing his Forces; for, besides the forenamed Fleet, he was rigging up many tall Ships in Britanny, that he might come forth the stronger, and suppress all the Forces that the enemy could make by Sea: and that he was no less careful of levying the Swissers; and, that by his procurement the general Diets were summoned, wherein all things should be resolved in favour to the League. But he chiefly assured them, that the King would not treat of any agreement, save such as should tend to a general peace, and so as the other Colleagues should be content with. The King did likewise attest this his resolution to jovan Battista Sanga, who, being sent, as aforesaid, by the Pope, to the King of England, stayed some days in the Court of France, for same business. The Venetian Senate, taking these assurances very thankfully, and seeming fully to believe them, answered, That they never doubted the King's good intentions towards the League, and particularly, towards their Commonwealth, as knowing both his wisdom, and his ancient affection to the Venetians; they therefore promised, That not only in th●● cause, wherein their common interests were concerned; but in all other things, and at all other times, their Will, and Forces, should be inseparably joined to his: And as for any Treaty of Peace, they never were averse from it; nor had they taken up Arms to any other end, but that they might come to a safe peace: Therefore, as far as it might stand with the Dignity of the League, and the Confederates safety, they should be very glad of it. Yet knowing that such a peace was rather to be desired then hoped for at this time, the Pope and the Venetians endeavouring to incite the King's mind the more to War, resolved to let him know, that if they should get the Kingdom of Naples, his Son should be King thereof; the Commonwealth retaining such a part thereof, as should be answerable to their deserts, labour, and expense: To correspond whereunto, the King made a new offer of other three hundred Lanciers, and twenty thousand Ducats more monthly, for the service of the League, if the enterprise of Naples should be undertaken. The Commissary Armero was come from Corfu to Terracina with thirteen Gal●es, where meeting with Andrea Doria, who was come thither with eight Galleys for the Pope's service, they went in company together to Cevita Vecchia, and from thence to Ligorn, where they met with Pietro Navarro with sixteen of the King of France his Galleys; and being resolved to reduce Genua to the King of France his devotion, to the great advantage of the Colleagues, they made Frederick Fregose, who was Archbishop of Salerno, head of that Government, and came with their Fleet first to Porto Venera; which Town, together with that of Spetia, and with all that part of the River, till you come to Monaco, yielded soon to the Colleagues. Then dividing the Fleet, D●ria, and the Vene●ian Commissary, went to Porto Fino, twenty miles from Genua; and Navarro, with the French Galleys, to Savona, which City willingly yielded unto him. The first and chief design of the League's Commanders, was, to keep Genua from being victualled by Sea; and the City being but badly provided of victuals and not knowing well how to come by any, they hoped to reduce it by way of siege to such a scarcity, as it must fall into their hands. To this purpose, there was six Galleys deputed, two for every Colleague, which being to keep the Guard, took some Ships, and divers other lesser Vessels, which were bound with victuals for Genua, so as the City began soon to be incommodated but it was supplied by those of the River, who brought them corn, which under divers pretences was permitted to be carried to neighbouring places, though not without some complaint against Doria; who, as either envying Navarro's glory, by whom his Country was won and subdued, or out of some other design, was suspected to have proceeded with but little sincerity, and misbecoming means, to bring the enterprise to a speedy conclusion: But the Ge●ueses by way of defence, had been very careful in securing the Haven, placing some great Vessels in the mouth thereof, loaded with Artillery, and moreover, six small Galleys, commanded by Gobbo justiniano's, which came forth sometimes to skirmish with those of the Enemy, putting so far into the Sea, and no further, than they might be safe under the shelter of the greater Vessels, which lay in the mouth of the Haven, and under the like shelter of Castello della Lanterna, all which were furnished and fraught with Cannon: So all the hopes of gaining the City, lay in the Siege, which was still continued, the Popes and the Venetian Commanders having by certain Trenches secured themselves from being invaded by those of the City, if it should so happen, that by fortune of the Sea, the Fleet should not be able to get out of Porto Fino, where it lay. But the Genueses seeing themselves daily more and more straitened, resolved to sally out, and by assaulting the Rampires, endeavour to endamage the Enemy's Fleet; whereof the Captains of the Fleet being soon aware, they landed Philippino Doria, and jovan Baptista Grimaldi, with eight hundred Foot, and two pieces of Artillery; and setting the poops of their Galleys towards land, when the Soldiers of the City came, they did not only stand their assault, but repulsed and worsted them. At the same time, the Duke of Urbine, being much pressed thereunto by the Venetians, and spurred on by his own desire to recover the reputation of the Army, which it might seem to have suffered in, by its retreat from before Milan; as soon as part of the Swissers, to the number of five thousand were come to the Camp, resolved to return to before Milan, to relieve the Castle, which as yet held out for Sforza, from which six thousand persons were gone out under the conduct of Captain Pasqualino, and had luckily past the Enemy's Trenches, without any harm or impediment, whereby the scarcity of the besieged was somewhat alleviated. The Army being come within a mile of Milan, two thousand men were sent out to take Moncia, and to possess themselves of i'll Monte di Brianza, very convenient places for the bringing of victuals from the parts thereabouts to the Camp. When the Army had taken up its quarters, the Commanders began to consult what course they were to take to relieve the Castle, which being begirt about by the Enemy with double Trenches, and with Bastions, the difficulty of relief was much increased; but whilst they vainly consulted about succour, news came to the Camp, that Sforza failing of his hopes of being relieved, by reason of the Enemies new works, had surrendered himself to the Imperialists, and delivered up the Castle, upon condition of being set at liberty, and suffered to go to Como, till such time as his cause should be taken notice of by Justice: And not long after, the same Sforza came into the Confederates camp, accompanied by Count Galliazzo, with two hundred light Horse; but he stayed there but a while, being resolved to go to Como, and in the first place, to take possession of that City, which was to be delivered up unto him by the Imperialists, though the Confederates Commanders laboured much to dissuade him from so doing, acquainting him with how dangerous a thing it was to commit himself again unto the uncertain word of his Enemies, when he might repose surer hopes of his welfare and dignity upon that Army, which was raised only for his particular service, and to repossess him of his paternal State; and at last, when they told him, that if he neglected such offers, they would fetch his brother Maximilian Sforza from France, he promised, that when he should be come to Como, he would send Ambassadors to Rome, and adhere unto the Pope's counsels. But it was not hard afterwards to draw Duke Sforza to side with the Confederates, who soon had occasion to know how the Imperialists were minded towards him; for they denied to take away the Spanish Garrison from Como, though upon agreement the City was to have been delivered up free unto him. So as ratifying the League with the Pope and the Venetians, he went to Lodi, which City was freely given him by the League. Though the loss of the Castle was very grievous, and of great concern, yet were they not quite out of hopes of getting the City of Milan, wherein was a great scarcity of all things, and the number of the Defendants not answerable to the greatness of the City, nor to the Forces that were before it, more Swissers being come unto the Camp, and 4000 of the same Nation being quickly after expected, who were raised by the King, and who were said to be already come to Bisanso. So as it was thought the City would soon fall into the hands of the Colleagues, either by force, or by Siege. Whilst these aids were expected, the Duke of Urbino intended to send some of his men to attempt the taking of Cremona, a business much desired by the Colleagues, and chiefly by the Pope; but it behoved them to put off the effecting of this, for fear lest the Imperialists might sally out of the City (as it was given out they intended to do) and might assault the Confederates Army. At last Malatesta Baglione went thither, but with fewer men, out of the same reason, than were requisite to bring the business to a speedy and good end: For finding the City fortified with double Rampires, and well provided of Defendants, he assaulted it several times in vain; then finding it very hard to storm the Town with so few men, and that to forego it before the business was finished, would redound but little to the honour of the League's Forces; it was resolved that Commissary Pesaro, Camillo Orsino, and Antonio da Castello should go with a good many Foot to the Camp before Cremona, and soon after an other thousand Italian Foot were sent to succour them, and 1000 Swissers. But neither these, nor those doing any good, the Duke of Urbino resolved to go thither himself, though it were much to the prejudice of the business of Milan. And taking a great many Pioneers along with him, he cut Trenches, and by little and little won ground upon them; so as the City being brought into great straits; was forced to yield. The Duke dispatched away a Gentleman of his with this good News to the Senate at Venice, to whom it was very welcome; not only for the good success of taking the Town; but also for that they hoped the Confederates would by this good beginning be encouraged to undertake greater Affairs. The City was immediately delivered over to Francisco Sforza, who made his residence there, and the Senate sent Secretary Luigi Sabbadino thither, that he might be present with him, as a Servant of the Commonwealths to assist him. But this mean while a strange and sad accident happened, which did much disorder the affairs of the League, retarding and interrupting all their designs: for the Colonesi having got together about 600 Horse, and 5000 Foot, entered Rome at unawares, plundered many of the Prelate's houses, the Church and Palace of St. Peter; the Pope himself hardly escaping their fury (who intended to have made him Prisoner) by retiring into the Castle of St. Angelo. So as not tarrying any longer in the City, Cardinal Colonna having in vain laboured to make the people take up Arms in his behalf, they went out loaded with Booty, and carrying away goods to the value of more than 300000 Ducats. This accident forced the Pope for his liberty, and security to make Truce with Don Hugo for four months; by which he promised to make his Forces pass back again over the Poe, and to make his Galleys withdraw into the Church's Dominions. But afterwards thinking more maturely upon these affairs, and knowing to how many dangers in the future he was incurred, to free himself from the present danger; though in observation of his late capitulation, he recalled his forces from those of the League, yet he by his Nuntios asked counsel of the King of France, and of the Venetian Senate, whether he should continue to observe those things which necessity had compelled him to promise to Don Hugo; or else not doing so, to pitch upon some other resolve. And soon after he sent Monsieur di Lige who was come then to Rome, back again into France about the same business. Clement being a witty man, and of a mature judgement, knew, that to observe the Truce, was no better than to afford Cesar means of making more bitter War, and of overcoming those difficulties by this delay, which he found himself at present oppressed with, and in fine, of settling himself in Italy, and of endangering all their liberties. But his immoderate fear perverted his judgement, and suffered him not to discern this truth. Wherefore the General of San Francisco being sent by the Emperor to Rome to treat of peace, he listened attentively to him, and exhorted the Venetians not to descent from it; For said he, Arms must one day be laid down, and that since it was now offered, the occasion was not to be let slip. The Senate answered they did never desire War, but that they had sought by War to secure peace. And that they would not be averse unto it, so as it might be treated of and concluded, by the knowledge and consent of the King of France: For if they should do otherwise, they should much to their prejudice, alienate him for ever from minding the affairs of Italy; and lose a safe refuge, in case of any adverse fortune. They therefore endeavoured to confirm the Pope, showing him that there was no reason to come now to so precipitous a resolution, nor with so much indignity to receive the proposals made by Charles, without expecting an answer from France, especially upon so dishonourable conditions, as to pay a great sum of money to Charles, and moreover to deliver up into his hands, as pledges of his fidelity, places of so great importance in the Ecclesiastical State as were Parma, Piacenza, and Civita Vecchia. And also that it did appear by many signs, that Cesar was very weak in Forces; especially since the so many rumours of succours, terminated only in the assistance of Georgio Frondisper. Whose Army being to be maintained at his own private charge, and by some pillage, it was to be hoped that it would very shortly dissolve: That the people of Milan wanting pay, refused all obedience to their Commanders. And on the contrary, that Renzo de Ceri was expected from France with moneys, and that there was hopes that the King himself, who was already come as far as Lions, would pass over in person into Italy; that the greatest danger of the Dutch was secured, the business of Genua successfully begun, that all things promised fair. The Pope being moved by these persuasions, and it may be much more by the remembrance of his so grievous and so rescent injuries, and for fear of not being preyed upon by the Spaniards, when he should be abandoned by the Confederates, he resolved to suspend the Treaty of this new Truce, and the observance of what as yet had not any effect, agreeing only to Treat of the Universal Peace, and this by the advice and consent of the most Christian King. The coming of Master Russ●l did not a little further this resolution, who being sent by the King of England to present the Pope with thirty thousand crowns, for the occasions of the War, came just in this nick of time to Rome, and laboured much to confirm the Pope in the continuance of the League, or at least, that he would set his mind upon the introducing of a true Peace amongst all Christian Princes; which the Venetian Senate did not descent from, but gave order to their Ambassador Andrea Navagiero, who was then in Spain, to intervene at this Treaty, which was to be negotiated upon, and concluded in France, but for the honour of Cesar, it was to be ratified at his Court, and in his presence. The sum of the Treaty was, That the King of France his sons should be set at Liberty. That Lombardy should be left in a peaceful condition. Francesco Sforza's State restored, And the debt paid which the King of England pretended was due to him by Charles. Difficulties daily increased in the concluding, and in the observance of these Articles, so as for all these endeavours, the provisions for War were no ways slackened: But the business of Truce being suspended, the Pope sent his men, whom he had recalled from the League camp, presently away, to recover those Lands which the Colonesi had usurped from the Church. The worse the Imperialists condition was, who were reduced to great straits, and the greater the Confederates hopes were of good success, the more ●id the former endeavour to relieve their affirmed affairs, and the others to keep out all relief, whereupon it was that all good and bad success did depend, and the whole fortune of the War. Therefore Charles made a Fleet be prepared in Carthagena, to relieve Genua; he solicited his brother, the Archduke Ferdinand, to raise men in his Territories, and to send them from the nearest parts into Italy, and he had ordered the Prince of Orange to enter into the State of Milan, thorough the Duke of Savoy's country, with a good number of Lands knights; but on the other side, the Confederates being wholly bend to keep off all relief, made several provisions, many ships were preparing in Brittany, and at Marcelles, by the King of France, and some Ships that were taken, as it was said, about Genova, were armed at the common expense, intending to put to Sea with a great Fleet, and to hinder the passage of the Spanish Fleet: Divers endeavours were had likewise with the Duke of Savoy, that he might not permit the Imperialists to pass thorough his State. But the greatest, and most apprehended dangers, came from Germany; for it was said, that Georgio Sfonspera, an old Commander, and one very affectionate to the House of Austria, was raising great store of foot in Styria, and alured men by the hopes of prey; and that the Dutch Foot which were in the Garrison of Cremona, being come to him, he had got together above ten thousand Dutch Foot about Bolzano: Divers things were therefore put in practice at the same time, to hinder the passage of these men: The practice formerly held with the Governor of the Castle of Must was agreed upon, not only the disbursement of five thousand Ducats, the one half whereof was to be paid him by the Pope, the other half by the Senate, for the freeing of the Venetian Ambassadors, who were detained by him whilst they were passing into France; but also, that he himself should come in person with four hundred Foot to the service of the League, wherewith he was to Guard the Lake of Como. The Venetians sent likewise Secretary Nicolo Sangontino, upon the same occasion, to the Marquis of Mantua, to desire him, that though these men should be advanced, he should not suffer them to enter into his State: and because Artillery and Munition were preparing in Trent, which made it be feared that Georgio Sfonspera would fall with his numerous men into the Territories of Verona, the Senate raised therefore four thousand Foot more, and made some Troops of Curassiers, and of light Horse, come from the camp: they made Agostino da Mula Commissary General on this side Menzo, and disposed of all things, in order to fight, and beat back the Enemy. But the Dutch Foot came by the Valley of Lagni, from whence they passed quickly after to Poldrone; which when our Commanders knew, who were in the parts about Verona, Camillo Orsino went immediately with the light Horse, and some of the readiest Foot companies to Salo, leaving the rest of the Army behind, with orders, that passing over the Lake of Garda, they should come into the same place: which not being to be done, for it fortuned that that Lake proved then, as it sometimes is, unnavigable; Orsino could not march, till it was too late to encounter the Enemy, who were already well advanced. Yet having possessed himself of the passage della Corona, a straight place, and naturally strong, he forced the Dutch, who had already taken that way, to go by the tops of the Mountains; so as by very craggy and difficult ways, they came to Gardo, and from thence to Castilione, and soon after they entered into the Marquis of Mantua's Territories, thereby cozening the Commanders of the League, who thought that the Dutch would have made towards Milan, thorough the Territories of Bergamo, but passing over the River Olio at Rivalta, and afterwards over the Menzo▪ it was thought that they would take their way either towards Piacenza, or Pavia: Wherein to hinder them, the Commanders of the League thought it fit to divide the Camp into two parts, with the one whereof the Marquis of Saluzzo taking with him the Swisser and Grison Foot, to the number of ten thousand, went to beyond the River Ada, and quartered at Vauri, near the strongly seated Cassano; and the Duke of Urbino, who conducted the rest of the Army, consisting of as many Foot, went to Sansino. But George Fonspra being already got beyond them with his Foot, and the Duke not able for wan● of victuals, to follow him presently with his whole Army, he made his light Horse and some Foot companies follow them in the Rear, by whom the Enemy were much annoyed, and chiefly by Giovan di Medici, who although the rest of the Pope's Captains were gone, stayed in the Camp, and took pay of the King of France; but yet they advanced still, and passed over the Po, and the Duke of Urbino taking the same way with his Army came to Borgo fort from whence the Dutch were gone but a little before, and caused a Bridge to be made, to the end that if occasion should be, he might pass his men over. But Fonspere not knowing what way to go, when he was got over the Po, was cause of much suspension with the Colleagues, and the Pope was chiefly much afraid, believing that the Enemy would bend towards Bologna, and peradventure pass into Tuscanie, wherefore he pressed the Venetians very much, to pass their men as soon as might be over the Po, for the better safety of the Churches, and the Florentines State; but their own Commonwealth was not free from the like danger, wherefore the Senate to satisfy the Pope as far as stood with their own safety, ordered Luigi Pisari, who was in the Camp with the Marquis of Saluzzo, that if any number of Foot should be demanded of him, to increase the Garrisons of the Towns belonging to the Church, he should readily relieve them. Which Guiccher●ine demanding, Baboon di Naldo was sent thither with 1000 Foot. They writ likewise to their Captain-General, that if the danger of the confederates should increase, and theirs should lessen, he should pass over the Po, either with the whole Army, or but with part of it, according as occasion should require, and as he should think best: Which being by several accidents delayed, this advice was altered, and it was thought more expedient for the common service, that for the present the Marquis of Saluzzo should pass over only with his men, taking along with him 300 of the Venetian light Horse, and some pieces of Artillery, to be taken from their Camp. The Pope's danger and his fear also did much increase, by the Enemies approaching near Florence, for the Dutch having passed the River Nura, and then that of Trebbia, not being any ways disturbed by our men, stayed at Firenzvole where they expected to meet with the men of Milan. But the Imperial Commanders finding it hard to make the rest march, the Italian Foot and some light Horse, went only thither at that time: But the Senate being desirous to give the Pope all satisfaction, sent new Orders to their Commissary, to draw out some more men from their Army, and to send them over the Po, that they might join with those that were formerly passed over with the Marquis of Saluzzo, Therefore Commissary Vetury went thither presently with 5000 Foot and some Troops of light Horse, the Duke of Urbino being at this time (not without much trouble to the Venetians) gone about some particular Affairs of his own to Mantua. These proceedings of the Enemy, made the Colleagues suspect the Florentines; fearing lest they apprehending the danger that drew near them, might come to some agreement with the Enemy, which would be much to the prejudice of their friends; wherefore the Venetians sent their Ambassador Marco Foscary forthwith to Florence, to entreat them in the name of the Commonwealth to keep their faith, and not to desert the confederates by reason of this accident. He laid before them on the one side, the scarcity of all necessaries which was in the Dutch Camp, the weakness and difficulties of the Imperialists: And on the other side, the confederates great Forces, their readiness to use them for their great service, and to run one and the same fortune with them; the hopes of better success for the Affairs of Italy by the assistance that was expected from France, and many other preparations which were a making to make War upon the Imperialists to some purpose, in several parts. He wished them to remember their ancient generosity, and particularly the many prosperous successes which they had had when they joined with the Venetians; told them they might hope for the like now, if they would keep the like constancy, and generosity. That as their continuing well inclined to the League, would certainly much increase their reputation, and confirm the minds of the Confederates; so would it be as prejudicial to them if they should desert them: And that through fear of an immaginary danger, they would fall upon great and grievous mischiefs; for they would ruin themselves, and therewithal draw on the ruin, or much declination of others, and hazard the liberty of Italy. He therefore desired them, That in respect of the love which the Commonwealth bore them, and for the great and common concerns, they would not be wanting in their duties. The Florentines seemed to take this very well, and sent their Ambassador Andrea de Pazzi to Venice, to thank the Senate; promising to continue in the League, and particularly in their good intelligence with the Commonwealth, desiring that 6000 more Foot might be raised, at the common cost to resist yet greater Forces, if it was true as it was said to be, that the Duke of Burbone had drawn men out of Milan, to march towards Tuscanie. Whilst these things went thus, the Colleagues Fleet continued still the Siege before Genua, which was now reduced to great straits; many things were propounded to hinder the relief by the Spanish Fleet which was said to be preparing in Carth●gena, to the number of 40 Ships. Navarro was for going into the Spanish Rivers, and for fir●ing the Spanish Fleet, as it lay in the open Haven, before it should put forth; which advice was approved of by the Venetian Commissary. But Doria though he seemed to like this motion well, considered notwithstanding the season of the year, and the danger by Sea made much against it, since they were not like to find Havens, whereinto to put upon any bad weather; he likewise raised many other difficulties, wherewith the rest being staggered, and he himself being resolved not to go to Carthagena, it was decreed that they should go to to the Island of Corsica, or to that of Sardinia, and to keep about those Rivers, and to wait for the coming forth of the Imperial Fleet, and to fight it as it should pass by; to which purpose some great Vessels were made to come from Marcelles, and the Ships which were formerly taken before Genua, were armed. Whilst these things were a preparing, the Imperial Fleet, which consisted of thirty and six armed Ships, making more haste from Spain then was expected, came sailing with a prosperous Southeast wind towards Genua, fifteen miles from land, wherein was Don Carl● di Lanoia, Viceroy of Naples, Captain Albercona, and Don Ferran●e Gonsaga; which as soon as the Venetian Commissary understood, who was then in Porto Venere with sixteen Galleys, to solicit the arming of the Ships, he put presently to Sea, to pursue the Enemy; but meeting with contrary winds, he was forced to put back again into the Haven, whilst the Spanish Ships pursuing their course, drew still nearer land, that they might get into the Haven of Genua. But as they passed by Monte St Frettoso, they were discovered by Novarra, from Codemonte, who lay underneath the point of land with seventeen of the League's Galleys; wherewith launching forthwith into the Sea, he went boldly and courageously to fight the Imperial Fleet; and it so fell out, as one shot which was made from Novarras Galley, whilst it was hoist up by the waves, struck off the Banner from off the Standard or Mast of the Galley wherein the Viceroy was; at the same time Giacopo di Mezzo, and Paolo justiniano's, two Captains of two of the Venetian Galleys, putting in with the forwardest, and nearest the Enemy, did with their first volley, shoot two of the Enemy's Ship thorough and thorough, the one of which sunk almost presently; and the other lying on one side, had time to stop the hole, and save herself: Captain Albercona, who was in her, got quickly out, and got into a Pinnace that was hard at hand: Many shot were made afterward on both sides, but not much hurt done; with much disorder and fear to the enemy, their Ships being more exposed to danger then our Galleys, which shooting nearer the superficies of the water, did more certainly hit the great Ships, and missed seldomer. Whereupon Navorro, who in this action showed youth-like gallantry, though he were seventy years old, began to cry aloud, Victory, Victory; and thereby encouraging the rest to fight vigorously, they pursued the enemy's Fleet, which began already to fly, hoping to make themselves masters thereof. But the Tempest at Sea did increase so much, hourly, as they saw clearly, that to pass any further, was to expose their Galleys to manifest danger, and to the discretion of Fortune, and of the winds. Wherefore leaving further pursuit of the Enemy, they resolved to put back into the Haven: Commissary Armero being by the same occasion hindered from assisting his companion in the fight, who put several times to Sea to that purpose, but was still beaten back. The Viceroy after having run much hazard; got safe with some of his Ships into the Haven of Santo Stefano in the sienneses jurisdiction; the rest of the Ships passing by Sicily and Corsica, landed their men safely at G●etta, having in vain pursued and sought after the League's Fleet, when the Sea was calm. This succour which was landed by the Spaniards, began to break the designs and hopes of the Confederates: Wherefore enquiring diligently (as is usual when things proceed not prosperously) into the occasion of these disorders, the Venetians grew jealous, by what was said by some who were but ill satisfied, that Commissary Armero might be in some fault, who was therefore sent for to Venice by the Council of jen, that he might give an account of his actions, and particularly, of the Corn which he had suffered to be brought into Genu●, and why he went not with his Fleet to Carthagena, and Augustino de Mala was chosen to be put in his place, who was then Commissary in Friuli, and who had formerly exercised the like charge at Sea. But Armero did so fully clear himself of all the faults that were laid to his charge, as he was absolutely acquitted thereof: And it was known to be true, that the not sending of some men from the camp in Lombardy, who might have straitened that City by Land, as had been so oft desired by the Commanders at Sea, was the cause why the Fleet miss of the fruit of the hoped for victory. But the Pope was more troubled at the Viceroys being come into Italy, than the rest were, and grew more jealous and fearful; for it was said, that these men that were landed by the Fleet, were to join with Fronspera's Forces. Wherefore the Archbishop of Capua was sent to Gaetta to treat of agreement with the Viceroy, and to propound a suspension of Arms till it was concluded. But the Viceroy standing upon hard conditions, requiring a great sum of money, and the assignation of some Cities, the Treaty broke off for that time: The Pope being somewhat enheartned, for that his Army was much increased in reputation and Forces, by the coming of Renzo da Ceri, who being sent by the King of France into Italy, and having brought the Fleet to Savona, was already come into the Ecclesiastical Camp, which kept about Rome, to suppress the Collonesi: But on the other side, the Viceroy was the more solicitous in endeavouring to get into the Ecclesiastical State, to defend the affairs of the Collonesi, to enforce the Pope to quit the League, and to contribute some moneys to the Army: Therefore making forward, he went with the Camp to Fursolone, hoping to get the Town either by siege or storm, having already twelve thousand Foot in his Army. But Renzo da Ceri, and Alessandro Vitello being come thither with the Church's Forces, which were much increased in number by the Pope's diligence in raising new Foot to relieve the Town, after some days battery, and some slight skirmishes made with them within, who sallied boldly out to disturb the Enemy, the Imperial camp rise from the Town, not having done any thing remarkable, and retreated to Cessano, and afterwards to Ceperano. The Pope being somewhat encouraged by these good successes, and beginning to hope well, suffered himself easily to be persuaded, to enter immediately, (though it were now in the depth of winter, and january being begun, and therewith the year 1527) upon the business of Naples, as had been formerly proposed, and counselled by the Confederates. Wherefore the Venetians ordered Agostina da Mula, their Commissary by Sea, to go to Cevita Vecchia, and that joining there his Galleys with those of the Popes, they should both of them fall upon the enterprise of Naples. But the French Fleet being slow in coming, the Venetians went to Terracina, to take in 3000 Foot, brought thither by Horatio Baglione, who was set at Liberty by Ciement, having been formerly imprisoned by Leo; in favour of this undertaking, Monsieur di Valdamonte was come to Rome from France; to whom, as being descended from King Renato, the ancient pretences of the house of Anjou, to the kingdom of Naples did appertain; it being hoped, that, out of a certain affection which remained yet in the memory of many towards those Princes, and towards the French party, the presence of Valdamonte might be of some availment; whom the League professed they would make King of those States, he being to marry the Pope's Niece, who was daughter to Lorenzo de Medici, and was commonly called La Dutchessina d'Urbino. Valdemonte being got aboard this Fleet, which consisted of 22 galleys, with these designs, and these hopes, they all made towards the Rivers of Naples; Renzo being to go by land with 10000 Foot, and to enter into Abruzzo. Doria went before with his Galleys, and assaulted Pozz●olo, a very opportune place for the Confederates, if they should get it, by reason of the conveniency of the Haven of Baia: but, being beat back by the Artillery at his first accost, he gave over any further attempt; and when the rest of the League's Galleys were come up, they resolved to batter Castello a mare, that they might have a safe receptacle for their Galleys: and after having thrown down some parts of the wall, the Forces of the Galleys were landed, that they might assault it both by land and Sea: and Paolo Giustiniano, master of one of the Venetian Galleys, was the first that entered the Town, with his men, through a breach, made by the Cannon of the Galleys, who being followed by the rest, the town was taken, and sacked, and the Castle yielded not long after. After which success, almost all the Maritime towns, whithersoever the League's Fleet came, surrendered; and if any made resistance, it was presently stormed, as was that of Lorento, and of Torre del Cervo: so as they were, in a short time masters of almost all the Rivers, and were got very near Naples. Renzo was this mean while entered the Kingdom by land, having happily passed over the river of Tronto, and rendered all the Viceroy's endeavours vain, who sought to hinder him: and beginning prosperously, he had reduced into his power, the Town of Aquila in Abruzzi, and the Counties of Tagliacozzo, Alva, and Celano. Wherefore the Captains of the Fleet, being now near Naples, and being thereunto invited by these prosperous successes, consulted, whether they should draw near Naples, or no, and put for a period to the War. They considered, That if this city should be won, the war might be said to be ended; the chief means of raising moneys for the maintaining of the war, being thereby taken from the enemies: and they being thereby driven out of their nest, and of their chiefest receptacle; by keeping wherein, their chiefest hopes of descending that State did consist: whereof when they should be deprived, their courage would soon fail them, so as they might be easily driven out of the whole Kingdom; nor was the enterprise so hard, but that they might have reason to expect the effecting of it. The City was but weakly garrisoned, nor was it apt to expose itself to danger, nor to undergo the troubles of war, or inconveniences of a siege, to preserve the insolent Dominion of the Spaniards, which was most troublesome to them; nor were the Nobles otherwise minded, though for fear of their goods they were forced to appear well pleased with that condition. They considered further, that this disposition of the Neapolitans might easily be increased, and that they might be incited to some insurrection, by promising the city to forgive the so many debts which it owed unto the chamber, and to free them for the future from many grievances, if they would be willing to yield: threatening, on the other side, that they would put them and their houses to fire and sword, if they would obstinately persist, to defend themselves. They considered, that, at the present, the Viceroy was far off, and that they could not hope to receive any speedy succour from the Spaniards: and that, when they should have gotten the city, they need not distrust the reducing of the Castles likewise into their power; which, not being succoured, must likewise suddenly yield. Yet others were of opinion, that they were to expect, till Renzo was further advanced, and that they might straighten that City with greater Forces; upon the getting whereof, they knew all other good success did depend, and the end of the war; wherefore they were to proceed therein with more mature advice, and well grounded hopes, since, if the business did not succeed well, the whole enterprise would be much prejudiced; that a short time might mightily facilitate good success; for they knew, the city was in great scarcity of Corn; which, after the late taking of some ships laded with wheat, which went to relieve it, must needs grow greater, and almost insupportable; whereupon, the people tumultuating, would by their disorders facilitate the Victory. That therefore in expectance of such an occasion, they▪ were to draw unexpectedly near to the walls of the City, and not give the Spaniards leisure to order their affairs, and to provide for better defence, that it was to be considered, that a little withstanding would be sufficient to resist the forces of that Fleet, which were so weak and so few, as they could not attempt the taking of the Town, but with more danger than hope. That therefore they were to expect some more recruits of men, either by shipping from France, or from the Army by land: and that the mean while they might go to Salerno, and reduce that▪ and the other neighbouring Towns, to the devotion of the League, before they should be better garrisoned: and so the city of Naples would at last fall into their hands. But these reasons not prevailing, it was resolved, that a Herald should be sent into the City, who should require the delivery thereof up into the hands of the League, upon such promises and threats, as were mentioned in the Consultation. But Don Hugo d● Moncada, who was within the City, curbing the people, and resolving to stand upon defence, when he understood, that the Fleet was within four miles, marched out of the City with 2500 foot, and 300 horse, to disturb the designs of the captains of the League; who had already landed many soldiers, under the conduct of Monsieur de Valdemonte, and of Horatio, Baglione; who being got very near the City, to discover the situation, met with Don Hugo and his men, fought them, and made them run; which was not done so much by the soldier's valour, as by shot from the Galleys, which playing upon the Enemy, who were upon the shore, prejudiced them much, but frighted them more; so as, being disordered and in confusion, thinking, how soon to withdraw themselves from the danger, they fled towards the City, and turned their backs upon our men, who pursued them so fast, as they would have left some pieces of Artillery behind them, had not Don Hugo, by making some Spanish Soldiers make a halt, recovered them. But being hereby necessitated to retreat the flower, he had not leisure at his entrance into the City, to cause the Bridge be pulled up, nor to shut the Gate, which Baglione, who pursued him, made himself suddenly Master of. But having but a few Soldiers with him, and fearing that if he should enter the Town with them, he should not be able to keep them from plundering, so as being disordered and confused, they might be cut in pieces, he retreated to the Galleys, which were but a mile off. This success infused such terror into the Neapolitans, as they sent to entreat the Captains of the Fleet, that they would not play upon the Town with their Cannon, nor ruin the Country, for for their parts they were ready to yield. But this so fortunate opportunity could not be made use of; for Don Hugo, knowing that there were but few forces in the Fleet, appeared willing to defend the Town, and to undergo any whatsoever inconvenience; and by this time it was clearly known, that they could not storm the City, for that the Soldiers of the Fleet were reduced to a small number, by reason of the Garrisons which it behoved them to leave in the Towns that they had taken; until the great Fleet, which was promised by the King, should be come from France. Which not coming, the Captains of the League were necessitated to lie idle, and to let the victory escape out of their hands. And though they had often very earnestly desired that they might have a thousand Foot at least sent them from the land Army, offering to send their Galleys to take them up at Terracino, they could not get it effected. For great disorders were happened in the Ecclesiastical Army: Little discipline, no obedience to Commanders, great want of moneys, and of victuals; so as when it was expected that the Army, answerable to the first prosperous success, should advance, and gather more force and reputation, it grew every day less and less through its own inconveniences. Which mischiefs proved the harder to be remedied, for that a suspension of Arms being in agitation, and the Pope being according to his custom, irresolute, and sparing in laying out of moneys, he was now more slow and sparing therein: And this Treaty being known in the Camp, the Commanders and Soldiers began to despise the Orders of the Pope's Legate, and all interests of the League. Insomuch as some of the Captains, who had been most honoured and best rewarded by the Pope, went over to the Imperialists, and took pay of them. These proceedings confirmed Clement the more in his former purpose, and in buckling close to the treaty of agreement, insomuch as he would say, that since he must serve, he would rather serve the Emperor, than always depend upon the immoderate wills of Captains, and of every base Soldier. But the resolution taken by Burbone, was above all things else cause of great disturbance to the designs of the Confederates, and of particular trouble to the Pope; for Burbone having at last overcome all difficulties, and drawn the Soldiers out of Milan, was on his way to join with the Dutch, who expected him beyond the Trebbia, not knowing particularly what enterprise they were to fall upon; only it was publicly given out, that Bourbone to get the Soldiers out of Milan, had promised them the sacking of Florence, and of Rome, which was the only means to make them move. The Pope growing apprehensive of himself, as also of the affairs of Florence, not out of any charity towards his Country (as was afterwards seen) but fearing least some alteration might happen in the Government of the City, together with the suppression of his family, which were then almost the sole Governors thereof, renewed other Treaties of Agreement with the Viceroy, though he had formerly promised not to conclude any thing without the knowledge and consent of the King of France, and of the Venetians, who had declared themselves, since Cesar persisted in so hard conditions, to be otherwise minded. But besides the aforesaid considerations, the exhortations made by the Generale di Santo Francisco, were of great force with the Pope; who being lately returned (as hath been said) from the Emperor's Court, did very much witness Caesar's well wishes, and good inclination to peace. So as making use of the same general in this treaty with the Viceroy, he continued it in such a manner, as he seemed to place all his hopes of defence therein: Becoming himself, and making the rest likewise become more slow and negligent in their providing for War: And consequently, through too much fear, making the danger more eminent. Which was the more wondered at by all men, for that whereas Clement ought to have remembered the recent troubles and injuries which he had received from the Colonesi, and the wrongs which he had afterwards done them, and the Imperialists; he ought therefore to have adhibited the less belief to words, nor have committed his safety and liberty into the power of others; but having broken conventions agreed upon with them, he ought so much the more to fear that the like might be done to him, by a desperate people, having neither religion nor faith; and who served a Prince, whose friendship he had not till then endeavoured, unless it was upon great necessity. The Pope seeking to cloak the effects of this his immoderate fear, he said in generous words, that not to be wanting to his office of universal Father and Pastor, having discovered a great inclination to peace in Cesar, and in his Agents, he could not, nor ought not, appear to be averse thereunto, nor neglect so blest an occasion, as was offered him, of causing all Arms to be laid down, with hopes to reduce all Christendom to a desired peace and tranquillity. Bourbone was this mean while got to Bullonia, it not being yet well known what way he meant to take, whether for Tuscany or Romania; for the Soldiers did alike aspire to the sacking of Florence and Rome; but it was thought he would rather take the way of Romania, to enter on that side into Rome; whereof there were many tokens, especially the levelling of the ways, made by the Duke of Ferrara's order about the Town of Cento; with whom Burbone, being come to Finale, had had many private discourses, and had received some pieces of Artillery from him, and some moneys, and was, as it was then believed, advised by him to march towards Rome, which would make much for his designs of possessing himself of Modena and Regio, whilst the Pope was otherwise busied. Burbone had ransacked the Bullonian Territories, and wasted much by fire, not out of any hatred that he had to the Bullonieses, or to offend the Pope, but to make the Florentines thereby close with him, and contribute some moneys to the Army, to free their Country, which was full of noble Palaces, from the like ruin. These proceedings made the Pope the more hasten the agreement; so as Monsieur di Lange being come from France to Rome, to dissuade the Pope ●rom thinking of any agreement, and bringing for his better encouragement 20000 Ducats, with promises of a far greater sum; and Cesare Ferramosca coming thither likewise on the same day from the Viceroy's Camp, to let the Pope know that the Viceroy was content to accept of the Truce for eight months propounded by the Pope; he not listening to the promises and encouragements of the most Christian King, clapped up presently with the Viceroy, affirming that by delay his condition would be worse, when the Viceroy should be better informed of the disorders that were in the Leaguers Army, and that the danger of the Kingdom of Naples, did not counterpoise that of Tuscany and Rome; which was the only means to make them agree together. The Pope being wholly set upon this, that the things agreed upon might be sure to be the better effected, used means to bring the Viceroy in person to Rome, and Cardinal Trivulcio, who was Legate in the Camp, was to go the mean while to Naples, for the Viceroy's better security: who consented afterwards to come without this condition. And being come to Rome, where he was very honourably received, though the day proved very tempestuous for thunder and wind; which was by some interpreted as an ill augury to the business; he without any difficulty confirmed the suspension of Arms for 8 months, upon the same terms that it was first agreed upon by Ferramosca, and with a particular promise that Burbone should retreat with his forces, and should not molest the Church's State, nor Tuscany: Which if he should not be able otherwise to effect, he would take the Spanish Soldiers out of the Camp, over whom he had the chiefest authority, and which were the Nerves of the Army. Wherefore the Pope, who was apt to believe that which he did so much desire, was persuaded that he had now put his Affairs into a good condition, and promised to pay the Army 70000 Ducats, to pardon the Colonesi, and particularly to restore Pompeio Colonna to his former Dignity of Cardinalship, whereof he had a little before deprived him; and as concerning their Towns, that the Pope and they should retain such as were at this present in their possession. But his greatest error was, that he made his Army presently retreat to the Confines of the Kingdom, and caused the Fleet to come to Cevita Vecchia, and commanded the Captains both by Sea and Land, by replicated Orders, that they should immediately restore unto the Imperialists all the Towns and places that they had taken in the Kingdom; falling so headlong to disarming (as if he had been guided by some hidden power to his perdition) as he dis-banded some of the Soldiers that were in Rome, though the Colonesi, who kept still in Arms, used many insolences: Nor did he keep any more for his Guard, than 100 Light Horse, and some companies of the black Troops, who did belong to jovan de Medici, which was come to Rome to accompany the Viceroy: And as if he should never have any more need of Soldiers, he withdrew some pay from the Captains and Soldiers of his Army, leaving them so ill satisfied, as many of them went over to Bourbon's Camp. The Senate of Venice was not wanting at this time in giving the Pope good counsel. They told him he might do well not to trust ●oo much in the Viceroy's promises; for though he should proceed sincerely, it was much to be doubted that Burbone, who pretended to be equally entrusted in authority by Cesar, as was the Viceroy, might not obey his Orders, nor ratify what he had agreed upon, without his consent. They minded him also of the many disorders which might arise, by disarming; and particularly that when the Senesi and Collonesi (whose hatred and ambition was not laid aside by this agreement) should see his Arms thus laid down, they would take an occasion to invite the Cesarean Army to advance, who when they should have this occasion offered them, it might be that even Burbone himself would not be able to detain Soldiers who were ill paid, and disobedient to their Commanders. But the Pope despising these reasons, and seeming to be still more resolute in his determination, made that saying true; that, Good and faithful counsel, given by an interessed and suspected person, causeth the sooner precipitation. Clement believed that the Venetians made these dangers to appear the greater, out of their own Interests, as desiring that he would not sever himself from the confederacy; wherefore not believing their words, he ran the more hastily upon his own ruin. And continuing still in the same persuasion, that the agreement was so settled, as no doubt nor danger could arise therein, though Burbone himself had written to Rome, that he could not rule nor detain the Soldiers, who were not well satisfied with the few moneys which they had as yet received; the Pope said Burbone did this, not that he was really averse unto the Truce, but to draw more money from him by this fear, or to show some Military ostentation: Though after all this, alleging some more rational cause for this his credulity, he had wont to say, that though he might have doubted of some sinister accident, yet he should not have thought it fit to do otherwise then he did, for he would rather that his ruin, and the cause of so much mischief to Christendom, should be attributed to the falsifying of the faith of others, then to his own obstinacy. But not being able then to believe that any thing should happen otherwise then he conceived, he had already destined to send his Almoner, Mattheo Giberto, Bishop of Verona (through whose hands all businesses of greatest importance did then pass) Legate into Spain, to treat with Cesar upon the particular conditions of peace. But the Venetians, when they were assured that the Truce was concluded, they ordered the Duke of Urbino, that he should assemble all his men together, who lay then between Modena and Regio, and join them with the Marquis of Saluzzo's forces, who were in the parts about Bullonia; to the end that they might oppose the Imperialists designs, it being suspected, that now, that the agreement was made, they would fall upon the Commonwealths Territories. They also commanded Sebastian Giustiniano who was Ambassador with the King of France, to assure the King, that though the Pope had quitted the League, yet they would not forego his friendship, a●d that they hoped they might be able by their joint forces to beat the Imperialists, and effect those things which they had proposed unto themselves as the end of their confederacy. But that if the King should judge it fit to accept of the Truce, they were ready to be governed therein by his Majesty. The Pope in his agreement made with the Viceroy, had reserved a place for the Venetians, who of themselves were not much averse from accepting the Truce: they thought it not amiss to take time, that they might prepare themselves the better for defence; the rather, for that they hoped, that the marriage being the mean while concluded between the King of England's daughter, and the most Christian King, whereby he might declare himself for the League; it might increase in force and reputation. It made more over much for their advantage, to keep the Pope at this time in suspense, that he might not be their Enemy, but rather hoping that when his fear of the present dangers should be over, they might draw him once more to join with them. Besides, by this suspension of Arms, occasion was offered of negotiating the universal peace, with safety and satisfaction to all; that being the true object, which their taking up of Arms aimed at. But in the first place, they pitched upon friendship with France, wherefore finding that the King did not listen to these proposals, they thought no more thereof. But the King propounding the renewing of War, and the reassuming the enterprise of Naples with their Armies, and their Fleets; the Senate were for Arming, but showed that they could reap no good by turning their Forces upon those parts, at this time; because their honour, and the people's favour was lost, by the Pope's having withdrawn himself from the League, and by the restitution of the Towns which they had gotten. They therefore proposed, as the safest and most advantageous course which could then be taken, to defend the States of Lombary, if the agreement should go on; and if not, that they should not abandon the defence of the Church's Territories, and the Florentines, because their oppression would redound much to the prejudice of the League. But the Imperial Army, after the agreement made in Rome, though Cesare Feramosca had sent them orders to keep where they were, were it either that Burbone would not, or could not detain them, marched towards Romagna, and sitting down before Cottignuola, they took it by agreement, and then went towards Furili, But keeping the way to Meldola, they seemed as if they would pass over the Alps by the Valley of Arnoe, and so enter into Tuscanie; hoping to be able to repair themselves by the conveniencies which were offered them by the Senesi, and to supply the great need they stood in of victuals. Wherefore the Venetian Senate, according to their former resolution ordered the Duke of Urbino, that leaving so many men as he should think fitting for the defence of their Country, he should advance with the rest, to assist the occasions of the Church, and of the Florentines, and to oppose the Imperialists in all their designs; whereupon the Duke, carrying part of the Army along with him near to Bullognia, the Marquis of Saluzzo went with the rest by several ways, and in several Quarters, to Imola, and fixed his Camp between Ravenna, and Faenza, before the Enemy were gone from Cottignuola. The manner how to govern the War, was long argued by the Captains of the League; and by a joint consent it was agreed, that the Forces of the League should be divided into two several bodies, to enclose the Enemy in the midst, to hinder them the more from victuals, and to impede their designs whithersoever they turned. Yet the Pope blaming post factum, the counsel which was formerly praised by Renzo, and by Camillo Ursino, and by all his men, sought to excuse his precipitous agreement, by having as he said, argued much coolness by these proceedings in the Colleagues, as concerning the defence of his Affairs, and that therefore he was forced to think upon some other course for his own safety. But then the Pope, who before not crediting the dangers which were apprehended by all the rest, thought himself secure; being mightily astonished at these new advertisements, sent for the Ambassadors of all the confederate Princes, and showing on the one side, his desire of the common good, nay, the necessity which had enforced him to accept of the Truce; and on the other side, how abusively he was used by the Imperialists; desired them to intercede earnestly with their Princes, that up●n occasion of so much danger, they would not, to the common prejudice, abandon him and the Florentines: And he entreated Dominico Ventero, the Commonwealth's Ambassador, particularly, that he would be a means to the Senate, that they would give order to the Duke of Urbino, to carry his Army beyond the Alps, promising that he would renew the League, and inviolably observe it. And the Senate, though the sending of those men so far from their own State, and the hazarding of them amidst the Mountains, bore with it no small difficulties, and though the Pope, following his own counsels, and several from theirs, had given them occasion enough to lay aside all thought of his Interest, yet continuing their first intention, they gave order to the Duke of Urbino, and to Luigi Pisani (who when Contarini was left Commissary in Lombardy, was gone unto the Camp) that they should, if occasion should so require, pass over the Alps. Whereupon the Imperialists being past, they were quickly pursued by the French and by the Venetian Camps; so as almost at the same time, all the Armies were brought into Tuscanie Burbone quartered near Arezzo, and the League's Army at Barbarino; the City of Florence being as it were in the midst between these two Armies; which occasioned great tumults in the City, wherein the minds of the Citizens being variously contaminated by the humour of factions, some desiring a popular Government, others the powers but of a few, and the exaltation of the house of Medici, they fell easily to civil contentions, and the popular faction began already to prevail▪ the preeminency of Government being taken out of the hands of the Medici, and of their dependants, and Hippolito, and Alessandro (both of them being the Pope's Nephews) were par●cularly declared to be Enemies to the Country. But the Duke of Urbino coming opportunely to Florence, in the time of these commotions; who as soon as he saw Burbone bend towards Tuscany, taking only 80 Gentlemen along with him, hasted with the Commissary Pisani, and with Frederick Bozzuole, to Florence, to keep the Florentines in loyalty to the League, put a stop to the audacity of the young men, through ●ear of his army, which was not far off, and reduced Affairs to their former condition, without any bloodshed or prejudice by civil dissension: And got thereby thus much good to the Colleagues, as that the Florentines being received into protection, promised adherance to the League; and to maintain in the camp, at their own expenses, 250 Curassiers, and 5000 Foot, or whatsoever other numbers the Pope should please. Whilst these things were in treaty with the Florentines, the confederacy was renewed in Rome by the other confederates; whereby the Venetians were bound in a great sum of Money not to remove their men out of Tuscanie, or out of the Ecclesiastical State without the Pope's leave, and to be the first that should send their Fleet against the Kingdom of Naples. Which conditions being thought by the Senate to be too hard, as indeed they were, were not accepted of, but their Ambassador, Dominico Veniero, having exceeded his Commission, was sent for back to Venice, and committed all' Vf●icio dell' Anogaria, and Francisco Pesaro was chosen Ambassador in his place; before whom, many had been chosen, who would not accept of the employment: Alleging that they had other places of Magistracy; wherefore a Law was made, that during the War, it might be lawful for any one to be chosen, and taken out of whatsoever place or employment. But lest the Pope might think they had any thought averse to the confederacy, or common good, they sent immediately Secretary Andrea Rosso, to Rome, to ascertain the Pope of their good will to the League; provided, that too heavy, and almost insupportable conditions were not to be laid upon them, as had been; especially at this time, when they were to reinforce their Army in Lombardy; Antonio damn Leva being marched into the Field, and the Invasion of the Landsknechts being expected. But Burbone, were it either that he did despair of doing any good at Florence, to the defence whereof all the Confederates Forces were brought; or that he did always intend the other, resolved to make towards Rome, being thereunto invited, by Rome's not being provided against these dangers; for the Pope vainly confiding in the Citizens, and Country people, great store whereof were entered into the City, and Arms were given to above 5000 of them, had been careless in raising new Foot, or in making use of those which he had; insomuch, as having given Commission to Philippo Doria, to raise 3000 Foot, whereof he had already raised a third part, and brought them to Civita Vecchia, he took no order for their coming to Rome: And he made his Almnor write to Guido Rangone, who was come with a good number of Foot to Otricoli, commanding him not to come towards Rome without express Order: Wherefore though the Duke of Urbine had given Count Guido notice of Burbone's March, to the end that he might go time enough to Rome; yet would he not stir, having been commanded the contrary by the Pope. But he did not escape being blamed for this by many, who said that in such a case he ought to have obeyed the Duke of Urbine, as being the Captain General of the League. But Burbone having now with great resolution overcome many difficulties, whereinto the Army was reduced for want of moneys, marched towards Rome, wherein he used such dispatch, as he advanced forty miles a day, making but one only Quarter between Viterbo and Rome; the great rains which in many parts had overflown the Country not making him slack his pace. Before he came to Rome, he sent to ask leave of the Pope, to go (as he said) to the Kingdom of Naples; being thereunto moved, either by the scarcity of victuals, or for fear of being surprised by the Army of the League which followed him, if he should have made too long abode any where, or (as some thought) that he might pick an occasion to do that which he had already determined. But the Pope was not pleased to listen to such proposals, or to give way thereunto; were it either that he did now know the Enemies most intrinsical thoughts, or that he did sufficiently confide in the assistance of the people, and in the League's Fleet, which was now at Cevita Vecchia with some store of Foot. But howsoever it was, Burbone having somewhat refreshed his men with victuals, wh●ch the men of Aquapendente, of St Lorenzo, and of some other Towns which he had taken, furnished him with, he resolved on the sixth of May to accost the Walls of Rome, and to give an assault. Renzo da Ceri, to whom the Pope had committed the charge thereof, had made but weak defences for the Suburbs, and provided but slightly for all other defences: So as the want of diligence to secure dangers, made the Soldier's fool-hardiness more successful; so as clapping the Ladders to the Walls of the Suburbs, and not being discovered till it was too late, by the Defendants, by reason of a very thick mist which fell that day, after some few hours dispute they won the Walls, and entered the Suburb. Antonio di Montefalco, who had the custody of that part where the first assault was given, and had 100 Foot with him, repulsed the first Assalliants, and being afterwards relieved by many of the armed people, he for a while withstood the violence of the Enemy. But Burbones Soldiers continuing to fight stoutly, those new and unexperienced people, when they saw the danger increase, and growing very apprehensive of themselves, and of their own particular Affairs, gave over the defence of the Wall, and began to run, leaving free entrance to the Enemy; Burbone was one of the first that mounted the Walls, who receiving a Musk●● shot through his side and right thigh, fell presently down, and died. Yet did not the Soldiers forbear going on, egged on by the fury of Battle, and desire of prey. Then the Pope, teaching by a notable example, that when the height of danger is in question, 'tis wisely done to think all things possible, and to seek all opportune remedies against them, as if they were sure to happen; being deceived in his trust, and in his hopes, which were more grounded upon the Enemy's disorder, then on his own Forces, being poorly advised, and full of fear, after he had tarried a good while in his Palace, expecting what the event of the Battle would be, resolved at last to save himself, together with many of his Prelates, in the Castle of St Angelo. Renzo, who had been long born away with the same error, and seeking too late to amend it, ran up and down the City, calling upon the people, and soliciting them to take up Arms, and to stand upon their defence. But they were so possessed with fear, by reason of this unexpected and bitter accident, as his words were not heard; nor was there any thing to be found in them but confusion and terror. So as the Enemy making themselves soon, and without much ado, Masters of the Suburbs, and of the Transtevere, they entered into the City between the Gates Aurelia and Settimiana, which were not defended either by Walls (for they were quite ruined by age) nor yet by armed men. Thus a great and noble City, in a few hours space, and without almost any defence, fell into the power of cruel Enemies: Much time, many men, and great labour having been often formerly spent in the same War, in taking the meanest and least Castles. Philippo Doria, and County Guido, when they saw Burbone approach near Rome, were, without receiving any Orders, marched away with their men, the one out of Orvieto, the other out of Cevita Vecchia, to assist the Pope: But being prevented by Burbone, who had blocked up the Avenues to the City, they soon returned to from whence they were come. And the Duke of Urbine, following the Enemy, though somewhat the slower by reason of the hindrances his Army met with, came therewith to Viterbo, where, finding the Country wasted by the Enemy, he was forced to stay for want of victuals; not having above seventeen thousand Foot in his Army, of the thirty thousand which by obligation of the Confederates it ought to have consisted on, so much was it diminished by various accidents: The Light Horse and the Foot going often out of these Quarters, got many Booties, which they took from the Imperial Soldiers, as they came loaded with prey from Rome. There is nothing so calamitous, so bitter, wicked, nor cruel, which Rome did not at this time undergo: Falling from the height of all prosperity, to the very bottom of all misery; which affords a notable example of the change of fortune, and of the frailty of humane Affairs; for in the times last before these, to wit, in the Popedom of Leo; the Court of Rome was gotten to a great height, and to such a magnificency, and splendour of living, as there was nothing of worldly felicity more to be desired in her. Great store of Courtiers, men excellent in all arts, Palaces princely adorned, abundance of all things. So as the people of Rome being enriched by the concourse of so many Nations, and by the profuseness of their expenses, lived merrily and luxuriously; and though Clement, as well by nature, as by accidents of War, was somewhat more sparing and modest, yet this course being once begun, the same manner of life was still continued both in the Court and City. The Dutch and Spanish Foot being entered the City, as hath been said, they became barbarous, with much rage and fierceness, to all things; not distinguishing between what was sacred, and what was profane, without any bounds to their avarice or lust: sacking, rapine, and other miseries which attend the conquered, and which use to end in a few days, continued in this City for many months; the soldiers grew furious against the popularity, killing as well such as were unarmed, as such as were armed, sparing neither Age, Nation, nor Profession: having assaulted the houses, they made the Masters thereof Prisoners, taking away what they had of most precious, nay, using torments to make them discover what they had hid, and showing no more respect towards churches; they with their wicked and sacrilegious hands robbed Altars, took away holy Relics from the Shrines, and the piously consecrated vows of many devout persons of all Nations, and violating even the holiest Pixes, th●y threw the most blessed Sacraments to the ground, and that they might leave nothing uncontaminated, or free from their wickedness, they dragged noble Matrons out of their houses, and sacred Virgins out of their Monasteries, and stripping them stark naked, led them through the public streets, and most libidinously satisfied their dishonest wills. Nor were the greatest and noblest Prelates of the Court more secure than others, to whom the Dutch Foot principally, using all sorts of scorn and infamy, showed the immense hatred they bore to the Church of Rome. This miserable Fortune, and so many grievous calamities, made all men confess, that the ancient ruins brought by the Northern Barbarians to the City of Rome, were renewed; nay, that the cruelties of the Goths, and other barbarous Nations, was so far outdone by these most cruel and wicked men, as their detested memory would last longer than that of any others: But the scourge of this miserable people did not determine in the power of men; for thorough the nastiness of these base people, and by their dissolute way of life, or were it thorough the malign influence of the heavens, great sicknesses ensued soon after; which growing contagious, slew men suddenly, so as the infected fell down dead as they walked and talked in the streets. This mortality was followed with such a sterility of the earth, and with such a scarcity of corn for humane life, proceeding either for want of manuring the fields, or for that heaven's anger was not as yet appeased, as not only people of mean condition, but even those that had wont to abound in wealth, being reduced to great poverty, and feeding upon the vilest of meats, went begging their bread; in such sort, as this most noble country being made a receptacle of Soldiers, and such as were her most capital enemies, was abandoned by Citizens, and by the Court, and became a horrid and loathsome spectacle; so as it might be truly affirmed of her, Behold a City reduced to solitude, and enslaved, which had wont to command all Nations. The End of the Fifth Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK VI THE CONTENTS. THe Venetians are much troubled at the taking of Rome, and therefore resolve to relieve the Pope. The Cardinals that are at liberty choose Bullognia for their residence. Charles his Manifesto, to clear himself from what had befallen Rome, and his actions to the contrary. The Venetians assist Francisco Sforza, and the Cities of Romagna. The Duke of Urbino resolves to fight the Imperialists before Rome, and is hindered by Commissary Vetturi, who had Process made against him for it, and was at last absolved, and the distastes between him and the Duke of Urbino agreed, who sends his wife and son to Venice. The Imperialists of Rome sack Terni, and Narni. The Florentines ratify the League. The Venetians send two thousand Foot to guard Bullognia. The Pope inclines to the Agreement, and concludes it upon dishonourable terms. The Venetians provide for their State, and advise upon the way of making war. Lautrech's actions construed ill by the Senate, who send an Ambassador to France. Pavia is taken, and sacked. Doria's actions with the Genueses, and Fregosa's against the Adorni. The unhappy success of the Venetian Fleet at Sardinia, for which Antonio Marcello is punished. The Venetians growing jealous of Lautrech, bring their men into Lombardy. Treaties of Peace with Cesar succeed not, and war is intimated by the Colleagues. The Pope being freed by Cesar, seems neutral, and desires the restitution of some Towns from the Venetians, who consult upon an answer, and therefore send Gaspero Contarini Ambassador to Rome. The Imperialists and the French Armies in the Kingdom of Naples. The prosperous success of the French. The Venetian Fleet annoy the Rivers of Puglia. The Duke of Brunsick in Italy, who being driven away by the Duke of Urbine, returns quickly to Germany. The Leagues good and bad success in the Kingdom of Naples, with the death of Lautrech. The disbanding of the Army. The Genoveses put themselves into the Emperor's protection, whereat the French are much displeased. Provision for war in Lombardy. Pavia is assaulted by the Duke of Urbine, and taken, together with some other Towns. The Venetians are careful to preserve the Towns of Puglia. A new request made by the Pope to the Senate, for the restitution of the Towns pretended to. The Senate's Answer, and their reasons. The Princes desire Peace, but the means how to compass it is not found. The Senate resolves upon war: who grow apprehensive of the French, by reason of ●heir slender provisions: and therefore forbear not to arm themselves well. Various success of Arms in the Kingdom of Naples, and in the State of Genua: wherein the French prosper but badly, and Monsieur St. Paul is taken prisoner. Wise and Valiant actions of the Duke of Urbine. His skirmish with the Imperialists, whereby he makes them retreat to Milan. The French treat of Peace with Cesar, without the knowledge of the Venetians: whereat the Senate is much distasted. Cesar comes into Italy. The agreement made at Cambrai, wherein the Venetians are excluded. The Emperor's pretences to the Towns of Puglia. The Turk's proceedings in Hungary makes him incline to Peace: The Senate is much perplexed, who at last resolve to restore Cervia, and Ravenna to the Pope; and the cities of Puglia to the Emperor; whereby an universal peace is established in Italy. THe Senate of Venice was greatly troubled to hear of the taking and sacking of Rome, and of the Pope's imprisonment. Others were moved to compassionate the miserable misfortune of that noble and flourishing City; the sad condition of so many Court Prelates, and chiefly that of the Pope; being brought from the most supreme degree of reverence and authority, into much lowness and danger, and was still exposed to the fury of Arms, and to many injuries: others were sorely grieved at these proceedings of the Spaniards, who they imagined would now neither want boldness nor fortune to attempt any thing to the prejudice of the Liberty of Italy; especially, since there was no slight occasion of jealousy, that t●ey would carry the Pope prisoner into pain, to the end, that they might afterwards by their accustomed cunning, and vain pretences, possess themselves of the Church's dominion, and make the way easier for themselves to be lords of Italy. Wherefore the Venetians moved partly out of compassion and disdain, for the injuries done unto the Pope; and also out of State policy, not to suffer Charles his fortune to increase further, to their yet greater prejudice, they resolved, to concur with all their forces to the freeing of the Pope, and to spare neither cost nor danger therein: Wherefore they gave strict order to the Duke of Urbine, their captain General, and to their Commissaries Pisani and Vetturi, to advance with their Army, and setting all other things aside, to attend the relief of the Castle, where the Pope was shut up, and to use all possible means to set him at Liberty, and to free him from danger; and, that they might not be disturbed in this enterprise, they fell forthwith to the raising of new foot, whereby to add unto their army which was given them in Lombardy 10000 men more, that they might therewithal encounter, Antonio da Leva, who being marched into the field, and meeting with no obstacle, was likely to grow daily stronger by the succour which he expected from Germany. The Venetians were much encouraged in this their intention; and their hopes of good success was increased by the great preparations which the Kings of France and England made, to fall upon (as they constantly gave out) the Provinces of Flanders with their Armies and Fleet, whereby to force the Emperor to reduce all his forces into those parts, and to abandon the affairs of Italy. These things did very much rescent what had happened to Rome, for which respect, the King of England hastened away the Cardinal of York, who was sent to the court of France, to take some order for the intervene and meeting of the two Kings; wherein the chief thing to be treated of was, the Pope's freedom, and the securing of the Ecclesiastical State, nor did the King of France show himself less forward herein; who had immediately sent orders to his Commanders in Italy, to attend the freeing of the Pope with all their might; and the securing of the Church's dominions: for the better effecting whereof, he advised the Cardinals, which were yet at Liberty, to meet all of them at Avignon, whether the Cardinal of York promised also to come, this place being made choice of, as safe and commodious for the Transactions which were to pass between them and the Court of Spain: and the Cardinals, accepting of the advice of meeting, chose Bullognia for the place of their convention. But Cesar, hearing of what had befallen at Rome, and of the Pope's captivity, appeared to be no less displeased at it, than were the rest: affirming publicly, that he had rather his Commanders had not been Victors, then to have used the Victory so: and going about to justify himself, as of a thing not only done without his consent, but even against his directions: He alleged his long endeavours for Peace, out of a desire whereof, he had passed by so many injuries received from the Princes of the League; and had in many things condescended to their desires; especially in such things as concerned the Territories and honour of the Church, and the exaltation of the Apostolical Sea; which was always of such force with him, as he had always preferred it before his own interests, and before the satisfaction of many of the States of the Empire, which sought to withdraw themselves from the obedience of the Popes of Rome; the knowledge whereof had made Leo, and Adrian the 6th his friends, and had made them ●avour his desires and enterprises, as just and honest: That he was now the more troubled at it, because his dislike was not able to undo what was done; but that as for himself, he was ready to remedy it as much as he could, and to embrace all fair conditions of agreement, touching which he himself had written to the King of England, and had treated thereof with divers Cardinals of the Court. yet his actions answered not to these his words; for he neither gave any positive answer touching the Pope's freedom, nor was he less diligent in providing for War; and in his discourse, he would often excuse Bourbone, and his Army; he would aggravate offences received from the Pope, mention his inconstancy, and breach of faith in past agreements, and show into what dangers the Colleagues had endeavoured to bring him; whence it might be comprehended, that his intentions did not correspond with his speeches, and that nothing but necessity, and force of Arms, would make him consent to the setting of the Pope, and the King of France his Sons at liberty. Wherefore the King having formerly resolved to take ten thousand Swissers into pay, for the affairs of Lombardy, and being till now somewhat slow in effecting that his resolution, and growing more jealous and apprehensive of the Imperialists fortune and designs, after the taking of Rome, he forthwith sent moneys for that purpose to Lions, and earnestly solicited their departure. The Venetians were not wanting in increasing the King's desire herein, by their fervent and frequent endeavours, minding him of the necessity of strongly prosecuting this War, since Religion and State policy did concur, in not suffering the Apostolic See, and the Liberty of Italy to be suppressed; and that they might invite him thereunto no less by actions then by words, they resolved to rig up their Fleet with all speed, which had suffered much by bad Wether at Cevita Vecchia, and by other misfortunes; and moreover, to Arm four other Bastard Galleys, whereof Antonio Marcello was made Commander, that their Fleet might be the readier, and more able to assault the Marshes of Puglia: They propounded likewise to the King, that ten thousand other Foot, besides the Swissers, might be raised at the common expense; and the mean while, they took many Commanders into their pay, such as were then esteemed most experienced in Military affairs; and amongst the rest, Count Gaiazzo, and the Marquis Palavasino; and to enhearten Francisco Sforza (whose friendship and ready will was thought necessary above all things else, for the good success of the affairs in the State of Milan) they lent him ten thousand Ducats, wherewith he promised to increase the number of his men, which were already above two thousand Foot, and to come with them in person to Lodi, and join with the Venetian Army. And because the Towns in Romagna were exposed to much danger, not having any one who did assist or succour them in times of such misery and disorder, the Senate being much pressed thereunto, sent moneys to the Governor of Ravenna, to raise Foot, and to Garrison that City, encouraging him to hold out, and promising him greater supplies if need should require; which they soon after made good, by sending three hundred Foot, and an hundred light Horse into the City, under the command of jovan di Naldo, charging him to hold that City in the name of the Apostolic See, and of the League; but some disorders arising between the Citizens and the Soldiers, the City sent jovan Donato, one of their citizens, to Venice, to desire they would send one of their Nobles, to be as Commissary in Ravenna; to which purpose, Bartholomeo Contarini was chosen. The like also did those of Cervia soon after, the Guelves having driven out those of the Ghebeline faction, and received in a Venetian Garrison and Magistrate, not only giving way unto, but requiring an Apostolic Legate, for the quiet and preservation of those Cities. But the Duke of Urbine having received Orders from the Senate, and ordering all things in reference thereunto, having first made sure of the City of Perugia, which was then governed by Gentile Baglione, who was suspected to have held intelligence with the enemy; and having put a good Garrison thereinto, he went with his Army to Todi, and from thence to Orvietto; near unto which place, the French and ecclesiastics being joined to the Venetians, as was formerly agreed upon, the Duke call a council of the chief Commanders, and causing the Senate's Letters to be read, affirmed resolutely, that he would march towards Rome, and according to his Commission, endeavour by all means possible, to get the Pope out of the Castle; and not refuse, if the Enemy should come forth, to come to a day of Battle with them, wherein he himself would be in the first rank, and put himself upon the greatest dangers. Which resolution being approved of by Commissary Pisani, was likewise assented unto by all the rest; only Commissary Vetturi opposed it, and entered his protestation against it in writing, as being a precipitous advice, full of certain danger, and uncertain success; saying, that our men were far inferior both in number and worth to those of the Enemy's Army, wherein there were many men, and most of them well disciplined, accustomed to fight, and to overcome, and therefore grown bold, and ready to with stand a much greater force. This did somewhat allay the Duke's former ardour, yet still he continued his resolution of carrying his Army nearer Rome, intending to take up his quarters in some strongly situated place, where he might be ready for whatsoever event should happen. He therefore betook himself to new counsels; which was, to endeavour with less danger to bring the Pope out of the Castle; to which purpose, he in great haste sent Frederico da Bozzole with a Troop of Curassiers, good store of light Horse, and some companies of Dragoons towards the City, hoping that by his unexpected coming, the Pope might find some way of getting out; and having so sure a guide, might come to the League's Army. Which course, through several accidents, proved but vain. But the Army advancing still the mean while, they heard that new Trenches were made about the Castle, and so secure, as the enterprise grew more difficult; and moreover, that some Spanish Foot were expected to come to Rome from Naples, from whence Captain Alcone was already come with some companies. Wherefore the Duke, with the consent of the rest of the Commanders, thought it not fit that the Army should advance any further, whereof he gave the Senate speedy notice, acquainting them with the cause of his stay, and requiring much greater forces, that he might more safely, and with better hopes, attempt the freeing of the Pope; to effect the which, he said it was requisite to have fifteen thousand Swissers in the Army, a great number of pioneers, and a greater Train of Artillery. The Venetians were much troubled to hear this, that the Pope should continue so long, in so sore troubles; and the rather for that some Letters were at this time read in the Senate, written by the Pope himself to Guicchardine, the Ecclesiastical Commissary, and by him sent to Venice: Wherein deploring his adversity, and sad condition, he entreated, solicited, and conjured the Confederates to procure his freedom. Nor was the loss of the League's reputation by reason of this slowness less grievous; whereby the credit of the Enemy was the more increased, and the fear daily increased, that the Pope out of mere desperation would agree upon any terms with the Imperialists: So as they knew not now whereupon to ground their hopes, or how to lay their designs of War: For the things that were required were difficult, and asked length of time, whereby things would grow worse and almost impossible to be repaired. Wherefore the Senate, understanding the hindrance which Commissary Veturi put in the Armies approaching near Rome, took the place from him, and committed him to the Office of the Avogaria, that he might give an account of his action; but his trial being delayed, and the anger which was conceived against him being with time allayed, and it being found that his advice was not without some reason, he was absolved in Court. But the Senate persisting still in their first opinion, did with greater efficacy than before, renew their orders to their Captain General, and to their Commissaries, that using all possible diligence, they should resume their former resolution, of drawing with their Army near Rome and of endeavouring to free the Pope; whereat all of them were so highly distasted, as the Duke of Urbine was ready to quit the Commonwealth's service: But afterwards dislikes being on all sides tempered, his place was confirmed upon him for two years longer, the Senate taking him and his State into their protection. But to give better security, and as it were, a pledge of his fidelity, he sent his Wife, and the Prince his Son, to live at Venice, which the Senate took extremely well, and by Letters full of thanks and affection, desired to confirm this good opinion in him, showing how great expectation every one was in of his worth upon this occasion; and particularly the esteem which they themselves had not only of his valour, but of his loyalty and love towards the Commonwealth. And because in this commotion of Affairs, it much imported them to keep the Florentines faithful to the League, the Venetians laboured to increase the disposition which they found in them to stand to the confederacy to which the Pope had formerly agreed in their name: Though after what had happened at Rome, they had driven the Medici out of the City, and reduced the Government into the former popular condition. The Pope's Imprisonment, and the Spaniards prosperous success, proving daily more grievous, and vexatious to the French, they betook themselves to make diligent provision for War; the King said he would come himself in person to Lions, that he might be nearer at hand to provide for what was requisite for the Army; and that he had given order for the levying of more Foot, which amounted to the number of 15000 Swissers, and 10000 Italians: He likewise man'd out Andrea Doria, at his own expenses, with eight Galleys, that he might be therewithal serviceable to what should be done by Se●: and agreement being opportunely made at this time between him and the King of England, he exhorted him, since there were divers accidents which deferred the waging of War with Cesar beyond the mountains, to contribute moneys for the payment of ten thousand Dutch foot, to the end, that they might make war with him the more forceably in Italy: And that there might not want a Chieftain of authority in the business, he resolved to send Lautrech into Italy, to be General of the League, who might command in chief over all the Armies: and the Venetians to honour him, chose Pietro Pisaro, Procurator of S. Mark, for their Ambassador, who was to meet him as soon as he should be come into Italy, and to be continually assistant with him. Whilst affairs were ordering thus, the Imperialists which were in Rome, although their numbers were much increased by the Spanish Foot, which were lately come from Naples by Sea to that City, so as there was about four and twenty thousand foot in the Imperial Army, yet did they employ their time idly, in making use of the booty which they had got, not making any further progress; the Commanders authority not being sufficient to make them go out of the City, nor to curb their licentiousness, only some few Dutch Foot went out of Rome (by whose going, it was thought that all the Army would rise) and sacked Terni, and Narni, without passing any further, though the League's Army were retreated; for that despairing of the business of Rome, the Venetians had caused their Army, which was followed by the Marquis of Saluzzo with the French, to retreat to the confines of the Senesi, to secure the Florentine affairs, according to the ratification of the League; upon the obligation of the Florentines maintaining five thousand foot in the Camp at their own cost: in which they showed themselves the more ready, for that they were the most exposed to danger; for the Imperial Commanders threatened to turn their forces upon them, being incensed, for that having in the beginning of the Pope's adversity, given them some intimation that they would adhere unto the Emperor, they did afterwards close with his enemies. The Venetians were then six thousand Italian foot, two thousand Lansknechts, thirteen hundred Light Horse, and two thousand Curassiers. The French foot exceeded not seven thousand, though the King paid for a great many more. And this counsel proved very lucky, for it kept the War far from the Commonwealth, it hindered the further proceedings of the enemy, it preserved the City of Bullognia, by the reputation of the neighbouring Forces, which was in the more danger, by reason of the Intelligence held between the Imperialists and Bentevoglii; whose faction was grown the greater, by the addition of the Malvezzi; wherefore the Venetians, at the request of Cardinal Cido, who had the Government of that City, sent two thousand Foot to guard it. But the scarcity of victuals, and the many sore sicknesses, by which the Army was much diminished, hindered them from making any attempt. Out of these reasons, the enemy's forces being much increased, and those of the Confederates diminished, the Pope, despairing of being soon relieved, applied himself wholly to Treaties of agreement. Wherefore he very much desired the Duke of Urbino, that he would suffer the Viceroy to come safely to Rome, hoping by his means to obtain better conditions, than were then offered him by the other Imperial Commanders: which succeeded otherwise, either, for that the Viceroy had not authority enough to do it, or else, for that minding himself more than the Pope, he agreed rather to those conditions which might please the soldiers, that he might win their favour, and be made their commander, then to those which made for the Pope's advantage; who still continuing earnestly to desire an agreement, for he had been often deluded by those of the League, they came presently to an agreement, but upon hard and dishonourable Conditions, and which were often afterwards refused by him, He being thereby bound to pay 400000 Ducats to the Army, and to put into the Imperialists hands the Castle of Angelo, the Forts of Hostia, Cevita Vecchia, and Cevita Castellana, and moreover to cause the cities of Parma and Piacenza to be delivered up unto them; for all which, he was notwithstanding not to be then set at liberty, but to be carried to Gaetta, and there to expect Cesar 's resolution, touching what was to be done about the ratification of the Agreement, and concerning his person, and the like of many Cardinals, and Prelates which were in the Castle. The Venetians were much displeased at this, since by these Articles Cesar's Forces, and reputation were greatly increased; having lately incensed Cesar yet more against them, by having given Commission to their Ambassador, That, together with the King of France's and the King of England's Ambassador, he should require Cesar to set the Pope at Liberty, and in case of denial, they were all of them to denounce war against him. But, it being known, that it was great necessity, the fear of his own person, and chiefly, the hatred which the Collonesi, and the Dutch Foot bore unto his name and person, which made him accept of so prejudicial terms; believing that he might easily change his mind, and that time might make way for better fortune; they resolved to hinder such things, which, post factum, would be hard, and perhaps impossible to do: therefore, for the preservation of Cremona, they caused their Army in Lombardy, which quartered in the Territories of Crema, to pass over the river Ada, that it might garrison those Cities, hinder the delivery of them up, disturb the business agreed upon, and to keep the Imperialists in work, and to weaken them by laying waste the Country about Milan, and Pavia. These forces of the Venetians were then about 10000 foot, 500 Curassiers, 700 Light-horse, under the command of the Duke of Urbine, and of Commissary Dominico Contarini; to boot, with 3500 foot, which the Duke of Milan, (who was come according to his promise to the Army,) had brought with him. Yet they did not purpose as yet to fall upon any important Action, for they expected, Lautrech's coming, who, being gone from France, with part of the Forces which were destined for the enterprise of Italy, was already come to Piedmont. The Commanders differed in their opinion, touching the way of managing the war: some thought, that it was best, that the French should join with the League's Army; which, being again advanced, were quartered near Narni; these alleged for their advice, that fit occasion might be taken from the disorders, and inconveniences of the Enemy, of obtaining their chief end, which was, the Pope's Liberty, by drawing to the walls of Rome; since that the Cesarean Army, by reason of the Plague which was in that City, and through the licentiousness wherein the soldiers had lived for many months past, was much diminished both in numbers and Valour; the Foot lying, some within, some without the Town, without either order, or military Discipline, and many of them going daily in threaves from the Camp; so as by the addition of the French they might hope to prevail over the enemy, and to drive them quickly out of Rome. Yet others thought, that the safer way to achieve this, was, to force the Imperial Commanders to draw their men out of Rome, to relieve the State of Milan, wherein the war being still hottest, it was thought, the Enemy would not be able to make their party good, no, though they should recall their army from Rome; and that the relief would either come too late, or not be sufficient to stop the course of Victory: so as, many good effects might be wrought at one and the same time, and peradventure a final end might be put to the war. This being generally approved by the greatest party, Lautrech entered the State of Milan, with powerful forces: 8000 Swissers, 3000 Gascones, and 10000 foot, which were led on by Peter of Navarre; and being come into the country of Alexandria, he did not think it fit to advance any further, without attempting somewhat with his Forces; he therefore sat down before the Town of Bosco, which was guarded by ten Thousand Dutch Foot, which, after some day's battery, yielded. He with the like success got the Town of Alexandria soon after, and put thereinto a garrison of five hundred of his men, that he might be sure to have (as he alleged) a safe place for his men to have recourse unto, in case of adverse fortune; and likewise to receive those that were to come from France. But, both the Duke of Milan, and the Venetians were much troubled thereat: and it proved afterwards a great hindrance to the affairs of the League, through some diffidence which grew among the Colleagues, who grew jealous of the proceeding of the French, for their having detained the City, and through no small scandal that Lautrech took on the other side, at this their jealousy. The Venetians complained hereof by their Ambassadors, both to Lautrech, and to the King himself; placing the occasion of their dislike notwithstanding rather upon what judgement the enemy would make thereof, then in any self interest, or doubt of theirs. And Monsieur di Taberna, who was resident in the Court of France on the Duke of Milan's behalf, by not rejoicing, nor holding any discourse with the King about this acquisition, did, by saying nothing, witness as much his master's displeasure: Which, because it might produce many bad effects, the Venetians laboured to free him of this suspicion, and to appease his displeasure, witnessing the King's good will, and excusing Lautrech: And, that these their endeavours might be the more efficacious, and to maintain the Duke's reputation as much as they could, they sent Gabriel Veniero Ambassador to him, to remain Resident with him, Luigi Sabadino the State's Secretary having been there till then. Alexandria being taken, Lautrech gave out that he would march with his Army towards Rome, to free the Pope, who though he had accorded with the Spaniards, as hath been said, was still kept Prisoner by them, many difficulties being met withal as well in the payment of the moneys promised to the Soldiers, as in the assignation of the Strong-holds; nor did Cesar seem to be well resolved therein, though by his Speeches he sought to make the contrary be believed. But the Venetians did openly oppose this course; not but that they did equally with the King desire the Pope's freedom, but because they thought it little useful for the common affairs; the same reasons and respects concurring then, and being made more considerable by other new accidents, which upon narrow examination before, were by common consent thought sufficient to persuade, that Lautrech when he passed first over the Mountains, was rather to come into Lombardy then into the Territories of Rome; it being known that all the remainder of the War, would depend upon the success thereof. That there was great hopes at this time of getting the Cities of Pavia and Milan, each of them being but slightly garrisoned; and Antonio da Leva, by whose diligence and discipline that State was more maintained, then by his Forces, being very sick and altogether disabled for action: That if this occasion should be lost, the condition of all things would grow daily worse for the League; for a great many Landsknechts were ready to fall down presently from the Country of Tinoll into Lombardy: By whose coming the Enemy would become much stronger, and it would be but in vain for the Confederates to attempt any thing: But that if these men should find no safe receptacle in Milan, they neither having Horse nor victuals, they would be forced to alter their minds, and to return home. Time and opportunity would this mean while be gotten for the coming of the ten thousand Dutch Foot to the Camp, which were raised with the King of England's moneys; by which the Army being much increased both in reputation and Forces, might with assured hopes of victory, proceed on to the Enterprise of Rome, and the Enemies would be soon driven from thence, and the Ecclesiastical State and Liberty of Italy secured. Lautrech being overcome by these reasons, was content to march with his Army towards Pavia, which not being timely succoured by the Forces which Antonio damn Leva sent thither from Milan, fell easily into the League's hands, and was sacked by the Army, the Soldiers using all sorts of cruelty to the Inhabitants, because it was said that they boasted themselves to have quelled the King of France; by the imprisonment of King Francis, which happened whilst he besieged that City. This News was very welcome to France, the French men thinking that by this victory, they had cancelled the infamy of the Battle fought by that Nation in that place some few years before. At the same time Andrea Doria was come to Savona with his Galleys, and some others belonging unto the French, where the Venetian Galleys were to have joined with him to attempt the business of Genna; it being thought that great advantage might have been made by that City, if it should be reduced to the King's obedience. But after a whiles stay, and before the Venetian Fleet came unto them, a very fair occasion was offered of suddenly dispatching the business: For the Genovese ships being come loaded with corn to the Washeses near Porto Fino, the Genovese being very desirous to have them come safe unto the City, were gone out to meet them with 8 Galleys, part Genovese, part Spanish, and put therewith into the same Haven. Moreover, understanding that Doria had landed some men, and that making some Trenches, he endeavoured to make himself Master of the Haven, and to hinder any relief from coming to those Ships, and so get possession of them, they had sent Agostino Spinola thitherward with a company of select Foot, to disturb the Enemy's works, and to secure the Haven, and the Ships. Wherein they had good success; for Spinola falling at unawares upon Doria's Soldiers, whilst they were confused and in disorder, put them quickly to flight, though they were more in number, and took Philippo Doria Prisoner. But News coming not long after to Genua, that Cesare, Son to janus Frigoso, was come into the Valley of Pozzavera, and encamped in a Town called San Pietra de l'arena, with two thousand Foot, and some Troops of Venetian Horse, with which Lautrech had sent him to favour the business of Genua, and that being gone from thence he was marching towards that City, they were all of them on a sudden mightily afraid, for that their best Soldiers were gone out of the City, to Porto Fino; and for fear of some rising in the City, by reason of the several factions that were therein. Wherefore the Adorni, who had then the chief Government of the City, apprehending these commotions, sent to Spinola, commanding him to come speedily with all the men he had with him, and to relieve the City: So as being enforced to abandon the Fleet, he left it a prey for Doria, into whose hands eight Galleys, & six of the Enemy's Ships fell without any dispute or danger. The mean while the Adorni joining many others of the people to the Soldiers which Spinola brought along with him, & believing that by falling at unawares upon the few that Fregoso brought along with him, he might overcome them, and keep the City safe and quiet; they went forth, and drew near the Enemy's Quarters: Who being advantageously seated, fought more confidently, and did not only make their party good, but began to disorder them, & afterwards to make them run, killing many of them, and taking many of them prisoners, amongst which chief Commanders Spinola was one. Wherefore Fr●goso pursuing his victory, and not being retarded by a company of Spanish foot, of the Garrison, who were marched out to relieve their fellows, he routed them easily, and marched towards the City of Genua; which being bereft of almost all defence, and having many in her, who were formerly resolved to surrender by reason of the love they bore to the family of Fregosi, and to the French, did receive in Cesare Fregoso, and his Soldiers into the Town▪ not making any opposition: And the Government being taken from the Adorni, the City was reduced into the power of the King of France, in whose behalf Theodore Trivulcio was left Governor there. And the Venetians, that they might not leave the valour of their Captains unrewarded, added 30 more Curassiers to Fregosa's conduct, and doubled his pay. They likewise showed some testimony of honour to Guido Naldo, to Agostino Clusone, Hannibal Fregos●, Cesare Martinengo, and to others who had behaved themselves worthily in this action. The business of Genua being ended, and Giovan Moro, Commissary of the Venetian Fleet, being come with 16 Galleys to Legorne, where Doria waited for him; they resolved to go with all the Army to the Island of Sardignia, which they thought would be easily gotten, and would make very much for the enterprise of Sicily, But the counsel proved unfortunate; for the Fleet being come near the City of Sardo, and having got some maritime Towns, it so fell out, as there arose a great Tempest at Sea, which scattered the Galleys, and made them go several ways: Some that belonged to Venice, after being long beaten by the Tempest, they got safe into Legorne; others, after having run much hazard, got into Corsica, whither also all the French Galleys were first come, save two which were split upon the Sardignian shore. And nothing being then to be attempted more at Sea, the Winter drawing on, and the Fleet sorely rend, Commissary Moro came with his Galleys to Corfu. At this time Pietro Laude, was made General at Sea by the Venetians, He was commanded to coast along the neighbouring Seas of the Islands, and Dominions of Venice, to secure and consolate the Subjects; but chiefly, that passing into Sicily, he should bring away as many Ships as he should find loaden with corn in those parts, and send them to Venice, to supply the great scarcity of corn that the City was then in. But the General having in this interim, sent Commissary Agostino da Mula with two nimble Galleys, and Antonio Marcello with four bastard Galleys, to secure the Eastern Seas, it happened that Marcello being in the Haven of Suda, in the Island of Candia, and being told that a Turkish Galley was passing by the Island, he believing that it was the famous Pirate Cortugoli, who at that very time, and about those Seas, had rifled and burnt a Ship of Venice, and cruelly slain all the Mariners and Passengers, he put forth to Sea, with a great desire to vindicate this injury; and without any farther knowledge, having met with her, assaulted her, took her, and brought her and her consorts into Bicorne, where he might afterwards ken 7 Turkish Galleys, passing by one after another; whereof the Moor of Alessandria was Captain, to whom likewise the Galley that was taken belonged; but Marcello keeping his station, and apprehending nothing, especially since he saw the Galleys dispersed, afforded the Moor opportunity to assault him (as he had designed to do) at unawares; who having gotten all his consorts speedily together, assaulted our Galleys on the flank; Marcello being affrighted at the unexpected assault, sought to escape the danger by flying, as did his consorts; but not being able to be gone so soon, one only Galley escaped, and the Moor took the other two, who carried them into Alessandria: Which action the Captain being to give an account of, he was commited to the Magistrate of the Avogadori, and was sent for prisoner from the Fleet, but he died for very grief by the way. And Solimar, finding the Captain's imprudency, and the Senate's respect, in a civility not at all usual with barbarous Princes, did not only send back to the Venetians the Galleys which were taken, but also great store of Saltpetre along with them; which was a very seasonable present at this time, they having spent all the Saltpetre they could get out of the neighbouring places, by reason of their continual Wars. Soliman at the same time had given many other signs of his love and good will to the Commonwealth giving them free liberty to carry corn from Allessandria and from other of his Countries, and using great civilities and expressions of love unto them in their greatest adversities. Wherefore the Senate thought fit, in correspondency to the effects of so great a Prince's love, whose friendship was very behooveful for the Commonwealth, to send an express Ambassador to him, who in the names of them all, was to thank him for his so many testimonies of love to the Commonwealth, and to desire the continuance thereof. To this purpose Tonnaso Contarino was made choice of, who had many rich vestments, and other noble ornaments given him, to present unto the Court Bashaws, and chiefly to Ibrahim, who was then in great esteem by reason of the extraordinary favour he was in with Soliman. Whilst these things were a doing, Lautrech returning to his former designs, when it was thought that pursuing his victory, he would have carried his Camp to before Milan, passed with all his men over the Poe, and marched towards Piacenza, with a resolution (as he said) setting all other things aside, to endeavour the Pope's freedom. This caused much wonder in all men, that abandoning the fortune and occasion which was offered him, of putting a speedy end to the Wars of Lombardy, he would leave such relics thereof behind him, as in time would be harder to be suppressed; nay which might much endanger what he had gotten, since none but the Venetians stayed there, and the Enemies expected great and sudden succours: Which made many men doubt, that Lautrech did this, rather out of his own particular affection, or out of some of his King's interest, then by any care he had of the Pope's freedom. It was very certain that he was very highly offended at the complaints that the Venetians and Francisco Sforza had made, touching the affairs of Alexandria; and likewise that at this time the treaty of agreement with Cesar was closely followed, for which it made much for the King, that the whole state of affairs should remain as yet uncertain, and doubtful. And this jealousy seemed to be the better grounded, since Lautrech, who went so hastily, and so unopportunely from the state of Milan, proceeded afterwards very slowly in his m●rch; and that after the arrival of the Dutch foot, the expectation whereof he alleged in excuse formerly for his delay, he stayed still loitering at Parma. Nor did the Army of the League make any greater progress, which being brought to Monte Falco, spent their time idly, though the weakness of the Enemy's Army afforded them occasion of making some attempt. Whence the Venetians began to suspect, that the Duke of Urbine, out of some particular respects of his own, did not proceed with such sincerity as he ought to have done; wherefore they set a Guard upon his Wife and Son, who were then in Mur●no. But the Duke having sent a Gentleman of his, one Horatio Florido, to Venice, that he might get leave to come himself to Venice, to justify his actions, the Senate, either being better informed, or that they might the better accommodate themselves to the time and affairs, would not suffer him to leave the Army; but removing away the Guard from his Wife and Son, seemed to be satisfied with him: But the Venetians, since they could not make Lautrech alter his resolution, made their men come into Lombardy, which were then about fifteen thousand foot, having left three thousand five hundred Light Horse with Lautrech, for the enterprise of Rome; being thereunto moved, out of the pressing care which they had of retaining the Towns which they had recovered in the Dukedom of Milan, the weight whereof lay only upon the Commonwealth. Francisco Sforza being so exhausted of money, as he was hardly of himself able to maintain the ordinary Garrisons of the City, much less to bring men into the Field, as he was bound to do by his Articles, and as was necessary to resist the Forces which were prepared by Antonio da Leva. Moreover, the respect of their own affairs did not a little move them, and the fear of bringing the danger home unto themselves, bereaving their Country of defence, by sending their Forces so far off, and especially because they heard that many armed people were gathered together in the parts about Tirol, and that great provision of victuals and munition was made in the City of Trent, to be sent into Italy: And this fear made the greater impression in them, because now Ferdinando of Austria, who had quieted the affairs of Hungary, by the victory he had gotten over Giovan, the Vayvod of Transilvania, had better conveniency to attend the affairs of Italy, as he had oft times seemed very desirous to do. Wherefore thinking it necessary to increase their Army to the number of twenty thousand foot, and to make greater provisions to maintain another great War, the Senate entreated the King of England, that he would be assistant to the Commonwealth, and to the cause of Italy, by contributing part of the expense in so great a need to the payment of that Army, which was to maintain the Liberty of Italy, which he had so often promised to defend. But the King affirming still that he would make War upon Cesar in Flanders, and free Italy from any such danger, by diverting his Forces, showed that it was good for the common service, to lessen the provisions which were destined for such erterprises; so as the Commonwealth being to be alone at so great expenses, and the public Treasury being already much exhausted by the so long War, was forced to have recourse to many extraordinary ways for the raising of moneys. Amidst all these preparations for War, the business of Peace was not notwithstanding quite laid aside; but the Emperor seeming to desire it, had several Treaties with the King of France, and with the Venetians; sometimes apart, for particular agreement; and sometimes jointly, for a general peace. The demands which were made on the King of France his part, and on the Venetians, were: That Cesar should set the King of France his Sons at liberty. That he should free the Pope, and forgo whatsoever he held that belonged unto the Church. That he should restore Francisco Storza, Duke of Milan, unto his State, and that he should remove all his forces out of Lombardy, and out of Rome. Which Cesar neither wholly accepting of, nor yet altogether denying, he sought by various difficulties to hold on the more certain resolution, chiefly by demanding a great sum of money of the Venetians; whereby holding the business on foot, but full of doubts, he desired to take the advantage of time, and to steer his course according to the event of the affairs of Italy, and according to the preparations made by his Brother, hoping the mean while to conclude the particular agreement with the King of France, more to his own advantage; to whom (as the King acquainted the Venetians afterward) he did at last propound, The excluding of all the other Colleagues, and the appropriating of the State of Milan to himself. Whereby, and by his first resolution in all his Treaties, of having Sforza's cause decided by Judges, and that in the mean while he should keep the City of Milan in his own name, and with his Garrisons, it might easily be conceived, that all his Treaties tended only to this, that the Confederates Armies being disbanded, he might put himself in safe possession of the State of Milan; so as all thoughts of Peace being laid aside, War was again denounced by the Confederates, to Cesar, wherein thinking that it might make much for their advantage, if they could draw the Duke of Ferara, and the Marquis of Mantua into the League, and having tried them both, they concluded with the Duke of Ferara, to receive him into their League, upon condition that he should maintain two hundred Curassiers at his own charges, in the Colleagues Army, and that he should contribute ten thousand Ducats monthly, for the space of six months, towards the payment of the Foot: For which the Confederates were to take him and his State into their protection. After which agreement, a large and stately Palace, which did formerly belong to him in Venice, was restored unto him. But the Treaty was somewhat more difficult with the Marquis of Mantua; for he desired to be declared Captain General of the League, in Lautrech's absence: To which the Venetians would not consent, in respect of the Duke of Urbine. But at last, Girallimo Zane, Podesta of Verona, being gone to Mantua, in the public name, to treat of this business, he concluded it without that condition, taking the person, and the State of the Marquis, into the Confederates protection. But Cesar seeing he was to make his party good against so many enemies, and desiring to make his cause appear less dishonest, and by so doing, to sever the King of England perhaps from the rest of the Confederates, he resolved at last, to give the Pope his Liberty. To which purpose, he sent sufficient commissions to the Viceroy, and to Don Hugo di Moncada; who being dead, the Viceroy concluded the Agreement. The Pope being to leave, according to former Articles, Ostia, Civita Vecchia, and Civita Castellana in the Emperor's possession, and paying the same sum of money, though with some further respite of time: And passing his word, above all things else, that he would not oppose Cesar in the affairs of Naples, nor of Milan. The Colleagues in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred twenty eight, prepared to make War with most powerful forces both by Land and Sea, and chiefly to fall upon the Kingdom of Naples, as the King of France had long before desired and intended: Wherefore he pressed the Venetians that they would increase their Galleys to the number of twenty four, according to the first capitulations. But they said, they had fully made good their promise with the former sixteen; because, of these there were eight Bastard Galleys, every one of which went for two Galleys, and that this made very much for the enterprise; for these might keep and live at Sea in the Winter, and might counterpoise those kind of Vessels whereof the Imperial Fleet consisted; they excused themselves likewise by the necessity they were in to keep many men of War at Sea, to secure the Navigation of their Galleys of Traffic, from so many Pirates, with whom the Seas were festered; and yet, that they might not be wanting to the prosperous success of the undertaking, they promised the King, if (as the commanders advised) more men were to be raised, they would contribute readily to that expense, which was thought to be very useful, nay requisite; every one believing for certain, that when the Imperial Army should part from Rome, it would go for Naples. But above all things, it was thought to be of very great concernment, to draw the Pope into their confederacy, which they had the better hopes to do, for that he in his giving an account to the King of France, and to the Venetians; of his agreement made with the Emperor, did very much excuse himself, as of a thing done out of great necessity, confessing himself to be very much obliged to the Princes of the League, and that he had been severely treated with in all things by the Imperialists. Wherefore the Venetians, after he was out of the Castle, and was come to Orvietto, sent Commissary Luigi Pisani presently thither, who was in the common name, to condole with him for his past sufferings: to testify how greatly displeased they were at it, and how endeavour some and diligent they had been to procure his Liberty, and how great their joy was to see their desire effected. That the Commonwealth had willingly employed their forces therein, and had been at the expense of maintaining so great an Army, at a time, when they were enforced to keep another Army on foot in Lombardy; nor had they refused to undergo any whatsoever danger, for the preservation of the dignity of the Apostolic See, and for the particular conveniency and safety of the Pope's person; and that they did still continue in the same readiness, and in a great desire to revenge the so heinous injuries done unto him, and to the dignity he represented; and not to suffer, that the Majesty of Popedom, and the Ecclesiastical State, should for the future be exposed to such danger and indignity, as they saw by experience might easily happen, when the Imperialists had Territories, and powerful Forces in Italy: that it became his great wisdom to foresee, and to provide against so great dangers, and to endeavour by all means possible to keep himself and his successors from falling into such eminent evils, and not to suffer, that the time of his Popedom should be contaminated with the perpetual memory of misery and calamity: That the King of France, the King of England, the Florentines, and the Duke of Milan, were in this, of the same opinion with the Venetian Senate: That a great desire might be seen in them all, not to suffer so great an insolency pass unpunished. That these wicked ones had provoked the anger of man and God against them: That it was not to be doubted, but that justice and innocency would at last prevail; and that he should gloriously be restored to more than his former greatness: That therefore all the Confederates did desire, and expect with assured hope, that his Holiness, assisting their pious intention by his authority, would, as the head thereof confirm their confederacy, and ratify once more the things wherein he did formerly join with them; for that, That first agreement ought to be preferred before this last, since the first was made by him as Pope, and willingly; and that he had consented to the last, being compelled thereunto as a prisoner desirous of Liberty. The King of France made the like Intercession, having sent Monsieur de Longeveille to Rome, to witness unto the Pope his constant will to compel the Emperor Charles by force of Arms to grant those things, which they had propounded unto themselves, as the end of their Confederacy. These addresses were graciously listened unto by the Pope, who returned many thanks unto the King, and to the Senate, seeming to wish much good to these Princes; but being notwithstanding very irresolute, and doubtful, or (as he said) considering his office, and the condition of the times and troubles, he inclined to neutrality, and would not so soon commit himself again to the uncertain events of war: suffering himself peradventure to be prevailed with by Cesar's speeches, who had written very civilly with his own hand, seeming willing to adhere to his counsels, and to put the Treaty of Peace into his hand: Or, it may be more likely, that beginning then to think upon those things, which were afterwards discovered, being overcome with an ardent desire to revenge the injuries done to himself and the house of Medici, he had forgotten all other offences, that he might the better resent those; but he endeavoured by various excuses and delays to conceal it: For, should he have discovered it, he might have caused such mistrust in Lautrech, as he might likely enough have altered his resolution of advancing to assault the Kingdom of Naples; which appeared to be only means of drawing the soldiers out of Rome. But, this his will not being yet revealed, Lautrech, who expected assistance and favour from him, did with more fervency pursue the design against Naples. Therefore, after having tarried long at Bullognia, whither he was come after the agreement made with the Pope, and the Swissers, Dutch, and Gascone Foot, which he expected to reinforce his Army, being come unto him; he resolved, though it were in the midst of winter, to march with all his men towards Naples; not being to be dissuaded by the many interceding of the Venetians, who for the security of their own affairs, for the new stir of the Dutch Foot, and for the service of the Florentines, and Duke of Milan's Confederates, desired, that the Army might not be carried into parts so far off, as it might not be ready upon any occasion to assist all the rest: but Lautrech, being constant to his resolution, went by the way of Remaga, and La Marca, thinking it better for the conveniency of Victuals, and intending to pass by the way of Tronto into the Kingdom of Naples, whether the Venetian Forces were sent before; being divided into two parts, the one of which was led on by Valerio Orsino, and Commissary Peasant, and Camillo Orsino, and Pietro Pesaro followed with the other; and in their march they took Civitella, Sulmena, and many other Towns, of l' Abruzze, which yielded of their own good will. There were in the Venetian Army some Troops of Albanesi Horse, to the number of 500, who were commanded by Andrea Ciurano, a noble Venetian, who amongst the rest won great praise in all actions, were very serviceable to our Army, and as much the contrary to our enemy, and a terror to all the country. When all the soldiers were assembled, and the whole Army mustered, near the Town San Termo, it was found to consist of about thirty Thousand Foot, of a good number of Horse, and of all other things requisite for whatsoever enterprise. Therefore the Prince of Orange, and the Marquis Guasto, much troubled at the danger which they saw their affairs were in, in the Kingdom of Naples, did at last, though not without much ado, draw all their men out of Rome, which was much furthered by twenty Thousand Ducats which the Pope gave to the Imperial Commanders, (though under some other pretence) whereby they were enabled to give some pay to the Dutch Foot, who were more unwilling than the rest to depart. But the whole Army was not above fourteen Thousand Foot, their numbers being much lessened by the Plague that was in Rome, and by the going away of many soldiers loaded with prey. So as the Pope, being partly free of that oppression (which made him proceed with some more reservedness towards the Confederates) began to treat more freely with them, and to discover part of his thoughts. He sent the Archbishop Sepontino to Venice, to demand the immediate delivery up unto him of the Cities of Cervia, and Ravenna; and the Bishop of Pistoia to France, to the King (whom he had held in hand till then, with hopes of renewing the League) to excuse himself for not being able to satisfy his desire in declaring himself; not being able by reason of his weakness to think of any thing but Peace; to which purpose he sent the same Bishop as his Nuntio into Spain, to treat thereof with Cesar, in which message he mingled some complaints against the Venetians, for having taken, and still detained some Towns belonging to the Church. The Venetian Senate were very much troubled at this the Pope's request, not so much for the thing itself, as that they knew, being made at such a time, and after so importunate a manner, it showed clearly, that the Pope sought an occasion to alienate himself wholly from them: for, it stood not with reason, that while all things were in such disorder, and that many of the Ecclesiastic Towns were yet in the Imperialists hand, they should rashly quit those Towns. Yet some were so fully resolved, not to lose the Pope upon any whatsoever conditions, as they maintained, that howsoever, the Pope was to be gratified; and for the rest, to rely upon his word; hoping that he would never abandon the Commonwealths Interest. This business being discussed in the Senate, Dominico Trevisano, a man of great authority, as well for the dignity of being one of St. Mark's Procurators, as for his long experience, spoke, as is said, to this effect. Our proceedings in these last wars have hitherto been such, as, if we do not go astray, and do not contaminate the sincerity and generosity, which hath accompanied them, they will remain, of perpetual glorious memory to posterity. For we have wisely, constantly, and religioussy defended, and maintained the Liberty of Italy, and the Grandezza and reputation of the Church of Rome: not abandoning our own interests, nor having done any thing in respect thereof, which was not just and laudable. We are desired by the Pope, to deliver up unto him the cities of Cervia and Ravenna, whereinto we put our men at such time as he was in greatest danger and trouble, that the Imperialists might not possess themselves thereof, to which purpose we put our Garrisons into them, to preserve them from the common enemy. Whether to give the Pope satisfaction herein, be just, advantageous for the State, and for our affairs, and suiting with the present condition of the times, or no, may easily be discerned by any one, who delights not in deceiving himself, and who will measure the present result with reason, not with passion, I will not enlarge myself now upon the right, and pretensions we have to these Cities; I believe they be true and good. But I will say, we must consider things in the condition they are in, not in that they ought to be: Therefore it will be sufficient to say, that when we sent our men, and our Commanders into these Cities, they were in the Church's possession; and they were guarded and defended by us, with an intention of preserving them, not of possessing them. It will therefore agree very well with that untainted fidelity, wherewith this Commonwealth hath always proceeded, to restore that which we would take, it is true, thinking it belonged to another, though it were, or aught to have been ours. But set this respect aside, (though it be of no small esteem in so religious and so well instituted a Commonwealth as this of ours) let us consider, I beseech you, whether it be a useful advice or no; whether it be a resolution well squared out to these times, to detain these cities now any longer. The war is hotter than ever, and the event thereof very doubtful: wherein, if (to the misfortune of the Italians) the Imperialists prevail, who knows not, in how many dangers, and troubles we must be continually; having many potent enemies at hand, and but few friends. Therefore all our thoughts, all our endeavours should now aim at our confirming the forces of the League, by driving the Emperor's forces out of Italy, at the establishing Francisco Sforza in the Dukedom of Milan, at giving a particular King to the Neapolitans; upon which things the true safety and establishment of our State on terra ferma doth depend, which hath been so long floating, and is still exposed to great danger. And what is of more moment to attain unto these advantageous ends, than the Pope's favour? what can be more prejudicial then to have him against us? Why do you think it is, that Cesar doth with such earnestness, and such humanity endeavour his friendship, unless it be that he finds clearly it is his surest foundation for greatness in Italy? And shall we be aiding and assisting to this desire of our Enemies, whereas we ought to labour all that we can to break their designs? And yet it is most certain, that if we add this ill satisfaction to the inclination which the Pope begins to have to Caesar's proceedings, we shall make him to fall upon some prejudicial Agreement unto the League, and particularly prejudicial unto our Commonwealth, which is most concerned therein: When on the contrary, by gratifying the Pope in this his desire, we may hope, nay rather be assured, to sever him from the Emperor, and win him to side with us. And say this succeed not, we shall assuredly set●ce him in that neutrality, wherein he acquainted us he would continue, unless he were compelled to the contrary by some urgent necessity. We ought to endeavour that he be thrust upon this necessity by some bad behaviour of the Imperialists, as it may very well fall out he may be; but eat, by all means, giving him occasion to do so; which will redound to our prejudice. Which we may assure ourselves of, if we will reflect upon the many calamities, whereinto we were led not many years ago by the like accident, and through the too great desire of preserving these Cities; the names whereof I wish may not prove fatal, and as it were, the original of many troubles to our Commonwealth. The memory hereof is so fresh, and so unfortunate, as such an acquisition ought at all times to be abhorred by us. Is this the first time that occasion hath been offered us, amidst the so great revolution of the Affairs of Italy, to possess ourselves of these Cities? Have we not been often invited thereunto of late years by the French? And if we will remember well, we shall find, we have formerly had both better opportunity and juster occasion to do it; both when the Pope hath had bad success, and in the vacancy of the Popedom; and when he showed himself to be an Enemy to the State: Yet this very Senate hath always wisely despised such invitations, esteeming the loss certain, and the benefit of such an acquisition but seeming. And we ought now to continue the rather in the same opinion, for that this small addition to our State, if we were sure to keep in free and peaceable possession of these Cities, it doth either block up the way of advancing to greater and more noble acquisitions, or doth make it more difficult; for if we succeed well in the business of Naples, (as we may hope to do) if the Pope declare himself for the League, or at least appear not an Enemy to it, we shall recover many Towns in the parts about Puglia, which belong unto us by articles; which both by the condition of the Country, by the conveniency of Havens, and for the affection of those people towards our Commonwealth, do in themselves, and in hopes of greater matters, deserve to be esteemed by us equal with whatsoever other acquisition the Commonwealth can make. But I beseech you, how do you think the King of France, or the King of England will interpret our refusal, or prolonging the delivery of Cervia and Ravenna to the Pope, they being required by him? Doth not the King of England profess that he engageth himself in this War, only in regard of the Church and Pope, as being desirous to preserve the name which he hath gotten of being Defender of the Faith? And the King of France, to whom (as we have lately understood from our Ambassador) the Pope hath intimated that he will enter into the League if he have these Towns restored, what will he think of us, if he shall see that we do neglect the so important Interests of the common Confederacy? and yet it is in the friendship and assistance of these Princes that we must place our hopes. We shall assuredly be drawn by their entreaty, and by necessity, to do that which now we shall deny to do; and yet shall we lose all our thanks for this action from the Pope? from whom we may expect so many favours, and so much advantage, and lose the praise of having defended the Dignity, and State of the Church, to which our Commonwealth hath always aspired? And to say nothing of what hath been done by our Forefathers, famous and worthy actions, have not we ourselves even now been at very great expense, and hazarded our men to so many dangers, to free the Pope out of prison, and to drive the Imperialists out of the Church's Dominions? Who will certainly have a fair pretence to keep those Towns which are in their hands, when they shall see the same done by us; since by our example they may cloak their designs with some excuse and seeming honesty. But since I have heard those that are of a contrary opinion object more against the unseasonableness of the time, then against the thing itself; let us consider I beseech you, whether being to do it, it be not better for us to do it now, then to defer it to another time, and to another occasion. Really I cannot see what more advantage can be hoped for from the resignation of those Towns then that which is now propounded, since the Pope's friendship can never make more for our advantage, then at the present, when it lies in his power either to further or obstruct our good success in the Kingdom of Naples, according as he shall show himself favourable, or an Enemy to the League. But if the affairs of War shall prove amiss, as the worst is always to be feared; (for the end of War doth often differ from the beginning) nay I will say more, let what will happen, if Cesar and the King of France shall agree, (as we very well know what Cesar hath often said, that though he should lose the Kingdom of Naples entirely, it will be in his power to re-have it, whilst he hath so good a pawn in his hands as the King's Sons) What will be our condition, when we shall be abandoned by the King of France, have the King of Spain our Enemy, the Pope so far from befriending us, that he will not be well satisfied with us, and perhaps necessitated by contracts made with other Princes (as it fell out in the times of Julio and of Leo) to prosecute, and offend us? The fortune of the Commonwealth is not yet so well settled after so many storms, as that we ought to launch forth into the same Sea, without fear of more dangers. We by the good advice of temporising have even in our greatest adversities, not only saved, but recovered our Commonwealth, and her ancient Dignity, more than we could have done by force of Arms. We may also hope for more prosperous success in the future, if we walk in the same way. But howsoever we ought always to endeavour to carry ourselves so in all our actions, as though better fortune may peradventure be wished for to our Commonwealth, yet it may not be wished that this Senate had been wiser. These words wrought much upon the Senators, though most of them were formerly of another opinion. Wherefore Luigi Mocenico, who was one of the chief of the College, who had advised the Senate to dismiss the Pope's Nuntio, with an express negative, standing up, spoke thus. If we shall regulate our thoughts and our opinions, according to the various interpretations that may be given them, and not according to reason, we shall proceed so diversely, and with such uncertainty in all our affairs, as we shall make chance the guide of our counsels: But certainly, our actions have been such, and such our intentions towards the common good, and particularly towards the Apostolic See, as there is no cause to doubt our faith and sincerity: Have we seized upon the Cities of Cervia and Ravenna by force, or rest them from the obedience of the Church, to bring them under our Dominion? Is it not well known, that being sought unto for help by the Governor of Ravenna, and knowing what danger that City was in, of falling into the Imperialists hands, at a time when we had so many other expenses upon our hands, we did resolve first to assist it with moneys, and then with men? And at last, to the end that things might be better governed within, and that the inward disorders might not increase the dangers without, the City itself desiring it by an express Ambassador, and the Apostolical Legate being therewith content, sent a magistrate of our own thither, that he might be of more authority, and might better attend the City's preservation. The same manner was used at Cervia: If we shall be blamed for these things, which deserve praise, what is to be said more, but that innocence cannot be always safe from the malice of men? If any one shall think, that to avoid calumny, we should hasten the delivery of these Towns, which would not only be dangerous to us, but prejudicial to the Apostolic Se●● certainly such do more value appearances then the real essence of affairs. The Pope desires that we may presently resign up these Cities: It is not very hard to know, but very troublesome to consider, with what intention, and with what justice this request is made: The Imperialists are masters of the principal strong Holds in the Ecclesiastical State, which they have forced the Pope to assign over unto them, as a reward for their persidiousness, and for the ruin of miserable Rome: The Pope being yet out of his Throne, with very weak forces, experience shows us what respect these barbarous people bear to his person, and to his affairs: The War is hotter than ever in Italy, the whole estate of business various, uncertain, subject to many accidents and alterations; and in so great confusion of all things, only we shall be a rule unto them, in what redounds to our manifest prejudice. These considerations may make us believe, that rumours are not spread abroad in vain, of new practices of agreement held in hand between the Pope and the Emperor; not to procure peace, but to kindle new Wars, and raise more troubles in Italy. To find some appearing reasons to do this, the Pope being desirous (not to say resolved) to forgo the King of France, and us, though he may have known us in his greatest calamity to have been his truest and most affectionate friends, and lovers of the dignity of that holy See; propounds new things now, at such a time, and in such a manner, as he knows cannot be granted, that he may thereby pick an occasion to effect his desires, which are bend, as may be seen, to satisfy his own particular affections, and to vindicate the private injuries which he thinks he hath received from the Florentines; and not upon the common good, not upon the liberty of Italy, not upon the exaltation of the Church: In which case, our condition will be too hard, who have undergone so much labour, been at so great expense, and run so many hazards, not having received any good at all thereby: But to be, as it were, reprehended for it, and by severe command enforced to forgo that which ought to be ours, and which, if we should now deliver up, ought either to be acknowledged from our liberality, or with our rights thereunto preserved; or at least, we ought to be secured, that to our loss and scorn, it should not be usurped by others, who have no claim at all thereunto, but think all things lawful, which is possible to be effected by force: It is most certain, that if the Pope, whom we do not find to be so careful of our good, as we have been of his safety, shall now receive these Cities from us, before we come to a good and firm universal peace; laying aside any thought of our Interests, and measuring things only according to his own particular ends, he will, when we shall hereafter come to lay down Arms, make all Articles of Agreement, either the harder, or the more disadvantageous for us. I might with justice and honesty propound, but much more according to the reason of State, that we, who have been in peaceable and lawful possession of these Cities, for the space of a hundred years, and who have new built one of them at our own expense, should make use of the Pope's troubles, as others have done, and in our own right, rather than by doing injury to any other, retain what is become, and what ought to be ours, with an intention of never restoring it: and this so much the rather, for that we possessed these Cities when the Pope was parted from the League; whereby we have new pretences added to our old ones: and for that (as it is very true) Pope Adrian, this man's predecessor, a man of pious and upright intentions, did promise to restore the possession of these Cities to us, knowing that they did of right belong unto our Commonwealth, which came thereby not by fraud, nor by taking them from the Church, but by just right, and by the disposal of those who were Lords thereof. Moreover, it may be said, that this very Pope's example may seem to invite us to esteem all things as null, which were agreed upon with Julio the second, in times of our greatest necessity: since he denies that to be of any validity, which was formerly agreed upon by the College of Cardinals, and by his consent, with the Duke of Ferrara, concerning the Cities of Modena and Regio; saying, That he is not bound to make that good now, when he may use his free Will, which he then confirmed, being forced by necessity. But I am far from councelling, or from going about to persuade this Senate, to do any thing, which may even in the least appearance, seem to differ from its ancient, and laudable Custom and Institution, of proceeding with great sincerity, faith, and religion: I say only, that in a business of such importance, we ought to proceed with much temper, and with mature advice; for otherwise, goodness will become folly. Are these Cities to be restored unto the Church? Let it be done; but at such a time, and in such a manner, as we may have some better security, that our pious intentions towards the Apostolic See may have its true effect, and that others may not hope to usurp it; so as we may not increase their strength, who will use it against us, and so as we may enjoy our State with such quietness, as is by us desired, and whereof we never were the first disturbers. Now as the Pope's authority and means may be of chiefest importance above all other things, to bring these things to pass, so can there be no greater spur to make him use his power therein, and to make him take an opportunity to do it, than his desire to re-have these Cities; the assignation whereof, will be a means whereeby our Commonwealth may come to universal Pea●e, upon fairer, and more advantageous conditions. Neither do I much consider the reason which is urged to prove that this is the true means of arriving thereat, to wit, by gratifying the Pope, to draw him to be on our side: to which purpose, I pray you let us weigh a little better, not what we would have, but what reason tells us we may look for. If the service which in all these hard times we have hitherto done the Pope, hath not been able to impress one thought of our affairs in him, which we see he is rather ready to prejudice, then to secure; what hopes is there, that that which he thinks it is our duty to do, should work more upon him? And if his desire of Revenge, and of restoring his Family to their ancient Greatness in their Country, be so prevalent with him, as it hath made him forget the grievous and abominable injury which he hath received from the Imperialists, how can you think that any reason can do good upon him? Moreover, Say it be true, that (as it hath been said) we are now to put a greater valuation upon the Pope's friendship, because he may favour the League, at this present, in the affairs of Naples; truly I do not see what assistance he can give to this enterprise, he having neither money nor men, and the enterprise requiring present assistance: But on the contrary, things appear to me to be so fairly begun, and that there is such fair hopes of better success, as any Treaty we shall make with the Pope, or Emperor, will be for our advantage by the prolonging of time: and it may be, time will make the Pope himself see his error, as we may verily believe it will be acknowledged by the Kings of France and England, so as his endeavours will be of no validity with them, when they shall see that they have been with reason refused by us. The Senators minds were much affected with what these two had said, some inclining to the one, some unto the other; but at last, they resolved to return this answer to the Pope. That the Senate had always been desirous of such a peace, as might be good for the common service and safety, and for the exaltation of the Church, and that therefore they would willingly listen unto any conditions of agreement: but withal, they must look to the accommodation of other difficulties; wherefore they would send an express Ambassador, who might treat of the business propounded by the Archbishop Sipontino, and of all things else, whereby they might witness their good will, and Gaspero Contarini was forthwith chosen for this Embassy. But the Pope being no ways satisfied with this answer, persisted more earnestly in the same demand, and Count Guido Rangone, and Cavalier Cassale being sent to him by Lautrech, to appease him, they could not only not do any good upon him, but he made them be told in plainer terms then formerly, that if those Towns were not restored unto him, he would not only not declare for the League (as he was daily desired to do) but he must be forced to join with the Imperialists: and he made almost the same thing be said by his Nuntio to the King: but clearer evidences did afterwards appear of this his inclination; for he had sent an express Nuntio into Spain, to treat with Cesar, though he said, he had given him commission to treat only of agreement, and of universal peace; which if Cesar should be averse unto, he should denounce war against him, as the other Confederates had done But whilst these things were in hand, the Cesarean Army was already come to the confines of the Kingdom of Naples, and the Commanders, with some difference of opinion, treated how they were to manage the War: Some were of opinion, of which Marquis Guasto was the forwardest. That they ought to march to where Lautrech was with the French Army, and to use all means to come to a day of Battle with him; and many things made for this, as, that the Confederates forces were as yet divided, the number of their foot was more than those that were with Lautrech; the risings which were every day made by those of the kingdom in favour of the French, the scarcity of moneys in the Cesarean Army, and the tumults which by reason thereof were begun to be made by the Dutch foot; through which things, it being to be feared that the loss of the Kingdom would certainly ensue, it seemed good advice to hazard the fortune of a Battle, wherein there was as much hope as danger: and if they should beat the French Army, the Towns which they had taken, would soon become theirs, and the Kingdom of Naples would be in a very sure condition. But oth●rs maintained to the contrary, it would be more safely, and more wisely done, to quarter themselves somewhere, whereby the strength of situation, and by the conveniency of victuals, they might not easily be driven out by the Enemy; and staying there, they might observe the Enemy's ways, and govern themselves accordingly; and that if the Army of the League should prosper, they might march with all their forces to the defence of the City of Naples; upon the preservation or loss whereof, the event of the whole War did depend. That it was said that the Prince of Melfie, and Fabritio Maramoldo, were coming with many soldiers, and with many of the Country to meet them, and to receive them, when they should be come nearer Naples; by whose numbers, their Armies being increased, they might doubtlessly stand the Enemy, and hinder their Designs. That it was the Duty of an Army, which did defend a Country assaulted by powerful forces, to spin out time, for time brings often great and unlooked for advantages. That it was to be believed, the Enemy's Army wanted not for disorders, which were likely to be the greater, for that the Interests of the Confederate Princes were different, and oft times contrary. That nothing was less governed by wisdom, and good counsel, than the event of Battles. That nothing could be done more worthy the fame and experience of so many gallant Commanders as were in that Army, then to hold the enemy in hand by several pieces of cunning, and endeavour to make them moulder away by time and sufferings, which might easily happen in the French Army, as had been proved by many late examples. Nor was it to be doubted, but that the Neapolitans would furnish the Camp with so much moneys as would suffice to satisfy the Dutch Foot, till such time as the pay was come, which was already on the way from Spain, whereby the whole Army might be kept together for a goodwhile, and hope to do better things. These reasons having the approbation of Alarsone, who was very stiff in that opinion, prevailed. It was therefore resolved to advance, but slowly and securely, and to enter into the Terra di Lav●ro, that they might be near the City of Naples. But the Army being encamped at Troja, & staying there to make provision of victuals, and to learn news of the Enemy, Lautrech (as the French are generally more bold and resolute) resolved upon what the Enemy refused to do; which was, to find them out, and to fight them; being thereunto chiefly moved, as he said afterwards, for fear lest the Army which was paid from France, might suddenly dissolve, and lose what had been already won, because the King did already appear plainly to be weary of so vast expenses, and that his Officers, being variously affected, were negligent in taking care for provisions. He was likewise persuaded thereunto, out of great hope of victory; The Marquis of Saluzzo being already joined with him, and expecting daily, choice of Foot from the Venetians and Florentines. On the contrary, the Imperialists, though their numbers were not much inferior, yet their prowess was much diminished; partly through great sickness, partly through the luxury which they for so many months had lived in; whereby their bodies & their minds being weakened, and grown effeminate, they had almost lost their Gallantry. Moreover being used to live licentiously, they did not observe Military order and discipline, as they ought to have done. Lautrech did like wise much exceed the Enemy in Horse, and train of Artillery, so as it seemed he did not without reason hope, to shorten and secure the victory, and the acquisition of that whole State, by a day of Battle. The Emperor's Army hearing of Lautrech's approach, were gone out of Troja, and had quartered themselves upon the leaning of a Hill, not far off; whereunto Lautrech being already come very nigh, although the Florentine nor Venetian foot were not come to him, he resolved to put his Army in Battle array, and to face the Enemy; defying him, and provoking him, by many Cannon sho●, which he made against their Camp. But the Imperialists being but little endamaged thereby, by reason of the height of their situation, resolved not to join Battle, but keeping within their quarters, sent out only some Horse and Harquebusiers, to skirmish with the French; who still advancing, and winning ground, got into a situation equal with the Enemy, from whence they might prejudice their Camp with their Artillery. But those who went out afterwards to skirmish in much greater numbers, not being able to keep Lautrech from winning the Hill, the Enemy resolved to retreat, and to quarter on the other side of Troja, towars Nocera. But understanding not long after, that Horatio Baglione was come to the League's Camp, with a great many Florentines, all of them expert Soldiers; and that Camillo Orsino, and Commissary Pisano, were expected the next day with the Venetian forces, they quitted l' Abruzzo, and marched strait forwards towards Naples, following their first advice, & placing the total end of the business, and their hopes of maintaining that State, in the defence of that City: and retaining only the Spanish and Dutch foot, about 10000 in number, they applied themselves diligently to providing the City with victuals. Lautrech finding that he could not draw the Enemy to Battle, which they had so manifestly refused, went about to make himself Master of the Country, and not to leave any Town untaken behind him which was the Enemies, till he should come, before the walls of Naples. Wherefore understanding that the Prince was entered into Melsi, with a very strong Garrison of Soldiers, he sent Pietro Navarro with the Gascoigne foot, and Baglione with the Soldiers of the black Band, to take it; by whom the Town was played upon, taken, and sacked: and at the same time, Commissary P●sani, with two thousand Italian foot, took the Town of Ascoli, and then joined suddenly again with Lautrech, to whom Barleti, Trani, and ot●er adjoining Towns, did quickly yield; some being moved by what had befallen Melsi; others, by the love they bore to the French, and by their being weary of the Spanish Government; so as in all Puglia, only the Town of Manfredonia held for the Spaniards. Wherefore Lautrech leaving 2000 Venetian foot, one hundred Curassiers, and two hundred light Horse to besiege that City, and to keep those others which he had taken, marched with all the rest of the Army towards Naples: all Towns coming in apace unto him by which he past. At last, resolving to besiege it, as thinking it the safest, and most successful way, whereby to get the City, he encamped himself within near about a mile of the Walls, having taken up his Headquarters, together with the greatest strength of his men, at Poggio Real, in a strong situation, and proper to keep the besieged from many conveniencies. At the same time, the Venetian Fleet being reinforced at Corfu, and put in order, after the prejudice they had undergone at Sardignia, was come into the Rivers of Puglia, consisting of sixteen Galleys, under the command of Commissary Moro; for General Lando was gone to the Island of Candia, to appease some commotions which were raised in the Territories of Canea, by the country people. Six Towns in Puglia belonged to the Venetians by the agreement of the League, which they had formerly been possessed of, to wit, Ottranto, Brandizzo, Monopoli, Pulignan, Mola, and Trani: Therefore the Venetians were more diligent in pursuing this enterprise, having to boot with their Galleys, divers other armed Vessels, of sundry sorts; and their hopes of good success were much increased, to boot with the forces and reputation of the League, by the love which those people bore to the Commonwealth; so as upon the Fleets arrival, Monopoli and Trani yielded presently to them, and a good inclination was found in the rest to do the like. Manfredonia had somewhat a better Garrison in her, and the Citizens were not so well affected to the State; wherefore Almoro Moresini, Captain of the Gulf, went with some of the Galleys to the reducing thereof, whither Camillo Orsino was also gone with some land forces: Whilst they were encamped about the walls, Ranu●io Farnese sallied out with two hundred Horse, and Girollimo Cremona with two hundred foot, against which Andrea Ciurano advanced boldly with his Stradiotte Horse, and after many hours skirmish, put them to flight, and drove them into the Town, killing some, and taking other some prisoners, in which action Ciurano won much praise, and made good the opinion which was conceived of his valour and skill, by reason of other egregious deeds; and chiefly, by his having chased George Reynes, a personage of great renown, near Taranto; and by having taken the Governor of the Town: but this his glory soon ended, for falling grievously sick by reason of his much pains taken in the Militia, he died, being much beloved by the Soldiers, and valued by the Commanders, for his liberality, carriage, and military discipline. Commissary Moro was before Brandizzo, who played upon the Castle, which was yet held by the Imperialists with a good Garrison, though the Town was already surrendered; this battery was recommended to the particular care of Bernardo Segredo, a young man of much ingenuity and courage, who had brought it to such a condition, as men being already landed to give the assault, it was thought the enemy could not hold out long. But Lautrech, whose orders the Venetian commanders had commission from the Senate to observe, sending for the Galleys to Naples, made him quit the enterprise, and give over the hoped for victory. Phillippino Doria was already come to Naples with eight Galleys; but these not being sufficient to keep the City from being victualled by Sea, and it being likewise thought that they could not be safe there, if the enemy should send forth their armed Vessels which were in the Haven, Lautrech had continually solicited the Venetian Commanders, to come as soon as they could, and join with Doria's Galleys, to secure them, and to straiten the siege yet more. Such were the proceedings in the Kingdom of Naples; but the Venetians were busied with other affairs of no less importance: for Henry Duke of Brunswick, after many rumours of his coming, being very much solicited by Charles and Ferdinand, to pass into Italy, and to enter Lombardy, to divert the forces of the League from the enterprise of Naples; which Kingdom being in great danger, he saw he could not succour by any way better; passing from Trent into Valledragis, was entered into the Territories of Verona, and had brought with him about twelve thousand foot, with whom it was said, that Antonio da Leva was to join, who was already come into the field with eight thousand foot, that they might jointly fall upon the Town in the State of Venice, which Brunswick had denounced war against, having with much vanity, and very ridiculously, challenged the Duke thereof, Andrea Gritti, a man of fourscore years of age, to fight a single Duel with him: But the Senate was not wanting in diligence, to arm themselves; they designed to raise an Army of twelve thousand foot, of which, four thousand to be Swissers, to which purpose they sent moneys into Switzerland, and desired the King of France to further this their Levy by his authority: They likewise brought great store of light Horse from Greece, and from Dalmatia, and recalled the Duke of Urbine from Marc d' Ancona: And to the end that their own State might not be bereft of defence, whilst they went to defend the States of others, they commanded him to view all their Cities and Forts of greatest importance, to put good garrisons into them, and to do whatsoever else he should judge might make most for their safety: then they chose divers select Gentlemen, whom they entrusted with the particular charge of the chief Cities: Girollimo Diedo was sent with one hundred and fifty foot to Treviso. Pietro Sagredo with as many to Milan. Zaccheria Orio, Philippo Correro, Allessandro Donato, Ambr●gio Contarini, joseppe Badoero, Lorenzo Lanudo, Agostino Canale, and Almoro Barbaro, were sent to Verona with 25 soldiers apiece, wherewith they were to guard the gates, and places of greatest importance. These preparations were judged worthy consideration in France; wherefore they likewise prepared to send powerful Forces into Italy, which were to be commanded by Monsi ur de St. Paul, one of the house of Burbone, a personage highly esteemed for his birth, and other honourable endowments, but not much experienced in war: and as it proved afterwards, not very fortunate in this enterprise. But these provisions proved too late for the present occasion; for the Duke of Brunswick, finding himself strong enough, designed to fall upon some of the Commonwealths Cities, being the more encouraged so to do, because, at his first arrival, Peschiera, Rivoltella, and some other Towns neighbouring upon the Lake of Garda, yielded unto him. But the Duke of Urbine who was at Verona, diligently observing brunswick's marches, prevented his designs, and went presently to Brescia, where he augmented the Garrison; and from thence to Bergamo, putting many of the Inhabitants of those valleys, who were very faithful to the Venetian interest, into the City; and begirting the city with trenches and outworks, put it in a posture of defence. Moreover, he cunningly made the men of those parts propound treaties of agreement, and giving of moneys; wherein they spun out time, to the end, that by retarding Brunswick's march, more opportunity might be had to secure the principal places: wherein there being good store of Light-horse, they infested the Dutch Camp by sallying out, and disturbed their Victuals: And amongst these, Geralamo da Canale did very good service, with five hundred Crabats, which he had brought with him out of Dalmatia. So as Brunswick, falling short of his hoped for success, and being incommodated for victuals, after having according to the barbarous and cruel custom of that Nation, ruined the Country; and burned many noble edifices, went out of the Venetian Confines, and came into the State of Milan, where he was met by Antonio da Leva, who hearing of his arrival, was passed over the Ada, to join with him in some enterprise. Wherefore both of them repassing over the Ada, they went to encamp before Lodi, from whence the Duke of Milan was gone a little before, being advertised of the enemy's approach, by Gabrielle Veniero, the Venetian Ambassador; and leaving a good number of men in that city, he came, by the Venetians advice to Brescia. But the Venetian soldiers, who were in Lodi, and who were commanded by Paolo Sforza, the Duke's bastard brother, having valiantly withstood many assaults, repulsed the enemy. Wherefore Brunswick, not having much money to maintain the Army longer, finding that he had spent much time in vain, began to be aware of his idle thoughts, whereunto he had, out of vain glory, and hopes of Booty, been persuaded by Ferdinando d' Austria; who minding more his brother's advantage, than the success of the business, had earnestly persuaded him to pass into Italy, and without thinking of advancing further, to enter into the Kingdom of Naples, as he had at first purposed to do; he went by the way of the Lake of Como, to return to Germany, being pursued by i'll Conte di Giazzo, and by Mercurio Bua: who issuing out of Bergamo, fell upon his Rear, but did not much prejudice the enemy, because they were too late aware of their departure. Yet many of the Dutch, who in great numbers parted from the Camp, were ransacked and cut in pieces by the country people. The besieged in Naples were much troubled to hear of the dissolution of the Dutch Foot; being thereby bereft of the only relief wherein their safety lay. For but a little before they had with bad success attempted to beat the Galleys of Philippo Doria, that they might have the way open by Sea, since they could come by no victuals by land; Lautrech having possessed himself of Pazzuolo, and of the neighbouring places. The Imperial Commanders were likewise herewith much molested; for, understanding that the Venetian Fleet was suddenly to come into those Seas, they knew their danger would be the greater, and their remedy harder. Therefore being resolved to prevent the Enemy, they determined to put out from the Haven with 6 Galleys, and many other armed Vessels, and to assault Doria's Galleys; and were so assured of Victory (as they thought) as the Marquis Guasto, Don Hugo and other chief Commanders, went aboard those Galleys, as to an assured Triumph: And having joyfully dined at the Island of Capri, they went to assault Doria, who lay with his Galleys upon the coast of Amalsi, near Capo d' Orto: being persuaded that the Genueses being terrified with this spectacle, and with the unexpected assault, would either run away, or, that if they would join battle with them, though upon disadvantage; that through the Valour of the Spanish Soldiers, which were the very best, picked out of the whole Army, they should obtain certain and glorious victory. But the business fell out much otherwise; for, neither was Doria affrighted at the sight of the enemy, he being a man very well experienced in Maritime affairs; nor came the assault unexpected; he having been so timely advertised thereof, as that he had opportunity to prepare for it, and to reinforce his Fleet with soldiers which were sent unto him from the Camp by Lautrech: So as, resolving to wait the Imperialists coming, and not to refuse battle, when he first saw the enemy appear, he divided his forces, and with 4 Galley's made boldly towards them, causing the other two, which were commanded by Lomelino, to fall off at the same time to seaward, as if they fled away; but with orders to tack about, and assault the Imperialists on the Flank and Poupe, whilst they were busied in the fight. Which counsel being wisely taken, and well pursued by the Captain and his Genueses, who were very well verssed in all things which belonged to Sea, had such good success, as two of the enemy's Galleys fell into Doria's hands, two were sunk, and the other two being shrewdly shattered, saved themselves with much ado by flight, the Marquis of Guasto, Asconio Colonna, and other Commanders were taken prisoners; Don Hugo, Cesare Feramosca, and most of the soldiers which were in the Galleys were slain; whereby the City of Naples was deprived of her best and valiantest defendants. General Lando came this mean while to the shores of Naples with 20 Galleys, who being likewise come for the business of Puglia, and having tarried in the Gulf of Massa, had already taken all the Towns appertaining to the Venetians, as Trani, Mola, Puglignan, Monopli, Otranto, and Brandizzo; the Castles of Brandizzo remaining only in the Imperialists power; Commissary Augustino da Mula being left to guard them. The arrival of the Venetian General was of great advantage to the French, and as prejudicial to the Enemy; for leaving six Galleys at Gaetta, and as many at Cume, he scoured the River's neighbouring upon Naples, with the rest, from Capanella to Massa, blocking up the Sea so, as he suffered not any vessel to enter with victuals to the Besieged. The Venetian Galleys did likewise possess themselves of some places where the Mills were, which ground corn for the City, so as the corn which they had yet lest, could not be made into bread, but being delivered out unto the Soldiers ungrownd, was either eaten by them in po●tage, or baked in pans. On the other side, the Venetian Fleet was of great advantage to their friends; for it furnished their Camp with victuals from Sea, whereof, by reason of the great number of useless people who flock to the Camp (for the dearth that was that year generally throughout all Italy) and by the carelessness of the Commanders, there was great scarcity in the Camp. And Monsieur ae Barbasi, who brought moneys from France with him to pay the Soldiers, meeting with great impediments by the Imperialists, who had blocked all the ways, so as that he was fain to take a great circuit about, was met by divers of the Venetian Generals men, whom he on purpose had landed, to assist Barbasi, against Don Ferrante Gonsagae, who was come with both Horse and Foot out of Naples to intercept the supply of moneys; and by their means, together with some others that were sent from the Camp, both Venetians and Florentines, led on by Valerio Ursino, and Hugo ●e Pepoli, he repulsed the Enemy; but Hugo being too forward in pursuit of them, was taken Prisoner. Thus far the affairs of the League went on prosperously, and with great hopes of putting a speedy end to the War, by the acquisition of the whole Kingdom of Naples; but now apparent signs grew, not only of their declination, but even of their ruin: As it fortune could not long favour the French in Italy, to whom she had so long showed herself therein an Enemy. Their Army fell into sore and sudden sicknesses, whereunto many causes did concur. As the influence of the Heavens, which had this year occasioned many pestiferous diseases in all pats; the season of the year, which being in the month of August, was made the worse, by the disorders committed by the Soldiers, in eating great store of fruit. But especially the badness of the air, which was become unwholesome, by reason of the waters, which being diverted for several months from their ordinary course, did overflow almost all parts about their Quarters. Which put Lautrech into great straits, finding inconveniences on all sides, and great doubts and difficulties▪ in either continuing the Siege, (the commenced inconveniences considered) or in enlarging his Camp. He was advised by almost all his Captains, to carry the Soldiers into the neighbouring Towns, and by dividing them, to keep the malady from spreading farther, and that the sick might have the better means afforded them of cure. And truly the Army was brought into such a condition, as necessity seemed to force him to such a resolution; the rather, for that the Sea being still blocked up, he might sufficiently incommodate the Enemy, though he enlarged his quarters. But on the other side, Lautrech was greatly grieved to see a Victory escape his hands, which was almost won: For if he should enlarge his quarters, he knew, that the Imperialists, who did abound in Horse, would by their coming abroad, find some ways open, to provide against their Incoveniencies. He understood by Simione Romano, whom he had sent into Calauria, that all things succeeded well there, that all those people did surrender, out of their particular affection to the name of France; that the Towns, and Havens in Puglia were fallen into the Venetians hands: that the Abruzzo was at very first reduced by the French: that the Spaniards were already driven out of almost the whole Kingdom: And yet all these acquisitions must prove to no purpose, if, by allowing those who were in Naples (and who were already reduced to great straits) the benefit of time, he should lose the opportunity of getting that City, upon which, the good or bad success of the whole enterprise did depend. He was also ashamed, that the Spaniards, suffering under great inconveniencies, sickness, and scarcity, should notwithstanding bear all this with such constancy, as that they would not listen to any Propositions of surrender; and yet, he and his French, must, through weakness of Spirit, yield to the very first frowns of adverse fortune; and suffer themselves to be, as it were, overcome by those that were overcome. Moreover, moneys which came to him from France, falling far short of expectation, and being not sufficient to pay the Soldiers, he feared, that if the business should be spun out at length, he should not be able to maintain the Army. But Lautrech's nature was more prevalent with him, than all other reasons; he not being accustomed willingly to listen to, or to value the opinion of others, or to forgo that advice which he had once thought to be well taken: So as, though he had every day reason to alter his mind, and to accommodate himself unto the times: yet would he never give way to remove his quarters, nor to give leave to any one to be gone, till extreme necessity infored him to do that which reason should have persuaded him unto. For, many dying daily, not only of the private soldiers, but of the most principal personages, as Luigi Pisano, and Pietro Pesaro, both of them Venetian Commissaries, and not long after, Valdemonte; many others who fell daily sick, were carried to Gaetta, and to other neighbouring places; and others without leave abandoned the Camp. But Lautrech was yet more molested at another accident, which broke all his hopes of good success: Andrea Doria not being satisfied with the French, left the King's service, and took pay of Cesar. Many things had happened, which had alienated Doria from the French: but especially, a disdain which he conceived for not being esteemed, or rewarded, as he thought, according to his deserts, he not having obtained the place of being Admiral at Sea, which honour was at this time conferred upon Monsieur de Barbesi; nor been able to procure, that his Country Genua should have the superiority over Savona, as she had formerly had; many signs having already appeared of this his ill satisfaction, the Pope had begun formerly to suspect Doria, and had signified as much into France, exhorting, that he might be kept better affected to the League, and not to suffer him to bethink himself of passing over to the Enemy, with so many Maritime forces; to the great prejudice of the common Affairs. But the King, being at this time jealous of all the Pope's proceedings, his advices were of less authority with him. Yet, the King finding this at last to be true, and thinking it a business worth consideration, and not knowing how to remedy it, or being peradventure desirous to free himself of this expense, without being thereby disadvantaged, he earnestly entreated the Pope that he would take Doria into his pay, whom he found inclined to serve the Church, and not to suffer Cesar's forces to be so much increased by the addition of his Galleys. The Pope seemed to have the same desire, but being loath to do any thing which might displease the Emperor, excused himself, as not being able to do it; adding, that when he should by the King's means have recovered Ravenna and Cervia, he might more freely lay some tax upon the Ecclesiastical estate, and apply it hereunto. Wherefore Doria agreed with Cesar, to serve him with 12 Galleys, and to receive for his salary sixty thousand Ducats a year. This alienation of Doria's, was very prejudicial to the Colleagues, and to the business of Naples; for the Venetian Galleys being now left alone, were forced to quit the works about the Trenches, which their Slaves wrought upon, and to fall to guard the Seas; and Admiral Barbesi, being come with 16 Galleys from France, not daring to go to Naples, stayed loitering at Savona, having landed many of the foot which were destined to relieve Lautrech, that they might guard Genua; so as things more grievous, and more prejudicial arising every day from this accident; the League went daily less in reputation, and those of the Kingdom who favoured the French, were as much discouraged, as they were before inheartned, and put in hopes by Brunswick's rout. Yet to make good the enterprise of Naples, as much as might be, there were some Barons, who depended upon the French party, as the Duke of Gravina, the Duke of Castro, the Prince of Melsi, (whose ransom not being paid by the Imperialists, had made him turn over to the French) and some other principal personages,, who raised some number of Foot to assist Lautrech, and to maintain the reputation of the League, and of the French in the Kingdom. But Lautrech could not make any speedy use, answerable to the present occasion, of the men that were with Renzo in Civita Vecchia, by reason of the Pope's dubious counsels, who being pressed first by Lautrech in high terms, and little less than threats, to declare himself for the King, and afterwards in a more submissive manner, and and with promise to re invest his family in their Country, could not notwithstanding, be brought to any settled resolution, seeming in words to be zealous of the common good, and that he had no other object then peace; the which that he might mediate with better success, and more fidelity▪ he would not forego his neutrality. But there appeared many signs to the contrary, that he had a good inclination to make his friendship with Cesar, upon particular Articles: Yet being unwilling to make Lautrech more his Enemy, before all things were concluded; he said, that his declaring was not of any great importance, since (as he had often said) he had not sufficient Forces to join in any enterprise; but that without renewing any further confed'racy, the King of France might assure himself of all safety from the Church's Territories; and not to be any ways incommodated thereby. Through these reasons, the forces of the French army grew daily weaker, and disorders did increase more and more. And on the other side, the besiegeds hopes did better, in believing to be able to maintain the Siege, and to bring all things to a good end. The forces so often demanded by Lautrech, and as often promised by the King, came not as yet from France; and the people which were mustered in the Country, were not sufficient to recruit the Army, nor to supply the needs of all military actions: there was great want of all things in the camp; for the Enemy's Horse issuing forth often, to disturb their victuals, which was brought them from adjacent places, had made them of Besiegers, become besieged; and by cutting off certain Aqueducts, had deprived them of their best water. The inconveniences were so increased, as there was not any one company in the Camp which was not sorely infected; the Soldiers grown weak and weary, could not wield their Arms, but throwing them away, neglected all Military exercise, kept no order nor discipline, and grew full of despair. Insomuch as many Soldiers, and especially the Curassiers, abandoned the Camp without their Captains leave; the Captains were some of them far off, being gone into other parts to be cured; some kept useless in the Camp, being seized upon by grievous sickness. Amongst the rest, Lautrech himself fell sick, being not less afflicted in mind then in body, by reason of the great danger whereinto he saw his Army reduced; which was feared by all others, before it happened, and despised by him alone. So his own default aggravating his displeasure of mind, did the more oppress him; he could not for many days, either act, or advise any thing; and the other Captains, by reason of the severity of his nature and government, proceeded slowly, and with much caution in all things. So as though he, after being a little recovered, and having gotten some strength, was very diligent in correcting these disorders; severely punishing the Soldier's disobedience, and in increasing his Forces, causing some companies of the Venetian Stradiotti to come unto the Camp, which he recalled from the Enterprise of Taranto, and soliciting the Florentines to send him two thousand Foot, which they had mustered for the service of the League, yet all remedy proved in vain, and too late. But those within the Town grew so bold, as sallying forth daily in great numbers, they came up even to the French Rampires, taking away their baggage and their free-bootings before their eyes, and greatly molesting the ways, and infesting the Country, hindered the commerce between the Venetian Fleet and the Camp. But soon after Lautrech relapsing into his disease by reason of his great labour, and agitation of mind, died. The Marquis of Saluzzo, in whom, after Lautrech's death, the supreme authority of the Army remained, resolved, with the approbation of the other Commanders, to raise the Camp: The present state of affairs not only requiring it, but even necessity and danger; which was much increased by the loss of Capua, lately fallen into the power of the Imperialists, by reason of the Capuans falsehood, who were inclined to adhere to Cesar: Whereby the French Army was not only deprived of many conveniences, but even of the opportunity of retreating. They divided their men into three Squardrons, and on the nine and twentieth of August, early in the morning, they marched away to Auversa, with all possible silence, that they might not be pursued by the Imperialists, if they should be aware of their departure. Which they could not notwithstanding do; for the Enemy's Horse being continually even upon their Trenches, and aware of their departure, fell upon them in their Rear, guided by Monsieur de la Palissa, and by Camillo Trivulcio, routed them, and slew many of them; and the Spanish Foot coming in speedily soon after, broke their Battaglia, which was commanded by Navarro; took many Prisoners, amongst which the Captain himself. But the Marquis of Saluzzo, and Count Guido Rangone, who were first marched forth of their Quarters with the Van, escaped the danger for the present, and got safe into Auversa; but being presently pursued by the Enemy, and the City brought to great danger, they were quickly forced to yield, upon discretion. Thus a great and flourishing Army of the French was miserably wasted and destroyed, and of Conquerors, became conquered; and the whole face of affairs was altered, to the great discontent of the Venetians: Whose fortune, at least as much as concerned the Kingdom of Naples, depended upon their Friends, and Confederates, the French. Another sad accident followed this, which was very prejudicial to the League, and was of great concernment for the weakening of the French in Italy: For the Plague being got into Genua, and the City therefore abandoned almost by all the Citizens, and Soldiers, Andrea Doria came unexpectedly thither with his Galleys; and with the few Foot which he had, not exceeding five hundred, and by the favour of the people, who loved the name of Liberty, which Doria promised to introduce, he changed the Government, framed new Orders, and reduced it under Caesar's protection. Which novelty Trivulcio was not able to obviate, having but a small Garrison of Soldiers, with whom he had much ado to get safe into the Castle; hoping, as he said, if he should receive sudden succour, to return the City unto its former condition, and to the King's devotion. Wherefore the Confederates Commanders, resolved to send suddenly three thousand Dutch and Swisser Foot thither, who were to come quickly to Alexandria, to join with other French, who came for Italy. Whilst these things went thus, the thoughts and provisions for renewing War in Lombardy ceased not: To the which Monsieur de S. Paul being destined (as hath been said) the Venetian Senate desirous, that Antonio da Leva might have no longer time nor opportunity to make any farther progress, had sent Andrea Rosso Ambassador to France, to hasten the coming of the Commander, and of the Army: And being very diligent in all things else, they had sent pay to jurea for five thousand Landsknechts, who were taken into pay by the King for that Enterprise, at the common expense. The Sena●e had likewise given Order to the Duke of Urbine, to receive the Dutch Foot into their pay, who were disbanded from brunswick's Army; whereof there came a great many; so as the Commonwealth having in her service in Lombardy, of several Nations, Dutch, Swissers, and Italians, above ten thousand Foot, fifteen hundred light Horse, and eight hundred Curassiers, with which forces, it was hohoped, that when Monsieur de S. Paul should be come from France with those warlike preparations which had been spoken of, they might be able to drive Antonio da Leva out of Lombardy: The Duke of Urbine's opinion was, that of all other things, they were to put an excellent Garrison into Lodi, as into a place of great importance for the Duke of Milan's Interests, and for the Venetians also, since the preservation thereof would make much for the safety of Bergamo and Crema; which when it should be done, as soon as the French should begin to ascend the Mountains, he should pass over the Poe with the Venetian Army, and join with them to suppress Antonio da Leva, according as occasion should best serve. As soon therefore as Monsieur de S. Paul was come into Italy, who brought with him five thousand foot, five hundred Lances, and as many Light Horse, it being about the end of july, the Duke of Urbine spoke with him at Monticelli, a place seated upon the Banks of Poe, to advise how they were to carry on the War, for the common service; the Duke of Urbine being ordered so to do by the Senate, and it agreeing likewise with his own opinion, propounded. That they should keep all their Forces employed in Lombardy, to drive Antonio da Leva out of the Dukedom of Milan, upon which all the affairs of Italy were finally to depend: For as long as the Imperialists should have a secure receptacle in that State, whereinto they might easily bring many Soldiers from Germany; and from whence they received great conveniency for the feeding of their Army, which had now been maintained a good while at the private expense of several men of the Country, there was no hopes of putting a period to the War. That any thing attempted elsewhere, though it should succeed well, would not be equally beneficial, to what might be received by driving the Enemy out of those Confines, and by getting safe possession of the State of Milan. Moreover, it might be hoped, that by keeping the Forces of the Colleagues joined together, and near at band, they might at last draw the Pope into the League, the which had been several times attempted in vain. Monsieur de S. Paul, and the other French Commanders, were of another opinion: viz, That the business of Naples was not to be abandoned, losing thereby their reputation both with the people, and with the Enemy; showing amongst other things, how necessary it was to keep the Imperialists employed in the Kingdom of Naples, so as they might not come and join with Antonio da Leva; whereby growing very strong, they might settle themselves in the possession of both those States. In this diversity of opinion, they pitch upon a way which might serve both their desires; to wit, not to give over the affairs of Naples totally, but howsoever to intend chiefly the business of Lombardy: wherefore since some Towns in P●glia held yet for the confederates, and were well affected to the Venetians, and to the French; it was resolved they should make head there, and reinforce their men, that they might make some other attempt, and keep the Imperialists in fear and jealousy. The Venetian Senate did therefore order their Commissary at Sea, to go with his Fleet into Puglia, to put very good Garrisons into all the Towns which held for the Commonwealth, and for the King of France, and to fall upon taking the Castles in Brandizzo: and on the other side, Renzo da Ceri, and the Prince of Melfi, were to pass into those Sea coasts with five thousand foot, for the transporting whereof from Ancona to Pugl●a, the Venetians sent eight Galleys, and other Vessels. It was also resolved, that the Fleet should be increased, and reinforced, that they might make some other attempt in the Kingdom, and keep the Imperialists busied in several places. To which purpose, the Venetians promised to lend the King twelve Galleys. The Senate did moreover very much solicit the other Confederates, as the Florentines, and Duke of Ferrara, that bea●ing patiently the adverse fortune about Naples, they would seek to provide against other dangers, by lending ready and stout assistance towards the renewing of the War in Puglia, whereby the enemies forces would be kept far from their Territories, being employed in defending their own affairs. Whereunto these Princes showed themselves very forward, the Florentines offering moreover to keep up a body of men in Tuscany, and the Duke of Ferrara an other at Modena, to provide for all occurrences: But as for the affairs of Lombardy, and the State of Milan, wherein the forces remained entire, it was resolved to advance towards Milan; and both the Armies being come to Landriano, the Commanders thought it not fit to fall then upon the expugning of Milan, which would be a thing too hard to effect, Leva being entered thereinto with his Army, after he had fetched much victuals into the City; therefore they took an other course, they fell upon the enterprise of Pavia, which they thought they might be successful in, for that there was but a weak Garrison there, of only one thousand foot: wherefore the Confederates Army marched speedily thither, to prevent all impediments which they might receive from Leva, if he should be aware of their march: they encamped before it, and began to play furiously upon the walls: the Duke of Urbine having with much persuasions got some pieces of Cannon to be brought along, and carried over the River Tesino: So as a great Battery being soon begun, they prepared to give an assault: wherein, the first place falling to the Venetians lot, it happened that whilst they were ordering their affairs, some averseness thereunto appeared in the Swissers foot: But the Duke of Urbine having sorely wounded one● of their Captains with his own hand (who said that there was not any one who could make his Soldiers move but himself) and at the same instant turning the Cannon upon them, he brought them all to be obedient: so as a hot assault being given, wherein the Duke of Urbine was one, who together with some of his Curassiers, all of them being on foot, put himself into the first ranks, and assaulting such Bastions as were best defended, got the praise of being most nobly bold. The Town was taken, and sacked, and the most of the defendants slain, and soon after the Castle also yielded, whereinto Galleazzo da Birago, together with such soldiers as were left alive, retreated; they had their lives given them, the Dutch foot being permitted to return to Milan, and the Italians to return to their own homes. The getting of Pavia proved very advantageous, and of great credit to the League, not only in its own respect, but because it was accompanied with the quick surrender of Novara, and of other neighbouring Towns, whereby the enemy, who received much victuals from thence for the nourishment of the Army which was in Milan, was much incommodated. The Venetian Senate was much rejoiced hereat, hoping that it might in the future somewhat counterpoise their late loss at Naples: they commended and thanked Monsieur de St Paul for it, exhorting him to prosecute the prosperity which was promised by this good beginning; not despairing, but by his happy conduct, they should get Milan, and recover Naples. The alteration in Genua was very unwelcome news to France: wherefore the King sent an express Commission to Monsieur de St Paul, that before all other things, he should mind and endeavour the returning of that City into her former condition, to the relief whereof, the three thousand foot which were thereunto designed, refused to go, for want of having received their pay; which put Trivultio into so great difficulties, as he protested he would surrender, unless he received some speedy succour. Thus the affairs of the League, which began to be a little refreshed, fell quickly back into great straits; for as the opportunity which was offered of getting Milan was very great, by reason of the rescent reputation won at Pavia, and through the sufferings whereunto Leva's Arms was reduced; but chiefly by the excessive and unsupportable Taxes imposed by the Imperialists upon the people of Milan, which had made them ready to mutiny, and to throw off the yoke of so severe servitude, so was it requisite, that to the ●ffecting thereof, they should make use of all their forces together, and to beleaguer that great City with two camps; and yet Monsieur de St Paul setting his heart upon the relief of Genua, did not only refuse to go to Milan, but pressed the Duke of Urbine very much to go along with him, and to carry his Venetian forces to Genua, that they might proceed therein the more securely: to which the Venetian Senate would not consent, since by sending their forces so far off, they should not only lose all the advantage of their victory, and make the Duke of Milan despair, but should expose Bergamo, and other Cities of their dominion to great danger. Wherefore, being both of them resolute in their opinions, the French Commanders rose with all their forces, and past over the Po, at Porta Stella, to go by the way of Tuscany to Genua; and the Venetians (the Senate not thinking it fit that they should retire) stayed at Pavia, to be assistant in reputation to the affairs of Genua; and that they might tarry there more securely, and fall upon any enterprise which occasion should offer, the Senate resolved to raise new foot to recruit their Army, which was much diminished by several accidents. But the French had but ill success; for finding Genua strongly Garrisoned, and they not being above two thousand Foot, they had no hopes of doing any good there by their long tarrying, though they were already got very near the City: Wherefore they resolved to return to Lombardy, and to quarter in the City of Alessandria, whereunto Sforza gave way, hoping that when two thousand Landsknechts, who were already past the mountains should be come unto him, they might return with better hopes to the enterprise of Milan. But the mean while, Trivulsio hearing of their retreat, and despairing of timely succour, yielded up the castle; which was presently slighted by the people, that they might have no such obstacle to their Liberty, Savona likewise, whereinto the succour led on by Captain Montigiano, could not enter, returned to the power of the Genueses. after this they fell to alter the Government, freeing it as much as at the first they could from popularity; reducing those Families to a small number, who were to partake in the management of the Commonwealth, and instituting a magistracy of but a few citizens, temporizing their authority by that of the greater Counsels; though Doria's greatness continued to be very much in these civil institutions, upon whose will, and authority, their establishment did depend. And that they might be free from the fear of foreign forces, which might cause an alteration in this new State, the Genueses, by public order interceded with the Venetians, desiring them to be contented, that they might now remain in that free neutrality, to which they had formerly exhorted them: alleging it for a reason, why they had taken up arms against their city, because Antonietto Adorno was head of the government thereof, who depending totally upon the Imperialists, was very advantageous to the enemy. But the Venetians answered, that the face of affairs was much altered; since they had very much offended the King of France, by driving out his men, and by receiving Doria, who was his professed enemy; whereby they had provoked the King's forces against them; nor could they be wanting to be assisting to the King, their friend and Confederate. And really the Venetians did very much desire, that the business of Genua might be again attempted, for the King's better satisfaction, who gave apparent signs of being displeased, that they did not send their men with the Duke of Urbine, to relieve Trivultio: and because they thought it very convenient for their affairs, that the City, which was as it were the Gate of Italy, whereby the Spaniards had convenience to enter thereinto by Sea, might depend upon the will of their friend, the King of France; and especially at this time, when Cesar had given out, (making use of such an occasion) that he would come himself in person into Italy. They therefore exhorted the Genueses to put themselves again under the King of France his protection, who was a powerful and courteous Prince, in whom they should find both power and will to preserve their Liberty. But neither the season of the year, (which was a very bitter winter,) nor yet the weakness of their Armies, which were very much lessened by several accidents, would not permit them to use force: So as, though it were known, that there was a great scarcity of victuals in Milan, that Antonio da Leva was sick, and the Army sufficiently lessened, which might very well invite them to the attempt of that enterprise, since the Forces of the League were nigh at hand: and though this might be a means to facilitate the good success of Genua, and that the Senate had prayed the Duke of Urbine not to let slip so fair an occasion; yet not trusting too much to their own Forces, and apprehending the inconveniencies of winter, the Captains of the League resolved to bring their Armies into their winter quarters, and to expect a better season, and greater Forces. So as, the Duke of Milan going to winter with his Forces in Pavia, the Duke of Urbine was forced to rise from thence, intending to go to Lodi, but not pleased therewith, he resolved to go to the banks of Ada, and soon after past over the river, to get into safer and more commodious quarters. But the French Army went into Alessandria, that they might afterwards join, as the sea son and occasion should counsel. But the Senate was chiefly troubled about the towns of Puglia, which being preserved, were very serviceable to the Commonwealth, both in times of peace and war: and being by agreement to be restored, they might be a great advantage to them, upon other occasions. Trani and Monopoli held then for the Venetians, and Berletta for the French, the rest being abandoned, and these not without difficulty preserved by Commissary Vetturi, when the French Army was routed▪ who being about the taking of Manfredonia, when he heard of what had happened at Naples, sent a good number of Foot forthwith in Galleys to Garrison those Maritime Towns, writing forged Letters to the Magistrates, that the French Commanders having been but very little damnified, were retired with all their forces safe to Auversa, to keep the people in their allegiance; lest out of fear, they might be moved, as many others had been, to agree with the Imperialists. Camillo Orsino was entered into Trani, as soon as he rise with the Camp from before Maufredonia; jovan Corrado Orsino, julio di Montebello, and Horratio da Carpenna, being parted from Brandizzo, were in Monopoli: and Renzo da Ceri, who had the title of Lieutenant of the Kingdom, was come to Barletta▪ Whither also Simion Romano was come with his light-horse. The Venetians were three thousand Foot; Renzo brought with him five thousand; and two thousand were raised at the charges of the Florentines, and of some of the family of the Orsini; so as, they amounted in all to the number of ten thousand Foot, to boot, with four hundred Venetian horse, and 300 horse which Renzo brought with him, and in Abruzzo; jovan jacopi Franco, being got into Matrice, and Camillo Orsino into Aquila, they set up the French colours, and held those Towns in the name of the King of France, to whom the country people seemed much inclined; as, on the contrary, the name of Cesar grew very hateful to them, by reason of the many extortions which his Officers used to the people. The Venetians being intent upon the preservation of these places, and hoping not only to be able to hold the enemy play, and to keep the war from the State of Lombardy, but to make some advancement, since the Imperialists wanted not many disaccommodations; resolved to relieve those Towns, sending them all sorts of munition; and to recruit the Garrisons with six hundred Foot raised in Dalmatia, which being conveyed thither in some Galleys, in the depth of winter, two of them ran on ground, and split upon those shores. But Commissary Mula, who had kept till then upon those coasts, for the safety of the Towns, and to preserve those men upon all events, and that the Galley-slaves might work upon the Fortifications leaving four Galleys to guard them, retreated by public order to Corfu: which the Senate did, out of the need the Fleet stood in of being refreshed; and that they might add to the number of the Galleys, that they might join with the Fleet which was prepared by the King of France in Marcelles; and impose the Imperialists Maritime Forces: who were said to prepare good store of Frigates in Barcelona, to the end, that joining with Doria's Galley's, they might go out strong to Sea. In this Interim, the Pope ceased not his desires to have Cervia, and Ravenna restored unto him; to which purpose the King of France had sent the Viscount Turin to Venice, desirous to give some satisfaction to the Pope, in whom his former ill will to the King was increased, by the Marriage of Renea the King's kinswoman to Hercoles', the Duke of Ferrara's son, knowing that by this alliance, the king was obliged to defend the Duke, from whom the Pope desired to repossess himself of the Cities of Modena and Regio, as well as those in Romagna from the Venetians and he hoped to have been therein assisted by the King according to his promise. But the Senate, desirous to give the King satisfaction in all things, acquainted him with their pretensions and interests; that they had Ravenna, from Obizo Polenta, the Lord thereof, 400 years since it was in the Church's possession; and that Cervia was possessed by the Commonwealth by the last Will and Testament of Dominico Malatesta, charged with many pious uses, wherein the will of the Testator was continually fulfilled; that if they had desired to enjoy what belonged to others, they would not have refused the offers made by those of Furli, and of other Towns in Romagna, to come under their command; that they had been at no little charge in maintaining Bologna, and other Cities under the Papal Dominion; that they possessed these Towns when the Pope had quitted the League; and and therefore in that respect they had just reason to hold them, since they had spent more Treasure in these wars by much than those Cities were worth; that his Majesty would be pleased to consider, whether it would make for his advantage, that his friends and his confederates should part with so convenient places to the Pope who was but ill affected to the Crown of France, nay, to the Imperialists upon whose authority it was apparent that the Pope did depend, either out of will, or fear. That to boot with his own concernments, he should weigh the injury which would be thereby done to the other Colleagues, to the Florentines, and to the Duke of Ferara; who certainly would be very much troubled at such an action, which might ●inder their forwardness in adhering to the League: That he ought likewise to consider these Towns were as a curb to keep the Pope within his duty; and that this respect ceasing, he would the sooner discover himself to be a friend and confederate of Cesar ' s. Visconte being conjunct by these reasons, went to Rome, where he propounded divers expediences to the Pope for the accommodation of these Affairs; as, that these Towns might be given in fee to the Commonwealth, upon some recognition to the Church, as he had done by several other Towns. Or else that they would be deposited into the King of France his hands, to be disposed of as he should think fit. Which proposals being put unto the Senate, they were neither wholly accepted, nor wholly refused; but mentioning what the State had done, and what they were ready to do in order to the Pope's service, they seemed to confide much upon Clement's wisdom that he might of himself find out some fair and rational accommodation of these difficulties. Thus was this business suspended, and the success of War uncertain, and the time of laying down Arms most uncertain, when the year 1528 ended. The year 1529 began with various hopes of peace, and with fear of new combustions of War; for great weariness, and weakness appeared plainly in the Princes: Which as well as the bitterness of the winter, was the reason why all Military actions were ceased; nor did any such notable effects ensue either in Lombary, or in the Kingdom of Naples, as might have been expected; the one party being quite dissipated and destroyed, the other remained totally victorious, and arbitrator of all things: which were so balanced, as each party might bear its own fortune, and hope for better in the future: Wherefore it was thought that the condition of affairs being thus; an agreement would be the more easily made. Cesar professed openly that he desired universal peace; and above all things, to accommodate his Affairs to the Princes of Italy; to which purpose he had sent the General of Franciscans to Rome, who having received the Cap, took upon him the title of Cardinal of Sancta Cruse; which Commission (as it was given out to cause Hostia and Civita Vecchia to be restored to the Pope, and to treat with the Pope's self, touching the reconcilment of all difficulties. The King of England used all efficacious means with the King of France, and to bring him to an agreement; & had sent express Ambassadors to Rome, to exhort the Pope to undertake such a treaty, as a thing that did better belong to him, & more properly then to any other. Nor did the King of France appear to be there unto averse, he having sent Commission to his Ambassador at Rome, for universal peace. The Venetians did the like, giving sufficient warrant to their Ambassador Gaspero Contarini to say, that the Senate following the advice of the King of France, and according to their own inclination towards the peace, and common good of Christendom, would make good whatsoever had been formerly agreed upon by particular conventions. They moreover did of themselves, desire, the Pope that he would take upon him the weight of so important a business, and bring it to a good end, as might be hoped from his power and sincerity; promising that upon the concluding of an universal peace, they would witness their good will in any thing remained in dispute between them and the Apostolic See, touching the Cities of Ravenna and Cervia. But for all this, many things gave reason to suspect, that all this was but a Copy of their countenances, and that the Princes were inwardly otherwise inclined; being more intent upon their own advantage, then agreed with the accommodation of so many great differences, and to putting an end to Wars of so long duration. It was known that the King of France was very jealous of the Pope, so as he did neither believe much what he said, nor did he much confide in him: Holding all his proposals to be doubtful and uncertain. Therefore he treated apart with the Venetians, that they would reorder their Forces by Sea, and by Land, seeming not to be at all discouraged for what had happened at Naples; as a thing which had fallen out by misfortune, and not through any cowardice of the Soldiery: Wherefore he was more desirous than ever to renew the Wars in Italy. As for the Emperor though he said he would come into Italy. to take upon him the Crown of the Empire, and to procure peace, yet he made so great preparation for War, as it appeared he intended not to do as he said; especially since his desire of making himself Master of the State of Milan was so very well known. And as for the Pope, who was to take upon him the chief care herein, he still retained the desire of recovering not only the Towns in Romagna, but also Modena, and Regio; and likewise he longed to revenge himself, for the injuries done him by the Florentines, and to replace his Nephews in their pristine greatness, and dignity in Florence; which were not things to be done without War. And the Venetians though they had been so many years involved in Wars, wherein they had already spent five Millions of Gold; and that therefore they desired to give some ease and refreshment to themselves, and to their Subjects; yet they persevered resolutely not to abandon the Duke of Milan, not to permit that that State should fall again into Cesar's power; nor would they easily part with the Towns in Puglia and Romagna, unless upon the establishing of universal peace upon fair and rational conditions. Thus did the Princes at this time steer their thoughts and actions; and this was men's opinion touching ●uture War and Peace. This mean while the News increased of Cesar's coming into Italy, for which great preparation of Shipping was made at Barcelona; and the Archduke Ferdinand came to Ispruch, and raised much moneys in the Diets, taking foot Soldiers into pay, to send them for Italy, to serve his Brother, giving out that he would assault the States of Venice. Yet at the same time divers treaties of agreement were propounded to the Senate, by Andrea Doria, and by some other Imperialists; showing that the Emperor had very good thoughts towards the Commonwealth; and offering to negotiate peace, wherein the Venetians proceeded very cautiously; fearing lest this might be a trick to separate the French by these jealousies from the friendship of the Commonwealth; so as they slackened not their preparation for War; for the Senate would depend upon themselves, and treat of Peace with Sword in hand, and with honour. The time of the Duke of Urbines' command being at an end, they continued his employment for three years longer, with the increase of ten thousand Crowns a year pay, and with as many Curassiers, as made up those that were before under his command two hundred. Moreover a particular Troop of fifty Curassiers was given to his son Guido Ubaldo, who was likewise taken into the Commonwealths service, and had a stipend of a thousand crowns a year given him. Gianus Maria Fregoso was made Governor General of the Venetian Militia, in reward of his loyalty and worth: And because the Duke of Urbine had many occasions to be absent from the camp, as he was particularly at this time; and that it was thought fit for the public service, that some person of great authority should always be in the Army, Antonio Alberti was sent to him, Savio degli Ordini with Orders that he should go speedily from Brescia, where he than was, and come to the Army; in which journey, for his greater honour, he was accompanied by the said Alberti. Other chief places of the Militia were disposed of to others. Count Gaiazzo was made General of the Light Horse; and Antonio da Castello Captain of the Artillery. Hercoles' Fregoso, Farfarella da Ravenna, and other Commanders were taken again into the Commonwealths service: A good sum of money was sent to the camp, to Commissary Navi, with Orders to raise new Foot, and to fill up the companies. Nor were they less vigilant about Maritime Affairs. Girolamo Pesaro was created Captain General at Sea, and Andrea Pesaro being chosen a little before Commissary of the Fleet, and Vicenso justiniano's Captain of the Bastard Galleys, they were both of them ordered to prepare for Sea; there were other ten chosen for Governors, to arm the ten Galleys which were disarmed the preceding Winter; so as the Commonwealth had above fifty Galleys at Sea, and though by the Articles of confederacy they were not bound to furnish out above sixteen Galleys, they promised notwithstanding to add four more thereunto, so as there should be twenty for the service of the League, whereof Girolamo Contarini was made Captain. And because the Duke of Milan, and Monsieur di S. Paul, who were desired to increase the number of their Foot according to their Articles, excused themselves for want of moneys; the Senate resolved to lend the French twelve thousand Ducats, and eight thousand to the Duke of Milan. But the Venetians did chiefly desire, and pray the King of France, that he would not be wanting to the Colleagues upon so important an occasion, since he had found them all so affectionate to him, and so constant in prosecuting the War. And truly these remembrances were no more than necessary; for all the bad success of the French in the affairs of Italy, arose from their slowness in making provisions, and from too much confiding in themselves; the French being naturally given to promise all good success to themselves at the first beginning, which makes them easily undertake any business, but they are not constant in the prosecution, and but little careful in providing necessaries out of the hopes they have of bringing it soon to an end, measuring it often more according to their own desires, then according to the truth. Monsieur de S. Paul was reduced to want of men, moneys, and almost of all things requisite to maintain War in Italy: Nor was there any preparations seen for doing any thing beyond the Mountains, which the King had so often promised to do. And yet it was now more necessary than ever to do both these, and that with powerful forces, to keep the Emperor from coming into Italy, either by preparing strongly to resist him there, or else by keeping him employed in defending Spain, and in muniting the heart of his Dominions. They therefore told the King that it was a thing becoming him, and the forces of that powerful Kingdom, to interrupt Caesar's designs, and to bring him by force of Arms to an agreement, and to the restoring his Sons, since he could not be persuaded thereunto by reason. After these persuasions the King appeared to be somewhat more fervent touching the affairs of Italy; so as they hoped they might be able at one and the same time to renew the Wars both in Lombardy, and in the Kingdom of Naples: And to make some notable advancement by anticipating the coming of Cesar, and of his succours. The Senate were therefore of opinion that the Duke of Urbine should come to Venice; where in the presence of the Ambassadors of the King of France, and of the Duke of Milan's, and of a Gentleman sent to that purpose from Monsieur di S. Paul, many long consultations were had touching the manner of managing the War. And at last it was concluded, that the first thing to be done was, to mind the business of Milan, but rather by the way of siege then assault, by taking in the neighbouring places, and by reducing Leva's Army to want of victuals, and in the mean time to raise greater forces; and the number pitched upon were twenty thousand foot, to wit, eight thousand French, eight thousand Venetians, two thousand of the Duke of Milan's, and two thousand Landsknechts, which were expected from Lions, and were already taken into pay at the common expense; and as for the Enterprise of Genua, that it should be managed according as occasions should fall out, and as things should succeed in Lombardy, But the greatest security for the affairs of Italy was judged to depend upon the keeping off Caesar's coming; it was therefore resolved that the French Fleet should be increased as much as might be, as also the Venetian Fleet, and particularly in great Vessels, to the end that they might keep the better at Sea, and oppose the Imperial Fleet, which consisted of like vessels; to the end that when Cesar should see he could not sail without great danger, he might keep from doing so. Yet it being afterwards known that the King's inclination lay to make War with Cesar beyond the Mountains, accordingly as was formerly designed, the Senators began to differ in their opinions (Andrea Navagiero being at this time chosen Ambassador to be sent to the Court of France, to renew the first desires) what they ought first to exhort the King to, whether to come in person into Italy, or to send his Armies to the Perenean Mountains, and assault Spain. Amongst the rest, Luigi Mocenigo, a man versed in the management of the weightiest Affairs of the Commonwealth, and one of great authority, was of opinion, that they were chiefly to persuade the King, to send his forces to the confines of Spain, so to divert the War which was intended to be made in Italy. In these times, so full of difficulties, said he, in an Oration which he made, we must take many things into consideration, and proceed therein with much temperance. The Art of a skilful Physician consists in curing his patient, so that his malady draw not on another sickness: and the Pilot, who sails in the sea, where are many Rocks, if he know not how to steer his ship, whilst he endeavours to shun one rock, may give against another. We are now assuredly in a very narrow condition, we have to do with all the precepts of civil wisdom, and are to consider many things at once: Our Commonwealth, through so many and so long wars, is now become weak; the times are subject to chances, and we sail amidst many dangerous rocks. Doubtlessly we ought to be concerned in Cesar 's greatness, for he threatens the ruin of the Italian Potentates. It is a useful, or rather a necessary Counsel, to seek by all means how to suppress him. For by fautering him, or suffering him to grow greater, he becomes daily more formidable, and the remedy proves harder. Yet I am of opinion, that to attain unto our true intentions, it is not good, neither ought we to use all remedies, though they may seem proper to cure our present maladies. For it is not our thoughts, nor our intentions, to keep Cesar low, out of any hatred we bear unto his person, or out of any Rivalship that our Commonwealth hath with him; but only for our own conveniency, and safety; that our State may not be exposed to his victorious will: That, if he should possess himself of the State of Milan, we meet not with so powerful a Neighbour, as to be in perpetual jealousies of him. Whence it may be easily conceived, that it makes not for our advantage, to suppress Cesar so, as to raise up another Potentate in Italy, of equal power and authority with him, who may in time bring us into the same dangers, which now we strive to shun. For my part, I doubt very much, whether the coming of the most Christian King into Italy, be like to prove that powerful means which others may believe, of keeping Cesar far off; and (to confess the truth) I cannot promise myself, that when we shall have our desire in this, we shall find such continency in the King, as that driving the Imperialists out of Italy, he be to restore her to peace and safety: but that he will rather claim the whole fruit of the victory to himself. The King of France is no less desirous to become master of the Kingdom of Naples, and of the Dukedom of Milan, than Cesar; nor are his pretensions thereunto weaker. The so many wars made, for this intention, and many other signs, discovered upon other occasions, though cloaked under other ends, show, that this King's thoughts have been suc●, and such the like of his Predecessors. Who can secure us, that when the King shall be become Arbytrator of the Affairs of Italy, and not being counterpoised by the Imperial forces, and that he shall know, he stands not in need of our help, to keep possession of these States, that he may not slight our Interests, and forget all that we have done to exalt him. The desire of Rule doth oft times so blind men, as it suffers them not to see reason, makes them violate all Laws, and value nothing but their own peculiar and apparent profit. So as, if Italy be to be subjected, what doth it imp●rt us, whether it be by the Spaniards, or by the French? He who shall consider things aright, will find, that these two differ in many things among themselves, but that as for us) they are to be of a like prejudice and danger. For though, for what relates to our present affairs, it may seem that we ought as much to desire the coming of the King of France into Italy, as to fear the like of Cesar 's, the one being a Friend and Confederate, and that the dangers which may incur by him, are more uncertain, and farther off; and that the other thinks himself injured by us, and meets with many occasions of discord from our Commonwealth: Yet it is not to be doubted, but that it were by much best for us, that neither the one, nor the other of these Princes, had either State, Forces, pretensions, or so much as thoughts upon the affairs of Italy: Which, since it cannot be entirely effected by us, answerable to our occasions, and desires: yet we should endeavour, as much as in us lies, to keep their persons far from hen●e: for we may be sure, that the sight of these noble provinces of Italy, will kindle in them (who are easy to take such Impressions) a greater desire of possessing themselves thereof: and that by their presence, those things will be much increased, which we would lessen: For where a great prince is in person, he a●ds much of reputation to his affairs, and he may easily, and by many ways, purchase unto himself favour, authority and power. Wherefore do we not think then of some other means of keeping Cesar out of Italy, since there be others, whereby we may much better effect our desires, without these dangers? For, say the King should resolve to pass over the Mountains, it is not likely, that that would keep Cesar from coming also into Italy by sea: nay, it may be, if ●e were less resolved to do so, this would make him do it the sooner, lest he might s●em to yield unto a Prince, who is not only his rival in glory, but his open and declared enemy; as if he should confess, that after he had divulged he would make such a voyage, he had forborn doing so, for fear of him, leaving his Army, and all that he is possessed of in Italy, a secure prey for others. But if on the contrary, the French will resolve, to march with powerful forces to the Confines of Spain, and assault some of their Frontier Forts, what reason is there to believe, that when the Emperor shall be molested in his own Dominions, he will abandon their defence, to fall upon Italy, a business of such difficulty; and that he will leave his own affairs in apparent danger, out of uncertain hopes of getting what belongs to others. Hannibal's example is very remarkable, and may be very well paralleled to this which we now treat of; whom the Romans could never get out of Italy, till they resolved to assault Africa, and so compel him to turn those forces which he had long made use of against them, to defend his own Country. Moreover, it is an excellent rule, when the fire of war cannot be totally extinguished, to keep it as far from our own houses as we can, and to carry it elswere; and we who see that Italy is made the seat of war, whereinto so many Transalpine Forces have had recourse, to vent their fury, and glut their wicked wills, to the great prejudice, and almost total ruin thereof; shall we mediate the coming in of new foreigners thereinto, so to continue those miseries, and to make them more? and to foment that fire in our bosoms, which hath long burnt to our great cost, and prejudice? if the King of France shall come into Italy, we are sure we shall rekindle a new and heavy war: for, either Cesar will resolve, (as I verily believe he will do) to come in person with so much the greater forces, for that he shall know he is to meet with so much the slouter resistance; or else, he will send the greater forces into Italy, and will add thereunto as much as he is able, in the Kingdom of Naples, and Dukedom of Milan; for it is not to be imagined, that, whilst he shall be safe at whom, and sufficiently powerful and victorious in Italy, he will abandon his fortune, and forego the possession of so many places which he is master of in Italy, for fear of the coming of the French. And, why should not we think, that the king may be of himself well inclined thereunto, whom we hear (that moved thereunto by these reasons) hath set his thoughts upon Spain, and that he already begins to prepare for it. So as the moving him to make war there, will not one●y be advantageous for us, but we may the sooner obtain our desires. I know not therefore what we have to commit unto our Ambassador, Navagiero 's charge in this point, since the Kings will, and our advantage concur therein. And certainly if we know, how to use the time and occasion which is offered us, we may hope, that the King, by the authority of this Senate, and by Navagiero 's wisdom, and eloquence may be persuaded to confirm his opinion in molesting the Emperor's Dominions with new wars, and with Forces befitting the cause, and the grandeur of his majesty and of his kingdom; whereby we shall not only attain unto our chief end of keeping the Emperor, for the present out of Italy, but we may hope to find him the easier to be brought hereafter to make a fair agreement. Many were pleased herewith; but it was opposed by many others, particularly, by Marc Antonio Cornaro; who, though by reason of his years, he was of less Authority, yet he was of great esteem for his eloquence. This man, in answer to what Mocenigo had said, spoke thus: If it were as easy to find out a remedy for the so many miseries of Italy, and for our molestations and dangers, as we have just cause to commiserate the condition of these unfortunate times, I should very much approve, that we should think of what might secure us not only from our present dangers, but from all those which may a long time hereafter befall us. But I am shrewdly afraid, that whilst by an immature cautiousness we fear every thing, and would forese●, and provide against whatsoever accidents may occur, we ruin our present condition, and lose the opportunity of applying those remedies, which doubtless may help us at this our present and greatest need. Concerning Cesar 's coming into Italy, as we may be sure thereof, unless his way be stopped, so is it for many reasons very much to be feared. He is at the present possessed of almost all the Kingdom of Naples, and of a good part of the Dukedom of Milan: he hath powerful Armies in bo●h these Country's: Genua also, a city, so opportunely situated for the affairs of Italy, hath put itself into his protection. If he settle himself in these several parts by his coming into Italy, and by extinguishing the remainder of the French Army, what hopes have we of ever driving him out? he pretends to possess the Kingdom of Naples by right of Inheritance: and by the investment of the Pope himself: we may see how he means to behave himself concerning the Duchy of Milan; since making divers subterfuges, he could never be brought to assign over the City of Milan to Francisco S●orza, as by agreement he was tied to do. On the other side, the King of France is not now possessed of almost any thing in Italy. He hath put the Towns of the Dukedom of Milan, which he hath gotten by his forces, into the hands of Francisco Sforza; in the Kingdom of Naples, he quits the Towns of Puglia to us; and is content, that a particular King be put over the rest: He hath no other Army in Italy, than those few men that are with Monsieur St. Paul, and which are so much lessened as they exceed not the number of five thousand Foot: So as, we see, that if the counterpoise of the French Forces be totally taken away, whereby Cesar 's greatness may be moderated, all Italy must necessarily be either subject to him, or depend upon him: or if any one Potentate shall preserve his Liberty, he must live at perpetual expense, and in continual jealousies of so powerful an neighbour. To all which mischiefs and dangers, it is well known, there is no sufficient remedy, but the coming of the King of France into Italy. For, how negligent and full of delays the French are, in making Provisions for the war, when the King is not present in person, the fresh examples of so many of his Armies, routed, and ruined out of this only respect, may sufficiently witness. Moreover, If the Emperor shall come, as the French Army ought to be in all things, at least equal, if not superior to his, it must be accompanied with like reputation, which can only be effected by the King's presence, which will help as much as almost an other Army; will make the Pope declare for the League; will confirm the Florentines and the Duke of Ferrara; and will make all the people and princes of Italy ready to assist, and adhere unto him in all his enterprises: so as, either Cesar will be kept from coming, or if he do come, he will meet with such a counterpoise, as will frustrate all his disignes, and will make him pass quickly back again over the Sea. These advantages are not to be expected, by making any attempts upon Spain, which can but little or not at all avail our intentions. For, Cesar knows, that his situations being strong by Art and Nature, and his Castles being excellently well garrisoned, the King can make no important nor speedy advancement there, nor can he tarry there long, but rather is in danger of consuming his army through several sufferings, in that barren Country. Where, whilst mountains and walls shall fight against the King, Cesar finding in Italy a fruitful Country, weak Cities, and those but weakly garrisoned, he will possess new Territories, he will fortify those which he is already possessed of, and will confirm himself in the possession of the greatest and best part of Italy. But it may peradventure be said, that the one may be done, and the other not left undone; the Affairs of Italy may be provided for, and Spain may be assaulted. He who shall be of that opinion, may be s●id, to deceive himself willingly: For, late experience shows the contrary: we see how great difficulties and what impediments are found, in bringing men and moneys from France, to recrute the Army commanded by Monsieur St. Paul, and to bring it into a condition of being able to extinguish the little remainder of enemies which are yet in Milan, under Antonio da Leva: and yet the King is not employed in any other enterprise. I pray you, what do you think the event will be, when the king shall have carried with him the prime Flower of his Nobility to the borders of Spain, or when the Emperor being strong in Italy, there will be need of greater Forces to resist him, than those which are now requisite; and yet we find a want of them. Assuredly, the best Commanders, and best Soldiers will be where the King's person is: moneys, and all Provisions for war will be carried thither: for both the king and kingdom, and not without reason, will have chief regard to those things wherein the glory and safety of their king and Nation▪ concerned immediately: and yet on the other side, if the French do not gallantly recruit their Army in Italy, the field must be yielded to Cesar at his first arrival, whereof being Master, he will possess himself of all Cities and strong Holds, which will have but small hope of being relieved by weaker▪ Forces. Therefore, since it is impossible to attend two erterprises at once, and to negotiate them both, with safety, and hopes of bringing them unto a good end, I know not why we should doubt of choosing that, wherein the benefit appears to be greater and more certain, and the danger further off, and more uncertain, But I beseech you, since it is so positively affirmed, that if Cesar be molested at home, it is not likely that he will have leisure to think upon the affairs of Italy; he being to prefer the preservation of his own Dominions, before things further off, and more uncertain. Why will not we do the like, by providing principally, and primarily for the safety of Italy, by the most assured, and most immediate way; and not dream upon prejudicing Spain, nor seek how by a fallacious and far fetched remedy to obviate a certain and apparent danger; nay, we should rather value this reason the more, and the more observe this rule: for suppose, the enterprise concerning Spain succeed prosperously, what fruit shall we reap thereby? But Cesar is possessed of several Territories in Italy▪ so as by coming into them, he may hope to secure them, and keep them from being prejudiced: so as whether he stay in Spain, or come into Italy, his business goes on advantageously, and is likely to prosper: so as his counsel can never be blamed, as peradventure ours may be, there being so great a disparity between them. 'tis true, what is said to the contrary, that we should have as great a care, in keeping the King of France from increasing too much in power, as in abasing Cesar's greatness: Yet, if I should enter into the consideration of all the particulars in this point; this opinion would peradventure prove not to be so absolutely true; nor would the reasons, nor respects of these two Princes prove alike: But let us give it for granted, let us see a little, whether the condition of the Times, and the present estate of affairs being considered, we ought now to apprehend the power of the French so much, or be jealous of the King of France his coming into Italy. We have for many years last passed, been joined in straight League and Amity with that Crown; which being but for a very little while interrupted, was soon redintegrated. Moreover, the King of France hath not at this time, either any State, nor many Forces in Italy, nor means of getting any, without our help and assistance: On the other side, we meet with many pretensions, many difficulties, and many occasions of diffidence in Cesar; so as it is impossible to have him our Neighbour, and not to be jealous of him. But that which imports most, is, Milan holds of him, and many Towns in t●at State: the City of Naples, and the greatest part of that Kingdom; and he hath still two Armies on Foot; the one in Lombardy, the other in the aforesaid Kingdom: And shall we at this time, and with these concomitances, value things alike? And shall we fear the power of the King of France as much in Italy, as that of the Emperor? Nay certainly, keeping the same measure and proportion which hath been spoken of, we ought to assist the greatness of the French in Italy, where it is so much lessened, to oppose it to the like of Cesar, which is so much enhanced. When these scales shall be equally poised, it will then be time to think how we ought to behave ourselves, in not suffering either of them to grow too great, though they should contend one with another; and by this contention, if the Commonwealth cannot purchase perfect peace and tranquillity, as having forces so near her, she will thereby at least get more security, and will live in better hope, that Italy may one day recover her liberty. This is not the first time that the Kings of France have passed over the Mountains; they have been invited over by us, by their assistance we have recovered our State, and by their friendship we have kept up the reputation of our Commonwealth: nor avails it any thing to say, that we ought to carry the war into other parts, and keep it far from ourselves; for war is already kindled in Italy, our Country is already on fire, and we treat not now how to inflame this fire by the Kings coming, but rather, how to extinguish another more great and dangerous. Diversion is used as a second remedy, when the first, of preserving a man's estate from being endamaged by an enemy, cannot otherwise be prevented: but when we have time enough to prevent Cesar 's coming, by increasing our forces, by making ourselves Masters of the Field, by fortifying our Towns, and in fine, block up his passage, cut off his hopes, and break his designs; why shall we apply ourselves to less useful, and more uncertain remedies? When Cesar shall be come into Italy, and shall have made some progress therein, which we could not otherwise have prevented, it will then become us to think of diversion, and to have recourse to these remedies, of drawing him out of Italy, by assaulting his other Dominions, and by endeavouring to make him turn his forces elsewhere. But certainly, it will not now be wisely done, to endeavour that the forces of a Confederate King should go and waste themselves in the barren parts of Spain, and suffer our enemies to feed fat, and enrich themselves, in the fruitful parts of Italy. Who will think him wise, who in lieu of preventing that the fire seize not upon his own house, will go and kindle it elsewhere, and suffer his own dangers to increase, that he may revenge himself afterwards upon the author thereof? It will assuredly be wiser counsel, to seek how to keep injuries afar off, then to think how to revenge them when they are received. By these reasons it is clearly seen that the coming of the King of France into Italy, will be very advantageous for us, and that we have no reason to apprehend any danger thereby, especially at this present conjuncture of time: therefore we ought to endeavour it, as much as we can, and to charge our Ambassador, that he seek by the authority and counsel of this Senate, to persuade the King, or in case he find him already so inclined, to increase that his disposition in him, to come as soon, and as strong as he can, into Italy, to the terror of his enemies, and consolation of his friends. Cornaro was listened to attentively, and after some dispute, his opinion prevailed, and the Ambassador Navagiero was enjoined to deliver just what he had said; who did accordingly, and being come to France, had great hopes of obtaining his desire: for the King entertained the advice willingly, seeming to approve of it, and that he would follow it: He therefore resolved to go forthwith into Languedoc, that he might bring his men into the nearest and most convenient part, to pass into Italy, whither he said he would bring above twenty thousand foot, ten thousand Lantsknechts, and ten thousand Volunteers. Thus the King's coming being certainly believed, the Senate ordered Andrea Navagiero to stay in France with the Queen Mother and the King's Council, that Sebastiano justinian, who was succeeded by Navagiero, should follow the King into Italy. This mean while, the Senate being encouraged with hopes, did diligently prepare for all necessaries for the War: a Bridge was built over the Ada, with intention that at the end of April, the Commonwealths Army should advance, and joining with Monsieur St Paul's men, should march to the enterprise of Milan, which was thought would be the chief means of keeping the Emperor from coming, since he would be thereby kept from that rendezvous, by the reputation whereof, by the help of the Fleet, and by the King's presence, they thought they might easily get Genua after, and effect whatsoever else they should attempt. They at the same time were no less diligent in putting Garrisons into the Towns of Puglia, sending a good number of Foot into that Country, to keep all that they were possessed of, and upon occasion, to offer at getting of more; as also, to hold the Imperialists forces busied and divided, and keep them from coming into Lombardy, But amidst all this heat, the King, without any appearing occasion began to cool, and to slacken his provisions for War; so as moneys were scarcely furnished from France, for Monsieur St Paul, who despairing of being able to maintain his Army, protested he would be gone, and give over the business; for of ten thousand men which he was to have had, he had scarce the one half; for they ran away in threves for want of pay. After long expectation, Monsieur de Chattilion came from Fra●ce, but with far less money than was requisite; and going some few days after from the Camp, he came to Venice, saying, he would pass into Puglia, to confirm those soldiers and Commanders, and to carry them some moneys; for which voyage, though the Senate had speedily furnished him with shipping, as he had earnestly desired, yet he by several excuses delayed his going; with suspicion that he had given out this only, not that he had really any moneys, or that he intended to go to Puglia, but that the Venetians might not slacken the provisions which they had made; which the King much fearing, because he knew he had given them occasion so to do, he soon after sent Gioan Gioacchino, his Ambassador to Venice, to hasten the going away of the Fleet, and of the other provisions for War; and yet he brought no news of the King's coming, which was so much expected, and of so great importance: This did the more increase the Venetians jealousy, and was the occasion of much mischief, both in respect of the dangers which they apprehended from Cesar, and because by this delay, they lost the fruit of all their hopes, their Army being to lie idle about the banks of Ada, because it was not able of itself to fall upon the enterprise of Milan. But for all this, the Senate forbore not to be diligent in arming themselves, and solicited the King touching the same affairs, as he, with less occasion had solicited them. To which purpose, they sent their Secretary Gaspero Penelli forthwith into France, to assure the King that all things were ready on their side to begin the War; that they expected nothing but his Majesty's coming, and that they would readily send their forces to meet him, to the end that they might with more safety and speed fall upon any enterprise. But this mean while, those that were banished the Kingdom, assembled themselves together in great numbers in many places, and did much molest the Imperialists, and Renzo promised good success if he were furnished with moneys, and some foot. To which purpose, he had sent away Expresses sundry times into France, to represent the State of affairs, and to desire aid; which though they were promised to be speedily sent with the Fleet, yet the time of sending them was prolonged, to the great prejudice of the League, whereby the Imperialists had time afforded them to re-order themselves, and to increase their forces, and won much favour with the Barons, and people of the Kingdom, by the fame of Cesar's coming with such great warlike preparations; many desiring to purchase his favour, either to provide for their own safeties, or else to get honours and immunities. The Prince of Orange went therefore into Abruzzo, recovered Aquila and Matrice, and opportunely got an hundred thousand Ducats by way of Tax, out of the Country people, to pay the Army; yet the Imperialists did not prosper much in Puglia, for a secret Treaty which they held in Berletta, was timely discovered, so as it proved vain, and Gialio da Napoli, a captain of some foot companies, together with some of the Towns Citizens, was put to death for it. Moreover, the Venetians had caused some Soldiers to come from Greece on horseback, who joining with Simeone Romano, made many sallies out of the Towns, whereby they secured the Country, and kept the way open for the coming of victuals, and drove Pignatello, Count de Borollo, from those confines; who though he were very daring and forward for any action, could not with his light Horse which he had picked up in the Country, resist the Grecians, who were much better at that discipline, and sort of Militia: The Marquis of Goasto, who was come with a regulated Army to take Monopoli, after the loss of much time, and many men, was forced to retreat to Naples; and since this action was very remarkable, it may not be displeasing to hear it more particularly related. A little before the Marquis was come into Puglia, notice was had thereof▪ and of what design he had in hand; wherefore Commissary Vetturi came with two Galleys to Monopoli, bringing with him a Garrison of five hundred Foot, commanded by two Captains, Richardo da Pesigliano, and Felice de Perugia. Andrea Gritti was sent from Venice thither, to be the chief Magistrate, and the Counts of Montebello and Carpenna, were here before, with some number of Soldiers. These being very confident, fell diligently to make platforms, to secure the Walls, to munite the Town the best they could every where, and to prepare for defence: and amongst other things, they placed two pieces of Ordnance, called Falcons, upon two Steeples, putting sacks of Wool about them, to the end, that they might not be overthrown by the enemy's shot, which proved very advantageous to them, The Imperial Army being drawn nigh, the Marquis himself advanced with some of his Troops to discover the situation; against whom Pietro Frascina came immediately out, and skirmished with him a good while, with alike fortune and valour: the Marquis began afterwards to make Trenches, that he might approach nearer the wall, being necessitate for want of earth, to make use of faggots made of Olive-trees, wherein that Country did very much abound, and to keep commerce from between those of the Town, and the Galleys, which afforded those of the Town many conveniences, and from whence fresh supplies might be had; he, with much labour to the soldiers, made a ●●ort be quickly erected upon the Sea side, which before it was fully furnished, was thrown down by shot from the Galleys, which played very violently upon it, and a Bastion was by them built, and muni●ed near the Haven, so as they that were within, had always the way open by Sea, and Camillo O●sin● had opportunity to come from Trau● to the relief of the Town, who amongst others, brought Ang●lo Sa●tocorto along with him, a very bold man, and a great ma●●● o● artificial Fireworks: who coming into the field with some few 〈◊〉, for fire upon several places of the enemy's Trenches, at one and the s●me time; which finding matter to nourish it (for they were made of faggots, as hath been said) they were almost all of them quickly destroyed, and the labour of many days was lost; so as a long time was required to re-make them, and those who wrought upon these works, were likewise much damnified by the Artillery, which playing from the Steeples, hit those who lay unsheltered in the fields. But the Camp being at last got near the Walls, the enemy began to batter, wherewith they made many breaches in the Wall, which were notwithstanding made up again in the night by those that were within, who with singular industry and labour, made use of the materials which were cast into the ditch to throw it down, so as no place was left to make an assault: for the Citizens' flocked readily with the soldiers, to all military actions, insomuch as the very women were not wanting in generosity, but getting upon the walls, encouraged the soldiers, and brought of their own proper means refreshment to them, yea, even their very beds to better munite the Rampires; so as though a great part of the Wall was thrown down by the Artillery, insomuch as they might have entered on horseback through the breaches, yet the Marquis durst not bring his soldiers to the battle. But at last overcome with tediousness, and want of many things, he resolved to hazard an assault, wherein he met not only with stout resistance by those within, but was beaten back, and lost many of his men: So as it behoved to enlarge his Camp, and to think of getting the Town by Siege. But the Soldier's meeting with many inconveniencies by this delay, and their pay coming in but slowly, they beg●n to mutiny; and chiefly the Italian Foot the most whereof disbanded, and 〈◊〉 into Monopoli, where they were willingly taken into pay by the Venetians: But lest they should incommodate the Siege, they were sent by Sea to Trani; in which transportation three Galleys were lost by a violent storm at Sea. And when news of this Shipwrac● came to the camp, some of the Spanish foot Companies went out to plunder the wracked goods, which were afterwards recovered by the other Italian Soldiers of the Garrison of Trani. But the Siege continuing, Vetturi was of opinion that they might do well to assault some of those Towns which were possessed by the Imperialists, (to do the which those of Otranto, who were already up in arms offered themselves, if they might be assisted) and thereby make the Enemy raise their camp, and betake themselves to defend their own affairs. But this advice being communicated to Renzo da Ceri, he thought it would be better to take in as many Soldiers as they could into Monopoli, from whence they might sally out at unawares and assault the Enemy within their camp, their Army being become very weak by the departure of the Italian foot, and by the weariness of the Dutch. To this purpose the Prince of Melfi being come to Monopoli, with 2000 foot, whom the Marquis had laboured very much both by persuasions and offers though all in vain, to draw over to side with the Imperialists: The Besieged sallying out one morning early before the Sunrising, assaulted the Enemy's Camp furiously on several sides; and fight in the Trenches, though they could not overcome them, did them notwithstanding much prejudice; for they were often forced to send fresh Soldiers to supply their places who were slain. But they could not as yet make them dislodg, their situation and their Rampires being very strong. But not long after, the Marquis understanding that the Venetians were preparing great store of Galleys, to bring more Soldiers and Ammunition into the Town, despairing of any good success, he gave over that enterprise, and retreated with his men to Conversa, and so to Naples. Thus the Confederates began to have some better heaps by reason of the Marquis his retreat, and by the valiant defence of Monopoli: So as many Barons, and others, repenting that they had adhered to the Imperial party, grew ready for a new rebellion; which encouraged the confederates to make some new attempt. Wherefore the Venetian Senate, finding that their Fleet was like to lie long idle at Corfu, expecting the coming of the French Fleet, whereof they heard no certain tidings, and which was very slow in preparing; they ordered the General to pass into Puglia, whither being come with a good many Galleys, he lay before Brandizzi, hoping that by reason of the affection which the Inhabitants bore to the Venetians, he might easily win that Town, as he did: And receiving it upon Articles, preserved it from sacking, and from being injured by the Soldiers; and he made Giovan Francisco justiniano's Governor for the Town, to keep it for the Commonwealth. He fell then suddenly to besiege Castelli, the particular care whereof, was committed to Camillo Orsino, who playing upon it and begirting it on all sides, had brought it to a bad condition; yet hoping to see the Emperor's Fleet quickly in those Seas; they held out. This mean while the Venetian Fleet infested the Sea, even to Capo d' Otranto, to the great prejudice of the Imperialists. In this action Simone Romano was slain, a bold and valiant man, and one who had done much service to the League, and won much praise to himself in many actions. At this time General Pesaro fell very sick, wherefore he got leave of the Senate to retire unto Corfu, to be cured; and Vicenza Cappello was chosen in his place, to retain the same degree, and Authority until Pesaro should be well: Who recovering sooner then was expected, Capello came not as then unto the Fleet, but the next place was reserved for him, upon the first occasion. Things being in this condition, the Prince of Orange, knowing that the confederates forces were not so weak as to be wholly driven out of the Country, nor so strong as that they could do any thing of much importance; or were it that Cesar desired that the Pope's satisfaction should be preferred before all other respects, that he might have him his friend and confederate when he should come into Italy; resolved, after he had put Garrisons into the most considerable places, to go with the rest of his men towards Perugia, to drive Malatesta Baglione out of that City, and then to go into Tuscany, to put the Medici into their Country again. Wherefore the Duke of Urbine, apprehending that these men would fall upon his State, went suddenly from the Army, to look unto his own affairs, upon this so urgent occasion. The Venetians were much displeased with this the Generals absenting himself at so unseasonable a time, both in respect of their own great Interests, and for fear lest the French, growing either really jealous, or picking some feigned suspicion out of this accident, would grow the cooler in making their provisions for War. The Senate therefore resolved, to send Nicolo Tiepolo forthwith to the Duke (who was intended to have been sent unto him, to the camp) to acquaint him with the new conduct of affairs, and earnestly to entreat him in the name of the public to return immediately to the Army, and that he might the more willingly do it, they sent him money to raise three thousand Foot, who were to guard his State: But there was no need thereof at that time; for Orange understanding that the Count de l' Aquila, and Camillo Orsino called Pardo, having assembled many of their neighbours together, were come to C●muli, and that their numbers increasing every day, it was feared they would make some considerable commotion, changed his mind, and would not as then go out of the Kingdom, fearing some greater insurrection, by reason of the many extortions which the people suffered under; who in that respect began to hate and detest the name of a Spaniard: Wherefore he thought it best first to suppress these, reserving his former purpose till another time; this suspicion being over, the Duke of Urbine came forthwith to the Army, and as soon as he came, resolved to march therewith to Milan, Monsieur de S. Paul having let him know that he meant to do so too. They were hereunto invited by the Imperials straits, and by the good success of the French; for though two thousand Spanish Foot were come to Milan, who were first intended for the relief of Genua, the Genueses refusing to receive them, their inconveniences were as much increased by their coming, as their forces, for they were to be paid and fed, though there was great scarcity of moneys: And on the contrary, many Towns beyond Tassino had surrendered themselves, at this time to Monsieur de S. Paul, so as almost all that Country was reduced (to his great honour and conveniency) under his power. Both these Armies met at Borgo S. Martino, five miles distant from Milan, where having long debated how they were to prosecute that expedition, it was resolved, that they should incamp about the City of Milan with two Armies, to the end they might begird as much of the wall as they could, and weaken the Enemy by making them defend several places at once. But the Commanders were not so forward not diligent as was requisite to effect this advice; for the French said there were fewer Foot in the Venetian camp, than they had thought, and then what ought to be: So as the forces being divided, each part would be too weak, and not without danger. And on the other side, the Venetians showing that they had made good their articles better than the French had done, said, they would see them first encamped, and that then they would do so likewise; for they feared very much what the French would do, having formerly observed in them a settled resolution, to mind the business of Genua, and set all things else aside, affirming that they had Orders from the King so to do. Wherefore much delay being used on both sides, and the former resolution, wherein they found many doubts and difficulties, being as it were, of itself revoked, the Armies parted. Monsieur di S. Paul went towards Laudriano, the Duke of Urbine took up his first Quarters at Montio, and the Duke of Milan went with an intention of carrying his men into Pavia. From which places each of them playing their parts severally, in blocking up the ways, infesting the Country, and by keeping Antonio da Leva from victuals, they thought they might be able to suppress him, and at last to compass their ends (though by another way) of possessing themselves of Milan and Como; which were the only two places of importance which held for the Emperor in the Dukedom of Milan. But the French were not well got to their Quarters when they sent word, that they would go (as it was before suspected) to Genua, being much solicited thereunto by Cesare Fregoso; who weighing affairs as he could wish them, told them that the business would be soon and easily effected; so as they believed they should soon return to the same Quarters; and desired the Duke of Urbine, that he would tarry the mean while with his men, and those of the Duke of Milan, where they were, or thereabouts, to do what was formerly designed, not permitting the Besieged to be relieved. The French Army, rising then with this intention the first day of june, marched towards Pavia, which Leva being by his Spies advertised of, he resolved to pursue them, and if occasion should serve, to fight them. It was either his fortune, or rather the small experience of the Enemy that favoured his forwardness; for the French Army marched, divided into two parts, the one of which, led on by Count Guido Rangone, who commanded the Van, Artillery, and Carriages, was advanced eight miles before the other, which was slow in following them. Wherein was Monsieur de S. Paul, who commanded the Battle, and Claudio Rangone who ruled the Rear. When Leva, who advanced all in one body, in good Order, and very quietly, was got very near the Enemy, he found their disorder, and his own advantage, so as he resolved to fight them, and ordered that the Light Horse should hasten to fall on upon the French rear: which was scarcely got two miles from their quarters, and looked for nothing less: so as, being all of them astonished and confused, at the unexpected accident, they easily grew into disorder: whereby the enemy coming presently up to the Foot of the Van, and charging them with their Light-horse, they forced the French to retreat. But Monsieur de St. Paul standing firm, and in good order with the battle, did valiantly resist the violence of the enemy for a good while: the combat being made on all sides with much courage, and equal fortune: But when Leva came in with the rest of the Army, wherein were the old Spanish Soldiers, the French began apparently to give back, and at last to run. Many were slain in the conflict, many taken prisoners, amongst which Monsieur de St. Paul himself, whilst despairing of good success, he sought to escape the enemy by running away. Some other escaped by flight into several places, and chiefly into the Venetians State, wherein they were readily received, and well treated. The Duke of Urbine hearing of this success, and knowing, that to tarry where he was, was to no purpose, and not without danger, went from Montia, to return to his former quarters at Cassano; which was much commended by the Senate, and proved luckily. The Duke proceeded with much circumspection in his retreat, for the safety of his Army, wherein was as then about five thousand Foot, four hundred Curassiers, seven hundred Lighthorse, and many Carriages. He marched by the upper way, endeavouring to keep the enemy on the left hand, on which side he kept a great company of Harquebusiers to back the battle. He divided his whole Army into three squadrons, but so ordered, as each of them might commodiously succour the other, and be by them succoured. The light horse, traversing the Country, watched the enemy's ways, that they might give timely advertisement thereof to the General: and by this diligence the Duke brought himself, together with all his men, and Carriages, safe to their quarters at Cassan: which is a place seated near the river of Ada, which was on his back, whereupon there was a bridge made, to pass over into Giaradada, and to the end that victuals might be brought from several parts to the Camp, the quarter was every where environed, and fortified with safe works, having but one way only open unto it, which was likewise well munited. This was thought to be a very convenient seat, since from thence they might relieve Lodi, and Pavia, and as occasion should serve, offend the enemy, defend the Territories of the Commonwealth; and upon need favour the enterprise of Genua: wherefore the Duke, thinking that he might keep there with much safety, and honour, would not admit of Ianus Maria Fregoso's opinion, and the like of some other Captains, who advised, that the Army might be brought into Brescia, and thereby not exposed to danger; they being much inferior in numbers to Leva's men, who being encouraged by his Victory, and desirous to quite overthrow the Confederates forces, pursued the Duke of Urbine, and had taken up his quarters at Vasri, some two miles distant from the Venetian quarters, which caused our men to fear, that they would pass over the Ada, to destroy the Territories of Brescia, Bergamo, and Crema; but the Duke relied much upon his Light-horse, which were more in number then the enemies, and exceeded them much in worth and discipline: who scouring all the adjacent parts, did not only disturb the carrying of victuals to the Imperial Camp, but had caused such terror, as none of them durst stir out of their Trenches. The Duke resolved therefore to tarry still in that quarter, to preserve his reputation, and to make use of the Provisions of the neighbouring Country, for the service of his own Army, which otherwise would have been left for the enemies use; whereas, if he should have retreated into the City, he should have wasted those Victuals which served for the use of his Friends. But Fregoso grew daily more and more afraid, that if the Army should tarry in those quarters, it might receive some notable prejudice, which his mind was so full of, as it wrought upon his body, making him fall grievously sick; to be cured of which malady, he was carried into Brescia. Whilst the Armies were quartered thus near together, many skirmishes passed between them, wherein most commonly Leva's soldiers came by the worst; who desirous to repair himself by some more considerable action, sent Cesare da Napoli with three thousand Foot beyond the river Ada, to plunder the Territories of Brescia and Crema: which, the Duke of Urbine having notice of, he left Count Giazzo with the Camp, and went, with some of his Soldiers, to lie in Ambush near the place where he knew that the enemy was to pass the river: and suffering some of them to pass over, he fell unlooked for upon the rear, who were yet upon the banks, having sent the Light-horse back to block up the way, that the enemy might not escape back to their own quarters. Cesare damn Napoli, surprised by the unexpected danger, caused the bridge to be broken, to keep the Duke from passing over to fight him: so as, the soldiers, who were yet unpassed, and were in number about one thousand five hundred, were either slain, or taken prisoners. And it happened, that amongst the rest, a Spanish Captain, was taken prisoner by a woman of a large stature, and manlike spirit, who being clad in soldierlike apparel belonged to the colours of Count Giazzo; who sending one day, by way of sport, for the Spanish Captain, who was taken prisoner, to come before him, he showed him Malgaretone, (so was this woman called by the Soldiers) and told him, that this was the soldier whose prisoner he was; the Spaniard, looking upon her, said, that he had comforted himself in this his misfortune, in his being made prisoner, by a valiant man, as she seemed to be: but when he knew, the was a woman, being overcome with shame and disdain, he died of very grief within a few days. The Armies kept many days after within their quarters. But the Duke, consulting with his soldiers, wherein several things were propounded, desired very much so to incommodate the Enemy, as to make him forsake his quarters, and at last he resolved, having some advantage, and using Art and military discipline, to bring Leva to a battle. He therefore placed all his Artillery only in one place; from whence he went forth with all his Foot and horse, carrying only three pieces of Artillery along with him; intending to leave them behind, and to retreat as soon as the skirmish should be begun, seeming to do so out of fear and necessity; so as, when the enemy should advance to get the Canon, he might disorder them by shot of Canon from the Camp, which, if it should happen, he would sally out again, and fall upon the enemy with greater violence, when they should be disordered and in confusion. But this could not be done as it was first projected: for Count Giazzo, being too far advanced with some of his Foot, and the ba●●● being begun a great way off his quarters, and not being able to make his party long good with those few soldiers which he had, he was forced to retreat in some disorder, though in his own person he behaved himself gallantly. So as, it behoved the Duke, seeing him in distress, to advance speedily with the rest of his men to relieve him; which he did with such resolution, as the Imperial Foot, who were at first so forward in pursuing our men, retired to their quarters in great disorder, being still followed and damnified by the Venetians. Leva lost in this action above one thousand five hundred Foot, so as, he durst not send his men any more out of his Camp, nor attempt any thing; but was much perplexed, being full of thoughts and difficulties. He could not tarry longer where he was for want of Victuals, wherein he suffered very much: nor could he hope, though he suffered so much, to get any good: he thought it stood not with his honour, to retreat to Milan, which would be, as much as to say, he did it for fear, and being driven away by a much lesser number of Enemies, to enter into the Venetian State, was to small purpose, and not without much danger, all their Towns being very well garrisoned: and on the other side, the inhabitants of Milan were very exceedingly discontented, and ready to despair, by reason of the Soldier's extortions, and injurious proceedings: Insomuch, as they had a great inclination to mutiny, all of them crying out aloud for their Duke; who was then with his men in Cremona; nor did they doubt, but that the Venetians, being very desirous to see him reinstated, would be willing to hazard their Forces, if they might see any hopes thereof. But at last, Leva being almost enforced so to do, retired to Milan. Who being gone, the Duke of Urbine's desire was, to remove his quarters nearer Mousa. But the Senate being somewhat jealous, that Sforz● negotiated some agreement with the Emperor: which, if it should prove so, the way would be so blocked up, as their Army could not succour Bergamo; they thought it better, that he should go with his army to Lodi, that they might the better discover the Duke of Milan's mind. But, whilst these things were in Treaty, the news increased every day, of the coming of the Dutch Foot, and that they were to enter into the Territories of Verona, to join with Leva; the Senate resolved, to bring all their Forces so within the Cities of their own Dominions. Wherefore the Duke of Urbine, having received such orders, retired with part of his Army into Brescia, and Count Gaiazzo went with the rest into Bergamo: the Duke having, by the opinion of all men, won great praise, and the renown of being a valiant and expert Commander, in all these actions. But janus Fregoso growing still sicker, and his Melancholy humour increasing, for that he saw, the affairs of the Camp proceeded so much differing from his opinion, died within a few days, to the great grief of the Venetians, who had been very well pleased with his loyalty and dexterity; which they witnessed sufficiently, by conferring honour upon his three sons, making Cesare General of their Light Horse, Alexander Conductor of their Curassiers, and Hannibal a Colonel of Foot. At this very time, there was continual negotiation of agreement had between the Emperor and the King of France, wherein Margaret of Austria, Cesar's Aunt, was the chief stickler, whom he had authorized to treat of Peace, and to conclude it: Wherefore she having sent several Agents to the Court of France; and the business being already begun, the King thought good, before any further proceedings should be had therein, to send his Chamberlain Leluzb●iardo to her into Flanders, to see Cesar's Commissions, and to examine whether they were really such as were sufficient to conclude a business of such weight and he finding them to be very ample, the King likewise destined to send his Mother to Cambray, where she might meet with the Lady Margaret, and negotiate, and stipulate the particular conventions of Peace between these two Princes. The King did not acquaint the Venetian Senate with these Treaties, till it was very late, when by the departure of Queen Mother to the Diet at Cambray, it could be concealed no longer; nor did he then communicate any particulars unto them, but did only promise, he would come to no agreement with Cesar, without their consent and knowledge, and the like of the other Confederates: and afterwards, by endeavours which showed him to be very well affected towards the Commonwealth, he exhorted to universal peace; which being (as he said) to be treated of at the Diet, he desired that the Ambassadors who were at his Court, might have Commissions sent them to conclude it. But the Senate, though they were very jealous of the King's courses, by these proceedings; the rather, for that they found he had long cunningly nourished them with hopes of his coming in person into Italy, or of sending powerful forces both by Sea and Land, and that yet he had done none of all this; the King forbearing to do so, for fear of disturbing this Treaty, and expecting what the end thereof would be; yet to show that they had still the same mind which they ever had to peace and agreement, they resolved to send commissions, and authority to their two Ambassadors, who were yet together in the Court of France, Giustiniano, and Navagiero,, to intervene, and promise in the name of the Commonwealth, what should be fitting to the Treaty of peace. But Navagiero having been very sick, was dead before this Order came to France, which was a great loss to the Commonwealth, and much lamented by them all, for he was a very learned Gentleman; and when he betook himself to the management of public affairs, he showed great ingenuity and wisdom: Giustiniano remained then alone to negotiate this Treaty, who received particular instructions from the Senate, which in brief were: That all things contained in the agreement of the year 23. should be punctually observed, and likewise, that whatsoever had been formerly promised and confirmed in the Diet at Worms, should be effected; for in the not observing of these things, the difficulties between the Commonwealth and the House of Austria did depend: but chiefly, that whatsoever should become of the Agreement, the restitution of the State of Milan to Francisco Sforza, should primarily and principally be regarded. But the Ambassador had no occasion to make use of these Instructions; for though he followed the Queen to Cambray, yet he kept for the most part at St Quintains, some few miles from thence, nor was he made acquainted with the most important particulars of the Treaty. Wherefore the Senate began to be still more afraid, that the King would mind himself only in the Agreement, without any consideration of their, or of the Confederates Interests; and that his promise not to come to any Agreement without them, was made, not with any intention to keep it, but least the Confederates should prevent him, and by accommodating their affairs with Cesar, should make his Agreement the harder, and less advantageous. To this purpose, the King had likewise sent the Bishop of Tarba to Venice, to treat of the particular provisions for War; the which the less he intended, the more did he seek to advantage himself thereby in the Treaty of peace, that the contrary might be believed: And soon after, Theadore Trivultio being come to Venice, by order from the King, required the Senate to deposit the Cities of Ravenna and Cervia in his hands, till some accommodation might be found in that business; affirming, that he did it to make the Pope declare himself, since it was a thing of great moment, to have him on their side, if he should come himself in person into Italy; to which, answer was made, that for as much as concerned his coming, the Commonwealth would in no wise be wanting in lending such assistance as they had often promised; to witness the which, they would be content to send twenty thousand Ducats by way of Impressed for the first payment, to Susa, or to Asti: but touching the assignment of the Towns in Romagna, that if the Universal Peace should be treated of in the Diet at Cambray, that was likewise to be decided, together with the other difficulties; and that the Senate would not be against such a deposition, when they should see their affairs in a safe condition, and when all other differences should be accorded. But discovering the King's cunning, and contrary intentions in these intercessions, they very much longed to hear the result of the Diet at Cambray. The Senate therefore ordered their Ambassador in England, Lodovico Faliero, that he should mediate with King Henry, who had always been a friend to the Commonwealth, to take upon him the protection of the Republic, as he had formerly done, when things went hardest with her, and endeavour, that in what should be treated off in the Diet at Cambray, nothing should be concluded which might prove prejudicial to her, nor to the Liberty of Italy, whereof he for many years past, had to his infinite praise, been a particular Defender. Whilst these things were in treaty, Cesar, who for all this negotiation of peace gave not over thinking, nor preparing for his coming into Italy, came to Genua, accompanied with many gr●at Lords, with thirty five Galleys, and eighty other vessels, having brought with him eight thousand foot, and a thousand Horse from Spain, which he caused to be landed at Savona, that they might pass the more easily into Lombardy. It was not easy to discern then what his design was; for he had still constantly given out, that he came into Italy to settle peace in her, and to accommodate his differences with all the Italian Potentates; yet he was very diligent in increasing his forces, raising many Soldiers from all parts, and giving order that all his men should meet in that place where he himself should be in person: and resolving to go to Piacenza, he sent forthwith to have his Lodgings prepared there. Leva had at this time twelve thousand foot with him, the Prince of Orange was gone from Naples with seven thousand to Spoleti, whither the Pope's men were come: Ten thousand Dutch foot began to fall down from Trent, into the Territories of Verona, which were raised in the County of Tirol, and those that were lately come from Spain were eight thousand. So as when all these should be met together, the Emperor would have about forty thousand foot in his service, besides Horse, whereof the number was not small; the Dutch foot being accompanied with ten thousand Burgonian Horse. The Italian Princes grew mightily afraid of this so very great power, which increased by the fame that was given out, (though the King of France continued to affirm the contrary) that peace was agreed upon between him and Cesar in the Diet at Cabrai, all the other Colleagues being excluded. Only the Pope, measuring the danger according to the present state of affairs, thought himself safe, by reason of the particular agreement made with Cesar at Barcelona, which till now was kept secret; nay he thought to make use of the Imperial forces, to satisfy his desire, and particular ends, in placing his Nephews in their former power and authority in Florence, as it was agreed upon before between him and Cesar. Wherefore for the Emperor's greater honour, he sent three of the principal Court Cardinals to meet him at Gen●a, and to be assistant to him. The Florentines, who were in the greatest and most present danger, sent also their Ambassadors soon after to Cesar to curry-favour with him, and to understand his will, excusing themselves for having entered into confederacy against him; for that it behoved them therein to follow the Pope's authority and commandment, and showing themselves ready to adhere unto him. But these men having brought no public commission to accommodate the differences which depended between the City and the Pope, and Cesar continuing firm in his resolution, to keep his promise made to the Pope, and to give him all manner of satisfaction, this Embassy proved to no purpose, and their affairs continued in their former condition. Other Princes of Italy sent also their Ambassadors desiring friendship, and fair correspondence; only the Senate of Venice persevered in their opinion of not coming to any agreement with Cesar, unless forced by necessity. Not but that the Venetians would have been as glad of concord as the rest, but because they thought that Cesar intended nothing less than the Liberty of Italy; and that his end was to bring things to such a condition, as that all the rest should receive Laws from him. Wherefore they thought that to appear humble and submiss, served only to puff him up the more, and to confirm him in his desire, and hopes of commanding all Italy. They therefore thought it not fit to send their Ambassadors to him then; but they gave way that the Duke of Milan, who desired their advice in this point, as by conventions he was bound to do, might send his Ambassadors, because they thought it might become him to do so, who was a Vassal of the Empire, and that it might turn to the common good, by opening a way upon that occasion to the accommodation of his own particular differences, upon which the conclusion of the universal peace did chiefly depend: whereof since no well grounded hopes did as yet appear, the Venetians who saw themselves left almost alone to undergo all the danger, betook themselves with all industry and diligence to provide for all such things as might secure their State the best they could upon this so important occasion. They raised new foot to increase their Army and their Garrisons, which between the one and the other arose to the number of fifteen thousand. They made Francisco Pasquillio their Commissary General on Terra firm●, giving him a particular charge to survey the strong Holds, and to provide all necessaries for them. They took divers chief Commanders into the Commonwealths pay, amongst which Sigismond Malatesta, together with a thousand foot, and two hundred Light Horse. And because the Dutch foot, advanced already in great numbers from Bolzano, Commissary Giovan Contarini and Cesare Fregoso, were put into Verona with a good Garrison. And because the greatest concernment was to keep the other confederate Princes of Italy as firm to them as they could, the Senate failed not to mind the Florentines thereof, to praise their constancy, to exhort them to defend their Country, and the liberty thereof, promising to give them what assistance the times would permit them to do; and particularly, to make their men enter into the Territories of Piac●nza and Parma, as soon as Cesar should be gone from thence, so to draw the Imperialists who were in Tuscany, to the defence of those Cities. They used the like endeavours with the Duke of Ferara, sending Marc Antonio Veniero Ambassador to him, who was to witness the constancy of the Commonwealth, in their resolution of defending the Common liberty, and their particular good inclination towards the Duke and his State; whereunto as they were joined by neighbourhood, and many other respects, so would they never shun running the same fortune with him: That therefore they desired to understand what his pleasure and opinion was; as knowing that in times of such difficulty, a great esteem was to be put upon his friendship and advice. But they chiefly laid before him the danger of the Florentines; saying, that as they were common to them all, so they ought all to assist them; that they should remember what the Pope's desires were, which would be the more inflamed by what of prosperity should befall Florence; and that the Pope would the more molest his State, and the like of all others, unto which he laid any just pretensions. The Duke seemed to take these Memorandums very well, and promised many things, and particularly that he would maintain a good body of men, which he was raising about Modena, which should not only be for his own defence, but for the service of all the Confederates. At this time the Agreement made at Cambrai, was published, wherein as it was long before commonly said, none of the Confederates were comprehended; only place was reserved for the Venetians to be admitted thereinto, if within a short space the differences between them and Cesar should be reconciled; which was nothing but a mere compliment; they being in effect totally excluded, since the greatest difficulties remained still undecided. The King of France was obliged amongst other things, to make the Towns in Puglia which were possessed by the Venetians to be restored to the Emperor; which if they should refuse to do, he was to declare himself their Enemy, and help the Emperor to recover them by force. Which Article being to be put in execution, the King sent his Ambassadors to Venice, to require the Senate that they would cause the Towns which they possessed in Puglia, to be delivered up to Cesar, as he was bound to do by the conventions at Cambray; alleging that he did this in observance of the League made at Cugnack, wherein that was comprehended: And he further added, that he did so much rely upon the affection which the Commonwealth had always shown to the Crown of France, as if they were not bound thereunto by Agreement, he was persuaded he might obtain it of them by way of mere gratification; the occasion and thing itself being of so great weight, and that without it he could not have his Sons, who were to succeed him in his Kingdom, set at liberty by Cesar. To this the Senate answered, That they did still continue that good affection towards the King, and Crown of France as they had done for many years past; and would still do so for the future; the Commonwealth being almost indissolvably knit fast to the Kingdom out of many common interests. That they could not deny but that they had very much desired their Commonwealth might have been comprehended in the Agreement made with Cesar; not only to the end that their safety might have been provided for, but that none might have doubted of the good intelligence had, and held between the Venetian Senate, and Crown of France. That notwithstanding they did confide much in the King's goodness and wisdom; that he would not be wanting to the good and honour of the Commonwealth, by interposing his authority with Cesar, that her affairs might be reduced to such safety, and tranquillity as they desired, and reason required. But as concerning the restitution of the Towns in Puglia, it was clear enough they were not thereunto bound out of any obligation; for since the King had concluded peace with Cesar, without including the Common wealth, he had freed them from that tie of confederacy, wherein it was agreed that the King should not make any accord without them. Yet they desired to give convenient satisfaction, even in this point, but that a fitting time might be waited for, to do it; the rather for that his Sons were not to be set at liberty yet these two months; in which time they hoped that some accommodations might be found out between their and Cesar's differences, whereby this might be ended with satisfaction to the King. To which purpose the King sent the Admiral into Italy to Cesar, to exhort him to an universal peace, and particularly to compose differencences with the Venetians; whereby he hoped he should be able to make good the Articles of Cambray, by procuring the restitution of the Towns in Puglia, having already as much as concerned him begun to do so, by ordering Renzo damn Cer● to deliver up all Towns, and places which he held under him; in the Kingdom of Naples, to the Impe●ialists; and had endeavoured that the Venetians would do the like but that they being first advertized of the Senate's pleasure, had refused to do it. This was the present condition of the affairs of Italy; Cesar very powerful, and in arms; the Pope his Friend, and Confederate; the other Potentates of Italy, all of them almost for fear, to obey his will; the French driven fully out of Italy; so as though they had not as yet laid down their arms, they were bound by articles not to meddle with any thing concerning Italy, wherein the Emperor might be prejudiced. Yet amidst all these difficulties the Senate kept still their resolution of opposing Cesar, if he should (as it was thought he would do) possess himself of the State of Milan. Wherefore the first confederacy being broken with the rest, they did again ratify, and confirm it by new obligations with Francisco Sforza, wishing him not to be wanting to himself, but to hope well, for the Commonwealth would willingly serve him with all their Forces. At the same time Soliman, who had resolved to repossess john King of Hungary in his Kingdom, he being driven out of it by Ferdinando's forces, was entered with a numerous and powerful Army into the confines of Hungary, and encamped before the City of Buda; whereat the Inhabitants being mightily terrified, he easily made himself Master thereof, and making his Cavalry overrun the Campagnia of Austria, he plundered and wasted the Archdukes Country, threatening to come with his whole Army to before Vienna, towards the which he caused great preparation of victuals be made, and of warlike instruments, to be brought to before that City by the River of Danubius. Cesar was greatly troubled at this News, seeing his Brother embroiled in so many troubles, wherein he knew his own honour was concerned, and the safety of the Empire, if he should suffer so powerful an Army to come so near him, whilst he being busied about lesser affairs, should stand, as it were, an idle Spectator of so sore dangers which threatened his Country, and himself too. Other occasions of fear were likewise hereunto added; For he had received intelligence from his brother, that the Heretical sects increased much in Germany; that they raised forces, and that it was apparently seen they meant to put for novelty: which pestiferous seeds, if they should not be rooted out, it was thought they would soon bring forth malignant effects, to the great scandal of the true Catholic Religion, and to the as much prejudice of the states of Temporal Princes, and chiefly to that of the Empire. These things being maturely considered, made the Emperor begin to think of peace, and to make him really intent that, which it was thought he did at first but seem to do. To forego Italy without having settled any of his affairs, was neither for his honour, nor for his safety; and he knew he could not make peace, though but for a while, without agreeing with the Venetians; upon whom, whilst things were in this commotion, the state of Italy did depend; there being no slight suspicion, that if the King of France could get the Venetians to join with him, as either open Enemies, or but meanly satisfied with Cesar, he would keep the articles of Cambray no better now that he had his Sons back again, than he had done those of Madrid, when he himself was set at liberty. Cesar having th●n for these reasons resolved to accommodate his differences with the Venetians, and to establish the affairs of Italy by an universal peace, he suffered this his will to be clearly understood, which made many Personages of great authority, interpose themselves therein. Andrea Doria sent Frederick Grimaldo to Venice, to offer his service in this treaty, saying that he knew Cesar to be so well inclined to peace, as if the Senate would be pleased that he should undertake the business, he hoped to bring it to a happy end quickly. But the Senate neither accepting nor refusing this offer, answered, That they had always endeavoured peace, and did value the Emperor's friendship very much, as it became them well to do; and that they were still of the same mind: But they desired to see some sign, whereby they might be persuaded that Caesar's real intentions were what they were affirmed to be; for the tarrying of the Dutch foot still in an hostile manner in their State, ransacking, and ruinating the Territories of Bresc●a, gave but small show thereof. Soon after Sigismond dalla Torre, Chamberlain to the Marquis of Mantua, came as Ambassador from him to Venice, to exhort the Senate likewise to make peace with Cesar, affirming yet more constantly than Doria had done, Caesar's willingness to peace, and desiring them moreover that they would be contented that the Treaty might be held in the City of Mantua, whither he knew that Cesar would presently send his Agents with commissions to that purpose. And he the Marquis offered his best service herein, as an Italian who was very zealous of the Liberty of Italy, and as a friend to the Commonwealth. Whilst these things were in Treaty, Cesar prepared to go to Bullognia to speak with the Pope, according to the agreement made at Barcelona, which was chosen for the place of meeting instead of Genua, as being more commodious for the Pope, and more convenient for Caesar's designs. Upon this interview the resolution of many important things was to depend. Wherefore the eyes of all men were upon the result thereof, especially of the Venetians, whose Interests were of most importance, and involved in greatest difficulty. The Pope seemed to consider very much the safety and conveniency of this Commonwealth, and that he might purchase the better belief, he endeavoured very much by the means of Cardinal Marco Cornaro, to persuade the Senate to lay down Arms, and to come to ●ome fair composition: and he had formerly sent the Bishop Vacenence his Nuntio to Cesar; who as it was thought, had helped very much to bring the Emperor to be of the good mind he was in, to make peace with all men, especially with the Venetians. This was the cause why many of the Senators, proceeded with more reservedness in this negotiation, expecting what the issue of the meeting at Bolognia would be; but others we●e for accepting of the proposition made by the Marquis, and for the choosing of Ambassadors immediately to send to Man●ua, to treat of an agreement. What is it (said these men) that we can expect more? Cesar is very strong in Fo●ces, the Forces of the League are broken, weakened, scattered, or rather dissolved; the Florentines, the Duke of Milan, and we, are all that are left to sustain the bur●hen of so great a War: A thing altogether impossible, in respect of the weakness whereinto we are all reduced, by so many expenses, and in respect of the great Forces and dependences which Cesar hath in Italy at this time; yet in such a d●sparity of Affairs, whilst his hopes increase every day, and ours grow less, Cesar is content to treat with us upon equal terms; nay I may say, to humble himself, and to be the first that propounds friendship and peace; and shall we refuse, or not value these invitations? No man can with reason doubt, but that the things promised first by Doria, and afterwards by the Marquis of Mantua, are not only done by the consent of Cesar, but by his express Order, since no man meddles in things of this nature between so great Princes, especially with such asseverations of their good will, without good grounds: And shall it be thought wisely done, to suffer an occasion slip out of our hands, of doing that which we have so often desired, and which we ought now to desire more than ever in a thousand respects? We have been for these many years in a continual War, wherein we have spent above five millions of Gold: So as this City, and our whole State, is almost oppressed, all our means consumed; and yet when the way is opened unto us of finding some repose and quiet, with safety of our honour, and with provision, as it may be hoped for, of security to the Commonwealth, shall we be backward, and put our happiness to the Arbitrament of fortune, which may (as it often times falls out) cause some such accident arise, as may make Cesar alter his mind? And either tarrying armed in Italy, increase our present danger, or if he shall go from hence, and leave things unquiet and confused, oblige us to keep in War and trouble for as many years more, and with as much expense, and God knows what the end will be? Those who till now have praised the constancy of this Senate, in having, without any consideration of expense, or fear of danger, been so zealous in the defence of the common cause, and of the liberty of Italy, the very name whereof will cry up the glory of the Commonwealth to posterity; seeing how much the face of affairs is now altered, and that other counsels are to be required, then to keep still the same course, and trust upon Arms, when our affairs may be better provided for by negotiation; and that we may thereby arrive at the true and allowable end which thrust us upon War, may peradventure change their opinion, and think us to be too haughty and obstinate, since we will not weigh things by reason, but by our own will, and it may be, not over-wise, since we cannot accommodate ourselves to times and occasions, nor temperize in difficulty, and expect better fortune. Advisedness is assuredly good and laudable, but it ought to be kept within its due bounds, lest it fall into extremes, which are always dangerous; for it is often seen, that as much harm accrues by too much slowness, which makes men perpetually irresolute, as by too much haste; we have hitherto kept excellently well from the latter, having maintained wars for so many years, and tried all things possible, to bring ourselves into a condition of true safety and peace; let us now take heed lest we run into the other extreme, lest whilst we covet too much security, and too much advantage, we do sufficiently disadvantage ourselves, and expose our affairs to greater dangers. But others were of another opinion; these affirmed it would be more honourable and more advantageous to expect a while, and not to seem too desirous of agreement, they considered the unsettledness of Caesar's Forces; they being in great want of money, and victuals; so as the greater his Army was, the sooner it was likely to dissolve; that all the strong Holds in their State were excellently well garrisoned, nor could Cesar attempt any thing against them, with hopes of bringing it soon to an end; moreover that Cesar was recalled into other parts out of weighty respects, and of very great importance to himself, and would be necessitated quickly to quit Italy; that Vienna was already assaulted by the Turks, and was reduced to great straits: That all the rest of his brother's Dominions, was overrun and wasted by the Enemy's Cavalry: That commotions of no small consideration began to be raised by the Heretics in many parts of Germany, if they were not quickly allayed by Caesar's Forces, and by his presence; that when he should be gone from Italy, and his Army either dissolved, or very much lessened, there was no doubt but that they might easily make good the Dukedom of Milan, keep possession of their Towns in Puglia, and in fine, prove victorious throughout the whole War, and reap thereby a glorious name amongst all people, and in all ages: And whereas now they were to receive such laws and conditions as would be given them by others, Cesar would be compelled to endeavour, and accept of the Commonwealths friendship, upon terms which would be advantageous for her; lest the French, who were always ready to take up Arms, and to attempt Novelties, should go about to molest him, by making new Leagues, whilst they saw him otherwise busied: That no man could with reason believe Cesar would propound any conditions of agreement, out of any affection which he bears to this Commonwealth, since he thinks himself injured by us, for having for these many years adhered to France: But that it was to be held for certain, it was his own Interest that moved him thereunto, knowing upon how weak foundations his own affairs stood, and how impossible it was for him to maintain an Army, and tarry any longer in Italy. That it is a general rule, what is acceptable, and advantageous to an Enemy, is to be shunned, as that which may produce contrary effects to the adverse party. That this which had an appearance of humanity, and looked like a desire of peace and quietness, was only a piece of cunning in the Imperialists, to conceal their weakness, and to make it be believed that they intended the common good, when they did only endeavour their own advantage. But suppose, said these men, that we may do well for the present t● agree with Cesar, it will be fitting at least to expect what the result will be of the convention at Bullognia, where Caesar's mind and intentions may be better discovered, especially touching the settlement of the Duchy of Milan, upon which the best grounded resolution of peace ought to depend; by the obligation of ancient and new confederacy, and by the disposition of the Commonwealth herself, introduced by many weighty Interests: That it was also probable, that the Pope, though he were not very well pleased with them as touching the towns in Romagna, would not notwithstanding, for the Church's interest and his own, break the friendship and peace between the Emperor and the Commonwealth (the safety and honour whereof did finally result to the accommodation and grandezza of the Apostolic See) as that also the present peace, would make for the business of Florence, which the Pope did then so fervently endeavour, to the end that all other respects and jealousies being laid aside, Cesar might for the Pope's satisfaction turn his Forces into those parts, and bring them to a sooner, and a more certain end. These reasons wrought much upon the minds of many men, who being now wont to War, were unwilling to lay down Arms, unless with great honour and safety to the Commonwealth; insomuch as they did for that time forbear the choosing of Commissioners to send to Mantua, to treat of peace, and resolved to send Secretary Andrea Resso to the Marquis, To return their thanks for his offer, and for the good Will which he seemed to bear to the Commonwealth; excusing themselves for that they could not at the present resolve upon a Treaty, since the Emperor and the Pope were to meet quickly at Bullognia, to find out an accommodation for all the affairs of Italy; and for that Bishop Bosoniences, the Pope's Nuntio, had interposed himself in that business, and particularly in what appertained to the Commonwealth. This mean while the Pope being gone from Rome, went to Spoleti, and from thence to Bullognia, to expect the Emperor, who came thither some few days after the five and twentieth of October, which was the day the Pope entered that City. As soon as they met, the Treaty of Peace began, both of them seeming desirous to settle Italy in a firm condition of quiet. The first and most important businesses to be accorded, were those which concerned the Duke of Milan, who, after many former practices and endeavours, for which the Protonotary Caracciole, and Don Garziadi Padiglia, were gone with several propositions from Piacenza to Cremona, resolved (having formerly obtained a safe conduct, and being counselled so to do by the Venetians, who for his greater honour sent their Ambassador Mark Antonio Veniero to accompany him) to go himself to Cesar in Bullognia, for one thing which made the business more difficult, was, that Cesar took it ill that Francisco Sforza should not humble himself to him, as it became a Vassal of the Empire to do, and that he did negotiate his business either too arrogantly, or at least, distrusting too much Caesar's either justice or clemency. The first thing which disturbed this Treaty, which was before brought near a conclusion, was, that the Imperialists would have the Cities of Pavia and Alessandria delivered up into their hands, as pledges for the observance of what should be agreed upon; which Sforza (following herein the counsel and opinion of the Senate, who had put great Garrisons into those Cities, and had lent the Duke ten thousand Ducats to maintain them) utterly refused to do; This demand having renewed in him, and in the Venetians, their former jealousies, that the Imperialists desired to appropriate the State of Milan unto themselves; wherefore the Pope desired those Cities might be deposited into his hands, which the Duke said he could not do, without the consent of the Venetians, alleging that it would be better to refer the discussion of his cause to the convention at Bullognia: And thus he spun out the time, without coming to any conclusion. When Sforza was come to Bullognia, where he was graciously received by the Emperor, his business was brought to this conclusion, the Pope interceding therein, to whom Cesar had promised, that he would not dispose of the State of Milan, without his consent; that his cause should be decided by Justice: Whereunto the Duke did more willingly consent, then to any other proposal; to show that he relied upon his own Innocence, and upon Cesar's Justice. But the Venetian Senate, seeing that the agreement with the Duke of Milan (which had been the chief cause of beginning the war, and of the continuance thereof,) was in a fair way of being concluded, sent Commissions to Gaspero Contarini, who was their Ambassador with the Pope, to treat, and conclude of peace, if they could agree upon particulars: they having been very much, and with great expressions of love, solicited thereunto by the Pope, who promised to interpose both his authority and favour with Cesar, concerning this Treaty. The Ambassador Contarini, when he met the Emperor at his first entrance into Bolognia, was very graciously received by his Majesty: but nothing was as yet treated of, saving general civilities, which showed a good inclination to friendship and peace. When the Ambassador had made it known, that he had Commission from the Senate, to treat of an agreement, and that therefore he desired to know, upon what terms it was to be made: The Emperor seeming to correspond very much in a will and desire to peace, deputed the Lord Chancellor Granville, and Monsieur di Prato, to this negotiation: in which Treaty the Pope himself would intervene. At first there was great hopes of coming to a speedy agreement: but when they drew near a conclusion, new doubts and difficulties were started: which made it be believed, that but little sincerity was intended therein: chiefly, for that, though many endeavours had been had, the Imperialists could not be brought to remove the Dutch Foot from the State of Venice, who continued still to the number of about ten thousand in the Territories of Brescia, and did prejudice the Country much. And moreover, twenty five Galleys being parted from Cevita Vecchia, to go for Naples, it was publicly said, that these, together with four more which were in that Haven, were ordered to go into Puglia. So as, all expenses and provisions for war were still to be continued: not only keeping the land Army entire, but the Fleet also: whereof part of the Galleys being proposed to be disarmed, the Senate would not allow thereof, many of them being of an opinion, that they were to renew the war more eagerly: and it was commonly affirmed, that though the Emperor was well enough inclined to peace, yet this his good intention was corrupted by many of his Counsellors and Captains, and especially by Antonio da Leva, so as, at the last he would be drawn to alter his mind. Nor was the difference touching the Towns in Romania as yet accommodated with the Pope, a thing which procured new matter of disagreement; wherein there was somewhat of difference in the Senate itself: some being of opinion, that they were to repose so much confidence in Cesar, as to put this business to be decided by him, to the end, that he, as a friend to both sides, might compose it. But others thought it better to negotiate this business with the Pope's self: because they might either continue their possession of these Towns, upon some recognition, or if they would resolve to part with them, they might ingratiate themselves with the Pope, to the advantage of the Commonwealth; making use of his favour and authority, in composing their differences with the Emperor. Whereas if they should leave any authority therein in the Emperor, they might be sure that he would prefer the Pope's satisfaction before any consideration of the Commonwealth. And this opinion prevailed; so as the Pope continuing in his opinatracy, and the Senate being unwilling that it should at any time be said, that for their own Interests they had interrupted the common good of Christendom, and disturbed the hoped for peace of Italy, when an universal peace was in treaty, they at last resolved to restore the Cities of Ravenna and Cervia to the Pope, the rights of the Commonwealth being preserved; and afterwards in their treaty with the Emperor, they were likewise content to restore the Towns in Puglia to him, having first a promise from him that he would pardon all those who had adhered to them in the times of War, and to deal well with them, cancelling the memory of what had been past. Agreement was likewise made with the Duke of Milan, who was enjoined to pay 500000 Ducats for his Investment, or being put into possession, and 300000 for the expenses of War; for pledge of which payments, the Imperialists desired that the Castles of Milan, and Como might be delivered up into their hands; but by the intercession of the Venetians, this desire was laid aside; for they made it appear to the Imperialists that thereby the Duke would be made the less able to raise the aforesaid moneys, or be necessitated to be the longer in paying it; for doubtlessly the people of Milan, being extraordinarily desirous to have their own natural Lord rule over them, would the more readily apply themselves to undergo any taxations. Thus all things tended towards peace & agreement; and it was hoped that Italy, after so many years of continual Wars, would now be brought into a peaceable condition; and all men began to rejoice, hoping to enjoy better times for the future: There remained nothing to perfect this which was so much desired, but the accommodation of the differences between the Florentines and the Pope, which appeared to be made the more difficult by the present condition of the times, and by the agreement which was made amongst the rest; for the Imperial army having proceeded very slowly, after they came to the Confines of Tuscanie, which they did by orders from the Pope, who desired to preserve the City of Florence, and the Country as much as might be from being prejudised by the Soldiers; the Florentines had opportunity to make the City more defenceable, by making several works about the Walls, and by taking in of a Garrison of 2000 foot which Malatesta Baglione brought with him thither, after he had yielded the City of Perugia upon articles to the Marquis of Guasto; so as the Florentines began to grow the harder to be brought to the Pope's will. The slowness of these proceedings at the first, had begot a belief in the Florentines, that Cesar desired to satisfy the Pope in resemblance more than in sincerity, and he would more consider the interest of State (since the increasing of the Pope's power did not at all concern him) than the injury they had done him by siding with the French. But on the other side, the Pope growing daily more and more incensed, for that the City would not as he had desired them, put themselves upon his arbitrament, though he had promised them to proceed with all humanity, and ingenuity; and hoping to compass his desires so much the sooner, for that Cesar having now no more occasion to employ his forces against the Venetians, nor Duke of Milan, would turn with the greater force and readiness, to serve him in the business concerning Florence; seemed rather desirous to use his utmost force against the City, then to yield to any thing. The Venetian Senate was very much perplex at these troubles and dangers of the Florentines, as being their friends and confederates; but the Commonwealth was so overburdened with disbursments, still maintaining all her Forces, as she could not at the present assist them answerable to their need. They therefore wished the Florentines to bring their business to some reasonable conditions, if they could; and to agree with the Pope upon such terms as might not be prejudicial to their liberties. But the treaty of peace being as yet doubtful, the Senate in favour to the Florentine affairs, as much as the time would permit them, and to cause jealousiein the Pope, which might make him remove his men out of Tuscany; gave directions to the Duke of Urbine, who had already mustered all their men, to above the number of 10000, that he might be ready to march, and to give out that he was to go to the confines of Parma; but after all these endeavours and proceedings, the agreement with the Florentines, being (as aforesaid) the further off, by how much the rest were likelier to agree, the Marquis Guasto, who had already taken Tortona, and Arezzo, received orders from Cesar, to advance with his army to the Walls of Florence; other particular respects being added to his desire of satisfying the Pope, to move Cesar to endeavour the return of the Medici into their Country for having promised to give his natural daughter Margaret, in Marriage to Alexander the Pope's Nephew, he was the more obliged to do so, as that his Son in law might have an Estate, answerable to the greatness of his marriage. And moreover he thought it would make for the increasing and confirming their power in Italy that the Government of that City which of herself had always been much devoted to the French should for the future depend upon him. Thus the whole War being brought into Tuscany, and to about the Walls of Florence all the other parts of Italy were free and quiet; the Pope, the Emperor, Ferdinand King of the Romans, and the Senate of Venice, having at last ratified an Agreement upon these conditions. That the Venetians should relinquish the Cities of Ceruia and Ravenna the Apostolic See; and to the Emperor, Trani, Monopoli, and whatsoever they were possessed of in Puglia, that all other Cities, Towns, & places, which were as then in their possession, should remain under the Jurisdiction, and Dominion of the Commonwealth; which was to enjoy them peacefully, and quietly. That the Inhabitants who were in those Cities, and who had adhered to the Venetians, might be suffered either to tarry there, or to go elsewhere; and that wheresoever they should be, they might enjoy the goods which they possessed in their countries: and particularly, that it might be lawful for such Venetian Citizens, as had any possessions in these Territories, not only to enjoy their Incomes, but to carry them whithersoever they should please, without being subject to any prohibition or Tax. That the Venetian Citizens should also have all those privileges, and immunities confirmed unto them, throughout the whole Kingdom of Naples, which they had before enjoyed by the concession of the former Kings; and that generally, free and safe abode and commerce, should be allowed to all the Subjects of the Confederate Princes, in all their several Dominions, and that they should be well dealt withal, and have Reason and Justice done them, as if they were of the same Country where for the present they did inhabit, or negotiate. That all past faults should be forgiven to those, who during the time of War, after that Maximilian took first up Arms against the Commonwealth, for having followed the Imperial faction; or had either been accused and condemned for any thing thereunto belonging; and that they should be restored to their Countries, and goods; except such goods as were formerly confiscated, for which the Venetians promised to pay yearly 5000 Ducats. And that all faults should be forgiven to Count Brunoro di Gambara, by name, and that he should be received into favour, who was then the Emperor's Chamberlain. That moreover the Venetians should pay unto the Emperor for what remained unpaid of 200000 Ducats, promised at the agreement made the year 1523. 25000 Ducats within two Months, and the rest which should appear to be due, within one year following: But upon express condition, that before the disbursement of these moneys, those Towns and places should be restored to the Commonwealth, which were thereunto due upon the same Articles; wherein if any dispute should arise, the same should be determined by two Arbitrators, and one Umpire. Moreover, the Venetians were contented to gratify Cesar with 100000 Ducats more within six Months; and that because the rights of the Patriarch of Aquilegia were reserved in the Diet at Worms; wherein he pretended to be injured in his jurisdiction by Ferdinand of Austria, that this cause should be decided by two Arbitrators, and one Umpire, to the end, that the Patriarch might be restored to what should be found due unto him: and that this agreement might not only aim at the present peace of Italy, but to provide for the future quiet and security thereof, each of the aforesaid Princes were bound to enter into a perpetual League for the defence of each other, in as much as concerned the Estates in Italy. And it was particularly expressed, that the Venetians, and Francisco Sforza Duke of Milan, for whom the Emperor promised and stood bound, should always have each of them five hundred Curassiers in readiness, and that when either the Duke's state, or the Commonwealth, should be assaulted by any Foreign Army, each should be bound to assist the other with eight hundred Curassiers, wherein the foresaid five hundred were to be comprehended, with five hundred Light Horse, and six thousand Foot, together with a sufficient Train of Artillery, ammunition, and all the expenses thereunto belonging, during the war: and that neither of them should grant passage, victuals, or any other accommodation, to such as should intend prejudice to either of them, but should use all the means they could to hinder them. And on the other side, the Duke of Milan, and the Venetians, were bound to defend the Kingdom of Naples from any assault that should be thereupon made by any Christian Princes, with sixteen Galleys at their own expense. In this capitulation, all the friends and confederates of these Princes were comprehended, so as they should not prove enemies to any of the chief contractors; and the Commonwealths of Genua, Sienna, and Lucca, the Duke of Savoy, the Marquis of Mantua, and Marquis of Monferrat, were particularly nominated by the Pope, by the Emperor, and by Ferdinando, and by the Venetians, Antonio Maria Montefeltro Duke of Urbine. But with this difference, that the Venetians were not bound to defend the States of the others, though they were nominated: and the Duke of Urbine was comprehended in his person and State, under the same conditions as were the chief contractors, as having a dependency upon the Commonwealth, and as being by her taken into protection. Touching the Duke of Ferara, it was declared, that he was only understood to be comprehended with the rest, when he should have accommodated the differences which were between him and the Apostolic See. Thus after so many vexations and long Wars, things were settled and accommodated, and a certain and secure peace was made, to the great comfort of the Subjects, and the no less praise of the Princes. All men thought that this peace and agreement amongst the Christian Princes was made at a very opportune time, so as they might jointly make head against Soliman, who being wholly set upon the glory of War, and being encouraged by the discords of the Christian Princes, was come with his forces against their Kingdoms, threatening ruin. For though he was forced to rise from before the Walls of Vienna, and freed her so from danger at that time, by reason that the Winter came on, and that he had no great Train of Artillery, as also, for that the City was defended by very many valiant Soldiers, yet he declared that he would return the next Spring with greater forces, to assail that City, and other Towns in Germany. Soliman at his departure from those confines, declared john to be King of Hungary, showing that he aimed chiefly at the praise of valour and generosity. He also made Luigi Gritti chief Treasurer of that Kingdom▪ who was natural son of Andrea Gritti, Duke of Venice, born at Constantinople, whilst Andrea being a young man, was there upon his own private affairs. Luigi proved to be a very ingenious man, endowed with many noble qualities; so as getting first into favour with Ebrahim, the chief Bashaw, and of supreme authority in that Court, and afterwards by his means, into the like of Soliman, he had done the Commonwealth very good service in their last troubles, by keeping them in friendship with the Turks; which was the more requisite for them upon such occasions, for that the Haven by Sea lying open to the City of Venice, whereby they traffic, and merchandizing was preserved, they had the better means to maintain War in Terra firma, whilst they maintained the stock of their public revenues whole. But the Senate, as for such respects they had been very careful to keep peace with the Turks, so with a noble and generous mind, had they always refused the offers of assistance made by them against Christian Princes, with which pious intention of theirs, God being well pleased, he so favoured the conclusion of Peace, as that a firm foundation thereof being laid, the Commonwealth had been able to preserve herself in honour and safety, even until this day. The End of the Sixth Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK VII. THE CONTENTS. AN Embassy to Cesar in Bullognia from the Venetians: Their Treaty. jealousies conceived of Soliman, and his undertake: His intentions of afflicting the Empire, and of agrandizing Constantinople. A Diet held in Augusta, or Ausperg, and the things treated of therein. Difference between the Archduke Ferdinand, and the Commonwealth. In what manner Francisco Sforza recovers the Castle of Milan, and Como. The Venetians pretend to the Election of Bishops within their own State: A consultation thereupon. They are in great trouble for the Turk: They chase and pursue the Pirates. France and England against the Emperor. Soliman and Cesar arm one against the other, but quickly lay down their arms. The success of the Imperial and Turkish Fleet. The condition of Italy. Cesar speaks with the Pope at Bullognia; what they treat of, and the conclusion thereof. A League made between them, without the intervening of the Venetians. The differences between Ferdinand and the Venetians are again treated of. The Turks preparations to recover Corone. The Emperor's preparations to oppose him. The Venetians provide to defend their State. They prosecute the Pirates, but unfortunately. They fight one of Soliman's Captains, taking him to be a Pirate; they overcome him. The Imperial Fleets success. The Pope's intentions. The Fleets of the Emperor, of Barbary, and of the Venetians. Their success. The Venetians exact the tenth from the Clergy, and the Pope grants them a part. Corone retaken by the Turks, who sack Calauria, and take Tunis. The Malteses rebuked by the Venetians. The Pope dies. An other Pope chosen. A Treaty of Peace between Cesar and the King of France. The Pope's pretensions to the Dukedom of Camerino; they are 〈◊〉 Ce●ar 〈◊〉 for Tunis, 〈…〉 Africa 〈◊〉 Tunis, 〈…〉 (together with the whole kingdom) to 〈…〉. The Duke of Milan dies, which causeth commotions. The French take Milan. They assault Piedmont. The Pope strives to agree them, but in vain, The Emperor assaults France, but gets little thereby. The Venetian Ambassadors go to meet him at Genua, where they Treat of many things. The Publication of the Council, which was afterwards that of Trent. PEace being made in manner as hath been related, the Senate being desirous to establish it, and to work themselves, as much as they could, into the favour and good will of the Princes, showing themselves well affectioned towards them, and how constant their desire was to preserve the peace of Italy, resolved to send Ambassadors to the Pope, and to the Emperor, to witness the great satisfaction which they had received by the agreement, and the desire which they had to continue long peace and friendship with them. Those who were deputed to this Embassy, were of the prime men of the Commonwealth, and of a clear reputation for their own endowments, for the many places they had passed thorough, both at home and abroad, Marco Dandalo, Luigi Gradinigo, Luigi Mocenigo, and Lorenzo Braggadino; to whom, that the Embassy might appear the more solemn, they added Antonio S●riano, who was with the Pope, and Nicolo Tiepolo, who was to remain Liedger with the Emperor. These six went all together in the beginning of the year 1530. to Bullognia, where the Pope and the Emperor were as yet, by whom they were graciously received, they delivered their Embassies severally, first to the Pope, and then to the Emperor. They did not only praise the Pope, for having (as the common Father) piously and prudently embraced the cause of Christendom, and put a period to so many mischiefs and miseries, but they likewise thanked him in name of the Commonwealth, for his particular care which he had therein of her, in composing the differences between her and Cesar, and in freeing her from the expense and troubles of War. They showed Cesar the necessity which had made them take up Arms, and to continue the War, their being displeased at what was past, but chiefly, their constant and firm resolution to make good the agreement which was made, and their endeavours of perpetual friendship between the House of Austria and the Commonwealth. Though when the Ambassadors had delivered this, they had no more to do, yet were they commanded to tarry in Bullognia, that they might be present at the Emperor's coronation, which was to be celebrated in that City. For Charles who had first designed to go to Rome, to take the Imperial Crown upon him there, according to the ancient custom of the Emperors, was resolved to accomplish that ceremony in Bullognia, being called for back into Germany, upon other more weighty State affairs, for which purpose, great store of people flocking thither, and Ambassadors from all Princes, such an Embassy seemed to befit that days solemnity and pomp, which was on the 24. of February; which being over, the Ambassadors returned to Venice, being presented by Cesar with five hundred pieces of Portugueses, to the value of ten crowns each piece, which according to custom, were put into the Exchequer, for the public service. It was wisely provided for by the first Founders of the Commonwealth, and established by Law, that any who should be sent Ambassadors to foreign Princes, and should receive any presents from them, they should bring them into the public Bank, it being not thought convenient to refuse such demonstrations of honour done to those who represented the Commonwealth, nor to permit that such things as were given to public persons, should be converted into private men's purses; which if they were permitted peradventure sometimes to keep, it must be allowed of by the votes of the Senate, and be acknowledged from their favour and liberality: thereby prevention was had, that evil men, out of hopes of such gain, might not prove partial to other Princes, and prejudicial to the Commonwealth. Three Ambassadors were afterwards sent by Cesar to the Senate; as well by way of correspondency in friendly civilities, as also to end certain differences, belonging to the articles of peace. They were received with great demonstrations of honour, and were presented with cups of Gold to the value of a thousand crowns a piece. And in favour to Cesar, who sought it at their hands, many Subjects of the Commonwealth had their faults forgiven them, and others had other favours done them. After he was crowned, Cesar went to Mantua, where being received very magnificently by the Marquis Frederick da Gonsaga, in memorial of which civil hospitality, the Emperor made him a Duke: and being to pass from thence through the State of the Commonwealth, that he might go into Germany by the way of Trent, the Senate ordered Paolo Nani, and Giovan Dolfino, who were Commissaries General on Terra firma; and likewise Giovan Moro who was Captain of Milan, and Pietro Grimani Captain of Vicenza, to meet Cesar, with an honourable assembly of Gentry at Villa Franca, which lies upon the confines of Verona and Mantua, and to wait upon him as long as he should be in the State's Territories. And they charged the Rectors of Verona, that they should be very careful in providing victuals, and all things necessary for the Court and Soldiers: and particularly, that they should present Caesar's self in the name of the Commonwealth, with excellent wines, fish, venison, sweetmeats, and with every thing else of rarity which could be found for his refreshment. Thus Cesar passed on with all his people, being accompanied by a great many Lords, and Princes Ambassadors, and amongst the rest by Nicolo Tiepolo, who, as hath been said, was appointed to stay as Leaguer Ambassador with him: and crossing over the Territories of Verona, without entering into the City, where double Guards were placed at the gates and about the castles, he went to Chiusa. As these things did increase confidence amongst these Princes, and establish peace and friendship, so it was suspected that they would beget jealousy in Soliman, that the Commonwealth would join with other Christian Princes against him, which might be occasioned by many speeches that were spread abroad; that these Princes had made peace, to the end that they might march with their forces jointly against the Turks, and oppose Soliman's too deep and dangerous designs upon Christendom. Who having been already before Vienna, threatened to return with more powerful forces, and being made to hope for better things by his recent victories, promised to himself successful progress in Germany. Some convention of Cardinals deputed thereunto, and wherein the Ambassadors of other Princes, did intervene, were made at Bullognia, that they might think how to govern themselves in their taking up of Arms against the Turks; and though the Venetian Ambassadors did not intervene at there Treaties, and that no result was had therein, yet fame (which always useth to amplify) had brought greater tidings to Constantinople then were true. So as this course was blamed by those that were wise, ●or experience showed, that whilst they consulted in vain how to remedy our mischiefs, they drew on greater and more certain dangers, incensing Soliman the more, and enforcing him to make greater preparations for War. The Senate being advertised of these the Turks suspicions, by Luigi Gritti, who as Ambassador to john King of Hungary, had attended Soliman when he parted from those confines, to Constantinople; and considering that they might be of very evil consequence to the affairs of the Commonwealth, if they were any longer credited by Soliman, and his Pashas, they resolved to send an Ambassador to Constantinople, who was to give an account of the peace which they had made with Cesar, and of the reasons which persuaded them thereunto; and who was afterwards to affirm, that the Senate was resolved to continue constant in their friendship unto the family of the Ottomans, and in their commerce with that Nation, and that if the Ambassador should find the Turks desirous thereof, he should again ratify the ancient articles of peace. The Senate thought it the fitter for them to do this, because Soliman a little before, as he went to Belgrade, had sent Ibraim his Ambassador to Venice, to give an account of his success in Hungary, and particularly of his having replaced their ancient friend King john in his Kingdom. He had also sent another Chiaus to Venice upon the occasion of the solemnity of circumcising two of his Sons, inviting them to send their Ambassadors, who might be present at the doing of it; and at the same time, in witness of his good affection to the Commonwealth, he had presented them with 100000 pound weight of Saltpetre, hearing that they were in great need thereof. Tomaso Mocenico was chosen for this Embassy, who began his journey a few days after, and came very opportunely to Constantinople, in respect of the aforesaid considerations; for a Cruzado being published, the same and expectation whereof was the greater, because the Preachers by the Pope's directions, had earnestly exhorted the people in their pulpits, to contribute moneys readily and cheerfully to the war against the Infidels. These things had raised no light suspicions in Soliman, that the Venetians had conspired against him, together with the other Christian Princes, after the confederacy at Bolognia; wherefore looking the more narrowly into all their former actions, Soliman complained that the Venetians upon the making of peace, had contributed moneys to the Princes of the House of Austria, who being his Enemies, might be thereby the better enabled to make war against him. Hereunto was likewise added, that he took it ill at the Venetians hands, who professed friendship to him, that he had not understood any thing of a business of so great moment, save only the conclusion. But these rumours which were already spread abroad amongst the Bashaws, and other chief Personages, were quieted at the coming of the Ambassadors, and friendship was readily renewed, and re-confirmed upon the former articles. The Ambassadors were afterwards present at the festival of the circumcision, which was performed with great pomp and cost; in all which shows, the Ambassadors had honourable places provided for them; and they, according to the custom of that Nation, and of that solemnity, did present many rich vestments to the Grand Signeur, and other things of price, amongst which a fair Unicorns horn, a thing which Soliman had much desired, and which was very welcome to him. In the time of these sports and festival, Soliman, who was born to effect great things, was full of weighty and important thoughts. He discoursed often with his Bashaws, of raising an Army to return into Hungary, and into Germany, to abate the forces of the Austrian Princes, towards which he gave order for many things. He in the next place designed to send out a great Fleet, whereby he might upon occasion fall upon any enterprise, but with full resolution to secure the Seas, which was at this time much infested with the Galleys belonging to the Knights of Rhodes, who being permitted by Charles the Emperor to come into Malta, molested Ships, and the Turkish affairs in all Seas: and at the same time, as concerning affairs of peace, he endeavoured to make Constantinople the Staple Town of Merchandise, especially of such spices as were brought from the Eastern parts into Alexandria, and other places of his dominions, intending (as he said) to make that City, the Seat of the Empire, to abound in all things, and especially in Gold: to which purpose, he had forbidden men of all Nations to buy any Silks or Spices, and had already bought a great quantity of these merchandise with his own moneys, that he might bring them to Constantinople. The Venetians were much troubled at these proceedings; for though the Turkish forces seemed to threaten other parts, yet their power increasing by the ruin of other Princes, it would become likewise more formidable to them, and the going out of the Fleet would always be occasion of trouble, and of expense to the Commonwealth, especially if the Fleet should come (as it was said it was to do) into the Gulf of Venice, where the Western Vessels came oftentimes to pillage with much insolency. And the removing of Traffic from the usual places, did much disturb their Merchandizing, and the ancient Navigation of their Galleasses, which were wont to go every year to S●ria and Alexandria. The Venetians thinking how to give a timely remedy to these things, exhorted the King of Hungary, who was found to have some inclination to make peace with the Archduke Ferdinand, to pursue it, and thereby to rid Christendom of so many occasions of danger and prejudice. They likewise encouraged the King of Poland, who had formerly interposed himself in this business, to reassume the Treaty of Agreement. They sought by many endeavours with the Bashaws at Constantinople, and especially with Luigi Gritti, who grew daily greater in favour and authority there, to keep the Grand Signior from sending forth his Fleet, by showing the care and diligence used by the Commonwealth in keeping the Sea open, and free from Pirates; and likewise from his other intention of bringing the Merchandise of Soria, and Alexandria to Constantinople; showing many inconveniences that would arise thereby, so as without any considerable advantage to Constantinople, and to the great prejudice of his other Provinces, and of his Imposts, traffic would lessen, by leaving those of the Western parts no occasion of making those Voyages, if they should not be permitted to send forth so many sorts of Merchandise, which they vented in great quantities in those Countries, and wherewith they contracted for Spices, and other Merchandise, more than with ready money. But to take all occasion from the Turks of sending out Galleys, and especially into the Gulf of Venice, the Senate ordered the Commissary of their Fleet, that he should warn the Galleys of Malta not to come into the Gulf, nor to prejudice any Vessels which sailed into the Eastern Seas, which were guarded by them; which if they should deny to do, that then he should endeavour to disarm them. The Turks thought themselves very much in●ur'd hereby, and complaining of the Venetians, they said, that it did not suit with the friendship which they professed to hold with the Grand Signior, to suffer that the Turks, who were their friends, should be so much prejudiced at their own homes, and before their faces, especially since their security was to rely upon the provisions and forces of the Commonwealth; in which respect, to preserve her jurisdiction, and to shun occasion of disorder, the Turks forbore sending any men of War into the Gulf. At the same time, Cesar having summoned a Diet of all the Germane Princes in Augusta, many things appertaining to the State, and to Religion, were therein treated on. The Protestants insisted chief in demanding a General Council, wherein their opinions concerning the points of faith, might be examined and decided: which they did, not out of any desire of sifting ou● the truth, but because they believed that the Pope would not give way thereunto, lest they might enter into some other Treaties, whereby his authority might be endangered, so as they thought they might have good occasion thereby to foment their false opinions amongst the people. The Emperor seeking how to appease so many humours, and how to cut off this root of greater evils, propounded the business to the Pope; who looking for little good thereby, nay rather, occasion of greater disorders, and yet being unwilling to seem to refuse it, sought to spin out the business at length, alleging many respects, which gave just occasion of delay; and chiefly, the discords which were then on foot amongst Christian Princes; to appease the which, he said, it would be best first to think how they might all concur jointly to assist and favour the Counsel. But the Protestants growing more earnest in this their desire, and the Pope's fear increasing, he who greatly detested this sort of people, began to propound, that they might be prosecuted by temporal arms: which he oftentimes mentioned not only to Cesar, but to the Venetian Senate also: to whom be sent an express Nuntio to exhort them to use their Counsels, authority and forces herein▪ and to make Cesar undertake this business the more willingly, he offered him a certain sum of money. But the Senate were much of an other opinion, and fought to dissuade the Pope from it: Whose piety when they had praised, they showed him afterwards, that to take up arms at this time, and without any pressing occasion, was no better than to show his fear the more is a just cause, which he would go about to secure, by preventing by way of Arms, the power which the concourse and favour of the people might bring unto the adverse party. Than it became those who sustained the cause of Religion, to try all things, especially by Scripture, and by reason. Moreover, that the Protestant Princes would be necessitated to procure forces, and more followers, and their cause would be more favoured by the people, and have some fair appearance, since they were to withstand the violence of Enemies, that the Princes of Italy were wholly exhausted, by the so many wars. That it was to be suspected to what party the Electors of the Empire would adhere in such a case, they being more desirous of agreement, then of war, as appeared by their Ambassadors, who were sent to the Emperor at Brussels: That the Hans Towns of Germany were resolved not to assist Cesar, if he should go about to attempt any thing rather by power then by reason: That Cesar was not able of himself to raise sufficient forces to oppress the Princes and people, who were in commotion. There appeared such reason in these things, and the Authority of the Senate was so great, (from whose advice the Pope had very much differed) as changing his opinion, he forbore sending his Nuntio to Cesar, as he had intended to do, and suspended any such Treaty. And truly it was thought to be a much wiser course, and better becoming the condition of the present times, to think rather of sustaining the Turkish Wars, and to keep the forces of Christendom united as much as might be, especially those of Germany, who were to withstand the Turks first violence: For it was held for certain, that Soliman, whose haughty mind must needs be scandalised, for his being enforced to rise from before the Walls of Vienna, not only without Victory, but with some shame, would return very strong to the same Enterprise, whereof there was much speech already in this respect, Cesar did also incline more to agreement then to War, as also because he was very intent and busy to get his Brother Ferdinando chosen to succeed him in his Empire. Therefore without resolving any thing absolutely, he was conte●●ed with ordering some things to be observed in point of Religion, till the next Council. Cesar also▪ that he might bring all things in all parts to a peaceful posture, desired that the differences which remained yet undecided, between the Archduke Ferdinando, and the Commonwealth, might be fully ended; wherefore he propounded that Arbitrators might be chosen to that purpose, as was agreed upon by articles. To which, though the Senate did not only willingly assent, but solicited the dispatch thereof, yet what was desired by both parties, was not effected, for they could not agree upon an Umpire. The Archduke named the Marquis of Mantua, the Bishop of Augusta, the Pope's Nuntio that was resident with him; and the Venetians, the Bishop Teatino, the Archbishop of Salerno, of the House of Adorni, and the Nuntio resident in Venice. But those that the one side liked, the other disliked; so as affairs continued still undecided, and much prejudice ensued amongst the subjects, upon the confines, and occasion of disagreement between the Princes. Nor was the Castle of Milan, nor City of Como, restored as yet to Francisco Sforza, by the Emperor, though it grew towards the end of the year: wherefore the Venetians being very desirous that the delivery thereof might be no longer delayed, lest time might prove prejudicial thereunto, and Sforza not being able of himself to raise all the money which he was to pay Cesar, they offered to lend him fifty thousand Ducats, to make this payment, which was to be repaid by the profit of a bargain of Salt, which was offered him also by the Commonwealth, which was, to give him an hundred and fifty thousand Bushels of Salt, at the rate at 31 Soldi of Imperial money, the bushel, to be brought to Pavia, which being vented in the State of Milan at reasonable rates, the Duke would gain as much thereby in a short space, as would enable him to repay the fifty thousand Ducats. But Cesar being desirous to please some Merchants of Genua, and the Duke being willing to please him, refused this bargain, but made another of the like nature with others, which was less advantageous to himself; and by the same way of Salt, found out moneys sufficient to satisfy Cesar; who presently after, caused the Castle of Milan, and City of Como, to be delivered up to Sforza; whereat the Venetians were well pleased, whose chief aim was, to secure Sforza's State: who finding by many evident signs, that the Senate of Venice had still the same care of his State, and of his Affairs, that he might make use thereof to his own advantage upon any occasion; or else, that he might therein please Cesar, by seeming to be jealous of the French, he earnestly desired the Senate, that they would use their intercession and authority with the King of France, to appease those rumours of Wars, which (as hath been said) had been much spoken off: And though it were not altogether believed, yet continuing constant in their resolution of defending that State, and in maintaining the capitulations, and thinking it expedient that their resolution should be made publicly known, so to take all hopes from the French that the Commonwealth would ever part from Cesar, and the other Colleagues, it was resolved, that they would endeavour it, not only in France, but in all other Courts; and to show themselves the more firm and resolute, it was resolved, that when this should be discoursed of in the College where such propositions are usually made by Ambassadors, that without taking time for any further consideration, the Duke should say plainly in his answers, that the Senate was fully resolved not to part for whatsoever accident should happen from the League established with Cesar, and the other Confederates. But Cesar not being herewith satisfied, did moreover desire, that those men should be raised, which the Commonwealth by their Articles were bound to raise: Whereunto the Venetians, fearing lest his aim might be at some particular end of his own, and to draw them further than they were bound by the Articles of the League, answered, that the state of affairs being now such as did promise peace in Italy, they ought not to be put to so needless an expense. King Francis had at this time taken a wife unto himself, and had recovered his two sons, wherefore he seemed to be rather given to festivals and delights, then to the troubles of war: and the Commonwealth, that they might congratulate therein with him, had, to that purpose, sent Giovanni Pisano, procurator of St. Mark, as Ambassador extraordinary to him. But if any real commotions should appear, they promised, they for their parts would not suffer the common peace and quiet to be disturbed, nor would they be any ways faulty to their engagements. The Commonwealth being at this time in a safe and secure condition, the Senators sought how to restore her integrally, and to recover the preeminencies which she enjoyed before the late wars: amongst which the Authority practised by the Senate in nominating such as were to be promoted to any bishopric within their State, was thought a great privilege; they had often pressed the Pope much in that point, but not getting any resolution, they forbear giving temporal possession of divers Bishoprics of their best Cities to those upon whom the Pope had bestowed such benefices, a thing whereat he was exceedingly troubled, and which he did so much resent, as it seemed, he sought to break with the Venetians. This business growing every day more hard, the Senate differed in their opinions; some were of opinion that they were either to give it over, or to put the dispute off till another time; others who were resolute in denying temporal possession, were for endeavouring to get the Pope to gratify the Republic, and to restore this pre-eminence, and power unto them, which other Princes enjoyed in their Dominions. Those who dissented from this opinion, showed, how hard a business it would be to effect, the Pope being so highly incensed, who would not be appeased by any new endeavours, but was still the more offended: and, to nourish his anger, he recalled to memory such things wherein he had formerly received but little satisfaction from the Senate, and did sinisterly interpret their good actions. They said, that the Popes of Rome were too deeply interessed in this business, who had means to gratify their Kindred, and servants, by concession of these rich Prelacies, as also, thereby to keep themselves in the more respect and grandetza: to overcome which difficulties, it would behoove them to wait for a better time and opportunity, or expect a Pope, who might be better minded to the Commonwealth. They further added, the thing was not in itself so much to be desired, nor so advantageous to the Commonwealth, as to be so highly pressed for, and so violently, endangering themselves, thereby to incur the Pope's displeasure, and Ecclesiastic censures; things which had formerly proved very prejudicial, and almost ru●●ous to the Commonwealth, in depriving her, as it had often done, of her chiefest Senators: By giving them these dignities, and charge of Churches, and by interessing so many Families in Ecclesiastical goods and preferments; so as by the Laws, many Citizens were excluded from the most important negotiations of government. How could it be thought to tend to the public good, or that it was of small moment in their Cities, to introduce hereby a Courtlike life in many of their families, and mere of grande●za and deliciousness, than became a private life, which their Ancestors had always endeavoured, as much as they could, to keep in an equality, thrifty, and far from such things as might corrupt the ancient customs of their forefathers, & as might beget in some citizen's too haughty thoughts, and in others, envy at their too great fortune. That the ambition which was in all men, of attaining unto the usual employments of the Commonwealth, was sufficiently advantageous, without adding another ambition thereunto, of thirsting after ecclesiastical dignities, which would be so much the greater, as the thing endeavoured seemed the more desirable, by the perpetuity of honour, and by the profit which waited thereupon: and that though they were formerly suffered, it was to be considered, that the manners of these times (as is usually seen in all other human things) were already gone far beyond the bounds of that naked honesty, wherewith their predecessors had governed themselves and the Commonwealth. But others held to the contrary, that they were not to forbear their former resolution of drawing the Pope to condescend to their reasonable requests, that they had had experience enough, by their late successes, of what force a constant and generous resolution was, whereby having overcome so many difficulties of the severest and saddest times, they had recovered almost their whols State on Terra firma. That it was not to be doubted, but that they might soon reduce their Commonwealth to her former dignity, authority, and honour, if they would still use the same means: And what reason was there to believe, that the Pope, to whom peace was more advantageous then to any others, since thereby he might settle his Nephew in that Grande●za in his country, which had cost him so much labour and expense to put him into, would now, by troubling the affairs of Italy, expose so great, and now so certain a Fortune, to new and doubtful events of War. That they could not expect a better occasion or opportunity: That Cesar would further this request, both out of the common Interest, and for the need he had of keeping Friendship and good Intelligence with the Commonwealth. That the thing itself was such, as length of time would prove prejudicial to it; for, by endring the longer deprivation thereof, their former pretence of possession, would become the weaker. But that, if they would consider the particulars of this business more inwardly, the advantages, and conveniencies thereof would appear to be so many, as there would be no doubt of the contrary. That other great Princes had this concession, and used it with ample authority; and why should the Commonwealth, which was Mistress of Kingdoms, be inferior to the rest? That it was apparent enough, how much it imports Princes, in point of State, that Prelates, who are of such Authority in Cities, should not only be their Confidents, but should also be bound unto them: and that they should acknowledge that Dignity, and all their Fortune, from their Natural Prince; so as they might proceed in all things with more sincere Faith, and greater Respect. Nor could the Ambition after this degree be more harmful, then that by which the magistracies of the Commonwealth are usually procured: and that it had always been thought, that the need that one Citizen stood in of another's favour in the attaining unto honours, doth help much to the preservation of civil Government. Whereof, the more various & important occasions are offered, so much more the love and union of Citizens are confirmed and augmented. Nor was that wealth to be blamed in Citizens, which is justly conferred upon them by the Public. And that it was the comfort of many families, and made many out of such hopes to be the more careful in breeding up good Subjects, who by their learning and manners might be capable of such preferments, and prove after very fit for the Government of the Commonwealth. And when provision is not had by the good Orders of a City, that Citizens may of themselves love good demeanour, and the good of their Country, it was in vain to blame riches, or praise poverty; since both of them may equally allure corrupt minds to wickedness, though by several ways. These and other reasons were alleged according to the diversity of opinions, so as the business rested in suspense, and undecided. But at the last, taking a middle way, it was resolved, that to gratify the Pope, possessions should be given to all such, as till then the Pope had conferred Bishoprics upon in their Dominions. But that nevertheless, not desisting from their former demands, but professing that they had done this only out of respect, and observance to Clement, they should seem to hope the more to obtain their desire. Yet the Pope, who did first require this in sign of their obedience, could not be appeased, but appeared still more obdurate, so as the business could be brought to no better condition. But other more weighty affairs diverted them from this care, and advised them to endeavour a good intelligence with the Pope; for in the beginning of the year 1531. 'twas known that Soliman intended great war upon Christendom, having already accommodated his differences with the King of Persia, from whom some were already come to Constantinople, to confirm the peace. Many things raised a jealousy that he would make attempts, not only by land but by Sea too; for he had sent his Standard to Cariadino, surnamed Barbarossa, a very famous Pirate, for his skilfulness in Sea affairs, and for the great harm he had done to Christendom: and this man he had received into the number of his Commanders; which he acquainted the Venetians with, to the end that they might not proceed with him any more as with a Pirate, but as with one that belonged to him. And though the Pashas did often affirm that they would keep friendship and peace with the Commonwealth, yet it being neither honourable nor safe, to leave the Sea open to the discretion of these barbarous people, it behoved them to make extraordinary provision of Galleys, and of Soldiers: which was the more grievous to them, for that the public purse being exhausted by the late wars, they could not well find moneys for so great an expense; therefore they were forced to have recourse to other means, amongst which they thought, that to seize on the Tithes of the Clergy within their Dominions, which were very many, was a very good course; which they endeavoured to obtain of the Pope, wherein they proceeded with him, with much dexterity and humanity: But yet they could not overcome many difficulties which stuck with him; so as the business was protracted, nay, to a double displeasure of the Venetians, he designed to lay two tenths upon all the goods of the ecclesiastics throughout Italy, meaning to make use of these moneys, as he said, in assisting the Catholic Cantons of the Swissers, against which the Heretics had taken up Arms. So as the Commonwealth was not only deprived of this benefit of Tithes, which being to be taken out of the Incomes of their own Territories, seemed imployable for the benefit thereof; but occasion was thereby given of greater disturbances, by the jealousies given to the Turks, that these moneys raised in the Pope's name, might be for the service of some League to be made against them. Yet the Senate, though they were deprived of these aids, and of all hopes of ever attaining thereunto, the Pope being mightily scandalised, for that out of confidence of obtaining this favour, they had begun a little too early to exact them, would not delay making requisite provisions; but overcoming all difficulties, resolved for the present to arm fifty Galleys, which were forthwith put to Sea, in excellent order. But this great noise of war, did soon after cease of itself; for Soliman being gone into Andrinopolis, with intention (as was given out) that he might mind these preparations the better, gave himself so to the delight of hunting, and did so defer the affairs of war, as he did not this year trouble any place with his Forces. Yet the Venetian Fleet was not all this while idle, the Sea being full of Pirates, who assembled together in great numbers, infested all the Seas, and disturbed navigation, and commerce: But these were driven away in all parts, and many of their Vessels were taken, and destroyed, to the general advantage, and to the great praise of the Venetians. At this same time, the King of Hungary, though he kept himself in good order for war, and that his forces were greater than Ferdinando's, yet were it either that he did expect succour from the Turks for his greater security, or that he feared the aid which Charles was said to prepare for his brother, or that he desired to accommodate his affairs rather by treaty then by arms, by reason of the little confidence he had in his own Subjects, did not attempt any thing. Thus Arms being suspended, as it were by a tacit consent, on all sides, he sent jovanni Lasco Ambassador to the Emperor, from whom not being able to get any resolution. Lasco passed on to Ferdinand, and meeting with no less doubts and difficulties touching his proposals in him, he intended to go to other Germane Princes, to treat of his King's affairs with them; but his safe conduct being denied him by Ferdinando, he was forced to return to Hungary. But King john made it known by other means in the Diets which were held in several parts of Germany, and especially amongst the Heretics, that he might keep Ferdinand from being assisted by them; that Soliman would esteem them his friends or enemies, who should appear friends or enemies to the Kingdom of Hungary. And leaving nothing unattempted, he sent his Ambassadors also to Venice, desiring the Senate that they would mediate both with the Emperor and Pope to embrace his cause, and bring affairs to some composition; wherefore the Senate knowing that King john was resolved to try all extremes, so as he might keep his Kingdom, and that the Turks were still ready to defend him, they, that they might remove all new troubles and dangers from Christendom, readily embraced his cause, and moved the Pope in his behalf. But they could not do much good therein; for the Pope, were it either that he did rather favour Ferdinando, than King john, or that he was really so minded, seemed more inclined to have the business decided by Arms, then by Treaty. So as the rumours of war beginning again to be renewed, and Soliman having more certainly published his resolution, of coming with very powerful forces into Hungary, to recover the City of Strigonia, which was possessed by Ferdinando, the Pope sent his Nuntio, the Bishop of Verona, to Venice, to require the Senate to declare what their intentions were, and what they would do, if the Turks should return with an Army into Hungary; and to desire them that they would join with the rest of the Princes of Christendom, in showing their good will to oppose these common Enemies. The Senator's wer● very doubtful what to do herein; they were set upon on one side by their zeal to Religion, and State Policy, by reason of the great danger which accrued to the Commonwealth, by the increase of their Neighbour the Turks forces, who were Enemies to all Christian Princes: And on the other side, they were afraid they should find but little constancy in the Princes, and that to shun more uncertain, and farther distant dangers, they might run upon such as were certain, and present. Their inward thoughts were very fervent, but they cooled therein apace when they considered the nature of the business. The Enemy being very strong, and their friends not likely to agree in uniting their minds, and forces; and that these very things had been many times proposed rather to show an appearance of zeal, than out of any resolution, or well grounded hopes, of effecting the thing propounded. So as neither totally embracing this invitation, nor yet seeming altogether averse thereunto, they returned this answer to the Pope. That the desire of the good of Christendom was ancient, and hereditary in the Venetian Senate; but that as this made them readily willing to do any thing tending to the service thereof, so did it grieve them, that the present condition, neither of times, nor affairs, would suffer them to show it. That the greatest Princes of Christendom were now at great odds; so as there was small hopes that they would join their forces against these common Enemies. That the Commonwealth was too weak of herself, to oppose the Turks with any hopes of much advantage. That they might affirm their State did confine for the space of two thousand miles, leading from Cyprus to all Dalmatia, upon the Turks; in whose power there was always likewise great numbers of their Citizens, and of their subsistances to a great value; which things imposed upon them a necessity of temporising with the Turks; and which would not easily permit them to declare themselves their Enemies. That they did notwithstanding very much praise the wisdom, and piety of the Pope, in foreseeing, and in providing against the dangers of Christendom; but that they did trust their too just and too well known respects, would be both acknowledged and allowed of throughout Christendom. But Ferdinando, though he saw all these indeavouring of Leagues would prove vain, hoping that he might obtain better conditions by Arms, than those that were proffered him by King john, despised all Treaties: for he was already declared in the convention of Cullen, to be the King of the Romans, and Successor to his Brother Charles in the Empire; and he had got many aids in the Diets held at Lins and Prague, and hopes of greater succours from his Brother. But the Venetians continued still in their endeavours for peace; and having sent their Ambassadors to Ferdinando, to congratulate his new dignity; they inserted many speeches, wherein they exhorted him to embrace peace, and to make good the hopes which were conceived of him; that as a wise and an excellent Prince, he would above all things, study the peace and good of Christendom. Peace was the more indeavourd and desired by those who did sincerely desire the common good, and considered the conditions of the present times, because it was known, that grievous Wars, and the beginnings of other calamities were threatened elsewhere; for the Kings of France and England, finding that they had opportunity offered them of molesting the Emperor, by reason of the necessity he lay under of defending the Territories of his own family, and of the Empire, from the Turks, plotted several ways how to make War against him. The former being moved by his ancient desire of recovering the State of Milan; the other, by a new distaste conceived against Charles, for defending his Aunt— wife to Henry, but who was by him repudiated, through the desire he had of another Wife. They therefore jointly endeavoured to egg on many Germane Princes against Charles, who were not well satisfied with him, and they themselves prepared for Arms: So as it was imagined that nothing was expected to the making of War, but that the Turks should be the first who should draw the Emperor's forces into those parts, whereof greater and more certain rumour now arose; for Soliman, who heard daily of these intentions of the Christian Princes, and thinking for the same reasons, to find Cesar busied in several Wars at one and the same time, seemed every day more resolute to defend, and maintain the cause of his friend and confederate King john; and more desirous also to recover the reputation of his Forces, which he thought, was not a little lessened by his retreat from Vienna. In the beginning therefore of the year 1532. he went to Andranopoli, where he divulged what he intended to do; and having before his departure, showed both in words and actions, a great desire of preserving friendship with the Venetians, he had given order for the expedition of the great Galleys, which for the aforesaid reasons had lain idle in Soria, and in Alexandria; permitted all free commerce to the Merchants of that Nation; laying aside the thought of reducing the business to Constantinople; readily granted the carriage of Corn and Saltpetre, out of divers parts of his Dominions, giving many other signs of putting an esteem upon the Commonwealth, and of his desire to continue peace with her. But being intent upon assembling his Army, he had sent orders to all the Spacchis of Greece (these are a sort of men who serve on Horseback, receiving a perpetual proportion of land, granted them by the Prince) to come and meet him, well provided with Horse and Arms. He had likewise demanded such Auxiliaries from the Tartarians, Wallacchis, and Transilvanians, as they were bound by Articles to send unto his Camp; so as having taken the field, and begun his march, he had, when he came near the confines of Hungary, about an hundred and fifty thousand soldiers, amongst which there was twenty thousand gallant Janissaries, all foot, bred up from their youth, perpetually and solely to this sort of Militia. When Soliman was come with this his Army to Belgrado, a Town lying in the lower Hungary, he made it be proclaimed, that he would give Battle to Charles the Emperor, and assuring himself of victory, he insolently threatened, that he would drive him out of Germany, and assume unto himself all the Rights and Territories of the Western Empire; affirming them to appertain unto him, as to the true Emperor, and Lord of Constantinople: But Charles had raised a no less powerful Army to oppose these Forces, which he had gathered out of almost all the Nations of Christendom; which was greater and gallanter, than had been seen in many former ages; and herewith he stayed, expecting the enemy before the Walls of Vienna. All men's minds were held in suspense touching what would become at this so great a rumour of War, chiefly the Venetians, who for other important reasons, were much concerned in this business, and were very solicitous in expecting what the event would be: but in their wishes they were for the Christians, and permitted the soldiers of their dominions, to go to the Emperor, and did that underhand, which they were not allowed to do in public. But truly, it was very miraculous, that so great a preparation for War, should produce no notable effect on either side: for Soliman, without passing any further, and sending only one of his Captains, by name Cassone, to pillage Carinthia, and Stiria, who was afterwards suppressed, and destroyed by the Count Palatine, returned back to Constantinople: and on the other side, Charles not having ever stirred with his Camp from before the walls of Vienna (for his Captains thought it not safe to quit that quarter, that they might not go far from Danubius, and go into the open champagnia, whereby they might want the conveniency of that River, and be exposed to the violence of Soliman's so numerous Cavalry) having received certain news whither the Turks were gone, dissolved his Army suddenly, and leaving a Garrison of Soldiers with his brother, resolved to come himself in person into Italy, and to pass from thence to Spain; which gave the French occasion to upbraid him with this sudden departure, when their King was at another time accused by Charles for keeping him from advancing against the Turks, since (as they said) when he himself was in Arms, and free as then from all other Wars, he had not used opportunity of pursuing the enemy, but suffered him to retreat with such safety and conveniency, as that he carried away above thirty thousand Prisoners from off his Territories. So as it seemed Cesar was to confess, either that he had not forces sufficient, or else courage and resolution to fight the Turkish Armies. At this very time, the Imperial and Turkish Fleets were gone forth very strong to Sea, wherefore the Venetians thinking it became them, both for the honour and safety of their State, to Arm, so as they might be provided for whatsoever should happen, they resolved to add a great many Galleys to their Fleet, and to constitute a Commander of great authority over them. Thus by order from the Senate, twenty Galleys were suddenly armed in the Islands of Candia, Zante, and Corfu, and in other Towns of Dalmatia, which made up the number of the Fleet sixty, the Government whereof was given to Vicenzo Capello, who was created Captain General at Sea: His Commission was to look carefully to the preservation of all places, and subjects belonging to the Commonwealth, not suffering any injury to be done unto them, but not to meddle by any means in the affairs of any foreign Fleet; that both the Imperialists and Turks should be treated as friends, that they should be allowed Havens and Victuals, but neither Arms nor ammunition, nor any thing appertaining to War; for the Senate was steadfastly resolved to keep peace and friendship with all. The Turkish Fleet being then put forth into the Eastern Seas, to the number of eighty Sail, some twenty lesser Vessels being numbered amongst the Galleys, commanded by Immerale, and the Imperial Fleet into the Western, consisting of forty nimble Galleys, to boot with a great number of Men of War, commanded by Andrea Doria, and it not appearing as yet, what the commanders ends or commissions were, General Capello kept between Zant and Corfu, endeavouring (according to his Commission) to secure the Subjects, but to shun all occasion of encountering with this Fleet, in case it should advance, that he might give no suspicion of favouring one party more than the other. Immerale being come to Pevesa, Capello tarrying at Corfu, sent one of his Galleys to make him a friendly Visit, which he took very kindly, and promised to have a great care to the affairs of the Commonwealth, not suffering any of her subjects to be injured; and it was a great truth, that the Turkish Fleet having touched at Zant, and at other places, had not injured any one. But Doria putting from Sicily, where he had tarried long, sailed towards Greece, and hearing that the Venetian Fleet was at Zant, he would go thither also with his Galleys, that he might speak with General Capello, intending, as it was believed (for he had often said he would do so) to put a necessity upon the Venetians of joining with him, by making the Turks jealous that their Fleets would join; concerning which union, he had written many letters to the Senate; and the Emperor's Ambassador then resident at Venice, had several times with much importunity, pressed to know, that if it should so fall out, as his Masters and the Turks Fleet should have a conflict, whether the Venetian General was to assist Soliman, or no: Which it being very well known how far the Ven●tian were ●rom doing, they knew these queries were made, to bring them to some farther justification of themselves, by some promise which might make them quit their Neutrality: Therefore the Senate, and General Capello gave such answers, as might witness their forwardness, and willingness to keep friends with Cesar, but that they would not be brought, either out of favour to him, or out of any vain hopes of self-interest, to break peace with so powerful an Enemy. Thus the Imperial and Turkish Fleets being almost equally balanced in point of force, they lay idle all the Summer; neither of them daring to fall upon any Enterprise, for fear of being worsted by the other. At last the Turkish Fleet beginning, because it was much weakened by the Soldier's sickness, to retire towards Negraponte, to the end, as it was believed, that they might winter in Constantinople, Doria grew thereupon the bolder, and having a great many Soldiers in his Fleet, after many consultations, steered his course towards Morea, re●olving to attempt the taking of Corone; which after some resistance made by the Turkish Garrison, he took by force, and soon after took Patrasso by agreement. But winter being now at hand, both the Fleets withdrew into their several Havens, not doing any remarkable action. Wherefore the Venetians, that they might not be at so great an expense to no purpose, disarmed their extraordinary Galleys, which had been armed abroad, and some of the oldest also, which had formerly been in their Fleet This happy success of the Imperialists, encouraged the Christians to hope for greater things; every little acquisition being highly esteemed by them, who were always wont to come off with the loss. But others, weighing the condition of affairs better, said, that such things were vainly undertaken, as could produce no true, nor greatly considerable advantage to the service of Christendom; for since the Turkish Forces remained entire both by Sea and Land, what reason had they to nourish any hopes of maintaining those places long, to which the Enemy might easily bring their most powerful Armies both by Land and Sea? And certainly, the sequel made this be the better known; for the next year Corone was retaken by the Turks, to the great loss and shame of the Christians. And the like not many years after befell castle Novo, which was first taken, and soon after lost by our men, as shall hereafter be related. These things were done abroad; but in Italy all things were this mean while peaceable, save that the Duke of Milan was forced to send his men against the Commander of the castle of Muss, who desirous to better his condition by some novelty, and hoping to be assisted by the Landsknechts, had taken some places amongst the Grisou●s, and threatened the City of Como: which caused the Duke to send a Servant of his, jovan Battisto Spetiano, to crave help from the Senate. To which the Senate answered, that they were to proceed herein with great caution, lest they might trouble the quiet of Italy, and raise jealousies that they had deeper designs: But that if the occasion should increase, he should find them as ready as they had been for so many late years, to assist the Duke and his affairs. Which was the occasion of the quenching of this little spark; which, if the Venetians should have taken up Arms, was feared might have broken out into a greater fire: For the Grisouns being assisted in this interim by some of the Cantons of the Swissers, had assembled a good number of men, with whom they made head against the aforesaid Commander, and brought him to agreement; to the which the Duke when he understood the Venetians resolution, did the more willingly assent, and at last had the town of Lecco, and the Castle of Muss restored unto him, for a certain sum of money. At the same time, the possession of the Cities of Modena and Regio was confirmed to the Duke of Ferrara, by the Emperor's favourable decree in his behalf, though the Pope complained much thereof. To whom the Duke, being to pay for this 100000 Ducats within a prefixed time, and the Pope requiring Pledges, the Duke gave him fifteen Gentlemen of Venice, whom the Pope accepted of, upon the Senate's word, that they were sufficient security for such a sum. A little before this, the Duke was returned to favour and friendship with the Commo● wealth; whereby he was freely readmitted to the possession of a noble Palace in Venice, which was formerly given to his Predecessors by the Senate, and had been taken from him by reason of the late wars; and a greater desire of good intelligence was daily discovered to be in them of both sides; the Senate favouring the accommodation of his affairs with the Pope, as much as they could, with whom the Duke was yet in contumacy; for his Holiness could not well content himself to forego those two Cities, to which he had very much aspired, out of other designs of his own. Wherefore Cesar finding that some grudge did remain in the Pope's mind, and being willing to sweeten him by some good turn, he bethought himself of coming again into Italy, and of speaking once more with the Pope in the same town of Bullognia. He knew he might stand in so much the more need of Clement's friendship at this time, for that he understood the French began to stir again; and he hoped to be able by his interposition and authority, to draw the other Princes of Italy, and especially the Venetians, to a straighter confederacy; by the which the defence of the State of Milan, and of the Kingdom of Naples might not only be provided for, according to the capitulations made two years before, but that the affairs of Genua might also thereby be secured, upon which he understood the French had some design. But the Pope was glad to meet with Cesar for other respects; for having bethought himself of marrying his Niece to the King of France his second Son, and fearing lest Cesar being offended thereat, might put some stop to the marriage formerly agreed between his Nephew Alexander de Medici, and Margaret, Caesar's natural daughter, endeavoured to hold Cesar in hand by his usual artifices, and to give him some satisfaction. He therefore caused all the Potentates of Italy to send their Ambassadors to Bolognia, to treat about the new confederacy, which he knew was much desired by them all. But the Venetians were as much troubled hereat; for as they were fully resolved not to come to any new confederacy with Cesar, so would they not willingly be put upon a necessity of denial, and of displeasing him thereby. Many respects concurred in confirming their resolution of not altering their first capitulations at Bullognia; the consideration of not raising jealousies in the Turks, that these treaties aimed not at the affairs of Italy, but at Leagues to be made against them: And they were to proceed the more cautiously with them, for that they understood a very powerful Fleet was to come from Constantinople the next Spring. Likewise the King of France his Interests, and the opinions which he might conceive hereat, seemed not to be set at naught; since the further incensing him, must needs redound to the disadvantage of the Commonwealth, by entering into new obligations with the Emperor, to boot with those which they had formerly alleged upon many occasions, in excuse of being compelled by necessity to embrace peace; or else alienate him wholly from thinking of the Affairs of Italy any more; with which the Venetians were not displeased, that Cesar's aspiring thoughts might be allayed, and whereby he might be occasioned to value their Friendship the more. These things were the more weighed, for that they knew C●sar's chief drift in this new League, was to defend Ge●ua, whereat the Turks and French, were very much troubled. The Turks, because the very name of that City was odious to them, for that the Fleet came from thence which had taken Corone from them, and done them so many other mischiefs. And the French, because the securing of Genua, enforced a necessity of taking up Arms against them, by reason of the noise already spread abroad, that they were to attempt this enterprise. They suspected likewise, lest this might be a trick of Cesar's, to raise jealousies by these Treaties in the Turks, and King of France, against the Commonwealth; by bringing her into a necessity, not only of joining with him, but in making her depend upon his will, and follow his fortune, declaring themselves to be friends to his friends and enemies to his enemies. The Venetians answered therefore the desires made in this behalf by Cesar's Agents who were at Rome, by deviating from the proposition, and by asserting their constant resolution of maintaining the League which they had already made with Cesar, and the other Colleagues, and their desire of the peace and quiet of Italy. But this mean while, Cesar came himself in person into Italy, coming by the way of Villacco, whither he was accompanied by his Brother Ferdinando. He was received at Pontieba by four Venetian Ambassadors, Marco Minio, jeronimo Pesaro, Lorenzo Bragadine, and Marco Foscari, who were appointed to receive him by the Commonwealth, and to wait upon him, ●s long as he tarried in their Dom●nions. But when the meeting was had at Bull●nia, in the end o● the year 1532. in the beginning of january the next ensuing year 1533. he began to think upon more weighty affairs, and chiefly to renew his intercessions with the Venetians, touching the new confederacy, for which the other Princes had sent their Ambassadors to Bullognia. He therefore sent for Mark Antonio Veniero, and Mark Antonio Contarini, the one of them being Ambassador from the Commonwealth, resident with the Pope, the other with himself, whom these Princes did jointly persuade to make them mediate strongly with the Senate, in persuading them to embrace such things as were propounded for the greater common security, and for the quiet of Italy, which was so advantageous and so dear unto them. And moreover, the Pope sent his Nuntio, Roberto Maggio to Venice, for the same end; but as it was thought, he did it more to satisfy Cesar, than himself. But the Senate seeking several times how to deviate from this proposal, as they had formerly done, by attesting their settled resolution, and good will to observe the agreement made the year 29. which stood yet firm and valid; being sti●l solicited to the same thing, resolved to discover their reasons in part, concealing the Affairs of France, which peradventure, they were not so much troubled at, as was Cesar. They answered, That the Turks were well acquainted with the first convention made at Bullognia for the safety of Italy, so as if they should now come to a new League, all the affairs of Christen●om being conveyed to that Court, and they being by many accidents increased, to foment distrust and jealousy, certainly they would believe, that this League was made against them; therefore as these just respects had been several times formerly allowed and admitted of, when the very affairs of Genua were in treaty; the condition of the present times were such, as they might now be thought to be of more importance, and to deserve truer excuse. Moreover, it was sufficiently known, that there was no need of any capitulation for the safety of the affairs of Italy; for that Cesar's Fleet was sufficient of itself, against any attempt that should be made by Sea, and that sufficient provision was had for any attempt that might be made by Land, by the former confederacy: Even for the affairs of Genua; against which no Forces could be brought, which were not to pass through the State of Milan, which was comprehended within the Articles of the League, and that experience herself did demonstrate, that sufficient provisions were had for all things in the first agreement, since Italy had already enjoyed three years' peace, which was respected even by those that had a mind to disturb her. The King of France, seeking how to strengthen these allegations made by the Venetians, strove to remove all suspicions of his making War. The French Cardinals urged this much with the Pope; & the French Ambassador as much with the Senate; so as Cesar having no hopes to prevail with the Venetians, and the Pope himself growing cool therein, seeing his intercessions could do no good, and two Months being already over, since the convention met, so as Cesar's desires and occasions called him back into Spain. The League between the Pope, and the Emperor, and the other Princes of Italy, to wit, the Dukes of Milan, and Ferrara, and the Cities of Genua, Sienna, Lucca, and Florence, was concluded, and published, about the end of February. In which it was agreed upon, That the aforenamed should deposit 110000 Ducats; that the same provision should be monthly paid, according to the certain proportions by them all, in time of War; and in time of Peace 25000 Ducats, for the entertainment of the Commanders: And Antonio da Leva was declared Captain General of the League. The Duke of Savoy was likewise comprehended herein, for what concerned his Territories in Italy; and also the Duke of Mantua; but without any particular Obligation to pay their part of this contribution. And it was observable, that though the Commonwealth had neither assented unto, nor intervened by her Agents in any Treaties, yet, either to give more reputation to the business, or to make other Princes jealous of the Commonwealth, it was said in the contents of the draught of this agreement, that the League made the year 1529. between the Pope, and the other Confederates, with the Commonwealth of Venice, was confirmed and established, adding thereunto the names of the aforesaid Italian Princes; and this was not only proclaimed, but printed; so as copies hereof coming to Constantinople, and to England, it gave occasion to those Princes, both of which were Cesar's declared enemies, to complain somewhat of the Senate, and to seem jealous of them. And to aggravate the business with Soliman, it was added, that many of the in habitants of the Islands belonging to the Commonwealth, were in the Fleet, when it went to Corone: and to work the like effect in Henry, that the Doctors of Milan, publicly appointed thereunto, had determined the point of marriage on Cesar's side, and against the King of England, whereby he lay at this time under Ecclesiastical censure by the Pope. Yet the Senate was very much pleased, that in this convention, wherein the Duke of Milan was present, the match was concluded between him, and the Lady Christerna, daughter to the King of Denmark, by Isabella, Caesar's Sister; which was very much desired by the Venetians, that they might see the succession of the State of Milan, settled in the Family of the Sforza's, and in a Prince of that State, and an Italian: for which the Commonwealth had undergone so long, and so sore Wars. Cesar went then from Bullognia towards Milan, intending to take Sea (as he did) at Genua, whither twenty five Galleys were brought by Doria, to convey him to Barcelona; and when he came to Cremona, he writ lovingly to the Venetian Senate, in which Letters he seemed to admit of their excuses, in not assenting to the new League, and desired to be serviceable to the Commonwealth. Thus fair intelligence and friendship continuing between the Commonwealth and the House of Austria, and all parties appearing desirous, that the disputes between the King of the Romans, and the Commonwealth, touching the restitution of certain places possessed by Ferdinand, but belonging to the Commonwealth, might be decided, wherein Cesar himself did also intercede, at last, by consent of all sides, Lodovico Porro, a Senator of Milan, was chosen Umpire▪ and Girolamo Bulfark, a Dutch Doctor, Arbytrator for Ferdinand, and Matheo Avogaro Bres●iano, Doctor, and Chevalier for the Venetians: These met in the City of Trent, whither also Secretary Andrea Rosso was sent by the Senate, that he might be assistant at this negotiation, and might inform the Senate of all that should pass; who hoping to have the Forts of Marano and Gradisca restored unto them by friendly composition, upon the disbursing of a certain sum of money, sent jovanni Delfino, Podesta of Verona to Trent likewise, to assist in this business; but so many difficulties were met withal in this, and in other affairs, as the convention was dissolved, without having concluded any thing. The Austrian Commissary would have nothing treated of, but such things, and in such manner, as might prove advantageous to his Prince: But when it was proposed on the Venetians behalf, that such things should also be decided, wherein they and their subjects suffered; as the restitution of some Towns, and chiefly those which were wrongfully possessed by the Austrian subjects, after the capitulation of Bullognia; Bulfarch either saying he had not sufficient commission to treat thereof, or making some other excuse, sought to delay, & deviate such Treaties, but chiefly he would have nothing to do with the restitution of Aqueleia, which Ferdinand was tied to return to the Patriarch, as to the lawful owner thereof: a thing which was desired, and endeavoured by the Venetians for many respects, and without which they would not assent to other things, though they should be agreed upon. Whilst these things passed amongst the Christian Princes, the Turks being very intent upon the recovery of Corone, had prepared a gallant Fleet, and sent it early to Sea▪ to that purpose: To give a counterpoise to which, Doria had likewise put together many Men of War, in several places. These preparations forced the Venetians to re-arm their Galleys, which they had in the preceding Winter disarmed: but howsoever, continuing their former resolution, of not intermeddling in any thing between these Princes, they renewed their orders of the former year to their General Capello, who continued still his charge in the Fleet: wherefore he sent Francisco Dandalo, Captain of the Gulf, with a good squadron of Galleys into this our Sea, to guard it from the Pirates, who being very many, did much harm, and sent four other Galleys for the same end to Zant, and the great Gallion to Cap● Malio (a very commodious place for the Navigation of our Ships which go unto the Levant) a very great Vessel of stupendious building, and excellently well provided of men and artillery: and he, with the rest of the Fleet, kept about Corfu, being contented, according to the Senate's intention, to keep their State and affairs uninjured. But all inconveniencies could not be prevented (it being always dangerous, and very scandalous, that men of War belonging to several Potentates, should keep in the same Seas) Francisco Dandalo, Captain of the Gulf, being come with 6 Galleys towards the coasts of Dalmatia, and being gotten to the Safino, a place not far from Vallona, he might discover twelve of the barbarian Galleys, which taking at first to be those of the Proveditor Canale, he bore up with them: but when he came so near them, as that he saw they were Pirates, he fell roomward, intending (as he said afterwards) to make way for them, to the end, that putting further from land, in hope to escape the better, he might the more commodiously fall upon them, and fight them, where they should not be able to save themselves. But not having communicated this his intention to any of the Masters of his reserve, they thought he fell roomward, not to fight, but to fly: so as they tarrying behind, he was followed only by Marco Cornaro, who commanded a Bastard Gally: being this mean while got very near the Pirates, they, finding the advantage of our Galleys being separated and divided, and being themselves very well provided of arms and soldiers, advanced, fell upon our Galleys which were parted from the rest, had the better of them, and carried both them, and them that were in them, into Barbary, and amongst the rest, Dandalo and Cornaro. The Venetians resented this very much, both by reason of the Pirates daring and of their Commander's negligence and indiscretion, who had been the cause of shame to the Galleys of the Commonwealth, which were so highly esteemed at Sea, Some of the Senators did therefore move, that a good Squadron of Galleys should be sent to the Rivers of Africa, particularly to the Gerbi and Algiers, to burn all the Galleys that they should find in those parts, in revenge of the injury received from those men: But finding afterwards that they should do ill to provoke all the Inhabitants of that Country, with whom they held commerce, whereby the Venetian Navigation might be hindered and disturbed, they abstained from that advice. But to free the Commonwealth from any note of infamy, which they might seem to have contracted thorough the cowardice or ignorance of one Officer, Dandalo having first been carried to Constantinople, from whence, chiefly by Gritti's means, he was set at liberty, and returned to Venice, was banished to Zara, for having badly administered the affairs of the Commonwealth. Another more remarkable accident fell out at the same time, Girolimo da Canale, Commissary of the Fleet, was gone from Corfu, with twelve Galleys, to convoy the great Galleys of Merchandise, bend for Soria and Alessandria, and to secure their Navigation, wherein they were at that time much disturbed by Pirates; and being all of them come in company together to Candia, when they came near land, they were forced to cast anchor in a place where the great Galleys rid some miles distant from the lesser. Being in this posture at Sunsetting on all Saint's day, some Vessels were discovered making towards them, by those that were on the Topmast in the greater Galleys. The Commissary being soon advertized hereof by Daniele Bragadine, Captain of the Galleys that were bend for Alexandria, the Commissary thinking that they were Pirates, generously resolved to put to Sea with his Convoy, and to fight them▪ This his suspicion was increased, by the news he heard of what way the Turkish Fleet took; which being gone from Modone, to winter at Constantinople, the Pirates were dismissed; who at such times, go in greater numbers, and more licentiously a Freebooting. The Commissary was the more encouraged, because his Galleys were very well provided with old Mariners, the most of them being of Dalmatia, and well armed; but when he was gotten far out to Sea, he found he had only seven of his Galleys with him; for the rest, were it either that the rowers were not of equal strength and discipline, or that their Captains were not alike courageous, tarried behind. The Commissary not being any ways abashed hereat, playing the part of a good Commander, and skilful Seaman, commanded that all the Galleys which were with him should set up two Lanterns a p●ece, to make the Enemy believe the number of his Vessels were more. Then staying in sight of them, he resolved to let all their Galleys pass by him, that he might have the wind of them, and fall upon them at advantage. These were twelve Turkish Galleys commanded by a Son of the Moor of Alexandrias, one of Soliman's Captains, who when the Fleet was dissolved, returned with those Galleys to his Guard of Barbary. The young Moor, when he saw our Galleys, were it either that he never intended to come nearer the Island, or to commit any pillage, or that seeing so many Lanterns in our Galleys, he was afraid and durst not do it, steering on his course, past by the Commissaries Galleys; who plying his Oars followed the Turkish Galleys in the Rear, and began to shoot at them, both on the Flank and poop, and did much prejudice them, not receiving any harm himself by the Turks Artillery by reason of his Station. The first of our Galleys that grapelled was the Admiral, which luckily light upon the Moors Admiral, between whom a close and dangerous fight began. Many Janissaries were upon this Galley, who for a long time valiantly withstood the assault, but there was another Galley which kept close to the Commissaries Admiral, from whence he was continually supplied with Soldiers, to make good the conflict; so as the young Moor being sorely wounded, and despairing of being able to defend his Galley any longer, threw himself into the Sea, and sought to save himself, in some other of his Galleys; but being taken by our men, and with much ado making himself known, he obtained his life, but his Galley became our prey, and was delivered by the Commissary to the Master of the next Galley, whilst he himself with the rest pursued the victory: In fine, four of them were taken, two sunk, and the rest hoisting all their sails, saved themselves early from the danger. The Turkish Admiral, when he saw our Galleys assault him on the Flank, hoisted sail, and sought to save himself, but his sails being burnt and consumed by certain artificial fireworks shot from out our Commissaries Galley, and his Rudder being by and by born away by a Canonshot, he was forced to stay, and to endeavour his safety by fight. The Soldiers and common people of Candia, were well pleased with this success, but the Magistrates and graver sort of people, were as much displeased, considering that the Galleys which were taken, were no Pirates Vessels, but belonging to Soliman, a powerful Prince, who it was feared might hold the peace made between him and the Commonwealth, violated by this act, and might easily be provoked to make war against her Territories. Wherefore the Magistrates of Candia, and Sea Captains meeting together, they resolved to send the Galleys immediately back to Barbary, and took order the mean while for curing the Turkish Captain, using him civilly, and excusing their fault by the error of night. When this News came to Venice, the Senators were for the same cause greatly troubled, and the rather, for that the Harvest proving very bad this year, and they having hoped to feed the numerous Inhabitants of the City, with corn which they expected out of Turkey, from whence they had not only obtained transportation of corn, but had begun to load divers of their ships therewithal, they feared lest this offence might be done unseasonably: For the Turkish Officers who were upon the shore side, had already, without expecting any farther Orders from the Court, embargode the Venetian ships, which were at the loading places, ready to carry corn away. For this it was proposed by some, that another Commissary should be chosen in lieu of ●anal●, who should be deprived of that place, and sent for back, to give an account of what he had done. But this action was by others stoutly defended, as done by military reason, and worthy to be rewarded, not punished; for that it did not become the dignity and honour of the Commonwealth, which was so highly esteemed, to punish, or but to appear inclined to punish such servants, who behaving themselves well and valiantly, had discharged the trust imposed in them faithfully. Thus these proposals being laid aside, it was resolved by a joint consent, to send Daniel de Fedirici, Secretary to the Pregadi, to Constantinople, who was a discreet man, and well experienced in other affairs; that he might justify what was done, viva voce, to the Bascia, and to Soliman's self; showing the necessity which had enforced our Captain, out of apprehension of the armed Vessels which came so near him, and by the darkness of the night, to fight their friends Galleys; and that on the other side, the sudden sending back of those, and the good usage of their Captain, might sufficiently prove their sincere good will towards the Grand Signior. The admittance of these things was much furthered by the good offices done by Ebrahim and Gritti; but especially by the new war of Persia, on which Soliman having already fixed his mind, he would not promote any thing that might divert him from it. Thus these commotions being honourably appeased at Constantinople, Canale reaped the more praise and glory; who dying not long after in the same charge, the Senate in acknowledgement of his long and faithful service, granted a certain annual Revenue in fee, during Canales life time, to his Son Antonio, in the Island of Corfu. Canale was certainly a gallant man in his time, and very famous for his experience in Sea affairs, and for his noble daring, which made him easily attempt whatsoever difficulties. These things happened in the Venetian Fleet, but that of the Emperors, after it had tarried long about Naples and Messina, went boldly on to relieve Corone, though her Captains knew, that the Enemy was very strong in those Seas: And they were successful therein, for according to their intention, they brought relief to their men who were besieged in Corone, and were already reduced to the utmost extremity: But conceiving some better hopes afterwards of greater success and victory against the Turkish Fleet, which leaving the way open to its Enemies, did by its direct running away, declare the weakness, and fear thereof, it proved by fault of the chief Commander, or by the perpetual misfortune of Christendom, vain, and to no purpose. Nay it may be said, that this cowardice of the Turkish Commanders proved more prejudicial to Christendom; for Soliman, not satisfied with those to whom he had committed the Government of his Fleet, and blaming their fear and want of experience, sent for Cariadino, nicknamed Barbarossa, who of a Pirate, being become a Prince, did then command over the City of Algiers, and gave him the charge of his maritime affairs. This man was very expert at the Mariner's art, and having roved a long time with armed ships upon the Sea, knew very particularly all the Christian situations, and Seacoasts about Barbary; and had got a great repute, by many prosperous successes against the Moors in the African Rivers, and particularly by the rout which he gave the Spanish Galleys as they passed four years before under the Government of Don Hugo di Moncada, to Genua, to find out Doria. He may be said to be the first that taught the Turks how to manage a Fleet & all things else belonging to the maritime Militia, who had hitherto minded the grounding, and increasing of their power only by Land Armies. By his counsel the arming of Galleys with Slaves was first instituted, which were formerly used to be armed with raw and unexperienced men; & by him were many other orders made, whereby the Turkish Fleets are become more formidable to Christian Princes. Soliman being resolved to make use of this man, gave the Venetians quick notice thereof, to the end that they might treat with him, if they should meet him hereafter, as with one that appertained to his Court, knowing that he was continually pursued by their Galleys, as one who had done them much prejudice. And truly he was afterwards an Instrument of much mischief to Christendom, and particularly to the State of Venice, as shall be made known by what succeeded. At this time, for all these eminent dangers that threatened Christendom, the Pope was notwithstanding so intent, and more than ever fervent in his accustomed desires, of exalting his Nephews, and his Family, as he had had secret Treaties with the King of France, of a Marriage between Katherine, to his Nephew Lorenzo de Medici, and Henry Duke of Orleans, the King's second Son, to effect the which, he promised the King to come to Nize. The News of this interview being noised abroad, though the business which was there to be treated of was not certainly known, did much trouble the Venetians; chiefly, because it was given out, that the Emperor was to meet there also. The actions of these Princes were therefore diligently observed by the Senators, who had learned by what had passed at the Diet at Cambrai, and by more recent affairs, that all things ought to be apprehended, and suspected, from the ambition of Princes. But the interview which should have been in july, being put off to September, the true cause of this meeting was discovered; for the better ordering whereof, the Bishop of Faenza met at Nize for the Pope, and Monsieur Le Grand for the King, which freed the Venetians of their jealousies. The Pope acquainted them afterwards with his design, and with the cause thereof; wherein not concealing his intention of his Niece's Marriage any longer, he thought to disguise it in other colours; and that he did not look so much at his own particular interest in this Treaty, as at the common good, and the safety of Italy: Which he knew, and which the Senate had formerly well considered, did consist in nothing more, then in keeping the Forces of these two Princes as equally balanced as might be; so as the power of the one, might be counterpoised by the others; wherefore doubting lest the King of France despairing of the Italian Princes friendship, might not give over all thoughts of the affairs of Italy, and so Cesar might be confirmed in his grandetsa, and be made as it were Arbitrator of all things, he had desired to tie himself in the band of alliance with him, as he had done with Cesar; so as his authority might be still the greater with both the one and the other of them, upon all occasions. But though the Venetians knew these reasons, yet thinking that they had discharged themselves sufficiently therein, by refusing the new League proposed by Cesar, whereby the King of France might hope in time to alienate them wholly from him; and they desiring quiet at this time, whereby the Commonwealth might take breath, after so long and so sore molestations, and put themselves into a better condition; all things must needs be troublesome to them, whereby this quiet might too soon be disturbed; which they thought might happen the more easily by this alliance between the Pope and King of France; for that having found by many experiences, that the desire of aggrandizing his Family, prevailed with the Pope above all other affections, they thought he might easily be drawn by the King of France, to favour the affairs of Milan; the King promising him to do it for the Duke of Orleans, now become his Nephew. But though both the Interview, and the Marriage were had, the Pope not going to Nize to meet the King, but to Marcelles, to please him the more, where the Marriage was celebrated with a great deal of Pomp; yet these aspiring thoughts which were suspected, succeeded not; by reason of divers accidents which happened both before and after the Pope's death, which ensued not long after. Thus Italy remained quiet, and the Venetians free from being bound to take up Arms. The commotions in Germany, helped, as was thought, to keep the Pope from thinking of Novelties; for the Lansgrave of Hesse, having (together with many other Protestant Princes) raised many men, to reinvest Ulderick, Duke of Wittenbergh in his State, it was said, that they meant to pass therewith into Austria, against Ferdinand, and to come from thence into Italy; a thing which the Germans did much desire, and by the very name whereof, their Army became the greater. But these tumults were appeased, by the agreement made with the King of the Romans, against whom their chiefest quarrel was, for his possessing the Territories of the Duke of Wittenbergh. Thus Italy enjoyed great quiet, and the Commonwealth was on this side free from trouble. But for the matters of Sea, they were at continual expense, and full of State jealousies; so as she could not be said to enjoy the benefit of peace perfectly. The next ensuing year of 1534. was not freer from the voyages of Fleets, and from these suspicions, than were the preceding years, for a powerful Fleet was prepared at Constantinople, which was likely to be the more formidable, in that it was to be commanded by one so valiant and so well experienced as Cariadino hath been said to be. Great store of armed Vessels were likewise provided in the West: for Charles, thinking that the Turks would turn their forces chiefly against his Territories, did all he could to increase his Fleet, so as it might be able to resist them; and the King of France, who grew daily more impatient of being in peace, armed 30 Galleys at Marcelles, to what end it was not yet known. Many Frigates were also rigged on the Coasts of Barbary, not only to pillage, but to join with the Turkish Fleet, and to adhere to Cariadino; and amongst other Pirates, Sinam Cifut, a renegado, surnamed Il Giudco, was very famous, as being a bold man, and very well experienced at Sea affairs. Wherefore the Pope, to secure his channels from these Incursions, and, as some thought, out of other designs, armed ten Galleys. These so many Fleets made the Venetians very jealous, and forced them to be at great expense in increasing the number of their Galleys, and of their Garrisons upon the Sea coasts. Wherefore being necessitated to use all helps, by reason of so many extraordinary expenses, they had recourse unto the Pope again, that they might be permitted to raise an hundred thousand Ducats, for these public, and important necessities, out of the revenues of the Clergy of their Commonwealth. There were some, who having found the Pope to be very hard to be brought to this, advised, that either the State might raise these moneys of themselves, or that they should be a little more urgent with the Pope; alleging that great store of wealth was appropriated to the Church in their State; which being free, and exempt from all public contributions, the rest of the Country was subject to insupportable grievances, and yet the charges of Fleets and Soldiers was raised for the general freedoms and possessions: and that it was not to be believed, that it was the intention of those pious men, who had thus endowed the Churches, to destroy the Commonwealth thereby, by depriving her of making use of the revenues of any particular men, whereby the public Treasury was maintained: That they found the Pope to be ill affected to their Commonwealth, and the affairs thereof, which had made him often deny these so reasonable requests, by still interposing new delays, and difficulties. Yet such was the Senator's zeal to religion, and their respect such to the Apostolic sea, as suffering these to overcome all other considerations, these men's advice was not listened unto; but the major part of the Senators did resolutely affirm; That it did not become that Commonwealth, which was borne and continued Christian, and had been perpetually obedient, and kept joined to the Church and Pope of Rome, whereby she had purchased great and exemplary glory; to do now any thing which might detract from her so many former meritorious actions, or to differ from what she had been for so many preceding years, by seizing upon the Church's revenues, or by violating therein the Pope's will: That the Commonwealth had governed and sustained herself in harder times than these, without any such means, or using any such scandalous courses: That they were not to distrust, but that he who sees the hearts of men, and who is able to do all things, would even in greater necessities, furnish them by unknown ways, with much more prevalent means, than those weak ones, which they sought to find out by such inhuman and dangerous counsels: That if the Pope should continue in his wont obdurancie, the wisdom of the Venetian Senate ought to appear both before God and man, to be so much the more pious and mature. This opinion prevailing, and they continuing to proceed with the Pope with all humanity and reverence, they at last obtained a subsidy of one hundred thousand Ducats to be raised from the Clergy; a thing not of so much esteem in itself, as that divers difficulties being thereby overcome, it was thought, the like might be come by the more easily afterwards; as also, that it argued the Pope's good opinion of the Commonwealth. moneys being raised by this means, and by many other ways, the Senate minded the increase of their Galleys, (which were still commanded by General Capello,) and the sending of Foot into their Islands, and Maritime Towns, that their affairs might be safe, and that they might expect what the Issue of so many Fleets would be. The Turks ceased not, whilst their Fleet was preparing, to attempt the regaining of Corone by land Forces, wherewith they did besiege it so closely, as the Spanish Soldiers growing impatient, and being almost desperate by reason of their so great sufferings in almost all things, sallied out to assault the Turkish Camp: but succeeding ill therein, (for they were worsted by the enemy) lost many of their men, and were forced to retreat back into the Fort: They found themselves by these losses, and by the pestilence, reduced to so small a number, as when the ships arrived which brought relief from Sicily, the Spanish Commanders despairing to be able to maintain the Fort any longer, got into the same ships, and left the Town in the power of the Turks. Yet it was a common opinion, and not unlikely, that this was done by express order from the Emperor; who knowing, that he could not maintain that place, which was environed by the enemy's forces, but by continual great expense, and with small hopes of further progress; resolved to keep it no longer, to but little purpose. The loss of Corone proved grievous to the Venetians in one respect, since they saw the little hopes which they and the other Christian Princes had of keeping the Turks under; seeing they were not able to keep what they had got: But, on the other side, finding that Corone, though possessed by the Christians, not to be a situation sufficient to overcome so many difficulties, nor to attempt any thing against the Turks, with any hope of considerable profit: and that, on the contrary, this place afforded occasion of many scandals, and was apparently dangerous to draw them into another war, the Imperial Fleets being upon this occasion to frequent their seas, which would cause great jealousies in the Turks, this did a little allay their sorrow, for the loss of that City. Cariadino being this mean while put to Sea with an hundred sail, and come very near the mouth of our Gulf, the Venetian General, who watched his ways, prepared according to the Senate's former orders, to draw more inward, that he might not abandon the custody, and safety of the Gulf: But the Turkish Fleet steering its course towards the Tirrhen Sea, made for the shore of Calauria, and landing suddenly, did not only plunder the Country, but took two Towns on the Sea side, though of no great value; great was the fear which possessed the minds of all that were in Naples, and in Rome, by the Fleets coming into these parts. For had Cariadino, pleased to bend his course towards these Cities, the inhabitants wanting soldiers, and being in great confusion, had neither power, nor will to withstand so unexpected an assault. But the Turks taking many prizes, went to the Island of Ponts, where taking in water for their occasions, they went from thence to the African rivers, to effect their chief design, which was to assault Amuleasses, King of Tunis, Cariadino was very well informed of all the affairs of that Country, of the situations, places, the Prince his forces, and how the people stood affected towards him. Wherefore using both force and fraud, he hoped to compass his end easily, as he did. He gave out, that he brought along with him, Rosette the King's brother, whose name he knew those people would be very well pleased with; and falling upon the Enemy, and upon the City, where he knew they were weakest, after some variety of fortune, at last he took Tunis. At this time the other Fleets did not any great matters; but it happened that it behoved the Venetians Commissary to proceed with violence against some Multa Vessels, and to rebuke their Captains, who was Philippo Mazza, Knight of jerusalem; who having rashly not only passed through the Eastern Seas with armed Vessels, but even entered into the Gulf, pillaging not only the Turkish Bottoms, but those of the Christians also, was taken by the Captain of the Gulf, and sent to Venice; where his cause being to be heard before the Consiglio di quaranta criminale— to whom the business was by the Senate referred, he, who had his liberty upon Bail, not waiting for his sentence, fled away with three Pinnaces, and with much arrogancy, and neglect of the Commonwealth, continued doing mischief. Wherefore the Commissary, who watched his ways narrowly, lighting upon him at unawares, caused his head to be cut off. The Turkish staves were set at liberty, and sent to Constantinople, the Pinnace wherein Mazza was burnt; the other two were soon after sen● to the Emperor, who desired them; who seeming at first to be somewhat troubled at this accident, because the Malteses had put themselves under his protection; being better informed of the action and of the occasion thereof, was pacified, and the great Master of Malta, blamed Mazza's action, as done not only without his leave, but contrary to his orders. Whilst these things went thus, the Pope had been troubled with long sickness, whereof he died in the height of all his prosperity. He was a Prince of high, but unsettled thoughts; addicted beyond measure to his own affections; so as saffering himself to be mastered, sometimes by fear, sometimes by covetousness, he appeared various and inconstant in his actions; chiefly in his friendship with Princes, and with the Commonwealth, he preserved peace and union a long time, more for his own interest, than out of any good will; and because the Senate, according at the present condition of times required, would not give him any the least cause of breaking with them, by their being obedient to him in all things. Alexander Farnese a Roman, and an ancient Cardinal, and one much esteemed in the Court, succeeded him in the Popedom, who took to him the name of Paul the Third. Divers were the conceptions which were had of the new Pope; but most were of opinion, that continuing to keep neutral amongst Princes, as he had done for fifty years together, whilst he was Cardinal, and which was no small cause of bringing him to this supreme dignity, he would only mind the common good, without siding with my Prince, that he might the better intend the peace and quiet of Italy. Which the Venetians did not dislike, who desired to see a fair settlement made of all things, and persuaded themselves by reason of the good affection which he seemed always to bear to the Commonwealth before his being Pope, that if he should forego this his neutrality, he would rather confirm the Leagues which they made first with his Predecessor Clement, then think upon any new affairs. They therefore resolved to send him eight Ambassadors; Marco Minio, Tomaso Mocenico, Nicolo Tiepoli, jeronimo Pesaro, jovan Badoaro, Gasparo Contarini, Frederico Rini●ro and Lorenzo Bragadine: To whom they gave no other employment, save according to the usual custom, to promise obedience to the new Pope, not thinking it fit to demand any thing till they might discover somewhat of his thoughts, since this his new fortune and dignity. But the Emperor being more desirous to know what his designs might be, and being still apprehensive of the French proceedings, tried the Pope presently, touching the renewing of the League which he had made with his Predecessor: Whereunto that he might the more easily persuade him, he used means likewise to the Venetians, that they would re-confirm their first capitulations with him; exhorting them thereunto out of the consideration of the quiet of Italy, which they so much desired. And the which, if they would join with him, they should be able to make good against any commotions of the French, though the new Pope should descent from it; and that nothing could prevail more to make Paul side with them in the beginning of this his Popedom, then to see this union and good intelligence between the Commonwealth and him; whereby it would behoove the other Potentates of Italy to depend upon them. To the which the Venetians neither totally assenting, nor dissenting, as being far from any innovation, they showed first that there was no neessity to re-confirm the League, and then, that they would be very ready to do it, if it should be needful; and thus ended the year 1534. The next year the Pope, who diligently attended all weighty affairs, declared himself more openly, that he would interpose in making peace between Cesar and the King of France, to whose Courts be sent express Legates. But he seemed to be chiefly mindful of the affairs of Italy, and particularly of the protection of the Commonwealth; notwithstanding, (as all humane actions, especially those of Princes, are various, and accidentally changeable) an occasion happened of suddenly altering this good intention of the Popes, with danger of troubling the peace of Italy. In the time of the vacancy of the Popedom, the marriage was celebrated between Guido Ubaldo, Son to Francisco Maria, Duke of Urbine, and julia sole daughter to jovan Maria Varano, Duke of Camerino, upon whom her father's estate descended. This Match was at first approved of by Paul, and it was thought that affairs would pass peaceably on. But soon after, the Pope being either persuaded to the contrary by others, or falling of himself (as it is often seen in those who are got to great prosperity) into greater and higher thoughts; began to think this a fit occasion to exalt his house, to which this fee-farm of the Church was to be granted, as a beginning to raise it above the condition of private men. He therefore declared openly, that he would not suffer that the Dukedom of Camerino should be possessed (as he said) contrary to reason, by the Duke of Urbine, since it appertained only to him to dispose thereof, as of a Fee-farm escheated to the Church. This did much trouble the Venetians, who had taken the Duke of Urbine into their protection, and who bore greet good will to him, and to his family, for the good service he had done unto the Commonwealth: For the Pope, to boot with Ecclesiastical censures, prepared to take up temporal Arms, and had raised a good number of Foot, to hinder the fortifying of Camerino, and the Garrison which the Duke was preparing to put thereinto. They therefore used all the means they could to appease the Pope, and the rather, because the Duke willingly condescended that the business might be decided by reason. But the Pope listening neither to entreaties nor to reason, said, he could not govern himself herein, otherwise then reason of State did advise him; and not dissembling his intentions, he said he would regain that, by force of Arms, which was taken from him: A thing which was thought by all men to be of great concernment the condition of these times being considered, by reason of the so many troubles of Christendom, of the Turkish Forces, and of the new Heresies, which did increase apace in many noble Provinces. Therefore the Venetians, not leaving any thing undone, to extinguish this small spark, which might burst forth into a greater combustion, represented it to Cesar, entreating him to interpose his authority, in maintaining that peace throughout all Italy, of which, to his so great praise, he had been the chief Author. This being listened unto by Cesar, who interceded fervently therein with the Pope, helped very much to allay his very first heat; but it was thought he was the more pacified by other proposals made by those that favoured the Duke, and the Venetians, of greater moment for the advancement of his house; that he might give a noble fortune in Romagna, to his son Pietro Luigi, and restore the Cities of Ravenna and Cervi● to the Venetians, to the end, that the State and person of Piero Luigi, might be taken into protection by the Venetians, whereby the new Prince might be in great safety; for it was not to be doubted, but that the Venetians, both in gratitude for the favour received, and for their own interests, (since it would be better for them to have a particular person be Lord of that State, than the Church) would upon all occasions, maintain the greatness of the Family of Farnese. This offer being willingly listened unto by the Pope, hoping to meet with some greater preferment for Luigi, did satisfy his ambition, till some better opportunity might be met with all to effect his desire. He therefore began to value the Counsel of the Venetians the better, and in particular favour to them, was content, that the deciding of the difference concerning the state of Camerino, should be deferred to another time. But there were many greater things which troubled the cogitations of Princes at this time; not without some molestation to the Venetian Senate; For Cesar prepared a great Fleet, to pass therewith into Affri●●, to recover 〈◊〉. He was eagerly bend upon this enterprise, moved thereunto chiefly by reason of State, to secure the Kingdom of Naples; which Cariadino did insolently threaten to assault: and also not to suffer the Turks to grow more powerful in these parts, whereby they might infest; and trouble the rivers of Spain: which made his Subjects much desire this enterprise. But he was hereunto incited also by a great desire of warlike honour; thinking it a thing becoming so great a King as himself, to assist the forlorn King Amuleasses, and to repossess him of the State whereof he was legitimate Lord: though others, seeking to detract from his glory said, that he sought hereby to shun the renewing war in Hungary, and to evade the recovery of what the Turks had taken from his brother Ferdinando, fearing to encounter the Turkish Armies. He gave a particular account of all these his designs, to the Venetian Senate, seeming very zealous of the common good of Christendom, but particularly, a desire of assisting the Commonwealth, and of keeping friendship with her. Wherefore, to satisfy him, the League was renewed in the very self same terms, as was contained in that of Bolognia, to remove all doubts, that it might be nulled or weakened by Pope Clement's death. And their Ambassador Mark Antonio Contarini, the more to show the continuance of their Amity, was commanded to follow the Emperor whithersoever he should go, as he accordingly did: and processions were made by all the religious orders, throughout Venice, and prayers poured out to God, for the happy success of this business. This so great preparation begot several suspicions in the Turks, which were augmented by the sinister Offices done by john Forreste, the French Ambassador at Constantinople; who very falsely, but with efficacious reasons, went about to make the Bashaws believe, that the Venetians egged the Emperor on, to go with those so great forces into Greece, against Soliman's dominions. And notwithstanding the King proceeded otherwise by his Ambassador at Venice, desiring the Senators, out of great Zeal, (as he would have it believed) to their service, to be very vigilant in observing Cesar 's ways; saying, that they might very well be jealous of this so great preparation for a Fleet, and that many things might be said thereof, tending to the prejudice and eminent danger of the Commonwealth; that they might upon all occasions make use of his Forces, and promise unto themselves all things from his kingdom; and that he desired to witness this unto them again, to the end that they might rely upon these his offers, as might be most useful and advantageous for them. The Senators were not a little troubled hereat, finding clearly, that all this tended only to make the Commonwealth mistrustful, and peradventure, to move them to open war, either with Cesar, or Soliman▪ wherefore they should be forced to have recourse to France, either for their intercession with the Turks, or for their assistance against the Imperialists. Yet concealing these their suspicions in part, they returned thanks to the King, for these his friendly offers, which, though they did not think they should now need, yet they acknowledged, that thereby the Commonwealth's obligations to that Crown were increased: But they complained much of the bad Offices done them by his Ambassador at Constantinople, which were so contrary to what was true, and so destructive to their affairs. The King hearing this, sought to free himself from fault, by denying, that he had given any such commission to his Ambassador. But it was very certain, that the King of France had already begun to hold some secret intelligence with the Turks, concerning things of great concernment, and very prejudicial to Christendom. And as Soliman, being now busied in the wars of Persia, de●err'd the conclusion of this business, and the future evils, so was it foreseen, that he would the more easily embrace the King of France, his proposals; for, that being become more haughty by his having victoriously overrun Persia with his Forces, he would be the more desirous to abate Caesar's greatness and glory: as also, that finding how much his people had suffered by the length and difficulty of their march, and how much the Persian Forces were to be valued, by which he had been much indammaged in his return, he would seek to turn his war elsewhere. But the endeavours of the French could not yet prevail so much against the Venetians, as to trouble their peace; nay, Soliman (who was got so far with his Army into the confines of Persia, as that he had plundered the City of Tawris, the Regal seat of those Kings, and then passing into Babylonia, had driven the Persian garrison out of Babylon, and brought that City into his own power,) gave a particular account to the Senate of his prosperous successes, and of his putting the enemy to flight; which though it were in high terms, as concerning the enemy, exaggerating their loss, and his victories, yet was it with great show of good and continued friendship to the Commonwealth. But it was given out, that presently upon his return to Constantinople, he would rig out a very great Fleet, to which purpose he had sent for Cariadino, and given other orders, which were evident signs, that he would not give over waging war. And in this Interim, the winter being over, Cesar had disposed of all things for the African enterprise, and had embarked himself at Barcelona, whether his whole Fleet was come, consisting of three hundred sail of several ships, commanded by Prince Doria, and wherein were forty thousand fight men, besides a multitude of Mariners, and slaves, and he was accompanied by the chief Lords of Spain, and by the Infante of Portugal, who brought eighty sail of ships to Barcellone. The Fleet Sailed first to Sardignia and put in at Caglieri, where necessary orders being given for the administration of War, it passed on to the Carthaginian shore (this Country is called Martia, famous for the ancient and noble seat of the Commonwealth of Carthage) where coming to Land near Goletta, he suddenly landed his Army, & encamped before it; the taking of this place being thought requisite toward the taking of Tunis. The Turkish Galleys in Goletta made valiant resistance; but the Fort being almost quite thrown down by Cannon shot, the Town fell into the Spaniards hands. Which is a Citadel consisting of many Bastions, lying almost in the mouth of the Channel, where the Sea water makes a Lake, upon which stands the City of Tunis, about twelve miles from the Sea. The Spaniards entering into this Lake, they took without any manner of contest, about 50 Sail of Galleys, and Flie-boates, which were put there by Cariadino, as a safe place. Cariadino was so discouraged at this loss, as though coming at first out of Tunis with his Army, he showed as if he would give the Emperor Battle, yet he soon retreated, into the Town of Bona; and not thinking himself safe there neither, for he heard▪ he was pursued by Doria, passed into Algiers. The Cities of Tunis, and Bona though they were very well Garrisoned, when they say themselves abandoned by their chie● Commander, fell soon and easily into the power of the Spaniards▪ but Cariadino escaped all these dangers, being reserved as a scourge to Christendom for the sins thereof; and he went soon after to Constantinople, whether he was sent for, and meeting Soliman, before he was come, thither with his Persian Army, he excused the loss of the Kingdom as well as he could, and was by him received into grace again, and made Governor of his Fleet. And Cesar parting victoriously from Africa, gave the Kingdom of Tunis which he had won (a noble gift) to Amuleasses, upon obligation of paying him every year as his Fuditory, 6 Barbary Mares, 12. Falcons, and 12000 Crowns, for the pay of 1000 Spanish Foot, to be kept as an ordinary Garrison in Goletta, and so sailed with his whole Fleet into Sicily: Where having tarried a good while in Palermo, and Messina, he dismissed the greatest part of his Ships and disbanded his Army, keeping only 2000 Foot for his Guard; which things being done he wintered in Naples where he was received with extraordinary honour, and entertained with many Solemn shows; these demonstrations of joy being made the greater, for that never Emperor was seen before in that Kingdom; and by reason of the marriage which was at this time there consummated, between his natural daughter the Lady Margeret, and Alexander de Medici Duke of Florence. Divers Princes and Princes Ambassadors, came to Naples to meet him; and the Commonwealth, as she had done formerly sent four Ambassadors thither, Marco ●oscari, jovan Delphino, Vicenzo Grimani, and Thomaso Contarini, ●ho were to congratulate his African Victory, and acquisitions; which truly were very acceptable to the Venetians: For though the increasing of Cesar's power, was, being considered in itself, but bad tidings, and much to be suspected in a Prince so highly spirited, and so powerful as was Charles, yet was it welcome, since thereby his greatness did counterpoise the like of the Ottoman family, and made for the good of Christendom, and especially for the Venetians, who were most exposed to the Turkish forces. Whilst the Emperor was busied in these affairs, Francisco Sforza Duke of Milan died, leaving no Heirs male behind him, to inherit that State; who being dead, the Senate of Milan gave the care of that State to Antonio da Leva, who was to administer it in the name of the Duchess Dowager, till Caesar's mind might be known: Who graciously receiving the Duchess, who went to meet him at Naples, seemed to be much troubled at the Duke's death, either for the love he bore him, or for fear lest this accident might trouble the peace of Italy; or out of dissembling, seeking hereby to show that he did not aspire unto that State. But the Venetians were much more truly grieved hereat; who having long, and with much expense, maintained war, to the end that that State might have a particular Lord of its own, and one who might be an Italian, saw that this their desire grew doubtful, and dangerous by the Duke's death: and that occasion, and peradventure, necessity might thereby arise of reassuming Arms. Therefore when Cesar was come to Naples, they acquainted him with their desires, and with the affairs of Italy, desiring him to find out some means of preserving that peace which he himself had introduced, and seemed to desire so much. To which Cesar answered, That as the care of providing for that State which held in Fee of him, did belong to him, so he desired to do what might be acceptable to the Italian Princes, and chiefly to the Venetians; that therefore he would willingly hear what they could inform him of, that so he might the better order things for the good of Italy, and according to their intentions. But the Senate desiring exceedingly that the Dukedom of Milan might be still governed by one particular man, and not knowing well what Caesar's intentions were therein, nor being willing (though peradventure little to their good) to offend either him or others, were resolute in their proposal, that some one should be invested in that State, who should be thought proper for the peace of Italy: therefore though the four aforesaid Ambassadors went to Naples, they committed nothing concerning that unto their charge: at which the Emperor marveling a little, and desiring to keep fair with the Venetians, as the occasion required, he promoted new discourse concerning it, concluding finally, as he had formerly said, that not being as yet resolved on whom to bestow the Dukedom of Milan, he would willingly hear somewhat proposed herein by the Senate, and that he would very well consider what they should advise him to therein: and afterwards growing jealous of the proceedings of the French, he desired the Venetians, that as they had renewed their league with him upon occasion of the Pope's death, so they would do the like now upon the death of the Duke of Milan; that he desi●● this, for the better security of the affairs of Italy, and to take all occasion away from any one that might have a mind to disturb the quiet which she now enjoyed; and the Venetians desiring the same, satisfied Cesar therein, and confirmed the League upon the former conditions, wherein they reserved a place for the Pope, and for him who should be chosen Duke of Milan. They thought it good to yield to Cesar's first desires, as well to show their readiness to please him, as likewise, to shun the treating hereof at Rome, whither Cesar was suddenly to come, which would have given some suspicion to the Turks; by reason of the usual proposals made by all Popes against Infidels in their Leagues, though of a long while but of little advantage. Which reasons being either not well known, or not well considered by the Pope, he complained of the Venetians, saying, that they had taken this resolution too soon, and that they ought to have deferred it, till his pleasure had been known therein, and till the Emperor had been come to Rome. By the Duke of Milan's death, the King of France soon renewed his ardent desire of getting that State; preparing therefore for it, he resolved first to try the Venetians minds concerning it, whose State and Forces were of all other things most requisite to effect his desires therein. He therefore sent Monsieur de Biones, Gentleman of his chamber, to Venice, To know what the opinion of the Senate was, upon this occasion, which (as he said) was now offered, of securing, and enlarging their Commonwealth. He said, he had forces, moneys, friends, and all things else, whereby this enterprise might be undertaken with assured hopes, for which he promised to reward them honourably, if they would declare themselves his Friends and Confederates: which things it not being thought fit to listen unto at this time, answer was made in general terms, That the Commonwealth had always desired peace, and endeavoured it, and that it ought now chiefly to do so, for that it had need of some rest, after so long, and so sore wars; and because the present troubles of Christendom, by reason of so many heresies risen in several parts, persuaded rather to the extinguishing of them, then to the undertaking new Wars; yet they humbly thanked his Majesty for these offers, and for this his confiding communication, which they would never be unmindful of, and that a fitter time might peradventure come of making use thereof. But the King of France, not foregoing his thoughts of sending his armies into Italy, to acquire the Dukedom of Milan, was very diligent in raising men, that he might assault it as much at unawares as he could: and to force his way the sooner, and the more easily, and that he might therewithal revenge the injuries which he thought he had received from Charles Philibert, Duke of Savoy, he thought to enter his State in hostile manner, and to possess himself of his Towns. The King was ill satisfied with the Duke, for divers reasons; because he would not restore unto him the Towns of Nice and Villa Franca, which were formerly pawned by the Kings of France to the Dukes his predecessors: because he would not consent, being often desired, that the pretensions which the said King had to the Dukedom, by his Mother, Madam Lodovica, sister to the Duke, might be argued by Law: but chiefly, because the Duke, adhering too much to his wife, who was sister to john King of Portugal, and Isabel, wife to Charles the Emperor, appeared in all things too partial to his wife's brother. It was hereby seen, that the next year 1536. would prove remarkable, by reason of the discords between these great Princes, which must prove the original of great evils. The beginning of this year, the King made the Admiral of France, Philip Chabotte, Captain General of his Army, and sent him to assault Piamont; where finding the Country but badly provided for defence, he took Turin, Fossano, and Pinniorollo, and had taken Vercelli, had not Antonio da Leva, who was in the State of Milan, speedily advanced, with resolution to succour it, hindered him. The Emperor was exceedingly offended at these proceedings, and much incensed against the King of France; so as preparing diligently to raise a powerful Army against him, he said, he would assault him in his own Kingdom of France; and being not long after come to Rome, he complained of the King of France publicly in the Consistory; and exaggerating this new action as much as he could, he broke out into open rage, saying, he would challenge the King of France to fight a single combat, that so they might once end so many quarrels, themselves alone: which things caused much wonder amongst all men, and distracted much from the praise of these otherwise sage and generous Princes, since professing never to give way to any thing, yet giving themselves over to this affect on, they suffered themselves to be led on to many unworthy actions. The Pope laboured exceedingly to reconcile them, who had formerly treated of many things to that purpose, but in vain: the chief difficulty lay, in finding out a means which might please them both touching the affairs of Milan. In which Treaties, though the Venetians interposed themselves (for by Cesar's pleasure, all things therein were communicated to them) proceedings were had with great caution, by reason of the aforesaid respects, which were made the greater by these new accidents; which occasioned some doubts, that the Emperor to free himself of the troubles of War, and that he might restore the Duke of Savoy to his State, who being gone to meet him at Naples, entreated him continually to procure his restitution, would at last make some agreement with the King of France, who entering Italy again, would not suffer the injuries to pass unrevenged, which he thought he had received from other Italian Princes. This was the rather believed, for that the King of France had at the Pope's persuasion, condescended to send the Cardinal of Lorain to Rome, to treat of the conditions of Agreement; by whose coming, there was also a cessation of Arms in Piamont. And in these Treaties, Cesar was contented to yield the Dukedom of Milan to the King of France, on condition, that Monsieur d'Angulesme, the King's third Son, might be thereinto invested by him. But this business was not fully decided, because the King desired that this State might not be conferred upon Angulesme, but upon the King's second Son, the Duke of Orleans; which Cesar absolutely denied to do; alleging that this would not be to confirm the peace of Italy, which was his desire, but to make way for some other dangerous novelty, by reason of the pretensions that Orleans had by his wife Katherine de Medici, to the States of Florence and Urbino. Thus the business not being perfected, Cesar, who being gone from Rome, tarried some days in divers Towns of Tuscany, went forward to Aste; where having assembled all his chief Commanders, of which the most famous were, Errando di Toledo, Duke of Alva, the Marquis Guast●, and Don Ferrante Gonsaga, he advised which might be the best way to carry on the War; wherein following rather his own desire, than the reasons and counsel of more experienced men, he resolved to pass with his Army into Provence; so as mustering all his men at Nice, whither Doria came also with fifty Galleys to back the Army with his Fleet, he himself came in person to the same place; from whence penetrating into the confines of France, he stayed with his Camp about the Town of Aix, not being resolved whither to bend his course, but intending chiefly to assault either Marcelles, or Ardes; he spent many days in these his irresolutions, and gave the King (who was come for this purpose to Lions) time to gather together a powerful Army of Dutch Foot, and Swissers, to oppose his Forces, and likewise, to get divers Italian Commanders to side with him; who having mustered a good many men about Mirandola, prepared to attempt some novelty in Genua, and to bring it to the devotion of France; so as Cesar being now to think of defending his own affairs; and his Army being already much incommodated by the bad temper of the Air, where it lay encamped, he was forced to retreat, not having done any thing, but shown a great desire to offend the King of France. But before he went into Provence, he had sent Rodarigo Davilas to Venice, to inform the Senate of his preparation for War, and of his design of falling upon France; and then to entreat them, that they would have those forces in readiness, which they were by their articles bound to have, that they might speedily march as occasion should require, to the defence of the State of Milan. To which the Senate gave this answer, that as they had been ready to renew the League, so would they be as ready to maintain those things to which they were thereby bound; that therefore, for what appertained to them, the State of Milan should not want for defence. So they resolved to raise 6000 foot, to be commanded by Antonio da Castello, General of the Artillery, by Colonel Baboon Naldo, and others: To which they added 500 light Horse, armed after the Burgonian manner; ordering, that all these should go to Asala, in the Brescian Territories; to the end, that upon occasion, they might pass into the Cremonese: and the Duke of Urbino was sent for from his State, that he might be ready to go in person with the Army. But after the first Brunt of the French was over, by the Truce made by the coming of the Cardinal of Lorain, by which it was thought they would make way to greater Victories, it seemed that the Army, according to the custom of the Nation, would be lazy, and idle, so as the Venetians were not necessitated to go out of their own Confines. Yet the King of France seemed ill satisfied with the Venetians; not that he knew he had any just occasion to be so, because they had not exceeded the bounds of the Confederacy, but because he hoped by these complaints, to make them be more reserved in observing those things which they were engaged to do to Cesar; and that they might abstain from entering into any new, and straighter capitulation with him: he therefore took occasion to complain of all things. Cesare Fregoso, having the command of a Troop of Light Horse, wherewith he was then in Verona, went from thence, without leave, to Genua, that he might adhere unto the King's party; wherefore he lost not only his pay, and command, but was banished out of all the Commonwealths Dominions. The King complained bitterly of this, and of other such things, because the Venetians went about (as he said) to hinder his proceedings. And on the other side, Cesar's Agents seeming to resent that some Foot were dismissed, who were taken into pay, more than needed, interpreted this, as done to increase the Enemy's Army, which was gathering together in Mirandola. Thus jealous were these Princes the one of the other, in their having the Commonwealth for their Friend and Confederate. The Emperor being parted from Provence, came to Genua, intending to pass, (as he did afterwards) into Spain, having left the Marquis of Guasto in Italy, with twenty thousand Dutch, Spanish, and Italian Foot, in the place of Antonio da Leva, who was now dead. Other Ambassadors from the Commonwealth came to meet him at Genua, as Nicolo Tiepoli, Mark Antonio Veniero, Mark Antonio Cornaro, and Antonio Capello: and he at the same time sent Don Pietro Gonzales di Mendoza, to Venice, to give an account of the reasons of his return, and of the desire he had of Peace: Touching which, relating particularly the things which he Treated of with the King of France, which Treaties were afterwards renewed, he said, he had given the King three month's space to resolve, whether or no he would accept of the Dukedom of Milan for Monsieur d'Angulesme; who by this Agreement was to marry the Widow Dowager of Duke Sforza: But that if the King should not resolve within that time, he intended to give that State either to Don Luigi, Infante of Portugal, or else, to Emanuel, Son to the Duke of Savoy; upon which he desired the Venetians opinion. But he added, that for the establishment of these things, it would be requisite to make a new confederacy amongst the Italian Princes, without the which, he saw not how he of himself alone could undergo so great a burden; therefore if they should not condescend to this, they could not blame him, if failing of this assistance, he should be forced to betake himself to other Aids, which would be little to their satisfaction. But the Senate being constant to their first resolution, of not declaring their minds concerning the Dukedom of Milan, unless they might be first assured of Cesar's pleasure, nor to put themselves into new and greater Obligations, more than those of the confederacy of Bullognia, which had been oftentimes renewed; answered, As touching the new Duke of Milan, That Cesar should first nominate one, and that thereupon the Senate might the better consider both their own, and the common Interest, and put on the better resolution: and as for the New League, they alleged the same reasons which they had formerly done, that it was not necessary: and the same respects concerning the Turks, which were now strengthened by the fame of the preparations of the Turkish Fleet for the next year. The Venetians acquainted the Pope with these Treaties and consultations, wherein they still attested their ancient desire of the peace and safety of Italy, for which they desired the Pope to be fervent in interposing his authority: for he having reassumed the thought of the business of Camerino, seemed to appear somewhat cooler in this other important business: insomuch as Ascanio Colonna being le●t at Rome, after the Emperor's departure from thence, with a particular charge of having a care of such things as might concern the quiet of Italy: This Treaty was not pursued, so as the weight of the business, and the present condition of times seemed to require; the Pope pitching only on this, that amongst these Princes, he would stand neutral. But at last, being warned both by the Venetians solicitations, by the still increasing dangers of the Turkish Fleet, and by his being bound to celebrate the Council, which was declared to be in Vicenza, instead of Mantua, which was first chosen to that purpose, and whereunto the Venetians readily yielded: he resolved to send express Legates to each of these Princes; to treat of the universal Peace amongst Christian Princes, of the League against the Turks, and of the celebration of the Council. Agostine Trivultio was sent to the King of France, and Cardinal Cara●ciolo to Cesar: But these Embassies produced no better effects than many others had done, for none of all this could be effected, by reason of divers difficulties which arose. The End of the Seventh Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK VIII. THE CONTENTS. THe King of France endeavours to part the Venetians from the Emperor, and to incite the Turks against him. Losses received in the Commonwealth, by the subornation of Soliman's Officers. Several discourses touching the Turkish preparations▪ the Venetians prepare to resist Soliman▪ so does the Emperor. Soliman his Army and Flee●● the Venetians Fleet, and several difficulties touching the Government thereof. A speech made by Mark Antonio Cornaro, persuading not to desert the Emperor. Leonardo Emoe, his speech to the contrary. Soliman bears respect at Sea to the Venetians Territories▪ Accidents which alter him therein, and make him declare open war against them: The Imperial, and the Venetian Fleet, and the success of each of them. How the Senate resents the accident fallen out with the Turks, and their resolution thereupon. Soliman makes open war against the Venetians; and what is thereby done. Corfu described▪ The Senates actions in resis●●nce of the Turks, against whom the Christians publish a League. Orders given to the General. The Spaniards fail therein; the Turks assault Corfu, but at ten day's end quit it▪ They besiege Naples, and Malvesia, but in vain. Both these places are described. Barbarossa overruns the Archipelagus, and takes many Islands therein: The Venetians besiege Scardona, which yields unto them. Several thoughts of Princes, the ye●● 1●37. those of Soliman▪ of the Emperor, King of France, Pope, and Venetians, Germany, and the condition thereof. The Senate consult touching the making, or not making League. Caesar's Ambassador solicits the Commonwealth to declare enmity to the Turks, but in vain. THe fire of War being rekindled hotter than before, between the Emperor, and the King of France, grew to such a height, as the most barbarous and Foe-Nations, were called in to the prejudice and ruin of Christendom; and the very State of Venice behoved to be concerned therein: all her Art and endeavours, whereby she had fought amidst the troubles and dangers of others, to preserve herself Neutral amongst Princes, and to keep friendship and peace with all, not being able to free her. You may know, by what hath already been related, what the thoughts of Francis, King of France, were, and how he was bend to leave nothing unessayed, to weaken the power of Charles the Emperor; and to revenge the so many injuries which he thought he had received from him. Wherefore he had ofttimes tried the Venetians, and endeavoured by several ways to alienate them from C●sar. And lastly he had sent Monsieur de Rhodes to Venice, who filling the Senators with great hopes and promises, laboured to make them alter their resolution of continuing in League with the Emperor, but all to no purpose; the Venetians being as firm in their faith to Cesar, as they were far from desiring any thing which might disturb the quiet of Italy. Wherefore Francis failing of this hope, and his anger against Cesar increasing, for that he had assaulted him within his own Kingdom; and knowing that he was not able of himself to effect the business of Milan, so long as it should be defended both by Cesar, and by the Venetians; He thought he could compass this his desire by nothing better, than by pursuing the friendship which he had already begun with Soliman; whereby he hoped, either to get the Venetians to side with him, or else to make them forbear favouring of Cesar; the reasons being known to be very great, which made the Venetians highly value Soliman's authority: And on the other side, the Emperor's forces might be diverted, and the defence of the State of Milan weakened, by the coming of the Turkish Fleet into Puglia, or into other Rivers belonging to the Emperor's Dominions. The King therefore turned all his endeavours towards Constantinople, where though he had his Ambassador, john Foreste resident, he notwithstanding sent Don Serasino da Gozi of Ragusa, with new, and more efficacious orders, and with larger promises. This man meeting often with the chiefest Bashaws, proposed many things to them, which being represented to Soliman, might make him comply the more easily with the King demands. As, the greatness of Charles the 5th, the which if not moderated, would either become formidable, or at least suspicious to all other Potentates, to the diminution, if not of their States, at least of their reputation and dignity: the easiness of the attempts that might be made against him, especially in the Kingdom of Naples, by the conveniency of the country; and since by a short cut at Sea; the Turkish Armies might pass from Albania into Otranto and at the same time draw near those Rivers with their Fleet. The general hatred which those people bore to the Spaniards Government; nay, that the despair of some of the chiefest of that Kingdom, was such as promised readiness to embrace any occasion which might tend to novelty and change of Government, whereby the way would be opened to the further abatement of Caesar's power. Agiate and Luftebei, were then of great authority in that Government, as those who being in the first rank of Bashaws, after they had with much praise discharged the place of Belgerbei of Asia, which purchased them much reputation. Luftebei being the grand Signors sisters Husband, and one of the six Bashaw's della Porta, and both of them great enemies to the name of Christianity, and who often after Ibraims' death, had counselled Soliman to turn his forces upon Christendom, making use of this occasion, and applauding the French Ambassadors proposals, much amplifying also the reasons promoted by him, endeavoured to set Soliman upon the Enterprise of Italy. They amongst other things, minded him of Mahomet's example, a wise and valiant Prince, who with a prosperous beginning, had easily taken the City of Otranto, and by the terror of his Arms, put all that Country into great confusion, and opened the way to his acquisition of the noblest part of Christendom, had not death interrupted his designs. These things being represented to Soliman, prevailed much with him, who was ambitions of Glory, excessive proud, and haughty, thinking that it made much for his honour, that so great a King should have recourse to him for assistance against another powerful Prince, his Enemy; and thought he had a fit occasion offered him to forgo his enterprises in India, and Persia, wherein he saw he consumed many of his men without any great advantage; without lessening his honour, or the reputation of his forces. He therefore readily promised the French Ambassador, to molest the Emperor's affairs the next summer, with powerful forces both by Sea and Land: but thinking it of great concernment towards the effecting of these things, to take the Venetians from off their friendship and confederacy with send●anusbei ●anusbei, one of the Dragomani della Porta, to Venice, to exhort the Senate, tha● since there was a powerful Army and Fleet to go from Constantinople, the Commonwealth would show herself a friend to his friends, and an enemy to his enemies, promising that he would see great respect should be given to the affairs of the Commonwealth, and that he would preserve peace inviolably with them. To which the Senate did with mature deliberation return answer, That the Commonwealth had always fervently desired peace with all Princes, and especially with the Ottoman Lords, with whom they had ●ad long friendship to the free and advantageous commerce of subjects▪ that they did still continue so firm and constant in the same resolution, as there needed no further declaration thereof. Soliman seemed well enough pleased with this answer; a Prince, as much as such qualities can have place in a Barbarian, nobly minded, and for the most part friend to what was just and honest. But false complaints being made unto him, by many of his people, (who for their particular respects and interests, desired an interruption of peace) of divers actions done by the ministers of the Commonwealth, with little respect (as they said) to the honour and advantage of his Empire; they persuaded him to permit, that his Officers might also be allowed to do some novelties, which might show a mind ill affected to the Commonwealth, and bring things at last to an open war. Thus many Venetian Merchants being at Constantinople, and in other parts of the Turkish Dominions, upon their private occasions; some were imprisoned upon several false pretensions of delinquency, and had their goods forfeited into the Exchequer: two Venetian ships were imbargode upon various pretences, the one belonging to Alessandro Contarini, taken in the Seas of Cyprus, by the galleys of the guard of Rhodes, as a Pirates vessel; and another in the havens of Alexandria; alleging, that they were to make use of it upon important occasions. There was also a new impost of ten in the hundred laid upon such merchandizes as were wont to be brought by Venetian Merchants from Soria; the public Letters of the Consul were several times intercepted: and now no longer cloaking their intentions, Mustafa, one of the chief Bashaws, complaining, that the Commonwealth was too straight linked to their Enemy the Emperor, said, That she had pulled the anger, and the forces of the grand Signior, upon her. These things gave just occasion of resentment, and were a pretence of just war, if Soliman had a mind to take up arms against the Venetians; yet there were other reasons and arguments, which persuaded to the contrary. It was not at all likely, that since the Turks might make war against the Emperor only, who was not very well provided at sea, and might beat his forces, which they appeared very desirous to do, that they would put a necessity upon the Venetians, of joining with the Imperialists, and of uniting their forces, which being very strong at sea, might not only be an hindrance to them, in their attempts upon other men's Estates, but might endanger their own affairs. That for the space of thirty eight years, friendship and peace had been so constantly preserved by the Turks, for these respects, with the Venetians; and that Soliman had always showed himself most desirous thereof, both by his words and actions: That there had not as then been any injury done, or any occasion given on the Venetians side, that he should molest them with Arms; since the Venetian Senate had wisely and justly, measured the forces of the Ottoman Empire, and accommodating their thoughts and actions to the condition of times, had proceeded with great temper and respect towards the Turkish affairs, so long as the dignity of the Commonwealth might not be injured, and did temporise as well as she could, with so great and formidable a Potentate; whom not being able to quell, it would be wisely done to preserve his friendship, and to wait for the benefit of time, or for the Commonwealth's better fortune. At this time, Tomaso Mocenico was come Ambassador from the Commonwealth to Constantinople, to congratulate with Soliman, according to custom, for his prosperous success in the Persian war, and for his happy return to that city; who having kissed Soliman's hand, and presented him with accustomed vestures, was fairly received, and favoured by the whole Court, particularly by Agiace, the first Basshaw, who several times assured him, that the grand Signior stood very well affected to the Commonwealth, and desired to continue the ancient peace with the Venetians, if they would correspond with fitting respect, and with alike good intentions towards him▪ That it was Soliman's inviolable custom to keep his word, and that it must not be believed, that he could differ from himself. He therefore very modestly excused the business concerning Contarini's ship, and the other novelties used towards the Venetian Merchants and Merchandizes, as done without any directions from the Grand signior, and which should be suddenly remedied. It was likewise famed, that the Sophi, King of Persia, was ready to march into the field with a powerful Army, which would force the Turks to turn their forces upon the confines of Persia; and that the news spread abroad, that the Turks were to fall upon Christendom, tended rather towards the keeping up a certain reputation and esteem amongst Christian Princes, than to any resolution he then had of employing his forces at that time against them. It behoved the Senators to be very jealous and doubtful, by reason of these so differing reasons, and so discordant within themselves of the Turks proceedings, being drawn several ways, sometimes through suspicion of War, sometimes through hopes of peace; which various affections were very cunningly fomented by the French Ambassador, who persuaded himself, that by this means, he might make the Venetians yield to his King's desire of siding with the French, and to forgo their friendship with the Emperialists, by which means, he said, they might secure themselves safely from the dangers threatened by the Turks. But several were the reports which were given out by the Soldiers and people at Constantinople, of this business; some affirmed, the grand Signior made this warlike preparation with a firm resolution to pass into the Rivers of Puglia: others said, that the Fleet was to enter the gulf of Venice, and to attempt somewhat there against the Emperor: there were some also, who believed these forces were to go into Barbary, which counsel was known to be given by Ariadeno, Bashaw, surnamed Barbarossa; and there wanted not those that said, it went against the Venetians, naming particularly the Island of Corfu. But whatsoever the intention was, it was most certain, that great preparations were made, and great care taken therein for men, both by Sea and Land. It was held for certain, that what of galleys, what of other Vessels, there were above 300 sail to go to Sea, many Instruments and Engines to take Cities, great store of Ammunition of all sorts, that the Belgerbei of Greece was already gone with Orders from Constantinople; that very many Soldiers were raised in Scopia, and that the grand Signior quarters were to be taken up there, who was said to go himself in person to Vallona, where provision of Biscuit, and of other things, were providing for the Fleet. The Venetians being much troubled at these great preparations for War; and by divers accidents growing jealous of the Turks fidelity, though the Articles of peace made many years before, stood yet firm with Soliman, resolved to arm themselves as strongly as they could; thinking they had no other way to secure their affairs, than to bereave the Turks of all ways of molesting them, if they should have a mind to do so. The Senate therefore immediately took 8000 foot into pay, wherewith they increased their Garrisons on the Sea coasts, and furnished them with Ammunition, that upon occasion that might make their party good against the Turks. They gave order, that the old galleys in the Arsenal should be caulked, and that 50 new ones should be built; but they chiefly minded the reordering of their great Galleys, or Galliouns; they stayed some of their own ships, and some foreign vessels, which were bound for several voyages, to make use of carrying Garrisons into their forts, and munition for their Fleet; which being to be numerous and powerful, since the danger did increase, they resolved to arm 100 Galleys, and to create a captain-general at Sea; whereunto, according to the custom of the Commonwealth, Giarolomo Pesaro, a man versed in several employments of the Republic, and principally in maritime affairs, was chosen by the Conciglio de Pegadi, and confirmed by the Con●●glio Majore; and there were ten Governors of Galleys chosen by the council of Ten, who were to fit in council with the General. But amongst other things, the want of Monies did much molest them, the public Exchequer being much exhausted by reason of the late long Wars. Wherefore they were forced to have recourse to extraordinary means, to raise moneys sufficient to serve their occasions. There were three Procurators of St. Mark created, the supreme degree of the Commonwealth, next to the Duke, Andrea Capello, Girolimo Bragadino, and jacopo Cornaro, each of them having assisted at the present necessity, by the Loan of 12000 Ducats. Great suit was made to the Pope, that, the urgent necessities of the Commonwealth requiring it, he would give way to the raising 200000 Ducats out of the Venetian Clergy, by the way of Tenths, wherein the Pope made several excuses, and pleaded difficulties. Sometimes seeming not to believe, that Soliman's forces tended to the prejudice of Christendom, sometimes pleading the Priest's poverty. And to make the expense of arming the Galleys in several places the more supportable, all the schools of Artificers (these are certain Congregations of men of several Trades, and Mechanic Arts, assembled together under fraternities, and heads, instituted by themselves) were commanded to contribute a certain number of men, for the service of the galleys; and that the Towns under the Dogado; should be particularly obliged to arm certain Galleys; and that the weighty businesses which were then in hand, might be more safely, and more maturely advised upon, to the number of the six Sav●● of the Council (a Magistracy of great Authority, and the chief of those whose office it is▪ to present the Senate with what they are to treat upon); three others were for the time added upon this occasion; Tomaso Mocenico, Nicolo Bernardo, and Mark Antonio Cornaro, three of the chiefest, and best esteemed Senators. In this perplexity, the Senate forgot not, according to the religious and pious institution of their Ancestors, to have recourse to divine assistance; whereupon solemn prayers were ordered throughout all the Churches, and 400 Bushels of wheat were given in Alms to the poor Friars, that they might pray for a blessing upon their Counsels, who did consult upon the common good; but the Imperialists were no less afraid of the Turkish Forces, nor less careful to secure themselves from them. They sent a great number of Spanish foot into Italy, wherewith to furnish the Kingdoms of Sicily and Naples, and other places which lay exposed to the Turkish Fleet. And Andrea Doria, Prince of Melfi, who was then Lord Admiral of the Emperor's Fleet, was ordered to be very diligent in seeing his galleys put in good order; that he might join with those of Naples and Sicily, and of the Knights of jerusalem, which were all to be commanded by him. But th●se provisions came far short of what was requisite; for Caesar was at the same time to think of defending his other Dominions, against which the King of France armed himself strongly. Being come himself in person to Lions, from whence he forthwith dispatched away 15000 Dutch, and Guascon foot towards Italy. To divert which designs, Cesar prepared a great Army of 20000 foot, and 8000 Horse in Flanders, to enter the confines of France: but the divulging, that the French would fall upon Genua, was amongst other things, a great hindrance in making provision against the Turks; for the Genueses being hereat much terrified, said, They could not permit that Doria should abandon his Country in so great danger, and go with his Galleys from thence, which were the very Nerves of the Imperial Fleet; for the 22 Galleys which were at Barcelona, were in no good posture to undertake so long a voyage. Whilst the Christian Princes were thus ordering affairs for their own defence, the Turks taking occasion from their discords, to trouble Christendom (as they had often done formerly) and to increase their power and reputation, with assured hopes of rich booty, had prepared an Army, and a Fleet, to assault the Territories of other men. Soliman, who being gone in the beginning of March from Constantinople, had stayed some days to pass his time away in hunting at Andrinopolis, all requisite provisions for the army being in a readiness, began his journey, and towards the end of june, came to Scopia, a City in Macedonia, where having stayed awhile, and having ta'en his voyage through the confines of Albania, he went with all his men to Vallona, by the Ancients, called Aulo. But the Fleet being already parted from the straits of Galipoli, was come at the same time to the Island of Cervi, being in number above 300 sail, of which there were 220 Galleys, the rest Galliouns, fly-boats, and other lesser Vessels; and all men said, that of a long time, there had not been seen so great a Fleet upon the Sea, nor better appointed, and provided of all things, especially of Soldiers, there being 12 Sangiacchi aboard, each of which commanded 800 valiant men, and moreover 4000 Janesiers. Cariadino commanded this Fleet in chief, for what belonged to the Sea; but the Bashaw Lufti, who represented the person of the grand Signior, & who had the Imperial standard assigned unto him, had the supreme command over the Soldiers, and in ordering the undertake. What these men's Commissions were, and what course they were to steer, was not yet known; some said, they had orders from Soliman, if occasion should offer itself to fight the Venetian Fleet▪ others affirmed the contrary, that they were straight commanded to bear respect to the Venetians, and their affairs; but the most common opinion was, that the Turks were to attempt somewhat in Puglia: this mean while, Doria, being first gone to Civita Vecchia, and not finding the Pope's galleys in order to join with him, was gone to Faro di Messina, there to gather up the galleys of Naples, and Sicily, and other men of War, which he expected from other parts: which when they were come, he found his Forces notwithstanding so inferior to the Turks, as he could by no means think of giving the enemy battle; he therefore resolved to reinforce the greatest number of Galleys that he could, and leaving the rest of the galleys, and smaller Vessels, and six armed ships behind him in a safe place, and one Galleon, to advance with those select ones towards the Levant, to molest the Turkish affairs, according as he should find occasion, shunning to meet the Enemy's Fleet, joined altogether. But the Venetians, when they understood the Turkish Fleet was come to Modone, not knowing whither they were to go, nor what to do, the Senate had been very dubious in their Counsels, what the General Pesaro should do, who was already come to Corfu, and had about 70 Galleys under his Command: the 15 that were armed in the Levant, being come unto him, to wit, ten in Candia, one at Cefalonia, two at Zante, and two in the same Island of Corfu. The General had not as yet received any commissions, save such as were universal, and answerable to the Senate's intention, to keep Newtral, to wit, to endeavour to keep peace with the Imperialists, and with the Turks, and not to meddle with any, farther than to keep the subjects, and the affairs of the Commonwealth uninjured; to grant victuals freely to all, to shun giving suspicion, to keep far from all the Fleets, and not any ways to disturb their designs, nor meddle in any thing which either of the Fleets should have to do with. He therefore required some particular order touching either his stay, or whither he was to go. Some Senators were of opinion, that the whole Fleet keeping still together, the General should always keep before the Turks, leaving them behind him, alleging, that their chief care should be to preserve the Cape, and not to leave the Gulf to the discretion of the Turks, when being gotten well within it with so great Forces, they might be hindered from being able to join the Galleys of Dalmatia, and others which were still appearing in Venice, with the rest of our Fleet. Others agreeing, that the Fleet should keep together, were of a contrary opinion touching where it should stay, thinking it neither honourable nor advantageous, to abandon the Levant, and to deprive themselves of the opportunity (if they should find it fit to do so) of joining our Fleet with that of Spain; some blaming both these opinions, as extreme, and which would produce some disorder, proposed that the Fleet should be divided; commanding the General, that when he should understand the Turkish Fleet did make for the Gulf, he should choose out 40 of the best Galleys, wherewith himself, and Commissary Contarini should tarry about Corfu, and that he should send the other Commissary Pasquillio with the rest into Dalmatia. That he should diligently watch the proceedings of the Turks; who if they should make for Puglia, the General should not stir from Corfu; but if, entering into the Gulf, and seeming to go for Puglia, when they were past the mount St. Angelo, they should bend towards Ancona and Romagna, he should follow them, but at such a distance, as he should by no means endanger his Galleys; and others were of opinion, that all accidents which might occur, not being to be foreseen; and yet the Commanders being to govern themselves thereby, they should leave all to the General's discretion and diligence. Amongst which diversity of opinions, theirs prevailed, who were for the Fleets keeping in an entire body in the Levant. But it being soon after known, that the Turks advanced into the State, so as there was no open war declared, nor was there yet any certainty of peace, it behoved them to divide their Fleet; so they resolved to create a new Sea-Generall in the Gulf, but who should be inferior to Pesaro; for that when they should be together, he was to take down the standard and Lantern, and yield obedience to him. And this employment was given by almost all the votes of the Senate, to jovan Vetturi, who by trial given of himself in the late Wars, had got a great renown for wisdom and valour. He putting himself speedily in order, and parting from Venice with some armed Galleys, went to Dalmatia, whither Commissary Pasquillio came to meet him, with some of those galleys which were at Corfu; Nicolo Bondimiero, Captain of the Gulf, and Dominico Contarini, Captain of the fly-boats. So as Vetturi had quickly under his charge 46 Galleys, besides six fly-boats; and 54 Galleys, one Gallioune, commanded by Battuzzi Contarini, and a Frigate under jacopo d' Armero, remained with General Pesaro. But the same doubt rose soon again, which had at first divided them, in giving out these orders, which was made the greater, by the news which increased daily, that the Turks were coming in an hostile manner, to the Island of Corfu, and that their Fleet was already discovered from the Island of Zantes; some being of opinion, that the Fleet should keep divided; others, that General Pesaro should have liberty, to make one entire body of the whole Fleet, if he should see occasion for it; and Vetturi was ordered, that if Pesaro should require it, he should obey him, without expecting further orders from the Senate. This opinion was much withstood by many, who mentioned the great danger, and little advantage, which would thereby accrue; for the Turkish Fleet being very numerous and strong, in the Channel of Corfu, and therefore the western Point being well guarded, how could our Galleys come near the Island? whereas I Venti di Provenza, which were wont to be constant in that season, made the entry thereinto hard, and the abode there unsafe. So as when they should know, that the Peace was broken, they were to think of the safety of Corfu, and of the rest of their Dominions by sea, by other more prevalent means. That the Emperor offered to join his Galleys with ours. That if General Pesaro should receive orders, to keep good intelligence with Doria, that this conjunction might speedily be made with more honour, and greater hopes of doing good. Yet the Senate being moved, either by fear of making the Turks jealous, and of accelerating the evil, which they sought so much to shun, if they should hold closer intelligence with the Imperialists; or else by the hopes of being able to do some good of themselves, the business was carried, though but by a very few votes, for leaving it in Pesaro's power, to join our Fleet together, if he should see occasion for it, and therewith to defend the subjects and affairs of the Commonwealth. The French, hoping hereby to bring the Venetians by new applications, to consent to those things, which they would not before listen unto, sent Count Guido Rangone speedily away to Venice, who having had audience in the College, in presence of the Capi del Consiglio di dieci, without the Ambassador of France his intervening, who afterwards did of himself almost the same things. Rangone delivered the King's credential Letters, and began in a very effectual manner to relate the love, which his King bore to the Commonwealth, and the esteem he had of her, commemorating divers things done by the Crown of France, tending to the Venetians service. Then entering into consideration of the particular accidents of that time, he exhorted them to forego their confederacy with Cesar, and to join in friendship with France, making great offers, by order from the King, and in the King's name, of yielding up unto the Commonwealth, when the State of Milan should by their joint forces be recovered, the city of Cremona, with whole Giaradada; and to assist them readily in repossessing them of Cervia and Ravenna; and also of the Towns in Puglia, as Otranto Brandizzo, Monopoli, Puglinian, and Travi: so as the Venetians should be made masters of all, that they possessed before the late wars. But he insisted chiefly upon the present condition of times, which he knew would be of great force; promising, that by the King's intercession and authority, they should be free from all the present dangers, which were threatened them by the Turks, to the honour and advantage of the Commonwealth; that the disputes which did yet remain between her and Soliman, should be ended, the new Imposts laid upon the Merchants of Soria taken away, the Cantarinan ship restored, and that the Merchants who were imprisoned, should, together with their goods, be set at liberty. The Auditory was much in doubt what to do concerning these proposals; on the one side, they had great hopes, and large offers promised them, but which would draw on sore wars, and much trouble; on the other side, doubts of but small quiet, and no lesser difficulties, continuing still in the same danger, which would be made the worse by the King of France his indignation, if he should see his friendship refused and neglected, after so large offers. After long consultation, it was proposed to the Senate, by the joint opinion of the Collegio de Savii, That the same Rangone being desired to return many thanks to the King, for his favour, and for his so many and so loving offers, he should tell his Majesty, That as for the Union which was proposed, the King might know, what esteem the Commonwealth had of the Crown of France, by what she had often done formerly; and that as she had not been hitherto wanting, so her actions should still be such, when any occasion should be offered, as might confirm the King and all others in a good opinion of her. Mark Antonio Cornaro was the only man that opposed this, a man famous for eloquence, and of great reputation, though not very old, and who was then Savio di Terra ferma; he would have it freely told to Rang●ne, That to keep promise, was that which became a Prince, and was the ancient uninterrupted custom of the Commonwealth. Wherefore being tied by a new confederacy to Cesar, they could not think of any other agreement contrary to it. But that they were, notwithstanding, confident, that the King, as a wise Christian Prince, and a friend, would not give over the good offices, which he had begun with the Turks. He therefore spoke thus. He who will give his opinion in any weighty and important Affair, must be so free from passion, as his reason be not contaminated. Hope and fear, as evil consul●ors, which keep truth concealed, ought always to be banished such resolutions. These are the affections which I desire maybe chiefly driven from your bosoms, most worthy and grave Senators, that the resolution which shall this day be put on, may be right and sincere, agreeing with the public good, and with the opinion which the world hath of this Senate's wisdom. The offers made unto us by the King of France, to make us side with him, and take up arms against our friend and confederate Cesar, are very great; and truly he ought to mention great things, to make us by a new and detestable example, break our public faith, without any just occasion, and undertake a no less unjust, then weighty and dangerous war. Two things are at once propounded unto us, to make war with the Emperor, and the keeping peace with Soliman; and this very cunningly, to work upon us by these inventions, to the end, that some of us moved thereunto by our own strength, and by his assistance, and out of hopes of great acquisitions, being alured by what is very useful and desirable, may forget what is honest and feasable, and may easily enter into troubles, which we shall not so easily get out of. And others, blinded by the desire of preservation from present dangers, and of freeing themselves from the fear of war with the Turks, without finding any better security for our present affairs. We must look upon these things with eyes, uncontaminated by these affections, with the pure and sincere eyes of our souls, and consider, with what intention they are proposed; for by so doing, it will easily appear what we ought to do therein, and by what answer we may free ourselves from those snares, which are covered over with an appearance of liberty; and from that infamy, which goes concealed under the cloak of glory. It was the generosity of our forefathers, readily to embrace any occasion of enlarging our confines, whilst the condition of times advised thereunto. It was the constancy of our fathers, and hath been ours, to seek to preserve things, which were got by the worth of others, not being overcome by the tedious troubles of war. But certainly, it was no less wisdom, nor less praiseworthy, to accommodate ourselves to the present fortune of the Commonwealth, to lay down Arms, and to wait for better times, when we had found all experience in vain. We did then possess the greatest part of th●se territories, which now are promised us in reward of new troubles and dangers; and notwithstanding, because we knew, that the keeping of them would nourish perpetual discords, we, being desirous to purchase peace to the Commonwealth at last, did resolve to quit them. We parted willingly, and by agreement, with Ravenna and Cervia to the Pope, and with many Towns in Puglia to the Emperor. We should not now think of these things, since it will be harder for us to repossess ourselves of those cities, than it would have been to have kept them; and for that Cesar 's power is much increased, and confirmed in Italy. So as to change the present condition thereof, is a thing rather to be desired than to be expected; and if this be any ways to be hoped for, past experience, & the same course which we still keep, teacheth us, that it may ●e had, not by arms, but by negotiation and dexterity; by insinuating ourselves into Cesar 's favour, and by keeping him in some jealousy of our friendship, which he doth so highly value at this time; by which means, he may be brought as he hath been formerly, and ha●h now promised to yield, that a particular Duke of Milan be named. But certainly, he who thinks, there is any good grounds, of joining part of that State to our Dominions, may be said, to take pleasure in willingly deceiving himself. It is too apparent, that the bare news of this confederacy with France, or the discovery of any such thoughts in us, would be sufficient, to make all the Princes of Italy join against us; nay, the very King of France, who is now so free of his promises, would be hardlier persuaded to grant these things, than others would be, if there should be any occasion of doing it. Is it possible, that we can so soon forget what is past? or if we remember them, can we with patience give ear to these negotiations? What counsel did ever prove more unfortunate to this Commonwealth, than the thinking of getting of Cremona, and Giaradada? What, but this, was the first and true original cause, of making all the Princes of Christendom conspire against us, to almost the total ruin of our affairs? And who was the first author of this conspiracy, and of our so many mischiefs, but that very King of France? who, assisted by our forces, in his getting the Dukedom of Milan, was bound to keep us in the possession of that part thereof, which was given us in reward of our so much expense and labour. And I pray you, what was it that forced us to join at first in confederacy with this present Emperor, whose greatness we did so fiercely oppose, taking upon us the defence of the Dukedom of Milan, but the Frenchman's so oft failing in their promises? Did not we keep constant in our friendship to the King of France to the last? but the French have often abandoned us, we never them, unless upon great necessity. Assuredly, though we should listen to these propositions, their actions would not correspond with their promises, which have always been very large, I will not say so much to abase us, as by the custom of the Nation; but their actions have always come short of their obligations, slow, uncertain, inconstant. And, not to mention things further off, the King hath used the same importune delay, in furnishing his Captains with men and moneys, to maintain the war in Italy, for the advantage of the common good; and soon after, when he discovered his own interest, and the hopes of recovering his sons, and of making peace, how easily did he agree with Cesar, not only without including our Commonwealth, but without making us acquainted with his counsels, leaving us in the perplexities and dangers of war, who did so readily take up arms, first, for the freeing of his own person, then of his sons, made a potent and victorious King our enemy, and undergone great expense and danger. If the King ●id so easily ●orget our interests, when he could find nothing in us but good turns, favours, and merit; why should we think, he should prove more constant or faithful in his friendship, now that he may have conceived hardly of us, and may think, we have injured him? for he will always interpret our confederacy with Cesar to be such, though it were done upon urgent necessities. The King would now flatter us, and by so many, and by so large promises, would allure us to assent to his desires, because he knows, he stands in great need of our friendship. He is infinitely desirous to regain the State of Milan; he sees, he hath no leaning stock in Italy; that his Armies are stayed in Piedmont; that he must fight for his passage longer than he had thought to have done; and when he shall have overcome this obstacle, not having any one who will receive or assist, so as he is to meet with no lesser difficulties, he would by all means make us forego Cesar, and bring us to make a new confederacy with him. But say, I beseech you, who is it that does believe, or who indeed can with reason believe, by the yet recent example of this very King's actions, when Cesar, seeing those forces turned against him, by whose assistance he thought, he should have been the better able to defend the State of Milan, when he saw his territories assaulted at one and the same time, by the King of France, and by the Turks; that he should resolve, as it is well known he did, to enter into a treaty of surrendering the Dukedom of Milan, because the King's third son should not be invested thereinto. Who is it, I say, that can persuade himself, that the King would not presently have laid down Arms, without any thought of our concernments, and have made an agreement, not only without us, but it may be against us, to assist Cesar in repairing himself upon us, and to our prejudice, for what he had granted unto him? But I see it will be answered, These hopes, as being far off, ought not to be much valued: And why ought we not all take in consideration, the securing of ourselves, from the so great and eminent dangers of the Turkish forces? This is a thing certainly as much desired by me, as by any others; but yet, though I have the same desire, I cannot be of the same opinion concerning it, for I see no reason, to trust our security upon these promises; nay rather on the contrary, me thinks, that the danger remaining still the same, we shall, by waiting upon these negotiations, weaken much our own defence. The Turks by nature, and by their prosperous successes, are proud, imperious, as those who despise all others, and put a value only upon themselves, and upon their own accommodations: and shall we believe, that they will govern their thoughts according to the persuasion or desire of the King of France, rather than according to their own particular objects? If the ancient friendship and commerce which we have with them, yea, even to their advantage, shall not avail to make them cease, from making war upon us; of what authority, I beseech you, do you think, the King of France his persuasions will be with him? Soliman requires nothing of the French in reward whereof, to grant peace unto us upon their score; the French are they who pray assistance from the Turks. It is more reasonable therefore, that they should accommodate themselves to the Turks will, and not the Turks to theirs. So as the more I know, that we ought to desire the confirmation of peace with the Turks, the less hope I, to obtain it by this means. But I am afraid it may so fall out, as being unable of our selves, long to hold out against the Turks, we shall unseasonably deprive ourselves of those aids which are ready, and wherein only we can promise any good unto ourselves; I speak of our Fleets joining with the Imperialists. And 'tis this, believe me, that both the Turks and French, do look upon; the Turks are jealous of this uniting of our Fleets, they fear nothing but this, as being that alone which can disturb their designs; and perhaps it is to hinder this, that they use this means with the French, who will willingly serve them, as well for their own interests, as to requite them for the good which they receive by their ●leet. This therefore may sufficiently teach us, what we ought to do in this point, and what our answer ought to be, since it is a clear case, that we ought to shun and abhor that which is desired, and endeavoured by our enemies: The more therefore they desire to severe us from Cesar, the closer ought we to cleave to him, and to avoid all occasions, which may make him suspect we intent otherwise. And certainly, when we shall have duly considered all things, we shall be of this opinion, that we cannot look for greater, nor for more certain help, for these our threatening dangers, from any where else, then from this our joining with the Imperialists; or at least, from nourishing an opinion in the Turks at the present, that very good intelligence is held between Cesar and us; and such a union may easily be had, if we have a mind to it. But let us take it for granted, that Soliman does not at all intent to trouble us now, but aims only upon the Emperor's Dominions; is it a good, is it a wise, is it a useful or Christianlike counsel, to give him occasion of increasing the good will he hath already, of making enterprises upon Christendom, of getting his foot into Italy, of weakening that Prince his forces, who may counterpoise the Turks power? If Otranto, Brandizzo, or any other such place, should fall into the Turks hands, (which God forbid) what would become of Cor●u, and the rest of our territories? To part from the confederacy which we have with Cesar, what is it, but to draw on those evils, which we ought chiefly to shun? For who knows not, that more forces being to be employed in defence of the State of Milan, our Garrisons will be the weaker, to defend our maritine places from the Turks? Since the condition of our Commonwealth doth not permit, that we declare ourselves enemies to the Turks, unless we be enforced so to do, since the discords and weakness of the Christian Princes necessitates us, to stand idle spectators of the evils of Christendom, let us endeavour at least, to cloak this our resolution as much as we can; if we cannot otherwise assist the common cause, let us not be wanting in the favour it may receive, by the reputation of our forces, by keeping still, as we now are, in Arms, and by keeping the Turks still jealous, that we may, and will assist our friend and Confederate the Emperor. We see, that the course taken by the French is blamed by all men, and shall we be guilty of the same fault? The miserable cries of those unfortunate people, who shall be enslaved by these Barbarians, will call aloud for vengeance from God upon us, if we should be any occasion of their calamity. And this appearing safety which is offered us, will be a means to deprive us both of human and divine help. But as these are powerful reasons, to keep us from agreeing to th●se things, which are proposed unto us, so do they persuade us totally to break off this negotiation, not to nourish suspicions in the Imperialists, and hopes in the Turks, that we are to forego Cesar's friendship, which would at the last incense the King of France more against us, when he should find himself cheated and deluded by vain words and Treaties; and following the counsel proposed unto us by the College of the Savijs, we shall, without any advantage to ourselves, purchase disgrace, and ill will from all men. Cornaro was with great attention listened to by all, and his speech commended; after whom Leonardo Emo, a Salvio del Consiglio, a grave man, & who had had the management of many weighty affairs both at home and abroad, stood up, and spoke thus. I have observed in the long and learned Oration, made by Mark Antonio Cornaro, that to find matter wherewith to oppugn that opinion which he understands not; he hath endeavoured to interpret it, or to make it be understood, if not clean contrary, at least very far from the intention of the propounder. I will not therefore oblige myself to answer particularly to every thing that he hath alleged, because I think it not necessary, and I hope, that by that little which I shall say, it may be clearly enough seen, what might be further said, by one who would discourse more thereupon. But I have ever thought, that to urge more considerations, than the business that is treated of requires, is to confound, not to inligthen the judgement in point of resolution. His intention then, who proposes the giving a more modest and reserved answer to so affectionate an offer made in the King of France, is not to give himself totally up unto him, nor quite to abandon Caesar's amity, and to make a new confederacy with the King of France: but not to move him to greater indignation against us, to keep him from precipitating into any pernicious resolution, which may be prejudicial to our affairs. What greater injury can be done to a mighty Prince, than to seem not to regard him, not to value his friendship, or care for his enmity? if we cannot satisfy this King's desire, or accept the offers made by him, for some respects of our own, we ought not notwithstanding to proceed so, as he may have reason to believe we have refused his friendship, rather out of being dis-affected to him, than out of any obligation we have to Ceasar, or out of other respects concerning ourselves. If we will not satisfy his desires in our actions, let us not be so sparing of words, as that the injury of our denial may be increased without any advantage to us. We may know by a notable and late example, what good is got by this too open and too sincere dealing, if not severe. The Emperor Maximilian being always refused and neglected by us, when he desired friendship and peace with our Commonwealth, upon advantageous terms for us, joined at last with the same King of France against us, in whose behalf, and that we might not forgo his friendship, we, out of peradventure a generous, but certainly no ways useful, resolution for our affairs, would not listen to any thing that Maximilian could offer. I am afraid, Gentlemen, that the same may now befall us; and so much the rather, for that we know there are several endeavours at this time of agreement between these two Princes; which though it be to be desired for the good of Christendom, yet we must be careful and wary, that it be not done to our disadvantage; and that it be not only done without our knowledge, but against us. The way to secure us from this, is that which is now offered us; to wit, by nourishing the King of France, in some hopes of our friendship and assistance, who will never condescend to any agreement with Caesar, whom he hates to death, unless out of high necessity, when he sees no hopes of purchasing his desires by force. And as the benefit is great, which we may reap by this way of proceeding, so many other effects may follow, which will be very useful for the present condition of times and affairs. W shall retard the coming of the King into Italy: for putting an high esteem, as it seems he doth, upon the advantage he may receive by our friendship and assistance; it is very likely, that he will defer the enterprise of Milan, when he may hope to attempt it with greater likelihood of prosperous success, being therein assisted by us: and who knows not, how many conveniencies we may receive by this delay? we shall free ourselves from the expense, which will be at this time very troublesome and unseasonable, of sending our men to defend the State of Milan, as we are tie to do by our confederacy with Caesar; and we shall procure better security against the Turkish Forces, and the present danger thereof, whilst the Imperial forces being free from the fear of the French, will grow greater, be better united, and more able to defend their Dominions, and ours also, if there be occasion of joining our Fleet with theirs. But say all these particular considerations were laid aside; tell me, I beseech you, is it not certain, and a thing confirmed both by reason, and by experience in us all, that the keeping of these two Prince's powers, as equally balanced as may be, doth much concern the safety and liberty of all Italy, and particularly the reputation and grandeur of this Commonwealth? not to secure the one altogether, nor to make the other totally despair of our friendship, which is the only means of keeping the one from overmuch exceeding the other, and from securing their affairs in Italy: which most weighty consideration, hath made us not s●ick to side sometimes with the one, sometimes with the other, as hath stood most with the times, and with our interests. It is now 13 years since, that being then in League with the King of France, and seeing the Emperor's forces increase so fast in Italy, and the French succours come on so slowly, as it was thought impossible to uphold them any longer; we followed Cesar's fortune, did what our own safety and service advised us to do, and adhering unto Cesar, did help him to drive the residue of the French Army out of Italy: but soon after, the French faction growing powerful, by King Francis, passing over the mountains with a strong Army, we forwent our new Confederacy made with the Emperor, and did re-establish our ancient League with the King of France; whose affairs proving afterwards unfortunate, and contrary to the first hopes, his Army being routed, and himself taken prisoner; we, to preserve ourselves early from being injured by the Conqueror did side again with Cesar; whose greatness growing suspicious, and seeing ourselves then free from the former danger of his forces, as soon as we found the King of France, who was now set at liberty, minded to make war with Cesar; we took up Arms with him, to drive the Imperialists out of the Dukedom of Milan. All these things happened within less than two years' space; and I myself was present in many of them, as Commissary of your Armies; and certainly it was wisely done to suit ourselves to the various conditions of times; by doing which, we have preserved the Commonwealth, and reduced her at last to peace. Then, since the same respects continue, shall we proceed otherwise? Why shall we, by seeming inseparably united to Cesar, force the King of France to give over his thoughts of Italy, and leave the Emperor sole Arbitrator thereof? by doing thus, we shall at one and the same time purchase hatred from the French, neglect from the Imperialists, lessen the reputation of our Commonwealth, and make the way easy for Cesar to inthrale whole Italy. To what purpose is the unconstancy, and uncertainty of the King of France urged, if we do not at all now treat of relying upon his word? And say we should treat thereof, such a conferacy could not occasion us so much trouble or danger, but that our appearing to continue so constant to Cesar, might be cause of more. Nor do I say, that we ought to treat with some reservation with the King of France, for any respect of the King himself, for any service that we have received by him, or out of hope of what we may receive; though if I should say so, it is not so long since we recovered Verona, by the assistance of his forces, but that it might procure me some belief. It is our own service and good which makes me advise thus, which should persuade us to take this course. Therefore as I shall not easily advise (since the present times do not permit it) that we should enter into assured and present troubles of a new War; so shall I not counsel quite to forgo the thought of the emperor's too immoderate greatness, which hath cost us so much labour in the hardest times, preferring the security of our Commonwealth, and our posterity (for which the Senate is much to be praised) before any accommodation we could receive by peace. We may by this time know what Cesar's intentions are, and that it is now more to be feared than ever, that he will subjugate all Italy: He hath drawn us into confederacy with him, by giving us good words, and by promising to put a Duke into the State of Milan: But do not his actions show, how careful he is to make good this his promise? If then we do desire to bring him to this, since we cannot now use open violence, let us at least make him somewhat jealous of our friendship and assistance; for it may very well fall out, that fearing lest by our alienation, he may shamefully lose that State, he may resolve to leave it with honour and praise, by some fair way of accommodation, as he lately did, when he was contented that Francisco Sforzza should be repossessed thereof. The respect of our present troubles and dangers of the Turkish Forces, being added to these considerations, I think we ought not to forgo the gravity and maturity, with which the Senate is wont to proceed in matters of much less moment: for it is evident, that the too much hastening of this our resolution, and the two soon declaring of ourselves, will increase the Turks jealousies, that we are joined with Cesar to their prejudice, and cannot but much injure our affairs, and bring us upon some precipice: Moreover, I know not why we ought to value the intercession of a puissant Prince, and one so highly esteemed by the Turks, as is the King of France, so little. I am not persuaded, that a treaty of Peace and Agreement, propounded by a personage of great power, would be displeasing to us, if we were in open War with Soliman. And now that our business is depending, in my opinion more inclinable to peace than war; shall we not believe, that the French may by their endeavours the more easily divert it, be it but by acquainting them with the easiness of the enterprise, wherein their intentions and designs against the Imperialists, and us, will be assisted? Much more may be said upon this occasion, so as my discourse thereupon must be long, though contrary to my custom; but I forbear to say many things, purposely that I may not seem to distrust the wont wisdom of this Senate, to which it may seem very conformable to keep the more certain determination of our will therein undetermined; as also the opinion that the King of France; or any others may have thereof, who may Comment upon this our answer, we shall have time for a better grounded, and more mature resolution; the waiting for which in difficulties, hath always been thought to become a wise and prudent Prince. According to this man's opinion, the Senate took time to deliberate upon an answer, and upon dismissing Count Rongone. This mean while, certain news came to Venice, that Soliman was come with his Army to Vallona, and that his Fleet passing by Corfu, had saluted the Fort by shooting off their Guns, according to the military fashion, in token of friendship, and were with like shot, amicably answered by our men; and that they had committed no hostile act, neither in that Island, nor elsewhere; but that some of his men having taken away certain goods from some of our men by violence, the Captain, to terrify others, had made them be hanged at the main mast of his galley. Wherefore to correspond with some sign of friendship, and peace, and to discover somewhat of his intentions; some of the Senators were of opinion, that General Pesaro should be ordered to send some Governor of his galleys to this end, to Soliman. But this resolution was suspended, lest the Turks might interpret this, as a sign of fear, and might consequently lessen the opinion of our forces in them, or peradventure afford matter of new dislikes amongst them, and of making some immoderate or insolent demand. But this thought was totally laid aside afterwards, by reason of news that jocopo Canale, who going to be resident at Constantinople, in the place of Nicolo justiniano, as Minister of the Commonwealth for the public affairs, and for our Country's occasions, (which employment is commonly called Bailo) when he came to Novobazer, was ordered by the grand Signior to turn back, and come to him to the Camp, so as he might do there whatsoever was to be done. Thus stood the affairs of the Venetians at this time, having neither open War, nor secure peace; all things full of jealousy, great preparation of Fleets and Soldiers, but no open injury yet done, nor occasion given of making use of those forces: but lo some sudden and unexpected accidents afforded matter to the Barbarians, of venting that fury against the Venetians, which they intended against others; the constant and resolute will of the Senators, to keep peace with the Turks, not being able to avoid this misfortune of war, nor yet the diligence which they had at first used, in charging their Sea-Captains, and which orders they had often reiterated, to shun all occasions whereby they might come to open war with the Turks, but to behave themselves so, as that they might give them no occasion of jealousy. Simione Nassi Zaratino, commanded one of the galleys of Dalmatia, who unfortunately meeting with a small Turkish Vessel loaded with Victuals, bend for Vallona, which not striking sail unto him, according to the maritime custom, Nassi shot at the Vessel, and sunk it. Though Soliman and his Bashaws were much troubled at this, yet bearing with it, that it might not impede their other designs, they resolved to send janusli Dragomano to Corfu; the same man who had been the year before at Venice, with order to acquaint General Pesaro, how that the peace between them and the Commonwealth, was violated by the insolence of one of his Captains, and to crave that the delinquent might be punished and reparation made for the damage done, which he said came to 30000 Ducats. Four galleys of the Fleet lay in the Channel of Cor●u, to guard the same, commanded by Giusto Gradenico, Michiele Grimani, Giacono di Mezzo, and jerolomo Michiele: These men when they saw armed ships draw near them (which were two galleys, and one flyboat, which conducted the Ambassador) not taking any notice who they were, they fell so furiously upon them, as the Turks fled, and not thinking themselves thereby safe, they put to land at Cimera, where they were ill dealt with by those fierce people, who were naturally Enemies to the Turks, many of them taken Prisoners, amongst which, Ianusby's self. General Pesaro was exceedingly displeased hereat, so as to make satisfaction in part, and to mitigate the anger which this might beget amongst the Turks, he presently sent Captain Francisco Zeno to Cimera, to ransom janusbye, which he obtained gratis immediately from those people, who though they be otherwise rude and savage, bear a particular affection to the Venetians. When Soliman heard this news, he was advised by some of his men to take sudden revenge; but he not being willing for the present to make any other resentment, sent for the Bailo Canale, and complained bitterly of what the Commonwealth's Ministers had done, contrary to that so great desire of peace which the said Bailo had affirmed the Commonwealth studied to have, and keep with him; and at last he was content, that the Bailo should send one of purpose to Corfu, to be truly and particularly informed of the fact, to which purpose the Bailo did immediately dispatch away Alessandro Orsino to Corfu. But Soliman continuing his intention of assaulting the Rivers of Puglia, had landed good store of Horse in flat-bottomed boats about Otranto, which overrunning the whole Country, and seizing on both men and beasts, and all things else, infused terror into all; and at the same time Luftebeio, and Barbarossa, passed by with 80 galleys, who being informed that the chief Cities in Otranto and Brandizzo, were well furnished with Soldiers, and with all things else, bending his course from the head of Otranto, to the gulf of Taranto, had unexpectedly assaulted the Town of Castro, in the possessions of Mercurio Gattinara, a petty Lord, and took it upon Articles; which were but ill kept; for the soldiers, desirous of prey, not obeying their Captain's commands, did miserably plunder it. Brabarossa thought it good, to flesh his soldiers at first, and to win them reputation with slight enterprises, and to affrighten the Enemy, but hastened notwithstanding to greater things. Doria having in this interim reinforced 28 galleys, as well as he could with soldiers and mariners, whereby his galleys were very fleet, and fit for action, went with them towards the Islands of Zante, and Saffalonia, took divers Turkish ships, which being loaded with Victuals, went for Vallona, whereby he much incommodiated the Army; and then steering his course towards the gulf, came into the waters of Corfu, almost at the same time, that janusbei being chased by the Venetians, (as hath been said) went on land upon the shore of Cimera, where he took, and brought away the Turkish Vessels empty of men, which did much increase the Turks hatred against the Venetians, and the suspicion that they held intelligence with the Imperialists: and certainly it so fell out, as those things through misfortune happened at that time, which were desired to be shunned; so as occasion of injuries being given, open war was to ensue thereupon. General Pesaro, hearing that Barbarossa was gone from the waters of Zante, to secure the Victuals which were sent from Constantinople to the Camp, and that he came toward Corfu, thought it fit to make use of the liberty the Senate had given him, of uniting the galleys all together: wherefore he resolved to enter the gulf, and to join with General Vetturi, intending, above all things, to shun meeting with the Turkish galleys. But whilst he was upon his way, he was carried by a cross wind Lee-ward, where he met with those dangers which he had striven to avoid. For the whole Fleet being now so near land, and part of the night past, the Mariners advised to cast anchor, to the end that the Rowers might have some rest; and not being able by reason of a sudden storm, and of the darkness of the night, to discover afar off, from the topmast, for the securing of their voyage; it happened that the Van, which consisted of 15 galleys, and was commanded by Commissary Alexander Contarini, fell at unawares upon a Turkish galley, (which was the Imperial galley, prepared for the grand Signior, if he himself should come to Sea, and which was then commanded by Bustan Raise) and those of that galley ask our men what ship theirs was, answer was made, it belonged to the Venetians; and they being asked by those of Contarini's galley, who they were, they made no answer, but seeking to fall Room-ward, did presently let fly their greatest Guns at her. Then Contarini, moved either by anger, or by the zeal he bore to the honour of that Fleet, set upon the Turkish galley, which had declared herself to be an Enemy; and after a long dispute, having received some harm, for there were above 300 soldiers in her, he took her, and put all the Turks to death, except some few, who being underneath the deck, were not found till the business was over. Contarini was much blamed for this by some, as if swayed out of a desire of particular revenge, he had done what he knew was contrary to the public service, by doing an hostile act upon the Turks, by whom he had been much injured, his ship having been before fraudulently detained by them. Yet others excusing him, said, That he had fore-seen these disorders more than any other, and had endeavoured to remove the occasion, by going with the whole Fleet into Candia: since the Turks being passed as friends through the channel of Corfu, there was no necessity of staying there, which was nothing else but to give occasion of real dangers, so to keep free from vain suspicions. After this, the General pursuing his course, and being come very near the coast of Puglia, they discovered many fires on land, and hearing many guns go off at the same time, they at first thought it was, that those of the Country spying our Fleet, and not knowing what Vessels they were, had given signs to the Inhabitants, to betake themselves to strong holds; but they knew afterwards, that they were signs given by the Turks, to call those that were Landed back to their galleys, with which putting to Sea, they came to encounter us; for they had been advertised of our coming, by the convoy of the galley which was taken, who had tarried somewhat behind. Our men were greatly confused by the unexpected coming of the Turkish galleys. On one side the danger was very nigh at hand, and the doubt very great, whether they should seek to secure themselves from it, by flight, or by preparing for combat: to fly away, seemed dishonourable, and not very safe. The Senate's express orders forbade them fight, and reason ought to keep them from it, lest they upon disadvantageous terms might hazard those galleys upon the uncertain event of battle, on which the defence and safety of their Estate by Sea, did in a great part depend. No good order being taken, by reason of these uncertain Counsels, neither for staying nor for retiring: it happened, that when the General gave order to the other Sea-Captains to turn back to Corfu, it was done disorderly; so as all of them hasting as fast as they could, to free themselves from danger, five of our galleys, either being too late in tacking about, or else not so swift of sail as the rest, tarried far behind; four of which fell into the Turks hands, whose Captains hands were afterwards barbarously strucken off, and open war declared. But the fifth, which was commanded by jovan Baptista Mirchovich▪ damn Pago, though it were behind the rest, had the good fortune to escape. For bearing the half Moon for its flag, it was taken to be a Turkish galley, and was not molested by the enemy, but past safely on to Otranto, and went from thence to join with General Vetturi. This last business, though it was we that was injured, was notwithstanding a great occasion of the Turks breaking into war with the Venetians; for Soliman having conceived an ill opinion of the Commonwealth, by reason of the other accidents which you have heard of, was the easilier persuaded by others, that our Galleys lay there, to hinder the design of his Fleet, by falling at unawares upon them, or to set his Fleet on fire. This suspicion was much increased by a Letter of Doria's, (as was afterwards known by certain slaves) which came to Soliman's hands, wherein he advertised General Pesaro, of the Turks voyage, putting him in mind, that this was an opportune time, to suppress the Turkish Fleet, which was divided, and feared no such thing. This Letter was thought to be artificially written by Doria, and that it was sent in a little Frigate, such a way, as it might fall into the jaws of the enemy, as it did, to the end it might nourish jealousy in them, that he held some secret intelligence with the Venetians, and so necessitate them to join their Fleet with his, for the common safety. To which purpose it was likewise believed, that passing much about that time near Corfu, he met with General Pesaro and had often long discourse with him. The Venetians were generally very much displeased at these proceedings, thinking it a hard and grievious thing, that the imprudency and rashness of a few, should trouble the tranquillity of all, by giving occasion of a dangerous war, contrary to the intention and resolution of the Senate; which troubled them the more, and made them be the more blamed by others, because they might be said, to have been themselves the cause of their own mischief. Yet there wanted not some, who both abroad, and in the Senate, approved what was done, and defended the authors of it; they said, It was fit to have respect to their honour, to maritime discipline, and to the reputation of the Fleet. To what purpose was it to be at such expense, in setting forth so many armed vessels, if every one might be permitted to do what they please? If all injuries, all insultings were to be suffered, what credit, what obedience would be given to the sea-Captains? What hopes would the subjects have, of being protected and defended by those forces, which would prove nothing but a vain appearance, if they should suffer, that unarmed vessels, should not give obedience to such as were armed; and that our Galleys should be shot at, and suffer other such like indignities, without any resentment? Would not the Turks construe this done, not out of friendship, but out of fear? which at last would be no better, than instead of appeasing them, to make them more bold and insolent. What would it be to punish these men ●or what they had done, but to confess, it was done unjustly, and against the Articles of peace, and consequently to oblige ourselves to make reparation, and to pay the Turks 30000 Ducats, that they might employ it against us? But, which is worse, if we shall grant, that the peace is broken by our Ministers, how shall we ever hope to do any thing, which may satisfy the haughty Turks, but by doing something of great shame and indignity? That it was usual ●or Princes, to lay their own faults upon their Officers. And that if Soliman should not be herewith satisfied, but should continue to make war, how would the depriving ourselves of the service of these valiant men redound to the disservice of the public? and, which is worse, would it not make all others be poorly spirited and cowards? so as when they should have occasion to confront the enemy, they should be more troubled, in thinking, how to defend their honours at home before our Magistrates, than their own and the common safety, against the eminent danger of war made by the enemy. And that if these were to be proceeded against by the way of justice, they must have more certain and particular information of the fact, by way of process. That they were likewise to tarry for advertisement from the Bailo, to know how these things were understood by the Turks, in what condition our affairs were, either for war or peace; without which considerations, all resolutions that could be taken hereupon, would be unseasonable, unjust, and injurious, both to the private, and to the public. The earnest disputing of these things, was the occasion, why the business ofttimes proposed to the Senate, of committing the Commissary, and Masters of the ships, to the office of the Avogaria, to give an account of the actions whereof they stood accused, was for many days deferred. But the news of the Turks complaints increased still, and how they prepared to revenge themselves; which was more clearly known by the coming of Allessandro Orsino, who was sent by the Bailo to Venice, he being commanded so to do by Soliman, that he might let the Senate know, that these men were to be severely punished, who had violated the peace; and that they were to acknowledge, that what had been done, was done without their consent or goodwill. This being done by A●ace, the first Bashaw, made the Senate hope well in the continuance of peace; wherefore they resolved at last to send orders to the General, that he should send Giusto Gradenico, who was chief of those Galleys that chased janusbi, and such others as he should find guilty of the same fact, in Irons to Venice; but Commissary Contarini was ordered, to go with his Galley to Zara, and that leaving it at the disposal of General Vetturi, he himself should come to Venice, and present himself before the Magistracy of the Avogaria. There were some likewise that were of opinion, that General Pesaro should give up his Commission, alleging, that all other things would be but in vain, and give no satisfaction to the Turks; it being to be supposed, that all the disorders of the Militia must arise from him, who had the supreme authority; and that the General, by leaving Gradenico unpunished, had been the occasion of the other inconveniences which ensued, and consequently, that he partook of the same fault. That peace with the Turks was of such concernment to the Commonwealth, as nothing was to be considered in comparison thereof. Moreover, that the Fleet being to keep united, there was no need of so many Generals, which in important affairs, and chiefly in the Militia, do rather breed disorder, then do any good. But notwithstanding, the Senate, having an eye to the preservation of the public dignity, did not only not consent to the recalling of the General, but sending Orsino back to the Bailo, would not that any account should as then be given to Soliman, by any public order, of their resolution taken concerning the Commissary, and the others, that they might not seem to have done it, rather to please the Turks, than to do justice. The Bailo was therefore ordered, that he should assure Soliman of the Senate's goodwill in general, and of their desire of preserving friendship and peace; for the better assurance whereof, they would speedily send an express messenger, with particular instructions of all that had been done, and to assure him of the Senate's goodwill; to which effect, Commissary Vicenzo Grimani was afterwards chosen. But before Orsino could come to Vallona with these orders, Soliman being highly incensed, and being chiefly provoked thereunto by Barbarossa, though he had promised the Bailo not to attempt any novelty, till Orsino should be returned, gave command, that his Fleet, which lay then in the waters of Puglia, and which, after the sacking of Castro, was gone to besiege Otranto, should return to Vallona, with steadfast resolution, to bend all his forces both by sea and land, against the Venetian territories, and particularly to assault the Island and the Fort of Corfu, which at this time made most for his purpose. It is said, that Aiace used many reasons, to dissuade Soliman from declaring enmity against the Venetians, saying, That it was nothing else, but unseasonably to increase the Imperialists forces, who were perpetual enemies to the Ottoman family, by necessitating the Venetians to join with them, for their own defence. Besides, that the year was already so far spent, August being now almost over, as it would not permit any long and difficult enterprises, wherein the Fleet was to be made use of; and that there began to be some want of victuals in the Camp, by reason of the so many ships which Doria had taken. But Barbarossa being much enraged, because twelve of his Galleys falling at this time upon Doria's Fleet at the Merlere, had been but hardly dealt with by him, part of them being taken, part sunk; that he might work some revenge, and much more to save himself, went about to lay the fault upon the Venetians, saying, That by their assistance and advertisement, the Imperialists had found the opportunity, to fall upon his Galleys at unawares, almost in the Channel of Corfu, and in the face of the Venetian Fleet; who, if they had been true friends, ought not to have suffered so great an outrage to be done, to a Prince in amity with them, almost at their own homes, they having forces sufficient to have hindered it. That the dignity of that Empire, ought not to be so injured and scorned; nor that the Venetians, holding close intelligence with their enemies the Imperialists, receiving them into their havens, giving them advertisement, and all other accommodations, should be tolerated to make war by this means underhand with the Musselmans, without being injured. Thus the resolution was taken, of making war with the Commonwealth, and orders were forthwith sent to all parts of the Ottoman Empire, where great store of Venetian Merchants were wont to frequent for traffic, that they should be detained, together with their goods; and particularly, three great Galleys were arrested in Alexandria, who had the public faith for their surety in those Havens. Soliman marched with his Army to Butrintro, just over against Corfu, that he might the more commodiously convey his men over into the Island, whither Barbarossa was gone on the 28th of August, with his Fleet, and with certain Shallops, wherein were about a thousand Horse, to overrun and pillage the country at unawares, as he did. When the news hereof came first to Venice, all men's minds were very much molested, especially theirs who sat at the helm of government, though they did very much suspect it before: For though it was thought, the Fort of Corfu was able to withstand the Turks assault, without any danger, they judged, it would be very hard for them long to withstand the forces of so potent enemies, and to defend their Dominions, exposed in so many several parts to their injuries. That therefore this was likely to be the beginning of great troubles to the Commonwealth, which began but then to repair herself, from the so many evils she had suffered in the late wars in Terra ferma. The Island of Corfu is seated on the utmost part of the Venetian Gulf, between the jonick and the Adriatic sea: It hath on the north side the Rivers of Albania, from whence it is not above two miles divided; but it is distant by land from the head of Otranto sixty miles on the East. The Island extends itself from the East to the West, in almost a Lunary form; except that the Rock whereon the Fort is placed, makes as it were two semicircles on the inside. The waters between the Island, and the Terra ferma, are commonly called the Channel of Corfu, which though it be not above two miles over on the East end of the Island, where the Port Casopo is, yet the Island enlarging itself more from landward on the other side, called Levidimo, it is above ten miles over. The Island is of an excellent air, as is witnessed by the Orange Trees and Cedars, which grow there in great quantity, and very beautiful; which peradventure afforded the Poet's occasion, of so highly celebrating the Gardens of King Alcinous, who kept his Court there. The ground is fruitful, very fit for corn, having on the North side many pleasant plains. The city is placed almost in the midst of the Island, upon the root of a mountain, which is almost surrounded by it. The suburbs are sufficiently great and capacious, and were at this time inhabited by above 8000 persons. The Fort was but of a very small circuit, and capable of not many men; but so seated, as it was secure from being injured by any enemy, having two Castles situated very high, upon steep Rocks, which are not only a defence to the walls of the Fort on all sides, but discovering the sea, valleys, and neighbouring mountains, afford means of keeping the enemy's Fleets and Armies afar off, which cannot approach near it without much damage. One, and the ancientest of these Castles, is wholly environed by the Fort; the other of later structure, stands part within the Fort, the greater part serving for a wall or rampire thereunto. There are no other cities nor forts in the Island, but only many straggling villages; and on the Southside stands the castle of St. Angelo, stronger by situation, then by art. The whole Island is about 120 miles in compass, and it was anciently much more inhabited, and the inhabitants esteemed for sea-affairs, which they did so industriously study, as it may be gathered from what Thucydides relates, in the war of Morea. They had many maritine forces, and were well esteemed by the other Grecians. This Island had been under the Venetians dominion for 150 years' last passed, and was kept by them with great expense and care, being thought to be very fitly situated, to preserve the Empire of the Sea; for there being in it good and capacious havens, their Fleets may with great safety keep about it, and be ready to defend other eastern Islands and Dominions, and also keep in any enemies, from entering with their Fleets into the Gulf, which could not safely advance, leaving an enemy's Fleet behind them, in a strong situation. This Island is therefore with reason held to be the bulwark of Italy, against the Barbarians forces. So as the danger being increased of later years, by reason of the Turks power, the Venetian Senate taking into consideration, together with their own safety, the common service of Christendom, have by stupendious art, and much cost, brought this Fort into such a condition, as it may truly be thought impregnable. It was at this time governed by several Magistrates, sent thither by the Commonwealth, Simone Lione was Consul, Luigi da Riva Commissary, & Andrea Falliero Commander of the old Castle; but jacopo di Novello was chief Governor of the Militia, a man well experienced in matters of war, who falling sick just at this time, died, and Baboon di Naldo was chosen to succeed him, who had purchased the repute of great valour and fidelity, in the last wars on Terra ferma, and who at this time was a Colonel. The Senate being willing to gratify him, for his ready acceptance of this employment, allowed twenty Ducats a month in his life-time to his son Paul. Naldo carried with him Letters from the Senate, to the Governors of the Island, wherein they were ordered to exhort the Commanders and citizen's, in the name of the Commonwealth, to behave themselves valiantly and faithfully, promising them rewards, and speedy succours; to which purpose, they were preparing great store of Galleys and Soldiers, and that the Senate had a great care of their safeties, and of preserving the Island. In the Fort there was a Garrison of about 2000 Italians, and as many Islanders, many whereof being trained up to be Cannoneers, did excellent service. There was great store of Artillery, and sufficient Ammunition for them. The charge of the Militia was particularly given to divers, according as need should require; the keeping of the Haven was committed to the care of Nicolo Semitecolo, Zaccheria Barbaro had the charge of the Victuals, and Luigi Sanuto of the Artillery; all these three being Governors of the Galleys of that Guard: So as the Governors and Captains did undauntedly expect the enemy. Yet the Venetians being jealous, by reason of the importance of the place, that some evil accident might befall it, or at least, that the enemy, if they were not disturbed, might lay a long siege to it, set all their thoughts upon freeing Cor●u from danger, by fight the Turkish Fleet: There were many things which advised thereunto; the knowledge, that as long as the Turkish Fleet remained entire, whereby the Camp might easily be furnished with men, which they abounded in, the Island of Corfu, and the other Islands also, must be exposed to many dangers; and that the Commonwealth's forces being wasted, though with nothing else, by the length of war, some of her Dominions must at last fall into the Turks hands. Moreover, that the Commonwealth had then a great and strong Fleet ready, consisting of 100 Galleys, and conveniency to increase it, and make it greater, by arming good store of great Vessels. That they had a fit occasion to try the fortune of a Battle, not suffering the expense of so great a a preparation for war, to be consumed with certain loss. But they were hereunto chiefly incited, by their hopes of being assisted by the forces of other Christian Princes, in whatsoever enterprise they should undertake against the Turks, according to the so many offers made by the Pope and Emperor; which if they should not accept of, they might seem, not without some infamy, and apparent prejudice to the Commonwealth, to have abandoned both themselves, and the cause of Christendom. There were then about 50 nimble Galleys, and as many great Vessels of the Emperors upon the sea; the Pope had armed four, and the Knights of jerusalem some; which forces being all united, they hoped to be not only able to beat the Turkish Fleet, and to free Corfu from siege; but to do some egregious act, by way of noble conquest. News being therefore brought, of the Armies being gone to the Island of Corfu, and war being openly made, Mark Antonio Contarini, Ambassador at Rome, was ordered to acquaint the Pope therewith, and with the Senate's resolution; to let him see, in how great danger the common cause of Christendom was, and how ready they were to employ all their forces, to defend it and themselves, against the potent common enemy. They thought it fittest to do this first with the Pope, not only because this care did chiefly belong unto him, as to the head of Christianity, but for that he having been very desirous, that the Christian Princes should join against the Infidels, had often offered the Church's Treasury, and all his forces, and authority, towards so pious and necessary a work. It was also very fit, in respect of the present business, to treat thereof at Rome rather than in Spain; it being then thought, by what themselves had given out, that the Emperor's Ministers in Italy had commission given them, to join his Fleet with the Venetians, if occasion should so require. As soon as the Pope heard this the Senate's resolution, he seemed to be very much joyed thereat, saying, That he had never desired any thing more fervently since he was Pope, than this; that God could not be more gracious unto him, then to suffer him to see the minds and forces of Christian Princes, joined together against those enemies, who, through the so much increased discords of Christendom, did now threaten them ruin. He did not therefore only confirm, but increase his promises made to the Venetians, when he persuaded them to make this union. And truly the Pope's exhortations were of no small moment, to excite in them these thoughts, and hopes of a League, he being esteemed a wise man, very zealous of the common good, and very well affected towards the Commonwealth. A beginning being thus given to a treaty of League, it was concluded by all, that mighty forces at sea were to be put together, since they had to do with an enemy, whose power, nay, whose very name, was become so formidable to all men. They discoursed therefore of arming 200 Galleys, and as many Ships, and other great Vessels, as they could, wherein 50000 Foot were to be embarked, and 4000 Horse. But because there arose some difficulty about the distribution of this expense, and the time and necessity pressing very much, to go with that Fleet which was already ready, to the relief of Corfu. The Pope confirming the preparation and union of these forces, as a thing already certainly agreed upon, would have the League to be presently published, for the greater reputation thereof, and to invite the Christian Princes to embrace it, reserving the conclusion of the particular Articles to a better conveniency, and till some orders were come from Spain. This publication was made with great solemnity in St. Peter's Church, Gaspero Contarini, a Venetian Cardinal, singing the Mass, wherein he was assisted by the Pope, and by the whole College of Cardinals; which being done, the Pope entertained the Emperor's Ambassador, the Ambassador of Venice, and the Venetian Cardinals, and Cardinal Santa Croce, a Spaniard, at dinner with him in his Palace. The like publication was also solemnly made in Venice, thanks being given to God by Orisons, and Processions in all the Churches, for this union of the Christian Princes against the Infidels. To do somewhat in relation to this, the Senate writ to their Generals, that they should leave the Captain of the Gulf to guard the places of Dalmatia with four Galleys, and that they should go with the whole Fleet to Brandizzi. They afterwards took many soldiers into pay, to make good the promised number; they created the Governors of the greater, and of the bastard Galleys, which were with all diligence put in order; and it was resolved, that when these should be out at sea, they, and all the other armed ships, should be under the command of Bondumiero, Captain of the Gallioune. So in a short time, all things were disposed of, on the Venetians side, so as the Fleet might go find out the enemy. But Andrea Doria having received orders, and being desired both from Rome and Venice, whilst he was yet at Naples, to go to Brandizzo, and join with the Venetian Fleet, finding out many excuses; sometimes, that he must go to Marcelles, against the French Fleet; sometimes to Genua, to recruit his Galleys with men, and to provide for many things which he wanted, would not tarry, no not the least while there, though Gasparo Basalu, Consul for the Venetians at Naples, did all he could to persuade him: He ofttimes told Doria, of the importance of the Island of Corfu, which was now to be freed from danger, and would make for the Emperor's service; how great the glory and reputation was, which he might hereby purchase. He moreover minded him of his own particular obligation, by his word so often given, and promise made so oft to the Venetians, which had made the Senate put such confidence in him, as much to his honour, they had consented, that the Commonwealth's Fleet, which was so potent, and whereon the safety of her Dominions by sea did depend, should be guided and commanded by him as supreme Captain. But Doria being nothing at all moved herewith, said, They should have accepted of his offer, whilst there was an opportunity of suppressing Barbarossa, when he passed with but part of his Fleet through the Channel of Corfu. And presently after, going with all his Galleys from Naples, he steered his course towards Genua, where when he should have given an account of all that had passed to the Emperor, he said, He would expect new orders from Spain. So as neither Letters from the Pope, written by his own hand, wherein he pressed the same desires more fervently than before; nor the Emperor's Ambassador, who went in person to this purpose to Naples from Rome, came time enough to do any good; for he hoist sail with such speed and resolution, as if it had been to have escaped some great danger. The Venetians were hereat very much troubled, not only for that they saw, they had lost their hopes of beating the Turkish Fleet, but because they thought themselves deluded by the Imperialists vain promises. Yet, though Doria's departure, and the news, that Barbarossa was about to enter the Gulf with 100 Galleys, might have counselled them to revoke their order, which they had given their Generals, of going with their Fleet to Brandizzo; the Senate, to show their constancy in what they had once resolved, and to preserve the reputation of their Fleet, which they thought might be lessened very much, if they should seem to depend so much upon Doria's counsels and actions; after the business had been long and diversely discussed, they resolved, not to alter any part of their former orders, but renewed their desires to the Pope, to give orders to the Count d' Anguilara, of going with his Galleys belonging to the Church, to Brandizzo, according to the first design. Whilst these things were in treaty amongst the Christian Princes, the Turks having conveyed 25000 men, and 30 pieces of Artillery, over into the Island of Corfu, had built four Cavaliers about the Forts, to equal those within, and obviate their defence. And the mean while, they with barbarous cruelty destroyed the country, cut up the Cedar and Olive plants, burnt houses, took cattle away, and carried the men away prisoners. Many of the inhabitants of the suburbs had with-drawn themselves into the Mandracchio, to save themselves; but not having wherewithal to be nourished, nor to defend themselves from the rain, which fell in great abundance at that time, the most of them perished most miserably there; Some few of them got into the Fort, being drawn in with ropes. The Castle of St. Angelo preserved many of the villages, it being able by the situation thereof, to defend them from the enemy. But the Turks having begun their battery, were aware, that by reason of the great distance of place, wherein they were bound to build their Cavaliers, that they might fit themselves to the situation, and keep themselves safe from the Cannon within, their shot did little hurt, or none; and the Fleet being approached near the southside of the Fort, where la Purporella wanting, and the walls were lower, so as they hoped they might come nearer, and do most good. Barbarossa was with much loss beaten back, and amongst other things, had the Stem and Rudder of his own Galley shot off. The first Bashaw went twice from Butrinto to the Island, and coming even to the ditch of the Fort, that he might the better discover the place, at his return, he told Soliman, That the Fort was so seated, and so defended, as it would hardly be taken in a long time. Wherefore he counselled Soliman to raise his Army, and remove his Fleet, whereinto a grievious sickness was got, and great scarcity began to be in the Camp. He told him, how that winter drew on, a very unseasonable time for that enterprise, whereon the longer his men stayed, the more reputation would they lose, if they must afterwards rise without effecting their desire. That by reason of this enterprise, and rash accidents, his forces and thoughts had been diverted, from more easy undertake against the Emperor, for which that warlike preparation was intended. That therefore it being a thing inconsiderately undertaken, he met not with that prosperous success therein, as was wont to wait upon the wise and generous counsels of the Ottoman Lords. That therefore both the Army and the Fleet were best to return to Constantinople, to refresh both the one and the other, much weakened by several inconveniencies, to the end that they might prepare greater forces, whereby to achieve more certain glory the next year. This was the first Bashaw Ajace's counsel; yet to keep up reputation, and feigning to have other ends, and it may be out of envy to Barbarossa's glory, desirous to keep him idle, he sent for the Venetian Consul, who was yet in the Camp, and told him, That if his Masters would make reparation for losses and injuries done to Soliman, and behave themselves so, as it might be made known, that these things had not been done by any public order or consent, he would work it so, that the Army and Fleet should rise from before Corfu, and return to their former friendship and peace with his Masters. Which words, janusby, the chief Interpreter, affirmed, to have been spoken by the knowledge and consent of Soliman, as was soon seen. The Consul being suffered to send a man of his to this purpose, to Venice, who was accompanied by two Chiausi, and secured as far as castle Nuovo. And at the same time almost, without expecting an answer, Soliman and his Camp removed towards Constantinople, and the Artillery & Soldiers being embarked, the whole Fleet removed from Corfu, where they had not stayed above ten days. The whole country was destroyed, the villages ruined and deserted, the Turks having carried away 15000 men, and made them slaves. Pacsu, an Island lying on the East of Corfu, and not far distant from thence, to which, as it is said, it was anciently joined, did undergo the like calamity; as also Butrinto, a maritime country of Albania, (just over against the Island. of Corfu) wherein was a Castle, which fell into the Turks hands, at the very first appearance of the Army, Corfiatto, who was Captain thereof, having carried the keys to Soliman's self, from whom he received a golden garment, and his liberty. Barbarossa being gone with all the Fleet from Corfu, made towards la Perevesa, (not being able to obtain leave of Soliman, to tarry in those seas) with 100 Galleys, to commit piracy in the waters of Puglia, and Sicily, as was earnestly endeavoured by Brancardo, Captain of 12 French Galleys, who being just then come to the Turkish Fleet, hoped by the favour of Barbarossa, to accompany him, to the prejudice of the Emperor. It was thought, that advertisement, come to Soliman, of no sleight commotions raised in the confines of Persia, was the cause of his so sudden raising his Army; for two days before, two Olachi came to the Camp, with great diligence from thence; and no occasion of their coming being divulged, it was held for certain, that they brought bad news; it being the custom of that Nation, to publish and enlarge all things, which may win them reputation, and to conceal such things, as may produce a contrary effect. But really, the great difficulties that were discovered in the enterprise, and the reasons alleged by Aiace, was the true cause of this change of resolution. The Venetians were mightily rejoiced at the news, of Corfu's being freed from danger at that time, when being abandoned by Doria, and consequently deprived of all means of succouring it by their own Fleet, the hopes of its defence lay only in the strength of the situation, and in the defendants valour: Nay, it appeared, that the Commonwealth, and that Fort in particular, would in the future win no little reputation, by this the Turks so sudden departure, who are not wont to give over any enterprise, without the victory. To so sad an age are we grown, as not to lose by such enemies, is reputed a kind of victory. The Venetians therefore paid their thanks to God, singing Masses and Psalms throughout all their Churches, making solemn processions, and giving much alms both in public and in private, to poor Monasteries, and other religious places. But Soliman seeking to molest the Venetians in several places, had commanded Cassin, Sanghiacco of Morea, that assembling the soldiers of the neighbouring parts together, he should besiege Napoli di Romania, and Malvesia. The Commonwealth had long had the Government of the chief Towns in Morea, a fruitful Country, and more famous than any other part of Greece, for the number and worth of her Inhabitants, and which was very convenient for the Venetians, by reason of her many Havens wherein her ships have safe receptacle. But having lost Modene and Corone in the last Turkish Wars made against Bajazet Ottoman, Grandfather to this Soliman, she kept yet those two Towns, strongly seated and inhabited by people who were very affectionate to the Venetians. Napoli stands upon the head of a little Promontory, which thrusting itself out from the land, makes a large and safe Haven, and is environed on three sides by the Sea, and hath a steep and difficult ascent by the Mountain called Palamide, on the side towards the Land, so as there is only a very straight way which leads to the City, lying between the side of the mountain and the Sea; and on the outside, the banks are so high and steep, as no galleys can come to batter the walls, or land men. The entrance into the Haven, is likewise so straight, as the Galleys cannot enter thereinto but by one and one, so as they may easily be kept from entering by the Artillery, especially by those of a little Castle, seated upon a Rock, about some 300 paces in the Sea, just over against the mouth of the Haven, so as it may play on all sides upon any Vessel that shall approach. It cannot be assaulted by land-forces, being it lies in midst of the Sea, nor by galleys, as having so many shelves about it, as none but very small Vessels can come unto it. Malvasia is likewise seated in the same place, nearer Cape Malio, upon a mountain or Rock, divided for the space of 80 paces from a point of land, which in a long and very narrow shape, thrusts itself into the Sea: so as this City being seated very high, is wholly environed by the Sea, having no passage to land but by a bridge, nor can it be waded to on any part, so deep are the waters round about. And as it is strong and secure by natural situation, so hath nature furnished it with fountains of spring water, and with good and fruitful land▪ for there is a fair plain upon the top of the Mountain, bearing Corn sufficient for 50 or 60 men, which are enough to defend this strongly seated City against any whatsoever forces. Vittore de Garzoni, had the Government of Napoli, with the title of Bailo, a man very aged, and well experienced, by reason of his employments both by Sea and Land. This man did not only defend the Fort free from all danger by his wisdom, valour, and by the fidelity of those men; but making his Cavalry make out many sallies, he secured the Country, and did much indamage the Enemy; therefore Cassin, who in obedience to Soliman, was come thither with his men, having tried the Inhabitants of Malvasia both by promises and threats, and finding the difficulty of the enterprise, and not being sufficiently furnished with any thing to use violence, or to besiege the Town, after having stayed some few days about Naples, went from thence, disbanding some of his Army, and carried the rest into the neighbouring Country, about six miles from the City. But Barbarossa, Luftebei, being entered with the rest of the Fleet into the Strait of Galipoli to disarm, stayed abroad with 70 Galleys, and 30 Galliotte, and other Fly-boats, ran over the Islands of the Archipelagus, which belonged to the Commonwealth: some whereof having no means, neither by situation nor Garrison, to defend themselves; othersome through fear, yielded at the first appearance of the Fleet. As Sciro, a great Island, but little inhabited as then, which looks upon the Pegasean Gulf. Pathmos, a place of no great note in itself, but rendered famous by St. john's devotions, one of Christ's Disciples, who being confined to that Island, writ the Apocalypse there. Legina, of small circuit, but so well inhabited, as the Turks were said to have carried above 6000 prisoners from thence: it was likewise of better esteem, by reason of the Haven; wherefore there remained usually a Venetian Magistrate there, who at this time was Francisco Suriano. There were also some Islands which belonged to the particular jurisdiction of divers Gentlemen of Venice; Nio, appertaining to the P●san family, an Island of about 40 miles about, noted for the admirable quality of the soil thereof, which whithersoever it be carried, it drives away all venomous creatures. Stampalia, an Island of greater circuit, & well inhabited, which belonged to the House of Quirina. Paro, one of the Cycladeses, much spoken of by Poets, and famous for the excellent Marble which is fetched from thence; it is about fifty miles about, extending from the West to the East; and the remainders of many noble buildings, show how much it hath been anciently inhabited; and on the North side, it hath a little Castle, with a Haven and Wharfe; this belonged then to the family of Veniero, but being by sucession to come to Bernardo Segredo, he was gone thither himself to keep it. Wherefore this alone, of all the rest, made some resistance, and chiefly by his valour; but the defendants wanting powder, they were forced to surrender themselves to the discretion of the Enemy, who gave them all their lives, but made many of them prisoners, amongst whom Segredo himself, who by great good fortune was afterwards freed by the means of one of Ragusa, a Renegado, who had been long in his galley, and remembering how well he had been used by him, made him this return at his great need; and the Island of Tine, although it had a Fort, and was both by natural situation, and art, able enough to have held out, took example of the rest, and followed the Victor's fortune: but soon after, the Inhabitants repenting that they had so soon yielded, and desirous to continue under the Government of the Venetians, free from the Turkish Tyranny; they rebelled, and of themselves sent into Candia, to desire a Garrison of soldiers, and a Venetian Magistrate; and this Island doth till this day, keep in loyalty and obedience to the Commonwealth, though it lies in the very jaws of so potent Enemies. The Island of Nicsia, or rather Nasso, with some other Neighbouring Islands, whereof jovanni Grispo was Lord, kept still under his Dominion, for he yielding to the Turks, at the very first appearance of their Fleet, agreed to pay 5000 Ducats yearly, by way of tribute to Soliman, which he for the first year sent speedily to Barbarossa: but yet he could not keep his people from being plundered, wherein the soldiers behaved themselves so insolently, as they carried booty from thence, worth more than 25000 Ducats. This is the chief Island of the Cycladeses, amongst which it is numbered for one; and the ground thereof is so fruitful, as it was formerly called, Little Sicily. Thus did Barbarossa strive to win the love of his soldiers, by the ruins of these miserable people, and provided great presents for the chief men of the Court, hoping thereby to win their good will, that he might go to Sea the next year with greater forces and authority. Some of our Captains were of opinion, to have followed the Enemy with their whole Fleet, when they went from Corfu, to hinder these mischiefs which were foreseen by every one, and to keep possession of those Islands, from whence they reaped great convenience, and especially, great store of men for their Galleys: yet considering the season, and the enemy's strength, whence some bad accident might befall them; but chiefly minding the Senate's order, and intention of uniting the forces of the Colleagues, which they could not do, and go so far off with their Fleet; they laid aside the thought thereof, and resolved that General Pesaro, drawing a good many men out of the Garrisons of Dalmatia, should go with some galleys to the taking in of Scardona,; and that Vetturi should go with some other galleys to Obrovazzo, but he not being able to go thither himself, by reason of his indisposition of health, sent some Governors of the galleys thither, and Colonel Gabriele dalla Riva, who was then in Zara; and these were afterwards accompanied by Nicolo Buondelmiero, Captain of the gulf, with some other galleys, and fly-boats, to assist the enterprise. The Town of Scardona is near Sebenico, and therefore of great esteem, for the safety of that Fort, and for the inconveniency which the neighbouring parts may receive from thence, it being in the Enemy's hands. The Town was walled round about, but weakly, and had in it two small Castles. As soon as the Venetians drew near it, after some small resistance, the Turks surrendered upon discretion, to General Pesaro, who though he had a good will to save the lives and goods of the Inhabitants; yet his commands being neither hard, nor obeyed amidst the fury, the first that entered the Town fell to sacking; and the Turks, who retired to within their confines to save themselves, meeting with a number of people in Arms, belonging to the Territory of Sebenico, they were all cut in pieces by them. Francisco Salmone, was left Governor of the Town by the General, who thought then to have secured it by a new Fort; but better considering the difficulty, and the expense of maintaining that place, seated in the midst of the Enemy's forces, and the damage which they might receive, if it should fall back again into the Turks hands; it was thought better to slight the Castles, and to content themselves with having deprived the Enemy of such a receptacle. The Turks, who were in Obrovazzo, though they were but a few, did for a while defend the Town valiantly, but being forced at last to yield, they retreated into the Castle, which whilst they were ordering their affairs how to take it, the galleys were sent for back by the General, by reason of new orders sent from Venice, to go with the Fleet towards Corfu. Touching the preservation whereof, the Senate had had very great care, being awakened by the past dangers, and by those eminent ones which were yet threatened. They therefore sent Captains, Ingineers, moneys, and Men, to reduce the Fort to greater security. They likewise desired to comfort the people that were there, by the presence of the chief Sea-commanders, and by restoring their losses as much as they could, by furnishing them with wood, and other Materials, to rebuild their houses, which were destroyed by the enemy. Thus (the winter coming on) ended the war for this year, the effects whereof were no ways answerable to the so great preparations; and men's minds were quieted, who stood expecting to what side the fortune of War would lean. The Princes bethought themselves in this interim, what was to be done the next year 1537, wherein their ends were various, & not well known. Soliman seemed to desire peace with the Venetians, whereof the first Bashaw had, by Soliman's consent, some discourse with Consul Canale, desiring him, that the Ambassador might come to Constantinople, who was already chosen to that purpose, promising he should have a safe conduct, and all fair entertainment. But the greater the unaccustomed civility of these haughty men was, the more were their proceedings suspected; fearing that they did not intend peace by this Treaty, but to take the Commonwealth from off friendship with Cesar, and to break the Treaty of League. Charles the Emperor seemed to be wholly bend upon making war with the Turks, saying sometimes, that he had a great desire to go himself in person to that enterprise, and that he very much covered so great glory, which was all the reward which he desired: and that what Territories soever should be taken from these Enemies, should by his consent be added to the commonwealth of Venice, calling her the true Out-bulwork against the Turks, and that therefore it was a great service to Christendom to increase their power. Cesar made these outward appearances, and his Officers in Italy, that they might agree with their Princes outwardly appearing sense, and to make it be believed that he did really intend it, seemed to be very solicitous in preparing for War. Doria promised to have his galleys ready to put to Sea very early, and that he would join with the Venetian Fleet; saying, that he very much desired to do some signal service in this War to Christendom, and particularly to the Commonwealth. And Marquis Guasto, Governor of Milan, seemed as ready to lend his helping hand to the business in all things that were requisite; he sought, upon all occasions of discourse, especially when he met with the Secretary of the Commonwealth, to advance any thing whereby Cesar might be believed to be well-minded to the League, and zealous of the good of Christendom; yet there were those that doubted, lest Cesar by these outward shows might seek to conceal his other more secret thoughts; and that he either had other ends, or was not well resolved either upon War, or Peace, but would observe what others did, and pitch upon what might be best for himself; but in the interim, by seeming so desirous of War, he made the Venetians listen more eagerly after the League, and reposing their trust therein, to break off the Treaty of Peace which was propounded to them by Soliman; so as necessitating them to adhere to him, and to continue War with the Turks, he thought to reap some advantage to himself, by making the Commonwealth his Bulwark, and so with safety to himself, prolong time for other resolutions. His chief intentions being to mind his war against the French, and to settle his possession in the State of Milan. There were many signs that these were Cesar's aim; his delay in giving answer to the Letters written unto him many months before from the Senate touching the League; whence it was conceived, that he would neither be bound to any thing, nor yet declare himself so fully, as that his own hand-writing might be a witness; likewise his not coming with the King of France to a general Truce; his continual raising of new difficulties, and impediments in the treaty of Peace, wherein the Pope and Venetians had often interposed themselves, though to little purpose, he still laying the fault upon the French, but not being able to conceal his ill will towards them, and his being ill satisfied with their actions; to which was likewise added a certain common report, that he endeavoured to make Barbarossa his friend, by the means of a Spaniard, who was Nephew to the Viceroy of Sicily, than prisoner amongst the Turks: and that he held other intelligences in Constantinople, to secure his Dominions from being invaded by the Turks. And it was well known, that Barbarossa (passing through the narrow Seas of Messina, when there was none to withstand him, if he had had a mind to have attempted any thing) had not done any prejudice to Caesar's affairs. The King of F. appeared to be really more desirous of Peace, for he might expect more advantage thereby: he desired to see the affairs accommodated between the Turks & the Commonwealth, to free her from being enforced to join with Cesar, & to fence himself by the common Arms, from the danger of the Turkish war, & because having ashare in the business, he hoped, if war were to ensue between him and Cesar, he should the more easily draw the Venetians to side with him, when they should be free from other suspicions and impediments, knowing that they were troubled at Caesar's too much greatness. He likewise desired peace with the Emperor, hoping by that means to obtain his desire, that the Dukedom of Milan might be released by Cesar, to his second Son, the Duke of Orleans, which he saw he was every day less likely to get by force of Arms. He had always listened therefore to all proposals of peace; and Francisco justiniano's, being sent to that Court by the Senate, not as an Ambassador, but as Gentleman of Venice, to that purpose; he was very well received by the King, who thanked the Senate, and entreated them to continue their endeavours of mediating an accord with Cesar, to whom Luigi Badoaro was sent at the same time in name of the public. Nor did the Pope cease to do the like; who, though he had ofttimes interessed himself in this business, and done no good; had lastly sent the Cardinal de Carpi, to the Emperor, and Cardinal jacobaccio, to the King of France, to use his Holinesses Authority and entreaties to both of them, in making peace between them, so as they might afterwards unite their Forces against the common Enemy of Christendom. To which the King of France answered, that he was very willing to make peace, as he would witness to the world by his actions. Wherefore understanding that the Emperor had propounded a meeting of Commissioners on both sides at Narbonne, he forthwith sent the Cardinal of Lorein thither, and Monsieur Legrande Maistre, with power to conclude the Peace: to assist the which, and for the quicker and more easy resolution of such doubts as might arise; his Brother in law, the King of Navarre, his wife, the Queen of France, and his sister, the Queen of Navarre; were by his direction come very near Narbone, with larger Commissions, and greater power to confirm the Agreement. But as none doubted, but that the King of France was well inclined to peace, so all men believed, that he would govern his actions and counsels only according to his own ends and particular Interests; so as it was likely he might alter his mind, if he should discover any thing which might make for his advantage, though it were to the prejudice of the rest, as he had lately done; nothing else being able to keep him, from making the Turks make War against Cesar, from whence arose another War against the Commonwealth. For these reasons, it was thought that the other Princes could not build any firm foundation upon the resolution of the French, especially not the Venetians, whose actions did admit of no delay, nor irresolution. But the Pope and Venetians proceeded very candidly in this business, having an eye not only to their own peculiar interest, and present advantage, but to the common service of Christendom, and to the present threatening dangers, which if they were not remedied, would daily grow greater. The first thing that Paul the 3d did, after he had assumed the Popedom, was, to endeavour the uniting of the Christian Princes against the Infidels; wherefore appearing always neutral in the discords which happened between Charles the Emperor, and the King of France, he had studied very much to make them friends. But being in better hope to effect this his desire, now since the Venetians waged war with the Turks, their forces by Sea being held to be of very great moment in such an enterprise, though they could not be drawn to do so before, for many good respects, nor now, without this urgent necessity, he used his utmost endeavours to unite the Christian Princes in a League against the Turks; and knowing by the late experience of Doria's unseasonable departure, that no good could be done without a certain limitation and firm tie; as also hoping, that a firm union being made between these three prime Princes, the rest would be the more easily persuaded to embrace the League: he readily offered all that the Apostolic sea was able to do, remitting himself therein, to the Venetian Senate. But the Venetians finding that they were at open war with the Turks, and those respects ceasing which had formerly made them be very cautious, though they had always been very desirous to oppose the Ottoman greatness, began now to forego their former fear, and to have better hopes, and were confident not only to maintain their own Dominions, but to suppress the Turkish forces, if the Christian Princes would join with them. There was a certain necessity likewise, which made them think of continuing the war, and of embracing the League, since the danger of so potent Neighbours did increase so fast, as to delay opposing them, was rather a seeming, than a true security to the affairs of the Commonwealth. But they were chiefly persuaded to believe well, out of a firm opinion, that whole Germany would move jointly against the Turks; for being awakened by Soliman's last attempts, they might know that the danger of the Turkish forces were greater and nearer hand, than they were before held to be by many. So as it was not likely that they would let slip so good an occasion of revenging the injuries which they had received, of recovering the honour of military glory, so much valued by that warlike Nation, and of securing themselves from greater dangers, but that the Princes & Hauns-Towns would readily wage war with the Turks, with powerful forces, whilst being busied at Sea, they could make but small resistance, on that side: nor would they want a head, who would incite them thereunto, since Ferdinand of Austria, brother to Charles' the Emperor, and who was to succeed him in the Empire, having been much molested by Soliman, seemed greatly to desire such an occasion, as was now offered, promising to adhere unto the League; and Cesar named him, to be one of the chief contractors, whereat the Venetians were very well pleased. They therefore willingly gave way, that it should be referred to the Pope and Emperor, to nominate what share of expense he should be at, with the other Colleagues, and did earnestly endeavour to confirm him in this resolution, by their Ambassador Marin justiniano's, who was then resident with him. Ferdinand had often had occasion, and much to his prejudice, to sustain the fury of the Turkish forces, who having possessed themselves of that part of Hungary, which lies between the Rivers Sava and Drava, were become his very formidable neighbours, and had thereby free and open ingress into Ferdinando's territories, whose subjects were vexed by the continual inroads and pillagings of the Turkish Garrisons, upon those confines, even in time of Truce. Therefore Ferdinando and his subjects appeared very desirous and willing, both for their honour and safety, to suppress the Turkish forces, and to drive them out of that Province. Great, and very convenient were the forces of Germany, a country abounding in men, horses, moneys, and victuals, and in all things belonging to war; but being perpetually troubled with domestical discords, by reason of so many diversities in Religion, and Government, she was but weak, and unfit for great enterprises. Bearing the rather with the injuries of the Turks, and with some dishonour suffering her dangers to increase, because she hated the too much greatness of the House of Austria. It being therefore thought most requisite, for the doing of any thing against the Turks, that Germany should jointly resolve to take up Arms, without which, the Turkish Armies, and those forces, which are the true foundation, of the power and grandeur of their Empire, would remain safe and entire, or but little prejudiced. The Venetian Senate, that they might leave nothing unattempted, resolved to send express Ambassadors to the Electors of the Empire, and to other Princes, and Hauns-towns in Germany, to persuade them to make war, holding out unto them the opportunity which was then offered, of regaining the ancient honour, and military glory of the Germane Nation; and promising, that the Commonwealth would and should make use of all her forces, to keep the common enemy busied elsewhere; so as being assaulted both by sea and land, the way would be made plain for famous victories for Christendom. jovan Veniero, and Luigi Badoaro, who being gone (as hath been said) to that Court, upon occasion of the peace of France, had received orders to stay there, till he should receive new orders from the Senate; treated often with the Emperor, touching the conclusion of the League, exhorting him to send free and sufficient Commissions, to his Agents at Rome, and witnessing the firm and constant resolution of the Senate, to join with him, and willingly to undergo the charge and danger of the war. They excited him likewise, to solicit provisions for the Fleet, for the effecting of what was resolved upon, and concluded at Rome. Cesar listened very well to these things, and seemed very desirous to bend all his forces against the Turks, in the Eastern parts; affirming, as he had often done before, that he would go thither himself in person, and that he should be exceeding glad, that the Commonwealth, which he did much love and esteem, might increase her greatness and reputation, by the recovery of the Towns, which the Turks had usurped from her. The Senate therefore sent forthwith to their Ambassador, Mark Antonio Contarini, who was at Rome, particular information of their goodwill to the League, with orders, to endeavour the speedy conclusion thereof, though he might give way unto some things. Thus was the time protracted, without making any answer to the Consul's Letters, the Senate not being resolved what to do, touching the propositions of peace made by the Turks, and to the particular discourse, which the Bashaw had had with the Consul; which many of the Senate being displeased at, they ofttimes opposed it, when any new commissions or orders were spoken of, to be sent to the Ambassador at Rome, concerning the League. They considered, That it was not expedient, the Commonwealth should bind herself so fast upon this Treaty of the League, as they should debar themselves all negotiations of peace. That they were first to examine well the present state and condition of affairs, and see how they could make war; with what forces, what moneys, with what helps it was to be maintained; whether they would be so constant, in persevering in trouble and danger, as they appeared ready to undertake it, whilst yet afar off. That the public Exchequer was much exhausted, by the so long wars on Terra ferma, their subjects weak and poor. That their cities did rather require rest, then to enter into a more dangerous war then the former were. That the former successes might show, how uncertain and ill-grounded the hopes were, which were reposed in assistance from foreign Princes, since unless the strong situation of Corfu, and the inconveniencies, or dis-accommodations of the enemy, had not preserved that Fort, and freed the Commonwealth from so great a loss, Doria had suffered it to fall into the hands of the enemy, deluding all the Commonwealth's hopes and designs. Nor were the weighty interests of so many citizen's to be despised, who being to sustain the heavy burden of public taxes,, had their estates in the hands of the Turks, which they might hope to recover by treaty. That not to listen to any proposition of peace or concord, was to contend with the Barbarians themselves in Barbarism, to exceed them in those things, whereof they were most to be blamed. That it would be a great disadvantage, if things succeeding unprosperously in the progress of war, we be forced to seek for that peace from the Turks, which is now voluntarily offered by them. That if no other good might be got by such a treaty, it would not be amiss to delay those dangers, which were threatened by such an enemy, that they might prepare the better to defend themselves. That if these things were well weighed, as they ought to be, why should the occasion of any good be let slip? Wherefore should the answer, expected by the Bashaw, so long be deferred? Wherefore should not the Bailo be made acquainted with the Senate's will? That delay could produce nothing but mischief. That Soliman 's anger would not be a little increased, by the refusing his offers, who held himself scandalised by what the Fleet had done, and (as was said by the Grandees of that Court) by the small account that was made of his person, no Ambassador being sent to him, when he came so near the State's dominions, as was usually done upon like occasions to other Princes. Moreover, this silence would make the Turks more diligent, in making the greater preparation for war, since they must needs find, we had no mind to have peace. In fine, that to advance so far in the treaty of League, without proposing any thing of peace, had no other aspect, but of enforcing the Senate to embrace the resolution, of continuing in war; which, if well weighed, was of all things most to be abhorred. But these things were thus answered by those, who thought it the safer safer way to treat of League, then of Peace: That they were not alienated from the thought of peace▪ but did endeavour to provide so for the emergencies of the present times, as they might be able to sustain war. That therefore they did not without just cause, forbear writing at the present to Constantinople, lest they might make the Christian Princes jealous, whereby they might slacken their providing for war. That there remained many things yet to be considered, before the League could be concluded, wherein time might be protracted; and when things should be drawn nearer to a head, they might have better occasion to know the Turks minds, and so bear both the League and Peace in hand at once, and pitch upon what might be thought best for the Commonwealth. That too much haste could only discover their weakness the more unto the Turks, and make them more insolent in their Articles of Agreement; the which the more they should seem to desire, it would be had upon the harder terms. That no matter of expense was to be had in consideration, since howsoever, they were to arm themselves, and to treat of peace with their weapons in their hands; not to prejudice the conditions of peace, and not to commit themselves too rashly, to the discretion and faith of their perfidious enemies. These reasons were alleged for the League, and the business at Constantinople was deferred. But at last, many being desirous that somewhat should be written, and that the business should not be totally given over, it was proposed unto the Senate, That the Consul might tell the Bashaw Aiace, That the Commonwealth had great reason to complain of Soliman, who, unprovoked by any public injury, had broke the peace, and sent his men in hostile manner to Corfu, without expecting Orsino's return, sent by his consent, nay, by his order, to Venice, and with promise, not to attempt any novelty, till by his return it might be known, what the truth of those passages was, which the Turks took ill, and who was really in the fault. That it had always been the steadfast intention of the Senate▪ to preserve peace and amity with that Empire; and that upon occasion of so many wars made by Soliman, they had never disturbed his enterprises, but had always kept their word inviolably, and kept constant to their neutrality. That at this very time, General Pesaro dreamt of nothing less, then of impeding his Captain's designs, no not of giving them any suspicion; but that he was come into the Gulf, to join with the other sea-Captains, and shun such accidents; but that being driven by the winds, he was forced to pass into the Rivers of Puglia, where the Turkish Fleet lay. That they did believe, Soliman stood well affected to the Commonwealth, (as he was affirmed to do) and well inclined to peace, since being a just and a wise Prince, he knew it became him, to preserve friendship with the Venetians, who had given him no occasion to the contrary. Nor was it fitting, that good intelligence between Princes should be broken, by the inconsiderate actions of any particular Officers. That therefore they were confident, he would restore the goods of private Merchants, which were detained, who, upon the faith of so great a Prince, were persuaded to trade in his Dominions. Their intention hereby was, that the Consul seeking by such discourse as this, to fifth somewhat more particularly into the Turks thoughts, should begin, if he should find any good hopes, to commence the Treaty of peace. This proposal being made in the Senate, three days were spent about it, which being over, there wanted two votes to make the business be resolved upon; so as there was nothing decided in the point, though it had been long disputed by personages of great dignity and authority. The promises of these Princes had made so great an impression in the minds of all men, as confiding very much therein, and being therefore desirous to shun any the least suspicion, that the League was not really intended by them, they would listen to nothing which might persuade to the contrary. Don Lopes, the Cesarian Ambassador, hearing of this irresolution, he hoped, that the Commonwealth might be brought to a nearer conjunction with Cesar: He therefore renewed the motion of uniting the Fleets, which had formerly been made by him and Doria. He appeared in the College, and laboured much to persuade, that for the common service, no longer delay should be made, in giving order to our Generals, to go to Messina, and join with Doria's Galleys, who, he said, had sufficient commission from the Emperor in that point; and that he should not be wanting in any thing, which concerned the good and safety of Christendom, and in particular, that of the Commonwealth. He showed, That the Emperor stood very well affected to the common good, and that his forces should be answerable to this his affection; for besides the Fleet now in being, other ships of all sorts were arming in the Spanish Havens, and great provisions of men and moneys were raising, throughout all his dominions. That the Emperor Charles desired to justify himself always, before both God and man, that he had discharged his part gallantly, not having spared either expense or labour, to quell the pride of the enemies of Christendom. That he had therefore at all times solicited other Princes, whose interest was concerned in this common cause, to know the dangers which grew daily greater, tending to the ruin of Christianity, which he, by reason of his greatness, might live freer from, than any other; but that he did more value the common good, than his own particular concernment. That there needed no new examples to show, that the weakness of Christian Princes, and the exaltation of their enemies, proceeded from their own luke warmness. That the last unfortunate success of Rhodes might be considered, which being assaulted by this very Soliman, and not succoured by any Christian Prince, fell miserably into the power of the Turks, to the so much loss, prejudice, and shame of all Christendom. But that there was some excuse for those successes then, since those Princes, from whom they might expect best assistance, were disarmed; which would not prove so now, when the Emperor and Commonwealth had two powerful Fleets at sea, to fall upon the enemy. What was there more to be expected? That forces were to be made use of whilst they were en●ire, and losses obviated before they happened, and not to suffer the one and the other Fleet, to run peradventure some hazard, become weaker, (since men's designs do ofttimes miscarry, by several unthought-of accidents) or that the Turks should begin to get footing in Italy, and so these mischiefs prove too late to be remedied. By these and the like reasons, the Ambassador strove to make the Senators leave their Neutrality, and declare enmity to the Turks. But they being grave and considerate men, would not be moved by these majestical words, and ill-grounded promises, continuing their resolution of not taking up arms, unless enforced by necessity, against so powerful an enemy, and who might prejudice the dominions of the Commonwealth in so many several parts, she not having forces of herself sufficient to defend them, nor having reason to confide much in others. It was therefore resolved to answer in general terms, That they returned thanks to Cesar; but could do no more at this time, out of many weighty and well known respects, especially, since their friendship and nearer conjunction being desired, by the French, and by the Turks, they had answered them, they could not give them satisfaction; for that it was the steadfast resolution of the Venetian Senate, to keep their plighted faith to all men, as it became all Princes to do. That they would notwithstanding keep in arms, for any chance that might occur, having always, together with their own safety, an eye to the common good of Christendom. The Ambassador seemed satisfied with this answer, replying nothing as then; but returning some few days after to the College, he made an other demand, which was, That since the French threatened danger to the State of Milan, they would raise 6000 Foot for the defence thereof, and send their Gens d' Arms thither, according to the Articles of the last Agreement. Wherein showing themselves to be very ready, necessary orders were fortwith given out for it. But the Commanders being come with their Horse and many Foot, to those Confines, the Duke of Urbino, who commanded the Venetian Militia in chief, put them in mind, that they were to pass no farther, they being only to defend the State of Milan, whereof there appeared no need at the present, since the French were held play as yet in Piedmont. That if they should pass the River Sesia, and enter the Dukedom of Milan, that then their tye of confederacy would take place; and that upon such an occasion, the people of the Commonwealth should be ready. The end of the Eighth Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK IX. THE CONTENTS. THe Commonwealth prepares to resist the Turks. The League solicited. The Venetians are moved by the Consul to treat of Agreement. Mark Antonio Cornaro, dissuades from so doing. Marco Foscari opposeth him. His motion not approved of. A league of the christian Princes against Soliman: the Articles thereof. Orders given by the Senate to the General. Provisions of Money. A Treaty of Peace between Caesar and the King of France, which takes no effect. Divers discourses thereupon. The Pope goes to Nice; what passed between him, the Emperor, and the King of France. The Turks preparations for war. Their success. A notable Treason punished by the Turks. The Venetians provide to defend Candia. Jovanni Moro exhorts those of Candia, to keep faithful to the commonwealth. Barbarossa in Candia, and what befalls him there. Napoli, and Malvasia besieged. The Turks assault Dalmatia. What succeeds there. The Duke's exhortation to the Senators. Those of Dalmatia resolve to make some attempt after the Turks are gone. What their success was. The League's Fleet, and that of the Turks. The Spaniards faultiness. The Pope's Fleet assaults Pevesa, does little good, but runs great hazard. The League's Fleet resolves to fight the Enemy. The Turks are irresolute. Barbarossa's nature, and his opinion. The Turks fear the Venetian ships. The Fleets encounter. Doria's advice, and resolution to fight. The Fleets face one another. Their several thoughts. The Colleagues retreat, and are prejudiced by the Turks. Several discourses against Doria: his shame. The League's Fleet adviseth to assault the Enemy again. The General's several opinions. They assault Castelnuovo, which surrenders, and is sacked by the Spaniards. The Turkish Fleet is scattered and sorely rend by storm; the Colleagues part, and disarm. The Duke of Urbines' death. ALl treaty of Peace being laid aside, and the hopes of the safety and defence of the States Dominions by Sea resting in Arms, the Venetians are very diligent in providing all things necessary for War. They prepare a great Fleet, Soldiers, Ammunition, and Victuals for the service of the Islands, and other Maritine places. Those of Napoli and Malvasia, desired that their Garrisons might be increased; but especially to be furnished with Victuals, for want whereof Napoli had been in danger of falling into the Enemy's hands; they promised, (if assisted and succoured,) to undergo the greatest dangers of War, and to continue constant to the Commonwealth, even to the last extremity. The Island of Candia made the same request; wherein there having been some commotions and scandalous speeches given out, that they would surrender unto the Enemy, when their Army should approach, by reason of the terror which the sacking of the Islands in the Archipelagus, had infused into the generality of the chiefest cities in the Kingdom, they had sent Ambassadors to Venice to purge themselves of that fault, which they said was occasioned by the error of some few, of mean condition, rather out of their indiscretion and cowardliness, than out of ill will. They therefore offered to serve the Commonwealth with their lives and livelihoods, promising to give good testimony of their Loyalty, and humbly desiring that they might not be abandoned; for that they were ready to defend themselves to the last, & would never go less in their affection to the Commonwealth, whereof many of them were members by an ancient Colony, and therefore the more interessed in this cause. The Senate listened very attentively to these things, and dismissed the Ambassadors with gracious words and promises; and ordered the General to send forthwith 25 galleys towards Candia, under the command of Commissary Pasqualigo, who was likewise to send soldiers and victuals to Napoli, and to leave four galleys to guard it. The Island and Fort of Cor●u, were likewise furnished with necessaries, and had 1000 foot sent from Venice to add unto the Garrison, conducted by Valerio Orsino, who was to be the chief head of that Militia, the Senate not being well satisfied with Naldo's actions. Dalmatia was furnished with several Troops of light Horse, chosen out of stout men of Greece and Crovatia, to defend the Country from the inroads of the Enemy; but the uncertainty of what the Enemy would undertake, did increase the expense and difficulty, whereof the discourse was very various, so as they were necessitated to secure all their Territories by Sea, which were exposed to the sudden assaults of the Enemy. Nor was the defence of Friuli to be neglected; for it being said, that Soliman would march with his Army himself in person; there was no slight suspicion, that he would approach on that side, and enter on those confines. There were at this time 50 galleys in the Fleet, which was in the East, whereof General Capello being come to Corfu, had ta'en the Government, and Governors were already chosen to arm two and twenty more, and all other fitting things were taken order for: three bastard galleys were likewise prepared, and six great ones, which were to be commanded by one particular Captain, so as they amounted in all, to the number of 80 galleys. But the General finding many of the galleys in ill condition, in point of men, by reason of a great mortality which had happened in the whole Fleet: he was ordered to go to Zantes, and to Cefalonia, where he was to use all means possible to reinforce them, that they might be ready and well provided at all points against the time: that it was thought the joining of the Fleets would be determined by the Articles of the League, wherein the greater diligence was used, that it might be an instigation to the slowness of the rest. This mean while, the firm and final conclusion of the League, was solicited of the forces, whereof there was so generally a great opinion conceived, as it hushed the Treaty of Peace, though in the progress of the Treaties, divers difficulties were discovered to be greater than were at first imagined; so as this endeavour was a while laid aside, and undetermined. The Venetians had pleased the Emperor, in the choice of the Captain General, giving way that that high dignity should be conferred upon Andrea Doria, and the Pope, to gratify the Venetians, had chosen Marco Grimani, Patriark of Aqualegia, for his Commander; a Venetian, of a noble and rich Family, and one in whom the Commonwealth did therefore much confide; but the proportion of expense, which every one of the Colleagues were to be at in the common enterprise, was not yet determined: for it being known, that the third part of the whole, would be an insupportable burden for the Apostolic Sea, the Venetians were content to bear a part therein, Cesar being to supply the rest. But his Agents, though they acknowledged the Pope should be assisted, would not notwithstanding give way that his proportion therein should exceed the Venetians. But at last, Cesar doubting lest, that the longer the conclusion of the League should be delayed, their minds who were set most hotly upon the war, might grow cool, and that thereby the Senate might at last listen to a treaty of Peace, whereby he himself were to sustain the whole force of the Turks: he gave leave to his Ministers in Rome, to stipulate all things agreed upon, and particularly to consent, for matter of expense, that the Pope should not be charged with above a sixth part, and that for the remainder of the Pope's share, Cesar should pay three six parts, and the Venetians two. Whilst these things were in treaty at Rome, Genesino, one of Pera, who served as interpreter for the Commonwealth at Constantinople, came unexpectedly to Venice, and brought Letters form the Consul, a message from the first Bashaw, and Captain of the Sea: Which propounded, advised, and invited to a treaty of Peace, and then gave a particular account of the great preparations of the Fleet, and soldiers, which were a making in several parts of the Turkish Empire: he told them in the name of Aiace, the chief Bashaw, that he did much wonder, he had not all this while, received any answer to his first proposals: that notwithstanding he did still continue the same good wishes for the Commonwealth, and that the way to peace was not yet altogether shut up, if they would endeavour to pacify Soliman's anger, by sending an Ambassador to that Court, who might justify their late actions, and make reparation for the losses that had been had, which otherwise was not to be allayed, but would thunder out to the great prejudice of the Commonwealth. These Propositions of Peace were the rather believed, by reason of a speech which was given out at Constantinople, and which grew still hotter and hotter, that Soliman would bend his forces either against Persia or Hungary: either of which, proving always sharp to the O●tamans; and that, he having thereby greater designs to penetrate into Germany, he must give over all other Enterprises, which was thought to be the reason of Genesino, his being treated so civilly, and of his being extraordinarily favoured by the attendance of two Olacchis, to Castelnuovo, and from thence to Cattaro, by the servants of one of those Sangiacchi, to the end that his passage might be the more speedy and safe. His coming, and these new offers, wrought much with some of the Senators, who were before hottest for the prosecution of war, and confirmed others in their opinion, who were first inclined to a treaty of peace. Wherefore the Senate meeting oftentimes, to resolve something hereupon, Mark Antonio Cornaro, who had formerly opposed this opinion, spoke thus in opposition to the proposal. I confess, I know not why we should now be of another opinion, than we have hitherto been, since the state of affairs, or the reasons which prevailed with us then, are either the same, or if any new accidents ought to be had in consideration, they are such as ought to confirm us more in our former mind. It was not out of free will, nor election, not out of hopes of enlarging the confines of our Empire, that we took up Arms, or declared war against the Turks: but we were compelled thereunto to defend our state and liberty. When at the raising of the Camp from before Corfu, propositions of peace were offered us by Bashaw Aiace, we, having reason to suspect this his proposition, and being persuaded that the Authors of the war could not at the same time desire peace, did not value such an invitation, but continued in our providing for war, and in a treaty of League. Soon after we received Letters from our Consul, which told us of a new endeavour of Agreement, which was promised him after the coming of the Grand Signior to Constantinople. The Senate was herewith acquainted again, it was argued and discussed maturely by the chief Senators; and it was concluded, that we should continue our resolution of not giving ear to any such discourse, fearing that this proposal was nothing else, but to lull us asleep by these vain hopes of peace, and to make us negligent in providing for so weighty and dangerous a war as we are entered into, and must of necessity continue, unless we abandon ourselves. Wherefore to witness this our constant resolution, of making league with the Christians, and no peace with the Turks, and to put a necessity upon us of keeping to this resolution, we communicated our Consul's advertisements, and the things which were held out unto us therein, to the Pope and Emperor, inciting them by our offers, and by our example, to provide for all things necessary, not only to defend themselves, but stoutly to make war upon the Turks. Shall we now, four months after the first proposal, after having permitted our Fleet and soldiers, to assault and take the Turks towns, when we have reason to believe, that Soliman is more incensed against us, for the scorn which he may think is put upon him, by our so long delay, in returning an answer, after having so constantly affirmed, that we would secure our dangers only by war, after having refused the Popes and Emperor's advice, who were first inclined to peace, and did modestly persuade us to embrace it. After, I say, having thus blocked up all ways, of coming to any agreement by these our proceedings, and quite cut off the thread of this treaty, shall we reassume this discourse, as if it lay in us to make peace, and that by altering our opinion, we could easily secure ourselves from danger, and return to our former condition of peace and tranquillity? Such thoughts might peradventure prevail, when we might appear driven to make this treaty of Agreement, by the powerful reasons of Doria 's unseasonable departure, by the Pope's haesitation, of assisting us with subsidies from the Clergy, by the heat of the war in Piedmont, wherein the forces of the two greatest Princes of Christendom were employed; and by having many of our Towns unprovided of sufficient Garrisons. Then such an action would have been praised, and justified by all men. But to dream of any such thing now, whereunto all these contrary reasons were not able to persuade us, when the state and condition of affairs is altered, when the Emperor is willing to sustain the war together with us, when the Pope hath condescended to all our desires, when the League is brought to so near a conclusion; now, when Truce is made between the Emperor and King of France, with hopes that peace may ensue; when (God be praised) our sea-Forts are well provided of men and ammunition, would certainly be too unseasonable an advice, too mean, and too misbecoming the constancy and gravity, whe● with this Senate is wont to proceed. But I beseech you, say there should be no such respects as these, which do notwithstanding really concur in this our resolution, and are very weighty, and of great concernment; let us consider what hope there is, of bringing this treaty to a good end; and grant it might be had, what security, what true quiet can such a peace bring with it? On the contrary, what prejudice may our affairs suffer, by this vain undertaking? We see how ill the Turks are minded towards us, they having taken occasion to bereave us by war, of some part of our dominions; they have without any occasion detained our ships, our Merchants, and contrary to the Law of Nations, usurped their goods, violating thereby the public faith. Are not the immoderate taxes increased upon the Merchandise, which are brought from their countries to this city, their detaining two of our Consuls, who were secured by the Articles of peace; their imprisoning them amongst the meaner sort of men, their having so barbarously cut off the heads of the Masters of our Galleys, taken in the disorder of that night, no open nor public breach of peace having preceded that act, evident signs, that they despise our Nation, and our Commerce? But why do I instance in these things? did not Soliman promise to expect Orsino 's return, who was sent unto us by his consent, nay, by his order, to know, how we could justify our Officers actions, and what the Senate's mind was, concerning war or peace? yet not staying for an answer from us, he sent his Fleet against Corfu, making open war against us, and exercising his arms against our poor subjects, in a scornful and enraged manner; and shall we now think, that we may trust the security of our affairs, upon the faith of these barbarous Infidels? shall we believe, that they propound peace unto us, with a desire of being our friends, and with a sincere mind to observe it? Certainly, their designs are otherwise, and much otherwise their thoughts: They have set their mind upon this our S●ate, they would suppress this Commonwealth, which they think doth somewhat counterpoise their forces at sea, and doth not a little hinder their designs, of being Monarches of the world. But to humble us the more easily, they seek by all means possible to separate us from the friendship of other Christian Princes, that they may afterwards assault us, when we shall be destitute of all help. They therefore leave nothing unattempted, which may cause jealousy and ●istrust in those Princes, with whom they very well know, we are ●reating of a confederacy against them, and to hinder those unions, which is the only thing they dread: For there is no Prince in Christendom able of himself to counterpoise their forces. We hear, that great preparations of an Army and Fleet, are making at Constantinople; that Barbarossa is ready to put to sea, as soon as the season will suffer him; that the whole public discourse is of nothing but war, of assaulting Candia, and of returning to besiege Corfu; and shall we esteem these to be actions becoming one, who propounds peace in sincerity, and that they are not rather true signs of abuse and ill-will? And if the Turks (as it is clearly seen) do not intend peace, but war, what fruit can we persuade ourselves, that this our Treaty can produce? wherein, if what we say shall be believed, our enemies will think we are very weak, which will encourage them the more to oppress us; and if they shall suspect us, they will be the more i●●●nsed against us, thinking themselves deluded by a vain Treaty, which intends no conclusion. When Mahomet, when Bajazet, waged war with our Commonwealth, they conceiving som● suspicion and ●ear, that the Christian Princes would join, had recourse to this very remedy, to disturb their union; they were the first that proffered us discourse of agreement, and seemed desirous of friendship and peace; but at last, the cheat was too late discovered, and without having reaped any security to our affairs, by listening to such a treaty, nor yet kept off offences, we were left ourselves alone to sustain the violence of the Turkish forces, with alike misfortune, but not with alike forces; in the one war, we l●st the Island of Negraponte, and in the other, most of what we possessed in Morea. But suppose (which for my part I cannot bring myself to believe) that we might now have peace, what peace, I beseech you, would it prove? what security, what quiet should we get thereby? We must be still at the trouble, and at the expense of war, for fear of the Turkish forces at sea, and for their doubtful fidelity. We must have Fleets every year, Garrisons, Fortifications, be still in jealousies. And say, they should for a while keep their words to us, shall we believe, that these perpetual enemies to peace will sheathe up their swords, and not make use of them elsewhere, to the prejudice of Christendom? They will keep peace with us, that they may the better make war upon the Emperor, whilst he is busied in other wars with the King of France, and shall want our assistance, that so they may assault Puglia; and meeting with no resistance, possess themselves of some strong hold, and get sure footing in Italy. So as by deferring war for a while, we shall only increase the Turks power, and draw greater and more certain ruin upon ourselves. Since then the League is so far proceeded in, since it is hoped, that there may be a firm and sincere union, of the minds and forces of Christian Princes; since we find such willingness in our own subjects, and in foreigners, to make this war; and that powerful and warlike Transalpine Nations, the Polacks and Bohemians, (as we are now given to understand) offer to assist us both with men and money; Why are we still doubtful? why seem we to be afeard of our own shadows? Shall we not once put the valour and fortune of this Commonwealth to the trial? We may already know, that our standing idle spectators of other men's dangers, as we have done for these many years, may for a while have prolonged our dangers, but hath after made them greater. And certainly, till this enemy be weakened, and bereft of his maritine forces, we shall never have true peace and safety. The Turkish power, and their victories obtained in Christendom, ought not to affrighten us so much, but that we may rouse up ourselves, and hope for good; since we know, it hath not been done by true warlike valour, but by the numbers of their soldiers, wherewith, to their great good fortune, having to do but with one sole Potentate, they have gotten to a great height; and that it is therefore, that this otherwise base and vile people, have proved victorious and formidable. But when they shall be fought withal by equal, nay, I may say, by much greater forces; when they shall be enforced to defend themselves at home in several places, their weakness and our error will be discovered. And say, these happy successes shall not correspond with our hopes; we may treat of peace at another time, with more advantage and honour, when we shall be armed by our own forces, and by those of others. And if the friendship of other Princes cannot sufficiently avail us to make war, it will give us credit to make peace; and if by misfortune we prove not victorious, we shall at least have shown our generosity; so as our country and Senate may be wished, to have had been more successful, but not more wise nor valiant; wherein having answered the opinion, which the world hath of our wisdom and generosity, the honour and dignity of the public will be sustained, as far as the condition of these times will permit. This Cornaro's discourse wrought very much upon the minds of those, that were already that ways inclined; but when he had done, Marco Foscari, one of the Savii, who propounded the business, a man of great authority, both for his learning, and for his worthy carriage in many employments, which he had passed through, replied thus. I cannot say, I have altered my opinion, for I was always minded, that the Consul's Letters should be answered, and that the treaty of peace should not be neglected. But I may truly say, that though I had thought otherwise before, I now find such new accidents, if we shall consider them according to truth, and not according to our own desires, as would make me embrace those offers, which I had formerly refused; but being already settled in my opinion, they do confirm me the more therein. I believe it fares thus with the most of this Senate, since the business having been often brought to the question, it hath been carried but by two voices only. Nor can I see, from whence this so great and so extraordinary confidence, in ourselves, and in our own forces, can arise; whence this great belief, which is given to the words and promises of Princes, who usually say rather that, the belief whereof makes more for their advantage, than what they do really intend. And yet the business is of so great concernment, as if we commit an error therein, we may repent too late, with loss and shame. I fear, Gentlemen, that we are by a certain evil fate drawn to our ruin. We know, that our Fleet is visited with sore sickness, and brought to a weak condition; that, if we will recruite it, we must draw soldiers out of our Garrisons, and thereby weaken the defence of our chief Forts by sea: And yet they may be all said, to be in danger at once, and that they all stand in need of many men to defend them, since we do not know, to what part the Turkish Fleet will betake itself. We have but too few soldiers to resist the enemy in so many places; and yet we can scarcely give them their pay, which enforceth us against our wills, to suffer our Captains to give injurious speeches against the Commonwealth. Do not you remember, what Camillo Orsino writ unto us, too boldly the other day to this purpose, complaining of the delay of pay to his soldiers? That if we cannot maintain war, we may do well to make peace. We must every day lay on more taxes, which we see will quickly be not to be gotten, let us use what rigour we please. It is too great an error to believe, that a War, which costs above 200000 Ducats a month, can be maintained out of the purses of private men. And yet we are pleased so to flatter ourselves, as not to appear to want power; we believe we shall do impossibilities. But let us go a little further, how can we ground ourselves upon the assistance of other Princes, who are of several opinions, and who govern themselves by reasons, contrary to ours? I believe, the Pope means well; yet, be it either for his great age, or out of any other reason, he is so irresolute in all his proceedings, as we find no good by his good will. Many months have been spent in desires, that the Commonwealth may make use of (what I may call their own) the Tenths of our Clergy, to employ those moneys in so pious an use, and in time of such necessity. Yet, though we have good words given us, we can find no dispatch, nor do I yet know what will become thereof. And if I must confess the truth, I fear, he appears to be more forward in this business of the League in speech, that he may seem to do what becomes the place he holds, than be really is in his heart. And we ought to call to mind, that it is very usual of late for Popes, to propound Leagues and Crusadoes against Infidels, and to seem very desirous thereof; yet how many of them have we seen made, since the Turks power is grown so great? So likewise, I perceive, we measure the Emperor's intentions more according to our desires, and to what may make for us, then to what they are. But why should we not also consider many other actions, which do plainly show, that either his thoughts do differ from ours, and from our interests; or at least, that he hath not so great a desire for the exaltation of our Commonwealth, nor such a zeal to the good of Christendom, as some believe; trusting too much to the zeal, which some persuade themselves he bears to Christendom, when they would flatter themselves with a confederacy, which turns to his advantage, forgetting such things as may make them believe the contrary. For being overcome by the force of truth, he hath ofttimes confessed, he can only make a defensive League this year; but that notwithstanding, the Commonwealth shall suffer less prejudice thereby. Hath not he himself told our Ambassador, when he heard of Doria's proceedings, and how he parted quickly from Naples, that Doria was no friend to the Commonwealth; yet he proposeth him now to be the head of a League, which he says he makes chiefly for her sake. I will not now trouble you with mentioning his vast and ambitious thoughts, wherein, as it hath been plainly discovered, he aims at the Empire of whole Italy; since all men know, how much the greatness and prosperity of our Dominions is, contrary to these his machinations; and how many ways he may receive advantage, by keeping us employed in this war, to save his own expense, and that by our weakness he may increase his power, and finally, make himself the sole Arbitrator of all the affairs of Italy. And how stands Ferdinando King of the Romans affected now, think we, who seemed so fierce at first in taking up Arms, to revenge the so many injuries he had received from the Turks? What hopes hath he, of making his people fall upon such an enterprise, after having received such a rout in Hungary, wherein he lost the flower of his people, and (which is of no less importance) his own reputation, and his soldier's courage? Which may make it easily be believed, that he may rather think it a happiness for him at this time, to repose a while, and to mind the repairing of his losses, whilst his enemy's forces shall be employed against us, then to be bound to continue a new war. And, I beseech you, whence is it that we suppose, peace may so easily ensue between the Emperor and the King of France? The meeting was had with great hopes of Agreement; but all endeavours proving vain, we see it now at an end; and the short Truce for the affairs of Piedmont, arose rather out of necessity and weariness, than out of a desire of quiet and reconciliation. And certainly, if we will weigh the importance of this business considerately, we must think this the chief ground of that our resolution. For as it hath been always confessed by all men, the greatest, and most assured hopes of any good success of this League, lay in the agreement which was to be amongst Princes; it was this that made us advance so much in the Treaty of the League: So now, the state and condition of affairs being altered, we have just reason to alter our minds, and to keep from concluding the League. Shall we forget what the Pope said upon the like purpose, that the League would be but of a pale complexion, unless peace were made between Cesar and the King of France? And do not Cesar 's chief Ministers say the same? Did not Count Agilar at Rome, and Don Lopes here with us, take it for granted, that peace amongst Christian Princes was requisite, to the making of war against the Turks? Nay, Cesar himself hath confessed as much, letting us know, that he had not forces sufficient, to contest with the King of France, and with the Turks at the same time; and therefore it was that he propounded, the League might now be only defensive. If then it be lawful for these Princes to nourish discord, for their own ambitious ends, not caring for what we suffer, nor for the ruin of whole Christendom; why should it misbecome us to think, upon preserving our Commonwealth, and how to stave off greatest dangers, by such means as we may? But if it be said, It is necessity which makes us have recourse to foreign help, to maintain war, because such a peace as were to be wished for, is not to be had. I cannot deny, but that on what side soever we turn, we are to meet with many difficulties; but I will boldly affirm, that the having of peace is not so hard, as that it is to be dispaired of, nor that it is likely to bring so small security, but that it may be very well compared with our present dangers. We know, that the chief Bashaw, on whose advice the Grand Signior doth much rely, hath been always well affected to this business, and we ought to believe very much in what he says, because of his own interest; peace making for his advantage, who cannot by war accumulate more riches nor honours. And we now hear, that Barbarossa, not being in too great favour with Soliman, desires rather to return to Algiers, where he may enjoy his own state, then to be at any further trouble, since he sees the face of fortune altars. I will say further, that I know not how we can so absolutely affirm, that Soliman doth so much despise us and our Commonwealth, since we see how constantly he hath observed the capitulations of peace with us, for these thirty five years; and now also, if we will consider all things aright, we must confess, that he hath not turned his ●orces against us, till he was first provoked by us; so as peradventure we have more reason to complain of ourselves, and of our Officers, than of him and his actions. If the Turks (as it hath been said) did aim so much at our ruin, when could they have had any fitter occasion to have expressed it, then in these late years of our so great calamities, when all the Princes of Christendom had conspired against us, when we wanted both forces, assistance, and counsel, by reason of so many adverse fortunes? And yet they did not only not trouble us, but supplied us with victuals and ammunition, in our greatest necessities, suffering us to carry all sorts of grain out of their Countries, and freely sending us whole ships loaded with Saltpetre. Whence then do we imagine this so great fear, this so dubious peace, and these supposed suspicions? which say they be true, how can we think it wisely done, how does it agree together, that to shun war, we should make war; that to avoid an uncertain and far-distant danger, we should choose a danger that is present and certain? Who is there amongst us that does not know, the many conveniences we reap by peace, and the as many inconveniences which arise from war? It may suffice to say, that in time of our so long troubles, we were able to maintain war in Terra ferma, for the space of almost twenty years, because we had the sea open, which supplied this city both with public and private wealth; but that being now shut up, our traffic is hindered, our taxes lessened, every one of whatsoever condition suffers, and there is want of all things. And what is there to be said of the Turks power? a great Empire, numerous Armies, store of gold, abundance of all things requisite for war, and that which I am sorry I can so truly say, such obedience and military discipline, as is rather desired, then observed amongst Christians. What have we therefore to do in the condition we are in? but to temporise, and wait for better fortune, against so powerful an enemy. Great is the vicissitude of human affairs, which hardly keep in the same posture any while at all. And it is the part of a wise man, to know his advantages, and his disadvantages, and to wait the friendship of time. If we call to mind past things, we shall find, that war with the Turks, hath always been a business of too great weight for us to bear. We would not have peace with Mahomet, after the loss of Nigroponte, hoping to regain it; yet at last, we were forced to agree with him, upon the yielding up of Scutari and Brazzo di Maina to the Turks. After the Commonwealth was almost wasted by long war with Bajazet, we came at last to peace with him, upon his own conditions, and upon harder terms than those we had refused; by which, to boot with the places which he had taken, we yielded up the Fort St. Maura unto him, which we had recovered but a little before. I could produce many more such unfortunate examples, and yet the Turks were not then so strong, especially at sea, as now they are. Let us not then be so far born away by appearances, as to forego better counsels. To make war with the Turks, appears to be a pious and generous thing; yet he who shall weigh things aright, will find, that in the con●ition that Christendom is in at the present, it is impious and unwise, the nature thereof being changed by many various accidents. What greater impiety can be used, then by continuing war, to expose the people commended to our care to so many sufferings, and such certain rain? We have the spectacle of Corfu before our eyes, from whence fifteen thousand persons were carried into bondage by the Turks. To make gallant and generous attempts, becomes a magnanimous and generous Prince, when reason and hope persuade him thereunto; but otherwise, it is rashness and imprudency. To expose ourselves to certain dangers, when they may be avoided, what is it, but to tempt divine Providence? And the Parable which we read in the Gospel, that he who is to go against a potent Enemy, ought first to consider well, whether he can withstand him with ten thousand men, who comes to assault him with twenty thousand. Doth it not teach us to be wary and mature in all our actions, and not to leave any place for repentance to ourselves, nor for blame to others? Foscari's wisdom and eloquence was much commended, yet could it not convince a certain fatal inclination, which was already grounded in the minds of many, to continue the war. So as the number of votes falling short, to make this proposal pass, the business remained undecided as before; and yet the not resolving to write to Constantinople, was in effect to resolve, to prosecute the war, and to be bound to stipulate the League as soon as might be. Soon after therefore, larger Commissions were sent to the Ambassador at Rome, touching the concluding it, wherein they yielded to such Articles, as had suffered a long debate; each of which was first distinctly readd, and approved of by the Senate. The Articles were these. That a League and confederacy, Offensive and Defensive, was made by Pope Paul the 3d. the Emperor Charles the 5th. and the Commonwealth and Senate of Venice, against Soliman, grand Signior of the Turks; whereby the Confederates obliged themselves, to make war against the Turks, with two hundred Galleys, one hundred Frigates, fifty thousand Foot, whereof twenty thousand were to be Italians, ten thousand Spaniards, and twenty thousand Germans, and four thousand five hundred Burgonian Horse: Which forces were to be accompanied with a sufficient train of Artillery, Ammunition, and other necessaries. And all these forces were every year to be ready by the midst of March. Of these Galleys, the Pope was to arm thirty six, the Emperor eighty two, and the State of Venice eighty two, that the Emperor should be particularly obliged to find all the ships, and the Venetians to give the Galleys to the Pope furnished; but upon condition, that every part of the other expenses were to be proportionably made good, in what they should exceed the rest; and particularly, that the Venetians should be paid for as many armed galleys, as they should lend above their just proportion of eighty two, that of all the expense which should go to the maintaining of these forces, the Pope should contribute the sixth part, the Emperor three, and the Commonwealth two. Moreover, that the taking of Corn from every place, should be open for the common benefit, which was to be sold to such of the Colleagues as had need thereof, at reasonable rates. That Ferdinand, King of the Romans, should be understood to be included in this confederacy, for whom Cesar obliged himself, that he should raise an Army apart by himself, to assault the Turks on the side of Hungaria: and that the King of France should be likewise understood to be therein concluded, when he should declare, that he would accept of that primary, and most honourable place which was reserved for him; which if he should do, the Pope should determine what forces he should bring to join in the common enterprises, which were understood were to be for the increase of those which were already agreed upon, and divided amongst the Colleagues; and if any other Italian Princes should join in the League, the expenses of the three chief confederates, should be lessened as much as their contribution should come unto. That the Pope should likewise endeavour to draw the King of Poland, and the other Christian Princes into the League: and that if any difference touching the League should arise amongst the Christian confederates, it should be determined by the Pope, that Andrea Doria should be General of all the forces at Sea, and the Duke of Urbino of those at Laxd. Concerning the acquisitions which should be made by the common Arms, it was thus ordered by a writing apart: That every one of the confederates should have whatsoever should be recovered, and which had formerly been his own, restored unto him; with a particular declaration, that the Empire of Constantinople should belong unto the Emperor, without prejudice to the Commonwealth, for what belonged to her; to which likewise La Vallone, and Castelnuovo, should be reserved as things appertaining to her: and that a fitting proportion of what should be gotten, should be reserved by way of pre-eminency, for the Apostolic Sea. That in other things whereunto none of them pretended, every one of the confederates should partake thereof, according to the proportion of his expense in the war; that if the Island of Rhodes should be recovered, it should be restored to the Knights of jerusalem. There was no mention made of the King of England in these Capitulations: but the Venetians thinking they might receive no little aid from this King, who was master of many Forces, and of great Authority, sought by their Secretary Girollimo Zuccato, then resident with him, to make him favour the League; and desired the Pope to do the like, which he did. But he, thinking himself scandalised, for not being particularly named in the Capitulations, would not give ear thereunto, but complained that he and his Kingdom were not taken into such consideration, by the Colleagues, as they ought to have been. And for the King of France, there appeared new signs every day, that he had no mind to enter into the League, wherein the increase of his Rival, and perpetual Enemy's forces, and reputation, the Emperor was treated on. The League being concluded and established in manner aforesaid, the Venetians ordered their General Capello, that if the Turkish Fleet should come into the gulf, he would tarry behind in the Levant, so as he might the easilier pass into Sicily, or whithersoever he were to join with the Confederates Fleets. This course was judged good, to encourage those of the Levant, and to endamage the Enemy, according as occasion should serve: and that they might not lessen the Garrisons, 2000 foot were raised, and forthwith sent to reinforce the Fleet. Some were of opinion, that the General should have free leave given him, to do upon all occasions whatsoever he should think would be best for the Commonwealth. They urged, that since all accidents which might occur could not be fore-seen, and according to which the General was to order his designs, and to steer his course: it was a dangerous thing to bind him up by Commissions, and to force him to do what peradventure might be contrary to reason: they instanced in the successes of the last year, wherein the having given limited orders to General Pesaro, had been the cause of great disorders, which proved at last the breaking out into war. Yet the consideration of not retarding the joining of the Fleets, prevailed; as also a certain indignity, which as it was thought it would prove, if the General should think of retreating, as if he shunned the Enemy, and should therefore withdraw himself with his Galleys into the waters about the City, whereby so great a preparation should prove vain: But above all things, they were very solicitous in providing moneys whereby to supply their expenses. A Bank was therefore erected in the Exchequer, wherein as many as would bring in any moneys into the public Treasury, were promised to be paid fourteen per cent. during their life: Much severity was used in calling in such moneys as were due to the Commonwealth. Three other Commissaries were chosen, for what should be borrowed, Girollimo Marcello, Bernardo Moro, and Giulio Contarini: but no use could as yet be made of the Clergies goods; for though the Pope had transmuted the favour, whereof he had before given so favourable an intention to the Senate; to wit, That he would permit them to alienate ten per cent. of the Clergies Revenue, till it should amount to a million of Gold, or that they should raise it in five years' space, by so many Tenths of the same goods; yet he had never given out his Briefs for either of these, finding out several excuses and delays at such a pinch. Many propositions were made for the raising of moneys; but the Senate proceeded with great respect and caution, not to do any thing at this time, which might peradventure lessen the people's affection to the Commonwealth: they would not therefore accept of the proposal of selling the Commons, though much money might have been made thereby, there being great store of them throughout the whole Terra ferma. But for all this scarcity of money, they spared not for any thing that was necessary for War; victuals were provided from all parts, and ammunition, Ordnance were cast, such Ladders, Pick-axes, Spades, and other tools, as the Duke of Urbine gave order for, for Land-service, were made in great abundance. The Duke seemed very desirous to do great things in service to the Commonwealth, and aspired to the obtaining immortal glory by war; and truly, the Senate confided very much in his worth and Loyalty: in so much as the Pope threatening to make war upon his State, by reason of his pretence to the Dukedom of Camerino, as being held in fee-farm of the Church, and which was then fallen to the Duke by the right of his wife: the Senate dispatched away one of their Secretaries speedily to Rome, and obtained that the Duke should not be molested therein as long as he was employed in the common service of the League, or particularly by the Commonwealth. He therefore caused two galleys to be prepared, the one for himself to go in person, to the Fleet; the other for his Son to go in; and chose his very good friend, Barnard Sagredo, one much esteemed of him, by reason of his great experience at Sea, to govern them; the Senate being desirous to show how acceptable this the Duke's good will was to them, who had said, he would bring his wife and family to live in Venice, freely gave him one of the noblest Palaces of the City; but whilst he was carefully ordering all these affairs, going to Pesaro, to take order for his own particular business, he fell into a great sickness, which kept him from going to the Fleet. At the same time, several Negotiations were had of Peace, between Caesar and the King of France, both of them seeming to be desirous thereof, to which purpose their Agents were forthwith sent to Canus, a place between Parpignon and Narbonne; but the whole time being spent in contentions, no good came thereof: For both these Prince's Commissions were bounded and limited in that very thing, whereon all other resolutions did depend: Cesar not giving way by any means, to the restoring of the Dukedom of Milan; not the King of France, that any thing should be treated of, the prime Article whereof should not be the restitution of that State. Many things were propounded, to bring these Princes to an Agreement; chiefly the marriage between Mary, Daughter to the King of Portugal, lately dead, and to the Queen, than wife to Francis King of France, and Niece to Cesar; and the Duke of Orleans, the King's Son, with a Million of Gold for her portion, which was to be given to the Emperor, in recompense for the State of Milan, whereinto the Duke of Orleans was to be invested; but many difficulties being found herein, the one not being willing to trust the other; and the Bride not being of fitting years for marriage, the business was broken off, the convention dissolved, to the great displeasure of the Venetians in particular, who by reason of this disagreement, were likely to bear a greater burden in this war with the Turks, as by many signs did already appear. For the Marquis of Guasto, who had formerly been sent for to the Court by the Emperor, to make use of his advice and actions, touching the enterprise in the Levant, was by new orders appointed to stay in Italy, and to be diligent in increasing the Garrisons in the State of Milan. And Cesar, when the hopes of this Agreement failed, had ofttimes said, that his forces being elsewhere diverted by the King of France, he could not for the present do any thing for the service of Christendom, but stand upon his defence, and keep his Dominions from being prejudiced by the Turkish Fleets; these respects had made the Venetians more diligent in endeavouring the conclusion of the League; believing that the King of France, whilst he should see this union suspended, whereby the heavier weight would lie upon Cesar, being only of himself to resist the Turkish forces, would be the hardlier brought to a reconcilement with Cesar, building his hope of the recovery of the State of Milan, upon the weakness of the Emperor's forces: the Pope was likewise much troubled hereat; to whom, as being the chief head of Christendom, the care of making peace between Christian Princes, and of opposing the eminent danger of the Turks, did principally belong. Therefore seeing all his endeavours, by Letters and Embassies, proved vain, he bethought himself of bringing these two Princes to speak together face to face in his presence; hoping that by his authority, entreaties, and reasons, he might bring them to an Agreement. Wherefore, though he was very aged, yet not being willing to spare any painse, after he had thus exhorted and invited these two Princes, he offered to give them a meeting himself in person, at Niece, as an opportune place where they might all meet together. This meeting proved in one respect pleasing to the Venetians; for if the peace should be effected, the hopes and forces of the League would be greatly increased, which would be but weak and lame without it: but in another respect, they were troubled at it, by reason of the loss of time which it would occasion, in making provision for the War, and in the uniting of the Fleets. For the Emperor being to come by Galleys from Barcelona to Niece, Doria must be unseasonably employed in this voyage, when he should have put his Fleet in order, and have advanced against the Enemy, who were already put forth very strong to Sea. This their fear was the greater, because it was not counterpoised by equal hopes of advantage; since it appeared almost impossible, that these two Princes should be reconciled, as it was thought by those who were best versed in such affairs, and who could penetrate the furthest into the secret designs of Princes. For what hopes were there of making true friendship between Cesar and the King of France? their natures were beyond measure contrary; they differed in fashions, ends, and thoughts; grievous injuries had passed between them on both sides, which they kept in memory with desire of revenge. On the King's behalf; his Imprisonment, and his severe usuage therein, his being enforced to purchase his liberty, by assenting to unjust conditions, and by giving his Sons in hostage for the performance of his word, and the War lately made by the Emperor, in the bowels of his own Country. The Emperor held himself as much offended by the King, not only for the falsifying of his word, and breach of the Articles at Madrid; but for his having made the Turks make war against him, whereby to keep him and his Dominions perpetually molested. What reason was there then to believe, that those who bore such bitter hatred to each other, were to yield to an Agreement, whereby the ones power would be greatly augmented to the as great inconveniency of the other? to yield up the State of Milan, to the King of France, to boot with the opening the way thereby unto him, how to molest the Kingdom of Naples, and of disputing Caesar's power in Italy, bore with it greater consequences. For by giving the State of Milan to the Duke of Orleans, France, would become the more formidable, since all the States would be united in the Crown, whereinto not only Brittany would fall, which belonged to the King's second Son, as in right of his Mother's Dowry, but the Dukedom of Orleans, and of Angoulesme. On the other side, the King knew, that the releasing of the Cities, and Forts which he had taken in Savoy, would secure Caesar's affairs in Italy, and confirm him in the possession of the State of Milan; it was therefore thought, that nothing had made Cesar, and the King of France, yield to the Pope's proposal, but a desire of justifying themselves to the World, and to show that they would not be backwards in making peace, knowing that the maintaining so long and bitter discord at this time, would denote their immoderate Ambition. Moreover, they were thereunto invited by a certain jealousy, they had of the Pope's favour, which made them endeavour to persuade him, that they valued all his advices: for the one fearing to be exceeded by the other, they would not suffer that either of them should become greater by the forces and authority of Apostolic Sea, especially in Italy. Some did also add, that the Pope himself did not aim so much at the general good by this meeting, as at his particular conveniency; hoping that by his presence, and by the concurrency of these Princes, he might get far into favour with them, and obtain something of much moment from them, which might establish the greatness of his House, which was now discovered to be his chiefest aim, as was afterwards more clearly seen at this meeting, wherein the marriage between the Lady Margaret, Caesar's natural Daughter, who had been wife to Alexander, Duke of Medecis, with Octavio Farnese, the Pope's Nephew, was concluded; who was likewise invested in the State of Novara. Though the Venetians began quickly to suspect these things; yet did not the Senate forbear to do what occasion required, but to show all due respect to these Princes, and chiefly to the Pope, and not to leave any thing undone, whereby they might be aiding and forward to the making of peace, as they had always been; they chose two Ambassadors, Nicolo ●iepolo, and Mark Antonio Cornaro, to assist at that meeting, and to declare the Senate's desire of friendship between Christian Princes, and their readiness to make War upon the Turks. The Pope being gone from Rome in May, went to Parma, where he gave the solemn Benediction della Palma, in the Cathedral Church, to which he gave La Rosa, worth 500 Crowns, and stayed there, and in Piacensa some time; expecting more certain information from the Duke of Savoy, of the Convention at Nice, wherein there were some difficulties interposed, not without suspicion, that the Emperor had a hand therein, who was desirous to spin out the time, that he might see what the Turks did, and advance the greater charge that year, to which he was obliged by the League. But at last the Pope, not being desirous to prolong his journey any longer, came to Nice, where he was not suffered to enter the City, by the Garrison; who said, they held that Fort in the name of the Prince, which the Duke his Father could not dispose of; so as he was forced to stay a while in a neighbouring Monastery, till not long after, the Keys of the City were sent him. But the Emperor, and the King of France, came speedily to him, to the same place, who were first come to that shore; the first tarrying at Villa Franca, formerly called Moneco, the other at villa Nova, on the other side of the River Varro. But the Pope could not possibly prevail with them, to meet both together in his presence; they not being willing to comply with the Pope, in what was to be treated on at this interview, which was Peace and Agreement. Yet the Truce which was between them, was prolonged by the Pope's means, but both of them continuing to use simulation, cheating both themselves and others, by an outward appearance; they met together at Aqua Morta, in the waters of Marcelles; whither Cesar being come in his Galleys, the King came likewise (as it was ordered) to meet him aboard his Galleys; and then landing, the Emperor tarried two days with the King, spending the time in feasting, and jollity, treating together very familiarly, and giving out, that Peace should be suddenly made between them; to which effect, other Agents should be deputed, with plenary power to accommodate all differences between them. Yet this interview produced no better effect, than the former with the Pope, had done; for Cesar finding that he was not of himself alone, to make head against those powerful Enemies, now that the Venetians had confirmed the League against the Turks, and consequently thinking the King's friendship less necessary, began to demand greater things than he had done at the convention in Flanders, to wit, the observance of the Agreement at Madrid, wherein the restitution of Burgony, superiority in Artois, and in his pretences to the State of Milan, which was the chief thing now controverted, were contained; and many other things very prejudicial to the Crown of France, and consequently abhorred by the King: who on the contrary, finding himself very powerful, by reason of several States that were fallen to the Crown, for want of Heirs to their particular Lords; so as at this time, he was Master of whole France, from the Ocean towards the North, to low Brittany, and from the Pirenean Mountains, to the Mediterranean Sea; he hoped he might make War with the Emperor, and recover those States which were possessed by him, so far was he from foregoing any thing that he himself had in his hands, or whereunto he made any pretences. He therefore desired peace only so far, as might consist with his honour and conveniency, and chiefly with the conclusion of his Son's marriage, which had been so often proposed: wherein the chief difficulty consisting, in whose hands the Forts of the State of Milan were to be trusted for the space of three years, which time was necessary to run out before the marriage could be consummated; the King not thinking it either safe or honourable for him, to trust Cesar, who would not trust him, proposed, that the strong holds of that State, should for that time be deposited in the Pope's hands, or in the Venetian Senate. But Cesar, who was resolved not to accept of any motion which did any ways comprehend the surrender of the Dukedom of Milan, refused the proposal, alleading that he could not assent thereunto, by reason of the Pope's very great age, and by reason of the Venetians too great power: whence, if he should give way thereunto, both his private, and the common affairs, might through various accidents incur loss and danger. Yet the King held on the Treaty, not so much out of any hopes of Agreement, as for his own justification to the world, and to lay all the fault of their not. According upon Caesar's obdurancy, to which purpose he sent one of his Gentlemen to Venice, to give a particular account of these his actions, showing that the fault lay not in him, if the peace should not ensue, which was so much desired by Christendom. Whilst the Christian Princes proceeded thus slowly, and irresolutely, in preparing to sustain the War, the Turks, every one striving who should best discharge his office, had in the winter prepared all things requisite for the summer-War; and not forgetting amidst the fury of War, what appertained to Religion, (so naturally is a certain inclination to divine worship, engraven in the souls even of Barbarians) did first solemnly celebrate the feast of Baierano; which are certain days celebrated, and reverenced by that Nation, as Easter is by us Christians; and frequent Orisons were made throughout all their Mosche, for the Grand Signors prosperity, and the like of his Army. Afterwards, March being already begun, the soldiers and galleys began to part from Constantinople, with great preparations both of Land and Sea-forces. Soliman went himself in person with the Army, and Barbarossa with the Fleet, who held the place which was formerly held by Lufti, he being deprived of the degree of Bashaw, and confined to Macedonia. The Fleet not being yet wholly in order, Barbarossa went with 120 sail, which he had got together into the Archipelagus, as to a secure prey, where those Islands which had not been ruined the preceding year, but kept still under the Commonwealth's Dominion, had not sufficient Garrisons to defend them. Thus Schiros, Schia●ock, Schiati and some other lesser places, after being miserably plundered, fell into the power of the Turks. There happened a memorable accident in the taking of Schiati● where the Islanders, and those few Soldiers who were there, having valiantly withstood the Turks first assault, trusting in the strength of the situation, and in a Castle eminently seated upon a Rock; some of the chief men of the Town, either out of fear, or fraud, bethought themselves of surrendering the Town to the Turks; and fearing they might be punished for their base wickedness, if the business should not succeed; they went to the Palace, where the Governor Girolimo Memo lay wounded, (who by his courage and example, standing with the other soldiers upon the walls, had made good their labours, and hopes of the rest) and cruelly slew him; by whose death all things being in a confusion, they drew in the Turks by Ropes into the Fort. Barbarossa's self was so displeased with this barbarous and cruel act, as in lieu of a reward, which these Rascals hoped for, he put them to death. Barbarossa, whose number of Vessels was much increased, went afterwards to the Island of Candia to get prey, and to attempt those Forts. This was much suspected before, it being generally bruited in Constantinople, that they would this year attempt that Island: wherefore the Senate had been very careful in providing it with all things necessary, that it might be able to withand so powerful an Enemy: They had sent many Soldiers, Ammunition, Victuals, thither; and to boot with the particular Magistrates, had given the Government of all those Forts, and of the Militia to johanni Moro, whose valour and wisdom was highly esteemed. He was made Commissary General, and endowed with extraordinary Authority. The preservation of this Island, was held by all men to be of great importance, by reason of the nobleness and riches thereof, as having been the ancient seat of Kings, producing plenty of choice Wines, of Oils, and other things, for the conveniency which it afforded of furnishing many Galleys speedily with men fit for Sea-affairs; for many fair and safe Havens, wherein the ships that traffic in the Levant are received, and the Fleets which guard those Seas: and moreover, because there is therein a Colony of many noble Venetian Families, who had habitations, and large possessions given them in that Kingdom 330 years before. Amongst other things, the Commissary General was willed to encourage those Gentlemen in the name of the Commonwealth, and the Cavaliers (which are those who hold any thing in fee of the Signory of Venice,) to defend the Island and themselves, promising them on the faith of the Senate, that they should not want any possible aid: He therefore assembling one day the Council, in the City of Candia, which consists of all the Nobility of the Colony, prepared them by an efficacious exhortation, valiantly to expect the coming of the enemy. If you (said he) will well consider the peacefulness of your present condition, wherein you with quiet and honour enjoy so wealthy possessions, the gracious aspect of the heavens, which affords you such abundance and conveniency of all good things, which grow here, and which are brought hither from adjacent parts, I am assured, the consideration thereof would persuade you more, than I by my words can do, to use your utmost endeavours, and not to spare any thing, neither expense, pains, no, not life itself, to keep yourselves and children from changing conditions, from falling from the height of such prosperity, into the depth of misery, as it will happen, if this Island, falling into the Turks power, (the very thought or mentioning whereof doth astonish me) you be enforced either to live elsewhere, and be deprived of this your country, wherein you enjoy such wealth, such conveniencies; or else tarrying here, to be subject to the tyranny of barbarous Infidels. If you had no other tie to defend this Island, (a noble and prime member of the Commonwealth) than what by these advantages you are obliged unto, you neither could nor would refuse to do what you are bound to, in respect both of your Ancestors and selves, and what the service of our country doth challenge; from the love whereof, I do not believe, this distance hath been able to divide you, not being members cut off, but true sharers in her honour, and in all her fortune. But since hereunto, your own particular interest is inseparably joined, wherein you know the total of all you have, nay, of your very being is concerned, I shall not need to show you the importance of the cause in hand, or incite you to make such provisions, and seek for such remedies, as may preserve you from such a danger. I will only therefore put you in mind, that you suffer not yourselves to be removed from that good resolution, which I see is grounded in you, by any fear, which may make you lose your courage, and abandon yourselves. I do not deny, but that the enemy's power is very great, and so to be esteemed; but I affirm, it is not such as we ought to ●istrust, being able to resist it, and we may hope, that we may reap praise and honour by their coming. We hear for certain, that though there be many soldiers in the enemy's Fleets, yet they want a sufficient train of artillery, and many other things requisite for the taking in of cities; so as we may believe, that if they shall approach this our Island, it is rather with an intention of pillage, if they shall find us so negligent, as to afford them occasion so to do, then of making war; and say, they did intend it, and were provided for it, why should we believe, that they would undertake a business, which will require time, when they shall see such Fleets of Christian confederate Princes upon the seas, by which, either their Fleet, or some of their cities, may be assaulted, and fought with. They have as much reason to think, upon their own defence and preservation, as of offending others. I know, and am commanded by the Senate to assure you, that the preservation of this Kingdom, and your safeties, is had in very great consideration by them, for which they will readily expose their Fleet, and all their forces; whereof the provisions already made for the good of this Island, may be a sufficient testimony; in the speed and expense whereof, the Commonwealth hath not only exceeded the opinion of others, but hath gone beyond herself. You then, whose dangers and safeties are most concerned, and whose advantage is immediately treated of, are so much the more bound, not to leave any thing undone, wherein your loyalty, diligence, & charity towards both these your countries may appear. Let every one vuy who shall help the common cause most with moneys, authority, and with their persons, and I assure myself, we shall not only avoid the greatest calamities, but we shall preserve our country from the inroads and plunder of the enemy, to our immortal glory, and to our merit with the Commonwealth. The Commissary had not fully ended his discourse, when many of the Gentlemen rising up, attested what he had said, promised loyalty; and some engaged themselves in generalities, some in particular offers, to employ all their power and industry, in defending the Kingdom. The Commissioner said the same things afterwards, to the Cretensian Gentry and Commonalty, encouraging all men to defend themselves. So as with great cheerfulness, and confidence of good success, they fell to make all necessary provisions. Some Galleys were armed at the charge of particular men, many men were sent for from their country-farms, who having arms given them, some of them were brought into the city, to increase the garrison of Italian Foot, some placed in Corpse de Guard, upon passes, and places of concernment, to hinder the enemy's advancing; wherein the Nobles and Feudatories, did so industriously and so fervently behave themselves, that the particular family of the Calergi, a family of great wealth and authority in this Island, raised and armed above 25000 men. Barbarossa continuing his course, drew near the Island on the North side, between Standia and the city of Candia; but, without touching land, sailed along the coast till he came to Rettimo, where staying but a while, because he was much damnified by the artillery from the city, he went to Suda, where finding better conveniency of abode, by reason of the Haven, which was very safe, and capacious, the entrance whereunto was then free for any enemy's ships, (the Rock which lies in the mouth of the Haven not being reduced then, as it is now, into a safe and impregnable Fort) and by the nearness of the city of Canea, which he designed to assault, he landed many men, wherewith he fell to plunder the adjacent country, coming even to underneath the city. This was anciently called Cidonia, and was always numbered amongst the chief cities of the Kingdom, for the conveniency and beauty it receives from the Campania, and by reason of the Haven which is very near it, and for the number of inhabitants. But the Fort was not yet fully finished, the two Bulwarks which were a building on the Southside were not perfected, nor was it any ways fenced on the West, but by old weak Walls, and the Ditch was hardly digged in any place, by reason of the condition of the earth, which was very stiff, and in some parts rocky; but the industry of these times, hath overcome these and all other difficulties. Andrea Gritti was Governor of the city, it had about a 1000 Italian Foot for the Guard, and many Grecians of the city and country. Therefore when they saw the Turks approach the Fort, without either trenches or works, and in disorder, they boldly sallied out; and disordering the enemy by shot from the city, they put them to flight, and slew many of them. Nor had those who roved about, pillaging and wasting the country, any better success; for many of the Islanders were assembled together, with several sorts of weapons, and being encouraged by the Masters of families, whose authority is very great over the inhabitants, and incited by the chief Governors, by hopes of reward, who, for their better enheartning, had promised to take off all taxes, and to release them of many debts, due unto the public; they behaved themselves so, as the Turks meeting with stout resistance every where, and with greater difficulty than they had at first believed, they were forced soon to give over the enterprise; and having lost many of their soldiers, who were cut in pieces, as they went up and down pillaging the country, they retreated to their Galleys. Yet Barbarossa, desirous to try some better fortune in some other part, or at least, repair his loss, leaving some calamitous marks behind him of his having been there, sent one hundred Galleys to Sithi●. This place is seated on the head of the Island, very weak, and but badly guarded, though a particular Venetian Magistrate makes his residence there. The enemy's Fleet had conveniency of going to Scarpanto, an Island not above forty miles off, and then in the Turks possession; who finding Sithia abandoned, took away some pieces of artillery, and a little ammunition, ruinating the neighbouring country as much as they could: But being forced to be gone, for fear lest the Venetian Fleet coming to relieve Candia, might force them to fight, they embarckt their soldiers, and went with all their forces towards Negraponte. He, at the same time returned to besiege Napoli and Malvasia, whither the Sangiacco della Morea was gone, by order from Soliman; who sitting down before both these towns, & besieging them writ Letters to the Governors, and to the people, exhorting them to yield unto him, promising them large rewards; but speedy and severe punishment, if they should obstinately persevere to make resistance: Saying, That he was sent thither by Soliman, with direction, not to rise from before them, upon any whatsoever accident, till he had reduced those two Towns under his Empire. That all relief was far off, and that it was vain for them to hope to make long resistance. That therefore they were to make use of that good, nay necessary, advice, of complying with the times, and with the conquerors fortune. But the Governors and people were resolved to defend themselves, trusting much to the strength of their situation, and that they should speedily receive victuals and ammunition from the Venetian Fleet, sufficient to hold out a long siege. They therefore gave no answer to these Letters, but they betook themselves the more diligently to defend the city; and because there was great want of water in Napoli, the Stradiotti, a bold and warlike people, sallying oftentimes forth, accompanied with Italian Harchebugiers, provided the Town therewith. But of all others, Agostino Clasone's diligence and worth, who was head of that Militia, appeared most in all those actions. And General Capello, not suffering these valiant and faithful men to want help, seasonably sent them all such things as they needed most, in six Galleys. But the sufferings of those in Dalmatia by the Turkish forces, were great; for the enemy landing in great numbers upon those confines, destroyed whole countries, carried away both men and beasts, infusing terror and confusion into all men; insomuch as Camillo Or●ino, who was chief Governor in that Province, advised, that abandoning all the other towns, all the soldiers should with draw into the town of Zara, to secure that, as being the chief town, and fittest to be maintained; fearing, that to defend them all, against so many forces of the enemy, would be the endangering of them all. But the Senate did not approve of this advice, valuing very much, to boot with the loss of so many towns, the note of infamy, which the Commonwealth might seem to attract, if they should willingly, and all at once, without making any trial of their forces, yield up so great and so gallant a territory, to the insolent enemy. Therefore betaking themselves diligently to make all possible provision, for the defence and maintaining of them, they resolved to raise more Foot and Horse, to the number of 12000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, whereby they hoped they might be able to secure that Province, and to increase the people's affection towards the Venetians, and to encourage them to defend themselves. They chose fifteen Gentlemen, who were to go forthwith to the custody of Zara; Sebenico and Cattaro, with thirty foot with each of them; Luigi Badoaro was likewise sent to Zara, with title of Commissary General of Dalmatia, with obligation not to part from that city, without leave from the Senate. All the inhabitants of Dalmatia were permitted, to send their wives and children to Venice, to be preserved from being injured by the enemy. Upon this occasion, the Doge spoke in the Senate, exhorting them to assist their country at such a time of need: He urged the example of what was done in the late wars by Terra ferma, wherein, he said, the citizen's charity towards their country, their union and alacrity towards the public service, was so gallant, and so available, as overcoming the perverseness of fortune, they had at last freed the Commonwealth from calamity, and had returned her to that dignity of Empire, wherein she now was. That the present dangers were not less, than the former had been, though all things were as yet safe and entire, being to resist an enemy, who though he were but one alone, had powerful forces; and the more to be esteemed, for that they were governed by one sole respect, and by one sole and severe command. Which if they should prosper in this their beginning, they would grow so bold, that not any thing would at any time be secure from their injuries. That hopes of assistance from others grew daily weaker, the Confederates proceeding so slowly, and so uncertainly, as that they might learn thereby, their truest and most assured defence lay in themselves. Wherefore every one ought to outdo himself, to supply the Commonwealth readily with his advice, life, and livelihood. That the public Exchequer was charged with almost an insufferable burden, unless it should be assisted by the citizen's readiness; for these new provisions for Dalmatia would cost above 25000 Crowns a month. That the people's minds were low, and full of fears; that they were to be cheered and comforted by their presence, for whom the Empire was to be preserved; to show, that they would accompany them in their pains and peril; and that they are such, as for their worth and constancy, deserve to be faithfully, served, and to have all labour and danger undergone, to be preserved in their dominion. Let them therefore, said he, go speedily, who are chosen, to execute their charges; and let all others, upon whom any public office shall be imposed, cheerfully accept it; whom duty doth not move, let him value glory; and who shall not esteem that, let obedience prevail with him; but if nothing else, let necessity and the present dangers persuade them, to be diligent and ready in all things. The Prince his authority, and the efficacy of these persuasions, did with a certain noble bashfulness, settle the minds and thoughts of some, who at first sought to be excused, for executing those charges which were imposed on them. But the Turks, the greater provision they understood were made to prevent them, the more they did hasten to assault Dalmatia; and to make the defence weaker, they resolved to assault several chief Towns, at one and the same time, to the end, that one might not relieve the other. Having raised a mass of men at Cluina, a place in the Turkish Dominions, and entered with about 4000 Horse, and as many Foot, into the territories of Zara, they assaulted Nadino, the first Castle which belongs to the Venetians upon those confines, whereof Sebastiano Sagredo was Governor. The Castle was guarded by 150 Italian Foot, who being terrified at the very sight of the enemy, they, without making any trial, either of the Castle, or of themselves, surrendered basely, with leave to be gone; so, forsaking the Town, they went to Zara, whither they brought more fear than help, magnifying the enemy's forces, to excuse in part their own cowardice. The like happened soon after at the castle of Laurana, wherein was Vittori Zoranzo, with the like garrison that was at Nadino; and after having suffered one day's battery, the Governor fled, and the Castle fell into the enemy's hands. But Zemonico being abandoned by the Italian Foot, was maintained by certain Slavonians, who were brought thither by some Gentlemen of Venice, of the family of Veniero, to whom the Castle did particularly belong; and Nona being then abandoned by our men, and not valued by the enemy, who not being able to get the Fort so soon, which was possessed by one of Zara, and some of his companions, they would tarry no longer in the Town, so as it was soon afterwards provided of a new Garrison, and kept under the Venetians Dominions. The Turks, having placed a good Garrison in Nadino, and in Laurana, kept with their Army in those confines, making inroads daily even to the gates of Zara, so as our Soldiers were fain to keep within the walls, though the Enemy's Camp was not very near. Antiveri Dolcigno, and Sebenico, were in the like danger. The Saniacco Discutari, came himself in person to Antiveri, with a number of foot and horse, and was already encamped between the shore and the walls; and had sent some of his men to besiege Dolcigno. But Bandelmiero, who was Captain of the Gulf, hearing thereof, brought relief speedily to the Antiverini; as also General Capello did soon after, sending Men and Ammunition thither; so as the Bashaw despairing of any speedy good success, resolved to rise from before Antiveri, and made those that were before Dolcigno do the like. But part of those men, who went at first towards Sebenico, and who were assembled at Cluino; and, after the taking of Nadino and Laurana, many of the Soldiers who were upon the confines of Zara, went thither. Yet not making up a full body of an Army, they came not near the Town, but only pillaged the Confines. The Sebenicans hearing of the Enemy's approach, resolutely prepared for defence, and the people meeting upon the Piazza, took a solemn oath not to yield to the Enemy, but to undergo the worst of evils in preserving that City for the Commonwealth. But the attempts upon the other Towns, not going on so fast as it was hoped, the Turks would meddle no more therewith, having their thoughts sets upon Hungary. Therefore mustering all their men, and leaving 3000 men to guard the confines, they went towards Bossina, to pass into Hungary. The Venetians were much rejoiced at the Turks departure from Dalmatia, and those miserable people were freed from many calamities: but men's thoughts easily altering with the change of affairs, the Governors and Commanders of the soldiers in that Province, who had been greatly injured by the Enemies, the rather for that they had received notice of the loss of some Towns, and of the pillaging of the whole Country, they resolved to attempt the recovery of the Towns which the Turks had taken. Wherefore acquainting the Consiglio di Dieci, with their intention; they said there were forces in Dalmatia sufficient to make some attempt: that it was fit to keep those soldiers in exercise, who through long idleness, not being able to stir out whilst the Enemy was so near, and powerful, grew daily more abject; and having no hopes of booty, their pay coming likewise slowly in, could not be kept in their duties, and in the exercise of the Militia; They considered, that without possession of those neighbouring places, Zara must be in continual danger, having so potent Enemies so near at hand, who keeping at home, might in a manner besiege them. The Senate listened willingly hereunto, being the more desirous thereof, that they might make the Enemy feel their forces, which had hitherto been only cause of great expense to the Commonwealth. They were not a little herein encouraged by the Duke of Urbino, who being made acquainted therewith, did not only commend it, but entering into more exalted thoughts, proposed greater matters. He said, that if 5000 Dutch-foot were added to those Italians, who were in Dalmatia, and some Italian Horse to the Grecians, and Stradiotti, they might with these forces enter Bossina, and make themselves Masters of some good Town, which might make way for greater acquisitions: that it was always good counsel, to carry the war home to the Enemies; that there was only a weak Garrison of 3000 horse in Bossina; that if such occasions were let slip, to what end did they continue war, why such expense, why all this ado, if they meant only to defend themselves; and that, not without difficulty and danger? that the fortune of war was always doubtful; but he who will not hazard any thing, undergoes a certain and voluntary prejudice. This advice looked handsomely, showing generosity, and hopes of Victory. It was therefore resolved to raise the Dutch foot immediately, to which purpose Constantino Cavazza was sent into Bavaria, who was Secretary to the Consiglio di Pregadi, who by the assistance of Duke Lodowick, who was very affectionate to the Commonwealth, quickly effected what he had in charge; so as the soldiers having immediately received one-pay, fell down into Friuli; the mean while Camillo Orsino, having assembled 4000 foot, and 500 Horse out of the Garrisons of Dalmatia, and some pieces of Artillery went into Obraazzo; the taking whereof was of great consideration, for thereby they bereft the Turks of a place where they used to raise numbers of men to assault our Confines; and for the advantage which might be made of many Woods in the neighbouring Country. The Castle was neither very strong, nor very well provided to make defence; wherefore the enterprise was thought as easy as useful: It being therefore continually played upon for two days, the third day the soldiers were led on to the assault, where after some contest they entered; but Orsino finding that it could not be fortified, nor kept without much difficulty, gave order for the demolishing thereof: But the Turks being hereof advertised, came upon our men so suddenly, before they had quite slighted the Castle, as giving the work over, they left the place in the Enemy's hands, who suddenly repairing the ruins, placed therein a strong Garrison. Our men were so terrified at the unexpected coming of the Turks, as retreating to the shore to embark themselves, they were pursued by the Enemy, and had been totally routed, had not Camillo da Monte Napolitano, making head against them, entertained the Enemy, and afforded our men opportunity of embarking themselves: this success, as at first it gave great encouragement and hopes; so the condition of affairs soon altering, they thought not of prosecuting any other designs upon Nadino, Laurana, Clissa, or Os●ravizza, wherein greater difficulties were daily found. Hereby those began to cool, who had been forwardest in falling upon other enterprises in the Turkish Territories, and the Duke of Urbin's self, made many difficulties; alleging that those men which he had first demanded, were not enough to take Towns, and to guard the Country from the Enemy: and that a greater number would require so much victuals, as would not easily be come by; they being to be brought by Land, and through an Enemy's Country. They were therefore much troubled what to do: the thing of itself was very advantageous, and much to be desired, but met every where with many difficulties. The Dutch foot were already come very near; many other things provided, not without expense, whereby the soldiers might be encouraged, the Fleet lay idle; if the Enemy were suffered to rest secure every where, to what end should they still waste themselves in War? but they that weighed the business more maturely, alleged; That these ill grounded hopes, were not answerable to the certain danger of drawing upon them the whole Turkish Army, and to bring them once more to the ruin of Dalmatia, now that, to our good fortune, they were turned sel●ewhere: That it Would be better to employ this time, and these moneys, in fortifying the most important Towns, and in securing them from those dangers which they were known to have been in formerly; they not being sure, but that the Enemy, who were not gone far off, might quickly return to assault them. Besides, would they give over thinking of their Fleet? upon which since their greatest concernments did depend, their chiefest care should be thereof, and increasing the forces and reputation thereof as much as possibly they could. And that since the slow proceedings in uniting the the Flee●s, showed how little they were to trust to the help of others, they were to learn that by experience, which reason could not persuade them to: to wit, That not being able solely of themselves to maintain the war, and not being assisted by others as need required, it would become them to treat of Peace; to the procuring whereof, how could the provoking the Turks by new injuries, and the further incensing of Soliman, with little or no hope of advantage, conduce very much? That the War proceeded so little prosperously, as it was not to be doubted, but that it was better to think of quenching this fire, than of feeding it with fresh fuel. These reasons prevailing with all men, made them at last resolve to dismiss the Dutch foot, giving them half a pay more, and giving the Commanders better presents, as well to keep fair with that Nation, as also to avoid the danger of having the country plundered by military insolence; now that they were within the confines of the Commonwealth. This occasion being removed, the Turks continued their way towards Hungary, and those that were in the neighbouring Garrisons were quiet, now that all the Towns were well munited, so as Dalmatia might for a while hope for repose. All men's eyes were now upon the success of the several Fleets; Barbarossa being gone from Candia, kept about the Rivers of Nigrapont, and the adjacent parts, not attempting any thing, having some jealousy of the Christian Fleets. But General Capello, having assembled a great many Galleys, one Galleon, and several ships, the Patriarch Grimani being joined with him, with the Pope's Galleys; all things being now in readiness, waited the arrival of the Spanish Fleet, great hopes being daily given out of its speedy coming: but no such effect was seen, the best season for action at Sea, to the grief of all men, and blame of many being lost. The Emperor said, he would forthwith send the thirty Neapolitan Galleys to Corfu, which were at Messina, and fifty ships, with 3000 Spaniards, with Don Ferrante Gonsaga aboard them, who was then Viceroy of Sicily, who since the the Duke of Urbino could not by reason of his indisposition of health, come to the Fleet, was to supply the place, which was before destined to the said Duke. He promised also, that as soon as he should be come to Barcelona, he would dispatch Doria away, with orders to come and join with the other Fleet at Corfu, with 32 Galleys more. Yet there were many reasons to doubt what the issue would be: That Cesar had often said, before he went to Nice, it was impossible for him to make offensive war at one and the same time against the Turks, and French; that there was small hopes of his having peace with France, the meeting at Nice being now dissolved, and nothing concluded. That his Officers in Napolls, had not only hindered the Captains sent by Camillo Orsino, from raising men in that Kingdom, to relieve Dalmatia in her greatest necessities; but by several feigned excuses, and contrary to the Articles of the League, had denied General Capello the transporting of Corn, for the service of the Fleet. And such were many other both his words and actions, as gave just occasion of belief, that Cesar desired to spin out the time, being either not willing, or not able to make war against the Turks; nor to suffer, for as much as in them lay, that the Venetians should make peace, whereby his share of the war should be the heavier. Therefore desiring to secure himself as much as he might, by putting a new obligation upon the Venetians, he desired that the Articles of the League might be renewed and established; which though it seemed to be superfluous, the agreement being so lately made, and stipulated in Rome; yet they would please him therein, (that they might not leave any thing undone, which might make for the uniting of the Fleets) to show that they did clearly intend to prosecute the War. The Capitulation being confirmed, Cesar commanded Gonsaga, who was not yet gone, to go to Corfu, but to carry the Galleys only along with him, leaving the ships, to the end, as he affirmed, that the foot, which were not yet all come, might be embarked therein. But his long looked-for arrival produced no good effect; for the Venetian and Pope's Generals propounding a voyage into the Levant, that they might attempt somewhat against the Enemy; Gonsaga would not assent thereunto, saying, that it was not safe for the Confederates, and particularly, that it stood not with Caesar's honour, to fall upon any enterprises with so small forces; desiring therefore that they would tarry at least till the ships came, which could not be long in arriving. The Fleets lying thus idle at Corfu, the Patriarch Grimani, impatient of so long delay, and desirous at least to exercise his Galleyslaves, he went with thirty six Galleys towards St. Nicolo di Cività, where understanding by those of the country, that the Castle of Prevesa was but weakly guarded, he thought it not fit to let slip the occasion, of assaulting it at unawares, it being a very commodious receptacle for the Turks, to disturb the affairs of Christendom. The Castle of Prevesa is seated upon the Promontory of Actium, a little within the mouth of the Gulf of Larta, called of old, the Creek Ambraico, which is about sixty miles about; the mouth thereof is very narrow and shallow, being choked up by many shelves of sand, of the neighbouring River Larta, from whence both the City and the Gulf take name: So as those that would assault the Castle, being to pass thereby, it was not meanly safe; for no great ships could enter thereinto, nor no sleight Galleys, but one by one, and not without incurring danger. This Castle was built by Octavius Augustus, in memory of the Naval victory, which he got near this place, and was called Nicopoli. It is built after the ancient form, and is not very strong; but much esteemed for situation, and guarded by an ordinary Garrison of Turks. The patriarch entering by this mouth into the Channel of Prevesa, Paolo Giustiniano's Galley, having first made way for the rest, he landed his men and artillery in open Campagnia, about a mile from the Castle; and because his greatest hopes of good success lay, in making haste, not spending time in making Trenches, he began presently to play upon the walls with his Artillery, wherein Alessandro da Termi, who had the charge thereof, proceeding somewhat slowly, the Patriarch himself would land, the more to hasten the planting of the Artillery, and to fall immediately upon battery: Which was not well begun, when many Turks began to appear from the neighbouring parts, where we were quartered, whose numbers increased so fast, as they grew formidable: And our men, who were not sheltered by any works, remaining exposed to manifest danger by the enemy's Horse, it was resolved, to re-imbarck the soldiers and artillery, and without any further attempt, to return to Grimani's boldness and diligence was praised, and if his purpose had been seconded by good success, he would have purchased plenary praise. But there were many who wished, that more maturity had gone to this advice, considering the great danger whereunto he did expose himself, as well of being assaulted by the enemy's Horse in open campagnia, having nothing to secure his men, nor his artillery, from sudden assaults; as of having the Gulph's mouth blocked up, and so himself hindered from getting out; he not having possessed himself, as he ought to have done, of the other side of the mouth, which lay over against the Castle. Some add, that the patriarch meeting with Commissary Pasqueligo on the way, who was sailing with 25 Galleys towards Z●ntes, to listen after the Turkish Fleet, and who offered to follow him, and to be aiding to him in his designs, he did not discover what his intention was to do, but refused his company. Yet this his journey helped to discover that situation, and whatsoever else was requisite, to the making of that enterprise; and was the cause of our men's meeting with a fair occasion not long after, of getting a notable victory, if they had known how to have used it: For Barbarossa hearing, that the patriarch was entered into the Gulf of Larta, made thither immediately with his whole Fleet, hoping to meet with him, and to suppress him; but when news came to Corfu, whither Barbarossa was gone, and that he tarried at Prevesa, the Captains of the League differed in their opinions, touching what was to be done; some were for going to Messina, to meet with Doria, who being come from Spain, kept about those havens, to prepare divers things needful for the Fleet, excusing his delay, and laying the fault upon others. Others were better pleased to tarry at Corfu, and wait for Doria's coming, who had given notice, that he would be with them ere long; for they thought it neither good nor safe, especially for the Venetians, to abandon Corfu, and the guardianship of the whole Gulf. At last, Doria came thither on the 7th. of September, but not with all his Galleys, for he had left some in Spain, to guard those seas from the incursion of Pirates; and some others were gone into Africa, to succour Tunis and Goletta, from suspicion of new commotions of the Turks and Moors, of those parts. The former consultations were then renewed, but with greater necessity of coming to a resolution, and of falling upon some enterprise. At last, it was resolved by common consent, to go with the whole Fleet to Prevesa, and to fight the enemy. Our Commander's intention was, to land their men, as soon as they should be come to Prevesa, and to use all their might to possess themselves of that Castle, and to build a Fort over against it, that so they might master the Gulfs mouth, so as they might afterwards put on what resolution they should like best, either of entering to fight the enemy's Fleet, or else of keeping it from coming out, and ruin it by its own sufferings. This advice was listened unto by the great applause of all, accounting the place where they were to have the conflict, as a good Omen, as being favourable to the Western Princes, for the signal victory which Augustus got over Mark Antonio, and Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, in that sea. The League's Fleet consisted of 136 Galleys, 2 Galleons, and of 30 Frigates: These were divided into five Squadrons; in the first was placed the greater Vessels, governed by Francisco Doria; and the lesser was divided into four other Squadrons, Patriarch Grimane led the Van with the first Squadron, General Capello brought up the Rear, Doria and Gonsaga kept in the two middlemost, Doria next the Patriarch, and Gonsaga next Capello. The Fleet stayed a while at the Gominizzes, waiting for the other Imperial ships; which being long a coming, finding the season good, it sailed towards Santa Maura. The Turks, when they heard that the Christian Fleet was parted from Corfu, and was making towards them, wondered very much, thinking they had been safe in that Haven, and free from suspicion; they could not persuade themselves, that the Fleets could meet together that year, nor, if they should meet, that they would draw so near them, and hazard a Battle. The unexpected case made them differ the more in their opinions, what was to be done; some were of opinion, that they should have done enough, if, after having kept possession of the sea almost all that Summer, and done much prejudice to the Venetian Towns, the Fleet should return safe into the straight of Galipoli, and be able (as they said) to waste the Venetians, by prolonging the war, and separate the Colleagues forces, and intelligence, getting the victory by a more secure way. They therefore told Barbarossa, that it would be best for them to keep in that Haven, where, by the means of the Castle of Pevesa, and by the straightness of that Channel, they might tarry without danger, and have all conveniences, (the country being their friend, and abounding in all things) till such time as the Christian Fleet quitting those seas, as they would quickly be forced to do, by reason of the season of the year, and of many other incommodities, should leave navigation free and safe for them. Others not being able to suffer, that the Christians, who were wont to retreat, and yield unto their power and forces, should keep them shut up for fear, in that haven, propounded, their sudden putting forth to sea with their whole Fleet, to fight; by which generous resolution, all fear would be transported from their soldiers, into those of the enemy, and also all danger. They considered, that to keep there shut up, as it was a badge of infamy, so it did not promise any safety to them, since they might be kept from coming forth, longer than they imagined, and their Fleet incommodiated, and peradventure assaulted within the haven, where the hopes of being able to save themselves, by getting soon to land, and the seeing themselves fought withal at their own doors; would discourage their soldiers from fight; and so it might fall out, that without hasarding Battle, and without making trial of their military valour and discipline, which had always been dreaded by the Christians, they should by a new and detestable example, reap a certain and ignominious loss. That, come what would come, Soliman would assuredly commend such a generous resolution, who having undergone the troubles of so many wars, and exposed his person to many dangers, merely out of a desire of glory, would not endure, that the reputation of his forces should be so much lessened, and his happy fortune, and that of the Ottoman Empire, should be disinherited, by refusing to fight with those enemies, who came to defy his Commanders, in his own Havens, and underneath his own Forts. Barbarossa was bold, and wont to hazard himself upon fortune, and to find her favourable. He knew, that there were many at Court, who envied his glory and greatness; and that his retreat from Corfu, and the bad success of that enterprise, whereof he had been the first author, had given them occasion of spreading abroad many rumours, which he thought might detract from his reputation, and from the favour he was in with Soliman. Moreover, he had some hopes, that though the Christian Commanders should come very near him with their Fleet, yet they were not absolutely resolved to fight him. He was herein confirmed by the treaties of Agreement, held formerly with him by Doria; so as the same resolution, which would purchase him the praise of a noble daring, by coming with his Fleet out of the Gulf, seemed to be accompanied with safety. He had a Fleet of 150 vessels with oars, besides some with sails, wherein, though many Galleasses, Fly-boats, and other lesser vessels were comprehended; yet his smaller Bottoms, exceeding those of the Christians in number, he doubted not the victory, if they should fight without their gross Body, the use whereof depended much upon the uncertainty of fortune, and of the winds. He resolved therefore to carry his Fleet out of the Gulf, and to present himself in sight of the Christian Fleet, neither seeking nor eschewing Battle; but, like a wise Commander, endeavour to learn the enemy's intentions and ways, that he might govern himself accordingly. Before he drew forth his whole Fleet, he sent out a Squadron of 50 Galleys to discover the minds of the Christian Commanders, and to descry their goings, whether they did really intend to fight or no, and in what order they guided their Squadrons. The League's Fleet steered its course then towards St. Mauro, but being informed by those that stood on the topmast, that the enemy was come forth, they presently tacked about, and made towards them: Their voyage being altered, they altered the ordering of the Fleet; General Capello led on the Van, who coming within ken of the Turks, made the Galleys of his Squadron give more way, & playing upon them with his great Guns, made them retreat to that place from whence they were parted; which they did in such haste, (being come to discover, not to fight) as they were put in some disorder, every Galley striving, which should get first into the Gulf, and escape danger; which notwithstanding became the greater, by their disorderly flight: for their Galleys having their poops turned towards ours, were exposed to the shot which was made against them, not being able either to defend themselves, nor to be assisted by their Galleys which remained in the Gulf, keeping the mouth thereof shut, as they entered in: Which when Doria saw, who was in the Bataglia, he likewise advanced so far on the other side, as it was thought he meant to block up the mouth of the Haven, and to hinder the enemy from entering; so as being assaulted both on the Flank, and on the Poop, they must needs be beaten: yet soon after, when he was come nearer up unto them, he, by unexpected, and uncommunicated counsel, sent orders to the Fleet, that all the Galleys under pain of severe punishment, should forthwith retreat; and being quickly assembled, he made them go to Cape Ducato, in the Island of Santa Maura, to the great wonder and dislike of all, the whole Fleet complaining, and speaking freely against Doria, that they had lost a great opportunity of suppressing a good part of the Enemy's Fleet, without any loss at all unto themselves. The Generals fell then to treat again, concerning what was to be done, wherein they were the more doubtful, because they were altogether ignorant of the Enemy's intention, who might be said to have showed both courage and fear at the same time, as desiring, and shunning battle. Some were of opinion, that a squadron of Galleys should be sent to batter the Castle of Lepanto, saying, that Barbarossa would not send any of his Galleys out of the Gulf again, without urgent occasion: and that if the Enemy should come forth into open Sea, it would be in their power to fight upon any whatsoever advantage. Others were for returning presently to Pevesa; for if the Turkish Fleet would not stir from their station, they might attempt the taking of the Castle; and if it should advance, they should give opportunity of being fought with upon disadvantage, for they might be assaulted before they could put themselves in order. This advice was commended, as that which brought with it more reputation to our Fleet, and more certainty of suppressing the enemy. The confederates Fleet went then on the 28 of Sept. from the Island of St. Maura, in the same order as formerly, and made towards the Enemy: but the wind which was favourable unto them at their first putting forth, failing them as they sailed, they were forced with great inconveniency and slowness, to make their ships be towed, to keep them from being separated from their Galleys, whereby the Turks had time and opportunity afforded them, not only of coming out of the Gulf, but of being able, contrary to opinion, to order their squadrons at Sea as they listed. So as before the League's Fleet could come near the gulfs mouth; they discovered, that the Enemy's Fleet being come forth in good order, came with a prosperous wind towards them. Then said Doria We have ●nkenneld our Enemy, as it was our intention to do; we may now fight if we please, but the business must be well considered: it is of great importance, and repentance will come too late. We must think, that by joining battle now, we do not only hazard this Fleet to the fortune of a few hours, but also the reputation of the Confederate Princes; nay, I may say, the welfare of Christendom. For if these forces shall be lost, what means is there to raise another Fleet, to oppose the Enemy, and stop the course of their Victory? What hopes is there, to defend the Maritime parts without forces at Sea, or to keep them from falling irrecoverably into the Turks hands; and then turning to the Venetian General, be added, That it was he who was most to weigh these respects, since it was his Commonwealth, which upon any sinister accident, would run most hazard. To which Capello answered; That he had commission from the Senate, to fight the Enemy's Fleet, when he should meet with an opportunity: that upon such an occasion, he could not but obey these orders; that he did humbly thank God for it, and that he was very confident, that the goodness of their cause, and their generous resolution would be accompanied with happy success, to the great good service of Christendom, and to their own particular praise. He therefore desired that the most dangerous place in the battle might be allotted to him, and he would willingly accept it. The Patriarch Grimani, showed the same ready desire▪ to come presently to the Conflict; and though he had first advised to go to Lepanto, yet seeing the Enemy was come forth, he was as forward for fight as any of the rest. When Doria saw that all were for fight, So be it then, said he, and good be our speed. He presently caused the standard to be set up, giving requisite orders for it, and said, he would be the first who should assault the Enemy with his squadron. All were overjoyed at this resolution of giving battle, so great hopes had the terrible aspect of the confederates Fleet begot in them, together with the advertisement they had of the Turks weakness: which made them believe they would not accept of battle, but that having made this show for their reputation, they would fall back again into the Gulf. Every one with joyful countenance made themselves, and their arms ready, and diligently discharged the several duties which were deputed unto them. The Captains were not wanting in exhorting, and in encouraging the rest to fight manfully. They laid before them ●he weightiness, and the easiness of the Victory, the rich booty which they should have, the military honour, the immortal glory which was prepared for them in all ages: and after these assured present rewards, the hopes of greater things in the future. That the Enemy was sufficiently inferior to them for number of ships, but much more in their goodness, A●ms, and in their souldier● valour; so as the greatest difficulty of Victory, seemed to lie in beginning the conflict, which the Turks would not be able to resist: but that as their greatest hopes of safety, lay in being able to get safe into their friend's country, so would it make them the more remiss in fight, and would be the cause that their galleys and goods would be the assalliants secure prey. They wished them not to fear, no, not though they should have reason to do so, ●ince fear adds not to security; but, weakening men's forces, and bereaving them of counsel, makes their danger the greater. That they needed nothing but courage and speed, so to cut off the way by Sea from the Enemy, as they might not, by ●●ight, bereave them of the almost assured victory. Doria would lead the way with his Galleys, keeping on the right hand of the Sea; he assigned the Battle to Capello, & appointed Gremani to keep in the rear, to the end that he might be able with his squadron to relieve those who should be in most need. He ordered Antonio Doria, who commanded the greater Vessels, that going before the smaller galleys, he should endeavour to get the wind of the Enemy, to the end that he might fall upon them with a forewind, and disordering them by his Artillery, might weaken them, and discourage them before they should come up to fight with our Galleys. But the Turks on the other side, endeavouring the same advantage, laboured by all means possible, to get before the Christian Fleet, and by advantage of the wind, to be the first that should fall on: which Doria being early aware of, made his Fleet bend towards land, endeavouring to keep the enemy from getting that hand; but the wind, which had begun to blow, soon failing, it was very hard to observe these orders. The smaller Galleys were employed, and much pestered in haling the greater Vessels: yet they were all so fervent upon fight, as over coming all difficulties by their industry and labour, the two greater Venetian Vessels (the Galleon, commanded by Alessandro Bondulmiero; and the Barza, commanded by Nicolo Trivisavo) were already got to the designed place, which being excellently well provived of Artillery, stood before all the squadrons, like two strong Towers, to sustain and break the first violence of the Enemy. Barbarossa, when he saw the ships make towards him before the wind, slackened, fearing lest he might be forced to fight with the great ships,, which was the thing he most desired to shun; begun (as it is said) to repent his being come out of the Gulf of Prevesa▪ and there was so great a fear generally throughout the whole Turkish Fleet, as many of the Turks began already to recommend themselves to the Christian slaves who were aboard their galleys: Yet Barbarossa reassuming courage, did whatsoever became a good Commander to do; and thinking of nothing but battle, sought to make what advantage he could both of time and place: he laboured chiefly to get to the head of the Island Santa Maura, whereby shunning the encounter both of the ships and Galliouns, he might wheel about, and assault our Fleet on the back, which being desirous to keep their greater and lesser Vessels joined together, had much ado to change situation, without disorder: He therefore ceased not to encourage his men, both by persuasions and threats, not to be afraid: he laid before them the reward and punishment of their good and bad behaviours; he told them there was no cause of fear, that they were the same Musselmans, who had ever been victorious in all Wars under the happy conduct of Soliman the Great, and fortunate Prince, against the Christians; a people more wont to wantonness than wars, and to save themselves more by flight, than by military valour: that every man's last day of life was prefixed, but the acquitting themselves thereof, either with praise or dispraise, depended upon their own wills: that for his part, he would not be wanting in any thing that belonged to a good Commander, that the battle might be fought upon all advantage. And truly, all men thought that Barbarossa did that day whatsoever could be expected from a wise and valiant Commander, and showed himself greatly experienced in the Militia, and at Sea. For he did so dispose and order his Galleys, as every one of their Captains knowing, and observing his place, as though the Fleet did many times wheel about in several manners; yet was it still well ordered and fitted for battles, and ready to put on any whatsoever resolution. The Turkish Fleet was divided into three parts, Traba●che commanded the right wing, and Selecco the left, both of them experienced, and well reputed Commanders, and who had carried themselves well in the late Wars: in the middle was Barbarossa with the body of the Battle, wherein were the greatest number of Galleys. Traguti, a famous Commander of the Pirates, went before all the rest with a squadron of fly-boats, & some more nimble Galleys, as it were to chalk out the way to the others, and to begin first to molest the Enemy with his fleeter Vessels, and therefore frecer from danger. The Turks, were it either by reason of the slow, or irresolute advancing of our men, or by their own diligence and good fortune, the Sea being calm, so as the greater Vessels could not make use of the wind, did first possess the Land-shore, which the Commanders of the League had first designed to do: and being gotten into a very convenient station, a good way off from our ships, they stood affront the Christian Fleet, to observe her motions, thinking themselves already safe, since they saw the Confederates would not hazard a battle, without the greater Vessels; and to tow them further on, being within sight of the Enemy, was not without danger, and required time and difficulty, so as it seemed to be in their choice whether they would fight or no: But Doria wheeling this mean while about the ships, and being followed by all the fleeter Galleys, kept not only the Enemy, but even his own men long in doubt, what he would do. Every one, with their Prow turned upon the Enemy, stood expecting when they should advance and begin the battle: But through their so long delay, and wasting of time, the Turks had leisure to retreat to an advantageous place, and to avoid the battle. Doria's design (as he afterwards affirmed) was to deceive the Enemy, who being doubtful what he meant to do, he thought they would keep fast in that part of the Sea where they were, and close together; so as he having disposed of his Galleys in a long rank, might take a larger bout, and assault the Turkish Fleet on several parts, at one and the same time. But Barbarossa, being aware of his intention, made more haste (as hath been said) to the Land-shore, keeping the Prow, or forecastle of his Galleys still turned upon our Fleet, and still getting Rome-ward as far as he could from our greater ships. During which time, the Confederates Fleet, to the wonder of all men, standing as it were immovable, idly looking upon the insulting Enemy, and letting the opportunity slip; General Capello, and Grimani, cried aloud, Let us lose no more time, let us not lose the hopes of a certain victory. And Capello going about in a little Vessel, encouraged to battle; his words and courage were applauded by all: and being come to the galley where Doria was, he said, Sirs, Let us charge the flying Enemies; time, occasion, and the soldier's votes, invite us thereunto: the Victory is ours, I will be the first that will fall on, I expect nothing but command, to begin the conflict. Capello was an old man 73 years of age, of a good aspect, and comely personage, stout minded, and reverenced for his age, and held to be very wise, and well experienced in Sea-affairs, which gave the greater authority to his advice and encouragement. And truly, all men were so very desirous to fight, as nothing was heard, but Fall on, fall on, Victory, victory; by which Doria being at last wrought upon, and overcome with a certain shame, he commanded the rest to advance, and he himself began likewise to move with his squadron. So as the ships being passed on, our Fleet drew somewhat nearer the enemy, who being come to the designed place, stood with their Poops to the land, and their Prows to seaward Many shot were made, though afar off from both sides, so as the battle seemed to be already begun; yet the galleys advanced no farther on either side. Doria hoped, that the Turks being terrified by this encounter, would quit their Galleys without fight, and seeking to save themselves by land, would leave them the Victory void of danger. Barbarossa, seeing the yarer galleys backed by the Galleon, and by the Venetian Barza, durst come no nearer, fearing lest his squadrons might be disordered, and his Galleys but badly treated by the Artillery of these stronger ships. But, Doria, seeing his thoughts proved vain, and being resolved, (as his actions showed) not to commit himself to the hazard of a battle, began plainly to retreat; whereat the Turks being encouraged, advanced so far; as many of their Galleys were come near the Barza, and the Galleon; which being before the rest, and by reason of their bulk, could not so soon retreat; and a barrel of powder which was above hatches in the Galleon, being set on fire by a Cannon bullet, the Mariners and Soldiers were terrified and much disordered. But the Captain commanding courageously, and taking order for all things, saved them from that danger, and would not suffer that any more shot should be made as then against the enemy. The like did the Captain of the Barza: But when he saw the Turkish Galleys come somewhat nearer, they gave them all their Guns at once, and made them soon retire. But our ships, and some of our galleys remained in the like; nay, in greater danger, not being able so unexpectedly to make away so soon as did the rest. The Turks seeing them separated, fell upon them, as upon certain prey. Two of the Venetians ships falling on fire in the fight, were miserably sunk, with all the men in them; and two Spanish Vessels having made long and valiant resistance, were taken: the rest, by reason of a favourable wind which arose, escaped safe away. Two smaller galleys ran the same misfortune, the one belonging to the Venetians, the other to the Pope; the first being commanded by Francisco Capello, the other by Abbate Bibiena, which having most of their men slain, fell into the power of the Turks: Others, which were in some danger escaped, by reason of the darkness of the night; and the whole Fleet of the Confederates, save the aforesaid few, got safe to the Island of Corfu. Doria would be the last that should retreat, thinking to show either greater bravery thereby, or his greater care of the Fleets safety. But all men knew, that this his confidence proceeded not from any courage, nor from any good will to the service; but for that he knew his Galley to be so you're, as that he might easily escape danger. But General Capello being aware thereof, would not move but at the same time together with him. The Turks growing confident upon this retreat of the confederates Fleet, were not content to have escaped shame and danger, but thought to carry it home to others. Wherefore they went with their whole Fleet not long after to the Island of Paru, within twelve miles of Corfu, where they tarried a good while, as if they did defy the Confederates to come out of the Haven, and fight, and expecting an opportunity to damnify them. But the Confederates Fleet was full of disorder and fear. Doria's Stars were thought unfortunate, & his Loyalty was suspected, and all that he advised. There was not any one who durst offer at any generous action; if any business were propounded, it soon begot doubts and difficulties even in the propounders. Thus all the Galleys keeping in the Haven, and no occasion of Action being given, the Turks after having insulted over the Christian Fleet, fearing some stormy tempestuous weather, for now the first week of October was over, retired to the gulf of Larta. This was the success of this present year, this the end of such preparations for war. Great expectation of mighty matters, great movings, hopes, and fears, of notable events; but no effects answerable, either to the mightiness of the Princes, or to the expectation of such forces. Yet this age not being accustomed to see such warlike preparations at sea, this encounter of the Fleets at Prevesa was very famous; but certainly, to the little honour, and great grief of Christians, and to the particular blemish of Andrea Doria's reputation, who was then, and afterwards, generally ill spoken of every where, some accusing him of perfidiousness, others of cowardice, and of bad affection to Christendom, particularly towards the welfare of the Venetians. And certainly, there were many things which might make his loyalty suspected; the friendship which he was known to hold with Barbarossa, contracted, whilst the one was in the King of France his pay at Marcelles, and the other in Algiers; the treaties which were known by all men, to have been formerly held between them, and for that two Galleotte were seen to come from Prevesa, the night before the Turkish Fleet appeared, the one whereof went into Sicily, the other, after having accosted Doria's Galley, was said to have returned into the Gulf of Prevesa. Moreover, it was observed, that Doria had caused all the main-sail-yards of his Galleys, to be blacked over, which was suspected might be a sign, whereby they might be known from the rest. But those who spoke more particularly, blamed him, for having many immoderate affections, as, ambition of being great, fear of danger to his own person, and avarice; by which being blinded, and not knowing nor valluing any interests but his own, he would not hazard himself, nor his own particular Galley, to the danger of Battle, upon the preservation whereof, his glory and reputation did depend, in regard of the need the Emperor stood in of his service. Nay, the Spaniards spared not to blame him; the Marquis d' Aglier, Ambassador from the Emperor at Rome, did publicly detest Doria's actions, showing peradventure more fervency therein, to free the Emperor from suspicion, that this might be done by his order. Yet the Venetian Senate wisely considering, that it made not for them, to alienate this man's mind from them, who had the government of that Fleet, seemed not to be any ways ill satisfied, with him, writ civilly unto him, saying, That they believed, he like a wise Commander, had done what appeared best to him, for the good and safety of Christendom. Doria hearing of these complaints, which were generally made against him, was much afflicted, insomuch as after his return to Corfu, he seldom suffered himself to be seen abroad; and when any discourse was had of this business in his presence, he showed much passion, and was hardly able to forbear tears. After this retreat, the Confederates Fleet lay some days idle at Corfu. But it being thought, to be too base and ignominious a thing for Christendom, to tarry any longer in that Haven, the season being favourable for action at sea, though it were now Autumn, and the enemy being gone far off, divers things were proposed. General Capello was for the Fleets going into the Archipelagus, where, he said, it was likely, they might light upon some new occasion of fight the enemy; but if they should fail thereof, some other certain and notable advantage might be made by this voyage; for many ships which were bound for Constantinople, would fell into their hands, and prove secure prey. Napoli and Malvesia might be succoured and secured, and many Islands in the Archipelagus might as easily be recovered, as they had been lost but a little before; from whence they might receive great advantage, especially by furnishing the Fleet with men for the Oa●s; and not only so, but deprive the enemy of them. That in those Islands there were many Havens, wherein the Fleet might keep securely, and that thereby they might infuse such jealousy into Barbarossa, as it might be, he would not dare to carry his Fleet back to Constantinople, which wanting many things, must tarry in a weak condition in that Gulf, and in a condition, of not putting out at all to sea the next year, or at least very late. That the honour and reputation which they had lost, by what had passed at Prevesa, could no ways else be redeemed, nor was there any other means, to make their assertion credited; to wit, that it was the wind and fortune, not counsel in the Commanders, nor courage in the soldiers, which kept them from fight, That whatsoever acquisitions should be made on Terra ferma, would be in vain, and to no purpose, by reason of the difficulty and impossibility which would be found, in maintaining what they should get, from the numerous Turkish Armies. Others, and chiefly Doria, were rather, for going to batter Dorazzo, thinking it a very dangerous thing to put to sea at that season, in the Archipelagus; and that whatsoever labour they should take in regaining those Islands, would be but lost, since, there not being any secure Fort there, they must again fall into the Turks hands, at the first appearance of any Turkish Fleet. On the contrary, if the enterprise of Dorazzo should prove lucky, many advantages might be thereby made, by reason of the condition of the place, which was very convenient and fit, to make way for further progress in Albania. That this was held and known to be such a place by the Romans, who were resolved not to pass into Greece, before they had made themselves masters thereof; which when they had gotten, they advanced notably in Albania, and in Macedonia. But this proposition met likewise with many difficulties; it was said, There were no Havens there able to receive the Fleet, especially the great ships, which must lie out at sea, not without great danger. That ●he neighbouring country was full of Turkish Horse, whereby the enterprise might easily be disturbed: That it might also be disturbed by Barbarossa, if he should come to Vallona, it not being safe for them to land their men, and to leave the Fleet unfurnished, having so powerful an enemy so near at hand. That they were to keep the war as far off as they could, and molest the enemy there, where he could not make use of his chiefest forces, which consisted in foot soldiers, and in horse, not in their Fleet, which certainly was much inferior to that of the Christians. By reason of these difficulties, which appeared the greater to those, whose minds were daunted, by reason of the late successes, and were not apt to hope well; the thoughts of making any further enterprises were quite laid aside, and they resolved to enter the Gulf, and to attempt somewhat, which might easily and safely be effected. The Fleet went then to the mouth of the Channel of Cattaro, to besiege Castelnuovo, a Town seated on the seashore, a little within that Gulf, which some years before was taken from Chersego by Mahomet. This was a place sufficiently esteemed, nor for itself, for it was neither very great, nor very strong, but for the situation thereof, which was very commodious in many respects, especially for the Venetians, in respect of the safety of Cattaro, seated almost in the uttermost parts of the same Gulf, by which, garrisons and victuals were to pass unto that City. The town and buildings of Castelnuovo stand upon certain little hills, along the seashore; and in the highest part thereof there is a Castle, guared by a Turkish Garrison; the other inhabitants being for the most part Dalmatians and Slavonians. The whole Fleet being entered into the gulf, Doria caused the foot and the Artillery to be landed a little way from the Castle, to batter it, Don Ferran●● Gonsaga having the particular charge thereof; but in the interim, whilst the Spanish foot were putting in order, and preparing the Battery, General Capello accosting the walls with his Galleys, which by reason of their being so very near, might lie there safe from the shot of the Castle; for being made from a higher place, they were carried further off, began to give the assault; wherein those that rowed the galleys, mounting the walls upon Ladders made of their Oars, (for the defendants being assaulted on several parts, could make no resistance) entered the Town, and opened the Gates to the soldiers, so as the Turks soon quitted the Town, and retreated to the Castle; but not long after, not being able to defend it, they yielded upon discretion: The Town was plundered by the Spanish foot, Don Ferrante's command to the contrary, not being sufficient to detain them; for he knowing that the booty belonged to the Venetians, had forbade it: nay, they were so insolent, as not content with the booty which they had got in the Town, they took what the Mariners had got of prey from them, as they returned to the Galleys, enjoying the fruit of other men's labours, and dangers. Barbarossa hearing that the Christian Fleet was gone to besiege Castelnuovo, went from Pevesa thither-ward, intending to relieve it, or hoping at least, that the news of his coming would disturb the enterprise. Wherefore our men being informed that the enemy's Fleet was past the channel of Corfu, with a prosperous Southeast wind, they were not a little troubled; but it lasted but a while: for they soon after heard, that meeting with foul weather at Sea, by reason of a sudden furious South-west wind, the Turks had lost about 30 of their galleys, which were overborn by the waves, and were returned with the rest very much shattered and torn to Vallona. This success affording opportunity to fight the nemy, whilst both their minds and forces were dejected, seemed to invite the Commanders of the League to change their resolution, as was heard by general votes throughout the Fleet, where many had reassumed their former vigour: And the Venetian General did very efficaciously exhort Doria, not to let slip this occasion also, since there was but a short cut to Vallona, where they might assault the Turkish Fleet, which was not in a condition to fight, being much weakened by reason of the fortune which they had run, nor yet in a condition of running away, for want of Oars, the most of which were broken; nor were they in a place of safety, the Castle of Vallona being so far from the Haven, as it could well defend it. But Doria was resolved to be gone without doing any thing; wherefore pleading sometime the unseasonableness of the time, sometimes other things, he prolonged the time so long, till Barbarossa had time to carry his Fleet safe back to Constantinople, leaving Dragute with 25 Galleys, and with a good squadron of bigger bottoms, and Pirates Vessels, in the gulf of Lepanto, to molest the Christians in their Navigation. Quickly after, Doria, alleging other reasons for his departure, and chiefly want of bread, he resolved to be gone, and to go with his Fleet into Sicily, though he was entreated and counselled by his own men, and by Don Ferrante's self, to keep the Fleets united that winter at Corfu, or in some other fitting place, where they might put early to Sea the next spring, and prevent the Enemy. 4000 Spanish foot, commanded by Captain jovanni Sermento, were left to guard Castelnuovo, though the Venetian General had oft desired, that according to the Articles of the League, the Town might be assigned over to him, to be guarded by his Men. But Doria said, he could not do it of himself, without order from the Emperor: and moreover, he placed 6000 other Spanish foot in Garrison, in Buedn●, Anteviri, and Dolcigno, pretending to do it for the good of the Venetians, that thereby those Towns might be the more secure, and might be as it were a Storehouse of soldiers, which might be in readiness to be made use of the next spring. These things gave occasion of great suspicion, some beginning already to affirm, that the Garrisons of the Commonwealth being to be increased by these foot, it belonged to the Commonwealth to pay them. Doria being gone, the Patriarch Grimani went not long after to Ancona; whither being come, he disarmed his galleys, and sent them to Venice, going himself to Rome, to give the Pope an account of what was passed. General Capello tarrying in the gulf of Cattaro, went to Risano, a little Town not far from Cattaro, in the Turkish jurisdiction, but weakly guarded, which soon surrendering, he placed a Garrison there, under the command of Luigi Zane, a Gentleman of his galley. Capello fell here very sick, by reason of the much pains he had taken; but much more out of trouble of mind, seeing things had been carried so contrary to his desire, which forced him to crave leave of the Senate to disarm, that he might return home to be cured. At this time the Duke of Urbine, wasted with a long and grievous sickness, died, not without suspicion of poison, to the great and universal grief of the Venetians, who confessed all of them, that the Commonwealth had seldom met with a personage so proper for the Government of their Militia, as he was, wherein he had given great satisfaction for the space of 15 years; his obsequies were solemnly made in S. Paul's Church in Venice; Lorenzo Contarini, famous for Eloquence, pronouncing the Funeral Oration. He was much experienced in the Militia, particularly well acquainted with the State, and all things therein: He was very vigilant in weighty affairs, very dexterous in all his actions; his mind was real, sincere, and well affected to the honour of Italy, and particularly to the Grandezza of Venice. Yet many were jealous, that he had not proceeded too sincerely in the succouring of Rome, out of his own particular Interests and designs, not being over-well affected to the House of Medeci, as says Guicchardine, a modern Historian. The end of the Ninth Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK X. THE CONTENTS. THe Senate is troubled at the Spaniards lewd proceedings; hath thoughts of Peace, Negotiations thereupon: Opposed by the Emperor's Ambassador. Duke Gritti dies. Provisions made for the War. The Regata di Gallee, or Gally-race; how, and why instituted. Guido Ubaldo, Duke of Urbino, in dislike with the Pope: his justification: He is chosen to be General for the Commonwealth. How Gionami Moro died. The Turks preparations for War. The Venetians cheated. Truce with the Turks for three months; an Ambassador sent to Soliman, dies by the way; another chosen in his place. The Truce is Propagated: several discourses thereupon. Barbarossa takes Castelnuovo: he offers at Catarro, and how he succeeds: The Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople: his Audience. Things treated on. His departure, The Senate greatly troubled. Their resolutions. A dearth in Venice. A new League endeavoured by Caesar with the Venetians. How discussed. What his thoughts were. The Pope's jealousies. His endeavours with the Venetians. People sent from them, and from the Commonwealth, to the convention of the two Princes. The King of Hungarie's Ambassador at Venice. New suspicions of the Pope. Festivals in Constantinople, for the marriage of one of Soliman's Daughters. Luigi Badoaro chosen Ambassador to the Turk; his Commissions. The Emperor goes to Paris; his Treaty with the Venetian Ambassador. Peace concluded with the Turks; the conditions thereof. Treachery, in revealing what was treated of in the Senate, discovered, and punished. A handsome answer given by the Venetian Ambassador to the King of France. A● O●ation ma●● by the General, to the people of the Archi-pelagus; encouraging them to bear with the change of Government. How long the Peace with the Turks lasted. THe occasion several times sadly let slip of fight the Turkish Fleet, with hope of Victory; and the putting of a Spanish Garrison into castle Nuovo, being answerable to the actions of the preceding year; did not only, upon mature consideration, increase the jealousies which were generally conceived of the unsincere and pusillanimous proceedings of Doria, but produced the like of Caesar, and his intentions. The Venetian Senate, were hereby exposed to great trouble and danger; they had undertaken a heavy War against a powerful Enemy. Their having refused many invitations to Peace, would make the future agreement the harder. They had used many endeavours to move Caesar to observe the Capitulations of confederacy; that he would grant the things treated of at Naples, and Sicily; that he would cause castle Nuovo, to be assigned over into the hands of such as should be thereunto deputed by the Commonwealth; that he should give such orders to his Officers, as that his Galleys might be ready to join with the Fleets in March: But Caesar had given no full satisfaction to any of all these things: finding out many occasions of excuse, and delays touching the thing Treated of, that the Officers to whom the care thereof belonged, would first make their own Declarations, touching the restoring of castle Nuovo; He alleged, that the Commonwealth was to disburse the pay which was behind hand to the Spanish Foot, for having guarded the Fort: And touching the speedy dispatch of the Fleet, that he intending to go in it himself in person, there was was need of greater Forces, and preparations, and consequently longer time would be required. But in some of these things, reason; and in othersome, both reason and actions, showed that he aimed not at equity, nor at the common good. His words were very magnificent, and his promises great; but not without great suspicion, that his only end was to keep the Venetians tied by the league, to the end that he might make use of their Forces and friendship, as far as might concern his own service, not the common good: for it was understood, that Protestations were made in several Courts which were held in the Kingdom, wherein he was advised by the chief men of the Provinces, not to depart the Kingdom. Moreover, he was so bare of money, as, if he had really intended to go himself in person with the Fleet, he would not be able to maintain the expenses which his coming would occasion: out of these reasons it was conceived, that the Venetians had not only cause, but were necessitated to think more of Peace then of War, they were the more encouraged to attend this treaty of Peace, out of hopes that they might obtain it of the Turks upon reasonable conditions: For the Turks, proceeding with more respect, had made the Bailo be removed from the Tower, del mare Magiore, to Constantinople, and likewise gave notice that they would quickly set all the Venetian Merchants at liberty, which they accordingly did, giving them time to negotiate their business, being bound one for another not to go themselves in person, nor to send their merchandise out of the confines of the Ottoman Empire: There was likewise one Antonio da Modone come to Venice, who lived then at Zante, and brought Letters with him, written to him upon his own private occasions, by Gianusbei, wherein he affirmed the Grand Seigneur, and the Bascia, were well inclined to peace, so as if an Ambassador should be sent to that purpose to Constantinople, some conclusion might soon be had in the point, wherein Gianusbei willingly offered his best endeavours; provided he were desired so to do. Out of these respects, the Council often, thought it fit to begin a Treaty of Peace. But to the end, that the business might be carried with more secrecy and reputation; they would not send at that time any public person to Constantinople, but gave commission to Lorenza Gritti, natural Son to the Doge, to go to Constantinople, under pretence of following his own private affairs, and particularly the recovery of certain merchandise belonging to a Brother of his, lately dead at Constantinople. His Commission was, first, to treat of a general Truce, and to insist thereupon as much he could, that he might bring it to some conclusion. But if the Turks should not assent thereunto, he was then to advance the treaty of Peace for the Commonwealth, wherein the former Capitulations were to be observed; and all places taken by either party in that War, were to be restored. The King of France had likewise interposed himself in this Treaty of Truce, who to this purpose had sent a servant of his to Constantinople; but it was soon seen, there was small hopes of bringing this Treaty to a good end; for the Turks seemed to be very far from coming to any agreement with Caesar, having propounded and procured peace with the Venetians, purposely that they might turn their Armies the more commodiously, and with the greater force against him. As soon as Gritti's going to Constantinople was divulged, though the true occasion thereof was concealed, it was soon suspected that he went to treat of Peace; wherefore Don Diego Hurtado di Mendosa, who was then Ambassador from the Emperor at Venice, discovered this his suspicion in a private Audience in the College; modestly complaining, that they should think of making an agreement with the common enemy, and not comprehend the Emperor therein, who was a friend and confederate of the Commonwealth; and afterwards he in a long Oration, dissuaded them from treating of peace with the Turks. What assurance, said he, what security can you have, that these Barbarians will stand to the Agreement, whereunto they shall assent not out of any desire of peace, which they use naturally to abborre, nor out of any good will to the Commonwealth, since they hate the very name of Christian to death; but only out of some particular end, or accommodation of their own, that they may dissolve this league, weaken the chiefest Potentates of Christendom, and oppress the rest: If it be the matter of expense which makes you alter your mind from continuing War; you ought to consider, that Peace doth not free you from it, but renders it vain and useless: for the Emperor will by no means be brought to an agreement with the Turks: and whilst these shall be in Arms, and shall have two great Fleets at Sea; will you, wise Signior, be unarmed? will you trust the safety of your State, to the uncertain faith of others? Surely no body will believe it. It would be a thing certainly to be desired, that your State had not so formidable▪ Neighbours, as are the Turks, and that you might enjoy quiet, and tranquillity, free from so many jealousies, and disaccommodations. But since the present condition of times and affairs, is such, as that expense, danger, and labour must be undergone: it should be thought a great good fortune, that in this age, and upon this occasion, there is so powerful a Prince in Christendom, as may by his Forces counterpoise the Turkish power; and who out of his desires and well-wishings to the common good, is ready to expose, not only his Forces, but his very Person, to the hazard of War, so to abate the pride of these common Enemies. To this, answer was made; That the Commonwealth had been already two years in league; yet she might truly affirm, that it was she alone that had hitherto withstood the brunt of the Turkish Forces; that the reasons were well known, which had hindered the requisite speedy assistance, and did therefore believe they might light upon the like misfortunes again. Yet they had always born, and still did bear great respect to the Confederates: That the King of France had endeavoured a general truce at Constantinople; that by accepting and favouring this Treaty, he thought he did what concerned the common service, and that whereby the Commonwealth might reap many advantages; and if nothing else, the benefit of time, which the Emperor himself thought very necessary, for the well ordering of all things touching his voyage to the Eastern parts. The like passages were had at the Court, between Caesar himself, and the Venetian Ambassador: But they produced no effects, neither of spurring up Caesar to prepare for War, nor of making the Venetians retard the already resolved Treaty of Peace. Thus ended the year 1538, in the end whereof, upon the 27 day of December, the Doge Gritti died, being 84 years old; a good part whereof he had spent in managing important affairs, and in the Commonwealth's most difficult times, as may be known by what you have heard: He was Prince 15 years and 7 months, and his death was bewailed by all men. His Funeral Oration was made by Bernardo Navagiero, a youth who was then of great hopes, and who proved afterwards a Cardinal; he was buried in S. Francis his Church. The year 1539 ensued, wherein there passed no action of War on the Commonwealth's behalf, though great preparations were made for it, it being almost wholly spent in the negotiation of peace, in the beginning thereof; the Venetians thinking that they were to trust to none but to themselves, and their own Forces, for the safety of their State; though they had endeavoured peace with the Turks, and the continuation of the League, to the end that (if need should be) they might be able to maintain the War of themselves▪ without the help of the Confederates; they did all they could to increase their Garrisons, and to reinforce their Fleet. They took many Soldiers into pay, and armed more slight, and greater Galleys in Venice, and gave commission likewise to Commissary Contarini, who was then in Candia, to endeavour the speedy arming of 25 Galleys in that Kingdom: At this time the Senate made an institution, that out of all the Artificers of the City, 4000 men should be chosen, who were four times a year to go aboard certain Galleys thereunto appointed, to row: This is commonly called Regattare, or vuying for the Mastery; and several rewards were appointed for the first three that should row best. By this means, there were always men ready and prepared, to arm a certain number of Galleys upon a sudden; and Guido Ubaldo, Duke of Urbino, was taken into pay by the Commonwealth, to be head of the Militia; who in the life time of his Father, Duke Francisco Maria, had always been in this service: and he had a hundred Curassieres, a hundred light Horse, and ten paid Captains, added to his Conduct, and four thousand ducats, for his board-wages. The Duke was held to be very fit for the service of the Commonwealth, as well in respect of his own condition, being bred up under his Father's excellent discipline, and being attended by the best Soldiers that were then in Italy, who had served under his Father; as also for the condition of his Dukedom, which did abound in good Soldiers, and in places commodiously situated, from whence to be sent to the Garrisons of the Sea-Forts. Wherefore the Senate sent Francisco Somito, Ambassador to him, with great demonstrations of love and honour, to condole his Father's death, and to assure him, that they would not forget the good service he had done the Commonwealth: But some months past before they came to this confirmation, for fear lest the Pope should be offended, if the Duke, who was Feudatory to the Church, should be honoured and embraced by the Commonwealth, whilst he was in contumacy with the Pope. The State of Camerino, had, as you have heard, been the occasion of these dislikes; for Duke Guido being possessed of the Dukedom of Camerino, in the right of his wife julia, daughter to jovan Maria Varrano, the last Duke of that Family: The Pope pretended, that that State was illegally possessed, which for want of Heirs-male, should have reverted to the Apostolic Sea, as being held in fee of him. The Senate was very fervent in this business, endeavouring to appease the Pope, being thereunto moved by the recent memory of Francisco Maria, who had deserved so well of the Commonwealth; and out of their good affection to the present Duke, who was in much trouble and danger; and they were no less excited thereunto, for fear lest thereby some important War might be raised in Italy. For the Duke of Mantua, whose sisters Son Duke Guido was, gave out, that he would not only defend the Duke his Nephew, with his State and Forces, but would call in foreign aid into Italy. At last, when all proved vain that could be done, to make the Pope alter his mind, the Duke was forced by the interposition of the Senators authority and mediation, to yield up the Dukedom of Camerino to the Pope, who was resolved to recover it by force of arms, if it were not willingly surrendered, receiving in recompense a good sum of Money, as in dowry with his wife julia. This difference being accommodated, and this respect ceasing, which was the only thing that stuck with some men, Duke Guido was taken into pay by the Commonwealth, as hath been said. And that the Fleet might not likewise be without a Commander in chief, since Capello, who had permission from the Senate, to leave his Armed Galley at Chioggia, and (retaining still the name and degree of General) to return to Venice for the recovery of his health, was not in a condition of returning soon to that service; jovanni Moro was chosen to supply his place, who was then Commissary General in Candia: but news of his death coming not long after, the place was conferred on Tomaso Mocenico, a man versed in many important businesses both at home and abroad. Moro's death was thus occasioned: A great dispute fell out between the Grecian and the Italian Foot, and great numbers of men flocked to each side; Moro fearing some great disorder, went thither himself in person, with his Halberdiers, and other armed men, to appease the tumult, and being wounded in the head with a stone, died soon after. But this his action was not able to appease the fury of those people, for many more were slain, and the business grew more dangerous: When Duke Antonio da Mula, putting on his ducal crimson Robes, and environed by his Courtiers, went to-where the uproar was; and such was the respect they bore to his person, by reason of his years, by reason of his degree, and reverend habit, as it appeased their rage and insolences, which the Commissary with his armed men could not do. jovanni Vitturi, was chosen to succeed Moro, who severely punishing the heads of this uproar, quieted all the rest, so as no tumults nor injuries arose between the Soldiers and Islanders a long time after. Whilst the Venetians proceeded thus, the Turks were no less diligent in preparing their Fleet and Army, being the more sensible of their loss of castle Nuovo, by reason of their being always accustomed to overcome. Therefore being resolved to recover this place, and thereby the reputation which they had lost in losing it; they made preparation both of men, and all things else, sufficient for a far greater enterprise: and in the mean while Dragute, who (as it hath been said) tarried in the gulf of Lepanto, went from thence with 30 Vessels very well armed; and coming to the Island of Paxù, did much infest the Navigation: for keeping secret, and retired in St. Nicholas Haven, about some four miles from Corfù, and sending some of his yarest Galleys oftentimes from thence, even to the Channel of Corfù, to pillage ships which came to that Island. Commissary Pasquillio, was not able longer to endure such indignity: wherefore he resolved to go out with twelve of his best Galleys, and to fall upon some Turkish Galleys which lay very near land; but the Enemy not standing the encounter, fled towards the Gulf of Larta, to abuse the Commissary, as it appeared afterwards, making him believe that they had no more ships at Paxù: but when our Galleys were advanced somewhat further in pursuit of the enemy, they discovered Dragute, who being come from Paxù with the rest of his Galleys and fly-Boats, was gone room-ward, to get the advantage of the wind, and so fall upon our Galleys on the flank. The Commissary, finding his danger, if he should advance any further, hoisted all his sails forthwith, and made towards Corsu, being pursued by the Enemy, who getting ground upon us, three of our Galleys fearing they should not save themselves by flight, gave against Land in the shelves of Messangi, twelve miles from the Fort of Corfu, where they lost their Galleys, but saved their Men and Goods. But Antonio Canale's Galley, having broken her anchor, whereby she could not steer the same course as the rest did, was taken by the Enemy. The Turks growing bolder hereupon, they went with the same shipping into the Island of Candia, where they landed some of their men in the parts about Canea, burning and pillaging the farme-Houses. But a good number of Carabines, and Fewdatories of the Kingdom being got together, they slew many of them, and sent the rest soon back to the Fleet; wherein Antonio Calbo, a Councillor, was much commended, it being confessed by all men, that the Country was preserved from much prejudice chiefly by his means. This mean while, Gritti returned from Constantinople, the month of April not being yet over, for he had made very great haste. He related, how that by Gianusbei's means, he was brought to the chief basha, who, though he received him very graciously, yet made many grievous complaints of many hostile acts, committed by several of the Commonwealth's Officers upon the Mussulmans, complaining that the Commonwealth had not punished them; but he seemed chiefly to resent very much, the disrespect which had been shown and used to the Grand Seigneur, and that whole Court, in not having given any answer to the so many proposals made by them of peace and agreement. Wherefore Gritti not finding the Turks so disposed, as that he might take an opportunity to treat then of peace; he procured that Arms should be laid down on all sides for three months' space, in which interim the peace might be treated of; which as soon as he had obtained, he caused it to be published upon the confines, as he passed by; so as the Turkish Forces which were encamped before Salona, with intention, as was given out, of going to besiege Spala●o, when Salona should be taken, hearing this, arose, and went from those confines. This Truce was not over-welcome to the Venetians, many being not a little jealous, that this suspension of Arms, tended more to the putting of diffidence, between the confederate Princes, and to gain time for making greater preparations for War, then to any real desire of Peace. There were therefore several opinions touching the prosecution of this Agreement, and how it might be handled. The treaty of things in general, and made by a private person, did not secure from danger, and kept the Commonwealth still with uncertain hopes, in the expense of War. To make any particular application by an Ambassador, showing a desire and need of Peace, would make the Turks more insolent, and the agreement more disadvantageous, or more difficult. But at last, after many disputes, the Senate, to whom this business was referred, resolved (though it was carried but by two voices) to send an Ambassador to Soliman, to treat of Peace; and Pietro Zeno was chosen to go the Embassy. But the Ambassadors going, requiring some time, in respect of preparing accustomed presents; and it being also thought requisite, that ●e should find things on foot towards some certainty, or better hopes of conclusion; Gri●ti was sent back to Constantinople, to the end that carrying news of the Ambassadors coming, he might endeavour the prolongation of the Truce; and might begin, according 〈◊〉 should see 〈◊〉, to make way for the Treaty of Peace, wherein he was 〈◊〉 to make use of Monsieur di Roencone's assistance, and advice, who was then Ambassador at the Court, from the King of France; and who had oftentimes willingly offered to interp●●e himself in that Treaty, but it was after known, that his endeavours tended to the contrary, and that they made the business more difficult, intending, that the business being intricated, his King might become Arbitrator of the differences; and, by thus obliging the Venetians, might totally sever them from Caesar's friendship and confederacy. When Gritti came to Venice, the new General had already ta'en the standard, to go to his Government; but not being yet parted from the shore, his going was put off, left it might have begotten jealousies in the Turks, that these endeavours of Peace were out feigned, and that they might return to molest the confines of the Commonwealth, where they began to be in quiet: But this mean while, that the Fleet might not be without a Commander in General; the same Authority was given to Commissary Contarini, as is usually enjoyed by the Generals at Sea. Soon after the Ambassador Zeno began his journey with Commission, That upon the conclusion of Peace, all things should return to the same condition as they were before the War; that he should justify all past passages, promise friendship, and peace for the future, and particularly the restitution of castle Nuovo, if the general Truce should be concluded, and that the Turks should do the like, concerning the places taken by them in Dalmatia, and in the Archi-pelagus. But Zeno being come to Bossina, fell sick and died; the Senate was adverised of his death, by Letters from his Secretary Pietro di Franceschi; and there-withal, how that a great desire of peace was discovered in all the Turkish Officers, insomuch that they had solicited him to write to Venice, that a new Ambassador might be chosen, which Thomaso Contarini soon was, an old man of 84 years of Age, but much esteemed for his mature wisdom, and for his particular knowledge in the Turkish affairs, with whom he had had long conversation upon several occasions. He had but four days allowed him for his departure, and in the interim, speedy news of his election was dispatched away to Secretary Franceschi, who kept still at Bossina; as also Gritti, who returned suddenly to Constantinople. But nothing that Gritti could do, could prevail as to the general Truce, the Turks still continuing the preparations for their Fleet, as being desirous to recover castle Nuo●o rather by force, than agreement. Barbarossa, was already gone forth with 150 sail of several sorts of shipping, and with a great train of Artillery; and Begl●rbeg of Greece, at the same time marched with a great many Horse to the taking of castle Nuovo: So the Turks not dissenting from agreement with the Venetians, easily consented, that the Truce should be prolonged with them alone, for the month of September; and set some of their ships that were detained, at liberty; and allowed more freedom to their Consuls and Merchants. This Treaty being noised abroad, it was severally discoursed of, every where, according to the diversity of men's judgements, or rather of their affections. Most men commended the Venetians, for accommodating themselves to the times, and to necessity, endeavouring the safety of their state and affairs by agreement, since they had tried the way of Arms two years in vain, with great expense and danger, whereby their sincerity, faith, and real intentions to the common good, did sufficiently appear; particularly the Pope said, the Senate had done according to their ancient renown and wisdom, proceeding according as the present condition of affairs did dictate, and providing for the preservation of their State, by such means as were permitted them: He therefore would not arm his Galleys, confessing, that the joining of the Fleets would do more harm then good, disturbing on one side the Treaty of Peace, and then doing no prejudice to the Enemy. But because he intended to keep two Galleys armed for the defence of his maritime Coasts, he desired them of the Senate, who willing granted them. Barbarossa this mean while steering on his course, and being to enter into the Gulf, the wont difficulties arose, Where the Commonwealth's Fleet should keep. To retreat, would be dishonourable, would infuse fear into their subjects, and make them despair, would show their weakness to the Turks, and make them more insolent, & stand upon harder terms of agreement. On the other side, to keep at Corfu, might afford occasion of meeting with the Turkish Fleet, and raise new scandals; and might also make the Turks jealous, that they would join with the Imperialists, a thing which would be very unseasonable at this time, and contrary to the intention of the already begun Treaty of Peace. They had not as then above 65 Galleys in their Fleet, which if they should keep all without the Gulf, Dalmatia, and the Gulf itself would be abandoned; and if they should divide them, all parts would be weak and in danger. It was resolved notwithstanding, that one of the Commissaries should come with 25 Galleys into the Gulf, and that the other should tarry with the rest at Corfu, hoping that if Barbarossa should advance, the doubt of encountering him would cease, and the Galleys from Candia would quickly arrive, which being fifty in number, and already on their way, hoping to find the Navigation safe, by reason of the news, that the plague was fallen into the Turkish Fleet, so as it could not get from Nigraponte, did afterwards return back, hearing that Barbarossa was with his whole Fleet in the waters of Zante. The Turks did no injury to the Venetians in this their voyage. Barbarossa affirming, that he would keep Truce with them, but that the Emperor not being therein comprehended, he was not bound to keep from besieging castle Nuovo, which was possessed, and kept by the Imperialists: but meeting with an armed Vessel, which brought Soldiers and Victuals to Napoli di Romagna, and Lorenzo Sanuto's person, who went Consul to Napoli; they did not any ways molest them, yet Commissay Contarini, tarrying at Corfu with some few Galleys, did for their greater security, cause some Cable Ropes with their Anchors, to be fastened to some Rafters; wherewith securing so much of an Arm of the Sea as might receive his Galleys, he provided against any sudden violence of the Enemy. The Spaniards being affrighted at the coming of the Fleet, and at the Turks great preparations, began to consent to the putting of castle Nuovo into the Venetians hands, which they had formerly upon various pretences denied to do; which Proposition being made to the Senate, they answered, That the offer was now made out of season; that they had oftentimes been earnest with them, to observe their Capitulations, whereby that Town was to have been delivered up to them: that now when they had been enforced by great necessity, and had proceeded so far in the treaty of Peace, it became them not to do any thing that might disturb it. Barbarossa this mean while pursuing his way, came in the beginning of August, with 90 Galleys, and 30 fly-Boats, to the Gulf of Catarro, where casting Anchor so far off the Fort of castle Nuovo, as that he might not be offended by the Artillery thereof; he landed his men safely, and 80 pieces of Artillery of several sorts; and Ulmana, Sangiacco of that Province, came thither almost at the same time, with great store of Foot and Horse, which encamped themselves about the Town: the Enemy not being long able to hinder them, though at first they sallied boldly forth to disturb their Works. The Turks began to play upon the Town on three sides. Barbarossa took the care of that battery which was on the North-side, Ulamane ordered an other, and Salecco attended on that which was toward the Sea, so as by perpetual shot, they beat down the walls even to the ground: and the Fort, not being environed with a ditch, and therefore the Town which stands somewhat high, being exposed to the shot of Cannon, when the walls were beaten down, and wanting earth to make new Trenches; the Houses were battered and beaten down, so as no place in the Town being safe, many Soldiers were slain, and the Enemy meeting with but little opposition, drew nearer the wall, and possessed themselves of a Bastion, under which the Spaniards despairing of all other means, had made a mine; but when they set fire unto this their last remedy, it was so late in playing, as the Turks had opportunity of escaping the danger, and the ruins falling inwards, slew many of the defendants. The Spaniards had also made a mine in another part, where they thought the assault would be most dangerous; but the Turks being advertised thereof by a fugitive Soldier, forbore approaching the place of danger: wherefore the Soldiers being discouraged, seeing all their labour and industry prove vain, resolved to give over defending the Town, and to retreat into the Castle: the Captain Ario Maceno, entering thereinto, with some other Captains, and with about 800 Soldiers: But Captain Sarmento preferring a glorious, though an assured death, before a dishonourable uncertain hope of safety, kept in the Town with some select companies of Soldiers; where having for a while valiantly withstood the Enemy, being at last overborn by their numbers, he and all his soldiers were cut in pieces: and those who were within the Fort, considering they could not make long resistance against so many men, yielded not long after upon discretion. Barbarossa having given them his word, that their lives and liberties should be saved: Yet as soon as they surrendered, he made them all be put to the Oar, alleging that their persons belonging as pray to the janissaries, he could not dispose of them otherwise; so as of the 4000 Spaniards, who had the custody of that place, not one of them escaped away free, some of them being slain, some made slaves, paying finally for the so many wickednesses which they had committed in their many years fight in Italy, and particularly when Rome was sacked. castle Nuovo being regained, the Army marched towards Risano, which was presently surrendered by the Keeper thereof, Luigi Zane, the Fort nor Garrison not being able to defend it. Barbarossa had first demanded the restitution of that place from jovan Matteo Bembo, Governor of Cattaro, with whom he had sought many occasions to turn his Forces upon Cattaro; and after many complaints, as that his fugitive slaves were therein received, and other feigned things, he laid aside all consideration of Truth, and sent shamelessly to the Governor, to deliver up Cattaro unto him, or that otherwise he would take it by force, having commission from Soliman to take that Fort, and whatsoever else the signory possessed upon those confines; that therefore to avoid utter ruin, he should by time provide for the safety of himself, and of those people; for he would give free leave to all that would, to go from thence, and would deal civilly with them who would continue and live under the Empire of the most happy Grand Seigneur. But Bembo, not at all terrified at this unexpected demand, betook himself diligently to prepare for defence, and to encourage the Citizens and Soldiers, and returned answer to Barbarossa, that he himself did, and all the world would wonder at this his demand, which being contrary to reason, must be believed to be contrary to Soliman's mind, who was wont to observe his word; that therefore he deserved not to be listened unto, and that therefore he did so much the more confide in the justice of his cause; and that he should be able to defend that City which was committed to his charge by his Commonwealth: To which Barbarossa returning no answer, he made a squadron of his Galleys advance, who rashly accosting the Fort, whereby the Artillery beaten off with much prejudice. Barbarossa coming on the second day with the rest of his Fleet, was likewise beaten off; and having landed many of his Foot at some distance from the Fort, they who kept on the Mountain's side, being got very near the walls, were so damnified, and disordered by some pieces of Artillery from the castle, as they soon retreated to their Galleys: And some of the Stradiotti and Harchabusiers on horseback, went out against the rest, who marched towards that part of the Town where the Church and the Monastery of S. Francis stands, and with whom Barbarossa's self came to discover the situation, slew many of them, and forced the rest to fly, and save themselves in the neighbouring mountains, where the Horse could not pursue them. Barbarossa having well viewed and considered the Fort, and the defendants readiness, and therefore despairing to gain it, after having tarried one day longer there, without attempting any thing, resolved to be gone, and to return to the Gulfs mouth: And before his departure, being thereunto desired by Bembo, he spoke with Ierollim● Cocco, Master of a Ship, sent to him to that purpose, whom he civilly treated, though contrary to the custom of that Nation, he refused the Presents which he brought him. At this meeting, Barbarossa appeared to be friendly-minded, saying, that he was satisfied with having recovered the places which had been taken from the Grand Seigneur; and that he intended to observe the Truce, unless he should receive some order to the contrary from Constantinople, whither he had sent an Olacco, to give an account of what he had done: things tending to the preservation of the honour of his Fleet, and of the Army, as if he had willingly quitted that enterprise, and not out of despair of success. Thus the Soldiers, and the Artillery being embarked, and a good Garrison left in castle Nuovo, the Turkish Fleet departed from the Gulf of Cattaro on the 17th of August; and it was believed, that they were to go to Puglia, to pillage those maritime parts, being solicited so to do by Cantelmi; one who was sent from the King of France to Constantinople, and by the French Ambassador, who was aboard those Galleys: yet Barbarossa being come to Vallona, went straight from thence to Corfu, where passing through the Channel, he was by way of friendship saluted by Canonshot from the Fort, and divers were sent to him from the Governors of the Town with refreshments, and some vestures, which he gratefully accepted, and returned thanks for the present. And Barbarossa often assured them, that as he for certain accidents which had happened, had advised the undertaking of that War; so now he would use his endeavours in procuring peace, to which end he would go to Constantinople as soon as he could. The Venetians were much troubled to hear of the taking of castle Nuovo, and of Barbarossa's attempt upon the Fort of Cattaro; their Fleet being divided, and fearing lest the Enemy growing more bold, might make some other attempt upon their State. When the Turks played upon castle Nuovo, Andrea Doria, who was parted from Sicily, went to Catopo; from whence he sent word to Commissary Cont●rini, who was at Corfu; that it was now a very fit time to fall upon the Enemy, whilst having abandoned their Galleys, they were busied in besieging castle Nuovo, wherefore he invited him to join their Fleets together: To the which the Commissary, that he might sift into his mind, answering, that he would be ready to relieve castle Nuovo, or to do any thing else, if all their Forces might join safely, with assured hopes of advantage: Doria returned no answer at all, nor did offer to attempt any thing of himself, but stood retired in the Haven of Brandizzi, in which time the Ambassador Contarino came to Constantinople, where he had Audience given him by the Grand Seigneur: and whilst he was declaring his commission, Soliman held still his hand upon his breast, (a sign, as his men said, of his being troubled); but howsoever, having given full hearing, he told him, He was welcome; but as for the business, said nothing, but that (according to custom) he referred him to his Basshaws: with whom when he met, and began more particularly to unfold his Commission, as soon as they heard any mention made of restoring the places which had been taken in this War: they presently answered, That not any mention must be made thereof; that Soliman was mightily troubled for many accidents which had happened, but especially for the League made by the Commonwealth with the Emperor against him; that therefore it would not only be impossible to work him to such a restitution, but that there was no hopes of obtaining peace, without the surrender of Napoli, and Malves●a, together with all that was possessed by the Commonwealth on the Sea-coast of Constantinople, even to castle Nuovo; whereby all occasion of scandal would be taken away for the time to come, and a good and steadfast Peace would be established. That they did also demand satisfaction for the great expenses which Soliman had been at in that War, since he had been enforced thereunto by many injuries; wherein his end was not avarice, but his honour, the Commonwealth having done the like in their agreement with the Emperor, a more petty and less powerful Prince then Soliman. The Ambassador being far from complying with them in any of these demands, answered, That then the business was a● an end; that the Commonwealth would be so far glad of peace, and no further than she might have it consistent with her dignity, the which she would always with her Forces maintain and defend: yet that he being but a servant of the State, neither could, nor would say any more, but that he would give an account of all to the Senate; and therefore desired that any further treaty might be suspended, till he might receive further commission from the Senate. The Basshaws wished him to hope well of the business, some of them saying, that the Grand Seigneur would be content with less than he demanded; and that it was the custom of the Country to make large demands: they therefore advised him to return back to Venice himself in person, where he might inform his Masters of every particular, and then return to a new Treaty, the rather, for that his return would be just at the time of solemnity of the Grand Seigneur's Daughter's marriage, and of the circumcising of his Sons. Contarini hearing this, though so long a voyage, and such delay might seem unseasonable for his so great Age, and for the importance of the business in hand; yet thinking that to tarry longer at the Court, after this dismission, would be to make the Turks believe, that all their desires should be granted, he resolved to be gone, having first been very diligent in giving the Senate an account of every particular that had past. It was observed that at his departure, he had not received the usual banquet, nor had been treated either in words or actions, with any signs of honour and goodwill, as was shown unto him at first. The Senate was very much troubled at the news of their Embassador's departure from Constantinople, and at the discovery of greater difficulties in the Agreement than they expected: it was too fore a thing for them to maintain War of themselves alone, against so powerful an Enemy: their hopes grounded upon assistance from others, had always proved weak, and to little purpose, and were now by these treaties fallen almost away to nothing, to accept of peace upon such unreasonable terms, would detract too much from the dignity of the Commonwealth, and to part willingly with Towns and Moneys, would be but to invite the Enemy who were naturally insolent, to make yet further demands. Whilst they were yet unresolved what to do, new accidents happened, which made them still more irresolute: for in this interim, Caesare Cantelmi came to Venice, who being formerly sent, as hath been said from the King of France to Soliman, to treat of Truce, after having been in France to inform the King, returned by his order to Constantinople, about the same business. The French Ambassador being in the College, said, How that this man was sent to Constantinople, chiefly for the Commonwealth's service, to interpose himself in the Treaty of peace, wherefore he was come to Venice, to see what commission they would give him concerning it, he being commanded by his King to carry himself therein, as he would do in any thing which might particularly concern the Crown of France. jovan Francisco Valerio, a Gentleman of Venice, used afterwards the same endeavours, who having been long in France, held intelligence with many chief men of the Court, who did many times impart many important businesses to him; he witnessed the King's good will, and his readiness to send other Agents to Soliman, if this man should not give satisfaction to the Senate; he exhorted them to confide in the King's word, and in the affection he seemed to bear the Commonwealth in this business; that they had no better way than this, to agree with the Turks with more dignity, and less danger. It was known also, that at the same time the Emperor, and the King of France, were to have a meeting, which might be the better had by the Emperor's journey, who being to pass into Flanders, to suppress the insurrection of those of Guant, and to oppose some commotions in that Province, occasioned by the daily grievances laid by Caesar upon those Inhabitants for maintenance of the War, had sent unto the King, that he would come by France, and speak with him touching some agreement between them, whereby they might afterwards wage War jointly against the Turks. This meeting of these Princes, occasioned variety of discourse, and administered many reasons to maintain several opinions. Some argued from hence▪ That the War was to be maintained with better hopes, that all thoughts of peace which was treacherously proposed by the Turks, were to be laid aside, since peace was not to be had but upon hard conditions. That it was peace between these two Princes, which was always thought would give life to the League, and would be the chief groundwork of all good success: that they were not to abandon themselves and all their hopes, and make themselves a prey to the perfidious Enemies, now that a thing so much desired was coming on. Others were jealous that at this meeting, somewhat prejudicial to the liberty of Italy, and in particular of the Commonwealth, might be treated of: which suspicion having been formerly had, when these Princes parting from Nice, without meeting together in the Pope's presence, did afterwards parley together in France; it was, though this jealousy proved vain, only because that Caesar would not trust the King of France, and deliver the state of Milan first up to him, upon his promise of being assisted by him, in getting the Cities belonging to the Venetians Dominion. That it was now sufficiently known, neither of these Princes would part with anything that was theirs, so as they could not be brought to Agreement by any other means, then by thinking how to make recompense, which should fall unto them by the usurpation of other men's estates. It was therefore judged for these important respects, that the Agreement with the Turks was the more to be hastened, for that the deferring thereof, and the divulging of the consultations of the Christian Princes, whereby they should be the more necessitated to listen to peace, would make the conditions of the Treaty prove the harder afterwards. But herein likewise there was a difference of Opinion: some persuaded to make use of Cantelmi 's voyage, and of the Kings offer, alleging, that he being full of various thoughts, it was to be hoped that his desire of regaining the ancient friendship of the Commonwealth, so to separate her from Caesar, might be predominant with him: And that as on the one side, the interposition and authority of so great a Prince, might advantage them much in their making Agreement with the Turks: so on the other side, they might secure the affairs of the State by Land from other dangers, since by this confidence his desire of convening with Caesar, would be cooled. That they ought not totally to alienate the minds of Christian Princes, there not appearing as yet, any certain hopes of renewing capitulation, and commerce with the Turks: That it was certain, the Emperor was much offended for their having negotiated peace apart for the Commonwealth, when they had given out, that they would not treat of any thing but of the general Truce: and that if they should now refuse the King of France his offer, the King of France would be as much offended, since they should thereby seem to value him but a little, and to be totally alienated from his friendship; which bad satisfaction to both, might make them join the more easily together against the Commonwealth; that they ought at least to desire the King's messenger to treat of Truce in general; which if it should succeed, the conveniency of time, and of some rest, would be of no small consideration: and as touching the particular affairs of the Commonwealth, to authorise him to say unto the Turks, that the Senate would not be backward in making agreement, if it might be had upon fair conditions; by this means the business would be kept on foot, with the service and honour of the public; and that if any jealousies should arise of the Kings keeping his word, and of these new Agreements with the Emperor, we might then resume the business into our own hands, and that all way of Treaty for us was now shut up, since their sending away of our Ambassador. Others notwithstanding proposed, That a dispatch might be forthwith made to the Ambassador Contarini, willing him to tarry wheresoever the messenger should meet him, and expect new orders from the Senate, which should be sent according as affairs went. Others were better pleased, that a new Ambassador should be sent; and some were for referring the managing of the whole business to Consul Canale, since he was now at liberty and might negotiate. But all these joined in protesting against, making use of Canetlmi, or communicating any thing to him in this business, who was a banished: Neapolitan, and who, to boot with his King's interests and ends, which peradventure might not stand with the service of the Commonwealth, had his own particular designs, which might rather retard then further the business; that it became neither the public safety nor honour, to discover the Senate's intention, to one who, as might justly be suspected, would rather hinder, then help the effecting of it: That Caesar would not leave anything unattempted to break this treaty of Peace, which was so prejudicial to him, and that the King of France would be glad to please him in all other things, out of hopes of having the State of Milan restored: That it stood not well together, that the King of France (as he affirmed) should make peace with the Emperor, to make war against the Turks, and be a means of making peace between the Venetians, and the same Enemies. What faith could be adhibited to the words or endeavours of a King, that was ill satisfied with the Commonwealth, for having secured the state of Milan to Caesar, by their last confederacy, and hindered him from what he so much desired? That they had been in vain brought by the promises of other Princes, to undertake and continue this War, wherein they had to no purpose spent 3 millions of Gold. That they might now be clearly aware of those counsels which sprung from passion, and were bend upon peculiar interests; and not to put themselves into away which might bring the Commonwealth to ruin, by continuing involved in so great and insupportable expenses. An other accident of no less concernment was hereunto added, which increased the doubts and difficulties. The Harvest was this year very bad every where, and chiefly in Italy; so as the City of Venice, which wanting sufficient Territories of her own, was to feed a great number of people with Corn fetched from other Countries, was chiefly incommodiated hereby. The people who were wont to feed deliciously, and to eat no bread but what was made of wheat, were glad of any sort of Corn, and in danger to want that too, if they were not furnished from foreign parts; a thing which gave the Senators much trouble, so as to supply so great a necessity, some thought it necessary to make friendship with the Turks: Others, to have recourse to the Spaniards, to have Corn transported either from the one or from the other: the same thing sustaining contrary opinions. Thus the time ran on without any certain resolution, so as the Ambassador Contarini receiving no new instructions, came to Venice, and Cantelmi departed without any Commission. These irresolute Counsels made Caesar, who watched all occasions, hope he should be able to break this Treaty of Peace, and to draw the Venetians to confirm the League once more: wherefore thinking that nothing could more further his intentions, then to make it be believed that he held good intelligence with the King of France, whereby being free from so many impediments, he might employ all his Forces in the Levant, and make the King of France at last favour the design; he resolved to send a principal personage to Venice, and persuaded the King of France to do the like, who might give an account of the speech which they should have together, and discover somewhat of the Venetians mind: therefore on the 10th of December the Marquis of Guasto, who was then Governor of Milan, went to Venice, on the Emperor's behalf; and Monsieur Anibao, who was Marshal General in Piedmont, on the behalf of the King of France. These were received with such honour, as became the greatness of the Princes that sent them, and their own eminent quality. They were met by a great many Senators, in the Butcentauro, and in other 7 Galleys; were lodged in a noble Palace, and defrayed at the public charge. Their first audience was in the great Hall, whither the great Council came, and a great concourse of people, wherein nothing past but compliments: But afterwards, at a private audience in the College, the Marquis of Guasto told them, That he was come in the name of Charles the Emperor, to acquaint them, as good and well esteemed friends, of the meeting which the Emperor was to have in France, with the most Christian King, and in Flaunders, with King Ferdinando his brother, and the Queen his sister, who were the Governors of those States. He told them, that at the meeting of these Princes, businesses were to be treated of, which concerned the joint service of Christendom, and the particular convenience of that Commonwealth, which he would always value, as that of his own proper Dominions. That Cesar, being now to go with great Forces against the Turks, did desire to know, what the Senate's pleasure and opinion was therein, what preparations they thought would be necessary, and what they would do on their behalves, to the end that he might the better know, how to govern his affairs. That though the Peace with France was not yet fully established, it might be accounted as good as done; so well were these Princes inclined thereunto, and so good intelligence was there held between them; so as it was firmly to be believed, that being free from all other impediments, they would go with their joint Forces to ruin the Infidels. But because the weightiness of the business required length of time, and the season was now far spent, for making so great preparations, Caesar thought it would for the present be better, to provide for defence, then for offence; wherein he would be as careful of his neighbour's Dominions, as of his own. Monsieur d' Anibao spoke afterwards to the same purpose, attesting the King's goodwill and desire to the peace and good of Christendom. It was not hard to know, whither these endeavours tended, and what was Caesar's true designs; to wit, to hold the French in hand with vain hopes, of yielding up the Dukedom of Milan unto them; and the Venetians, by proposing Treaties, and great preparations for War against the Turks, meaning nothing less; that so he might spin out the time, secure himself from the French Forces, by deviating the King from the thought of War; and from the Turks, by placing the Commonwealth's Territories, and their Fleet, at his out-Bulwarks. This answer was therefore made to the Marquis, and to Anibao, That their coming was very acceptable, in respect of the Princes, in whose names they came, as also in respect of themselves. Wherefore they desired, that many thanks might be returned to their Princes, for the honour and esteem they bore to the Commonwealth. That the news of good intelligence, and of certain hopes of peace between so great Princes, was the more acceptable to all, for the great benefit that all Christendom was likely to receive thereby. For what concerned the declaring of their intentions, upon the present occasions, it might be sufficiently known by their actions, since they had so readily taken up Arms at first, had often since refused all proposals of Agreement, never spared for any expense, or refused to expose themselves to any danger; and had already, for their parts, constantly and stoutly sustained the weight of so great a War, these three years last passed. That being now invited by these hopes, they would outdo what they had done. That it ought notwithstanding to be considered, that they should not be able long of themselves, to withstand so potent an Enemy. Therefore what could they say more? the necessity was sufficiently known. That it was known, Barbarossa was with 80 Sail in the Gulf of Lepanto, intending (as it was said) to Winter there: So as if the Fleets were not in readiness to hinder his designs, by February next, it might easily be seen, in what danger the Dominions of the Commonwealth would be, and consequently, what evils threatened Christendom. To all which things, convenient regard was to be had, and fitting remedies prepared. This no-direct answer was thought to suit best with the quality of the proposal, and the condition of time: So as without tying themselves to any particular Treaty, Caesar's, and the King's Agents, were thus dismissed. But the jealousy, which the meeting of these two Princes had begot in the Pope, who complained, that it was made without his participation, was much increased, by these men's coming to Venice; not that he did any ways doubt the Commonwealth's loyalty, she being to run the same fortune with the Apostolic Sea: But fearing, le●t under these seeming shows of honour and esteem, some important plot might be hidden (as had been formerly) against the liberty of Italy. He therefore often minded the Venetians, that a good understanding between the Church and the Commonwealth, was now more necessary than ever; and that for his part, he would do what was possible to keep all danger off. Caesar being aware of these the Pope's suspicions, and fearing, lest his being unsatisfied might disturb his designs, sent speedily Luigi Davila to Rome, and got the King of France to send Monsieur di Gue, to acquaint the Pope with the meeting which was to be had in France, and to justify their proceedings: Wherewith the Pope being either really satisfied, or thinking it made for him to appear to be so, resolved to send his nephew, Cardinal Farnese into France, that, as his Legate, he might be assistant at this Convention, might further the conclusion of Peace, and might proffer the Pontifical Authority, and all the Treasure of the Church, for any enterprise against the Infidels. The Venetian Senate likewise, to correspond with like love and respect, towards so great Princes, resolved to send Antonio Capello, and Vicenzo Grimani, both of them being Procurators of St. Mark, as their Ambassadors, to where the meeting was to be, whose Commission was, To thank Caesar, and the most Christian King, for their love and esteem showed to the Commonwealth, for communicating their intentions by such honourable personages. That they should signify their approbation thereof, and excite them to provide against the dangers of Christendom. And that they should excuse their having sent an Ambassador to Constantinople, as done out of necessity, since they had not sufficient Forces, to resist so potent Enemies; nor time (as was confessed by Caesar's self) to prepare sufficiently for War; and that they had done it, to hold the enemy in hand, and to gain time the better, to effect what they should undertake. There came likewise at this time, an Ambassador from the King of Hungary to Venice, to propound a straighter intelligence with the Commonwealth, and a particular obligation for the common defence of their State. He exhorted them likewise, to continue their Treaty of Peace with the Turks; for that Caesar would never come to agreement with the King of France, as long as he might have the States of the Commonwealth, and of the King of Hungary, for his out-Bulworks against the Turks. They returned thanks to the King for this advice, without proceeding as then to any Treaty. But the Pope, though he offered his Forces to maintain the War; and exhorted the Senate not to be wanting, in making all possible provision for the preservation of his State, and for the defence of Christendom: Yet did he not totally conceal his jealousy of the Imperialists, and the little hope he had of their assistance. He often affirmed, that, as he was certain, that wise Senate would never make agreement with the Turks, unless enforced by necessity; so if that should happen, he could not but commend them, for complying with time and necessity. This afforded occasion for such as desired peace, to fortify their reasons, which the transporting of Corn from many of the Turkish Dominions, did much more, whereby the City was supplied in her great need; and this was much amplified by the popularity, comparing it with the actions of their friends, who contrary to the express Articles of confederacy, forbade any portage of corn out of Sicily, and did afterwards mightily enhaunse the price, when the Fleets and City was in great want. At the same time, information was given by Letters, from the Consul at Constantinople, that great Festivals were preparing there, upon occasion of the grand Signieurs daughters marriage, to Rusten, and of the circumcision of two of his sons: Wherefore it was expected by all, and much desired by many of the Basshaes', that according to custom, an Ambassador might be sent to that Court, whereby the Treaty of Peace might be re-assumed. Out of all these respects, and for that they, who at first were hottest for War, grew less fervent in those desires, their inconveniences increasing, and their hopes decreasing; the choosing of an Ambassador to send to Solyman, was again proposed in Senate, and Luigi Badoaro was chosen to that purpose, a Senator of great authority, and one who had still persuaded the Senate thereunto, offering to take that employment upon himself. His Commission was, That procuring and assisting the Treaty of Truce in general, which was at first begun by the Ambassador Contarini, and continued by the King of France his Agent, he should endeavour for the particular service of the Commonwealth, to procure the restitution of all such places, as had been taken by the Turks in that War; which if he could not obtain, he should notwithstanding proceed on, to conclude the Agreement, upon the renewing of the ancient Articles, as Contarini had formerly been ordered to do. And he had leave given him, to charge the Towns of Napoli, and Malvesia, with five or six thousand Ducats, and to promise thirty thousand Ducats, to re-imburse the expenses, which the Turks had been at in the War. This was the Senate's order. But the Council of Ten, which at this time had the supreme Authority, in treating of the weightiest, and most important affairs of State, without communicating it to the Senate, to the end that the business might be carried more secretly, and with less contention amongst a few, added a larger Commission; to wit, That if he should see the conclusion of Peace grow otherwise desperate, he might totally yield up the Cities of Napoli and Malvesia. For these, who were the ancientest, and most experienced Senators, knew how grievous and insupportable, the expense of the War grew daily. That Napoli and Malvesia were seated far off, and therefore hard to be relieved, and that they lay very fit to be taken by the Turks; that they had several times already been in much danger, for want of many things, and had already fallen into the enemy's hands, had not the Truce preserved them. That the Commonwealth was at this time badly besteaded by Fortune; that therefore it would be wisely done, to throw somewhat overboard, though never so dear, to bring the rest safe into the Haven, free from the storms of this most dangerous War. That it was an assured rule, confirmed by long experience, that Treaties had with the Turks, were much prejudiced by length of time, and that the protracting of business, made the conclusion more difficult. These things were the products of the end of this year. In the beginning of the next, 1540 the Emperor came to Paris, on the sixth of january, where he was received with all demonstrations of honour and humanity by the King, whereunto the Emperor corresponding in all things, laboured to make all men believe, that he had cancelled the memory of all things past; that he had no thoughts, but of honour and peace; and that he was much joyed, to be with the King. He bestowed the Order of the Golden Fleece upon the Dolphin, & upon the Duke of Orleans, the King's sons and his nephews. Here Christophoro Capello, who was then Ambassador from the Commonwealth at Paris, acquainted both these Princes with the Senate's answer to the Marquis of Guasto, and to the Marshal Anibao. The Emperor's reply was: That though he was very well minded, and resolved to make War upon the Turks, yet he was so straitened in time, as he knew not how to do, what the Senate desired, and what he himself knew requisite, to put a Fleet in order so soon, and so numerous, as might confront the enemy. That therefore it would be better as then, to intend the ending of the general Truce, already begun by the most Christian King. That they might have opportunity to raise Forces, convenient for great enterprises, with better hopes of good effect. But that in the mean while, according to his promise, he would do all he could for the safety of their States by Sea. The King of France, having made new attestation of his goodwill, said: That he would make it be known to all the world, that he never had any intention to disturb the common good of Christendom, but that he was ready to embrace all love and friendship with Caesar, that so a more useful and necessary War might be undertaken: But that none of these things were now to be treated of, to keep from mixing weightier matters, wherein diversity of opinions, and difficulties might arise, amongst the present festivals and mirth. Therefore all business was put off, till the meeting at Flanders. These words of the Emperor, and of the King of France, being by Letters from the Ambassador Capello, related to the Senate, were thought to consist much upon generalities, and that no foundation could thereout be made, neither of peace amongst themselves, nor of war against the Turks. Wherefore they all resolved to mind the Treaty of Peace; and the Ambassador Badoaro, whilst he was on his journey, was desired by Letters, to execute what he had in commission, as soon as he should be arrived, and to obtain some firm conclusion, whereby the affairs of the Commonwealth might be secured. It being thought, that when the news of union between these two Princes, should come to Constantinople, as it might facilitate the agreement with the Turks, so when it should soon prove vain, it would detract from the reputation of the affairs of Christendom, and make those Barbarians more haughty and insolent. Badoaro having soon dispatched his journey, came about the midst of April to Constantinople, and began to treat according as he was commanded, with the Bashaws, making use of the French Ambassadour's advice. Great difficulties arose at the first beginning of the Treaty; not that the Turks were averse to peace, but for that having notice of Badoaro's more secret Commissions, growing more insolent, by reason of the fear, and the desire of peace which they found to be in the Venetians, and out of the certainty of obtaining whatsoever they should desire, they soon protested, that they would not hear any thing, till such time as the Islands, in the Archipelagus, and Padino, and Lawrana, which were formerly possessed by them, should be freely restored unto them; as also the Cities of Napoli and Malvesia, and that they should be re-imburst for their expense in the War. At which so sudden and pertinacious demands, the Ambassador being struck with consternation, and beginning to suspect what he found to be true, he delayed the business a while, not being resolved what to do. On the one side, he was spurred on by his Commissions, and reiterated desires, to conclude the Peace; on the other side, he was withheld, by thinking, that by continuing the Treaty, the Turks might be encouraged with hopes, of obtaining all they desired. Having by reason of these doubts, passed over some days in silence, Barbarossa, who was desirous that the Peace should be made, and was willing to further it, persuaded him not to give over the Treaty, whereunto though he saw some more hopeful way was opened, yet found he not the Bassa's minds any whit mollified: So as he was brought by degrees to assent to all those things, which were reserved for the last and most desperate remedy; to wit, To yield up together, with the Towns already possessed, the Cities of Napoli and Malvesia, and to pay 300000 Ducats in the space of three years, for the expenses of War. For what remained, the former Capitulations were renewed and confirmed, with many particulars, which concerned the good establishment of the Peace, the removing all occasions of injuries on all sides, the maintaining of free and safe commerce between the subjects on all parts, and the securing of Navigation in all Seas. When the news of this Agreement came to Venice, though the thing itself was much desired by all, the City being reduced to a very low condition, by reason of the War and dearth, and in a condition of being restored by Peace; yet when the particulars were understood, it was not so very welcome: many blamed the purchasing of peace at so dear a rate, others blamed the Embassador's too great fear, who had suffered himself to be brought at the Turks first demands, to the ultimate terms reserved for the last and desperate remedy. But these first commotions ceasing, and the state of affairs being more maturely considered, and the true reasons, which had moved those wise Senators, who do always watch over the welfare of the Commonwealth, to pitch upon this resolution, all were satisfied, and their wisdom praised. And the treachery of some perfidious men coming afterwards to light, Badoaro's reputation was salved. The business went thus. Amongst others, Constantino, and Nicolo Cavazi, the one as Secretary to the Consiglio di Dieci; the other, the like to that of the Pegadi, were admitted into the secret Counsels; as also Ma●teo Leone, as one of the College, being a Savio di Terra ferma; (he who held this place, was then admitted into both these Counsels). These men receiving an annual stipend from the King of France, communicated all the important affairs of the Commonwealth unto him. Agostino Abondio, had likewise a hand in this business, and jovan Francisco Valerio, mentioned before, born of a noble Family, but not in lawful wedlock, who held somewhat of Church-living in France, both which the King had corrupted with many gifts, that they might serve him upon such an occasion: it so fell out, as jerolimo Martelosso, who kept Libidenus commerce with Abondio's unchaste wife, found some of Nicolo Cavaza's Notes in his house; and finding that they contained some stare-affairs in them, he carried them to the Council of Ten, wherein many things being searched into, the whole treason was at last discovered. Whereupon Nicolo Cavaza, Abondio, and Valerio, betook themselves for sanctuary to the French Embassador's house, but it being soon known, Officers were sent to apprehend them, and after long resistance made, two pieces of Cannon being brought in a Bark, to beat down the house, the Traitors were delivered up into the hands of Justice, and were hanged on a Gallows in St. Marks Piatsa. Constantino, Cavazza, and Matteo Leone, got away into some place of safety, and a sum of Money was set upon their heads in what Country soever they should be found. No news was ever heard of Cavaza; but Leone went to live in France, where meeting with no favour at Court, and failing of all assistance, he taught a Grammar-school, that he might have whereby to live, and his posterity was for ever deprived of Nobility. The King seemed to rescent the violence which was used to his Embassador's house, which made him that for some months he would not give audience to the Venetian Ambassador: but being one day in the Camp before Perpegnano, giving place at last to reason, and desirous to know news from Constantinople, he sent for him; he complained modestly, and with a seeming mind to be reconciled of the violation used to his Embassado'rs house, saying, What would you think, if I should deal so with you? To which the Ambassador Veniero readily answered, I wish it were Gods will, that I had any of your Majesty's Rebels in my house, or in my power, I would seize on them myself, and bring them to your Majesty; which should I not do, I should be severely reprehended by the Signory. Whilst these Treaties of Peace were in hand, though the General Mocenico was abroad with a good many Galleys, yet was there nothing done which might unseasonably disturb the hopes of Agreement. But the General understanding that Dragute was about the Islands of Zante, committing Piracy with many sail, he went thitherward to meet with him, and to fight him; who having a good wind, and kenning our ships, steered another course to save himself, and not daring to return any more into those Seas, went westward, where he and eight of his ships were taken by Gioanetino Doria. When the peace was concluded, he went to Napoli, and to Romania, before he went to Dalmatia to disarm, to acquaint, those people with what had passed at Constantinople, and with the State's resolution to deliver up those Cities to the Turks. The news was very unwelcome to them; they were equally afflicted with tarrying, and with going away: to tarry and live under the tyranny of the Turks, was the more grievous to them, for their having lived so long under the moderate Jurisdiction of the Commonwealth; and for ever to abandon their Country, their Goods, Houses, and their ancestors Bones, was a sorrow insufferable: wherefore the General, when those of Napoli were assembled together in the Piazza, somewhat to comfort them, spoke thus unto them. You may clearly enough conceive by that paternal love, with which our Commonwealth did at first receive you into her protection, and hath thus long graciously governed you, what I have now by public order to say unto you, and which hath already come unto your ear; which is, That the assignment of this City, and of the neighbour City Malvesia, over to Soliman, by the agreement made at Constantinople, was a resolution put on by necessity, not by choice. You may have known, upon many occasions, but chiefly in these your last troubles, wherein to assist you, the Commonwealth readily exposed a great part of her Forces to great dangers, what love she hath always born unto you: She hath furnished you with Monies, Soldiers, and Victuals, to keep you from falling into the hands of the Enemy, who threatened to put you all unto the sword, and to lay your City desolate. Nothing hath been left undone to keep you, her dear and well beloved subjects, from falling into the power of others: very great Fleets have been prepared, immeasurable expenses: In fine, for this cause, the weight of an insupportable War hath been the longer sustained: And what greater sign can the Commonwealth show of the affection she bears you in the present condition of affairs, and in this your afflicted Fortune, then that which she now does, by promising to give other convenient habitations, where she might best, to those who shall desire to go from hence, to keep them in her protection, to assist, savour, and nourish them: It hath been said by wise men, that that place ought to be truly thought a man's owns Country, where a man can enjoy any good. And what is better, and more to be desired, than to live under the Go●vernment of a moderte and just Prince? Fortune, though never so averse, hath not been able to bereave you of this: You shall continue under the Dominion of the Commonwealth; you shall have abodes allotted you in another Country, where you may live, though not so commodiously as here, yet freer from the perpetual fear and danger of the Turks; to which it may be said, you were continually exposed. Many men being too numerous at home, have of their own choice parted from thence; and committing themselves to fortune, have quitted their native Country, to get new and uncertain habitations by force of Arms: To have a safe and certain place of refuge in times of misery, hath wont to be so great a consolation, as greater prosperity hath often made men forget what was passed. 'Tis true, it had been more to be desired, to have still lived in peace, that the Enemy had never besieged this City, that they had not set their minds upon subduing it, or in such a case, to have had Forces sufficient to repulse them, and to revenge injuries: But since neither of these hath been either in our power; or, in yours, in the condition wherein we are; what is there more to be done, than for us to play the part of a good Prince and Pastor by keeping your persons in our protection, since we are not able to carry away the walls and houses of this City; and for you to rejoice at this your Prince his affection, and to accommodate yourselves to Time and Necessity: your persons shall be preserved, your posterity educated, and you valiant Fathers, shall be get generous Children. Who knows but that they may work your revenge? Great is the vicissitude of worldly affairs, and the greatest Empires are as well subject thereunto as other things. Our Commonwealth will assuredly be always ready to take up Arms against these Enemies, when there shall be such an union amongst Christian Princes, as it may behoped Christendom may reap good thereby. Therefore as it is necessary, so is it wisely and safely done, to seek to live, and to hope for better things. Whilst the General spoke, tears fell from all the Auditors eyes, occasioned no less through tenderness of affection, then through grief. The General used afterwards the like words, with those of Malvesia, whereupon the Inhabitants being a little comforted, after the sorrow they suffered for so sad news; most of them prepared to be gone, taking what they had of best along with them, and soon after, in November, the Articles of Peace being confirmed, Commissary Contarini went to those shores with 20 Galleys, and many other ships of several sorts whereinto having taken all the Artillery, Ammunition, Goods, Soldiers, and persons of those Inhabitants who would depart; He, by Orders from Constantinople, delivered up the keys of those two Cities to Cassin Basshaw of Morea, who with some few entered the Towns, and after our men were gone, the Gates were opened, and free entrance was given to the Soudliers who were there abouts. Things being thus brought to a peaceful condition, the General, and the Commissary disarmed, leaving out only the usual number of Galleys to guard the Gulf, and for the safety of Navigation. But when Commissary Contarini came to Venice, he was commanded by Pietro Mocenico, Advocate for the Commons, to come into the Advocate's Court, and give an account, according to the Senate's Order three years before, of what ●ad happened at Puglia, when he sunk the Turkish Galley; but the business being argued in the Senate, and Contarini's cause defended by many of the Senators; the Advocate's command was taken off, and he freed of all fault, the occasions being ceased, which had made his fault appear the greater, his worth remaining in him, which had always been commended by all men, and his deserts increased by the service he had done during all this War. Nicolo damn Ponte, pleaded amongst others in his defence, who speaking often in the Senate, began to be highly esteemed for his Eloquence, and growing to greater dignity, after many years' employment in the highest concerns of the Commonwealth, is arrived at the Principality, which he now worthily possesseth. The year 1540 brought forth no other more noble accidents, being memorable enough for the Peace made with the Turks, wherein the Commonwealth prosperously continued for the space of thirty years; her affairs in Terra forma, being likewise quiet at the same time, by her friendship with the Christian Princes, so as I shall have but little to write of these times; yet because the Senate being made acquainted with the chief businesses which passed between the Christian Princes, interposed her Counsel and Authority, either in respect of herself or others, I will relate in this my History such passages of these Times as do appear to me most memorable, and for some concernments of the Commonwealth, which I have undertaken to write of. The End of the Tenth Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK XI. THE CONTENTS. THe hopes of peace and quietness soon vanisheth, upon new accidents. The death of the King of Hungary: and Ferdinando's pretensions to the Kingdom. Soliman distasted: and War made by him upon the House of Austria. New distastes between Caesar, and the King of France. The King of France is much troubled at the death of his Ambassador Rincone. What Caesar's designs appeared to be. The Venetians resolve to be Newters. They excuse themselves to the Pope, for not granting him Vicenza, for the Council to be held in. An Ambassador from Soliman at Venice; how received and treated. How the Venetians treated with other Princes. A League propounded to them by Caesar, but not accepted. The Emperor passeth into Africa, hath bad success. The King of France goes against him. His Ambassador speaks in the Se●a●e, to make them join with France, to the prejudice of the Emperor. He is answered. He goes to Constantinople. The King of France assaults divers of the Emperor's Towns, but does but little good. He is angry with the Commonwealth for several accidents, by wrong information given him; the truth being known, he is appeased. The taking of Marano troubles the Senate. Provision made for the restitution thereof. A Fort destroyed by the Rebels. An accommodation treated thereupon, proves very difficult. Great rumours and preparations of War in the year 1543. The Venetians Neutrality. They are troubled by reason of the Turkish Fleet, which puts out, sacks Reggio, passeth to Marcelles, besiegeth Niece, which yields unto it, and retires to Marcelles. The Emperor in Italy. As he goes for Germany he speaks with the Pope. Receives the Duke of Cleves into favour. Soliman in Hungary. His proceedings. Marano assigned over to the Venetians by Strozzitia. Diet in Spire. The emperor's and the King of France's thoughts. The Cardinal Ferrara's speech in the Senate, wherein he pretends to draw the Venetians to confederate with the King of France. The Senate's resolution, and answer. The reasons why they do not yield unto him. Treaties of peace between Caesar and the King; how made, and why? The conclusion, and conditions thereof. Several discourses thereupon. The success of the Turks Fleet. The Turks not pleased with the news of peace between the Christians. Treaties of peace with Soliman; and the accommodation between King Ferdinando, and the Commonwealth. Little good comes of either of them. Differences between the Venetians and the Turks. They are accommodated, to the honour and advantage of the Commonwealth. the peace of Italy much endangered, and wherefore. Parma and Piacenza given in Fee by the Pope, to the dislike of Caesar, who doth openly oppose it. The King of France prospers not well with the English, nor the Emperor with the Protestants. He is solicited by the Pope to take up Arms against them, and is assisted with Soldiers. The Venetians consent not thereunto. The Protestants move. Endeavours used with the Senate, and their answer. The dissolution of their Army, and Caesar's victory. Cardinal Allessandro Farnese comes to Venice. A discourse of the Venetian Nobility. The state of the affairs of Germany. The Popes and the Emperor's distates. Caesar's victory against Frederick of Saxony. His designs, and what he does to get footing in the Dukedom of Milan. The King of France, and the King of England's death. The succession of their children, and Ambassadors sent from the Commonwealth to both the Crowns. The occasion of breach of peace between the English and French. The Pope joins with the King of France against Caesar. The death of Pier Luigi, and the taking of Piacenza. The Venetians are solicited to join with the Pope, and with the King of France, but will not forego Caesar's friendship; the reasons which induce them thereunto. An answer given to the Pope, and to the King of France. Considerations touching the Pope. The state of affairs, in the year 1548. The King of France his intentions, and the Popes. His endeavours with divers. How Philip the Emperor's son is received in Italy, and how by the Commonwealth. What Soliman's success was against the Persians. He makes truce with Ferdinand. The conditions thereof. Distastes between the Pope and Caesar, and what succeeded thereupon. The Pope's death. Why the Venetians were never interressed in creating Popes. Paul the third is chosen Pope. THE Peace being in manner aforesaid established, between Soliman and the Venetians, all men hoped, that Forces were to cease in all parts amongst Princes, and that there should be a happy and peaceable time, after so sore wars. For Soliman seemed very well inclined, to make a long and general Truce with all Christian Princes, wherein the French Ambassador having laboured much, he said, it was now as good as concluded; and these his speeches were the rather believed, for that though the Fleet was ready to go forth, yet Barbarossa's departure was delayed; nor was there any preparation of an Army, which might occasion jealousy of land-enterprises. Truce was already confirmed in Paris, between Caesar and the King of France, upon the same terms, as it had been by the Pope's means, made formerly at Niece, and all demonstrations of confidence and reconciliation passed between them; whilst Caesar taking France in his way to Flanders, stayed some days with the King, which made men hope, that these Princes laying aside their ancient enmities, were to join in a good and secure peace. But new accidents happened, which (as human affairs are subject to easy alterations) did soon change the face of affairs, and did totally confound these formerly conceived hopes of quiet. For john King of Hungary dying, and leaving an infant-son of his, newly born, by his wife Issabella, daughter to Sigismond King of Polonia; Ferdinando King of the Romans pretended, that according to the last agreement made with that King, which was, That the succession of that Kingdom should appertain to him, and not to the son of King john, raised suddenly a great many Soldiers, wherewith he quickly assailed the Kingdom, took Alba Regale, Visgrado, Pesto, and some other Towns of Hungary: And at the same time sent jerolimo Lasco to Constantinople, to treat with Soliman, that he might hold that Kingdom upon the same terms, as it was held by King john. The Queen Dowager, widow to King john, had likewise recourse to Constantinople, endeavouring by a solemn Embassy, of the prime Barons of that Kingdom, that the Turks would aid her, in maintaining her son in the possession of that Kingdom, which was by them preserved unto his father. Soliman thought himself hereby doubly injured by Ferdinando: First, for having assaulted a Kingdom recommended to him, and which he had taken into his protection. And then, that he should demand those things by his Ambassador, which he howsoever endeavoured to get by force. Whereat being much incensed, he did not only lay aside his former thoughts, and good inclination, which he seemed to have to peace and quiet, but prepared great forces both by Land and Sea, to assault the Territories of the House of Austria, that so he might revenge this injury upon Ferdinando, and keep Charles so busied, as he might not assist his brother. Wherefore retracting what had been negotiated, with Antonio Rincone, the French Ambassador, touching the Truce, he resolved to send him back to his King, that he might acquaint him, how he had changed his mind, and that his thoughts were now bend upon War. The Tumults in Flanders were already appeased, which was the sooner effected by the severe punishment of the rebellion of Guant, to the terror of other Cities, which being ensued, sooner than peradventure suited with the occasion of Times, and hopes of greater good, was the cause why Caesar, the peace not being yet fully established, between him and the King of France, finding himself free of that disturbance, began to fall off from the agreement, and to resolve not to forgo the Dukedom of Milan upon any terms. And on the other side, Soliman's being incensed against the House of Austria, made the King o● France the bolder, hoping that by those prevalent means he might the better resent the injury which he thought Caesar did him, in despising to have peace and friendship with him. Rincone therefore being returned to Venice, gave a particular account of all these things to the Senate, highly exaggerating the Turks preparation for War, hoping thereby to draw them over to side with his King; and affirming moreover, that when these Forces should move, they should be disposed of according to his King's pleasure: He than desired a Convoy of armed men, that he might return the more safely to France, and accordingly Mercurio Bua, was ordered to wait upon him with his Troop of light Horse, to the utmost confines of the Commonwealth: and having only three months allowed him for his return to Constantinople, he suddenly dispatched his business with the King, who listened very diligently to the business; and took his journey again to return by Venice for Constantinople; but being come to Pavia, as he passed along the Poe, he was slain by some Spanish foot, by order, as it was conceived, from the Marquis of Guasto, as was also Caesare Fregoso, who was sent by the King to accompany him. The King of France was more scandalised hereat then can be imagined, that whilst he was yet in Truce with the Emperor, his servants should be treacherously slain; and that Caesar not being contented to have deceived him in his speeches, (for he seemed to be well minded to peace, and to restore the state of Milan, which he flew daily further from, when he had appeased the Tumults in Flanders) should, contrary to reason, and the Law of Nations, do him so great a scorn, and show such a desire to offend him. He forbore not to mention this his resentment publicly, but complained grievously thereof by his Ambassadors at all Prince's Courts, and in particular sent Antonio Polino to Soliman, with commission to go first to Venice, to make known his intentions towards Caesar, and the reasons he had to study a just revenge, making offer of all his endeavours and authority in such things wherein he might be serviceable to the Commonwealth, at Constantinople, whither he was sent Ambassador, and demanding a safe Convoy for that Journey, he had a Galley allotted him, to wait upon him to Ragugi. But Caesar, when the great preparations of the Turks was given out for certain; nay when their men were already upon their March toward Hungary, after he had long entertained himself in the Diet at Ratisbone, in treating of divers things about Religion, wherein nothing was concluded, prepared to go himself in person into Italy: his end therein not being known, and being much wondered at by all men: It not being thought reasonable, (though it were so ●●ven out) that he was to fall upon Algiers, in the waters of Africa; that whilst his brother's danger, the honour of his family, and of the Germane Nation, aught to have recalled him back unto Germany, he should go to attempt an enterprise, which though it might be of some conveniency to his Kingdom of Spain, to bereave the Pirates, who invested those Seas of that receptacle, was not notwithstanding to be compared to the purchasing of a noble Kingdom at home, and to the safety which his other States and Empire might receive, by keeping the Turkish Forces from off those confines: yet he persisting in his intention, sent a great number of Foot into Italy, and made great preparation of shipping of all sorts, in divers shores of his Dominions. Thus stood the condition of affairs at this time; these were the designs of Princes concerning Peace and War. Wherefore in these great Commotions, the Venetians thought it became them, to proceed with great vigilancy and circumspection, keeping the Commonwealth in her neutrality, and free from all offence. They knew that the hazards of Hungary, was the more to be thought of by them, for that by the eminent loss of that Kingdom, the Forces of the Turks, who were the common and perpetual enemy, would be much increased, which were already so potent and so near to the Commonwealth's Dominions. And what hopes were there of any good success? King Ferdinando was too weak of himself, to oppose the Turkish Armies; The Emperor was not over-ready to try his fortune against the Turks, in the behalf of his Brother; Germany would be far from favouring any enterprise, whereby the Authority and power of the House of Austria might be increased, a thing which she did very much detest, and apprehend. And on the other side, Queen Isabella was a woman, a widow, the King her Son an Infant, ill provided to defend that Kingdom, and in necessity not only to make use of the Turks aid, but of depending totally upon them; and yet though the Venetians knew these things, and thought seriously on them, they were necessitated, much to their grief and sorrow, by reason of their late trial of the Christian Princes weakness, and discords, not only to stand idly looking upon all these mischiefs, but to shun giving the Turks any occasion of taking up Arms against the Commonwealth, or of thinking that they stood not well-affected towards them. Wherefore being desired by the Pope, that the Council (as was formerly agreed upon at the Convention at Luca, between him and the Emperor, and by the assent of the Venetians) might be held in Vicenza the next ensuing year, which was the year 1542. they thought that to give way thereunto, at a time when Leagues and Agreements were in agitation, would not suit well with their conveniency and quiet; and therefore they excused themselves in that point, since the face of affairs was altered by their new Agreement made with the Turks; and their condition become different from what it was when they first promised it, and were at open War with the Turks; for it was clear, that the meeting of the Council, not only in their State, but so near Venice, would beget an assured and unexcusable jealousy in Soliman, that they had endeavoured to make the Chri●●●an Princes conspire against him, which would be to draw great ruin upon themselves, out of an uncertain hope of good; and that many of the prime Prelates knew, that it was a very unseasonable time to assemble the Council now, when they should first intend the reconciling of the Princes, and of repairing Christendoms prejudice received by the Turkish Forces. But these respects were added unto, by other accidents; for many things had been said at Constantinople, to make it be believed that the Venetians would not keep peace longer than some opportunity of breaking it should be offered: And it having happened, that two Turkish Galleys, as they passed from Barbary to Constantinople, being suspected by their flying away at the sight of our Galleys, to be Pirates, were taken by the Commissary at Sea, most of the Turks slain, and the Christian slaves that were in them set at liberty, which was taken to be a bad sign of good will to Soliman's proceedings; and Barbarossa, to whom those Galleys did belong, seemed to be very much offended, and threatened revenge: wherefore the Senate to justify this action as much as they could, had made the accommodation thereof be taken in hand, whereby time being gotten, and Barbarossa's anger mitigated, and the Turks repaired, according to Articles for the loss they had suffered, by the taking of their Galleys, the affairs of the Commonwealth would be preserved from greater dangers. Thus all parties being well minded to keep peace and friendship, Gianusby sent to Venice, to have those Articles confirmed by the Duke himself, and by the Senators, which were formerly made by Ambassador Badoaro; by which means, the French obtained Commission for Gianusby, to endeavour the uniting of the Venetians in straighter friendship with their King. The Turkish Ambassador was very honourably received, and his demands listened unto; for what concerned the confirmation of peace, It was according to custom, readily sworn unto by the Duke: but for what concerned the favouring of the French affairs, answer was made, that the Commonwealth was in peace and friendship with the King of France, and were resolved to keep so: Money they could not yield, to do any thing now, which might put a necessity upon them of taking up Arms against others; and that Soliman was so wise, and so just a Prince, as they believed he would easily admit of these their just and well known considerations. This answer being brought back to Soliman by Gianusby, was commended by him as being wisely done; and the same man making great attestations to him of the Venetians constant resolution in observing what they had promised and sworn, he appeared to believe it, and to be desirous to correspond with them in like faith and friendship. Thus affairs passed at this time between Soliman and the Venetians; but other no less important passages, were treated of between them and Christian Princes, still aiming at the same end of neither aiding, nor offending any one, nor of doing any thing which might draw them from their neutrality. The Venetians were not a little troubled at the new disagreements between Caesar and the King of France; and that out of many reasons. They were sorry that there was no more place left for treaty, of putting a new Duke into the State of Milan, a thing which had often been promised them, and which had been lately treated of more hopefully with the King of France, at the meeting at Paris; and to leave the Emperor in peaceful possession of the state of Milan, was no other, as had been long before fore-seen by the wisest Senators, then to tolerate an immoderate greatness in the Emperor, to the prejudice of the liberty of Italy, and the present condition of times, the Commonwealth being much exhausted and afflicted, by the late Turkish Wars; as also the various and fickle proceedings of the French, on whose Counsels, they knew by so many late and former proofs, there was no relying, did dissuade them from foregoing his confederacy, and from engaging themselves in new Wars. They were likewise troubled, that the Turks being solicited by the French to Caesar's prejudice, were to send forth their Fleets, to the certain present harm of Christendom, and to the greater future danger; for they would be the better informed in our Seas, and Havens, and their designs would be fomented by the discord of Christian Princes. Yet minding only such things whereby they might be safe, through their own Forces and vigilancy, without relying upon the friendship of others, furnishing their Sea-Towns with good Garrisons, Munition, Victuals, and all other necessaries, and reinforcing their Fleet; the Venetians stood observing other men's actions, not at all intermeddling therein; both these Princes laboured to make the Senate quit their Neutrality, propounding several Agreements and Leagues by several ways unto them. Caesar was already come into Italy with a steadfast resolution of going into Africa, not being to be dissuaded neither by the Pope's persuasions, who laid before him his Brother's danger, and the occasion offered him of greater and truer glory; nor yet by his Captain's counsels, who wished him to weigh well the dubious success of the Algiers business, the attempt being to be made in Autumn, a season subject to various changes, and in places full of inconveniencies and difficulties: yet considering the power of the Turkish Forces, and how far they might advance; he propounded a new confederacy to the Venetians, to secure Italy from the incursion of these miscreants; saying, that his Brother King Ferdinand, the Pope, and other Princes would join therein: but the Senate, not willing to run into certain danger, for avoiding that which was farther off, excused themselves as not being able to do it by reason of their late misfortunes, & of their present weakness, in which condition they were afterwards the more confirmed, and did openly refuse to listen to any such propositions, when they understood that the Pope was but meanly inclined thereunto: for which though it were at first wondered at, there were afterward many reasons found: it was alleged that Paul, being a very wise Prince, would not embrace the Treaty of so important a business, without rational hopes of bringing it to a good end; and that he having bereft Ascanio Colonna of his state, for his contumacy, and disobedience to the Apostolic Sea, would shun all occasions of restoring him to his former possessions, as he foresaw he should be enforced to do, if he should make a new confederacy with Cesar, who could not in honour abandon one that had deserved so well at his hands, and who had been the head of his faction in Italy; But chiefly, that being more intent upon an other business, he might first endeavour whilst he was in his neutrality, that the State of Milla● might be put into the hands of Octavio Farnese, as in custody for Cesar and the King of France, and to whom he might pay a certain homage, till a better accommodation might be found out; and herein he assured himself, that the Venetians would interpose their authority. But they perceiving, that this business proceeded but coldly on, and that there was but little hopes of good therein, and being desirous not to give the Turks any vain suspicions, forbore to send their Ambassadors to Luca, (though they were often solicited by Cesar so to do) where the Pope and Cesar were to meet: But they were not wanting in showing all demonstrations of love and honour to Caesar's person, they readily gave way for the Dutch Foot, who were destined to go for Africa, to pass through their Country: And hearing of his coming by the way of Trent into Italy, they quickly sent four Ambassadors to him, jovan Antonio Veniero, Nicolo Tiepolo, Mark Antonio Contarini, and Vicenzo Grimani; who going to meet him upon the confines of Verona, received him with much honour, and waited upon him whilst he passed through the State, which was but only for two days; for going to Peschiera, he entered into the Mantuan Territories, from whence he went to Milan, from thence to Genua, and then to Luca, to meet the Pope; with whom having tarried a while, he pursued his journey towards Algiers. But his advice proved bad, as was foreseen; for having landed his men on the shore of Algiers, and meeting with more resolution and worth in the Inhabitants of that City, than he expected; but chiefly, receiving very great loss by the Arabian Horse, raised by the Turks of the neighbouring Country, who with great speed, and with a new and unknown way of fight to our Soldiers, disturbed their works. The time was so spun on, as way was made to great ruin; for a horrible tempest arising at Sea, which made the Ships Anchors come home; some were driven upon the shore, others carried into the high and boisterous seas. Insomuch as having lost many of his ships; and the rest being much torn, the Emperor was forced to quit the enterprise, having only purchased this praise, That he was never in the least dismayed, amidst so many adversities and dangers. Many chief personages who followed the Court, perished, by the distemper of the air, and sufferings; amongst the rest, Marino justiniano, Ambassador from the Commonwealth, who by orders from the Senate, had always accompanied the Emperor; and Nicolo da Ponte, who was then Lieutenant at Udine, was chosen in his steed. This so great loss was interpreted by some, to redound much to the advantages of the Italian Princes, since thereby Caesar's forces were weakened, and his mind began to droop; who having always promised unto himself prosperous success in all things, was thought, did aspire at the sovereignty of all Italy. Notwithstanding others, out of serious considerations, were of another 〈◊〉, thinking this to be a common loss, and inconvenience to Christians in general, and particularly to the Commonwealth of Venice: For the Turkish Fleet being counterpoised by his Forces at sea, that ceasing, these more formidable Enemies grew almost insuperable, and all things were exposed to their discretion and fury. Whilst these things were done by Caesar, the King of France his thoughts were not quiet, who being highly incensed against Caesar, studied by all means possible, to revenge the injuries he had received; therefore he had by his Ambassadors, whom he had sent before to Luca, to meet the Pope, pressed hard, that his Holiness would declare, that the Truce made formerly at Niece, by his procurement and authority, the more to honest his cause, was broken, by Fregoso's and Rincone's death. But resolving howsoever to use Force, and hoping to outdo Caesar, by the friendship and assistance of the Turks and Venetians, he resolved to send Paulino Ambassador to Constantinople, to treat of the particulars touching the Fleet's putting forth to prejudice Caesar, and tried again to get the Venetians to join with him. On which Paulino having discoursed much, before he parted from Constantinople, he had obtained as hath been said, that janusby should be commissioned, to interpose Soliman's authority with the Venetians, to incline them to listen to his proposals, touching making War with Cesar. Paulino being then come to Venice, as he returned to Constantinople; he, together with the Bishop of Monpelliers, who was there Ambassador in ordinary for the King, had private audience in the College, before the chief of the Council of Ten, where he delivered what they were ordered to do by the King. Paulino in a long Oration, persuaded the Senators to a new confederacy with the King: What the ends were (said he) of the King my Master, and what those of the Emperor, may now be so plainly discerned by their actions, as their ends and designs are no longer concealed. The King of France, at the Pope's persuasion, laid down his Arms in Piedmont, and stopped the course of his almost assured victories, out of a good inclination which he always had to concord, so far as his honour might not be thereby prejudiced. And the Emperor, who first seemed so desirous of peace, refusing Articles of a fair Agreement, entered himself in person with an Army into France. That the King was contented to accept of the Dukedom of Milan, not to unite it to the Crown of France, that so the Princes of Italy might not, by reason of his greatness, grow jealous of him; but to make one of his son's Lord thereof. And the Emperor, being resolved to keep that Dukedom in himself, had often deluded his King, and the Princes of Italy, with vain hopes, especially the Venetians, who desired always more than others, to ha●e a new Duke, and particular Lord in that State. That the King had of late nobly refused the offers of those of Guant, who rebelling against Cesar, had recourse to him for protection. Nay, he had readily given way to Cesar 's men, and for himself, to pass through France for Flanders, to appease the tumults of that Province, from whence, if he had been so minded, he might have reaped advantage. That he had, several other ways, witnessed his goodwill to Cesar, having received him with incomparable honour throughout his 〈◊〉 kingdom, in the very City of Paris, and in his own Palace▪ treating with him still with singular civility. That on the other side, as soorus his business was done, the Emperor had not only, not corresponded any ways with him, openly denying what he had promised; but being full of implacable anger against the King, had treacherously and spitefully caused his servants to be slain, when by the Truce renewed at Paris, all his affairs should have been secure. That these, and many other things, which lay open to the eyes of all men, might witness, what the endeavours, ends, and natures, of these two Princes were, by which might be well considered, whether of these aught to be chosen for a friend, and confederate to the Commonwealth; in whether she might repose more faith, friendship, gratitude, equity, and modesty in all proceedings. That it ought also to be particularly considered, how great Cesar 's power would be, when he should, together with the Kingdom of Naples, securely possess the State of Milan; the French being excluded Italy, and all alleys ceasing, which might curb his desires, bend undoubtedly to be Lord of all Italy, That it was to be had in consideration, what good might be got by keeping friendship with Cesar, and what they could promise unto themselves from the King of France. That Cesar promised only in gratification to the Commonwealth, to put a Duke into the State of Milan, not intending, as might be seen by his actions, to do as he said. That what his King's gratitude would be, and the fruits of this new conjunction, might be argumented, by what he himself, and his Predecessors, had done for the Commonwealth, the state and dignity whereof he much desired should be increased. That the King did not sue for this friendship when he was in a low condition, but in a time, when his Forces were greater, than they had been for many years before, and when they might be accompanied by those of the Turks; since the things done unto Soliman by Cesar, had so incensed him, as that he offered him all assistance to work revenge. That it might be guessed by Janusby 's Embassy, how the grand Signieur stood affected towards these two Princes. And that now it belonged to the wisdom of their Lordships, to consider, how much it imported the Commonwealth to be friend to his friends, and enemy to his enemies. These fair and magnificent words, could not make the grave and experienced Senators, alter their opinion, nor draw them into new obligations and wars. Wherefore the business being reported to the Senate, they did almost unanimously vote, that the same answer should be made to the French Ambassadors, as had been given to janusby, by the Collegio de Savii: That the Commonwealth put a great value upon the King of France his friendship, wherein they would always faithfully and sincerely correspond with him; but that they must likewise keep peace with other Princes, and not do any thing that might tend to the contrary. After this, Paulino continued his journey towards Constantinople, and was conducted by the Venetian Galleys in Albania, hoping assuredly to get, that the Fleet might put to Sea that year. But were it either, that the season was too far spent, to rig out so great a Fleet; or that Soliman's mind was wholly set upon the affairs of Hungary, whether he said he would return himself in person, with greater Forces, the French could not as then be befriended by the Turks. The King of France was not this mean while idle, but having raised a great many Soldiers, and thereout made three Armies, and sent his eldest son the Dolphin in the head of one of them, to the Pirenean Mountains, to recover Perpignan, which belonged formerly to the Crown of France, and was yielded to Ferdinando of Arragon, when he intended to pass into Italy: With an other Army commanded by his second son, the Duke of Orleans, he assaulted Burgony and Lucemburg. The third Army, whereunto was added the Duke of Cleve's forces, and was led on by the Duke of Vandome, a Prince of the blood, entering into Flanders through Artois, assaulted several Towns of that Province. But the noise of all these Armies proved greater, than any harm they did the Emperor; for the Dolphin finding the Fort of Perpignan well Garrisoned, and soon succoured, by the Duke of Alva's Forces, was forced to retreat, not having done any thing: And the Duke of Orleans did nothing but plunder and pillage the Country▪ and the Towns taken by the Duke of Cleves, were kept but a very little while. Wherefore the King of France failing in all his designs, and thinking upon the assistance which he had conceived from others, complained of Soliman, and of the Venetians, for not having taken up Arms to assist him in a seasonable time, whilst he had molested Cesar in so many several parts. Wherefore the ill offices done to the Venetians, by his Ambassador Monsieur de Monpelliere, made the greater impression in him. And Poli●o, who was still at Constantinople, openly discovering this dis-satisfaction, did oppose himself to the proceedings of the Venetians, both in private meetings, and in the public Divano, seeking to detract from the person of their Consul, and from the dignity of the Commonwealth; and hoping still to have the Fleet the next year, he said, That he himself would go in it, and would make the Venetians know, how prejudicial his endeavours, and his King's authority would prove to them. A new accident had given occasion to these things; for their Treason being at this time discovered, who revealed the aforesaid secrets of the Commonwealth to the French; Agostino Abondio, who was the chief delinquent, (for by his means, the things were discovered to Cesare Fregoso, and by him communicated to the Court of France) had for his preservation gotten into the French Ambassadour's house▪ to the which Bernardo Georgio, one of the Auvogadori del Commune, a Magistrate of great authority, being gone, with Commanders and the chief-heads of the Council of Ten, and other Officers, to have the guilty party delivered into their hands; the Auvogadori with great respect desired to speak with the Ambassador. When those of his family, laying violent hands upon those who were at the gate, and upon the stairs, and wounding some of them, would give no answer, nor would suffer any one of them to go any further. Whereupon by order from the Council of Ten, Guards of armed Boats, and many people, were presently placed about the Embassadour's house, as well to keep the Traitor from escaping, as for preserving the house, and the Embassadour's person from the people's fury, who being in a tumult by reason of this accident, were very like to grow more insolent, and give occasion of greater scandal. At last, Abondio was by the Ambassador delivered into the hands of Justice, who being found guilty, was condemned and hanged. And the goods of Cesare Fregoso, he being already dead, were confiscated, and his brother Alexander had his Pension taken from him, and his command of Gers d'Armes; their offence being thought the greater, by reason of the great obligations which their father janus, and their whole family had received from the Commonwealth. The King was wrongfully informed of these things, as if they had been done only to despise him, and not out of safety for the Commonwealth, and out of justice. Wherefore he spoke loud, and was grievously offended against the Commonwealth: But afterwards his passion being over, he sent the Pronotory of Monduck to Venice, to plead his excuse, if grounding his judgement upon false information, he had conceived a worse opinion of the Commonwealth, than she had deserved at his hands; saying, that he would blot out the Memory thereof, and would be always a true and constant friend to her: and soon after, he sent the same Monduck back to Venice, to be his Ambassador in ordinary there, in the place of the Bishop of Monpellier, who, to gratify the Senate, was at their request removed from that charge. There happened an other accident at the same time, which did a little trouble the Senate, both in respect of themselves and others, which was the taking of Marano from Ferdinando, King of the Romans, (in whose power it was by virtue of the last Capitulations) by Beltrame Sacchia, a Venetian subject, who did it first of his own head, but afterwards by the interessing of great Princes; for calling in Pietro Strozzi to his aid, a banished Florentine, who entered in with a certain number of men, tumultuously raised in the State of Venice; they declared that they held that Town, in the name of the King of France; but they threatened at the same time, that if they should be abandoned by other helps, so as the Town should be in danger of falling back into the power of Ferdinando, they would deliver up that Fort to the Turks. This was heinously resented by the Venetians, as the beginning of greater Commotions, and as the seed of War and Discord. They knew that Ferdinando might very well think they had a hand in it, since the first Author was one of their subjects, and the people that he made use of, taken out of their State, and then they knew not what the King of France his intentions might be, since his name, who was desirous of Novelties, was used therein: but they chiefly feared lest the Turks might be hereby incited to prejudice the Commonwealth. Marano not being above 80 miles from Venice, where by reason of the Lake, their ships might safely ride. Therefore being resolved to provide as well as they could against so many inconveniences; the Senate made proclamation, that upon pain of severe punishment, none of their subjects should enter into Marano, nor convey victuals thither, or any other sort of help. They also made Sacchia's Father and Wife, who were in Udine, be detained, that they might have a pledge in their hands, whereby to curb his rash courses: and yet at the same time, they gave fair words both to him, and the rest that were in Marano, and gave them hopes of good accommodation, lest when Ferdinando should come against them, and they not be of themselves able to defend themselves, they should resolve to take a Turkish Garrison. In this variety of affairs, being resolved not to intermeddle more then of necessity they must, they kept as much as they could from giving offence to the interessed Princes. Thus when Ferdinando sent the Bishop of Trent to Venice, to desire assistance of Men and Ships from the Senate, for the recovery of Marano, they said nothing of their not being able to satisfy him, without offending the King of France; but answered, That the Senate which always loved what was just and honest, desired that Ferdinando might recover Marano, which was fraudulently ken from him, and by violence; that therefore they were ready to allow passage for his men, and to assist them with Victuals, but that they hoped things might be fairly accorded. And likewise the King of France, his Ambassador affirming to them in his Master's name, that the King would not do any thing concerning Marano, without satisfaction to the Senate, and that he desired their advice therein; the Senate returned answer, That the King was so wise a Prince, as he needed no advice; and that for as much as concerned their desire, they should wish best to that resolution, by which peace & concord might be preserved. Whilst the time was spent in these affairs, those who remained in Marano, (for Sacchia, who was gone out of the Town to accompany the wife of a Germane Governor, who went to provide moneys to pay the Tax that was laid upon them, was not permitted to come in again) growing more bold and insolent, began to build a Fort at the Haven of Liguano, five miles distant from Marano, that they might have a safe place of refuge, when they should go forth with their armed Vessels, to pillage such ships as should sail by those shores, which they continually did: This being thought to be a thing of greater consequence, and not to be suffered, the Venetians to destroy this Work, and Bernardo Sagredo being therein employed, he soon effected it. For coming thither suddenly with his Galley, and another belonging to Philippo Bragadino, both of which were ready armed, as being formerly destined to an other voyage, and having a good many Soldiers aboard, commanded by julio da Monte Vecchio; those that built the Work, fled away at the first appearance, and he with his Artillery beat down the Fort, which was already raised to a good height, and carried away all the materials, to take away the means of easily remaking it. This resolution helped likewise to keep some Imperial Galleys from coming into the Gulf, which were destined to assist the recovery of Marano, which the King of France having notice of, he had likewise prepared some other to send to the same place, to assist those of Marano: So as it was foreseen, that both these Fleets were to have entered the Gulf, to the prejudice of the ancient Jurisdiction of the Commonwealth, and that the seat of War would be made so near hand: but both these Princes, at the Senate's request, forbore doing this. Thus the affairs of Marano were suspended, the agreement concerning this Town, being before begun to be treated of between the King of France, and the King of the Romans, wherein there being many difficulties still found, Strozzi and the rest seeming desirous to deliver up that Fort, rather to the Commonwealth then to any other Princes; they protested, that if they did not quickly agree, they would treat with the Turks, and agree with them. But in the mean while, Ferdinando, (were it that he did truly know the Venetians sincerity, or that he would conceal whatsoever jealousy he had thereof, and knowing that their friendship might be of great moment) chose two Commissioners to end the differences which had often been treated of, touching the meaning and observation of the Capitulations of Trent. These came to Venice, and Francisco Contarini, and Francisco Sanuto were chiefly employed in the business, being formerly chosen Commissioners for this Treaty, wherein Caesar's Ambassador interposed himself as a friendly composer; and the business was drawn to a near conclusion, if there could have been any means found out to accord the differences touching the Town of Belgrado and castle Nuovo, which were formerly mortgaged, together with some other Castles, by Emperors of the House of Austria, to the Dukes of Saxony. Touching which, and the condition of the Engagement, and the proportion of moneys which belonged to these two places, there arose many difficulties, which kept the business undecided. But these businesses were diverted by much greater affairs: for at the beginning of the year 1543. such rumours of Wars were heard in all parts, as no Country seemed to be secure, nor any Prince free from the troubles thereof. For in Constantinople, a great Army was prepared to assault Hungary and Austria, and a Fleet to pass into the Mediterranean Seas, to the prejudice of the Emperor's Dominions. And the King of France, hoping, by the coming out of the Fleet at his desire, and in favour to him, that he should the more easily prevail over Cesar, being more desirous of war then ever, had raised a great many Soldiers, not only of his own Kingdom, but of the warlike Nation of the Swissers, inviting them with new rewards and gifts, to follow his ensigns: he endeavoured very much to maintain the Duke of Cleve's rebellion, troubling the Emperor in several parts, but especially in Flanders: who being no less willing to revenge himself for the injuries he had received from the French, and chiefly to chastise the Duke of Cleve's daring, as he termed it, (who was a Feudatary of the Empire) for having taken up Arms with his Enemies against him, assembled the Diet of Princes, and Hans-towns, according to the custom of Germany, and had gotten all the Forces of Germany to join with him in making War against the King of France, and the Duke of Cleve; and to the end that his Forces might be the more formidable, laying aside (to the wonder of all men) the memory of the heinous and great injuries received from Henry King of England, for having repudiated his Aunt▪ Queen Katherine, and not regarding that this Prince had declared himself a Schismatic, and was become contumacious to the Church of Rome, he resolved to join in league with him, and to make War upon France. Thus it seems that all other Reasons, both Humane and Divine, give way to the Reason of State; though Princes oftentimes term their mere Appetites, Reason. And Caesar found Henry the more inclined to this Invitation, by reason of his not being satisfied with the King of France, for having adhered unto his enemy, james King of Scotland, in a difference between them concerning Confines. In these great Commotions, the Pope. and the Venetians, continued in their Neutrality, being desirous to maintain the peace of Italy, as much as might be. But the Venetians were herein much more resolute and constant; for the Pope, being troubled with several jealousies, was sometimes otherwise minded. Many things made him apprehend Caesar's greatness; he considered how much more powerful Cesar was likely to prove, being assisted by the forces of Germany, and of England; and that the power of Emperors had ever been formidable to Popes; and that he was the more particularly concerned, in that Cesar had satisfied the Germane Protestants in many points, and now of late in procuring the Council to be celebrated within the confines of Germany, whither the Ambassadors being gone very early, they gave out that matters of Reformation were to be treated on, which is not usually very acceptable to Popes; and chiefly then, by reason of the freedom of their speech, who being alienated from the obedience of the Church of Rome, sought to cover their own faults by the errors of others. Nor was it of any small moment, to make him think the worse of the Emperor, that he had contracted friendship with a Prince who had thrown off his obedience to the Apostolic Sea, and that he seemed not willing to gratify Him in the affairs of Milan. The Pope being moved out of these respects, proposed a straighter conjunction, and intelligence with the Venetians for the common safety; a thing proposed then only, as looking at Peace and Quiet, and not of foregoing their Neutrality, unless upon utmost necessity; but with intention, as was discovered by many signs, to bring the Commonwealth to join with the King of France. But the Senate continuing their accustomed answer, showed the Pope, that there was no Occasion, much less any Necessity, to make any such Innovation, whereby mischiefs afar off might be rather hastened then kept back, by making Princes jealous. Herein the Senators did maturely consider, that the forces of the Emperor, and of the King of France, were so equally balanced, each of them being very strong of himself, and assisted by other great Princes, as it was not to be feared that one of them should so exceed the other, as that his power might prove prejudicial to the affairs of Italy, and that Time often produceth notable and un-thought of advantages, which they ought most to attend, who propose unto themselves the safety and preservation of what is their own, rather than the getting of what appertains to another. That the Commonwealth could not confederate with any other, without offending Cesar, who having so often desired new Leagues, they could never be brought to alter any part of their old Capitulations; that at the present, the King of France was excluded all Italy, but that it was more to be desired, then likely, that he might at this time have a share therein, the better to counterpoise Cesar, now when he must be necessitated to employ his forces in defence of his own Kingdom, it being set upon both by English and Imperialists. The Venetians were much more troubled at the coming forth of the Turkish Fleet, which was now much talked of, and whereof great preparations were seen; though the Turks promised, that all fair respects should be had to what appertained to the Commonwealth, and that Paulino affirmed the same constantly, who was to be in it, and had wholly changed his mind, by reason of new instructions which he had received from his King. It was foreseen, that Italy would be disfurnished of soldiers, since the flower of her Militia was to go serve Cesar and Ferdinand in Hungary and Flanders. That Doria's Fleet consisted but of a few Galleys, and those employed in bringing Cesar's person into Italy. That the Commonwealth had not as then above thirty Galleys at Sea, so as all Seas were open and free for the Turks, all Shores exposed to their assaults. Nor was it to be comprehended, nor much to be credited, what their present intentions were, nor what they would hereafter be; according as occasions should fall out. Therefore the Venetians thought good to increase their Fleet, to the number of 70 Galleys, arming some in Dalmatia, some in Candia, and in other places; and making Stephano Tiepolo Captain General at Sea, (a man famous for his own worth, and more famous afterwards, for being father of Paolo Tiepolo, Procurator of St. Mark; a famous Senator of our times, both for his eloquence, and wisdom in the Senate) who gave an account of this to all the Prince's Courts, to the end, that the news hereof might not make her designs to be thought greater than they were, to tell them, That the Commonwealth had armed some Galleys, for the safety of their Subjects, and for the guard of the Sea, and of her Shores; and had made a supreme Commander over them, to the end, that the public Officers and Subjects, might be kept within the bounds of obedience, and all occasions removed, whereby the public quiet might be disturbed. And accordingly, the General was enjoined to keep within the Gulf, and visit the Shores and Islands of their Dominions, ordering and taking course for all things that were necessary; where he was to be met by justiniano's, one of the Sea-Commissaries; the other Commissary, which was Alessandro Bondomiero, being to tarry in the waters of Corfù, with 15 of the best Galleys, wherewith, upon the approach of any Fleet, he might be safe in the Mandracchio. And he was also ordered to shun all such things, as might cause suspicions in the Turks, of the insincerity of their intentions towards them, which it was very well known, was often cunningly endeavoured by Doria. This mean while, the Turkish Fleet put to sea, consisting of 120 Galleys, commanded by Cariadana Barbarossa, Polino being aboard them; and having put himself in very good order, as to soldiers, and all things necessary, those few days that he tarried at Negroponte, he went to Porto Figaro; and then steering Westward, he passed Faro di Messina, and came to the Rivers of Calabria, where landing his men near Regio, he took much booty, and sacked the City of Regio, the Castle having much ado to hold out. Then reimbarking his men, and pursuing his course towards the French shore, he stayed to take in fresh water, first, at the Island of Ponzo, and afterwards at the River of Terrezzina, where landing some men near Ostia, at the mouth of the River Tiber, all those of Rome were struck into such a terror at the news thereof, as the people began tumultuously to run out of the City, that they might save themselves in some neighbouring parts. But the fear and danger soon ceased; for Polino did by Letters assure the Governor of Rome, that those shores should receive no prejudice; and as soon as they had made provision of water, the whole Fleet went away, not having done any injury: And coasting along the Rivers of To●cany and Ge●●a, put into the Haven of Tolone, where meeting with two French Galleys, they guided the Fleet towards Marcelles, and by the way they were met with twenty four more French Galleys. Barbarossa landed, and was received in great pomp into the City, with many Janissaries. But Polino went in all haste to find the King out, to receive particular orders from him, (which Barbarossa was by his commission to obey) and returned suddenly to the Fleet, which at his coming back was increased by sixteen French Galleys, and some few Ships, wherein were 6000 Foot, who were ready to that purpose on those shores. So he went from Marcelles, and passed into the Haven of Villa Franca, lying in the River of Genua, to fall upon Nice, a Town which was then in the Duke of Savoy's possession, but which was said to have belonged formerly to the Crown of France: He landed his men and Artillery, and for some few days played furiously upon the Town; so as the defendants despairing of being able to defend themselves, yielded the Town unto the King, and the City was preserved from plunder; but the Castle being relieved by the Marquis of Guasto, and the season being too far spent to ●arry any longer there, Barbarossa returned with his whole Fleet into the Haven as Marcell●s, to the end, that wintering in some parts thereabouts, he might be the readier to make some attempts in those seas, and to keep the Imperialists the mean while, much to their inconvenience, from that Navigation; wherefore the French and Turks did very diligently observe, which way the enemy's Vessels went, and laid snares for them: And janatino Doria being gone with some Galleys into the Levant, to commit piracy in the Archipelagus, Barbarossa sent ●orty Galleys towards the Island of Major●a, to fight him at his return; and Doria escaped them very narrowly, whose prey he must have been, being far inferior to them in forces. The Venetian Fleet in this interim, not knowing what way the Turkish Fleet would take, and because Doria's Galleys were gone into the Levant, kept still in the Gulf, thinking it their safest course to provide for their own affairs, to shun all occasions of meeting the Frigates of any great Princes▪ or to make them believe, that they would any ways either assist, or hinder them, in any of their enterprises. Yet was not the Venetian General idle, but viewing the Forts and the Militia's, and giving many good directions in all places, his service proved very advantageous and honourable to the Commonwealth. Cesar being at the same time resolved to go in person into Germany, that he might make as fierce war as he could upon the King of France; he thought he might the safelier go from Spain, because he had made the States swear, to receive his son Prince Philip for their King. So he, with his whole Court, went to Barcelona, leaving Don Ernando di Toledo, Duke of Alva, in charge with the affairs of the Kingdom, and of his son. And meeting Prince Doria, who waited for him there with forty Galleys, he went with them, and with certain ships, which carried the Spanish Foot to Genua. Upon the news of his arrival in Italy, the Senate chose four Ambassadors, Carlo Morosini, Gabriele Veniero, Lodovico Faliero, and Vettore Gremani; who as he was to pass through the Dominions of the Commonwealth, were to meet him, to witness their love and friendship to him. But the Pope, betaking himself to new thoughts, since he had no hopes of the confederacy which he had endeavoured with the Venetians, resolved to speak with Cesar, intending first to secure his own affairs the better, as well concerning the condition of his Temporal Arms, as Religion, and the Pontificial authority in the Council, which was about to meet in Trent, a City in Germany, and whereof there wanted not some jealousies; resolving afterwards to try Cesar once more, touching the concession of the Dukedom of Milan, to Ottavio Farnese, with disbursing a sum of money to him, which he saw Cesar stood in need of, in other the like important affairs of war. But cloaking these his more secret designs, with another fair pretence, he expressed his necessity of speaking with Cesar, with whom, since he was to pass by, so near him, it became him, the Pope, as head of Christendom, and common Father and Pastor, in a time of such great disorders and troubles, amongst Christians, and of such eminent danger of the Turks, to meet him, and to exhort him to peace with Christians, and to wars with the Turks; and to see, whether he could do any more good by his presence, than he had done in his absence by his authority, or by his advice given by Cardinal Gaspero Contarino, a learned holy man, whom he had sent as his Legate not long before to Cesar in Germany; as he had sent at the same time, and to the same end, Cardinal jacopo Sadeletto, to France; but all to no purpose. Thus the Pope acquainting the Venetians with his departure from Rome, and his going to Bullognia, alleged this for his chiefest reason, but did neither totally conceal, nor yet confess his intention, touching the affairs of Milan, to see whether he could discover their intentions therein; for he knew, that this would be very acceptable to them, but that they were to proceed with great caution, for the aforesaid reasons. But the Senate continuing their resolution, of not meddling at all in these negotiations, did only praise the Pope's pious goodwill, and the resolution he had taken in so important a business for the common good, not proceeding any further to the consideration of any business. Yet did not the Pope cool, in this his desire of interview, neither for his being sole in this business, nor yet for any lets or difficulties, promoted by Cesar, who little to his honour, appeared to be otherwise minded, either, for that he was not well pleased with the Pope, for not having openly declared for him, as the esteem which he and his House had put upon him, seemed to require, (he having preferred him before many honourable Allies, in the marriage of his daughter) as also the actions of his enemy the King of France, who had joined in league and friendship with the Turks, to the prejudice of Christendom; or else, for that suspecting that the Pope would renew the Treaty, of yielding up the Dukedom of Milan to Ottavio Farnese, he being already resolved not to part with it upon any conditions, he would shun the occasion of increasing his ill-will to him, by not giving him satisfaction, and thrust him as it were upon the friendship of the King of France. But the Pope esteeming his dignity injured, if being gone from Rome to speak with Cesar, he should suffer him to go out of Italy, and not see him; for nothing he could do was able to persuade the Emperor, to come to Bullognia, though he had sent his son Pier Luigi first to him to Genua, with this his desire; and afterwards his nephew Alexander Farnese, who although very young, was already made Cardinal; he was content to go further to meet him, Cesar having alleged for his excuse, That he could not retard his journey, by going out of his way. The Town of Busetto, belonging to the jurisdiction of the Palavisini, was then appointed for this convention, an incommodious and ignoble place; but the issue of this interview was such, as it was foreseen it would be; for nothing was therein concluded, neither for the public service of Christendom, nor for the particular advantage of the House of Farnese; for Cesar was still resolute, to pursue the war against the King of France, and the Duke of Cleves. And as for the business of Milan, he would give no absolute negative to the Pope, alleging, that he could not of himself dispose of that State, without the participation and consent of the Princes of the Empire. By which answer, his resolution of not parting with it, was notwithstanding discovered. The convention being dissolved, which lasted but only three days, Cesar pursuing his journey, entered the State of Venice, where he was met upon the confines by the four forenamed▪ Ambassadors, and received and accompanied with the usual demonstrations of honour. As he without any delay went to Trent, to go for Germany, the State furnished him with all things necessary for his person, and for his attendance, and many offers were made unto him in the name of the public, but in general terms, not touching upon any business, save only, that he would be a means to his brother, for expedition in the affairs, belonging to the resolution of Trent, wherein they had already interessed themselves as friendly compositors. Cesar past from Trent to ●lmes, and from thence to Spire, that he might be nearer the business he went about; being followed wheresoever he went by Secretary Daniel Buonriccio, Agent for the Commonwealth; for the Ambassador Ponte falling desperately sick, was forced to tarry at Trent, and to return from thence to Venice; and Bernardo Navagiero, who was afterwards made a Cardinal by Pope Pius the fourth, succeeded in his place. Cesar's first attempts against the Duke of Cleves, succeeded well; for he took the City of Dura from him at the very first; but soon after, by the intercession and entreaties of the Duke of Brunswick, and of the Elector of Collen, and out of Cesar's own inclination, that he might the more freely, without any hindrance, proceed on against the Kingdom of France, he was by him received into favour, and suffered to enjoy his whole Dukedom of Cleves, upon the restitution of the Dukedom of Gelder's, which he had possessed himself of. At the same time the War was begun again in the Kingdom of Hungary, whither Soliman being come with a powerful Army, making all the Country be ransacked and ruined by his Cavalry; he sat down before Strigonia, and whilst he was busied there, he sent an Ambassador to Venice, to acquaint the Senate with his voyage, and his designs; and also to learn news of his Fleet, which was busied at this time in the Haven of Villa Franca, about the enterprise of Niece; and he accordingly was advertised, and thanked for his friendship to the commonwealth, and for his acquainting her with his actions and counsels. It behoved them to appear pleased with this demonstration of the Turks, to preserve peace with them, and better reputation with others, by their friendship, which was at this time of better esteem, by reason of the Turks joining with the French, who were not wanting in making often mention of the terror of the Turk's enmity, that they might make the Venetians be governed by them. Wherefore Soliman having sent an other Ambassador to Venice, with new advertisements of his proceedings in Hungary, the Senate thought they must not be wanting in correspondence, with demonstration of like honour, and love towards so great a Prince; Stephano Tiepolo, was therefore chosen for this Embassy, who had already laid down his Commission of General at Sea. This man was to go in the spring to Constantinople, where Soliman, who was already upon his return, was then to be, to congratulate his happy return, and to promise good correspondency, and continuance of friendship with that Court. The business of Marano was not as yet quieted, but the French were still more hot in maintaining that Fort, and the Dutch in recovering it; so as besides 400 Foot, who were brought thither first by Monsieur de Senei, the King of France sent a new recruit thither of a good many foot and horse: And on the other side, the King of the Romans sent some Dutch foot companies over the Mountains, under the Conduct of Giovan Baptista Savello, and mustered some others of his nearest Territories, to make up a body of an Army, wherewith to besiege Marano; and they were all forthwith suffered to pass through the Commonwealth, that they might appear free from siding with any one in this business. The Venetians were more troubled at the manning out of a Pinnace, and two Brigantines at Trieste, wherewith they began to streiten Marano by Sea, entering by the Haven of Dignano, because they would of necessity draw other armed Vessels to those parts: and the sufferance of these, seemed to entrench upon the Commonwealth's pretences to that Haven, and showed some partiality in them, by suffering Maranos outrages in the same parts, where by formerly destroying the Fort, they would not favour her defence: yet the Commonwealth proceeding calmly on, endeavoured to free herself from these prejudices and jealousies, rather by negotiations, and by a certain cautiousness, than by open force. Therefore they pressed Ferdinando and the Emperor very much, that those armed Vessels might not tarry in that Haven, and at the same time caused the Captain of the fly-boats, and one well armed Galley to come to the neighbouring shores; that the Triesteene Vessels, which were but weakly furnished, might be resisted, and be made to suspect that force should be used against them. Whilst these things were in Treaty, jovan Francisco de Pazzi, a Florentine, came to Venice, to deliver up the Fort of Marano, in the name of Pietro Stozzi, to the Commonwealth, receiving a reasonable reward, and to tell them, if they should not listen to this offer of his, he should be forced to treat with some other great Prince, who he knew would willingly accept of it. And it was generally said every where, that Strozzi being resolved not any ways to deliver up that Fort to Ferdinando, and intending to make what advantage he could of it, might easily close with the Turks. The King of France had left Marano in the free power of Strozzi, in reward of the service he had done that Crown; and as others more expressly said, in account for great debts which he pretended unto; and that he therefore affirmed, Strozzi might do with the Town what he listed: Yet it was thought, that nothing was done without the knowledge and particular consent of the King of France, whose Ambassador then resident at Venice, as soon as the Agreement was made, did much commend the Senate's resolution, and did thank them for it in his King's name. The Venetians were much troubled at the business; for the receiving, or refusing of the offer, was a trouble unto them in divers respects. They desired to shun doing of any thing that might displease Ferdinando, and much more to occasion any jealousies, that they had had any hand in Strozzi's Counsels; but to permit that a place so near the Towns of Venice, standing as it were upon her own shore, should fall into the hands of the Turks, was too hard and prejudicial a business, and which might prove injurious not only to the Commonwealth, but to all Christendom. Being therefore reduced to this necessity, they resolved to listen to Pazzi's proposal, and two Senators, Antonio Capello, and Francisco Contarini, were appointed to treat with him upon the particulars. After many meetings, the business was conculded thus; That upon the delivery up of Marano to the Commonwealth, Strozzi was to receive 35000 Ducats. Thus Alexander Bondemiere, was chosen Commissary of the Town, who accompanied by Pazzi, and a few foot, was received in, and had the Town delivered into his hands by Strozzi, and with the people's applause. Some of the chief of them, swore allegiance to the Commonwealth: they afterward acquainted the Emperor and Ferdinando with all that was done, alleging just reasons for this their necessary resolution. That their actions for two years' last passed, might sufficiently witness their sincerity; during all which time, they would not only listen to these practices, which had been proffered them several times before, but had readily given passage, victuals, and all other commodities to Ferdinando's men, for the recovery of Marano; that they had considered, that Town was of no moment to Ferdinando's affairs, neither for State, Confines, nor advantage that he got thereby; but that it would have been very dangerous for his other Territories, if it should have fallen into the Turks hands, as it was apparent it would have done, if they had continued to have despised Strozzi's offer: these reasons being handsomely represented to these Princes, by Bernando Navagiero, and Marino de Cavalli, the one being sent Ambassador to Caesar, the other to the King of the Romans, did appease them who were at first much incensed at this accident. But the condition of the Times, did chiefly make them capable of these reasons; for a Diet being intimated to be held in Spire, in the beginning of the year 1544. wherein the chief Lords of Germany were to intervene, to treat of important affairs, of making War with the French, and of withstanding that which the Turks made with them, the Emperor, and the King of the Romans, were wholly bend upon these Negotiations and preparations. And as they did much desire this, so they hoped that the Commonwealth, moved by the Authority of so many Germane Princes, and Cities, would suffer itself to be drawn into some confederacy, when they should see that they had embraced the enterprise against the Turks. But the Emperor in particular, was not free from suspicions, that the Venetians so often attempted by the King of France, should, upon the taking of any distaste at his hands, part from his confederacy, and join with the King of France, which troubled him the more at this time; for that having made peace with the King of England, and the Swissers, he hoped he might prosper better in his attempts against France, than he had done the last year, wherein the good he had got was not answerable to his preparations for War. For the French having lately relieved Landresi, were returned with all their Forces safe into France; and the imperial Army despairing to get the Town, gave over the enterprise. Wherefore Cesar intending to fall upon France with more forces, at the same time that it should be assaulted by the King of England, was very desirous of the peace of Italy, that his Forces might not be divided by being employed elsewhere. But on the contrary, the King of France knowing all this, placed much of his hopes in being able to defend and secure his own affairs, by troubling the peace of Italy, by assaulting Napolls, and Milan; so as Cesar should be necessitated to turn his Forces to defend those States which he so highly valued: therefore considering the advantage he might make thereby, either forgetting other respects, so often considered, by reason of his ardent desire, or for that he hoped to bring him the more easily to some Agreement, or that he believed time and accidents might make the Venetians alter their determinations; he resolved to invite them once more by many offers, to join in League with him against Cesar; and to the end that the Authority of the person employed, might purchase more belief and honour to the business; he sent the Cardinal of Ferrara to Venice, who was received there very honourably; and public Compliments being past, he was brought, according to his desire, to private Audience in the College, where he spoke thus. The occasion of this my coming hither, and the proposal that I am to make, as it may peradventure be cause of wonder to others, so ought it to cause content, and no small consolation to you, wise Senators, since that coming from a great King, to make new entreaties, and new confederacy with this Commonwealth, after the having so often endeavoured your friendship, may be a manifest sign of Francis King of France, his good will towards you, and your affairs, and of the great esteem he hath of this Commonwealth, and of her Forces; it will suit with the wisdom which is attributed to you, gentlemans, and with the praise which is particularly given to your Senate, to know how to make good use of this Prince his well wishes towards the common good, and particularly towards your prosperity, to know your own greatness and forces; and withal, to know the opportunity, nay the necessity which the condition of the Times, and the designs of other Princes, do put upon you, to embrace these great offers which are made you; the which I knowing them to be effectually such, hath made me to undertake this employment the more willingly, as thinking I shall not do service only to the King therein, to whom I stand so much indebted, but that I shall also procure the liberty and greatness of Italy: Your not having formerly agreed with our King, and accepted his offers, hath not been esteemed a coolness in your affection towards the Crown of France, since there have been sufficient both modern and ancient Testimonies thereof▪ nor to any little credit you give to the King's promises, since this Commonwealth, hath to her great advantage joined in league so often with his predecessors, and with himself; nor yet to want of Counsel, or care in Government, your Senate having always been a more vigilant Guardian than any other Potentate, not only of your own Country, but also of the liberty of others, and for a long time a true defender and Arbitrator of the affairs of Italy: but for that in a business of so great moment as this, you have been pleased to proceed with all maturity, lest you might repent too late the having quitted your Neutrality, and have entered into the charge and trouble of War, so as there is none who can as yet blame this your resolution; but all things which might have caused any doubt, are now so ripened, that there is no time left for longer delay. Caesar's ends and intentions are now too well known, to be wholly bend upon making himself supreme Monarch, and in particular, Lord of Italy: Him hath the King opposed in these things with all his might; and for this is he the more hated by Caesar, because he sees he withstands these his machinations; and that he is ready not only to defend his own affairs, but to become a refuge to others, who have need of assistance against this powerful Enemy, and hath been able hitherto by the Forces of his own Kingdom, to oppose the violence of the Dutch and Spanish Forces, able to frustrate Caesar's hopes, to maintain his own Dominions, and to repair the eminent dangers of other men. But now that Caesar's power is so increased, by having the Forces of Germany, of the Swissers, and of the King of England joined with him, as that every other Prince ought to be jealous of him, and to be awakened at the aspect of such greatness, which is in an instant both born and sprung up, and to provide against it, before the mischief be grown greater which threatens all men. The King of France his Forces are certainly very great, his mind very ready to employ them all against Caesar's immoderate greatness, wherein he will value, nor labour, nor expense, nor danger, being resolved to run all fortunes, and never to lay down Arms, unless overcome by utmost necessity, or that there be no occasion to make use of them: but that he may secure these his intentions the most he may, to show that he doth not undervalue the forces and assistants of others, when the common cause is in question: it is therefore that he hath made known these his most important respects to you Gentlemen; 'tis therefore that he hath opened his most inward thoughts unto you, and hath endeavoured a new conjunction between this Commonwealth and his Kingdom, because when the wills and forces of these two Potentates shall be joined, and that it may in reason be thought, that the safety of their states is in a good part provided for, Caesar may be made to divide his Armies, and no longer think upon usurping other men's Estates, but upon defending his own. The King doth therefore desire, and this it is that he wills me particularly to propose unto you, that your Fleet may be brought to the Rivers of Puglia, where, the Towns being unprovided of Garrisons, the people well affected towards the Commonwealth, and declared enemies to the Spaniards, there may be hopes of doing much good speedily: And on his part, he offers to maintain always 15000 choice Foot in Piedmont, or where else you shall please, whereby the Imperialists being curbed, your State by Land may be safe from all danger; nay the Dukedom of Milan, and the Duke of Savoy's whole State, whose interest is the same with Caesar's, will be sorely endangered. In this Proposition, all things will be maturely considered; it will be sufficiently known, that all things do therein concur, which may make a Prince take up Arms: the necessary defence and safety of his own affairs; hopes grounded upon good foundations, to increase Dominion; the assured purchasing of a powerful and faithful friend in all Fortunes. The very resolutions of your Senate show, that Caesar's greatness ought to be esteemed a sufficient cause, to make your Commonwealth take up Arms to keep off further dangers, which much to your praise have constantly for so long a time maintained Wars, not being frighted by any danger, nor changed for any expense or trouble, only to keep the State of Milan from falling into Caesar's hands. For you know, it was too great a danger, to have so powerful a Neighbour. But if these things were apprehended when they were farther off, and the suspicions thereof endeavoured to be secured; how ought they to be suffered, now that they are at hand, when Caesar's counsels are sufficiently known, when his cunning is discovered, and when there is no more hope left, that he will quit the State of Milan. Can it be thought a good and wholesome counsel, to neglect the occasion now, which was more desired by you then, than any thing else, to oppose Caesar's vast designs, and not to suffer the Malady to grow to such a height, as that no remedy will be found for it? Consider, I beseech you, if it should so fall out, (as all human things are subject to various changes) That the Kingdom of France, assaulted by such powerful forces, I will not say, should be lost, but should be so weakened, as that not any Prince should for many years, be able to counterpoise Cesar 's power. Who sees not, to what condition the liberty of Italy would be reduced? Who can think himself free from his injuries, for not having offended him? Who can hope to work upon his haughtiness by submission? Who can think, that his insatiable thirst after Government, can ever be satisfied by any acquisition? Cesar will say, that you have opposed his greatness, because you have not favoured him; that you have not valued his friendship, because you would not make a straighter conjunction with him; though it be known, he sought thereby to put greater ties upon you, for his own advantage. So as it cannot be thought safe for you, to keep at this time in your Neutrality; for it doth neither purchase you true friends, nor doth it secure you from those that are your real enemies. And if your aim, by this your neutrality, had always been, to obtain peace and quiet, your Commonwealth would never have arrived at such greatness, nor would she have either Dominions or Forces: But depending upon the discretion of others, she would have become a prey to any one, who would have oppressed her. This desire of peace kept Greece a while from the troubles of war, but was the reason, why she was afterwards the sooner subjugated by Philip, whose greatness they had inconsiderately suffered to increase too much. It becomes then the wisdom of this Senate▪ to know, to foresee, and to provide against these dangers, since your Commonwealth is more concerned therein, than other Potentates, because the Emperor hath so many pretences to the Towns which she possesseth, and may think, that his designs are chiefly hindered by her, so as he may hope, so to increase his power by her ruin, as all his other vast designs which he ruminates upon, may prove the less difficult. But he who shall consider it well, will find, that the eschewing of these evils, and the true and only remedy for these threatening ruins, is the King of France his friendship; for he keeps his weapons in his hands, not to possess what belongs to another, but to defend himself, his friends, and confederates. He is a Prince of great Dominions, and mighty in power, but of a benign and moderate mind; generous, in not suffering injuries and insolences to be done him by any one; but easy in giving, forgiving, and in conferring grace and favour on all; constant in his friendship, and one who doth carry himself so to his friends and confederates, as his friendship is an advantage and an ornament unto them, no grievance nor prejudice. But, that which ought to be most valued by you, gentlemans, is, that he is so affectionate to your Commonwealth, and to your affairs, as thinking his Kingdom concerned in all her fortune. He desires and endeavours, that there be not only a good understanding betwixt you and him, but a strict conjunction, and that the common interests of his Kingdom, and your Commonwealth, may be jointly treated of, both in war and peace. These words were spoken by the Cardinal in a very grave and affectionate manner, so as it seemed, they might have made some impression in the Senators; but no resolute answer being as then (according to the custom of the Commonwealth) given to the things proposed; when they came afterwards to take them into mature consideration, thinking upon the same reasons, which had persuaded them to keep Neuters, wherein they had found great good; and not finding any alteration now, in affairs or respects, they resolved to give the same answer, which they had formerly done, which was, That the Commonwealth put a great esteem upon the King of France his friendship, and would be always very faithful and sincere therein; but that being now in peace with other Princes, and having suffered much by the late Wars, they neither could nor would enter into the trouble and expense of a new War. The King was not satisfied with this answer, but being very desirous to have the Venetians join with him, in the war which he made against Cesar: The Cardinal going soon after to Rome, and thinking that he had received encouragement from the Pope, whereby to make the Venetians put on new resolves, the King caused Bartholomeo Cavalcanti, a banished Florentine, to go from Rome to Venice, to acquaint the Senate, how well he found the Pope inclined to the affairs of France, and to renew the Treaty of League; though the King, that he might take the less offence, at the so many refusals given to his offers, cloaking the business, affirmed afterwards, that Cavalcanti came only by the Cardinal's appointment. Cavalcanti had a great wit, and was a great Master of Oratory, as appears by his Writings, which are now printed. He made an eloquent and long speech, which was read in the Senate, containing the same things which were formerly propounded by the Cardinal. But the graver Senators were the more constant to their first proposition, not listening to these discourses, nor suffering themselves to be ensnared by fair appearances and proposals; for that they understood, a Treaty of peace was begun between the Emperor and the King of France, which did much impede the King of France his hopes, of having the Commonwealth join with him, in his continuance of war; and to hinder Christendom from so great a good, as Peace, and so long desired by all good men, seemed not to become a Commonwealth, whose actions had always been upright. Moreover, it appeared not to be a good or useful resolution, to incense Cesar at a time, when he might be free from all other wars, and resent injuries. And the Pope, though he, not to make the King of France despair, or perhaps for some particular end of his own, seemed not averse to confederate with him; yet employing his whole endeavours upon peace, he had chosen the chief Cardinals of his Court, to go as his Legates to these Princes; Morone to the Emperor, and Grimani to the King of France; and at the same time he exhorted the Venetians, to choose Ambassadors extraordinary, as they had formerly done upon the like occasion, at the meeting at Niece, to the end, that their joint endeavours might be of more force, to persuade to so good a thing, and so becoming the piety of every Christian Prince. But the Senate, though they would very gladly have seen peace and union between these Princes, yet it behoved them for several respects, to proceed therein with great caution; for they had often had their good intentions ill interpreted, at the Courts of Christian Princes; and the like to be done under false pretences, and to their prejudice, at Constantinople. Therefore content with what might be done by their Ambassadors in ordinary, they avoided these vain and prejudicial appearances. The Ambassadors, in the relation they made unto the Senate, said, That in the discourses had between these Princes, concerning peace, they discovered a great inclination thereunto, being thereunto induced, as they believed, rather by weariness of war, and by necessity, then for that they had laid aside their animosities, or out of any desire of friendship or agreement. For the King of France being at this time in great trouble and danger, by reason that his Kingdom was assaulted by the King of England, who having landed a great many men at Calais, was come himself in person, and had laid siege to Bullen; and for that the Imperial Army, after a long and strict siege, had taken the Town of St Desire, a frontier, of great importance, upon the River Matrona; by the getting whereof, way was made for further progress into France; desired to free himself by agreement, from so many troubles, and to lessen the numbers and forces of so many enemies. And on the other side, the Emperor, being highly exhausted of money by so continual Wars, and the danger of his affairs in Italy increasing, by reason of the numbers of men which were raised in the King's name, about Mirandola; being also doubtful of the issue of War, by reason of the many Swissers that were taken into pay by the King, and which were still added unto his Army; but chiefly being desirous to see the Duke of Savoy re-possessed of his State, which he had lost in his service, whereof he had but little hopes, save by way of agreement, by reason of the conveniency the French had to succour, and to put garrisons into the places which they had taken; & for the affection which those people bare unto the French, it became him to think of peace, and to desire it. And both these Princes being thus well disposed, each of them stood expecting, that the motion should be made to him. Wherefore the Queen of France, who was sister to the Emperor, sent her Confessor, Father Gabriel Gusman, a Spaniard, to the Imperial Camp, to the end that he might discourse thereof with the chief Officers, and might introduce the Treaty, knowing that she therein did what was acceptable, both to her husband, and to her brother; and that Princes, in the greatest managements of State, do often lend an ear to people of mean condition, especially to those of the Clergy, to show, that nothing but Religion induceth them to give ear thereunto. The agreement begun by Gusman, who passed often between the two Camps, was quickly brought to a good end, so as the Cardinal Legates came not time enough, to have a hand in it. For the Admiral of France, and Secretary Baiardo, meeting with Monsieur Granville, and Don Ferrante Gonsaga, they, in the behalf of their Princes▪ agreed upon these conditions: That all Towns which were taken after the Truce at Niece, should be by both restored, and that any differences that might arise therein, should be decided by Commissioners, who were to meet for that purpose at Cambrei. That the King of France should assist Cesar with some Foot and Dragoons, together with Germany, in case of any war made with the Turks. That the Duke of Savoy should be restored to all his State, taken from him by the French in the war, except some Towns, to which the Crown of France laid claim. And that for establishment of this agreement, the marriage should be made between the Duke of Orleans, second son to the King of France, with the Emperor's daughter, or with one of his nieces, daughters to Ferdinando, the choice being to depend upon Cesar, who had four months given him to resolve therein, but with different portions; for he was to give Flanders, and all the Low Countries, with his daughter; and with his niece, the State of Milan, with other conditions concerning it, which were to be regulated, according to divers accidents which might fall out. That the Venetians should be nominated in this peace, as friends both to the King and Emperor, who had proceeded so equally, as both these Princes were either content, or not dissatisfied. But it fared not th●● with the Pope, of whom the French complained, for that being very fervent for them, he had not, notwithstanding, done any thing for them, in their so great need: And the Imperialists, plainly accusing the Pope's intentions and designs, said, That his not declaring himself openly for the King of France, was not for any want of will, no● out of any respect of not offending Cesar, but for fear of his forces. Insomuch as the Pope's Legates could not, without much difficulty, obtain, that the Pope should be admitted into this agreement; which was at last granted, rather out of decency, than out of any sincere affection, it not being fitting, that the Pope, who is the head of Christians, should be left out in that Peace, which was said to be made for the common good of Christendom. This Peace ensuing in a time, and in a manner, such as was least expected by those, who were best experienced in the management of affairs, though it was much desired by all, afforded occasion of many several discourses; the secrets of these Princes not being easily to be seen into, nor could it be prognosticated, of what continuance it would be; every one spoke diversely of it, according to their passions, or interests: Nay; those that had the same relations, did not agree in their judgements. Some Venetians thought, that this peace would continue long between these Princes; for the King of France getting thereby the State of Milan, or in lieu thereof the States of Flanders, a rich Country, and lying very conveniently for the Crown of France, might now appease his thoughts. And the Emperor, having put the Duke of Savoy into his State, married his daughter nobly, and into his own blood, and being now weary of war, might peacefully enjoy the glory he had won, and his exalted fortune. It was likewise thought, that this Peace, as very durable, would be acceptable and advantageous to the Commonwealth, for thereby the power of Christian Princes would be preserved, and they might the better resist Soliman's so vast Forces, which were bend upon the ruin of Christendom. And that it made likewise much for her service, that the Forces and greatness of these two Princes, should be balanced as equally as might be, which proportion was likely to be destroyed, or weakened, if the war should have continued, by which the King of France was forced to fight within the bowels of his own Kingdom, in defence of his own affairs, against powerful Armies. And moreover, the parting of the Dukedom of Milan or Flanders, from the so many States, which were fallen to the Crown of Spain, could not but be commodious for other Princes, who were to be jealous of such greatness. Others notwithstanding were of another opinion, thinking that this agreement would be to no purpose; for that Cesar, who would not see France oppressed by the King of England, which had made him make this agreement, would not likewise suffer it to increase and flourish by peace, and by the acquisition of so noble Dominions. And that King Francis, who was naturally very unquiet, nor content with what he might have got by agreement, but aspiring still after new things, might very likely give occasion of reassuming Arms. But say that, this were to prove a good and true union, the Commonwealth had reason to suspect it, since so many men as were in these Prince's Dominions, could not keep long idle; that there was no thought of seeing them do any thing against the Turks, since there was speech already, that they were to send Ambassadors jointly to Soliman, to treat of Peace, or of a long Truce. That it was likewise to b● considered, the Commonwealth would be of less esteem, whe● neither the King of France, nor Emperor should need her friendship; that the jealousy which these two Princes had for a long time, to see this Commonwealth join with either of their Rivals, or Enemies, whereby either of them might grow more powerful than the other, had brought much safety and reputation to her affairs, each of them forbearing in this respect to injure her, or rather seeming to value her very much, and desirous to make her partial to them. But in this diversity of private opinions, all men appeared to make public show of rejoicing for the conclusion of this peace: for which thanks were given to God with much solemnity, and the wisdom and piety of these Princes were much commended, every one expecting what fruit it would in time produce. This mean while Barbarossa being gone from Porto Hercole, to return to Constantinople, coasting along the Rivers of the Kingdom of of Naples, had plundered and burnt much, particularly in the Islands of Ischia, and Lipari, which were almost barbarously destroyed, passing from thence to Corfu; and being there friendly saluted, he received the accustomed present, dealing friendly with all men, not suffering any the least injury to be done to the Islanders. Polino was with the Fleet, who followed it with five Galleys, and some few Ships, and seeming desirous to come to Venice, the Venetian Commanders offered to conduct him thither with their Galleys: but afterwards, changing his mind, and accompanying the Turks as far as Lepanto; he returned with his Vessels to Marcelles. The Turks were much troubled at the news of Peace between Christian Princes, thinking it might hinder their going against Hungary, or Transilvania, for which enterprise they did already prepare. But they sought to conceal this their displeasure, the better to sustain their reputation, being accustomed to make little account of Christians. They did not only therefore not forbear their former intentions, but made greater preparations then usual, by publishing, to make War the next spring against the House Austria; and yet they said at the same time, that if the Ambassadors of these Princes should come to that Court, they should be willingly received and heard; for by their Law none was refused to be heard, who came to demand friendship, and peace, from their Grand Siginor. The terror of their Arms being increased by the news of these preparations and the late ruins, made Cesar and Ferdinando, hasten their resolution of sending people expressly to that Court, to treat of Agreement; And to make their way the more easy, they got the King of France to send a servant of his, to discover what Soliman, and his Bashaws minds might be therein and to desire a safe conduct for their Ambassadors. The King accepted this employment willingly, as well in respect of the Articles he was entered into by the last Capitulation, of assisting Cesar upon any occasion of warring with the Turks, as also to acquit himself in part of that infamy which lay upon him, of making use of the forces of Infidels against Christians, he himself being a Christian Prince. Wherefore his Ambassador acquainting them of Venice, with his departure for Constantinople, told them by order from his King, that his King kept friendship with the Turks, to no other end, but that upon such occasions, he might make use thereof for the good of Christendom. He therefore sent a Gentleman of his, one Monsieur Dalla Vigna, to Soliman, to effect this, who found him very ready to grant all that was desired, not out of any desire to pleasure the King, but for his own peculiar interests; for new Tumults were raised upon the confines of Persia, which necessitated him to turn his Forces into those parts, to resist that warlike Nation. The safe conduct being gotten, which was in the beginning of the year 1545. Girollomo Adorno, went to Constantinople in Ferdinando's name, who going from Vienna, took his way by Servia Valaschi●, and Bogdania. But the Emperor having chosen Doctor Girardo for this employment, made him go first to Venice, and being accompanied by Monsieur di Monl●ch, who was at that time the King's Ambassador in that City; they went to the Court at Constantinople, being carried by the Commonwealth's Galleys to Rag●gi. These men, before their departure, had requested the Sena●e in their Prince's name, that they would interpose themselves by the means of their Consul, which they did, and he readily obeyed, but so dexterously, as the Turks might not suspect his words, nor actions, whereby more harm might have ensued to the Commonwealth, then good to any others; for it was very certain, that by reason of false imputations laid upon the Venetians, by those who did either seek to disturb their quiet, or to make use thereof in some other of their occasions; those people being naturally jealous, did so suspect the Venetians friendship and fidelity, as they watched diligently over their ways. At the same time an accommodation was treated of at Venice, of the differences which yet remained undecided between Ferdinando, and the Commonwealth, as well in old affairs, (no mean being as yet found to fulfil the decree of Trent) as touching the more recent differences of Marano. For which Treaties, Doctor Antonio Queta, who had been there many times before, was sent again to Venice, where many things were treated of concerning those businesses; and it was at last concluded, that as for the affairs of Trent, Commissioners should be sent, who should end those differences upon the place: Francisco Michaele, Advocate of the Treasury, one who was well informed of the public interest, was chosen by the Venetians for this Employment; and the Major and Captain of Istria, for what belonged to that Territory, the Major of Cividale for those of Friuli; and the Captains of Vicenza, and Verona, for the confines of Trent. But the business of M●rano was referred to be discussed at Caesar's Court, whereof one of the chief conditions was, that the Venetians should pay 75000 Ducats to Ferdinando, which when other differences should be accorded, they promised to pay in three years, by three equal proportions. These Treaties, though they wrought not the accommodation that was expected, were notwithstanding malignantly interpreted by such as went about sowing of discord, and were reported to Soliman as Treaties of Leagues against him, and in favour of Ferdinando, to whom the Turks said, that the Venetians gave this money, to raise Soldiers, according to the obligation they had undertaken: the which reports, being afterwards justified to be false, by the truth of the action, and Soliman being saitisfied, it was not thought good to give him new occasions of jealousies; wherefore the Consul forbore visiting the Ambassadors, and all other public demonstrations, though he forbore not to do all good offices that he could in his private discourses with the Bashaws, that the Agreement might proceed; wherein, because the Commonwealth had no other end then the common good and quiet, the Senators desired the Bashaw, that Cesar and Ferdinando might be bound not to wage War in Italy during the Truce; but Rusten Bashaw hearing this proposal, and being desirous to do something, to the particular satisfaction and advantage of the Commonwealth, said, he would have her named in what soever agreement should be made, as a friend to the Grand Seigneur; nay, that it should be declared in express words, that the State of Venice should not be molested during that Agreement, by those Princes that were therein comprehended; and that if it should happen otherwise, the Agreement with Soliman should be taken as broken; and yet there was an opinion, that the Venetians opposed the Truce, which, there being no hopes of Peace, was treated of: wherefore Caesar made his Ambassador Mendosa, return from Trent to Venice, not cloaking this suspicion, but attesting howsoever his great goodwill to the Commonwealth, and praying the Senate to favour the treaty of Truce, which was said to be already well begun at Constantinople, and would be the easilier brought to a good end by the assistance of the Commonwealth, promising to make her be named therein on their behalf, and included as a friend. These things made the Venetians the more desirous to endeavour a suspension of Arms between these Princes, because besides other no small considerations, they thereby received much safety and honour, being to be declared friends to both Parties, and to receive and enjoy the benefit of peace, which might arise from that Agreement, which made the Senators more zealous in interposing their Authority, knowing very well how much it might make for them, to make the Turks believe that she was in good esteem with the Christian Princes, and the same Christian Princes that she was so valued by the Turks, as that they were steadfastly resolved to keep peace with her. It was thought the Emperor did so very much endeavour the conclusion of this Truce with the Turks, because he was not only out of all hopes of being assisted by the Germane forces against them, but enforced to take up Arms against the chief Lords and States of Germany, who contaminating both sacred and profane things, to the great disparagement of the Church of Rome, and Majesty of the Empire, did daily plot more Novelties, breaking forth into open Rebellion: Wherefore the Emperor, who to purchase their loves had formerly yielded, not without the Pope's resentment, that the Council should be held in the City of Trent, with great prerogatives on the Germans behalf, did afterwards repent himself, knowing that he had done little good to the cause of Religion, lost much ground with the Pope, and gotten nothing with Germany, and sought to moderate the conditons, whereupon the Council was to meet; he therefore sent his Ambassador, Don Diego de Mendosa, to the Commonwealth, to bridle the liberty which some of the most licentious, and worst affected towards the Court of Rome, used. But the Venetians knowing that the calling of the Council was not acceptable to the Pope, as being done at an unseasonable time, and in an unfitting place, and in a manner little becoming the dignity and authority of the Apostolic Sea thought they would not openly oppose it, would not send their Ambassadors thither: But the Agreement at Constantinople, which was so hopefully brought near a conclusion of Truce for many years, no way of accommodation being to be found, for the difficulties which arose touching the restoring of some little Castles in Hungary, ended in a short suspension of Arms for but one year; but with intention, as it was said, and written also from Salamons' self to the King of France, that things being better debated at Ferdinando's Court, the Ambassadors were to return again the next year to the Court at Constantinople, with new Commissions, to establish peace for a longer time. New dislikes arose this mean while, between the Turks and Venetians, upon occasion of the Confines of Dalmatia, where the Sangiacchi of Bossina, and Clissa, desiring to trouble the quiet, for their own advantage, or else to pillage the Country, or to make the Venetians give them something to avoid those troubles, went about to usurp a good part of the Territory of Zara; alleging, that a Country which contained 49 Towns, did belong to the Towns of Nadino, and Urana, as the proper Territories thereof, which being by the last conventions granted to belong to the Grand Seigneur; they said their Territories belonged unto him too, wherefore they threatened the Inhabitants of these places, upon pain of great penalties, not to acknowledge any other Government then Soliman's. This did much trouble the Venetians, this Country being of great concernment both in itself, and for the preservation of the City of Zara. And though their claim was clear, for Nadino and Urana, being small Castles, have no peculiar Country; but the Towns thereabout make up a Country, together with Zara, the chief City of that Province; yet by reason of the strange and insolent proceeding of the Turks in such like affairs, laying claim to any whatsoever Country, whereupon the Grand Signior Horse hath once set his foot; they feared this might be the occasion of longer and greater trouble. But Soliman being acquainted with the business, referred the examination of the difference over to the Sangiacco of Chersego, and to two Cadi's; (these are the ordinary Judges in point of justice) and what they should determine should be done, who were to meet upon the place to that purpose, with the Representatives of the Commonwealth. The Senate chose Luigi Reniero for this employment, who handled the business with such dexterity and wisdom, as the possession of that whole Territory which was in question, was left free and quiet to the Commonwealth. And new difficulties being raised again upon what had already been decided, according to the Turkish custom, Reniero, as being well acquainted with the business, was sent Consul to Constantinople, who making our claim appear clear to Soliman, did not only obtain that these pretensions should never be any more questioned, but that some other Towns formerly usurped, and till then enjoyed by the Turks, should together with the 49 Towns be restored to the Venetians. So great a friend was this Prince to what was just and honest, unless he were misled by false suggestions. This year the Doge, Pietro Lando, died, leaving behind him the reputation of a good and wise Prince; and Francisco Donato was chosen Prince in his place. Nor did any thing else worth memory happen this year. The next year, 1546. those who desired the peace of Italy, were sorely afraid, that she would quickly return to her former troubles; for the peace between the Emperor and the King of France, not having effected the most important affairs, which were agreed upon between them, it remained so loose, that nothing but opportunity of time was expected, to make them reassume Arms; both their forces and thoughts for the present, being otherwise employed. The King of France, by the unseasonable death of his son, the Duke of Orleans, could not obtain the Dukedom of Milan, promised him in consideration of the marriage; but his ancient desire of possessing it was no whit lessened. Nor was the Duke of Savoy re-possessed of his Towns, the King detaining them under various excuses, hoping to satisfy Cesar some other way. An other novelty likewise happened, which was thought, would add fuel to this fire of war, which was a kindling: The Pope finding his other designs, for the agrandising of his house, prove vain, the City of Parma and Piacenza being severed from the Church, which were thereunto joined by julius the 2d. gave them in fee-farm to his son Pier Luigi, obliging him to pay 8000 Crowns a year for them, by way of tribute; and in lieu thereof, to yield up the Dukedom of Camerino, and the Signiory of Nepi, wherein his son Octavio was but a little before invested, to the Apostolic Sea. Cesar was so much displeased hereat, as he could by no means be brought to assent thereunto, nor give way to the investment thereof, desired of him by the Pope, as being Lord of the State of Milan, whereof these two Cities had wont to be a member. This obdurancy of Cesar did so alienate Piero Luigi's heart from him, who was formerly sufficiently inclined to the French, as it was thought, he would embrace any occasion that should be offered, to witness his ill-will, and to damnify Cesar. The Pope being for these respects grown suspected by both sides, and equally mistrusting both Cesar and the King of France; but being notwithstanding resolved, come what will come, to make good what he had done, touching the settling of the new Dukedom upon his son, he had much discourse with the Venetian Ambassador, showing in what danger the affairs of Italy would be, as soon as the King of France should have rid his hands of war with the King of England, with whom he was in treaty of peace: Or when Cesar, having reduced the Protestant Princes to his obedience, at the Diet at Ratisbone, should have no need to take up Arms against them. He therefore desired, that the Senate would join in close intelligence with him, concerning the common interests; and in sign of greater confidence, he made the new Duke send Agostino di Laudi, as his Ambassador, to Venice, who acquainting the Senate with the dignity conferred upon him, offered both himself and State to be at the Commonwealth's service. Correspondence was had hereunto in a friendly manner, but in general terms,, which might not any ways oblige, nor whereby the Pope might be the more encouraged, to do any thing upon these hopes, which might disquiet Italy. But minding their own defence, and providing for what might happen, the Senate took Guido Ubaldo, Duke of Urbino, into the service of the Commonwealth, with the title of Captain General of the Militia, allowing him 5000 Crowns a year pay for himself, and 15000 for a hundred Curassiers, and a hundred light Horse, which he was bound to have always in a readiness for the Commonwealth's service. But Italy's safety consisted, in the troubles which were to continue between the Emperor, and the King of France; for the latter could not, by any forces, though very great both by sea and land, and by hazarding all fortunes, recover the City of Bullen from the English, who were resolved not to restore it upon agreement. And Cesar having assembled the Protestant Princes in the Diet at Ratisbone, to treat of things touching Religion, could do no good upon them, though he went there himself in person. But whereas they first seemed contented, that the Council should be held in Trent, promising to send their Doctors thither, to treat of the points of Faith, and to stand to what should there be decided; they now demanded, that a national Council might be called in Germany, which being afterwards reduced to Trent, that the meeting might be in all parts free; and other more exorbitant things. Whereby the Pope argued, that making use of this occasion, he needed not to fear the Council, but might secure his son in Parma and Piacenza; since both Cesar, and the Princes, and people of Germany, had turned their thoughts elsewhere, and were to end bitter contestations by war. He therefore began to incite Cesar, by frequent messages, who was already sufficiently incensed against many Germane Princes and Cities, exhorting him, for his honour's sake, to take up Arms against those Rebels, and promising him great assistance, not only by concession of many bones in Cesar's States, but by contributing a great many Foot & Horse, to be paid by the Apostolic Sea. The Senate had at first a hand in this business, seeking, as they formerly had done, to slacken the Pope's fervour, in undertaking this war, whereby they thought Italy might receive prejudice, and no certain hopes, that the affairs of Religion would far the better by force; for whole Germany, a great and powerful Province, being, as it was said, to concur therein, whereof many of the chief Hans-Towns had already declared for the Protestant Princes, who were risen, for fear, ●est the Emperor might, under other pretences, bereave them of their liberty; and the name of the Pope being grown greatly hateful in Germany, there was reason to fear, that that warlike Nation might overflow Italy, and they be prejudiced thereby, who had no hand in that commotion. Or if Cesar should subdue Germany, his forces and reputation growing greater by this victory, his power would be more dangerous for the Princes of Italy. But afterwards, knowing the Pope's resoluteness herein, and that being carried away by two powerful affections, fear and hope, touching State respects, and his own greatness, and the like of his family, he would not be brought to listen to any other counsel. The Senate forbore any such courses, and rather sought to go by the way of diversion, in the discourses which were often held with them to this purpose, by the Pope's and Cesar's Ambassadors; that they might not offend Cesar without any advantage, by advising him against the enterprise; or, by commending it, make him demand more express aids of them. Notwithstanding all this, it was said, that the Commonwealth was comprehended in the League, which was made at Rome, which some did so assuredly aver, as in the notes which were publicly given about, of the confederates contributions, and of the preparations for war, five thousand Foot were reckoned to be paid by the Venetians; who being desirous to satisfy these Princes, in what might neither cost them moneys nor trouble, did, upon request, willingly grant passage to the Pope's Soldiers, who being mustered in Bolog●●a, to the number of 12000 Foot, and 500 Horse, were to pass to Trent, through the territories of Verona; and the like was done to Cesar's Soldiers, they being furnished with victuals, and all other conveniences. The Pope's Army was made up of the best Soldiers of Italy, and commanded by valiant Captains; of all which, the Pope's nephew, Ottavio Farnese, was General; a young man, but of great hopes, and who had been trained up some few years before in the Militia, when he went with his father in Law the Emperor to the African wars. But people from several Nations were flocked to Cesar's Army, and many out of Germany herself, drawn out of the Patrimonial States of the House of Austria, and out of those of the Dukes of Bavier and Cleves, and of the Marquis of Brandeburg; which Princes adhered unto the Emperor: So as he might muster about 40000 Foot, and 5000 Horse. At the same time the protestant Princes, whose chief Commanders were john Frederick, Duke of Saxony, Elector of the Empire; and Philip Lansgrave of Hesse, endeavoured to get more Lords and Germane Cities to join with them, and used all the means they could to increase their numbers, making profession to defend the liberty of Germany, and causing those who joined with them, to swear fidelity to the Empire, which they said, Cesar would possess himself of, as of his own peculiar State, and turn it into a tyrannical Government. Wherefore many chief Lords and Cities, embracing this as the common cause, took up Arms against Cesar, as, the Duke of Wittemburg, the Count Palatine, the Communality of Argentine, ●lms, Franckfort, and Noremburg, the City of Auspurge being long before declared. These sent their Ambassadors to Ulms, where a Diet was intimated, to treat particularly of preparations for war, any where there was such a concourse of almost all Germany, as thed soon got an Army of 80000 Foot, and 10000 Horse, with which Forces they hoped the rather to beat Cesar, and to drive him (as they said) out of Germany; for that they saw, he could not raise any considerable Army of Germans; they only apprehended foreign soldiers, and chiefly the Pope's Italian Foot, which they being desirous to keep from coming, they writ very earnestly to the Venetian Senate, declaring the goodwill they bore to the Commonwealth, which was highly esteemed by the whole Germane Nation; desiring them, that they would not afford passage to those people, which the Emperor sought to bring in to their prejudice, and to enslave all Germany, to the pernicious example of all other Countries. The Senate replied to this, That they did very much cherish the friendship of those Princes, and of all those people, to whom they had always corresponded with like affection, and esteem of their particular persons, and of the whole noble Germane Nation. But that their Country being plain and open, they could not hinder soldiers from passing through it, unless by strong force of Arms, which their Commonwealth was not wont to do, unless to their declared enemies. Soon after, there came particular Letters from the Duke of Saxony, and from the Lansgrave, wherein declaring their designs, and their necessities, and that they had taken up Arms in their own defence, they desired to be befriended by the Commonwealth, with a certain sum of money. Which desires of theirs were much furthered and assisted by the King of England, who employed his secretary therein, he being then resident in Venice, who presented these Letters. The King was moved to defend the cause of these men, though not altogether openly, either for their joint dissenting from the Church of Rome, or for that he was not well pleased with Cesar, for the agreement with France, and that he was troubled at his greatness. But the Senate continuing their wont answers, said, That they esteemed those Princes as their very good friends, and wished them all good success; but that they could not pleasure them in this, lest they should offend other princes, whose peace and friendship they desired to preserve. These respects being set aside, the Senate seemed very well minded toward the Germane Nation. Also when the City of Auspurge had by express Letters recommended their Merchants to the protection of the Commonwealth, many whereof were already in Venice, and others came thither daily in greater numbers, by reason of these commotions, that their persons and goods might be safe. For after this City had declared enmity to the Emperor, they had received ill usage in other Cities, where they had been for their own private affairs. Answer was made, that the people of that City, and all other people, had always been welcome, and well received, as if they had been their own Citizens, and that they would still keep all terms of justice and civility with them. The City of Venice keeps always great commerce with Germany, because of many things which come from the Levant, which the Germans have need of, and which are brought unto them by Venetian Merchants ships, as Spices, Cottons, and several other Merchandizes; and likewise many other things, which grow abundantly in their Country, are brought to Venice, and carried from thence to other parts, to the great advantage of private men, and of the public customs; wherefore for the better conveniency of the Germane Nation, there was long before this, a great and Noble Palace, or Warehouse built in Venice, upon the Rialto, standing upon the Canale Majore, in the fairest and most frequented place of all the City, where usually many of this Nation are, and whereof many of them, finding themselves so well treated, live all their life, choosing this City for their Country, where they purchase Estates, and build particular Houses to themselves. Whilst all sides were thus intent upon making War, and that a mass of Soldiers being got together, they were ready to march, news was given out that peace was made; and though the conclusion thereof was not certain, it was most certain, that messengers were employed on both sides to treat thereof; whereat the Venetians were not a little troubled, considering that when so great Armies were in Italy, they might peradventure betake themselves to other enterprises, and, other States being unprovided, might cause much apprehension in them all. Therefore the Pope, fearing lest the Senate might join in some straighter friendship, and Intelligence with some others, which might be contrary to his designs; discoursed long with the State's Ambassador, showing that he had been always desirous to keep the peace of Italy for the Common good, but that he had continually had a particular eye to what might concern the Commonwealth's safety and greatness; he wished him therefore to assure the Senate of his goodwill, and that he would keep good intelligence with him still, which would be the way to preserve both their States, and the rest of Italy quiet. That he had renewed this his desire purposely at this time, when he himself being armed, and free from offence, it might be believed, that it was not fear, but true zeal which made him thus unbowel himself unto them. But the endeavours of Peace proving vain, the Armies of both sides were drawn into the field, in one and the same Country; for though the Protestants (which was the denomination they gave themselves, who were in league against the Emperor, by reason of their protestations made in matter of Religion) endeavouring to do that for themselves, which they could not get others to do; to wit, to stop the passage of such as came against them through Italy, had possessed themselves of the Castle of Chiusa, in the County of tirol, placed amongst the Mountains, by which way they thought the Enemy was to pass. But the Papal, and Imperial Army, being gone by the way of Isprach, were entered into Bavaria, and were passed from thence towards Ratisbone, where the Emperor waited for them with more men. Both sides stood a long while idle, each of them expecting some advantage: And though the two Armies were often approached so near one anoother, as great skirmishes past 〈◊〉 them in face of both the Armies; yet they came not to a join battle, which Caesar wisely sought to evade, that he might draw the business out in length, and so break the Enemy, who had several Commanders; and were of several opnions; as he did. For the people and Soldier's beginning to fall from their first high conceits of being able quickly to overcome and chase Caesar; and being troubled with the great contributions for war, and King Ferdinando being at the same time entered with an other great Army into the State of Duke john Frederick, accompanied and adhered unto by Duke Maurice of Saxony, who was frederick's Enemy; the Enemy was so confused and terrified, as suffering many Castles to be taken within fight of their Army, and the Army beginning already to moulder away of itself. Charles the Emperor with unexpected success, was able in a short time to bring that dangerous War, by unexpected success, to a good end. For having by this his first good fortune won much reputation, many Princes, and Hans-Towns, came in unto him, and craved his pardon, so as in a few month's space he had subdued a great Tract of ground, belonging to powerful Princes, and warlike people; a thing which he could hardly have hoped to have done, with much hazard, and in a long time. The War being thus ended for this year, and winter being already come on, Caesar dismissed the Pope's Forces, who being disbanded, returned for Italy; and Cardinal Alexander Farnese, the Pope's Nepew, who was his Legate in the Camp, being to return for Rome, would take Venice in his way: where though he understood he was to be received with great honour, yet he resolved to come thither privately; but he was so joyfully seen, and honoured by all, and so complemented both in public and private, as he departed very well satisfied. The Cardinal was much favoured and beloved by the Venetians, not only for his being so near in blood to the Pope, but for his noble qualities, and for that he was lately received into the number of the Gentlemen of Venice: For not long before, at the Pope's desire, the honour of being a noble Venetian, was conferred upon the Family of the Fernese's, an honour highly esteemed by persons of the best degree, by reason of the Antiquity of the Commonwealth, and for the unblemished reputation she holds of liberty, with the dignity and authority of no small Dominion: and since some mention happens to be made thereof here, it will not be amiss to understand some particulars touching it. Those are called noble Venetians, who partake of the Government of the Commonwealth, that is, who have authority to choose, and may themselves be chosen public Magistrates, which power is gotten by birth, not by the usual way of votes. For he that is born of Noble Parents, is Noble, and at a certain time, and in a manner prefixed by the Laws, may enter into the great Council, wherein the usual disposal of Magistrates is made. Such are admitted into this order, who either have descended from the first inhabiters of the City, and who have more eminent than others for worth, or wealth, have from the beginning had the managing of public affairs; or such as have at several times, and by various accidents, been received thereinto for ●ome famous and signal service done for the good of the Commonwealth, who for the most part are of noble Families of other Countries; or some others, who have the honour of this order conferred upon them, out of particular grace and favour, wherein such a measure is notwithstanding kept, as it is only granted to Lords of great quality: and by this way were the Families of Este, of Gonsaga, and some other chief Families of Italy, admitted thereinto; and Henry King of France, being at Venice the year 1574. Noble-Venetian, which he seemed to be very well pleased withal. And it hath been the endeavours of many Popes in these latter times, to get their Families admitted into the Venetian Nobility, esteeming it a great honour to them in prosperous fortune, and in adverse fortune, a safe refuge. This honour is continued in all those that descend from any one that hath once been received into this Order, and great care is had, that it be preserved pure and immaculate: so as it is required, that in the birth of those that are admitted into the great Council, the Father's nobility be not only considered, but that they be born in lawful Marriage, and of no mean woman, but of one of good condition. The charge whereof is particularly committed to a chief Magistrate, called, L'Auogaria del Commune, who keeps Books, wherein the names of all the Nobles that have been from the beginning, are written. Into this order was the Family of the Ferneses' thus received, at the importunity of Pope Paul the Third, and hath ever since been, and is still, esteemed a friend and confident to the Commonwealth. But to return to our Narration. Cesar was mightily cried up every where, for the successes of Germany; his glory therein being the greater, for that by this act he witnessed to the world, that the victories which he had won by the Germane Forces, were gotten by his own worth and felicity; since the same, who whilst they fought under his guidance and fortune, were Victors, when they became his enemies, were subdued and overcome by him: and though, to quench the remainders of this War, there remained nothing but his overcoming of Duke Frederick and the Lansgrave, who despairing of pardon, as having been the heads of these Tumults, continued in their contumacy against Cesar; yet it was easily seen that their Forces were not sufficient to hold out long against so victorious a Prince. Upon better considerations, the Pope found by this business, that the Venetians had advised him well, which made him praise the Senate's wisdom therein: He saw that none of these things had succeeded, which he had propounded to himself. The Council was still open, though some Prelates were gone from thence, by reason of the Wars approaching: nay it grew more dangerous for him, for that Cesar desired to give some satisfaction to the people of Germany, whereby to continue them in his devotion, by waging War out of Italy. Nor was Duke Pier Luigi very safe, since the Emperor was so soon to be rid of that war, which was thought would have continued longer: and in the opinion of men, he was cheated in the glory which he hoped to purchase to his name; for it was wholly attributed to Charles, who by his wit and worth, had overcome all difficulties. Therefore recalling his men from the Imperial Camp, he openly complained, that Cesar had not shared the advantages of war with him, by giving him part of the moneys, which were paid by those that compounded; nor having communicated the most important advices of peace or war to him, nor his representatives, as he ought to have done, since he shared in the expense and hazard. But on the other side, Cesar said, that the Pope had failed him in his promise, and devoir, since, the war not being yet fully ended which he had undertaken, chiefly at his entreaty, and by his advice, he had recalled his men, whereby he did not only deprive him of that aid, but did diminish the forces and reputation of his Army, whereby there was yet a great strength of men to be overcome in Germany, under the conduct of john Frederick, and of the Lansgrave; the one of which, for the ancient blood of Saxony, and the other, by reason of the love the people bore him, would be able to raise so great an Army, as without due providing for the contrary, might yet question the victory. These things did Cesar amplify, either to draw the Pope to a new contribution of Monies or Foot, or to get leave, as he had often desired, to make use of the revenues of the Church in Spain, for this war; or peradventure to make his victories appear the greater, by magnifying the forces of the enemy. But the Pope, being far from favouring Cesar's designs any further, preferred the apprehension of his greatness, and his being very ill satisfied with him, before all other respects. But the occasions of dividing the Pope from the Emperor, grew much greater the next year, 1547. For Cesar's power and reputation daily increasing, he grew the more ambitious of Government. He did so prosper in Germany, as bringing the Duke of Saxony to Battle, not affording him time to withdraw into the strong holds in his own Country, as he designed to do, he won such a victory, as he thereby put an end to the war, the Duke being taken prisoner, and his forces so utterly defeated, as the Lansgrave despairing to save himself by force of Arms, or by any other means, put himself willingly into Cesar's hands, who possessing himself of the Forts of Hessen, detained him prisoner. So as all things being peaceable and quiet in Germany, he entered as it were in triumph into Auspurg, where he summoned a Diet from all the parts of Germany, wherein he obtained many things for his advantage and satisfaction; amongst the rest, a great contribution from all the Princes and Haun●e-Towns, whereby to take 20000 Foot, and 4000 Horse into pay, for the service of the Empire; wherein he comprehended his own patrimonial estate, and the like of his Family: Betwixt which, and the Princes, and Haun●e-Towns of Germany, a perpetual League was made for the common defence. Yet these his great prosperities, did not at all quench his thirsting after new acquisitions and glory; his chief aim was at Italy, and together with other higher designs, to settle himself fast in the State of Milan, whither he sent great store of Artillery, which were presented him by divers Germane Lords; and afterwards a good number of Spanish Foot, making of them an ordinary Garrison in that State, esteeming them most faithful to him. He also made the people swear fealty to him, and to whomsoever he should name to be Lord over them, intending that Government to his son Philip, who to that end, was to go quickly for Italy. And he treated still with the Swissers, capitulating with them to defend the State of Milan. He moreover had placed a guard of 400 Spanish Foot in Sienna, and an Officer of his, who exercised much authority in many things, and attempted to build a Fort there, intending, as it was thought, to bring them under the yoke of servitude, for the which, occasions were not wanting, by reason of commotions raised in the City; the people whereof not being able to see themselves enslaved, had driven out the Spanish Foot, and done many other things, contrary to Cesar's dignity. He sought also to possess himself of the Town of Piombino, and to take it from the Lord thereof, upon several pretences, promising to recompense him with other territories; that he might make use of that situation, which lay upon the Sea-cost of Tuscany; and was very commodious in other respects, for affairs at Sea. But above all other things, the taking of Piacenza, which was done, as shall be said, together with the death of Duke Pier Luigi, caused fear in all men, and particular affliction in the Pope; and two of the prime Princes of Christendom, Francis the first of France, and Henry the eighth of England's death, which ensued not long after one another, all things seemed to smile upon Cesar: For these Princes, of great power, and mature counsel, being taken away, he remained in supreme authority, and sole arbitrator of affairs. The King of France his death begot more alteration in thought, than in effect; for Henry his third son, coming by the death of the Dolphin, and of the Duke of Orleans, to the Crown, who was brought up under his father's discipline, and did inherit his affections, especially his hatred to Cesar, appeared soon ready to tread in his father's footsteps, and not to yield any ways to Charles his fortune. But the King of France his death was severally interpreted by the Italians; some thought, that the occasion of many troubles to Italy was taken away, which by reason of his unquiet nature, of the bitter hatred which he bore to Cesar, and of his obstinate resolution of getting the Dukedom of Milan, was never to have an end, but by his death. Others were of a contrary opinion, who thought, the new King would not so soon forego his father's resolutions and enterprises; which though he should do, they thought, that more prejudice than advantage, would redound thereby to the Italians, who, the counterpoise of the French forces being taken away, were, with little cure to their liberty, to depend the more upon the Spaniards will. Some in Venice did, with much grief, call to mind, the love which the late King bore to the Commonwealth, his readiness to assist her, in her lowest ebb of fortune, and chiefly his assisting her, in the recovery of Verona. They likewise alleged, as signs of his goodwill, his having so often desired a new conjunction with the Commonwealth, not being any ways scandalised at his so many repulses, which had won no small honour to the Commonwealth, and had made her be the better esteemed by Cesar's self. Others, not without some bitterness of spirit, remembered the fickleness used by this King, upon many occasions, and his great ingratitude towards the Commonwealth, which having with much readiness taken up Arms, and exposed herself to so much expense and hazard of war, first for his own freedom, and then for the like of his sons, from Cesar's hands, had been so scornfully abandoned by him, as that in his agreement made with Cesar, he had made peace, not only without making any mention of her, but with much prejudice to her affairs, and not acquainting her with any such resolution: And that the estimation he seemed to put upon the Commonwealth, proceeded only from his own interests; which when they were severed from those of the Commonwealth, he valued her honour nor safety no longer. Yet in this variety of opinions, all agreed, in preserving friendship with the Crown of France, as they had done of late years, without quitting their Neutrality: Wherefore as soon as they heard of King Francis his death, they chose two Ambassadors, Vector Grimani, and Matteo Dandelo, who were to go forthwith for France, to condole, according to custom, with the new King, and Court-Lords, and then to congratulate the King's succession to the Crown; affirming, that the Commonwealth was willing and ready to continue peace, with the same observance, with Henry, as they had done with his father, and according to the usual and ancient affection, born by the Venetians to the Crown of France. The Italians made less account of Henry's of England's death, he being less interessed in the affairs of Italy, by reason of the far distance of his State; but the Venetians valued the friendship of that King and Kingdom, more than the rest; not for any reason of State, but for that by holding good intelligence with the English, they received many conveniences in their Merchandising; for divers sorts of Merchandise were usually sent from Venice to England, so as the commerce with that Nation, was very advantageous to the Venetian-Citizens, and Merchants: Wherefore the Commonwealth kept usually an Ambassador in Ordinary in England; who being upon some occasions removed, in the time of war with France, upon the ensuing peace, the same King desired the Ambassador might return; and Bernardo Navagiero was chosen for that employment, whose journey was stopped by Henry's death, who, by reason of this commerce, had ta'en a great affection to the Venetians, and did much favour the affairs of the Commonwealth, in her times of greatest trouble, as may be known by the precedent Narrations. And though being altered in his own conditions, his mind was sometimes altered in this point, and his friendship lessened, he continued notwithstanding, to make much of those of the Nation, particularly of the Nobility, in whom, upon many occasions, he did confide, in many most important businesses; and lately, in the Treaty of peace with France, he made use of Francisco Bernardo, a young man, full of spirit, who for some occasions of his own, kept in that Kingdom, and past often, by order from the King, into France, and was the chief instrument in making the peace. King Henry was succeeded by his son Edward, who not being yet eleven years old, the government of the Kingdom was put into the hands of some of the chief Barons. The Senate chose Dominico Bolani, their Ambassador for England, who met with excellent correspondency in the chief Lords, and those of greatest authority, touching the maintenance of friendship and commerce with the Venetians, with promises of giving fair entertainment to all Venetians, who should come to that Island. But the peace between the English and the French lasted but a while, the Inhabitants of both Nations being naturally enemies; for the King of Scotland having left one only daughter, heir to his Kingdom, King Edward's Governors desired, she might be married to their King, so as those two Kingdoms might be joined under one Government, as they are joined in neighbourhood. But the Scots abhorring to be brought under the obedience of the King of England, to preserve the honour of their Kingdom, and through a natural hatred which they bear to all the English, would not give ear thereunto, and had recourse to France for help, if the English should endeavour to compel them by force of Arms, promising their Queen to Henry, for wise to one of his sons, together with the succession of that Kingdom; and obliging themselves to bring her into France, as a pledge of their fidelity. These offers were the readilier accepted by King Henry, who took upon him the protection of the Infant-Queen, and of the Kingdom of Scotland: For that being desirous of acquiring new Dominions, he was not well pleased with the agreement made by his father, whereby the City of Bullen was to remain in possession of the English: So that a bitter war began already to be kindled between these two Kingdoms. Those that dreaded Cesar's power, did much dislike, to see the new King busied in this enterprise, whereby he was to give over the thoughts of Italy, and leave Cesar free, to prosecute his own designs: But of all others, the Pope was most troubled hereat, who not only for the common cause, but for his own private interests also, had designed to bridle Cesar's greatness, by the French forces: He therefore resolved to send Cardinal St. George into France, to procure, as it was given out, that the French Prelates might come to the Council of Bullognia; but indeed, to make the King set his mind to oppose Cesar's greatness, offering him therein his friendship and assistance. Whereunto Henry willingly listened, as he, who being strangely ambitious of warlike glory, would not let any occasion slip, of making war, upon hopes of doing some remarkable action; for which, the Pope was thought a very fit instrument, in regard of his forces, for the opportunity of affairs in Italy, and much more in respect of his authority. Wherefore being easily persuaded to attempt novelties, he set his mind upon increasing his faction in Italy, by all means that he might, and to gain friends; and amongst the rest, he sent for Pietro Strozzi, whom he honoured with the Order of St. Michael, which was then in great esteem, and given only to people of great birth▪ and such as had deserved very well of the Crown of France; esteeming him for the vivacity of his spirit, for his being an enemy to quietness, and for his being greatly followed by outlawed Florentines and others, to be an apt instrument, to make some important commotion, for the service of the Crown of France, by disturbing the affairs of Italy. He also fomented the rising of those of S●enna, and incited them to defend their Liberties, out of hopes of his assistance: but the Pope, and King of France, (between whom a union was already settled and confirmed, Horatio Farnese, Son to Pier Luigi, having married a natural daughter of Henry's) bent chiefly all their endeavours to get the Venetian Senate to join with them; whereupon they thought they were to ground their chief foundation, of attempting any thing in Italy against Caesar, to which purpose the King sent Monsieur de Soissonne to Venice, a man of great account for his birth's sake, and to the same purpose made use of Monsieur de la Casa, who was the Pope's Nuncio there. These hoped to find the Venetians more ready hereunto, than they had been formerly, for what hath been already said of Caesar's Achievements, and particularly in consideration of the weightiness, and unworthiness of the action committed upon the person of Duke Pier Luigi, who was slain by some Gentlemen of Piacenza, who had conspired his death, by the assent and foreknowledge, as was commonly believed of Don Ferrante Gonsaga, Caesar's Lieutenant in Italy, and the City of Piacenza was possessed by a good number of Spanish Foot, led on by the same Don Ferrante, and was still held in Caesar's name; whereby it was perceived, that Cesar aspired to possess himself of other men's states, not only by force, but by fraud. It was known that this action would be very displeasing to the Venetians: wherefore Gonsaga had quickly sent Giovan Battista Schizzo to Venice, a Senator of Milan, to affirm that he had not any ways been the Author thereof; but that he could not notwithandsting refuse, being thereunto called, and required by those that had slain the Duke, and who had quickly had recourse to him at Milan, to receive that City in Caesar's name, till such time as his will should be known, who they knew to be a friend to what was just and honest: yet his actions persuaded to the contrary; for at the same time he caused the building of the Fort to be continued, which was begun by the Duke, made the people and Nobility swear fealty to Cesar, and possessing himself of many Castles, fortified them, and prepared to besiege Parma, Ottavio complaining in vain that such injury should be done to him, who was the Emperor's Son in law. This Commotion made the Venetians bestir themselves in making better provision for their own defence. They made Stephano Tiepolo, their Commissary General on Terra ferma, that by the Authority of the supreme Magistrate, he might order their Militia, view their Forts, and speedily provide for what was needful. They had likewise recalled the Duke of Urbino, General of the Commonwealth's Forces, into the State, who was at this time gone to Rome, upon occasion of his marriage formerly concluded, with Virginia, Daughter to the late Duke Pier Luigi Farnese. And they commanded Antonio da Castello, who was a man well reputed, and Captain of the Artillery, to go to Brescia, and to increase the ordinary Garrison, with the Countrypeople. They did the like at Verona, whither the commissary-general hasted, and great care was taken for the safe custody of all other places of concernment; and all things seemed full of snares and jealousies. Things being in this condition, the Pope and King of France ceased not to try the Venetians, inviting them not to delay declaring themselves any longer, and not to stay applying remedies to the eminent danger, till there was no remedy to be found, but that all Italy must run the same fortune by the total ruin and loss of Dominion and Liberty. But the Senate would not be easily moved to take up Arms against a powerful Neighbouring-Prince, in the height of his prosperity and greatness. For the Commonwealth was not in so weak a condition, as that any enterprise might be easily undertaken against her by any whosoever, nor yet in such a height as to infuse fear into others, and make them seek to secure themselves by abasing her; so as her condition seemed to differ from the like of the rest; and therefore the Commonwealth being somewhat freer from fear, of being molested by Cesar, might wait the advantage of Time, and till by the variation of the present condition of affairs, a way might be opened to safer resolutions. And what reason have we (said the Senators, whilst they advised upon what answer should be returned to the Pope, and to the King) to part from Caesar's confederacy, and to enter into other Leagues, and union? What should persuade us to seek for safety, by exposing ourselves to nearer and more certain dangers? Wherein hath Caesar failed us, for the space of near upon these eighteen years that we have had peace with him? By what injury hath he provoked us? The Commonwealth was never more quiet at Land then now; And if it were not that War by Sea doth trouble the so many advantages of Peace, certainly this our City would be now in the height of all prosperity. And shall we, by seeking after better fortune, bereave ourselves of Peace? and vainly think that we shall be bereft thereof by others? Who knows not, that the League which is propounded to us only by way of defence, will quickly necessitate us to offend others, and expose ourselves to the offences of others? It is used as a forceable argument to make us embrace a new League, that Caesar is desirous to acquire glory, and dominion: But I beseech you, is not this so proper to every other great Prince, as who should be otherwise, would be despised by others, and by his own subjects? Hath not the King of France the same thoughts? Shall we peradventure persuade ourselves, that we shall be at more quiet, if we have him for our Neighbour in the State of Milan? We have tried oft enough, when the French were in Italy, how unquiet they are, and easy to break peace upon any sleight occasion: Wherein hath this ambition of Caesar's hurt us? when did he ever cease upon any thing that was ours? what sign hath he given us of his ill will towards us? what necessity have we to be at expense, to secure ourselves from his mischief? But on the contrary, what dislikes, nay what open enmities have there been between the Pope and Emperor? what ancient, and inveterate hate between the French and Spaniards? how great emulation between the Kings of France, and House of Austria? The French cannot endure Caesar, not only out of fear of his greatness, but for mere hatred to his particular person, and measuring things rather according to their desire, than to the likelihood of success, they would drive him out of Italy: But what is there of like in us? If we may say truth, Caesar hath not only abstained from injuring us, but hath always seemed to honour and esteem the Commonwealth very much, and hath rather been an instrument to preserve, then to disturb our peace. How oft, and with how much readiness, and affection (were it, or real, or feighned) hath he interposed himself to accommodate our differences with others, particularly with his Brother, and in the business of Marano? All men say, that he helped much to pacify Ferdinando; why should we then join with them i● these commotions, not having the like cause to take up Arms, either for fear or revenge? 'Tis true, we are somewhat troubled at the taking of Milan; but it is as true, that it was chiefly for our sakes, that he went about to replace Duke Francis Sforza in that State; and afterwards, upon our pressing, promised to grant it to the Duke of Orleans, though at last by his death, and to the almost fatal misfortune of Italy, it be fallen again into his own hands: and how often hath he asked our advice, and seemed chiefly desirous to satisfy us, touching what he ought to do concerning that State? wherein our proceedings have been so cool, and so full of circumspection, as we may partly blame ourselves, if we have not met our desires therein. And if he had so great a mind to suppress the Commonwealth, as is affirmed: when could he have better done it, then of late years, when we have had our hands full of War with Soliman? yet he hath rather endeavoured our maintaining, than our suppressing, having sent his Fleet to assist us; and he hath increased our honour and our Forces, to defend ourselves against so powerful an Enemy, by the new confederacy he made with us; and if his provisions for War may seem to have been short, and tardy, in respect of our necessities and desires, and that his actions have not been answerable to his promises, we must be content to have received such usage, as all men do receive by the Law of Nature; that he minded more his own interest, then that of others: and if we measure this very thing more by affection then by true reason, it is a usual thing for humanity to do so. Caesar would assist us to such a degree; but he did not think it became him, to expose his Fleet to the same danger as we would do ours, his cause not being the like to ours. He would not s●e us fall, yet he would not see us grow too powerful, lest he might have reason to apprehend our greatness, as we now fear his. These are passions common to all men, and very usual in Princes: but if we weigh all things well, we are not only not necessitated, but we have no reason to make War with Caesar; neither for any injury we have received, nor for any we are likely to receive. These reasons were the more easily credited, because they tended to the preservation of Peace, to which every one was of himself well inclined; and Cesar endeavoured much to keep them in this mind, promising faithfully to preserve Peace and Friendship with the Commonwealth. The Pope's, and King of France his desires were conformable, but, by several messengers, thus answered: That the Senate commended the care they took of the common good, and for the defence of their own affairs, that they would take example by them, and watch the more narrowly over their State, which they thought would prove a sufficient remedy at this time against such dangers as were to be feared; wherefore they saw no reason of coming to a straicter and more particular union, by which they might provoke such as went about to disturb the Peace. Though the Pope, nor King of France, were not well satisfied with this answer, yet they seemed to be so, to keep from alienating the Venetians further from them, hoping that they might at last be brought to alter their minds, and adhere unto them; therefore praising the mature wisdom of that Senate, they said, that Caesar's intentions, which could no longer be concealed, being now better discovered, and the world believing no longer that they had ambitious ends, they would speedily resolve upon assured and good grounds, to secure the affairs of the Commonwealth, and of all Italy. But though the hopes of any good success in their endeavours against the Emperor, were lessened by this the Venetians resolution; yet the Pope's, and the King of France his desire of taking up Arms, was not much lessened; which they were kept from doing, rather by the difficulty of the business, then for any want of will. But though they could not use open force, the French and the Ferneses' held private intelligence in divers Cities of Italy, particularly in Genua, Sienna, and Milan, Cities which were infected with humours of several factions, and therefore the more easy to mutiny; for that upon finding a good Inclination to Novelties, they might with the less forces compass their designs. It is certainly worth consideration, to think how great human Imperfection is, and into how many excesses they fall, who give themselves over in prey to their own affections. Pope Paul, who was a very wise man, so many years versed in the weightiest affairs of the World, being by the unavoidable laws of nature, brought to the extreme period of life, yet being carried away by vast designs, and irregulate thoughts, did not value the exposing Himself, his Family, the Church, and all Italy, to the greatest labours, and dangers of eminent ruin, by taking up Arms against Cesar, so powerful, and so prosperous a Prince, at a time when he had whole Germany to join with him, which was implacably offended against the Pope, and Court of Rome, for the difference of Religion, for the counsel given by the Pope to Cesar, to wage War with them, and for not being able to obtain, that the Council of Trent, which they had so earnestly desired, and which was now granted, should be perfected; and on the other side, he being so ill provided of men, moneys, and friends, to withstand so great a force of War, as he drew upon him; and being bereft amongst those Heretics, of that sacerdotal Majesty, and respect, by which Popes have kept themselves free from injuries, more than by forces; which things being seen and well known by the Venetians, they were much troubled at, insomuch as though their Counsels were not listened too, and suspected, they forbore not notwithstanding, when they found the Pope, after their answer, still resolute in his former opinion, modestly to represent unto him these things so worthy of consideration, to which he had sometimes given ear, when his reason prevailed over his sense; wishing him therefore to be somewhat more circumspect in these his intentions, and in delivering himself, as it were a prey, into the power of the French. The next year, 1548. was spent in almost the same Negotiations, in endeavours of Leagues, secret Treaties, Princes machinations upon other men's estates, preparations for Arms, and in a desire of attempting novelties, but without any great effect or commotion. For though the King of France did very much desire, to trouble the affairs of Italy, so to keep Cesar's thoughts and forces busied there; yet he thought, his hopes in the Pope were but small, who was already very old, in almost a decrepit age, having little money, and peradventure no constant resolution to maintain the war; if any accommodation should at any time be proposed by the Emperor, (as might easily happen, by his alliance with Octavio Farnese.) He saw the Venetians resolved, though Arms should be taken up, not only to keep their neutrality, but so joined in amity, by the friendship of so many years, with Cesar, as he thought it impossible to divide them. He had also a mind, and had already turned much of his forces, to prosecute war against the English, hoping by reason of many divisions, risen between the Governors of the young King, in point of religion, and out of particular contentions, not only to defend Scotland, by virtue of the marriage between the young Queen thereof, and his eldest son, who was destined to be her husband; but also to recover Bullen, which was by his father's agreement, yielded up to the English. For which respects, he entertained divers practices, not only with the Pope, touching the affairs of Parma, but also in Genua, and in Sienna, to alter the Government of those Cities, which depended upon Cesar's authority. Yet did he not prepare to put these his designs in execution, nor did he openly declare himself an enemy to Cesar. But on the other side, the Pope, though he had a very great desire to revenge the injuries done him by Cesar, and to recover Piacenza to his family, yet he was doubtful, whether he should attempt this by force, or by treaty. Sometimes he was induced to hope well, considering that the Emperor, who was Lord of so many States, though he appeared more severe unto him then, to the end that he might obtain other things of him, might not at last deprive his son in Law Octavio, and his children, of that State, and reduce him to a private condition. He had therefore often sent several expresses to him, desiring, that Piacenza might be restored to Octavio, and that he would cease troubling him in the possession of Parma. But at the same time he negotiated a League with the King of France, by which the King was to take Duke Octavio, and the City of Parma, into his protection, and to defend it against the Imperial forces. Sometimes, to honest, and to facilitate the business, and to satisfy himself at least, in taking this City from Cesar, he thought to reassume it into the obedience of the Church. Nor did he cease to solicit the Venetians, sometimes by promises, sometimes by minding them of the fear of Cesar's forces, to join with him in the defence of Italy, for which, he said, he was no less troubled, then for his nephew's interest. And sometimes he complains, that they were too much Imperialists, and did glory in Cesar's friendship and favour; which was occasioned more by Cesar's own words, then by the Venetians; for in his public discourse of the Commonwealth and Senate, he named them with love and honour, meaning, it may be, to make them by this means more his friends. But he did not much confide in the King of France, whom he named his friend and confederate; suspecting lest the King, who demanded, that the City of Parma, preserved by his forces, should not be given to Octavio, of whom he might always be jealous, as being the Emperor's son in Law; but to Horatio, who was not only the Pope's nephew, but his son in Law. When he should have gotten that City, which lay very opportunely for the molesting of Milan, might keep it for himself.▪ Moreover, what could make him despair more, of finding favour at Cesar's hands, then to see, that that City should be given into his enemy's hands, and by whom he might be much prejudiced, by the Fernese's means? Being much distracted in his thoughts, by reason of these considerations, after long and various disputes and difficulties, touching the Council, which the one would have celebrated at Bullen, the other at Trent; the Pope, to give satisfaction to Cesar, resolved, after having sent the Bishop of Fano his Nuntio to him, to send also the Bishop of Verona, his Legate into Germany, with authority, to dispense▪ with the Germans in many things, which were demanded by them, and with some alteration of the usual rites of the Church of Rome; a thing which Cesar had very earnestly desired, to curb those people, who not having obtained the general Council, which was promised them by Cesar, and many of them not having accepted of a certain reformation, made for a time, and therefore called the Interim, till the Council should be celebrated, threatened to mutiny again, unless they might receive satisfaction in some of their obstinate demands: Whereat Cesar was much troubled, because it hindered his other designs. But he minding only his own affairs, and not being moved by any affections, or reasons, which were contrary to the interests of his Dominions, did wisely nourish certain uncertain hopes in the Pope, and in Duke Octavio, whereby he kept them unresolved, and in doubt: Sometimes he propounded proposals of accommodation, with recompense of Territories elsewhere; sometimes he said, he would have it tried, whether the Church or Empire had more lawful pretence to those Cities; and sometimes, seeming much incensed, instead of restoring Piacenza, he demanded, that Parma should be delivered up unto him. But in ●ine, it was conceived by those, who saw further into his designs, that by th●se uncertainties, he would keep the Pope in perpetual doubts, being already resolved, by no means to part with Piacenza, as lying very opportunely for the State of Milan; but that he went about to protract time, and to shun the necessity of taking up Arms, expecting the Pope's approaching death, that he might the mean while put an end to his other deeper designs. He thought to settle a mighty Monarchy upon his own Line, making the Empire, together with so many other Kingdoms and States, descend upon his only son Philip; and his brother Ferdinando's claim to the Empire standing in his way, as to that, who was some years before made King of the Romans, (a title conferred upon such as are declared to succeed in the Empire) he sought by several ways to persuade his brother, to give way unto his son, promising to give the Dukedom of Wittenberg to Ferdinando, to help his son Maximilian to be chosen King of Bohemia, to give him his daughter for wife, with some Territories for her portion, to make him Governor of his Kingdoms of Spain, in his son's absence, and other things, which were not afterwards altogether effected. But Philip passed from Spain into Italy, whither Maximilian was gone before, to celebrate the marriage concluded, with 300000 Crowns for portion, but no Dominion; and to tarry there as Governor of those Kingdoms: for Philip was to go into Germany to his father, who was gone to brussels, to ease Germany of the Spanish Soldiers, part whereof he sent to meet his son in Italy, and led part along with him into Flanders. The Prince was received with great pomp and honour in every place; he was met at Genua, where he landed, by many Ambassadors from several Princes, and particularly by Frederick Badoaro, in the behalf of the Commonwealth, whose Commission was merely Compliment, and to attend the Prince, whilst he passed through the State of the Commonwealth, which he was to do, as he went from Milan towards Germany. A stately Bridge, richly adorned, was built over the River Adice; and upon the confines of Verona, he was met by the Captain of that City, nobly attended, and by a great concourse of people, who were come from several parts to see him, who was born to so great an Empire, and to succeed in so many Kingdoms, and united States, as he was likely to have been the greatest Prince that ever was in Christendom. This Prince did not, upon this occasion, satisfy men's expectations, but was held to be very haughty, being as yet very young, unexperienced in affairs of the world, having never been from home before, and bred up by his mother in great pride and elation, according to the custom of the portugals. But afterwards, when he came to mature years, he proved a Prince of singular worth, and full of modesty and temper, treating with all men with a miraculous comeliness, so as greater civility nor gravity was not to be desired in him. Whilst Christian Princes were thus full of disorderly and unquiet thoughts, their States and Dominions were not troubled by the Turkish Forces; by reason of an unexpected advantage, which arose from new resolutions put on by Soliman, of turning his Forces against Persia, which were first destined for Hungary: For being egged on by a fervent desire of glory, which he thought he might acquire, if he could beat Tamas his forces: Being desirous to effect this his design, he listened more willingly than before, to new treaties of Truce; to which end Ferdinando had sent his Ambassador, I●sto de Giusti, to Constantinople, with new Commissions, and Truce was at last established for five years, upon engagement, that Ferdinando should pay 30000 Ducats yearly to Soliman, by way of Tribute, for the Towns of Hungary. The Commonwealth was named by both sides in this Agreement, which redounded, in men's opinion, much to her honour and safety; especially, because it was therein expressed, that none of the within named, should disturb the peace or quiet of rest, during the time of the Truce. And truly it was worth observing, how our Princes did by their want of Trust, lessen their own reputation, and add to the authority and daring of the common enemy. Cesar demanded, that, the King of France being to be comprehended in this Convention, should be bound to observe those things, which were promised him by his father King Francis. And on the other side, the King of France desired, that by the Articles of Truce, Cesar should not make war with any Christian Prince, during the said time. And the business proceeded so far, as King Henry sent his Ambassador, Monsieur de Codogne, in all haste, to Constantinople, to disturb the agreement, though the directions of Truce were dispatched; affirming, that Cesar's only end in making this Truce, was, that he might the more freely make war with him; and that it became the wisdom of Soliman, not to suffer Cesar's power to increase; for he would observe the Truce no longer, than might make for his own advantage. Monsieur de Codogne said the same things at Venice, minding them likewise of Cesar's greatness, and exhorting the Senate to join with him, in keeping the Treaty from being effected: Which though the Venetians did not assent unto, yet he passing on to Constantinople, and finding the Truce already concluded, procured a Letter from Soliman to Cesar, and to Ferdinando, written in an imperious manner, but containing things becoming a great and just Prince: That he did willingly accept of the Truce, but with an intention, that Arms should be laid aside every where, by those who were friends to either parties. And that therefore, if any of the within named Princes, should make war with the other, he would with his forces assist the injured party, against him that should first disturb the peace. The King of France upon this occasion grew jealous of the Venetians, that out of a desire that this Agreement might be concluded, wherein they were to be comprehended, not caring for the interest of him their friend, they had too much favoured Cesar's and Ferdinando's affairs. And on the other side, Cesar complained, that this counsel was first given to the King of France by the Venetians, and was afterwards countenanced by them in Constantinople, to the end, that he might be the more straight obliged, to keep peace with the King of France, out of a desire, that he might have no occasion of renewing war in Italy, which would be very inconvenient for them. But the truth was, that after the first treaty for universal peace and quiet, the Venetians meddled in nothing, but what concerned the interest of their own Commonwealth, knowing that these Princes would be jealous of every thing. At the same time, great dislikes grew between the Pope and the Emperor, and there was great appearance, that they would come to an open breach; for Cesar was still for the celebration of the Council, as it was first intimated, and already begun, at Trent, as well to content Germany, which desired it very much; as also for that he thought, it would detract from his reputation, that the Council which was already proclaimed by his authority, nay, at his desire, to be held in Trent, should now, without him, and contrary to his will, be dissolved, and transferred to another place. and the Pope was as resolute, that the Council should be celebrated in Bullognia, whither many Prelates and Bishops were already gone by his order. But the Imperialists, though the Pope had made it be intimated unto them, that they should depart; affirming, that the Emperor was protector of the Council, but that he had no power to call it, tarried still at Trent, obeying Cesar's power and commandment; who, on the contrary, protested against the Prelates which were at Bullognia, and against the Pope himself; and to give it the greater force, sent the Cardinal of Trent, of the House of Madrucci, a Prince of the Empire, to Rome; affirming, that he would not give his assent to any Council, save that which was summoned at Trent, which if it should be disturbed, and that thereupon great mischiefs should ensue, he desired to be justified before God and Man. Though these things were very grievous to the Pope, especially being added to the success at Parma, yet his hopes of agreeing with Cesar, made him proceed more cautiously. But whilst the time was spun out in many negotiations, Octavio being impatient to wait any longer, for the recovery of Parma, having in vain endeavoured to reduce it into his own power; for Camillo Orsino, who had the custody of the City, had forbid him coming into the Citadel, resolved rashly to throw himself into the power of the very Spaniards themselves, from whom he had so lately received such injuries, to get possession of that City by the favour of Arms, as Mendosa, Ambassador at Rome, had cunningly persuaded him to do. The Pope was strangely dejected at this accident; the great dislike whereof being added to the weakness of his very great age, for he was 84 years old, he died soon after, having governed the Sea of Rome 15 years, with great wisdom and commendations; for he had proved himself to be a just Prince, a lover of good and virtuous men, and for a good while having been Neutral amongst Princes, and desirous of peace and quiet; for which he would have been the longer praised and remembered by men, if he had not parted from his former resolutions in his latter time, being carried away by an immoderate desire, of aggrandising his family. He always bore a great respect to the Commonwealth, and was particularly well affected to the Venetian name. He honoured Gaspero Contarini, and Pietro Bembo, noble Venetians, and men of singular learning and worth, with the title of Cardinal, and had them in great esteem. The Italian Princes were much grieved and troubled at the Pope's death, fearing that it might prove an occasion, of disturbing the peace of Italy; for the French and Imperialists had raised a mass of men, in many parts, with intention, as it was thought, of possessing themselves of Parma, which was as yet held by Camillo Orsino, but with a small Garrison, and little preparation of maintaining war; he having denied obedience to the Letters and Orders of the College of Cardinals, who had ordered him to deliver up that City to Octavio Farnese: But he said, He would keep it for the next Pope. This fear increased the more, for that it was long ere a new Pope was chosen; the two factions of French and Imperial Cardinals, strove with much obstinacy for the Popedom; neither whereof would give way to the other, but endeavoured the more fervently, and more cunningly, to have the greater part in the election of the Pope, for that it was commonly thought, Italy would not continue long quiet; which made each faction desire to have the Pope to be one, who might depend upon them, and who for so great a benefit, might be obliged to be governed by them, and to favour their designs. The Venetian Senate, following the custom of their forefathers, would not interpose themselves in this long contestation; but aiming only at the common good, writ to the College of Cardinals, wishing them to choose such a Pope, as might prove most serviceable for Christendom. The Venetians, being therein very wise, have never endeavoured, to make Cardinals partial to their Nation; nor did ever use the authority of the Commonwealth, in the election of the Pope; although they ought to covet as much, as any other Prince, to be befriended by the Popes. And the Commonwealth being so principal a Potentate in Italy, doubtlessly their faction, if they had so pleased, might have been very prevalent: But they knew, that this so great combining with particular persons, in the Court of Rome, might be a great prejudice to the public; and that the word Faction, first begun in Rome upon the occasion of Ecclesiastical dignities, might creep also into their own City, and infect it with this disease; therefore they have always forborn it. At last, Giovan Maria Cardinal dal Ponte, was by adoration created Pope, a Tuscan by Nation; one, who being gotten to the degree of Cardinal, without any noble descent, or prop of parentage, was thought to be a very good and virtuous person, and to be far from siding with any great Princes. Wherefore thinking him either to be equally their friend, or at least not their backfriend; the Imperial and French Cardinals, did all of them willingly give their assent, to his being named Pope, by Cardinal Farnese. The Venetians were very much gladded at this choice, persuading themselves, that depending no more upon the Emperor, then upon the King of France, he would keep friendship with them both, and produce peace between them in Italy: Wherefore their Ambassador, Matteo Dandolo, received speedy orders from the Senate, to congratulate julio the third, which was the name the new Pope took upon him; and soon after, a solemn Embassy of four of the prime Senators, was destined to go to Rome, to give the due and usual obedience to the Vicar of Christ; by name, Philippo Trovo, Francisco Contarini, Marc Antonio Veniero, and Nicolo da Ponte. The End of the Eleaventh Book. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK XII. THE CONTENTS. THe Pope answers not expectation. The intentions of the King of France: of the Emperor; of Ferdinando; and of the Turk. The year of jubilee. A general dear●h. Commotions in Italy, caused by the Pope, but out of no ill will. The Venetians endeavour to accommodate them, but cannot. The King of France favours the Fernese's. The Emperor favours the Pope, who soon reputes what he had done, and endeavours an Agreement; which proving difficult, he takes up Arms, and joins with the Imperial Forces. The French by stratagem put a Garrison into Parma: the Venetians keep Neutrals. Florence adheres to the Emperor. Ferrara to the French. The French Cardinals are driven from Rome. Cardinal Tornone retires to Venice. He acquaints the College with the King's intentions, and is thanked by the Senate: But the King continues War; ill-intreats some Imperial Vessels at Sea: Endeavours a League with the Germane Princes against the Emperor. The Pope endeavours Peace, but in vain. Differences between the Pope and the King of France. The Turkish Fleet, in Sicily. Plunders the Maritime parts: Takes Tripoli. Good success in Hungary against the Turks. The affairs of Hungary are accommodated. Dangers threatened the Emperor, by the Germane Princes: To Ferdinando, by the Turks, whose Preparations cause fear in all men. The King of France takes Mets. Proceedings of the confederate Princes, whereby the King is deceived, which makes him make attempts elsewhere. The Prince of Salerno's conditions. Offers made by him to the Senate, which are not accepted. He goes to France, and treats with that King. The emperor's unhappy condition. The Confederates prosperous success. A Diet in Possonia: The Prince's Pretensions. The King of France tries the Venetians, touching the enterprise of Naples, to no purpose. An alteration of affairs, unfortunate for the King of France, and successful for the Emperor. The Senesi put themselves into liberty. THe Pope's actions did not at all correspond to the hopes which were conceived, no not in what was most expected and desired; to wit, that he would appease the Tumults which were raised, and provide for the Peace of Italy, and the safety of Christendom: for, giving himself wholly over to building, and other trifling matters, he seemed to neglect the more weighty affairs, which became his degree, and the times, wherein seeds of great troubles were sown in many parts of Christendom. And though Peace was now made between France and England; yet it was known it would be the beginning of another War. For Henry King of France, being of a very lively spirit, and desirous of Glory, finding himself free from Wars with England, and having by that Agreement gotten safety and honour to himself and Kingdom, by the recovery of Bullen, was not likely to keep long quiet. Horatio Farnese being gone to him in France, to recommend the protection of his Family, and of his House yet further unto him, and the defence of Parma, things which had been before treated of by others; he was willingly seen and listened unto by the King, who was desirous to trouble the quiet of Italy, whereby he might have occasion at last to take up open Arms against Cesar, hoping (though it fared much otherwise with him) that this might make way for his holding straighter intelligence with the Pope, or at least to alienate him from Cesar, since he undertook to defend a vassal of the Church, whom Cesar sought to oppress, and would not for any thing the Pope could do, desist from molesting him in the business of Parma, but required that Piacenza might likewise be delivered up unto him, so as a great fire was already kindled in the midst of Italy. No less dangers were likewise threatened in other parts; for Ferdinando, King of the Romans, taking occasion from the discords which arose amongst the Barons of Hungary, and particularly from the commotions raised in Transilvania, by George Bishop of ●aradino, a man of great Authority, and who hoped to be able to possess himself of that Province, parted from Auspurg, loaden with promises of assistance from the Emperor, which tended to the inducing him to yield up his pretences to the succession of the Empire, to his Son Philip; he was gone into Austria, where he had already commenced Diets, that he might raise as many men and moneys, as he could for such an enterprise: And on the other side, it was known that Soliman, who was already returned from Persia to Constantinople, would not endure that that infant-King, recommended to his protection, should be bereft of any part of his Dominions: and he had the better occasion to take up Arms against the House of Austria, and to think the Truce for five years, broken, for that the Imperial Army had taken two Towns in the Rivers of Africa; to wit, A City called by the same name of the Province, Africa, and Monestero. These Towns being formerly possessed by the moors, were the year before taken by Dragute, who being afterwards made a Sangiaccho, had received them into Soliman's custody; and were since taken by Prince Doria, who put thereinto a Spanish Foot-Company. The Venetians were the more displeased at these accidents, because they thereby lost their hopes of renewing the Truce for a longer time, a thing which was yet in Treaty at Constantinople, promises being passed therein on all sides; and if it had succeeded, the Commonwealth would have been therein named, and comprehended with much honour. But Soliman continuing his desire of friendship, and peace with her, when he came to Constantinople, sent a Chians to Venice, to acquaint the Senate with his return from Persia, and of his prosperous success, boasting them sufficiently, according to the custom of that Country; though in effect the attempts made in Persia, meeting with greater resistance by the Persian Forces, than was expected, proved to no purpose; so as he was reeturned to Constantinople, with his Army very much harrassed: But the Senate being desirous to preserve Soliman's favour, corresponded with this his demonstration of friendship, and sent Caterino Zeno, Ambassador to him, who though he were very aged, being 84 years old, refused not to serve his Country, though it were to take so long and difficult a journey. And his Embassy proved very prosperous; for by his wisdom he quieted the complaints which were often renewed by the Turks, touching the death of Sabba Rays, whereof Soliman promised there should be no more speech had. The year 1550. past over with these petty proceedings, which was the more celebrated notwithstanding throughout Christendom, for that the year of Jubilee fell that year, wherein the treasury of Indulgencies, according to the ancient Rites of every five and twenty years, is largely opened in Rome to devout people, whereof there was a greater concourse then, in that City, upon occasion of the new Pope. This year was likewise more remarkable for other reasons; for the new intimation of the Council to be held at Trent, whither many Prelates flocked apace from all parts; and then by reason of a great scarcity of Corn, which was almost general, but chiefly in Italy, which made Princes make bold with the public moneys, to furnish their people, particularly the Signory of Venice; which with singular Piety and Liberality, provided for the people of that City, and of her other subjects, and inviting others to bring Corn from Countries far off, they gave great sums of Moneys to such as brought Grain into Venice, from whence it was distributed into other Towns belonging to the State, according to their need. But the year 1551 which ensued, the fire of War began to flame higher in Italy than before, to the danger of all Italy; whereat the Venetians were the more troubled, because they had always taken the greatest care and pains to preserve peace. The Pope was a great cause hereof, but more out of the uncertainty of his resolves, than ou● of any ill-will: For he suffered himself by little and little, to be drawn from his first intentions, giving ou● Writs of summons against Octavio Farnese, whose defence he himself had undertaken but a little before: accusing, and protesting against the King of France, his having taken the City of Parma into his protection; though (as it was said) he seemed at first to assent thereunto, at least not to descent. He was not aware that the bitter words which he continually used against the French and the Ferneses', made them join the closer together, and to increase their Forces, and provisions for War▪ against which not providing any sufficient defence, he was brought into a necessity of throwing himself into Caesar's power; with whom he was notwithstanding ill satisfied for the very self same business of Parma. The Pope was by degrees drawn into these Inconveniencies by tricks used by the Imperialists, which he was not aware of; those who were nearest him, seeking for their particular ends to conceal the truth, to make other men's dissemble be believed, and to nourish vain suspicions in him; so as without being aware thereof, he was drawn from his neutrality, and occasioned the interruption of that quiet, by which he at first endeavoured to win praise and Glory. It becomes Princes to bethink themselves well, before they undertake any business; for they cannot without loss of honour, easily withdraw themselves from their resolutions, when they are once made known; nor can they often prosecute them to any purpose, without great prejudice to themselves, and subjects. The Venetians did oftentimes intercede with the Pope, to appease these most troublesome commotions, considering how long and grievous the War was like to prove, which was now about to begin upon so slight an occasion in Italy. That it was a very unfitting time for it now, by reason of the news which was every where ●●ard, of Soliman's intentions, nay of the preparations which he was making to assault the Christian Countries both by Sea and Land. And these Discords between Christian Princes, what were they else, but inducements to make the Turks sooner put on such resolutions; nay assured hopes of giving them the Victory in their hands? Peace and Quiet was to be desired by all men, but particularly by him, to whom it was recommended as to the common Father, and expected from his wisdom, and from that holy resolution which he had shown, of being Neutral between Princes; and of maintaining general Love and Agreement between them, which had made men begin to celebrate the memory of his Popedom, as very glorious. The Pope appearing to be somewhat persuaded by these reasons, began to think of an Agreement; to which purpose he sent the Cardinal de Medeci, brother to the Marquis of Marignano, and Cousin to the Duke of Parma, and proposed the giving of Camerino and Nepi to him, in lieu of Parma, which was to remain unto the Church: wherewith he forthwith acquainted Caesar, making use both of the Senate's reasons and authority, and affirming that he was thereby put upon such a resolution. The Pope thought he should not find the Emperor averse to an Agreement; if not out of his own disposition, at least not to alienate him from him, by despising these his proposals, and his pleasure, and giving him occasion to favour the French faction in Italy, not without danger to the Kingdom of Naples, by reason of the insurrections which were therein at that time. And it was thought that the Pope's endeavours would have prevailed with the Emperor, had not he been otherwise wrought upon by contrary counsels given unto him by his Ministers of State, and chiefly by Don di Mendoso, Ambassador at Rome, and by Don Ferrante Gonsaga, Governor of the State of Milan; who used therein, as it was thought, their own particular enmity against the Fernesis, more than their love to their Princes good. But the Pope finding it resented otherwise, and not daring for fear of his Forces to offend him, returned to his first purpose of prosecuting the Ferneses', who on the other side, being joined in League with the King of France, could the less listen to any proposals. All wisest, and best men, were much troubled to find the State of affairs in this condition: for it was too clearly seen, that the continuance of this controversy for the affairs of Parma, would breed open War between the two most potent Princes of Christendom, Charles the Emperor, and Henry King of France; and would bring the Seat of War into Italy. For whilst the Pope was incited to the recovery of Parma, by Caesar's Forces; and the King of France did back the Ferneses' in the possession of that City, by his Men and Monies: their Forces must needs meet, and suddenly full foul one upon another: so as those who saw further into the sequel of these things, knew, and did not stick to say openly, that the reward of this Victory, would be the appropriating of this City to the one or the other of these Princes, to the certain prejudice of the Italians, since they would not want pretences, ' either by way of reimbursement of the expenses which they had been at, or for some other reasons, to retain this City which must be either taken, or preserved chiefly by their Forces. The King prepared to send succour to the besieged, and encouraged Octavio with great hopes: and the Emperor, having much increased his Forces in Lombardy, did still encourage the Pope, pomising to make them join with the Forces of the Church, and that he would give order to Don Ferrante Gonsaga, to observe the Pope's commands, in the business of Parma; but the Pope growing jealous of Caesar's designs, and openly detesting the proceedings of his Officers, began to repent what he had done, and sought how to draw himself out of the business. He therefore resolved to send his Nephew Ascanio della Cornia, to the King of France, to persuade him to desist from Arms, and to listen to some Agreement; showing him the difficulty of the enterprise which he had undertaken, in maintaining a City which was so far distant from his Dominions: and not long after, he sent Achille de Grassi to Venice, who though he seemed to be sent only to justify the Pope's actions, and to correspond with the so many endeavours oftentimes used to him by the Senate, in exhorting him to Agreement; having showed him powerful reasons, by which he said he was persuaded to put on that resolution; yet mentioning other matters, whereby the Pope might be concei●ed to desire that the Commonwealth would interpose her Authority with the King, and the Duke, to bring the business to some Agreement, which the Senate was not unwilling to do, if they thought they might have done any good for the common quiet. Ascanio returning speedily from France, brought word back of the King's good inclinations, which he would be willing to witness by his actions; for he would persuade Octavio, that Parma might return to the Church, upon condition that the Emperor would likewise restore unto her the Castles held by him in the Territories of Parma: nor would he remove his Garrisons from Parma, till he might be sure the Emperor could not possess himself of it: wherein there being many difficulties, it was seen that the proposition tended more to the spinning out of time, then to come to any Agreement: So as there was no thought now on any side, but to provide for Arms. The King continued sending of men into Italy, under Monsieur de Nevers, and other Commanders, raising more Soldiers at Mirandola, commanded by Pietro Strozzi. The Pope and the Emperor did the like, so as the Imperial and Ecclesiastic Armies being numbered together, they amounted to 15000 Foot, and good store of Horse, which were all commanded by Ferrante Gonsaga, who was Captain of the League. And these Forces were held to be such, as it was generally thought the City of Parma would soon fall into the League's hands. But Strozzi used great vigilancy and diligence, who parting suddenly from Mirandola entered the Bullognian Territories, overrunning, and plundering the Country so fearfully, as the Pope beginning to apprehend not only Bullognia, but Ravenna also, and some other parts of Remagna, was forced to send for his men from before Parma, to come to the Bullognian Territories, to keep his own affairs from danger; which Strozzi making use of, he marched with miraculous speed towards the parts about Parma, and entered the Town himself with a good number of Foot, and great store of Victuals; so as the besiegers dispaired to get Parma in haste; and war was likely to be drawn out at length, and occasions likely to be given of many other weighty occurrences, whereby all Italy, already much perplexed, might be reduced to much danger and calamity. Therefore the Venetian Senate, being intent upon all things, and resolving whatsoever should fall out, to depend only upon themselves, resolved to take 4000 Foot, and 500 light Horse into pay, whereby to increase the Garrisons of their frontier Towns; and placing their chief Commanders in them, they had a great care of their own affairs. But the Duke of Florence, being bound to Caesar for many favours already received, and out of hopes of others, that he might receive, did openly assist the Imperial party, both with Men and Monies: not with any intention of fomenting this fire, which he would much more willingly have seen extinguished, but not to increase some jealousies that were conceived of him; that he as well as the other Italians, did not approve of the Imperialists proceedings, nor of Caesar's own intentions. Which suspicion was much increased, by the new Fort which they built in Sienna, which was commonly called the Ceppo or Stocks of Tuscany. The Duke of Ferrara, who, as vassal to the Church, aught to have proceeded with much circumspection; following his own dependencies and passions▪ did adhere sufficiently in his mind, and in underhand-helps, to the French faction. Wherefore to keep those that were besieged in Parma, from being relieved with victuals and other things, from that side, the Imperialists had taken Brisello, and two other little Castles belonging to the Duke, which stood upon those confines. The Duke being much moved at these things, sent his Ambassador, Girolino Serofini to Venice, to be advised by the Senate, how to govern himself in these hard times, and so sad occasions; for he was resolved to walk in the same steps the Senate did, and follow their wise counsels, particularly in keeping himself Neuter, but that he had not forces enough of himself to do so: So as unless he should receive some assistance, he feared, he must be enforced, for the preservation of his State, to side with some one, and to act contrary to his desire. This was thought to be a piece of cunning, whereby the French desired, to spy into the Venetians intentions, that they might draw them into some confederacy, or at least discover somewhat more of their meanings. Therefore the Senate thought fit, to answer in very general terms, That the Senate had ever desired above all things, that the peace of Italy might be preserved; to which purpose, they had used several endeavours, both with the Pope and others, as they saw needful: But since they could do no good thereby, they would at least keep themselves in peace, and in their former neutrality; which that they might do, with more honour and safety to the Commonwealth, since the rest stood upon their Arms, they were resolved to Arm also; and by providing for their own affairs, they would have respect to the preservation of the Duke's State, out of the particular affection which they bore unto his person, and for their own interest, which by reason of the neighbourhood of their Dominions, was almost inseparable from his. The French not being satisfied with this answer, thought to discover unto the Senate, as it was already generally known, their intentions, of attempting some important novelty in Italy; to which purpose, the King had sent Luigi Alemanni to Genua, to make that City, upon several pretences, join with his faction, and particularly, that he might have the use of their Havens, for his Fleet to put into, and to land the men which he designed to send into Italy: And Cardinal Tornone being then at Venice, whither he had retired himself, when together with the other French Cardinals, he was commanded by the Pope to depart from Rome; he was ordered by King Henry to appear in the College, and in his name to acquaint the Doge and Senators, With the condition of the affairs of Italy; with the occasion which had moved him, and with his intention, to send his forces ●o assist Duke Octavio, and to maintain his cause: wherein, he thought, he did a generous act, and what became a great Prince, and which he thought would please all the Italian Princes; since thereby he undertook the defence of a pettty Italian Prince, who was unjustly oppressed by others, and who had had recourse to him for protection. That he could not dream, the Pope would have been displeased that a vassal of his, should be preserved by the forces and assistance of another, not being able of himself to defend himself; and that he did much less believe, but that the other Italian Princes would be pleased, that Cesar 's greatness might be moderated, and some bounds put to his vast desires, which were bend, as was clearly seen, to thrust the weakest to the wall, and to enslave all Italy. That the act itself might testify, that his thoughts were bend upon nothing else, since he was in a condition, as not needing the City of Parma, by his being possessed of so many Cities in Pi●mont, he had opened his way to what he designed to do, against the State of Milan. But that ●ince he now understood, his actions were otherwise interpreted, he had resolved to give it over. Yet he could not be persuaded, but that the Venetian Senate, being so great and so wise a Potentate in Italy, and upon whose authority the rest would finally depend, would have that care and consideration of these commotions, as many other of their important consequences did require. That he did excuse what the Pope had done, as actions rather of necessity than freewill, being overcome with fear, both by reason of Cesar 's so great power, and of his so many armed men in Italy; as also by the Council already intimated, out of weighty and dangerous designs, the Germane Heretics being to convene therein. But that if he could be assured, of the company and assistance of other Princes, doubtlessly he would be of another mind; for to sever himself from Cesar 's friendship, in such a condition of affairs, might be termed a regaining of his liberty. The King was very much thanked for these his overtures and counsels; and his generosity, in defending those that were the weakest, and stood most in need of his assistance, was commended; and they hoped, that by the Agreement, wherein the Senate had already interceded with the Pope, and which he seemed not to descent from, affairs might be quieted. The King for all this did not forbear prosecuting the war, though he could not, according to his desire, hope to meet with any, that would receive or favour him therein, in Italy, except Duke Octavio. Nay, being now resolved to declare himself more openly against Cesar, he sent more soldiers into Piedmont, and suddenly assaulted several places, that were guarded by Imperial Garrisons, some of which he quickly took; and ordered, that the Galleys, which were forty in number, commanded by the Prior of Capua, brother to Pietro Strozzi, and which roved upon the Seas, might upon all occasions evil entreat the Imperial vessels. And it happened soon after, that Doria, who as he was conveying Maximilian King of Bohemia, and his wife, in his Galleys, passed from Barcelona to Genua, scaped narrowly, being assaulted, and fought with by the French Fleet, whereof some Vessels which were behind, were notwithstanding taken, and carried to Marcelles. But the League which the King of France negotiated with Duke Maurice of Saxony, with Albertus' Marquis of Brandenburg, and with other Princes and Hans-Towns of Germany, all of them unsatisfied, though for differing occasions, with Cesar, was of much more moment; some of them were highly incensed at the Lansgrave, being detained prisoner, contrary to Cesar's parole, as some of those Princes affirmed; and others were incited to novelties, for fear of Cesar, in matters of Religion. Henry was so resolute herein, as he communicated his thoughts to Giovanni Capello, who was with him, as Ambassador from the Commonwealth, t●lling him, that he would go himself in person into Germany; and earnestly desiring his company, because he thought he might have some occasion, to treat of a confederacy with the Commonwealth, or at least, to keep Cesar in continual jealousy and suspicion. Yet the Senate, who were not willing to come to a nearer conjunction with the French, thought it not fit to deny the King so much satisfaction, to witness their goodwill to him; and because it made for the good of the Commonwealth, that Cesar, who knew very well, that the Italians were grown very jealous of him, for the affairs of Paxma and Pi●cenza, and for other actions of his, might conceive, a straighter intelligence might be had between the Venetians and French, to the very much prejudice of his Territories in Italy. But the Pope, being very much perturbed at these commotions, for that they had their first rise from the business of Parma, which might draw upon him the infamy of this war, which was raised in Christendom; and that according to the various success thereof, he might not be free from danger, resolved to send two Cardinals, as Legates of the holy Sea, to these Princes, Verral● to the King of France, and Carpi to the Emperor, to desire them, That they would lay aside all hatred, and all thoughts of wageing war one with another, for that the success at Tripoli might admonish them to agreement, and much more the preparations which the Turks made, both by Sea and Land, bend to the prejudice of Christendom. But the fire was already kindled to such a height, as these endeavours were not of force enough to quench it; so as though the King of France gave good words, and that not long after he sent the Cardinal Tornone to Rome, to keep the treaty of Agreement on foot, and also to desire the Venetian Senate, to intercede therein with the Pope; yet it was comprehended, that he was not any whit more inclined to peace in his mind, but that rather, having resolved within himself to make war, for which he had prepared all things, he thought the business of Parma to be offered as a very fit occasion; but he kept this his truest intention concealed, out of hopes to draw the Pope by little and little, rather to accompany him in the war, which he intended to make against Cesar, then in making peace with him. The Emperor, on the other side, apprehending these practices, had reinforced his Army which was about Parma, and laid the straighter siege to it, thinking that his reputation was sufficiently concerned, if he should now be brought to yield the least in any thing. Wherefore the Pope being in a very doubtful condition, out of fear of not being forsaken by the Imperialists, and not well annexed to the French, knew not what resolution to put on; yet being swayed by Cesar's present power, and being already obliged unto him by particular ties of confederacy, he resolved to make several demonstrations, of his being very well-minded towards him. To gratify him, he made many Cardinals, all of them of the Imperial faction; and spoke bitterly against the King of France in the Consistory, detesting many of his actions, and particularly the friendship he held with the Turks. Insomuch as the King, despairing altogether of his friendship, discharged his Legate from the Court, and recalled also his own Ambassador, Monsieur de Termes, from Rome, threatening many things very prejudicial to the Pope, and to the whole Court, if he should be so treated; and particularly to free himself of the obligation of sending to Rome, to pay for the investiture of Church-livings; affirming, it was not fit that war should be made against him, with the moneys of his own Kingdom. At the same time were 30 of the Turkish Galleys put to Sea, commanded by Sinon Bashaw, by Rustin, first Vicier, and by other experienced Captains, amongst which, Dragut, one who was much esteemed and feared, as being very well versed in the Western Seas, and a bitter enemy to the Christians, which caused much apprehension in all men, by reason of their strength, and of the uncertainty of what course they would steer, or what enterprise they intended. The news of this preparation by Sea, made the Commonwealth increase their Fleet to the number of 47 Galleys, over which they made Stephano Tiepolo Captain General the second time, and chose Governors for 20 other Galleys; for the arming whereof, all things were ready, that they might be ordered according as occasion should require. The Turkish Fleet passed quietly through the Channel of Corfù, and going from thence to Sicily, they desired to know of the Viceroy of that Island, what order he had received from the Emperor, touching the restoring the African Towns, and Monesterio, which Doria had taken the preceding year. And answer being returned, That Cesar would keep them, which he must do, to take away the nest from those Pirates, which did infest those Seas; the Turks, who till then had abstained from doing any injury, landed a great many men, and took and sacked Augusta, carrying a great many men from those shores, whom they made slaves. From thence the whole Fleet went to Malta, where finding the business very difficult, they re-imbarked their Men, and their Artillery, which they had landed, and going soon away, they passed to Gozo, an Island eight miles distant from Sicily, which they totally plundered, and stormed the Castle, though it were well munited, and had in it a good Foot-Garrison. Then taking the way of Barbary, they coasted along the shore, and went to Tripoli, and after a while-battery, they took the Town, upon agreement, that the Knights of Malta, who were within it, for it was then under their Government, having made but small defence, they, and some of the chief of the Town, got away in the French Galleys, which were in the Turkish Fleet; the rest, contrary to promise, were cruelly treated. These things were very sore of themselves, but men were more terrified with the apprehension of the next years danger; for it was noised abroad, that this Fleet was to winter in Tolon Haven, and to join with the French Fleet, the increase whereof was much endeavoured, that they might put forth to Sea very strong, and very early in the next season. Yet men's fears were quickly over, by the Turks steering their course towards the Levant. The King of France was generally blamed by all men, but chiefly by the Pope, as the promoter of these mischiefs; wherefore the King's Ambassador, who was at Venice, had a long discourse with the Senators in the College, wherein he laboured to prove, that his King was falsely accused to have been the Author, and occasioner of these Wars, and of the so many mischiefs which then befell Christendom. The Turks proceeded thus at Sea, but the Christians had the better of them by Land, in Hungary and Transilvania; for Ferdinando, King the Romans, assisted by jovan Battista Gastaldo, by Sforza Palavesino, and by others, possessed himself of whole Transilvania, and of the Country and Town of Timisuar: which though they were taken from the Infant King Stephen, and from the Dowager his Mother, were notwithstanding protected, and defended by Soliman: who sent the Bashaw of Buda first thither, and then the Belgerbie of Greece, with a great number of Horse, to drive out Ferdinando's Forces; but in vain as then▪ the authority and discretion of Fra. Georgio, having done much therein, by whose advice, though contrary to the Barons of the Kingdom's opinions, who did all they could to encourage the Queen, with hopes of assistance from the Turks: but she despising their Counsels, and being full of apprehension both for herself and Son, resolved speedily to yield up the whole Country of Transilvania, to King Ferdinando, contenting herself, to receive by way of recompense, the Dukedom of Opelio in Slesia; together with a promise of marriage, between a Daughter of the said Kings, and her Son Stephen, when he should be of years; and of other honours, and more Revenues; so as the Turks succours coming, when Ferdinando's Forces were grown very strong, and were already possessed of the Towns of Transilvania and Timisuar, they could not drive them out, but being overtaken with the inconveniencies of winter, the Turks were forced to forego the enterprise, and with little honour, to return to their own homes; and by the same reason, of the bitterness of the season, actions of War were likewise ceased in Italy; the Imperial and Ecclesiastical Camps, keeping still before Parma, and Mirandola, not doing any thing. But it was generally thought, there would be much greater doings, and chiefly the two Brothers of Austria, Charles' the Emperor, and Ferdinando King of the Romans, had business enough to take order for the safety of their Dominions, and Dignities. Sore War was protested against Charles by almost all Germany. It was treated of in a Diet, how they might do to beat him out of Germany, and create a new Emperor, he having done, as they alleged, many things to the prejudice of the Empire, and of the Germane Liberty. He, contrary to his usual custom, hoped to appease these commotions by agreement, but it proved almost fatal to his eminent dangers: For as it was too late to provide against them, so also did his provisions prove scarce, and uncertain. For it was in vain for him, to endeavour the raising of Soldiers out of the Towns and parts of the Empire, they being for the most part either risen, or about to rise against him; and King Ferdinando had drawn all the best men out of Austria and Tiroll, the Swissers and Grisouns were employed in the King of France his service, so as his chiefest hopes lay in 1000 Spanish Foot, which the Duke of Alva was to being to him. Ferdinando was in no less trouble, by reason of the great forces which Soliman prepared, to assault Hungary, and Transilvania; to resist the which, he was the more disabled, for that he could not hope for any help from his Brother, by reason of his being employed elsewhere, and for that there was no great love between them, because Ferdinando had denied to resign up the succession of the Empire to his Nephew Philip, the Emperor's Son, as he was requested to do. Therefore endeavouring to provide for his safety by some other means, he had endeavoured to appease Soliman; by offering to pay him other 30000 Ducats by way of tribute, for Transilvania, as he did for the Towns of which he held in Hungary, and to free himself from insurrections, if he should be forced to fight, and from any intelligence which the Turks might hold, as it was suspected they did in the parts which Ferdinando had gotten: he was very diligent in observing all men's proceedings, whereby he came to discover, that the Bishop of Varadino, who had then been made Cardinal by the same Ferdinando's intercession with the Pope, in reward for the service he had done him, held private intelligence with some Bashaws, and adhered unto the Turks, aspiring to have the Dominion of that Province himself, under Soliman's protection. Wherefore to free himself from these treacheries, he resolved to take away his life, as he did by the means of Sforza Pallevisino, who taking some few others along with him, slew him: no less preparations was rumoured to be made by the Turks in Constantinople, to send forth a powerful Fleet the next spring, well provided of all things for some great enterprise: All men were the more afraid, because it was not well known what Soliman's designs were, and because these his Forces by Sea, might easily betake themselves to several places, and enterprises. The Venetians were more vexed hereat then any others, by reason of the vast expense and assured trouble they were to be at, by the Fleets putting so often forth from Constantinople, it becoming them to be provided for all accidents. They therefore made Stephano Tiepolo, General at Sea the third time; they increased the Garrisons of the Islands, and maritime Towns,: they made some Galleys be armed in Candia, and were very diligent in making men work extraordinarily in the Arsenal, that they might be furnished with many more. The Senate did moreover choose twenty Governors of Galleys, and other twenty were chosen by the Consiglio Maj●re, to the end that all things might be ready, and in good order, to increase their Fleet to the number of 100 Galleys, upon any unexpected accident which might fall out. These so great preparations of the Turks, did not only not incite the Christian Princes to any better Agreement, but the King of France seemed the more eager to molest Caesar's affairs, for that he saw him busied in fencing himself from the Turks Forces, but continued his intention of going into Germany, believing that the Emperor being strained in so many parts, and being particularly reduced to so great dangers, by the conspiracy of so many Germane Princes against him, would be brought to some Agreement, even by the parting with some of those States in Italy, or in some other parts whereunto the Crown of France had any pretence. Having therefore assembled about 40000 Foot of several Nations, and 4000 Horse, together with a great train of Artillery, he went towards Lorraine, where the City of Metz had been taken a little before by Ana de Momorancy, High-Constable of France, who was gone before with part of the Army, a City belonging to the Chamber of the Empire, though the Government thereof was put into the hands of some of her own chief men, whereof the Bishop was the head. The King entered armed therein too, soon after, and was received as became a great and victorious Prince, with much honour. He kept a while with his Army in this Country, to keep those of Flanders, who were prepared by Queen Mary, sister to Cesar, from disturbing his designs, or the like of the confederate Princes of Germany, who had begun so successfully in their first attempts, as having taken the City of Auspurg, and passing easily and speedily through the Duke of Bavaria's Territories, had caused much fear in the Emperor, in King Ferdinando, and in the whole Court, which was then at Isprach; so as it was propounded in the Council, to retire to a place of more safety: but afterwards taking more courage, and having well munited some straight passages of the Mountains, by which the Enemy were of necessity to pass, if they should be resolved to come and find them out; they forbore doing so, since their sudden & shameful flight might prove infamous, though an agreement might ensue thereupon. The King of France inheartned by the apprehensions of these Princes, and by the prosperous success of their enemies, thought he was not to let slip the occasion of straitning Cesar yet more, and of sharing in this glory: He therefore resolved to draw near the River of Rhine, that he might keep the Confederates true to him, and adhere unto them, intending to pass on further himself: but he was not well got thither, when he found himself so deceived in his expectation, as he returned back; for the Confederates thinking that they were strong enough of themselves to deal with Caesar, and being desirous to keep their own Country from such sufferings, as they feared it might receive by the French Army; they agreed that Duke Maurice should by his Letters advertise the King, (which was more for their own conveniency, then for any truth that was in it) that they had already made an Agreement with Cesar, wherein they had obtained all that they had proposed unto themselves, or desired by this League: and that now they had no more to do, but to return many thanks unto his Majesty for so great a favour, which Germany would never forget, but always acknowledge it as a great obligation from the Crown of France. The King was much troubled at this news, seeing himself fallen short of the so great hopes which he had conceived, and that the charges and labour of so great a journey was lost; yet that he might make use of his forces elsewhere, he retreated with his Army into the Dukedom of Luxenburg, where he took many places of importance, and also the Fort Monvalliere, esteemed to be the Key of that Country, wherein Count Mansfeilt was made Prisoner, who was Governor thereof in Caesar's behalf. But ruminating still upon much higher designs, he thought it his best course to free himself from all Impediments, by closing in with the Pope, so to separate him from Cesar; and he at last obtained, that Arms should be laid down between the Church, and the Crown of France for two years, as concerning the affairs of Parma, and the Prince of Salerno, going to the Camp to him; ●e propounded unto him the enterprise of the Kingdom of Naples, which the King willingly listened unto, and began to advise with him in many things, touching forces, and how the business was to be carried on. And it was agreed upon, that the said Prince should command in chief, he being very forward in making offers, and promises, grounded upon several things, and chiefly out of the great desire of those people, to withdraw themselves from the Spanish obedience, and to put themselves under the Government and Empire of the Kings of France. The Prince of Salerno had lived a while at Milan, having withdrawn himself out of the Kingdom, for divers dissatisfactions received from Don Pietro de Toledo, Viceroy of Naples; and from the Emperor himself, for suffering those injuries to be done him. Wherefore taking occasion to raise Novelties, out of these present Commotions, and to resent himself at the same time, of the private injuries done unto him, and of the public injuries done unto his Country by Cesar, he resolved to go himself in person into France, but would go first to Venice, to communicate these his intentions with the Senators, that he might carry some news to France of the Senate's intentions, touching the proposals which he was to make to the King. He therefore in a long and eloquent Oration, held out what reason the Commonwealth had to regain the Towns and Havens which she had formerly been possessed of in Puglia, and to secure themselves from Caesar's greatness. He sought to find out how they would be inclined to this business, if it should be propounded to them by the King of France; He wished them to consider, how ill-satisfied, and discontented the Neapolitans were at the Spaniards Government▪ by reason of the Viceroy's insolent and Tyrannical proceedings, who was not only born with, but rewarded by Caesar; but chiefly by reason of the office of the Inquisition, which was endeavoured to be brought in then into that Kingdom, to the persecution and ruin of the Nobility; who, not being able any longer to undergo that bitter slavery, would endure any thing rather than to continue under Charles the Emperor's Dominion, by whom they had been so despised and injured. That these same things being represented to the King of France, had made him much compassionate their miseries, who as became the magnanimity of such a King, had taken them into his protection, and promised to assist them in what he could; but excused himself for not being able to serve them to any purpose at the present, by reason that his Fleet was so small. Therefore, said he, it becomes the Venetian Senate, more than any others, to embrace this enterprise, as being an Italian Prince, a lover of Liberty, strong at Sea, and having a just pretence to a part of that Kingdom. That no friendship could be more useful to the Commonwealth, nor more to be desired then that of France, which was so clearly seen by things past, known by so many proofs, and by so many reasons confirmed, as there was no need of any persuasion thereunto. That such was the magnanimity of the present King, in particular, that all great things were to be expected from his liberality, and from the affection he bore to the Venetians. And what greater opportunity could be offered, than the condition of the present times? wherein the Emperor had his hands full of employment, by the War waged with him by almost all Germany, by the threatening preparations made against his brother Ferdinando, by the Turks. But the wisdom of the Venetian Senate ought chiefly to consider, not to suffer the Neapolitans, being abandoned of all help, and in so great necessity, to precipitate themselves to their own loss, and the like of others, and to have recourse for succour to Soliman's forces, which were now ready to put to Sea with a great Fleet. As also the King's negotiations already had at Constantinople, to try this, as the last hope the Neapolitans had. These words made no impression in the Senators, nor did any one listen unto them. Whereupon the Prince was dismissed, they seeming displeased with the malignity of the times, and particularly with the Prince his perturbations, and holding out the importance of the business, which would require long and mature consultation. Yet he went, as hath been said, into France; and representing the business which he had designed, to be more easy than it was, and that there was greater hopes, than he really found, to work upon the Venetians, he was entered into straight practice with the King, to effect what was thus designed. The King of France was in some doubt what to do, but had still these intentions in his mind; he received several advertisments, which might confirm him in his first purpose; to wit, Of the great straits whereinto Cesar was reduced, which were such, and so many, as he might really seem to be abandoned, by that good Genius, which had wont to accompany him in all his actions, with miraculous prosperity. Duke Maurice, and the rest of the confederate Princes, pursued their march towards Isprack; and having forced a strong and narrow passage, called Chiusa, near Fussen, and took it, it being the place wherein the Imperialists chief hopes lay, of hindering the enemy's passage, so as their way being open to go to Isprack, Cesar and his brother Ferdinando, took such counsel, as was dictated to them by necessity▪ and in the obscurest time of night, not having above 500 Horse with them, they went from Isprack towards Persenon, and from thence to the County of tyrol: And hearing soon after, that the Enemy were drawn near Isprack, they took their way again over steepy Mountains, and marched apace, not tarrying till they came to Villacco; where they likewise were so full of fears and jealousies, as being told by those that came from Italy, that Arms and Horses were a raising in Friuli, they began to think, that the Commonwealth of Venice might be agreed with the King of France, and with the Germans, and might raise men to assault them. This jealousy was occasioned by a great number of Sav●rgnian Horse, which were seen to be assembled about the Castle of Osoffo, to meet and rescue the Count Gazuolo, who was going to the Emperors Court. Cesar had likewise conceived these jealousies, (men being easy to believe, either what they fear or hope) by the Treaties of the Prince of Salerno; so as though he was counselled, when he was at Isprack, to go into Italy, he was not thereunto inclined, thinking he should not pass with safety through the State of Venice, though the Venetians were always so far from making any advantage of the adverse fortune of any great Prince, who was their friend, as some Germane Lords having offered their service to the Commonwealth, and to bring with them upon any occasion 10000 Foot, and 2000 Horse; the Senate, that they might not be any ways interessed at this time in the affairs of Germany, and being desirous not to cause any jealousies in the Emperor, would hardly listen to their proposition. But being at last freed of this suspicion by Dominico Moresino, who was Leaguer Ambassador with him, and had always followed him, as also by the fact itself, he thanked the Senate, for the goodwill which they had showed unto him. Truly, great was the example of the inconstancy of human affairs, to see that very Emperor, who but a little before, had in a glorious and triumphant manner, subdued and overcome Germany, should be put into such a terror by the very same Forces, that he disinherited his liberty, and the dignity of his person. In these so many straits, the Foot not being yet come which were expected from Spain, Cesar turned his thoughts to agreement, giving way to the present bad crisis of affairs and times, and expecting a better occasion to redeem his ancient honour. To this purpose, a Diet being called in Possonia, by the confederate Princes, the King of the Romans went thither himself in person, to negotiate conditions of peace. But the German's pretensions were great, who would make use of those occasions, to moderate Cesar's greatness, and to increase the liberty and privileges of the Princes, and Hans-Towns. So as, though Cesar was sometimes willing to satisfy them, being forced so to do by necessity, and his so many misfortunes; yet sometimes he reassumed his accustomed courage: He said, That rather than to give way to such unworthy things, and so prejudicial, not only to himself, but to his successors, he would run all hazards of fortune. But at last being resolved, not to grant further liberty to those Cities in point of Religion, nor to give way to the Decrees of new Diets, he was content to accept of Agreement, as far as concerned the setting prisoners at liberty, and the receiving of the Rebels into favour. The King of France was the more encouraged by these successes, and both he and the Prince of Salerno conceived better hopes, of bringing the business of Naples to a good end; to the effecting whereof, the Venetians assistance being of all other things held most necessary, the Prince of Salerno returned to Venice, where, accompanied by Monsieur di Selva, the King's Ambassador, they did again endeavour, to bring the Commonwealth to join in League for such an enterprise; they alleged all things, whereby they might hope, to bring the Senators to hate and undervalue the Emperor, urging his ill-will towards the affairs of the Commonwealth, and his present low condition. And on the other side, they concealed nothing, which might purchase goodwill to the King of France, or reputation, by reason of his mighty Forces, and of the love he bore to the Commonwealth. And because it was known, that the Senate was very positive, in keeping their Neutrality, Monsieur de Selva, handling this business with much fervency, said: Are not you aware, Gentlemen, that it lies not in you to hinder the King's intentions, since he is resolved, if not accompanied by you, or any others, to undertake this business of himself alone. And whatsoever resolutions you shall put on, these Princes will try their fortunes; and which way soever it shall bend, you will not be able by your Neutrality to secure your State, nor the affairs of your Commonwealth, but will rather, let the ●vent be what it will, leave them equally exposed to the hatred of the Conqueror, and Conquered; Of the latter, because, not valuing his adversity, you would not assist him when you might; of the former, because you would not join with him, out of envy to his prosperity. And what can my King expect from you, and from your ancient, and (as you yourselves term it) so dear friendship, if you do not accept his so gracious offers, tending to your so great, and so assured advantage, if you do not listen to his fair and advantageous desires? How can he hope to have you his friends in adverse fortune, if you seem so much to slight his friendship, when fortune smiles upon him? What more ●it occasion can you expect, to increase the welfare of your Commonwealth, and to secure yourself from Cesar 's formidable power, if you neglect this? How often have both you, and your ancestors, taken up Arms, much to the praise of your magnanimity, being moved thereunto out of these very reasons? Can you peradventure doubt, that my King, who scorns to make any agreement with Cesar, now when he may do it so much to his advantage, will do it at any other time without you, or without the great good both of you and h●mself? or does it prevail with any of you, that if Cesar shall chance to return to his pristine greatness, he will remember, that you would not take up Arms against him, when entreated? When it is much more likely, that following the custom of all Princes, but more particularly his own, he will not value his own convenience and interest more, than any thing that is done, or could be done in his behalf? Are not the Cities of Florence, Sienna, and Genua, examples hereof; which he hath rewarded for their many services done him, with bereaving them of their liberties? These things had a fair appearance; but being well looked into, it was found, that they were not grounded upon any solid reasons, nor upon any sound foundations▪ for to forgo Cesar's friendship, which had been so many years preserved, with much prosperity to the Commonwealth, out of avoiding uncertain, and far-distant dangers, appeared to be no good not wholesome advice; and if they should have any thought of quitting their Neutrality, and make another trial of the Commonwealth's fortune, how should they think this to be a good opportunity, the season being already f●r spent, for attempting any thing that year by Sea, and having few or no Soldiers, to make any important attempt by Land. Nor was Cesar at so low an ebb, but that upon agreement with the Germans, which was still in treaty, and was near effecting, he might recruit himself, and take the sore● revenge, for the injury he should have received, it being aggravated by the condition of affairs and time. These things being maturely considered, and added to the desire of peace, to which the Senators were much inclined, made them resolve, by almost all their votes, to give this answer to the Prince, and to the French Ambassador: That they very much thanked both the King and Prince, for this their forwardness to accommodate the Commonwealth, which they would never forget: But that they having been, for many years past, in peace with all Princes, they were of opinion, that they could not depart from it, having no occasion to do so. That in all things else, the Senate would willingly correspond with the King's pleasure, desiring the continuance of all splendour and prosperity to his Majesty, and to his Kingdom. This answer being given, the Prince did notwithstanding pursue his former purposes, causing a meeting of several personages of the French faction, in the City of Chiozza, to consult touching the managing of the business of Naples. Here met the two Cardinals of Ferrara and Tornone, Monsieur de Termes, the King's Lieutenant in Italy, the Duke of Somma, and other Dukes and Lords of the Kingdom; to whom, though the Prince did endeavour to demonstrate the easiness of the enterprise, yet they finding many evident difficulties therein, it was not absolutely approved of. Nay it so fell out, as the same things being more maturely considered, by the King of France himself, he soon after sent to the Prince, and to Monsieur di Selva, wishing them to forbear proposing any such thing to the Venetian Senate. But it was already done, as you have heard; and the Senate's wisdom, in their resolution and answer, was generally the more commended. And behold the face of affairs began soon to alter; for the King of France received news, that the Dutch were fallen from him, alleging for this their alienation, that he possessed three chief Towns, Metz, Tull, and Verdane, which did belong unto the Empire. And Queen Mary having increased her forces, by the Flemish, did with them besiege Eden, a Town in Picardy. And on the contrary, grievous and contagious sicknesses fell in the King's Army, which made it of itself daily to dissolve. Wherefore he was forced of himself to give over the enterprise of Luxenburg, and breaking off the course of his victories, to send many of his men to their winter-quarters, and to bring the rest to the frontiers of his Kingdom, to defend his own affairs. This mean while, 10000 Spanish Foot were come unto the Emperor, and the Marquis o● brandenburg, who had at first adhered unto the King, facing about, joined, with all his forces, with the Emperor; whose example was afterwards followed by many of the chief of Germany, who had first made the French colours be displayed; being displeased with the King of France, for not having been able to obtain somewhat, which they did very much desire. The Emperor having by these new accidents recovered his former ardency, began to bethink himself of going in person, with all his forces, immediately to the recover of Metz, though the winter season, which came on, and the condition of the City, which was very strong both by situation and art, excellently well munited with a Garrison of 10000 French Foot, and many valiant Commanders, did advise him to the contrary. All his Commanders differed from him in opinion; but the business being unseasonably attempted, met with conformable event: for having much lessened his Army, by the sufferings of many of his Soldiers, he was forced to retreat, having done more prejudice to himself than to the Enemy. Whilst these things were in action, another Combustion, which had been long raked up in ashes, broke forth in Italy. The Senesi being no longer able to endure the insolent proud command of the Spaniard, and having all things ready to drive out the Imperial Garrison, and to regain their Liberty, sent to Rome, to acquaint the French Officers with this their firm resolution, requiring their assistance at this their so great need, and promising to keep the City for the King of France. The business, whereof there had been formerly some secret Treaties had in France, was willingly listened unto; and order was given, that many Foot, who were under the French pay, in Parma, and Mirandola should march presently towards that City, and soon after, Monsieur de Lansack went thither himself in person, the more to encourage the people. So as, according as it had been first ordered, many armed people of the Country coming thither at the same time, and many foreign Soldiers, conducted by Nicolas Count of Petigliano; the Spanish Soldiers were suddenly affrighted, and driven by an assault out of the Town. The Fort was slighted, and many other things done in contempt of Cesar, and his dignity; his Ensigns dragged about the street, his Arms broken, things which made this action appear more grievous to Cesar, and which did trouble him the more, and made him very desirous of revenge; therefore, to lose no time, to satisfy his anger conceived against the Senesi, and to keep the French from having another receptacle in Italy: he commanded Don Piedro di Toledo, Viceroy of Naples, to go with 5000 Foot, what-Dutch, what-Spanish, (the Kingdom being now free from the danger, for which the Garrisons of those Cities were increased with these men) into Tuscany, and endeavour the reducing of the City of Sienna to his devotion again. It was thought that this success, if the Frenchman's designs should prove secure, would be very prejudicial to the Emperor's affairs in Italy; for though the French professed in words, that they had ta'en upon them the defence of Sienna, to free it from the oppression of the Spaniards, and to restore it to its former dignity and freedom; yet their intention was too well known. For refusing propositions of Agreement which were offered, they would continue their Garrisons in that City, that they might make use thereof, and of other places which they had gotten, to raise men in Italy, and for other designs of theirs. So as in reward of Liberty, the King of France required of the Senesi, that they would declare themselves to be friends to his friends, and Enemies to his Enemies. The Viceroy then desiring suddenly to obey Caesar's Commands, obtained passage through the Church's Territories; which the Pope said he gave way unto, because he knew not how to hind●●●im. He entered with his Army into the parts about Sienna, which he plundered; and took some weak Castles, which soon yielded; but the stronger places were so well munited, as the Imperialists were forced to keep long before them: the whole force of the War almost was reduced to about Monte Alcino: whilst which Fort was preserved, Sienna, which was excellently well provided of all things, was in the lesser danger. That which made the Senesi chiefly so resolute to defend themselves, was, the fear of being severely punished by Cesar, if he should regain the City, and their hopes of not being long troubled with the Imperial Army, by reason of the dangers which befell the Kingdom of Naples, by the Turkish and French Fleets. The Venetians endeavoured to quench this fire which was kindled in Italy. The End of the twelfth and last Book, of the first Part, of the Venetian History. THE HISTORY OF VENICE, The Second Part. Written by PAULO PARUTA, Procurator of St. MARK. Wherein the War made by the League of Christian Princes against Selino Ottoman, upon occasion of the Kingdom of Cyprus, is contained, in three Books. BOOK I. THE CONTENTS. THe cause of the War of Cyprus. How that Island fell to the Venetians. Tribute paid for it to the Turks, who desire the possession thereof; notwithstanding Soliman does nothing therein. His successor Selino, is inclined to this enterprise, out of divers respects. He confirms the Articles of Peace with the Venetians, and doth other things, which make him appear more given to peace then war. But soon after, he deceives men's thoughts, and consults about the taking of Cyprus. He is dissuaded by Mehemet; but being persuaded by others, he undertakes the enterprise. Many tumultuous risings are appeased by him. The dearth of the year 1569. Fire in the Arsenal the same year. The Consul advertiseth the Senate, of Selino's resolution, but is not much believed; but by reiterated advices, they begin to look about them. Provisions made. Consultatitions had, how to use the provisions which are made. They mind the Garrisoning of Cyprus. They acquaint the Princes therewith, 〈◊〉 the Pope. His answer. He propounds the joining of the Spanish and Venetian Fleet. Treats thereof with the Catholic King, who promiseth among and permits, that the League be treated of in Rome▪ The Pope 〈…〉 aid of the King of Portugal, but cannot 〈◊〉. The 〈◊〉 ●reat with Cesar, and the Pope with the King of France, but to 〈…〉 purpose. The Italian Princes are 〈◊〉 to the League. 〈◊〉 between the Pope and the Duke of Ferrara. Quieted by the Venetians. The King of Persia is solicited to make war with the Turks, but in vain. Hostile acts on both sides. The Turks diligence in their preparations. Diversity of opinion, touching the managing of the war. The Consul's carefulness, to acquaint the Senate with all the proceedings. A Ch●aus is sent to Venice by the Turk. His proposals, and his answer. Divers discourses, touching what had passed with the Chiaus. His return to Constantinople, and what effects it wrought with the Turks, and with Selino. The death of Doge Loredano, and election of Mocenigo. The Treaty of the League appears too cool in the Emperor, and in the King of Spain. An account of the Venetian Fleet, and the progress thereof. The Pope's Fleet. Sebastiano Veniero takes Sopo●o. The Turks trouble... The General consults, touching what the Fleet shall do. It is resolved to take Malgariti, but it is not done. The Galleys of Candia expugn Brazzo di Maina, and join with the Fleet: The union of the Pope's, Spanish, and Venetian Fleets. The proceeding of the Turks Fleet. Tine is valiantly defended by Girolamio Paruta. A description of the Island of Cyprus. The Turkish Fleet comes thither, and the mischief which it does. What, and how many, the Garrisons of the Island were▪ The Turks resolve what Fort they shall first assault. They go to Necossia. What terror they infuse there. The Army encamps without any hindrance. The description of Necossia. The Bishop of Baffo's Oration to the Necossians, exhorting to defend themselves, and to perseverance. The Turk's Fortifications. The Necossians sally out, and assault the Turks, but are repulsed and slain. The Turks do much molest the City. A general assault, wherein the Turks are worsted. A new assault. The City taken, and all put to death. They go to Famagosta, and what they do there. The proceedings of the Christian Fleet. It resolves to go to the relief of Cyprus. What, and how great the Fleet was. Upon the news of the loss of Necossia, they take a new resolution, and return back. An insurrection in Albania, and the proceedings there. Treaties of a League made at Rome, and the difficulties which are met with therein. A League treated with the Emperor, with little better success. The Venetian Fleet resolves to relieve Famagosta. Several accidents which fall out there. Considerations upon what happened this present year. THe War made by the Commonwealth of Venice against Selino Ottoman, when his Empire and fortune was at the greatest height, both by Sea and Land, in defence of the Kingdom of Cyprus; he being the most powerful Emperor of the Turks, and in League with some of the chiefest Princes of Christendom; may be numbered amongst the most remarkable things which hath happened in our times, or in the memory of our forefathers, or in whatsoever other former Age: The War being undertaken with much fervour, and warlike preparation on both sides, and with no less indignation than power; whilst not only the ablest Nations, but such as did differ in Customs, Laws, and Religion, did contend for the priority of the Militia, and for the glory of the Empire; so as the present War contains events, which for their variety and greatness, may afford such delight and help, as the knowledge of what hath been done, useth to afford: I have thought it a praiseworthy work, in being very careful and diligent, in recollecting all the Counsels, and most important Actions which ensued in the space of three years, the time which this war lasted; and severing them from the continued Series of other things whereof I am to write, to give you a particular story thereof, that I may fully satisfy the curiosity which the same of great things may excite in those which shall come after us, to know so strange events orderly and distinctly; and that being taught by such examples, they may the better draw some useful precepts for politic Government. The occasion of this War, was that which hath troubled almost all Christendom for these many years; the Ottoman Princes immoderate desire of Empire, and military Glory, which is begot in them by the Rules of that State, being wholly given to Action, and military Exercises: So as thinking the enlargement of their confines a sufficient reason of making War, they have been always troublesome to their Neighbours; not reputing those their Enemies, who have been readiest to provoke them by injuries; but those are most exposed unto their fury, whose forces are weakest, or whose States be most convenient for them, or whom they may opportunely offend; and these they have endeavoured to bereave of their Dominions, whereof both this and the preceding Age doth afford us many evident examples. But it will be clearly seen, by what shall hereafter be said, what the particular occasion of this war was, and pretences the Turks made use of to take up Arms. The Venetians, amongst other of their Territories in the Levant, were at this time possessed of the Island of Cyprus, which they had been Masters of for fourscore years: for the Commonwealth seeing that Kingdom reduced to eminent danger, of falling into the Turks Dominion, it being oppressed by the snares and violence of B●ia●es Ottoman, who apparently aimed at the getting of it; after she had for many years defended the Dowager Queen, wife to Giacopo E●signano, the last King. The Dowager being a Venetian, & whom the State had adopted for her Daughter, to make her the more worthy of so great a match; the Commonwealth endeavoured by the means of her Brother Georgio Cornaro, that she would deliver up the free and absolute Government of Cyprus to her native Country: for her only Son being dead, she by her Husband's last Will and Testament, was left sole Heir and Legitimate Lady of that Kingdom: Which she giving way unto, was, after she went from thence, reduced unto a Province; and the Commonwealth continued still to send divers Magistrates to look to the Government thereof, being very careful to preserve so noble a Member, and so great an adornment added to their State: whereby this Island hath not only hitherto been preserved from the Turks, but hath been much enriched by the industry of many Gentlemen of Venice, who being invested with Inheritances there, began to manure the Grounds, to govern their Farms, (which the Country people there call their Ville) and to use frequent Navigation thither in Venetian bottoms, whereby not only the native Commodities were exported, but many other Merchandizes brought thither from Egypt and Soria, it being made as it were a Landing-place, whereinto divers sorts of Merchandise were brought from the Neighbouring Turkish Territories, as into a safe and convenient place. The Venetians paid unto the Turks yearly, eight thousand Ducats, by way of Tribute for this Island, which was wont to be paid by the Lusignian Kings, to the Emperors of the Malamacchy, after that King Giano, Son to Giacopo, overcome in battle by the Sultan, and carried Prisoner to Cairo, was forced for his freedom to tax his Kingdom with this perpetual Tribute; having also disbursed a great sum of Gold. The Ottoman Emperors did afterwards succeed to this interest, when Sultan Selino, father to Soliman, had subdued the Empire of the Malamucchy: wherefore the Venetians, as new possessors, continued this recognition to them, which made the Turks still desirous to possess themselves of this Kingdom, both out of reason of State, and for the cause of Religion, it being a particular fee-farm of the Meccha, a place of worship and devotion amongst the Mahometans. The Turks grew also suspicious that this Island, by reason of the fitness of its situation, was become a receptacle to the Malta Galleys, and to other Western Pirates, by which the Rivers of their neighbouring parts were infested, and the subjects of the Ottoman Empire, kept from sailing safely on those Seas; and had yet a more particular quarrel, for that the voyages of those Masselmans, who out of any vow, or religious zeal, sailed to Meccha, were thereby hindered, and exposed to danger. The disturbers of the peace making use of this, and cloaking their own peculiar interests under it, strove to make War with the Commonwealth, to bereave her of this Noble and Rich Island: Nor was the inclination, which was known to be in many of those inhabitants to change their Government, that so they might change their fortune and condition, a small incitement hereunto. For a sore slavery being by ancient custom introduced, which arose first from a small tax laid upon the inhabitants to pay the Cavalry which kept those shores from incursions, and the Venetians not daring to abrogate it, when they had gotten that Kingdom, for fear of losing the love of the Nobles, whose Lands were laboured by these slaves, whom they call Parici; many of those men grew discontented, and desirous of Novelty, which not hoping to attain unto from elsewhere, they had recourse unto the Turks, as to those to whom such an enterprise might prove very easy and opportune, by reason of their power and nearness. But these things being represented to Soliman, and much discourse being had thereupon, which bred much doubt and jealousies in the Venetians, could work no effect. For he, were it for that he was always employed in other affairs; or that he would not without occasion violate his friendship with the Venetians, and by breach of Oath slain that glory which he was always so ambitious of; or for that he thought it not good to necessitate them whose friendship he might make advantage of, to turn their forces against him, which were very strong at Sea, and therefore very fit to molest many of his Dominions, and to occasion a League amongst the Christian Princes, and so interrupt his greater designs, would never lend an ear to those who advised him to this enterprise, nor make use of any occasion, wisely refusing the invitations, and the promises of the Parici of the Island. The Venetians were not wanting to preserve this opinion in him; wherefore refusing all Counsels which tended to War, and thinking it not fit to make use of any occasion which might compel them to take up Arms against so potent an Enemy: they these late years stood idly looking upon others men's actions, that they might not endanger themselves to free others; having learned by experience, how unfortunate they had been in waging War with Soliman; how powerful and formidable an enemy he had been to all Christendom, and how little reason they had to trust to the help of other men, or in the doubtful success of War, having been much to their prejudice deceived in their hopes, either by the insincerity of some of the Colleagues, or by the uncertainty of fortune. At this time all men commended the Senate's wisdom, who could use such temper with the Turks, as they should neither fear, nor despise the Venetian name. For as oft as any powerful Fleet was put to Sea, they spared for no cost to keep the maritime Forts munited, and by arming their Galleys to give a kind of counterpoise to the Turkish Forces: But they did still shun all occasions of interposing themselves in their designs; and kept such friendship with Christian Princes, as might seem to look more at their own safety, then at the injuring of others, and rather to the preserving of what was their own, than to the acquiring what was their Neighbours. Whence the Turks saw that the Venetians desired to keep friendship with them; and that they knew how, and were able to make War, and be at enmity with them: that they willingly avoided all occasions of making trial of their Forces, but yet would not suffer such injuries as might be prejudicial to their Honour, or State: and by this means they had enjoyed peace for above thirty years. Whereby, besides the spinning out of time, which made much for the weakest, they did very much advantage the City of Venice, wherein all Arts and Merchandise did flourish. Whereby being much increased in inhabitants, and in all sorts of Commodities, they had lived a long time joyfully, and contented, in great tranquillity & plenty; the Citizens gaining much by traffic in the Levant, and enjoying their Revenues so long free from extraordinary taxes of War. Yet were not all men's minds free from jealousies and troubles; for finding that Soliman had studied Sea-affairs, more by much than any of his Predecessors, so as he sent forth almost every year a great Fleet, the end whereunto not being known, it caused much fear; the Commonwealth being able, by reason of her situation, to give a just counterpoise to the Turkish Fleets, which grew now as formidable at Sea, as their Armies had been some years before at Land: so as feeling the inconveniences of War in time of Peace, they were oft necessitated to Garrisonize their Forts, knowing how little faith they were to adhibit to Infidels, and to be in continual expense and jealousy, as may be known by what hath been said in the preceding Books. But all men were chiefly concerned in the care of Cyprus, that Kingdom being a very considerable member of the State, and which lying far from the City of Venice, and being environed round about by the Turkish Territories, was in greater hazard of being possessed by so powerful Neighbours. Being therefore intent upon the preservation of so rich and commodious a Province, they had reduced the City of Necossia, the Metropolitan of that Kingdom, into a fort-royal, and had added new Foot-Companies of those of the Country, to the ordinary Militia of the Stradiosti, and made other provisions for War, endeavouring thereby to secure that Island, and to bereave the Turks as well of mind, as of means to assault it. Thus this war, which had been feared many years, was deferred all Soliman's life time. But, his Son Selino succeeding him in his Empire, all men grew quickly more afraid, it being publicly given out, that he had long had an inclination to the enterprise of Cyprus. For before his Father's death, whilst he, according to the custom of the Ottamans, lived far from him in the Province of Magnasia; having occasion, by reason of the Neighbourhood, to receive several informations of that Island, and daily hearing much talk of the fruitfulness thereof, of the Nobleman's wealth, and of the abundance of all things therein, he had a great desire to possess it; so as he said publicly, that when he should succeed his Father in his Empire, he would seek to make himself master thereof. It was also given out, that Selino had begun to build a magnificent Moschea in Andrenopoli, following therein the custom of many of his Ancestors; who, (perhaps in imitation of those ancient Egyptian Kings, who built Pyramids, and other Fabrics of a stupendious magnitude) endeavoured to perpetuate their memory to posterity by making royal Edifices. He being therefore very fervent herein was told by the Mufty, whose authority is as venerable, in the Mahometan superstitious Ceremonies, as is the Popes, in the true Christian Religion; that he not having as yet made any acquisition, it was not lawful for him to build a Moschey, together wherewith many pious works were to be instituted; and that it was not lawful by their Laws, to employ any of the ancient Revenue of the Empire in such things, but only the Incomes of such Countries, as were conquered by him, who would have so much honour done him. Hereunto was added, that it seemed, Selino had not only an occasion offered him to do this, but that he was almost necessitated to make war somewhere, that he might follow the footsteps of his predecessors, who were always used to do some notable action, in the beginning of their Empire, to win the favour and goodwill of the Soldier; the which it was thought it was the fitter for Selino to do, for that he not being held to be a warlike Prince, began to fall from that high reverence amongst the soldiers and people, which was wont to be given by them to his forefathers. War being therefore to be made, it was not judged convenient for him, to make it in Hungary, and much less in Persia, since the confines of the Turkish Empire were of so large extent, as their Armies could not be conducted thither, without much inconveniency, they being much wasted by sufferings, and by the length of the way, before they could see the face of the enemy; as had happened to his grandfather Selino, in the wars against the Sophy of Persia, whom though he overcame in Battle, yet he himself was overcome at last, having in his return lost the greatest part of his Army, by the length and difficulties of the march. And as was more clearly seen, in the last enterprise made by Soliman in Hungary, wherein the getting of the Fort of Zighet, was not thought answerable to the loss of so many of his best soldiers, which ensued thereupon. So as it was best for Selino, to betake himself to some Sea-enterprise, whereof none lay more convenient for him, then that of Cyprus, it being full of wealth, and placed in the utmost precincts of the Venetian Dominions, and therefore weakest, as lying furthest from the heart; wherefore it might prove an easy and a rich booty. Whereas if he should go to the sterile parts of Spain, to attempt any enterprise, he might fear, he should consume his men in vain by hardships, and consequently reap rather blame and hatred from the Soldier, than love and honour: And by any bad accident, he might fore-bode bad success in the remainder of his Government. And the recent example of the bad success at Malta, which was maintained by a few Knights of jerusalem, (whose peculiar seat and habitation it is) against a powerful Turkish Fleet, might better teach them, upon what disadvantage war was waged in another's Territories, far distant from their own Dominions. Whereas on the contrary, a more assured victory, and good reward was promised him, by the enterprise of Cyprus, a plentiful Country, and environed on all sides by Rivers, whereunto he had but a short passage of sixty miles for his men to make. These things being maturely considered, did at first produce great fears, that Selino would war with the Venetians, concerning the Kingdom of Cyprus. But finding afterwards, that he had very readily confirmed the same Articles of peace, which had for many years been established, and inviolably observed by his father; and that he had given signs of long continuing his paternal affection to the Commonwealth, by his handsome treating of the Venetian subjects, and their affairs. Moreover, it being observed, that no great preparation was made for the Sea, and that several Summer-seasons being passed over, one only Fleet had put to Sea, and that but a weak one. All men were persuaded, that what was formerly said of Selino's being naturally given to pleasure, and not to military exercises, degenerating therein from the Ottaman-race, would prove true; and that he would pass over his Government in delights, and in idleness. His having given over the enterprise of Hungary, which was happily begun by his father; his having made Truce for eight years with Maximilian the Emperor; his not preparing to send out Fleets, and other such like things, would have made it be believed, that all this had been done, to confirm and to increase his forces by some repose, after the many past wars; and that, free from other impediments, he would the better attend what he had proposed unto himself. This opinion was likewise confirmed, that Selino would continue peace and friendship with the Venetians, for that Mehemet, who was the first Bashaw, and his son in Law, was thought, would be of great authority with him; who, as a wise man, and well experienced in the management of many weighty worldly affairs, would not advise him to make war with the Venetians, knowing that it made not for their advantage, to deprive themselves of the Venetians friendships, and of the many commodities which were brought unto them by Venetian Merchants, who trafficking much in those parts, accommodate them with many things which they want; and, to the great advantage of those Inhabitants, export many commodities wherewith they abound, into other Countries. To which the Prince his particular interest was likewise added, whose customs and public revenues were much increased by Traffic with foreign Nations. And if such a prejudice were not to be considered, to try fortune rashly and unnecessitated, unseasonably, and without any cause, affording thereby occasion to all Christian Princes, to join in a League, was judged to be a very considerable thing; for when they should see their safeties undermined, under the shadow of a seeming peace, and that a supreme Monarchy was laboured to be grounded in the Ottoman-Empire, they would be forced, being thereunto moved by their own danger, to take up Arms together with the Venetians, to abate the power and daring of the common Enemy. Which danger was not counterpoised, by the hopes of getting a little Island, which though it were a Noble one in itself, yet was it but a small addition to so ample a Dominion. To these so great interests both of Prince and subjects, was Mehemet's own particular concernment added, for he being in greatest honour and authority, he might in peace enjoy his riches and his power, whereas in war he was to run many hazards; since he being to tarry at Constantinople, when his Master should be in the wars, he would be accused of negligence in making provisions, by his Rivals; and if any ill luck should happen, other men's bad counsels would be imputed to him; or the main enterprise being committed to another, this other man, if things should succeed happily, would be advanced in his Prince's favour and esteem. It was therefore believed, that the wisdom and dexterity of Mehemet, would much allay Selino's immoderate desires, and that he would be a fit instrument, to divert him from these thoughts. Hence it was, that many men beginning to fall off from their first suspicions, the Venetian Merchants did not only continue their former Traffic under the new Emperor, but trafficked more than before, striving who should send most gold and silver, and other precious Merchandise, into divers places belonging to the Turks, whither people of several Nations came, every one beginning to promise peace unto himself, out of the aforesaid considerations, which were much credited out of hope of gain. There is nothing more difficult, then to penetrate into the inward counsels of Princes; there is no more fallacious argument, then that which is made upon their resolutions, especially when their minds (as for the most part they are) are agitated by variety of reasons, or disturbed by various affections. Selino being in this height of greatness, though of himself he was no great friend to Arms, yet this his natural defect being overcome, by the orders and power of that Empire, or being persuaded out of the aforesaid reasons; he bent his mind to possess himself of the Kingdom of Cyprus. Thus in the third year of his reign, in the month of November, as he rid out with some of his chief Bashaws to hunt, (which the Turks call their Divano a cavallo) he began to consult with them herein. Mehemet, the first Bashaw, continuing in his former opinion, out of the aforesaid reasons, sought by all means possible to dissuade him from it; he showed, That whether it were Religion, State-interest, or Glory, which moved Selino to make war, he should do it, to succour the Moors of Granado, rather than for any other respect. That it became the greatness, wherein by the favour of the Prophet Mahomet, the Ottoman Emperors were placed, chiefly not to abandon them, who with a pious and constant resolution, had never abandoned the Mahometan religion; and who whilst they suffered bodily slavery, kept the liberty of their conscience unspotted, by any superstition. That it likewise became the power and safety of that Empire, as also the glory which Selino seemed so desirous of, not to permit any Potentate to grow too powerful, but to quell those first, who might oppose the Ottoman grandezza, as did the King of Spain; and to undertake things, which though they might peradventure prove difficult, would notwithstanding merit praise, and be of great expectation. That therefore he should acknowledge, and make use of so good an occasion, as God did now lay before him, to preserve the faithful Musselmans, to molest their enemies, and to make way for noble and glorious achievements. But Pi●li and Mustafa Bashaw endeavoured the contrary, with much fervency, and with the same reasons, but applied otherwise; who not only out of envy to Mehemet, but as his declared enemies; the former having by his means been deprived of the dignity of Bashaw deal Mare; and the latter's life much endangered by several imputations, whilst he was Governor of Cairo, did always oppose Mehemets designs and counsels; and they appeared the more zealous herein, for that knowing they advised that, whereunto their Lord was much inclined, they hoped to wind into his favour, and to deprive him thereof, who advised the contrary, by applauding his resolution. To this was added, That if the business of Cyprus should be pitched upon, according to their opinions and persuasions, Piali hoped to be restored to his former honour, and to be Governor of the Fleet; and Mustafa hoped to have the chief employment by land: so as upon any happy success, they might each of them regain their former reputation and authority. These men, sometimes considering the advantage, sometimes the easiness of this enterprise; and ofttimes mixing the consideration of Religion with these concernments of State, showed, How that the Venetians forces were of themselves weak, and that what assistance they might receive from other Christian Princes, was by example known to be uncertain and fallacious. That the Island of Cyprus, by reason of its far distance from Venice, was hard to be garrisoned or succoured; very convenient to be assaulted by them, by its lying so near their Countries. That it was a rich and noble Kingdom, commodiously seated for their other Territories, and so, as it might secure the navigation upon those Seas, to the subjects of the Ottoman Empire, which so great an Emperor as he, ought the rather to take into his care; for that not only in derision of his dignity, but to the heinous scandal of Religion, and of the name of Musselman, the voyage to the Mecca was impeded, the Pilgrims being miserably made prisoners by the western Pirates, who had safe harbour in that Island. And that as this war was of itself holy, so it might be made the more meritorious, by applying the rich revenues of this new acquisition, to the use of the magnificent Temple, which Selino caused to be built in Andrenopolis. They moreover opposed Mehemet 's opinion very strongly, and the Spanish enterprise, urging the difficulty of carrying so numerous a Fleet into so far distant Countries; to what dangers it would be exposed, sailing through places, where there were no Havens, through the enemy's Rivers; and then how long it would be, before the war could be begun, what alterations time might afford; how vain those hopes use to prove, which are grounded upon popular insurrections, without the groundwork of real forces. How craggy and mountainous those parts were, and naturally apt to hinder any considerable progress of any power, how great soever. Selino listened the more willingly to what these men said, for that it was conformable to his own sense; and on the other side, Mehemet's allegations were of less authority; for he being known to be very wary, nay, rather timorous sometimes in his advices, he was thought to act according to his own inclinations, when he was against making any war without necessity; and now when he was for the enterprise of Spain, wherein there wanted not much difficulty, he seemed to do not only what was contradictory to reason, but contrary to his own nature. Selino proceeded therefore herein with great respect and temper; and at last meeting with no more opposition, he resolved upon the enterprise of Cyprus, saying, He would be himself in person in it. And he was so affectionate, and so constant in this resolution, as all men believed, he would have begun this War the very first year of his Empire, had he not been detained by other impediments: for he found the Empire much exhausted of many things, by reason of the continual Wars made by Soliman, and especially in the last enterprises of Malta and Sighet, wherein many men were consumed, and the Fleet was also almost unfurnished of all things; so as it was necessary to refresh the Forces, and to recruit the Navy, by time and rest. The Bashaw of Caffa being put upon it, as it was thought by Mehemet, to employ the Grand Signior in other affairs, had put him in mind, that by cutting a neck of Land, about some eighteen miles over, in a place called Asdragan, which was possessed by the Russians, two great and famous Rivers might be joined together, the Tanai, and the Volga, whereby several Navigations would be much accommodated, and the fishing of the Tanai would be bettered, to the great and assured advantage of his Highness' Imposts, and with hopes of greater things; for thereby an easy Navigation would be opened to Mare Maiore, whereinto the Tanai falls, and to the Caspian Sea, whereinto the Volga doth disgorge herself; so as Armies might upon any occasion be easily led into Persia. For the which many men being assembled, and much endeavour being had, the Muscovites, through whose Country the Cut was to be made, did not only raise many Horse to disturb the work, but the King of Persia hearing thereof, and considering (as it was true) that by leaving this way open to his Territories, they were bereft of a great security, by reason of the difficulties of the deserts, and by the length of the march, which the Armies meet withal which come to assault them, he began to multiply his men, who were upon his confines, and gave Selino just occasion to suspect, that these things being discovered, he would not ratify the peace and confederacy which he had made with his Father Soliman. Nor was the rising of the Arabians to be slighted, who had possessed themselves of much Territories about the River of Giemen, ta'en the City Aden, and endeavoured to make themselves Masters of the Mecca, and giving out that they held intelligence with the Portuguesse, made greater proceedings be apprehended. But these rumours of the Arabians being at last appeased, and the King of Persia having sent Letters, that he would continue his friendship and former confederacy, and together with them (which made them be the better credited) notice being given by the Bashaw of Ersirun, that all things were peaceful upon the confines of Persia; Selino thought that being free from all impediments, and having already made much provision for War, he ought not now defer it any longer; and the rather, for that he seemed to be invited to hasten the enterprise, by two sad accidents which happened this year, which did much incommodiate the Venetians, but not so much as it was thought. The one was, that there was so great a scarcity of all sorts of Grain this year throughout almost all Italy, as there was great want found thereof in the City of Venice, and in all parts thereabouts: so as it was thought, that not having wherewithal to feed their own people, it would be impossible for the Venetians to maintain an Army, and a Fleet. The other accident was not so sad of itself, but very horrible in appearance. For fire taking on the 13th of September, in the Ammunition of the Arsenal by night, were it by chance, or by any other malice (which was never discovered), it burst out into so great a flame, as much mischief was done, not only in the buildings which are within the Arsenal, but in the parts about it, and to the wonder of all beholders, it wrought some miraculous effects. For those Towers wherein the Gunpowder was placed, were blown up even by the foundation, in so much as in the plain thereof there was a ditch, above fifteen foot deep; and the walls which begird the Arsenal on that side, though they were very strong, and of a large circuit, and certain huge vaults, under which Galleys are sheltered, were thrown down to the ground. It threw down likewise the Church Monastery of the Nuns, Della Celestia, and some other neighbouring houses, and many other Houses that were further off, were torn and spoiled; great holes were made in the walls, marble broken, tops of Houses carried away, all the Houses of the City did so shake, as it was generally thought, that if such an accident had happened a little before, whilst some little Towers in the neighbouring Islands were not replenished with Gunpowder, whereinto the greatest part of the Ammunition Powder, was carried but a little before: that noble City, full of so many, and so stately structures, had been utterly ruined; and truly, the noise was so great and terrible, as it was heard by those that were above thirty 30 miles off; and many in Venice, amazed at so unusual a sound, thought Dooms day had been come. It was noised abroad, that very great mischief was done in the Arsenal, and a great part of the Naval preparations lost by this fire; though indeed the prejudice was not great, nothing having suffered, save only four Galleys which were crushed by the weight of the Vaults; but those who solicited the War at Constantinople, exaggerated these things, representing to the Grand Signeur the Venetians condition to be very low and mean, prognosticating certain ruin to the Commonwealth, and an assured victory to the Ottoman Empire. These were the reasons why the Turks continued peace for many years with the Venetians, and why they broke into war with them at this time. The Senators received due information of these Counsels and transactions from Mark Antonio Barbaro, their Consul at Constantinople, a very wise man, who did excellent service all this while to the Commonwealth. But at first men could not believe their own fears, which they had found to prove false several times before; so as being now accustomed to a long peace, they could not easily persuade themselves, that their condition could be altered; but either not believing these advertisements, or interpreting things otherwise then they were, they thought that this fury of war would burst forth somewhere else. Nay, some of the chief Senators, and best experienced of that Nation, advised that they should be very wary in making provisions for the Navy, lest they might peradventure raise more jealousies than were needful in Selino, by their so great preparations, and make him do that which peradventure he never dreamt of; whereby they might rather hasten, then avoid their danger. The long nourishing of these appearing hopes, was the cause why they did not make such provisions, at the beginng of these jealousies, as the eminent danger did require. But at last, in the beginning of january, the year 1570 being now commenced, Letters came from the Consul to the Senate, wherein he gave notice not only of the general speech and stir; but of the certain resolution put on in the Divano, to assault Cyprus; though the Bashaws constanly affirming the contrary, sought to conceal it. Mehemet, that he might not oblige Selino to do it, by divulging it, and so deprive himself of any occasion which time might produce; Mustapha; and Piali, that to their better advantage, they might assault Cyprus at unawares. But the Consul cunningly seeming not to believe that which he knew to be very true, discoursing with the Turks, and chiefly with Ibrahim, their interpreter, a domestic servant of the first Bashaw, and therefore of good esteem; he drew him at unawares into several communications, whereby he learned much of the Bashaws intentions, of their preparations, and particularly of a great number of flat bottomed boats, which were making in the Gulf of Aiazzo, and in the Mare Majore, and of Orders given out by the captain-general of Asia, (by them called the Belgierbie della Anatolia) to all the Soldiers of that Province, that they might provide to ride into Caramania, and of other things of like nature, by which he might clearly learn, that the next summer's action was to be against the Kingdom of Cyprus. After which advertisements, they all began to be very diligent in providing for so great a need, sought by their present diligence to repair the time they had lost, and gave themselves with all diligence to provide for all such things as were thought fit to withstand the fury of so certain a war. They resolved to send forthwith great Garrisons into Cyprus, and wished all the Governors of the Island to be very vigilant in preparing all such things to sustain the War, which was chiefly intended against that Kingdom, to exhort the common people to Loyalty; and the Gentlemen that were Feudatories, to provide Arms and Horses, according as they were bound to do; and Commanders in chief were provided for their Sea-forts, Luca Michiele was made Commissary of ●ania; Lorenzo damn Mula, being sent a little before into Candia, with title of Commissary General of that Island, with particular charge to inform himself of such as were fit for the Oar, wherewith to furnish twenty Galleys, which were to that purpose sent into that Kingdom. Sebastian● Veniero went to Corfu, who had the supreme Authority of the Militia of that Kingdom given him; and Giovanni da Lege, a Cavalier, and Procurator of St. Mark, was sent to Zara, and made General of all Dalmatia. All the Ships which lay in the Havens of the City, were forbidden to depart without licence, though they were so few at this time, as thereby the difficulty of sending such Foot as was requisite into Cyprus, was made the greater. Soldiers were raised in many parts of Italy, divers Commanders were brought thither, and with much union and diligence they were continually careful, in ordering all their Forces both for their own defence, and to offend the Enemy, insomuch that there was never any provision for War proposed in the Senate, which was not approved of by almost all the Votes. But chiefly they gave themselves with all diligence, to have work done in the Arsenal, and to prepare great store of Galleys: There were eleven Governors chosen of the greater Galleys, and Francisco Duodo was made their Captain, one highly esteemed for his valour, and knowledge in Sea Discipine; and eighty were chosen to be Governors of the lesser Galleys, who were all of them chief Gentlemen of the City, and such as were best experienced in Sea affairs. Pietro Trono, was made Captain of the Frigates; and they resolved to arm a Gallioune, very artificially built before by Vittore Fausto, a learned man, and who had a particular excellency in composing Sea-Engines; Girolimo Contarino, was made Captain thereof; but Girolomo Zane, Procurator of St. Mark, was to have the supreme Authority over the whole Fleet: He was held to be very fortunate both in his own private condition, and in the public employments, who had always governed himself therein with much integrity and wisdom. These things being thus ordered, they applied themselves diligently to see them performed; and all provisions were so easily and readily had, as exceeded expectation. Concerning the using of these Forces, some propounded, that forty Galleys should speedily be sent towards the Levant, who keeping in Candia, should be ready to make use of such occasions as time, and the Enemies proceeding should offer. They considered, that to show this courage at the first, would add comfort to the subjects, and reputation to their affairs; and on the other side, would infuse doubts and confusion into the Enemy, and retard their expedition. For it was likely they would not venture to come forth of the Straight of Galipoli, without their entire strength, when they knew they should meet with such resistance: The which was known, would be of so much the greater help, for that they understood afterwards, that the Turks feared this more than any thing else; and that therefore they had been extraordinarily diligent in sending out 25 Galleys, that they might carry the Ammunition which was prepared for the enterprise of Cyprus, early from Allessandria, which if they should be intercepted by our Galleys, they knew their whole design would be lost. To this it was objected, that it might prove to be of greater danger than security; for that the Turks did always keep so many Galleys ready for the usual guard of some of their places, as that many Pirate's Vessels being added thereunto, (as was usually done in time of War) they might trouble our Galleys, and perchance endanger them, which they thought was the rather to be shunned, for that they had great hopes to do some remarkable action, by using all their forces jointly together. Therefore laying all other thoughts aside for the present, they seemed all of them to be chiefly troubled, how to put sufficient Garrisons into the Forts of Cyprus: Some were for the furnishing them so with men, as if they were never to be relieved; and for providing to relieve them so, as if they had never been Garrisonized. But as the one was variously incommodiated, by the shortness of time, by want of vessels, and by fear, that the enemy would be out, very strong, and very betimes; so they thought, they could not repose any certain hopes in the other, by reason of the enemies powerful forces, and out of the various events of war, and of actions at Sea. This mean while, whilst they were treating, whom they should send to bear chief sway in Cyprus, together with succour; Eugenio Singlitico Count di Rocas, a noble Cyprian, who at this time discharged the office of Lieutenant General of the Militia, by Terra Ferma, and was for the most part resident at Venice, readily offered himself to relieve his Country, at this her so great need, and to serve his Prince: And being speedily dispatched, went his way in a ship with a 1000 Foot, and was by the Senate made chief Commander of all the Cavalry of that Kingdom. Girollimo Martiningo, conductor of the Gens d' Arms, readily and generously offered himself, to raise 2000 Foot within a few days, in the States of other Princes, and to go with them himself to the relief of Famagosta, and to stay there to defend that City. Thus having in a very short space, much to his praise, put all his men in order, and brought them to Venice, to embark both them and himself, in ships destined to that purpose, he would show himself with all his soldiers to the City, appearing in a military habit in the Piazza of St. Mark, a thing well worth the seeing; for the sight of so proper men, adorned with bright Arms, and variety of other noble ornaments, did much delight the unskilful multitude, who being pleased with the novelty of the spectacle, considered not, what the progress and end of war might prove: For these so many and so valiant men, did all perish in a short time, some by suffering, some by the sword of the enemy; and Martiningoes self falling grievously sick, through the inconveniencies of Navigation, died before he could arrive at Cyprus, being herein the l●sse fortunate, that he did not die in Battle, and crown his glory with a more noble death. He was much praised for his loyalty, and for the service he showed to his Prince. The Senate, when they were certain of these the Turks designs and preparations, made an account be given thereof by their Legier Ambassadors, to almost all the Princes of Christendom: wherein the Venetians were the more solicitous, being moved thereunto, not so much out of hope of getting them to join in their defence, as that they might not seem to scorn the help of others; and that confiding too presumptuously on their own strength, the event of that War, wherein the common cause of Christendom was concerned, might be the more endangered. They therefore acquainted them with the weight, of what War the Commonwealth was to sustain, and with the dangers wherewith at the present they were threatened, but wherein all Christendom would in time be concerned. So as some Senators were not listened unto, who advised to do what they were able, speedily, and of themselves, lest by relying upon the uncertain hopes of others, they might either slacken their own provisions, or being alured by the nocertain promises of Princes, quite give over all thought of any treaty of peace. Pope Pius Quintus sat then in St. Peter's Chair, who being but of a mean extract, and exalted to that Supreme dignity out of the fame of his integrity, made good the opinion of his worth, and his so great authority. Wherefore the Venetians addressed themselves to him, as to the chief head of Christendom, and as to a person of singular goodness, entreating his assistance, and that he would persuade other Christian Princes to embrace the common cause. Michielle Suriano was at this time Ambassador for the Commonwealth at Rome, whose experience in State-affairs was the more set off by his learning: He, adding to the Pope's already good inclination▪ many weighty persuasions, did continually excite him to take to heart the Commonwealth's cause, in this time of so great danger. He sometimes urged the examples of other Popes, who had at other times readily assisted the Venetians, against these enemies to the faith of Christ; sometimes he remembered the services done by the Commonwealth to that See, for which she had always so readily exposed her forces, against powerful Princes. But he oftest mentioned the great & eminent danger of the other Christian Kingdoms, and chiefly of the Church-Dominions, if the Commonwealth of Venice should be weakened, which was held by all men to be the surest Bulwark of Christendom. The Pope being by these persuasions wrought upon very much, to defend the Venetians, showed a very great zeal to the common good, and an ardent desire to provide for what was needful for this War, and to assist and sustain the Commonwealth, that her dignity might not be suppressed by so potent an enemy, nor her dominions and forces weakened. Yet calling to mind what had been done formerly, upon like occasions, by other Popes, and lately by Paul the third, in the League made against Soliman, he desired to be pardoned, if he did not all he desired to do; deploring the condition of his times, wherein the moneys of that See were much exhausted; and also by reason of the commotions in France, wherein the City of Avignon was much endangered, being put to great expense and trouble. Therefore though he often moved in the Consistory, that the defence of the Venetians might be embraced, that they might be assisted in this their necessity; and though their cause was approved of in the College of Cardinals, and generally favoured, yet they came to no particular declaring what they would do; only it was granted at the first, that they might raise 100000 Ducats, for the maintenance of that war, by a general tax upon the Venetian Clergy, from which no Prelate of what condition soever, should be exempted. The Pope propounded afterwards, that the King of Spain's Galleys might speedily join with those of the Venetians, whereby to make a powerful Fleet to oppose the Turks, and to disturb these their first designs: And that in the mean time, a League might be treated of with the said King, and the other Princes of Christendom, whereby their forces might for a long while be established, to oppose the Turks. And having made this be signified to the Senate by the Ambassador Suriano, exhorting them to assent to this proposition, and to put this business into his hands, who, as the common Father, would be very zealous of the good of Christendom, and would have a particular care of the good of the Commonwealth. He found them all very well inclined, to follow his authority and advice. He resolved at the same time likewise, to send Ludovico de Torres, Clark of the Apostolic Chamber, into Spain, to Philip of Austria, the Catholic King, to exhort him to assist Christendom readily, against Selino Ottoman, enemy to himself, and to the Catholic Faith, which he did particularly profess to protect, as, by the glorious name acquired, by the pious and generous actions of his Ancestors, he was bound to do. He therefore laid before him, the great danger, wherewith divers States of Christian Princes were threatened, by the Turkish Fleets, which though it was given out, they were intended against Cyprus, yet was it not certain, but that they might easily and speedily fall upon his Dominions; which though they were not for the present molested with war, yet were they in the future the more exposed to the incursions and assaults of the Turkish Fleets, when the Venetians should be weakened in their Maritime forces, and the Turks Empire increased. So as he was to esteem the interests of that Commonwealth inseparably joined with his own. That the Ottoman Empire was a common enemy to all the Potentates of Christendom, and more strong and powerful, than any one of them apart. But that if all, or most of the Christian Princes, would join together, they would exceed the Turks in power, and might hope, not only to resist them, but perhaps to beat and conquer them. That the King was to consider, that if he should not aid the Venetians, at this their so great need, he would lose much honour amongst the Turks, making either his weakness clearly appear, as if the Moors insurrections were sufficient to keep him so employed, as that he could not make use of his forces elsewhere; or else, that he held but bad intelligence with the Commonwealth, or with other Christian Princes, by not moving against his enemy, being invited by so fair an occasion, but abandoning the common cause. That he had used the same endeavours to the Venetians, who had readily referred all things to him, promising to stand to all that he should decree; nor was their truth herein to be doubted, since they knew by experience, they could not ground any safety to themselves by peace with the Turks. Moreover, that great respect would be given to his authority, since he had the spiritual arms in his hands, and did declare himself to be the head and manager of all this business. These things were prudently and effectually represented to the King of Spain, in the Pope's name, by Torres, who presented him likewise with a Brief, wherein the Pope did much deplore the miseries of the present times, remembering therein particularly, the many mischiefs which Christendom had suffered in several parts, through the wicked conspiracies of men branded with heresy, and several infamous vices; who rebelling against God, and against their Princes, had with much audaciousness and fury, shaken several whole Provinces of Christendom, and sought to corrupt the into gr●ty of the Catholic Faith. To which inward grievances, other mischiefs and greater dangers were added, by foreign enemies; Soliman having attempted by great forces, to bereave Maximilian Cesar of the remainders of the Kingdom of Hungary: which fire of war was likely to have burn● forth throughout all Germany, had it not been extinguished by Soliman 's death. But that now, new combustions and calamities did seem to threaten Christendom: that therefore he knew it became him, to have an eye to these commotions, and to denounce so great dangers to Princes, wherein he was to address himself chiefly to the Catholic King, and to excite him to be the first, that should embrace the defence of Christendom, since God had endowed him to that purpose with greatest power and command. That for what concerned himself, he would not be failing in any thing that lay in him, nor in pouring forth prayers continually to God, that he would look with the eyes of mercy upon our actions. These were the endeavours used by the Pope to the Catholic King, who listening thereunto with much benignity and attention, seemed to be very much rejoiced thereat, showing a very good inclination to the common welfare, and to put an high esteem upon the Pope's authority and advice. But because the King was then in Cordua, and was to expedite the affairs in the Courts of Castille, he excused himself, that he could not give a positive answer to the particulars propounded by Torres, in an express memorial, till he should come to Seville. Yet Torres soliciting his expedition with reiterated endeavours, as he who knew nothing could be so prejudicial to the business in hand, as delay, nor nothing so helpful, as speedy resolution; He got the King to promise him, that he would give order that his Galleys, and those of his stipendiary, and confederates, which were about 75, to boot with those of Spain, which by reason of the commotions in Granada, were to tarry in those Seas, should be all brought to the Island of Sicily, with particular Commission to John Andrea Doria, who had the command thereof, to follow the Pope's commands, touching the time and manner of joining with the Venetian Galleys, and to undertake the voyage and business of the Senate. He likewise obtained orders to the Viceroys of Naples and Sicily, that they should furnish the Venetian Fleet with as much corn, as they could conveniently spare, out of those Kingdoms. But as for the League, he would not at that time determine any thing, since the King said, It would require mature consideration. But soon after, when he came to Seville, he resolved of his own freewill, though it was thought, he was persuaded to the contrary by many, to send sufficient Commissions to Don Jovan di Zuinga, who was then his Ambassador at Rome; and to the two Cardinals, Gravelle and Pacecco, to treat of the League, and to conclude it; it being thought fit, 〈◊〉 viating the delays and difficulties, which the far distance of Countries might occasion, in a business of such concernment, that the whole Treaty should be reduced to the City of Rome. The Venetian Senate had sent orders to their Ambassador, Sigismonde de Cavalli, their Ambassador at the Catholic Court, to be aiding to Torres in his negotiations; the King affirming, that when he should know the Pope's proposals, finding him very well inclined to the common good, he would willingly accept of his counsels and exhortations, and would readily do, whatsoever should be resolved of in Rome, and established by the Pope's authority, and by the consent of the Princes. That he very well knew, what the present mischief was, and what the eminent dangers of Christendom. That he would not be wanting in any thing, which might remedy them; and not only to sustain the dignity and state of the Commonwealth, but the reputation of the name of Christian. These endeavours wisely performed by Cavalli, prevailed very much, in bringing the King to put on this resolution; and being several times efficaciously reiterated by Lunardo Donato, who at this time succeeded Cavilli; they did help very much, to keep the King in this good mind, and to overcome many difficulties which were importunely promoted by many of his Counsellors, and State Officers; Donato having purchased much favour and reputation in the Court, by his worth and grave Eloquence. Torres having thus dispatched his Commission in Spain, that he might fully complete the Pope's orders, passed suddenly into Portugal, having first got Letters of recommendation for what he was to treat upon, from Io●e the King's Mother, who was then at Madrid. Sebastian the first, was at this time King of Portugal, a youth of some seventeen years old, religiously educated under Don Luigi Gonzabell, a Jesuit, one well esteemed for his integrity, and of great Authority with the King: wherefore the Pope promised himself all the assistance that could be expected from him, for the service of Christendom. He therefore desired, that the ten Galleys, which were continually kept armed in that Kingdom, might pass along into these Seas, together with those of the Catholic King, and join with the Venetian Galleys. But the King, showing great obsequy and reverence towards the Apostolic Sea, and much desire to satisfy the Pope's request in this so pious and profitable enterprise, excused himself, that his actions could not correspond with his inclinations; for that his Galleys were for the most part disarmed, by reason of the Plague which had been the year before in Lisbon; and that it was not possible for him to arm them so soon, as that they might be fit for service that year; so as Torres his journey into Portugal, as to that point proved to no purpose. But he began an other business with that King, which was, to procure the consummation of his Marriage with Margaret, sister to the King of France, which had long before been treated of, but to no effect, by the Catholic King. But it happened very unseasonably at this time, that the Pope's power was not great with the Emperor, by reason of his being offended with him, for having granted a new title of great Duke of Tuscany, to Cosmo de Medici, Duke of Florence, which being done not only without Caesar's knowledge, but (as he said) contrary to his will, expressly signified by his Ambassador, then resident at Rome, he thought his honour much concerned therein, and the Authority of the Empire; so as being much scandalised thereat, he in his Court declared this act of the Popes to be invalid, and had already sent his Ambassadors to Rome, to protest the invalidity thereof unto the Pope. Therefore the Pope minded the Venetians, that they might do well to work the Emperor to be a friend herein, which when he should declare himself so to be, he the Pope would not be wanting to make him the more fervent therein by his exhortations, and express Nuncio's. At the same time therefore, when the Treaty concerning this Confederacy was promoted at the Catholic Court, jovan Michiele, the Venetian Ambassador, an able man, and very dexterous at the management of important affairs, had given a beginning to the same at Caesar's Court: He told the Emperor, that now the occasion was given of doing that which he himself had often wished for before; and whereby he might safely assault the Turkish Territories on that side, whilst they being busied at Sea, would not have opportunity to relieve them: That he was not therefore to wait, till this War being ended, and their Empire secured by their Sea-Forces, the Turks might turn all their Forces to prejudice him: from which danger, how little safe he was by the League with the Turks, and their plighted faith, he might easily perceive by Selino's having broken peace with the Venetians, and by his having violated his Oath, for no other cause, but that he would govern the whole world. To which Caesar seeming to assent, he readily answered; He would not be wanting to his own good, and to the good of Christendom, but exhorted the Venetians to accept of, and to prosecute this War, with a constant and magnanimous resolution; saying, that their noble daring would make all other Christian Princes the more willing to assist and back them, which they would never fail to do, if the Venetians were not faulty to themselves. For his own part, they might promise themselves a ready resolution; that he knew, the Archduke's, his Brothers, would be of the same mind with him; and did hope that the King of Poland, and the Duke of Muscovy, would follow his example: but that it was necessary to see first what the other Princes would do, and particularly the King of Spain▪ whose pleasure in that point he had desired to know speedily and assuredly, by a messenger which he had purposely sent unto him. The Pope did often solicit Charles the ninth, King of France, by his Nuncio, to side with the League, endeavouring to persuade him, that though perhaps he could not lend so speedy assistance to the League as was requisite, by reason of the troubles his Kingdom had been in for many years of late by domestic affairs; yet ought he to favour it as much as he could, and add unto the Reputation, if not unto the Forces thereof, by his name, and by his authority; which request the King not thinking himself able to satisfy, and yet being unwilling to seem to undervalue the Pope's exhortations, and authority; he interposed several delays, saying, That he would see, what others would do, who were then more powerful than he, and freer from impediments: But the Queen-Mother, on whom the weight of that Government did then very much rest, excusing herself more directly, said, that her Son's condition differed from that of other Princes, because the point in hand with them was, of continuing War against an Enemy; but with France, it was of breaking amity with a potent Prince, their ancient friend; that therefore it was a business of great weight, and which ought to be well considered. But both the King and Queen, were very civil in their speeches towards the Commonwealth, in so much, as to boot with their offers made to the Venetian Ambassador, then resident in the Court of France, and many that they made their Ambassador make, who were then resident at Venice: The King sent a Gentleman of his expressly to offer unto the Signory, all that it was possible for the Kingdom of France to do at the present, being molested with so grievous accidents; to wit, That he would use his Authority to divert this War, and to accommodate their affairs with the Turkish Emperor, making use of that friendship which he had never contracted, but found it commenced by his Grandfather, King Francis, and by Henry his Father; and that he would think she should now make good use thereof, if he could thereby do any service to his ancient good friends the Venetians. But neither did time nor occasion permit any use to be made of these things; preparations for War being already too far advanced on both sides; nor was it thought a good course to slaken either other Princes, or themselves, all of them being now hotly set upon War, and bend to defend their own Dominions. The Italian Princes appeared well inclined to the League; the Duke of Urbino offered both himself, and his State readily, and the Duke of Savoy did the like, but to better advantage, by reason of his Galleys, whereof good use might be made, as did after the Confederates. The Duke of Florence was the more forward herein, professing to be governed in all things by the Pope, as being obliged to him for his new access of honour; and to win his favour the more, he seemed not only willing to favour the League, but being then in Rome, he encouraged the Pope to what he saw him already zealously bend. But the Duke of Ferrara had so incensed the Pope against him, by reason of the old difference of the Salt, and of certain Navigation upon the Poe, as he constantly affirmed, that he would by no means bear with the disobedience of a vassal of the Church: nor that his own Authority should be so lessened, threatening to go against him with his temporal arms, unless he altered his mind: And on the other side, the Duke said, that if he were necessitated to do so, to preserve the jurisdiction of those Dominions, which being gotten by his Ancestors fell to him by right of Inheritance, he would leave nothing unattempted; nay, that he would call in the French Huguenots to his assistance; which the Venetian Senate thinking to be too unseasonable at this time, and that it might not only disturb the League which was now on Treaty, but otherwise necessitate and endanger the Commonwealth; they sent jovan Formento, Secretary of the Council of Ten, a man well experienced in such Negotiations, to Ferrara, to mediate with the Duke, that considering the present state of affairs, and the due obsequy which he ought to pay unto the Apostolic Sea, he would both for the common good, and for his own particular interest, lay aside all thoughts which might put him upon the trial of his Forces, and that he might hope to receive better, and more certain advantage by Treaty. Thus by the interposition of the Senate's Authority, first with the Duke, and then with the Pope; this other fire was extinguished which was a kindling, to the prejudice of Christendom. It was also resolved, to solicit Tamas king of Persia, to take up Arms, and to revenge the ancient and new Injuries which his Kingdom had received by the Ottoman Princes. Vicenza d' Allessandris, was chosen for this employment, a Citizen of Venice, as one, who having lived long at Constantinople, was versed in several Languages, and had had some converse with these barbarous Nations. This man, the passages being blocked up, by reason of the Wars, in the lower parts towards the Sea, took his journey throuhg Germany, Poland, and Walacchia, and coming to the banks of the Mare Majore, took shipping at Moncastro, which is the ancient Hermonassa, and went from thence to Lynope, a City famous, for having been the Country of Mithredates; and from thence he went to Tauris, whither being come, and understanding that Tamas was then at Casmin, one of the Residences of the Kings of Persia, which lies more inward into the Country, which was anciently called Arsatia, he went to that City. Here; being brought in by some Armenian Merchants, (who had had commerce formerly at Venice) by night according to the custom of that Nation, before Sultan Caidar Mirice, the King's third Son, & who was then his Lieutenant, he had several long discourses with him, touching his journey, and the occasion thereof; Vicenzo acquainted him with Selino's having taken up Arms against the Venetians, and with the great preparations for War, which was made by almost all the Princes of Christendom, to assault the Turkish Empire, by their Armies, and by their Fleets, exhorting him in the names of his Lords and Masters, to make use of this occasion, and to make War with the Turks on that side: now that their Asian Territories being exhausted of all their Soldiers, who were to be employed in the enterprise of Cyprus, were left a prey to whosoever would assault them. All which things Caidar seemed willing to hear, and by many questions informed himself of every particular; but promised nothing, save that he would be a means that he might be admitted to audience by his father. Al●ssandri perceiving this unseasonable delay, began to treat with the Lord Chancellor of the Kingdom, being advised so to do, and assisted therein by Coza Ali, a Merchant of Tauris, to whom, he going at the same time from Venice, the business was recommended; the Chancellor, after some discourse had thereupon, said that his King was a wise Prince, and that he was to proceed maturely in a business of such Importance, and would a while expect the success of the League, upon which he might afterwards ground his resolution the better. Thus Alessandris not being admitted into the King's presence, departed without any other answer: For it was clearly seen that Tamas, being now very old, and addicted to peace, shunned giving occasion to the Turk of any suspicion, that he would conspire against him, together with the Christian Princes. This business was likewise much impeded by accidents which happened at that time, wherein (according to the usual course of the Ottoman family) the Persian forces were employed in appeasing certain Insurrections, raised by a Nephew of Homat, formerly King of Giland, a noble and rich Country of Media, now in the possession of the Kings of Persia: whereupon Mustapha Mirise, the King's eldest Son, was gone with 10000 Horse into that Province, to suppress the Author of those Commotions. Thus whilst the Christians were in trouble, the Persians enjoyed their quiet, nourishing thereby a long and heavy War unto themselves, which was made against them some few years after by Amurate, Son to Selino, who possessed himself at unawares of several places in Media, in the Country which is now called Servan, whilst the Persians did in vain desire to see the Christians take up Arms against the common enemies, as the Christians did now in vain desire the help and favour of their forces. These were the Venetians preparations, these their counsels, and treaties with other Princes at this time, that they might jointly wage war with the common enemy. But the Turks beginning this mean while to commit many hostile acts, had detained several subjects of the Commonwealth, together with their goods, who trafficked in Narenta, and in other parts of Albania, within the Turkish Dominions; and had likewise unloaded two Venetian ships which were at Constantinople, and not suffered them to depart from those Havens, though upon other pretences: Which when the Venetians heard of, they thought it became them, to treat the Turkish subjects which were in their City accordingly; to the end, that their persons and goods might serve, to ransom our men, and their merchandise. A guard was likewise put upon a Chiaus, named Mamutbei, who being parted from the Court to go for France, was come some days before to Venice, and stayed there, to negotiate a certain business of some particular Merchants, with the Venetian Signories, to whom he brought credential Letters; as also to be advised therein by Monsieur Duferier, the French Ambassador, then resident at Venice, who thinking, that it had been fit to have known his King's intention, which peradventure might have been altered, by the various accidents of the times, and to procure a safe conduct for Mamutbei's passage through the State of Milan, had kept him from pursuing his journey into France, out of these respects. Duferier did modestly resent the detention of this man, as of one who was sent to his Prince, and had been advised to tarry there by him; wherefore he endeavoured his liberty. But the King, when he knew the Venetians just reasons, and that Mamutbei had not any important business to treat of, but that he was come either to be a spy over the Venetians, under other pretences, or else sent out of some idle occasion by the French Ambassador, then resident at Constantinople, without his knowledge or consent, he was soon pacified. Mamutbei was therefore sent to Verona, and kept prisoner in St. Felice's Castle, till the end of the war. Whilst the Venetians were thus employed, the Turks were not idle at Constantinople, but were alike diligent in providing all things, that they might put to Sea as soon, and as strong, as was possible. Selino being returned to Constantinople in December, he was so diligent in making men work in the Arsenal, in causing new Galleys be built, in caulking old ones, in casting Artillery, and in all other necessaries, as he himself went thither sometimes to hasten the work. A great number of pioneers were listed in Grecia, great quantities of Biscuits was made in Morea. Galleys were sent to Constantinople from many Provinces, to make up the Fleet; and twenty five Galleys were prepared in all haste, to be speedily sent into Allessandria, to bring away much provisions, which were made ready there for the Armies: For they did very much fear, that the Venetians would be speedy, in sending a great squadron of Galleys into the Levant, whereby their Navigation might be blocked up and hindered, much to their prejudice. They were likewise very solicitous in finishing a Fort, which was begun a little before at Brazzo di Maina, that they might have a fitting and safe receptacle for a good squadron of Galleys, which they purposed to send early out, to hinder the succour which might be sent by the Venetians to Cyprus. And Selino continuing his resolution, to go himself in person in the Army, an infinite number of Camels were prepared, and great solemnity was used in getting all things ready, according to the custom of that Nation, when their Emperor goes into the field. The Pashas discoursed oft, how the war was to be managed, wherein their opinions were very different; some were minded, that before any thing else were done, men were to be poured into Cyprus, by a great Fleet of all sorts of Vessels, which being landed, and the flat-bottomed Boats, and small Pinnaces being left there, together with a squadron of Galleys, for their better security, the rest of the Fleet should make for our Gulf, to terrify the Venetians, and to confuse them the more, and to keep the Christian Fleets play in these seas. And that if it should be too long, ere the whole Fleet could be united, the first hundred Galleys which should be ready, should be presently sent towards Cyprus, to get footing there, and to secure the landing of the rest of the Army, by building a Fort there. Others would, that Piali, without any further loss of time, should instantly put to Sea with 100 Galleys, and enter our Gulf, and that the rest of the Fleet should be sent to Cyprus. And others thinking it neither safe, nor of any use, to advance so soon, proposed, that Piali should go with the said hundred Galleys, to the Haven of Suda, and possess themselves thereof; and pillaging the Island of Candia, should wait there for the rest of the Fleet, and to do then as they should see cause, by the move of our Fleets. The different respects of Mustafa and Piali, nourished the variety of these opinions the longer; for the former, to whom the enterprise of Cyprus was commended, desired, for the better success, that the whole Fleet should be employed only therein: And the latter, who had the supreme authority over the Fleet, endeavoured, that the Fleet might go somewhither else, whereby he might have occasion of doing some gallant action, which might redound to his particular praise. The Consul got notice of all these preparations and counsels, who being very desirous that they might be known at Venice; to which purpose, as he was very diligent in writing to the Senate, so feared he, that all his Letters might be intercepted, as he knew some of them had been. Wherefore knowing, that Mehemet was against this enterprise, he sought how to work this his intent by him: He cunningly invited him, to propound somewhat to him, which if he should have moved to Mehemet, he knew would not be granted; to wit, that some of his servants might be sent to Venice, which was the only means, whereby he might fully and safely acquaint the Senate, with all that past at Constantinople. He therefore first by Ibraim's means, and then himself by word of mouth, did let the Bashaw know, how ill it became the power and generosity of so mighty a Prince, to assault those at unawares, who thought themselves safe under his plighted faith and oath; as if he were not able, when time & occasion should require, to use his forces against them, to get what he thought he had just pretence unto: that first he was to use the way of justice, then of violence; and to try what might be done by Treaty, before he laid his hand upon his sword. Which Mehemet thinking to be reasonable, he persuaded Selino to demand the Kingdom of Cyprus from the Venetians, by a man of his, who should be sent to Venice of purpose, before he should forceably assault it. Cubat Chiaus was chosen to do this, who had been at Venice some two years before, about other business. Whereupon the Consul took occasion, under pretence of securing the Chiaus in the Venetian Dominions, and of putting a greater reputation upon the business, to send his Secretary, Luigi Buonrizzo, who being very well informed of all things, was very fit to be employed herein: And he got leave, by the Bashaws means, to send his young son Luigi to Venice, who he feared might run some danger, by being at this time amongst the Barbarians. Another no small advantage was also hereby got; for the Turks suspended their Arms till the Chiaus should return; and our men had more conveniency given them, to garrison their Forts, and to provide for their subjects safety, who were every where already sorely infested by the Turks; for the St. jacks of Clissa and Bossina being up in Arms, upon occasion of this war, and every one striving, who should first pray upon the neighbouring places, they ran every day through the Territories, and came even to the gates of the Venetian Cities, carrying away corn, cattle, and all things else, from the Country people, and taking many of them prisoners; insomuch as Bernardo Mallepiero, Commissary of Horse in Dalmatia, going one day out of Zara with 80 Stradiotti, to secure the men of the Country, he met with a greater number of Turks, and advancing too forwards, transported by his courage and desire of praise, he was so sorely wounded, as he fell down dead off his horseback, and Fabio de Canale was chosen in his place. And not long after, julio Savorguano was likewise sent to Zara, to be General of the Militia of Dalmatia. The coming of the Cubat Chiaus with the Secretary, signified to Venice, as soon as he was come to Ragugi, made several impressions in men's minds: Some were solicitously desirous, to know the reason of this unexpected Embassy; others imagined it to be what they desired, and were glad, that a way was opened to a treaty of Peace; & others were sorry, thinking that he was come to hinder their preparations for war, and to interrupt the great hopes which they had already in vain fancied unto themselves. But understanding by the Letters which the Consul sent them from Ragugi, the true occasion of his coming, and the copy of the very Letters, which the Chiaus brought them in the name of the grand Signior, and of the Bashaw, wherein the voluntary surrender of Cyprus was demanded, which if they would not do, he then denounced War against them; The Senators began suddenly to think, what answer they were to make, thinking it a thing which much became the honour of the Commonwealth, to give a speedy answer to this Embassy; as also, that it suited not with the condition of those times, and to the putting a good end to the Treaties, which they had already begun with other Princes; wherein many considerations were to be had, which tended notwithstanding all to the same end, so as each strove to confirm other, in the generally received opinion; which was, to dismiss the Chiaus suddenly, without any other answer, but that they would accept of the war which was intimated to them, and prepare for their defence. These considered, That no good could be done by the way of Treaty to keep off the War, which was already resolved on by Selino; and that since they were howsoever to undergo the hazard, it would become the Commonwealth better to be generous, in taking up Arms speedily in their own defence, not showing any the least sign of fear, which might seem to make them distrust the honesty of the cause which they were to defend. They said, they were deceived, who thought, that Selino 's vast desires, which, caused by a greedy desire of Government, tended to infinities, and was not to be apaid by the Empire of the whole world, could be satisfied with beginning to grant something to his unjust demands. So as it was not only not to be hoped for, that this his desire should terminate, in some new Tribute imposed upon the Kingdom of Cyprus, or in any thing else that should be voluntarily yielded unto him, as some would seem to say; but that esteeming the acquisition of that Kingdom but a small matter, he would quickly begin to aspire after the rest of their Dominions, even to their total destruction. Nor that they ought to be terrified by the example made use of by some, of the great dangers which the Commonwealth underwent in the last wars by Terra Ferma, since it was apparent, that it was rather the rash resolutions of their Captains, which had thrust them upon those difficulties, than the Senate's mature advices; and that these might now be in a great part avoided, since that the war which was now to be made, was by Sea, and by their own Citizens, who for their own honour, and for their great concernment therein, would handle it with no less fortitude, but with more wisdom and fidelity, than peradventure their land Armies ●ad been managed by foreigners. That likewise such was the condition of times, the nature and intentions of the present Princes such, as they might more safely rely upon hopes from them, than they had reason to do formerly. That now all men knew, the common cause was in question, and were all therefore bound, to join in the maintaining thereof. That in the mean time they should not, by setting new business on foot, make them grow cool and jealous, so as they might with reason refuse to affy in them, whom they should see so afraid at the very fame of danger; and who, after such preparations for war, should so easily give way to thoughts of peace. They added moreover, that the condition of the commonwealth was to be considered, the state of affairs being reduced to that pass, as she was continually in many grievious dangers, which were not lessened by time, but made greater daily. That therefore they ought not to give those that should succeed them, occasion to complain as much of them, as they did now of their predecessors, for having suffered the Ottoman family to grow so powerful. And that such a fault would be now more heinous, as that they knowing the danger better, than peradventure their ●●●●fathers did, and being more necessitated to provide for their own safety, would not do it; preferring the conveniencies of a short and uncertain peace, before the honourable troubles of War, whereby, the Forces of Christendom joining together, they might hope to procure greater safety to themselves, and posterity. The hearts of all men not being only confirmed by these reasons, but even inflamed on War, it was by a general consent of the whole College, propounded to the Senate, and the advice of dispatching the Chiaus away quickly, with few and resolute words, accepting the War which he was to denounce against them, was approved of. But that which was wont to be said is true, the too great desire of things, doth often make the obtaining thereof more difficult, and the truth not being suffered to be seen, things are brought to an end, differing from what too ardent a desire had framed unto itself: Surely the doubt propounded, that the Princes might grow suspicious, that they would treat of some Agreement with the Turks, if they should return a slower and less positive answer to this Embassy, was more prevalent than any other Reasons; which made it be apprehended, that the treaty of League, which the Venetians did so much desire, and which was hopefully begun, might be interrupted: and it is most certain, that when news of the Chiaus coming was brought to Rome, those who treated of the League for the Catholic King, began to be more jealous in the business; and it was afterwards more clearly known, that these jealousies, and these suspicions, did more than any other reason, remove many difficulties which arose in this Agreement. But the answer being resolved upon, and Cubat being already come to the City shore, where he was made to tarry in the same Galley which had brought him from Ragugi, and all commerce was forbidden him: order was given, that he, unaccompanied by any, save Secretary Buonrizzo, and two Dragomani, should be privately brought into the College, without any such honours, as are wont to be given to such as come from that Court upon any public business; yet he had the usual place allotted him, which is the right side of the Prince's Chair: being thus brought to audience, he kissed the Prince's Garment, and sitting down after he had made many reverences, he drew forth a Purse embroidered with Gold, wherein, accordding to the custom of that Nation, Selino's Letter was; and said, This, most Illustrious Prince, is a Letter from my Lord and Master, when his demands therein shall be known, I will expect an answer: Which the Prince saying, he should have, he was somewhat troubled that no more was said unto him, and added. Gentlemen, Mehemet, the first Bashaw, hath willed me to tell you, that he is very sorry, that occasion is happened of breaking that peace, which he hath always endeavoured to preserve: But the so many complaints made at Court, from so many places of the unfriendly behaviour of the Officers of this State, and chiefly of the harbour, and favour given in Cyprus to the western Pirates, by whom the Musselmans have been much indammaged this very year, have made such impression in the grand Signior, and so incensed him against this State, finding that his endeavours often used with the Consuls, hath done no good, as he can no longer forbear intimating of War unto you; and knowing that you will not be able long to resist the power of so puissant a Prince, be as a friend adviseth you, rather to choose any other means to free yourselves from so many and so great dangers: And to this end, he hath procured me to be sent to this City, and offers to interpose himself in all he can, to keep you from falling into this great misfortune, and to preserve you in the ancient friendship of the Grand Signeur. This being said, he gave them a Letter from the same Bashaw, which contained all that he had said. To all which, the Prince answered; That the Senate had resolved upon an answer, the which that he might be the better able to understand, and to relate again, the very words should be read unto him, which was done by Antonio Milledonne, one of the Secretaries of the Council of Ten: the answer was this. That the Senate did very much wonder, why his Master, being unprovoked by any injury, should violate the Oath, wherewith he had but a little before confirmed the peace; and that he might pick a quarrel to make war with them, should demand the surrender of a Kingdom, which had been for so many years, lawfully, and peacefully possessed by the Commonwealth, which he might be sure they would by no means part with. But that since he was pleased to proceed in this manner, the Venetian Senate would never be wanting in defending what was theirs; hoping to be the better able to do it, for that the goodness of their cause, would procure them the assistance both of God and Man. He was afterwards told, that when his Master's Letters were translated, they should be read, and an answer should be sent him. And thus without any further discourse, the Chiaus was dismissed. The Letter began with many complaints against the Venetians; for their having disturbed the ancient confines of Dalmatia, which were prescribed to each of their Dominions, in the Agreement made by their Predecessors, that contrary to the ancient and new Articles, they had ta'en away the life from many Musselman Pirates; after they had been taken alive in fight. But particularly, that refuge was continually given in the Island of Cyprus, to the western Pirates, who infested his adjoining parts, and hindered the Navigation of his subjects upon those Seas: wherefore he demanded in the latter part, That if the Venetians, would continue their ancient friendship, they should yield up the Kingdom of Cyprus, so to take away the chief occasion which nourished these discords; and that otherwise, they were to prepare to sustain a sore War both by Sea and Land; for he would send his Fleet with powerful Forces, to take that Kingdom, and would assault their Dominions in all other places; and he did trust in God, the Patron of all Victories, and in his blessed Prophet, Mahomet, who had blessed the Ottoman Family with so large an Empire, to prove victorious in this enterprise, as his Predecessors had always done in all their attempts. To these Letters, the Senate returned this answer. That the Venetians had always observed peace with the Ottoman Emperors inviolably, despising all other respects, and refusing all occasions, which they might have made use of to their advantage. For they thought it became Princes, above all things else, diligently to keep their word, and their plighted faith; that being desirous to avoid any suspicion in this point, they had passed by some injuries, that they might not be the first disturbers of the Peace: but that since they perceived that War was pronounced against them now, when they did least suspect it, they would not refuse it, to defend themselves, and to preserve the Kingdom of Cyprus; which as their Fathers had possessed for the space of several ages, under a just title, so they did trust in divine justice, to be able to defend it against whosoever should go about to rob them of it unjustly. War being thus intimated to the Venetians, and by them accepted, drew all men's eyes upon it, every one expecting how the Potentates of Christendom would resent this great commotion; and believing that strange revolutions would be seen in the greatest Empires of the world, according as the fortune of War should favour, or frown upon the several designs of Princes. And as men do always differ in opinion, this resolution was diversely understood and interpreted. Some thought, that it might have better become the wisdom of the Senate, and the manner wherewith the Commonwealth had wont to proceed, to have given honourable reception to Cubat Chiaus, and by endeavouring to sift out whether he had any secret Commission or no, from the Grand Signior, or from Mehemet, to use their skill and cunning to bring the business to a Treaty, which when it should be begun, time would be got, which would make much for the advantage of the offended. These recalled to memory the passages of the former Age, and how late our Fathers did repent their not having taken this course, when War was denounced against the Commonwealth, by almost all the Princes of Christendom in the League at Cambrai, from which, and from the so many miseries thereby occasioned, they might perchance have freed themselves, if they had beta'en themselves betimes, rather to Treaty than to Arms. That the present business was no less perilous, than that which had preceded; but the greater, for that then the first brunts being sustained, they might expect much benefit by the protraction of time, since these Forces were likely soon to sunder, and grow weak, by reason of the differing designs of the associate Princes: but that now having to do but with one only Prince, who was very powerful, they underwent the same dangers and difficulties, whether they should hazard themselves upon the fortunate of Battle, or spin out the War in length, nor was all ways to Treaties hard up, since Selino was not provoked by an injury, to assault the Commonwealth, nor by any jealousy of State, whereby he might plead necessity of selfe-safety for what he did; but by a certain slight appetite of his own, or desire of Glory, which he having but small reason to do, it might in time cool of itself, and by the chief Bashaw's mediation. Nor would this be any baseness, but true moral wisdom, by which a wise man aiming at the common good, and setting aside all other vain respects, knows how to suit his actions to time and occasion; Nay, the Commonwealth might gain more honour, if treating of peace with their sword in hand, they might come to Agreement with so proud and haughty an enemy, by the bare fame of their Forces; and if these Negotiations should not be able to reconcile the Enemy, it might advantage the League which was in treaty with their friends. But others on the contrary, whose number was much the greater, exalting the constant generosity of the Senate even to the skies, fancied extravagant things unto themselves, and what they might more truly have excused by necessity, or have praised for wisdom, in having without loss of courage, accommodated their resolves unto the time; they did celebrate it, as sprung out of mere election, and out of a magnanimous and noble purpose, to abate the power of the common Enemy, inciting other Princes to do the like, by their leading the way, and making war upon the Turks in their own confines, both by sea and land. That the power and greatness of that Nation, was not peradventure so much dreaded before, because it was far off, and unknown; that now it was grown so near, and so well known, and esteemed by all Princes, as there would not be any one of them, who would not for their own safety, favour the enterprise; & that so much the rather, for that nothing was more manifest, then that if the Venetians should be worsted, the Turkish Fleets might much the more easily, run victoriously over all the Seas. The zeal and charity towards their Country, increasing the more in some, out of these respects; in others, the obsequy towards their Prince; and in some, the desire of military honour; many of the Venetian Nobility, especially those who held any Ecclesiastical dignities, and many Gentry of the Terra ferma; nay, many of the Commonalty, and also many chief personages, not only of other parts of Italy, but foreigners came in apace, and offered the Commonwealth, in so just and pious a war, either money, or soldiers, or their own persons, or other things fitting for the Fleet; and all this with strange and miraculous alacrity: So as vying in a noble emulation, it is not easy to determine who did exceed in their offers, liberality, piety, and fidelity. This did very much comfort the Senators, it being a manifest testimony, of the pleasing and moderate government of that Commonwealth, and of the esteem she was in with foreigners. So as their Citizens and Subjects uncommanded, and moved only out of a singular affection towards the State, did of their own freewill employ their persons and faculties, for the preservation thereof. And other Nations, esteeming its defence as the common cause, sought to maintain its greatness, and increase its glory. Therefore proceeding with all respect, as far as the present necessity would permit, in taxing the City of Venice, and the other Cities belonging to the State, they resolved to alienate divers public goods, to make use of much moneys deposited in the Exchequer, to the great advantage of such as brought gold or silver thither. To this purpose, the number of the Procurators of St. Mark was increased; this honour, which is next that of the Doge, being conferred upon as many, as did lend above 20000 Ducats to the Public, in reward for their goodwill towards their Country, and for their having assisted her at such a need. Leave was also given to all young men, as were nobly born, upon depositing a certain sum of money in the Exchequer, to enter into the Consiglio majore, before the time allowed by the Law, and to be capable of choosing Magistrates, and of exercising some places of Magistracy themselves. There was at this time a cessation of Arms, Cabat's return being expected, and the issue of his employment; but the news which he brought being divulged, when he came to Ragugi, the soldiers of those confines not waiting for any orders, assembled themselves together in great numbers, and did not only pillage the Venetian's subjects that were in Albania and Dalmatia, but encamped themselves before the Cities of Dolcigno and Antivari; wherein finding that there were good Garrisons, and many of the Country, and wanting Artillery to storm them, they were forced for the present to retreat. But when the Chiaus was come to Constantinople, and that the Senate's answer was known, every one was struck with wonder; for the Turks knowing, that the Venetians had formerly studied very much to preserve their friendship; thought they would do any thing, rather than take up Arms against them. Selino was not only amazed, but was very angry, at the neglect which he thought was done to him, in their not having treated Cabat with the wont demonstrations of honour, and for that they had not sent their resolution in a business of such importance, by an express messenger of their own, but contrary to their promise, detained Secretary Buonrizzo at Venice. Wherefore contrary to custom, and Mehemet also desiring it, he would have Cabat brought into his presence, and receive from his own mouth what the Venetians said, and did unto him, and how they were prepared for war, things which are commonly brought to the grand Signior's ear by the chief Bashaw. So as these things bearing with them the greater force, being related by the messenger himself, Selino was sometimes much amazed at the forces of the Commonwealth, and did almost repent what he had done; sometimes he was the more incensed, being incited thereunto by his own haughtiness, and by his servants flatteries. He therefore set a guard upon the Consul's house, not suffering him to come forth, nor to negotiate with any one; and gave orders to the Pashas of Cairo and Aleppo, to do the same to the Consuls of Alessandria and Soria, being Venetian Magistrates, kept in those parts for matter of Merchandise; who were all of them at first kept under the same restraint, but were soon after se● at liberty, upon the giving in of security not to depart themselves, nor to send any of their goods out of the Turkish Dominions. But Selino did chiefly solicit the departure of the Fleet, there being not ●s then above twenty five Galleys gone forth, under Amurate Ra●s, destined to hinder the relief which might be brought to Cyprus; which being encountered by the two ships, wherein Martiningoes soldiers were, they fought them, and valiantly repulsed them, with loss to the enemy. But soon after, seventy Galleys were committed to Piali's charge, and ordered to put to Sea, which going first towards Rhodes, stayed there, expecting Mustafa with the rest of the Fleet, that they might then do as they should see occasion, and according as they should hear news of the Christian Fleets, they not daring to divide themselves, nor go jointly to Cyprus, nor to put on any certain resolution, in what they had at first designed, by reason of the great opinion, which Cabats relation had raised, of the forces and preparations of the Venetian and Spanish Fleets. Wherefore their fear and confusion did increase so much, that no news being heard of the Fleet for some days after it was put to Sea, and fearing lest the Christian Fleet might be passed by, and gone towards Constantinople, they sent to view, and to put Garrisons into the Forts of the Dardenelli, so to provide against any sudden accident. At this time the Doge, Pietro Loredano died, on the fifth of May, having possessed that supreme dignity for about three years' space, but had not been therein very fortunate; for many sad accidents of fire, famine, and war, falling out at the same time, though without any fault of his, who was a Prince of much innocency and integrity, made the memory of his Government but meanly acceptable to the people. Luigi Mocenico was chosen four days after to succeed him, in whose election, the memory of his ancestors concurred, (who had been famous and well-deserving men) as also the favour of his kindred, and his own worth, which prevailed the more with men; for that these times of danger required, to have a man of mature wisdom for their Head, and one very well versed in the management of affairs, both at home and abroad; and such a one was Mocenico held to be. And to the end that men's minds might be busied about nothing but war, though it was provided by the Laws and ancient Customs, that a Magistrate should be chosen in the vacancy of the Dukedom, whose office was, to correct the disorders of the Judges of the Palace; and an other Magistrate, whose particular care it was, to inquire into the actions of the dead Prince; yet the former was at that time quite forborn, and the choice of the other deferred, till after the election of the new Prince. And now the Venetians having sent word to all Prince's Courts, of the coming of the Chiaus, and also acquainted them with the answer wherewith he was suddenly dismissed, they continued the treaty of the League. Therefore to the end, that the business might be carried on at Cesar's Court, with the greater reputation and authority, they resolved to send a particular Ambassador thither, and jacomo Soranzo was chosen for this employment, a man of great esteem and authority, and who had been long versed in the Courts of Princes, on the Commonwealth's behalf; for the Senate thought it was very fit, to quicken Maximilian, by a particular Embassy, and by more pressing endeavours; since they knew, that his resolution would be of very great concernment, for the establishment of the hopes of this union of Christendom, both in his own respect, and for that other Princes would be willing to follow his example: Who when it was thought, he would have been more fervent in his first intention, by the dismission of the Chiaus, and by the wars being resolved upon, began to grow cool, and to move many difficulties, saying, That it would be necessary to find out some means, to be sure, that none of the Colleagues might not withdraw themselves, upon the approach of any danger, and leave the rest engaged, seeming to believe but a little in the Germane assistance. And men did the more apprehend these his doubts, because it was said, that he prepared at the same time to send the Tribute to Constantinople, which is paid to the Turkish Emperors for the Kingdom of Hungary. Wherefore the Senate used all the means they could, by their Legier Ambassador, that the Tribute might be kept unpaid, till this Treaty were at an end; which if it should be sent before, the Treaty would be almost ruined, before it was well begun, and much prejudice would be done to the common cause of Christendom. But notwithstanding the Emperor desired, were it either by way of excuse, or that he did really wish it, that the Commonwealth would send an Ambassador to be assistant to this purpose, at the Diet which was to be held at Spire, by whose presence a business of that concernment might be therein treated of, and concluded with more honour and safety, wherein the contributions of the Princes, and Hans-Towns of Germany was requisite, without which Cesar could not resolve for certain to enter into the League, nor expect any good thereby. But no speech being had at the Court, of Spain, of the Confederacy, which the King was contented should be treated of at Rome, and had to that effect sent sufficient commission to his Ambassador jovan di Zuniga to Antonio Cardinal Gravella, and Francisco Cardinal Pacecco, the Pope's Nuncio, and the Venetian Ambassador, pressed that Doria, as soon as he should have got the Galleys of those Seas together, which he had received orders to do, might be commanded to join with the Venetian Fleet, wherein the King's Counsellors propounded several doubts; sometime alleging, that it was not fit that he who commanded the King's Galleys, should obey the Venetian General, and that by the inferiority of his Forces, he and his Fleet should be totally at another's disposal: sometimes seeming to believe, that the Venetians would make use of this semblance, and of the name of these Forces, to treat with the Turks upon the better terms: wherefore they affirmed, that the Treaty, and conclusion of the League, was chiefly and primarily necessary. But in Rome, where the scene of the business lay, the Pope, knowing that to treat of every particular Article, would draw to a necessary and very prejudicial length, proposed, that since the King of Spain, and the Venetians, were already resolved to make this union, the League should be publish● without any more delay, as done in the same manner as was observed in the year 37, That the mean time, those Forces which were in being should join, to give more reputation to the common cause, to invite the other Princes to declare themselves the sooner Companions and Confederates, and to cause more fear in the Enemy, and that the particulars of the agreement might commodiously be discussed afterwards. Whilst these things were a ripening thus, the General Zanne was gone from Venice in the beginning of April, and was come to Zara, where the Rendesvouz of the whole Fleet of the people and provisions for War was to be; that when all things should be ready prepared, they might pass on into the Levant. But the coming of some Galleys being delayed, as also Arms for the Soldiers, and several other instruments of War, great store whereof were taken order for, for Land enterprises; and the design of using those Forces, whereon great hopes were grounded by the conjunction of the Spanish Galleys, being altered, the Fleet was forced to tarry longer in that place than was thought for. So as this long time of leisure, which was for about two months, began to be very prejudicial to the Fleet; for so many people being assembled together, must needs suffer many inconveniencies, which occasioned many maladies; for that men's evil humours were not wasted by exercise, which made many fall daily very sick; so as all the Galleys were but in ill order as concerning Soldiers and Mariners: some desired, for the encouraging of the Soldier, whom they found to be miserably lost by idleness, that they should make some attempt upon the neighbouring parts; but this was gain said by many things: for the Towns which the Turks are masters of upon those Confines, are far from the shore, so as there seemed to be much danger in attempting any thing with the foot alone, and those most Italians, most whereof were new men, and ●nexperienced, especially being unbacked by Horse: the Enemy's Country being full of Horsemen, ready to go whithersoever there should be any occasion. Moreover, the places were such, as there was no hopes of doing any good upon them by the sword; and it was almost impossible to bring Artillery thither, as well by reason of the mountainous ways, as for the want of Cattle. It was likewise considered, that to attempt any thing in the Gulf, was not much to the purpose, lest they might thereby draw either a great number of their Land men into those parts, or perhaps their whole Fleet; so as they must with more danger make War at home, and excluding the Galleys which were in Candia, and others at Corfu, and likewise those of the Pope, and of the Catholic King, they must wrestle for the main business with but a part of their Forces. Moreover it was not thought convenient for their business, nor answerable to the opinion which the world had conceived of so great a strength, to betake themselves to any slight employment, wherein if they should effect their desire, the acquisition would not be a sufficient recompense for so great a preparation; and if it should happen otherwise, the reputation of the Fleet would be much lessened, and the hopes of greater things. But it being known from Rome, by the Pope's own words, that Doria had orders from the King, to join with the Venetian Fleet; the Senate gave present command to their General, that leaving four Galleys in the Gulf, under one of the Governors, he should go immediately with the rest of the Fleet to Corfu, and there to expect news from the Spanish Galleys, that he might go together with them to Messina; and that when the Fleets should be joined, he should fall upon such enterprises as he should judge would make most for the Commonwealth's advantage, and whereunto God should open an occasion, aiming chiefly at the beating of the Enemy's Fleet, but to be well advised in what he did, and to proceed with maturity. Wherefore Zanne going from Zara on the twelfth of july, he went towards Liessena, where he met with six great Galleys, and some Ship● which joined with the Fleet. From Liessena, he went to the mouth of Catharo, and from thence strait to Corfu, without making any attempt upon castle Nuovo, o● Durazzo, for the fore-alleadged reason. But before any news was heard at Venice, of the Flee●s being come to Corfu, news came to Rome, contrary to the former touching the joining of the Fleets; for Doria said, that the orders he had received from the King were not such, as that he was thereby to be gone with his Fleet, and to join with the Venetians; and though the Pope made his complaints thereof to the King's Ministers of State, and writ himself to Doria very efficaciously, yet they making many excuses, spun out the time, and Doria, seeming to be of himself very willing to obey the Pope, said openly, that he must have his Orders more fully renewed; those which he had received, not being sufficient to that purpose. The Venetians were the more troubled at this, for that they did not at all expect it, and because this variety of Counsels did withdraw from the hopes of concluding the League, since such tediousness and difficulties were interposed in granting those Forces which were already in order, which occasioned no further charge, and which might be so advantageous; and since they proceeded in so reserved and irresolute a manner. The Senate seeing themselves in these straits, and that they had lost so much time to no purpose▪ scent new orders to their General, that without expecting Doria's Galleys, he should go with his Fleet into any part of the Turkish Dominions, which he should think fittest, and should do what the good of the Commonwealth, and occasion should counsel him unto. At the same time, the Pope's Galleys were armed at Ancona, to go join with the Venetian Fleet at Corfu: for after many consultations had by the Pope, and College of Cardinals, touching what assistance they should give to the Commonwealth in this War: they resolved to arm twelve Galleys with the Church's moneys, which the Venetians were to find, and furnish with Oars, Tackling, and Artillery. Mark Antonio Colonna, Duke of Paliano, was by the Pope made Governor of them, with title of the Church's captain-general against the Infidels. The Venetians were very well satisfied with this choice; though upon former treaty, upon whom this charge should be conferred, they had pressed very much, that according as had been done formerly, a Venetian Prelate might be chosen for this employment, thinking that such a one, (as a Venetian) would be faithful to the Commonwealth; and (as a Prelate) would depend upon the Church and Pope, and consequently, give satisfaction to all parties. Colonna, as soon as he was sure of this Employment, writ thereof to ●●e Senate, and strove by very affectionate words to ascertain them, that no was very willing to serve the Commonwealth, whereunto he said he was very much obliged for their favours, showed at all times to his House, and particularly to his Father, nay ●nto himself in this very occasion, for having put such confidence in h●m, and made him capable of serving the Apostolic Sea, as also the Commonwealth which maintained the honour of Italy▪ ye● in a business wherein the good and exaltation of Christendom 〈◊〉 concerned. Thus having solemnly received the Standard from the Pope's 〈◊〉 in St. Peter's Church, he took Venice in his way, as he went to Anco●na, to take order for arming the Galleys, where affirming by word of mouth, what he had said in his Letters, he gave a general, and truly, a very miraculous satisfaction touching himself; every one thinking that they might promise all things unto themselves for the service of the Commonwealth, from this Captain, and from the pontificial Forces which were recommended to his charge, and returning suddenly to Ancona, where all the bodies of the Galleys were already come; he was diligent in seeing them man'd, that he might go with them into the Levant, to find out the Venetian General. Whilst the Fleet was thus preparing, Sebastiano Veniero, who, as hath been said, was commissary-general in the Island of Corfu; a man of great age, but of as great worth, whose age had not at all abated the edge of his youth: he not being able to lie long idle, resolved to employ those few Forces which he had with him, in some Enterprises. Thus, by the advice of Emanuele Mormori da Napoli di Romagna, a valiant man, and well-experienced in those Countries, he went to the taking of Sopotia, a Fort belonging to the Turks, standing on Terra Ferma, just over against Corfu, which if it should fall into our men's hands, would open the way to greater actions in Albania. Veniero being gone from Corfu, with twelve well armed Galleys, commanded by jacomo Celsi, Commissary by Sea, when he was past the Channel, landed his Men, and his Artillery, whereof Natale da Crema, then Governor of all the Militia of that Island, was Captain; and to make their work sure, they resolved first of all, to seize on certain, Passes, in the neighbouring mountains, whereby they feared the Enemy might bring relief; and this was committed to Mormori's charge, as to the first Author of this resolution. They began then to play furiously upon the Castle both by Sea and Land, so as breaches were soon made for our men to assault it; and the Turks who were within, despairing to be able to maintain it any longer, provided for their safety by secretly running away. Whereupon our Commanders entered with all their men, and without any withstanding, set up the Commonwealth's Standard; by which the Venetians beginning to get reputation in those parts, some that were near Cimera, did willingly submit to the Government of the Commonwealth: and the like disposition was found in many others, if they had been fomented and defended by convenient forces, and had had weapons, and Chief-tains to rise withal. But on the other side, the Turks ceased not to molest Dalmatia: and after the Fleets departure from Zara, having got together many Horse and Foot, they took the Castle of Xemunico, eight miles distant from Zara▪ wherein they used more fraud than force, for having bribed jerolimo Contarini, a base Bastard, who had the custody thereof, in the name of certain Venetian Gentlemen, of the Family of the Veniero, to whom the jurisdiction of that place did particularly belong; they did not only prevail with him, to deliver up the Castle, but as one perfidious both to God and Man, they drew him to be a Mahometan. After this, the Turks attempted Castello de Novigradi, but with differing success; for having begirt it with many Horse and Foot, and played upon it for three days in vain with certain small pieces of Artillery; they were forced, little to their honour, to quit the enterprise. Our men ran more danger, and were more endamaged in the Gulf of Catharo, for the Catharians having man'd forth two Galleys, to relieve their neighbours and friends of Lustica, who were much molested by the Turks, they were at unawares set upon by a great number of the enemy's Vessels, and were all of them either slain or made prisoners. Wherefore fearing lest the Turks, encouraged thereby, might betake themselves to greater attempts, they began quickly to munite Catharo, putting four hundred soldiers into it, and sending three Galleys thither from Venice, with good provision of all things necessary. In the interim, the General was come to Corfù, with 70 small Galleys, the Ships and greater Galleys being tarried on the way behind; wherefore they began to consult upon what was to be done: (In all resolutions, by order from the Senate, besides the General, who had a double voice, the two Commissaries of the Fleet, and Sforzia Pallavesino, were admitted) all desired, that the Fleet might forthwith advance. But many things made against this, for neither had they as yet any certain news of the Candia-Gallies, which were twenty in number, commanded by Marco Quirini, Captain of the Gulf; nor did they assuredly know, what course the Turkish Fleet did steer: So as it was judged to be a rash counsel, to hazard the main business with half their forces, since by a little patience, they might receive much safety and accommodation. The mortality which continued still to be very violent in the Fleet, was a great hindrance to this resolution; for some Galleys were totally unmanned: and the malady grew so contagious, as they who lay with the sick, fell ill of the same disease; and some were so strangely taken, as growing mad, they threw themselves into the Sea. And the violence of the sickness was the greater, for that the number of the sick, and the want of many necessaries, would not permit such care to be taken, nor such remedies to be used, as was needful. So as there died of this pestilent disease 20000 men of the Venetian Fleet, amongst which, many Venetian Gentlemen, who commanded Galleys, and other personages of honourable condition. Therefore to advance any further, without a new recruit of Mariners and Soldiers, was not only thought dangerous, but almost impossible. The Commanders by common consent, did therefore betake themselves to provide more men, to supply the place of those that were dead; to which purpose the Governors of Zante and of Cephalonia were wished, diligently to prepare as many men as possibly they could. But they thought it fit the mean while, to keep the Soldiers exercised in some military service, who did already begin to grow insolent and disorderly, through too much idleness. They resolved therefore to fall upon the Castle of Malgariti, a mean thing of itself, but, by its situation, fit for other enterprises, and proper for what was now intended, it being an easy enterprise, and which would require no long time: For the uncertainty of the Turkish Fleet, and the hopes of the coming of the Pope's Galleys, and those of the King of Spain, by whose assistance they might employ themselves in greater matters, dissuaded them from undertaking any thing of length or difficulty. The charge hereof was given to Sforza Palevisino, who being General of the Venetian Militia, had the particular care of managing, what was to be done by Land. For this, there were forty eight Galleys destined to be commanded by Commissary Celsi, with 5000 Foot, and four great Guns; with which Forces, our men being gone from Corfu to the Haven of Nista, which lies just over against it; and being come thither, upon the Sunrising, Palevesino landed his men immediately, hoping to assault the enemy advantageously at unawares, and to begin and end the business that very day: He sent some Harchebugiers towards certain places which lay open between the Mountains, to possess those passes, by which he feared the enemy might be succoured; and dividing the rest of his men into two squadrons, he ordered one of them to march with the Artillery, to the foot of the Mountain, and to wait there for new directions, and kept the other with himself, following the former somewhat slowly; and resolving to advance himself in person, accompanied by Commissary Veniero, to discover the situation and form of the Castle the better; which it being long ere they could come within sight of, they perceived the way to be further, and more difficult, then had been told them by those, who said, they knew the place; so as they found the Artillery could not be brought thither, without much difficulty, and some expense of time: Besides, the Castle was seated upon an high Mountain, and well flanked, so as it would be able to defend itself for a while; the which was the more likely, for that those that had the custody of the Castle, would boldly hold it out as long as they could, hoping to be relieved by the neighbouring Sangiacchi. Palevisino weighing these difficulties, and thinking it did by no means behoove him, to hazard those men in a petty business, which were destined for far better hopes, resolved suddenly to be gone, not making any attempt; though Commissary Veniero sought to persuade him to the contrary, alleging, that if they should be so sudden & resolute in doing so, they could not avoid that blemish which they lay under, of having in vain taken in hand an unseasonable and difficult business; or else, that it not being so, they had through too much fear, too soon given it over. He therefore proposed, that they might keep their men in the field, at least the next night, and expect whether the enemy, when they should see them resolute, would not by their fleight, open them way to an easy victory; which if they should not do, they should at least show, that their retreat was not occasioned by any disorder or fear, but by reason, and necessity; which just excuses would not be admitted of, by their so great haste. But Palevesino not allowing of these reasons, began to make his men that were with him retreat, and sent at the same time to those that were with the Artillery, to re-imbarck speedily, though they were in order at the foot of the Mountain, waiting till he should come. Thus both the squadrons being met, they marched back to the place where they had that morning landed, a good part of the night being over before they got thither: Then missing their Harchebugiers, whom they had sent to possess the Passes, they were forced to keep all on land till the next day, when they sent a good band of soldiers speedily away, commanded by Count Cesare Bentevoglio, to be a convoy to as many as could retreat with safety; which they could not do, without some opposition and danger, for there appeared already divers squadrons of the enemies, both Horse and Foot: But though the Soldiers got safe to the Galleys without much prejudice, they were but coolly welcomed to the rest of the Fleet; for it was thought, this so sudden retreat might much lessen the reputation of those forces, which were to serve against the enemy, and was an ill Omen to their more important proceedings. Yet after divers consultations, it was resolved, to depart with their Galleys from Nista, and to return and join with the rest of the Fleet at Corfu. And every least action being at this time observed by all men, who were desirous to see, what the event of so great a preparation for war as this, would prove; Palavesino had much ado, to justify this action to many: But he, by the testimony of several, constantly averred, that he had sent certain Grecians, to wish the soldiers, who were sent to guard the Passes, to retreat; who being overtaken by some of the enemy's Horse, went elsewhere for fear, and by their great cowardliness, occasioned another error in some of the same Nation, who being acquainted with those parts, had persuaded them, as he said, to come thither, by their false informations; which they must believe, if they would effect that enterprise: for to send a few to discover the situation, was to hazard them to too manifest danger; and by sending many, they should give notice to the enemy, and make the difficulties the greater. But to shun the like error an other time, when it was proposed to attempt the Castle of Prevesa, or of Santa Maura, Palavesino would go thither himself, and took with him Paolo Orsino, Harcole de Pii, and Commissary Celsi; who at their return to the Fleet, brought back word, That those enterprises would prove difficult, and would require time; for the enemy fearing an assault, had fired their suburbs, and were very vigilant; so as it would require much forces, and length of time, to storm them, which made them think, they were not at that time to be attempted. At this time came Marco Quirini, Captain of the Gulf, to them, with the Candie-Gallies, who had been long detained in the Haven of Candia, as well by occasion of contrary winds, as also in expectation, that the Turkish Fleet, which he heard was to go for the Island of Cyprus, might be past those Seas; for he had but a few Galleys, and those but lately man'd, and the refore unfit to contend with the enemy, or with the sea; which did so moderate his usual daring, as it was overborne by mature advice: For his experience in sea-affairs was commended by all men, his vigilancy, and his being ready to undergo all labour and danger; and some did sometimes desire, that he would have been more temperate in his actions. Being at last got from Candia, and being desirous to redeem the time he had lost, when he was come to the Quaglie, he bethought himself of expugning the Fort of Brazzo di Maina, which (as hath been said) had been lately built by the Turks; he considered, the Haven della Quaglie, might be a commodious receptacle for Christian ships, being placed in the utmost angle of la Morea, on the outside towards the sea, made as it were by nature, to receive those which failed from the Levant westward, by the jonick sea; which conveniency was taken away by this Fort, which overlooked the whole Haven, and commanded it almost on all sides. This place was anciently called Leutro, famous for a great victory, which the Lacedæmonians had there of the Thebans, who had long had the principality of that Region. Quirini's intention was chiefly, to assault the enemy at unawares, being not desirous to delay his journey upon any occasion. Coming therefore within ken of la Maina, on the 29th. of june, by break of day, he presently landed some Harchebugiers, who possessed themselves of the little hill before the Castle, and he, the mean while, drew near it with his Galleys; so as the enemy was at one and the same time assaulted both by sea and land, and were soon kept from defending themselves on that side, by shot from the Galleys; and they were much endamaged on the other side by the Harchebugiers, who being upon a higher place, played upon those that defended the walls; so as despairing to be any longer able to defend themselves, the defendants withdrew into a Tower which was within, and left the way free and open, for Quirini's men to enter the Fort, wherein very few men were left: So as playing upon the Tower with the enemies own Artillery, whereof they found 24 Pieces, they forced them that were within to yield, with safety to their lives. But the Fort, because it was hard to be kept, was in a few hours undermined, and thrown down. This prosperous success, and the arrival of these twelve Galleys, which came all safe within twelve days after to Corfu, did somewhat encourage the other Commanders, who were much disheartened by the former misfortunes; and they were the more cheered, because Quirini told them, That if the whole Fleet would withdraw to the Isle of Candia, they might easily furnish themselves with Mariners, soldiers, and all other necessaries. Which made them all desirous to advance, and so to order their affairs, as that they might hazard the fortune of war. But the first thing they thought fit to do, was, That Quirini should with twenty Galleys, overrun the Islands of the Archipelagus, that he might give the enemy a feeling of their forces, and to get from thence some men for the Ore; which he readily did, and went to the Island of Andro, one of the Cycladeses, as they were formerly called by the Ancients, where landing his soldiers, he carried away above three hundred men; but he was not able to refrain the insolency of the Soldier, who being in an Enemy's Country, though of Christians, committed many other outrages, which made him hasten his return: but General Zanne, was this mean while gone from Corfu, having received new orders from the Senate, to go with those forces which he had, more towards the Levant, and to endeavour to raise of the siege of Cyprus, either by diversion, falling upon some of the Enemy's places, or else by carrying sufficient recruits, making his ways through the midst of the Enemy's Fleet, and fight them: Wherefore Quirini, in his return, found the Venetian Fleet upon Modone, which joining with these her other Galleys, arrived two days after, upon the 4th of August, at the Island of Candia, and went altogether into the Gulf Anfialeo, called now by the Mariners, the Haven of Suda; which is a great Creek of the Sea, lying under the Promontory Drepano, called Capo Meleca, which thrusting itself out, makes it the larger, and more capacious. Here General Zanne was very solicitous in providing all things necessary for the Fleet, wherein he found much difficulty, especially in finding men enough to supply the number of the dead. Wherefore sending some Galleys to the Archipelagus, again to that purpose, he went with forty of the best Galleys to the City of Candia, as to the fittest place to make all his provision in. The two Commissaries, and Palavesine, stayed at the Haven of Suda; the General at his departure, having left them the same Authority, which they were very industrious in making use of, to furnish their Galleys with men, wherein they made good use of Luca Michiele, Commissary of Cania, who by the Authority which he held there, and much more by the love which he had won amongst those people, proved an excellent instrument to propagate that business. But the other difficulties being at last overcome, and the Fleet being sufficiently provided of Soldiers, and Mariners, they were notwithstanding forced to keep within the Havens, and lose the best time for action at Sea, expecting daily the Church's Galleys, and those of Spain, which by new advertisements from Venice they understood, were to join together by directions given to Doria, and to Colonna, and meet the rest as soon as might be at Candia. Wherefore the Senate added this to their former orders given to their General, that his chiefest endeavour should be to find out, and to fight the Enemies Fleet. At last, about the end of August, Mark Antonio Colonna, the Church's General, and Andrea Doria, General to the Catholic King arrived, which caused much joy in the Venetian Fleet, all of them being infinitely ambitious to fall upon some honourable Enterprise. The Venetian General had Orders from the Senate, to use all manner of honour and respect to these Commanders, and to give them the precedency, in regard of the Princes whom they did represent; but that in any enterprise they should undertake, they were only to advise. Zanne, when he heard of their coming, went with his whole Fleet out of the Haven of Suda, to receive them with all demonstrations of honour, having to this purpose sent the Captain of the Gulf, with a squadron of Galleys out before him. The Fleet stood expecting them, divided into two parts, as into two great wings, saluting them as they came with all their great Guns, and Harchebuges; and when they were all met, they entered in to the Haven, where after a short stay, by common consent the whole Fleet went to Scythia, to resolve there what course they should steer, and to raise the siege of Cyprus. Whilst the Christian Fleet through several impediments, had spent much time in preparation, and in getting together: the Turks having with more resolution disposed of all their Forces, were gone forth very strong to Sea, and without any obstacle prosecuted their design prosperously; which they did the sooner, for that Selino, after having long said that he would go himself in person to the coasts of Caramania, resolved not to part from Constantinople; his former ardour being allayed by the advice of Mehemet, and Mustafa, wherein all the other Bashaws joined with them; but their ends were herein differing; for Mehemet thought it not safe to leave the States of Europe unguarded, by his going into parts so far off, since according to the custom, and to the honour due to so great a Prince, he was to be attended by all the best Warriors; so as Bossina, Albania, and Greece, would be left exposed to the assaults of the Enemy. He likewise knew Selino's nature, and customs to be such, as if they should be known by the Army, it might lessen his reputation, and occasion some disorder. To these, his own particular interest were added, fearing lest upon any sinister accident, he might be thought to have been negligent, in not having made timely provisions for such things as were necessary for so great an Army: But Mustafa's reason was, for fear lest by the presence of his Master, his glory would be diminished, and his merit upon any happy success made the less, since it was done under the grand Signors Conduct. Selino therefore by their counsel altered his resolution, but not without the Soldier's complaint, who were for the most part well minded to this voyage. They accused Selino of cowardice, and Mehemet of covetousness, who to shun giving the donative, which belongs by privilege to them, when the grand Signior goes forth in person with the Army, had persuaded him to this dishonourable resolution. Thus Selino gave the whole charge, and honour of this War to Mustafa, making him captain-general of all Enterprises by land; but Piali, the second Bashaw, was to command in chief at Sea, who was by birth an Hungarian, little versed in Naval affairs; but who by the good success, had some years before against the Spanish Fleet at Gerbi, had won some honour and reputation: Yet the particular charge of the Mariners, and of ordering the voyage, remained in Als, who supplied the place of chicef Admiral. This Ali, was Aga of the janissaries, (so is their Captain called) and was made Captain at Sea, chiefly by the means of Mehemet, who telling the grand Signior, that it was dangerous to have one and the same man to be both Bashaw della Porta, and Captain at Sea, had made his Enemy Piali, a disturber of the Peace, be removed the year before. Yet Ali, having occasion the first year that he went forth with the Fleet, to go to Cyprus, and being persuaded, as it was conceived, by the easiness which he thought he should find in that Enterprise; and egged on thereunto out of a desire of glory, foregoing his peaceful thoughts, when he returned to Constantinople, and forgetting his obligations to Mehemet, sided with Mustapha, and Piali, the Authors of the War, and Mehemets Enemies, because (as hath been said) he had endeavoured to bereave the former of his life, and the other of his honour. So after Piali's departure, Mustafa went forth with other 55 Galleys; Selino, in token of extraordinary favour, having granted him the Imperial Galley, a stately Vessel, and richly furnished, which, out of a certain Grandezza, and high point of honour, is wont to be employed in any Sea-enterprise made by the Ottoman Emperors, without having any Chief, when the grand Signior himself doth not go, only with men sufficient to guide her. These being joined together, went to be calked and rig'd in Nigroponte, and from thence went to Rhodes, where having intelligence, that the Venetian Fleet was at Zara, and not able to get out of those Havens, by reason of grievous sickness, and other necessities, and that there was no news heard of the Spanish Galleys; they thought they needed not apprehend the joining of those Fleets, nor that they would dare to advance, though they should join; wherefore they resolved to go with the whole Fleet to the Island of Cyprus. But as they passed from Nigraponte to Rhodes, Piali would attempt the Fort of Tine, and endeavour to get that Island, lying at the end of the Archipelagus, between Micone and Andro, which was then in the possession of the Commonwealth; being thereunto persuaded, either by the convenience of the place, it being as it were, the key of the Archipelagus, and by which all Ships past, which went towards Constantinople, or from thence; or else, as it was said, corrupted by the gifts and promises of joseffo di Nasi, an Hebrew, commonly called Gio Miches, one who was of great power with Selino, and hoped to get this Island to be given him, as he had gotten those of Pario, and Nixia, a little before; the which was the rather believed, for that some provisions, Soldiers, and Ammunition, which were sent from Candia to Tine, were detained by the Governor of the two aforesaid Islands, who was placed there by Nasi. jerolimo Paruta, a Noble Venetian, was at this time Governor of Tine, who by reason of the being abroad of the Enemy's Fleet, and of the detaining of the aforesaid provisions, was well prepared for whatsoever might happen. He had been careful in repairing the walls, in levelling such Houses as hindered the defence, in placing the men of the Country upon the Guards, in providing Arms, and in fitly ordering of all things, as if he had foreseen, that he was to be the first that must withstand the Turks assaults. He was much encouraged to hold out, by the love which those Inhabitants bore to the Commonwealth, and by the situation of the place, which is naturally very strong. For the Fort had but one front to defend, which lay towards the south East, which by reason of its height, was safe enough, and was surrounded every where else by an unaccessible Rock. ●●ali being gone from castle Rosso, which is seated upon the head of Nigraponte, after Sunset, came early the next morning before the Island of Tine, where landing about 8000 foot, he made them presently march towards the Town, which was five miles from the shore, hoping to take it by assault. But the Governor, who was always vigilant, descrying the Fleet before it came to the Island, and endeavouring at one and the same time, the safety of the Islanders, and of the Fort, gave the Islanders timely notice of the Enemies approach by shooting off of Guns, so as they might get time enough to get within the Town, and by them he might the better resist the assault, which was made that very day; and wherein the Enemy were repulsed, and much galled by the Artillery as they retreated, in so much as they were forced to keep aloof off, and quarter that night in the plain called St. Nicholas. The next day, landing some great Guns, they intended to batter the Fort; but finding by the situation of the Place, that that design would prove vain; they encamped about it, hoping that many men being gotten into the Town, they might take it by siege. Wherein having spent 12 days, and solicited the Governor in vain by Letters, containing both threats and great-rewards, to surrender the Town; and finding him still more resolute to defend himself, they resolved to be gone, having first ransacked the whole Country, fired the farm Houses, ruined the Churches, and killed all the cattle. This action purchased great praise to the Governor, who was not at all daunted at the sight of such forces, had valiantly sustained the assault; and in so great commotions of War, preserved that Island which lay in the very jaws of the Enemy, and rendered this their first design vain. The Turks leaving the Island of Tine, went to Rhodes, where having stayed a while, and designed what they would do, they came to Fenica. Hither were all the Soldiers brought, which were to come aboard the Fleet, which being altogether, made above 200 Sail, whereof there was 150 Galleys, and of the bigger sort, some vessels for burden, one Gallyoune, six Ships, and a great number of lesser Vessels for carriage, called by the Turks, Caramusolini, and about fifty Palandarie, which are made like small Galleys, but somewhat larger in the Poop, and higher on the sides, and much covered, containing about a hundred Horse a piece. The Turks parted with these forces from Fenica, and steered their course towards Cyprus: but because the actions of greatest importance in this War, happened in this Island, the possession whereof was the cause of the War: it will be worth the while, to acquaint you with the State and most remarkable proprieties of this Country, before we proceed to the Narration, of what was there done. The Island of Cyprus lies towards the Levant, in the furthermost part of the Mediterranean; which, according to the several Provinces which lie upon it, hath several names given it. The Island looks on the East towards Soria, with which, if we will credit the testimony of the Ancients, she did at first join in a Terra Ferma. On the West, lies Panfilia, which is now called Sarmania: On the South, Egypt, and Caramania on the North, which is the ancient Cilicia, on which side this Island lies nearest the continent: It is seven hundred miles in compass, extending itself about 200 miles in length, East North-East, towards the Levant; but in the largest part, it is not above seventy miles over. It is of a very good Air, being placed in the beginning of the fourth Climate, under the ninth Parallel, so as it produceth almost all things belonging to humane life, in great abundance and perfection: And though hardly the fifth part thereof he cultivated, the half thereof lies every other year follow; yet is it so fruitful, as it hath not only wherewithal to supply the necessity of the Inhabitants, but to serve Foreigners: Besides Corn, it yields much Sugar, Cotton, Saffron, and many other things, which are transported into foreign parts. It abounds in Salt-pits, which though they be now reduced to the third part of their former number, yet as much pure white salt may be taken from thence every year, as will load one hundred great ships. It abounds also in several sorts of Creatures, excellently good; nor doth it want Mines of the most precious Metals. By reason of this great plenty of all things, it was anciently called Macaria, as if Blessed, which made the Poets fain, that the goddess Venus was born here, and did delight to live here, as in her proper 〈◊〉: Wherefore the Cyprians erected a famous Temple to her, in the City of Paphos. It was celebrated by antiquity, as the seat of nine Kings, having within it thirty Cities, which though according to the custom of modern days, they be greater in number then reality; yet there remains many worthy memorials, of their pristine grande●sa and prosperity. And there are yet seen the ruins of several Cities, as well Maritime as Inland, which are wholly destroyed. But at this time, her chiefest Towns are Nicossia, Famagosta, Baffo, Cerines', and Limiso; which latter two were only reduced into any strength, there not being any other place in the whole Island able to resist the Turks power, though Cerines' hath held out long formerly against lesser forces. The Inhabitants of this country were so highly este●●ed for worth in war, and for experience at sea, as Alexander the great, forbore to molest them with his Arms. And we read in modern Histories, that they did many memorable acts in the business of the Holy Land, and in Soria, against the Infidels. This Island was Tributary to the greatest Empires of the world; for following the fortune of other Eastern people, it became obedient to the Kings of Egypt, and to those of Persia, and lastly to the Romans. When the Roman Empire began to decline▪ it was possessed by the Saracens, which the Turks make use of at this time, to show, they have some just pretence to this Island; affirming, that they found in their Histories, that their fifth Captain of the Mahometan Religion, after Mahomet, had acquired and possessed it; and that there were the Sepulchers of many Musselmen, which they could not suffer to remain in the power of those, of another Religion. But it was recovered from the Saracens by the Christians, in the year 1122. and joined to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, when they went to the taking of the Holy Land. And after several accidents, being separated from thence, it was governed for many years by Lords of its own, under the protection of the Emperors of Constantinople, till such time as Richard King of England sold the Signiory thereof to the Knight's Templars, by whom it was quickly sold to Guido Lusignano, who being driven by Sultan Saladine out of Jerusalem, withdrew himself to live in Cyprus, and was the first Latin Lord; whose son succeeding his father in the Dominion, got it by the Pope's authority to be made a Kingdom, the first Gre●ian Lords having used the title of Dukes. The peac●ble and quiet condition of this whole Kingdom, continued under the Government of twelve Kings, except: the city of Famagosta, which was possessed by the Genoveses. After which, the Kingdom falling into the hands of Lewis, son to Amideo the 7th. Duke of Savoy, by the right of inheritance of Charlotta, daughter to King John Lusignan, it was taken by the aid of the Mamalucchy, by James son to the same King, illegitimate, a man of much valour, and of aspiring thoughts, who also recovered Famagosta from the Genueses; and that he might be the better confirmed in the possession of the Kingdom, procured the friendship and protection of the Venetians, by marrying Catharina Cornaro, adopted daughter of the Commonwealth, who was made heir of that Kingdom by the last Will and Testament of her husband. And by her it was freely given to her Country, as you have heard before. By which it may be known, what reason the Commonwealth had to make any attempt, and expose herself to all danger and trouble, for the preservation of so rich and noble a Kingdom, which was so lawfully possessed by her. But to return to our narration. The Turkish Fleet was descried to be about Baffo, upon the Western Cape of the Island, on the first day of july, which falling lower towards the South, scoured the River which is between Limisso, and the Promontory, which is called by many Capo de Gatti, taking many prisoners, and sacking and pillaging several country houses. But making no long stay there, they steered the same course, and came the next day to Saline, a place which lies upon the same shore, somewhat more towards the East; where not meeting with any to withstand them, they landed their Artillery, and their soldiers, and secured their quarters by strong Rampires, from whence they issued out, to plunder the neighbouring parts, endeavouring to inform themselves by the Prisoners, of the affairs of the Island. And advancing as far as Leucata, a Town nine leagues from Saline, they easily reduced those country people to their obedience, to whom Mustafa Bashaw gave many gifts, and promised them much more, thereby to invite others to submit to his devotion, especially the Mountainers, whom he could not so soon reduce by force. This mean while, the Turks sent forth 80 Galleys, and many Bottoms of Barthne, some to Tripoli, some to the Rivers of Caramania, to raise more Soldiers, and Horse; so as their whole forces being soon after brought together, there were found (as most men affirm) in the Turkish Army 50000 Foot, 3000 Pioniers, 2500 Horse for war, besides as many or more for burden, 30 pieces of Artillery, some bearing bullets of 50l. weight, some of a 100l. and 50 Faulconets. But there were not Garrisons in the Island of Cyprus, sufficient to resist such forces; for there was not above 2000 Italian Foot in the usual Garrisons, nor were there any more sent afterwards, save 3000 of the common people di Terra Ferma, and the 2000 of Martiningoes men, which by suffering at sea, were reduced to a much lesser number. So as the greatest hope in defending the Cities, lay in the new Militia, which was mustered of the Islanders themselves, from whom, as was affirmed by many Captains and Governors, excellent service might upon all occasions be expected. Nor were there any Horse in the Kingdom for action, save 500 Stradiotti, which were still kept in pay, nor was it easy to get more; for though many of the Nobles, who enjoyed several things from the Camera real, some through ancient, some through new privileges, were bound to find by those their Fee-farms three or four horses a piece, for the Prince's service, and that these amounted to about 700 Horse, yet were there not many more than 100 of them, that were serviceable at this time: Nay, the breed of Horses was very much decayed throughout the whole Island, by reason of the greater conveniency which the Inhabitants found, in riding upon Mules, whereof this country produceth great abundance, and those very large. Things were therefore in a very bad posture, since there wanted sufficient forces to withstand so powerful an enemy, who were masters of the field, nor could they long maintain two Forts, whereof Nicossia being one, by reason of the largeness thereof, required a great many soldiers to defend it; and the other, which was Famagosta, though it was lesser, was so weak and imperfect, as it likewise required many men, and those valiant ones too, to make good the defects of the Fort. And though these forces were but small, yet were they of lesser use, for want of experienced Commanders: for there was not any one in the whole Island of quality or condition, save Astore Baglione, who was General of that Militia, Martiningo being dead at sea, as hath been said. Nor was there any Commissary General of the Island, nor any Venetian Magistrate, as is usually had in all places, in times of danger; for Lorenzo Bembo, who held that place, was dead but a little before, in whose place, though the Senate soon chose Sebastian Veniero Commissary of Corfu, yet could he not come so soon to Cyprus, to execute his office. The chief commands of War were therefore conferred upon divers Cyprian Gentlemen, who were of great wealth and nobility, and very well affected towards the Commonwealth; but of very little, or no experience at all, in the Militia, and therefore the less fit for such employment. Count Rocas was made Baglione's Lieutenant, who, after Bembo's death, held supreme authority in all things belonging to the Militia. jacomo di Nores, Count of Tripoli, was Master of the Artillery; jovanni Singlitico, Captain of all the Horse of the Kingdom; jovanni Sosomino, Captain of the pioneers; Sapione Caraffa, and Pietro Paolo Singlitico, Captains of the Country people, who were to be placed in strong situations upon the Mountains; and so other offices and employments were disposed of to others. And the received opinion being, that the Turks would first assault Famagosta, Baglione would go to the custody thereof himself, that he might use his endeavours, where there should be most need. Things being thus ordered, after many consultations, it was concluded, That the first thing they would do should be, by all possible means to hinder the enemy from landing; or at least to infest them, keeping along the shore whither they should seem to come, so as they should be enforced to separate, and change their station, by that means prolonging the business, since they could not tarry long upon those downs without danger, where there was no harbour for their Fleet. According to which advice, as soon as they heard news of the enemy's approach, Count Rocas parted from Nicossia, with three hundred Horse, which was all that in so great haste could be got together, and with one hundred Dragoons, commanded by Antonio dal Beretino, and Lazaro Cocopani; and marched towards the place, which was designed for mustering all the Horse, which was a fitting place for that purpose, not far from the shores of the Saline, where it was thought, the enemy's Fleet would land their men, because there was the best Anchoring, and for that it was nearest the two chiefest Cities, Nicossia and Famagosta. Baglione went also from Famagosta, with 300 Dragoons, and 150 Stradiotti. Pietro Roncadi, who was Governor of the Albanese Militia, going at the same time from Baffo, with the rest of Cavalry; which being all met, they resolved not to advance any further, nor to attempt any thing, but to return all from whence they came; were it either, for that they considered their forces better, or for the nearness of the danger, being much troubled at the sudden news, that above 300 sail (for so it was reported) were already upon the shore; or for that they thought, it was too late, and would be to no purpose to do what they formerly had resolved, the enemy being already arrived, and having begun to land their men. So as all things were left free, and safe to the Turks, to their no little wonder; for they began at first to suspect, that this easy entrance into the enemy's country, did not proceed from any weakness, negligence, or cowardice of the defendants, but that it might be done out of some design, or military stratagem, to draw them at unawares into some snare. They therefore knew not at first what to do, and proceeded with much caution: but having over run many parts, and done much prejudice, not meeting with any resistance, they grew more bold: They did not only advance with their whole Camp, but roved up and down every where, whither soever their desire of pillage, or any other thing drew them, without any Order or Colours. But the Commanders, that they might lose no more time in vain, began to think upon drawing near one of the two chiefest Forts of the Kingdom; Pials was for expugning Famagosta first, hoping to get it within a few days, which being lost, he said, That Nicossia must likewise necessarily fall soon into their hands; for that being full of unnecessary people, far from the seashore, and in midst of a Campagnia, possessed by so many enemies, it would not be able to be relieved, without which, it could not long hold out. That Famagosta was a little and a weak Fort, and so defective, as it would not be able to withstand the first Battery; nor were the defendants so many, or so valiant, as that they durst expect the assault of so valiant an Army, whose reputation would be so much increased by that victory, as all things would become easy, which might as yet peradventure be thought difficult. Nay, this sole example infusing terror into all the Inhabitants, would be sufficient to put them soon, and with little trouble, in possession of the whole Kingdom. But Mustafa affirmed on the contrary, that the reputation of so great forces ought not to be lessened, by falling upon petty enterprises, whereby to encourage the enemy, and to dishearten their own men. That Famagosta was possessed by the Genueses, for the space of 90 years, and yet the Lusignian Kings were Masters of the Island at the same time. So as it might be conceived, the taking of that City would not make much towards the getting of the whole Kingdom: whereas the whole Nobility were with-drawn into Nicossia, and most of the People, Wealth, and Ammunition of the Island, so as one labour might do the whole business. That the alterations which are often seen to fall out in a short time, when great actions are in hand, are not to be foreseen: nor was it certain, that Famagosta would be so soon taken, but that they should rather be necessitated to employ those Forces elsewhere, according as the Christian Fleet should divert them: so as if they should depart from the Island, and leave the Enemy Masters of almost all the whole Kingdom, they should get but little good by such an enterprise. He further added, that the Air about Famagosta was very bad, the Town being seated low, amongst marish grounds, and that therefore it would be unsupportable to those that were not long accustomed thereunto; that therefore they were not to carry their Soldiers where they were likely to perish of sickness, but where they might give proof of their valour: that to die without praise or merit was common; that no worthy valiant man could fear the greatest dangers of War, or of the Enemy's Forces, when they were accompanied with the hopes of glory. Moreover, that they had learned by such Prisoners as they had taken, that the men of chiefest Authority, and best experienced Soldiers, were with-drawn into Famagosta, wherein the true defence of Cities lay; not in walls nor Balworks, when every man's valour is to be tried in assaults; the skill and worth of his Soldiers being much better, as was known by experience, in taking in of strong holds, than was the art or industry of Christians in erecting, or in defending them. That their great train of Artillery, the infinite number of their pioneers, and their experience in such things would facilitate their throwing down the walls of Nicossia, and the bringing of their valiant Soldiers to an assault; wherein being to meet with but little resistance, by reason of the paucity and pusillanimity of the defendants; it was not to be doubted, but that the victory would fall into their hands, with as much, may peradventure with more easiness, than they could hope for ●f Famagosta, but certainly with much greater rewards, and more worth their labour and hazard. For these reasons, and out of the respect born to Mustafa's authority, they resolved to attempt Nicossia first, towards which the whole Camp moved the 22d. of july, having sent five hundred Horse towards Famagosta, to hinder commerce between those two Cities. All this while the Cavalry lay idle in Nicossia, leaving the whole Country open and free to be pillaged by the Enemy▪ though Ca●ail●r R●ncadi, and some other Gentlemen of the City, did often earnestly desire, that they might go out, and show themselves to the enemy to keep them from growing the bolder, by reason of these the Nicossians too timorous, & peradventure too cowardly counsels. But those who had the Government of affairs, not thinking fit to hazard those men, who were intended for the defence of the City, would by no means be brought to give way thereunto. Yet being more moved by the offences of their own men, then by those of the Enemy, when they heard of the Rebellion of Lifcara's family, which had not only suddenly come in to Mustafa, but committing other outrages to the prejudice of those of the City, had sent some of their men to persuade other Citizens, who had retired themselves to certain narrow passages amidst the mountains, and were free from being injured by the Turks, that following their example, they should descend into the plains, and submit willingly unto the Turks; it was resolved one night to send out 100 Horse, and 400 Foot to fire that Hamlet, whereof almost all the inhabitants, to the number of above 400 were put to the sword. Thus their treachery was severely punished, and by the terror thereof, the desire of Novelty was curbed in many of the Inhabitants, by reason of the slavery wherein they were, for the aforesaid causes; so as it was clearly seen, that hoping by change of Government, to change their fortune, they were not only not likely to oppose the Enemy, but rather to afford them all conveniency: which inclination of theirs, Mustafa sought by all possible means to nourish, making many presents, and greater promises to such as should come in unto him: But the Turks pursuing their way, without any obstacle, drew near the walls of Nicessia; and as soon as the Army was discovered, by those that were within the Town, they were all possessed with infinite fear. Nicolo Dandalo, was then Governor of that City, being made Lieutenant thereof by the Commonwealth, a man of weak judgement to manage so weighty a business, but who had that preferment put upon him, out of an opinion conceived, that though he was not very quick witted, yet he was good at action, by reason of the experience which he was believed to have gotten in several employments at Sea: He having either lost his understanding through the extraordinary apprehension of danger, or not knowing through his want of reason, and understanding, how to provide against so great an exigency, increased the difficulties and danger: for when the Enemy's Fleet was arrived, he had not got the Ditches to be fully emptied, nor ordered the Militia, nor those of the Country, nor provided for sufficient victuals for the City. To amend which disorders, he was forced to commit greater; a public Edict was made, that it should be lawful for every one to take Corn wheresoever they could find it, which being brought into the City, should be understood to be their own; which being too late a remedy, could not work the effect which was expected, a good part thereof being left abroad in the Country houses, with a double inconvenience to the Countrymen, by reason of the advantage the Enemy made thereof. Moreover, having with very little regard to the eminency of the danger, dismissed the meaner sort, he in great haste, and confusion, sent for them back, before they were got to their own homes, and did at the same time list new Soldiers in the Country, as the occasion and necessity did best dictate; whilst our men oppressed thus by many mischiefs, spent their time in ordering their affairs, and in advising how they might hinder or disturb the Enemies proceedings; all resolutions being the longer in taking, for want of any Chieftain, who might decide the diversity of opinions: the Turks had leisure and opportunity given them, to set up their Pavilions, plant their Artillery, and fortify their Quarters, not meeting with any disturbance, save by shot from the Town. For though the Stradiotti did often sally out wi●h some companies of Harchebugiers to skirmish; yet not daring by reason of their small numbers, to go further from the walls, than they were sheltered by shot from the Town, nor the enemy approaching so near, as that they might be thereby prejudiced, nothing of moment ensued. And Andrea Cortese, Captain of the Stradiotti, a bold and adventurous man, being one day advanced a good way before his own men, he was environed by a great many of the Enemy, and after having valiantly defended himself for a long while, was slain. The Turkish Army encamped themselves from Santa Marina, to Aglangia, possessing the whole space of ground which was opposite to four Bulworks: and on the other side of the Fort, whither the Camp reached not, each Bashaw sent out 100 Horse, and as many Foot, so as the City being environed on all sides, could neither receive in, nor send out any men. Nicossia stands in the midst of the Island, almost equally distant from the Northern and Southern shore, and from the two utmost parts of the Island, Baffo, and Carpasso: It abounds in fresh water, is of an indifferent wholesome air, being breathed on by the pleasant South-west wind, which inliven ●nd refresheth the Inhabitants when they are wearied, and sw●●er'd with the immoderate heat of that Climate, wherefore it was more inhabited than any other City of the Kingdom; and this was the cause why the Island being to be secured by a Fort, the Cyprians, not valuing any other situation, concurred all of them readily and liberally in contributing towards this, so as this City was reduced into a fort-royal, by the means of Francisco Barbaro, Commissary of the Island, and of julio S●vorgnano the Governor, to whom the Senate had committed the particular care thereof. The Fort was of a circular form, with eleven Bulworks, whose Front was 75 paces, and their shoulders thirty; so as each of them was capable of 2000 foot, and of four pieces of Cannon, and they were so built, as there being outlets on every side, the Soldiers might go sheltered on all sides, to the Counterscarpe; but they were chiefly secured to the Plat-forms, which were above 30 paces broad, so as it was held by such as were professors of military discipline, one of the fairest and best Fortifications that was in the world, for as much as could be contributed by Art. But as there was plenty of these things, so was there scarcity of defendants: for when Astore Baglione, went from thence, Colonel Roncone remained there, with charge of the Communality of the Island, and of all the Italian Militia, and some other Captains, who though they had some experience in War, and were ambitious of honour; yet having but small Authority, their advice profited but a little▪ for they were either not listened to, through the indiscretion of such as stood at the helm of Government; or else accepted of with much dispute and difficulty, and therefore but slowly, and badly executed. It was therefore resolved, to send to Famagosta, to desire Baglione, that he himself would come to Nicossia, and bring some Soldiers along with him: but the Magistrates of that City thinking that they had not men enough to defend it, and not being certain but that the Enemy might alter their minds, so as they might have occasion to use them themselves; they positively refused to part either with their men, or with their Captain; and Baglione making use of their Authority, desired to be excused for that time: adding, that Martiningoes Soldiers, having lost their Commander, said absolutely, that they would render obedience to none but to him; so as his coming away might cause some great disorder in that City. There were then in Nicossia 10000 foot for her defence, whereof 1500 were Italians, and all the rest Inhabitants of the Island, to wit, 3000 of the common sort, 2500 of the City, 2000 newly listed into the Militia, taken out of the Country houses, and paid partly out of the Exchequer, partly out of private men's Purses, and 1000 Nicossian Gentlemen: These were almost all new men unexperienced, and not over-well armed, in so much as many wanting Pikes and Muskets, were forced to use ●ills and Halberds. But the City was very well provided of Artillery, nor were there wanting such as knew how to manage them; They had likewise great store of pioneers, to make use of upon any occasion: for, to boot with 400 ●●sted under jovan Sossomeno, they had taken in above 4000 more 〈◊〉 such employments. Yet amidst so many men, and so much ground, the Commanders not agreeing in the manner how to order their in works, this so necessary provision was left unperfect. By these disorders these Forces were weakened, which were certainly too few to resist so puissant an Army of the Enemies, wherein, on the contrary, great observance, and reverence was gi●●h to the Commanders, and all military actions, being severely ordered, were with strange readiness observed. Mustafa's authority, who was a bold and warlike personage, as also his reputation by the same which he had won by fight in Selino's Army before he was Emperor, against his brother Achomet; the unhoped for victory which was then gotten, being attributed to his forward valour; The Soldiers, who were accustomed to the duties of War, to labour and hardships, grew much more hardy, by the opinion they had of their Captain's worth, and by the hopes of great reward which was promised them upon getting the victory. There were, as hath been said, a great number of men in the Army, the chief foundation whereof consisted in 6000 Ia●isarus, and 4000 Spacchis, (these are Soldiers who are kept in continual pay, to serve on Horseback, and upon occasion, do serve with others on foot) valiant ment●, and brought up in War. Therefore the more humane foresight had been wanting to provide against such Forces, the more did they apply themselves to beg assistance from God. Solemn processions were daily made throughout the City, which were done the more frequently, and with the more devotion, by the example and exhortation of Francisco Contarini, Bishop of Baffo, in whom Episcopal dignity became more honourable and reverend by the ancient Nobility, and by the riches of his family, and by his own goodness and worth. He being the prime ecclesiastic person, (for Philippo Mocenico, Archbishop of Nicossia, was then at Venice) was not wanting in performing such duties to those people, which they could have expected from their own Pastor. The chief of the City being one day assembled in the Church of Santa Sophia, where were also many men of all conditions, he spoke thus unto them. If I shall look upon the greatness of the present dangers, I cannot but much apprehend the common safety; and as doubting the issue, and with a submiss mind, yield to adverse fortune. And if on the other side, I think upon your worth, magnanimity, fortitude, and, constancy, I find a certain warmth arise within me, which encourageth me to hope for better things. But if I raise myself from these more lowly cogitations, to the consideration of divine providence and goodness, my first fear is not only allayed, but is changed into an assured hope: For when I observe the truth better, I know, that hard and difficult things become easy, to such as are valiant; and even impossibilities to faithful Christians, are made facile. Therefore if you be not wanting in your ancient and known worth, and if you continue constant and steadfast in that faith, which, together with your own safeties, you have undertaken to defend, I am assured, you will find these troubles at the last, not ordained for your ruin, but for your praise and eternal glory. We know by infinite examples, of all ages, how many sieges have been withstood and rendered vain, by a few, though the besiegers w●re very numerous. Constant worth, and a noble resolution of undaunted mind, being sufficient to stave off greatest dangers. But as for such, whom God hath taken into his particular custody, no powers of man hath been able to prejudice them; nay, Nature's self, the very Heavens and Elements have been subservient to them. The waters stood still, and made a safe passage to the jews, through the midst of the sea; the most scorched grounds afforded them fountains of clear water, to refresh them withal; and the Heavens gave them Manna, a miraculous food, to nourish them. We are to hope for these, or the like assistances, from the hand of God; for Selino Ottoman is a no less wicked and cruel persecutor of the faithful, then was that ancient Pharaoh. Nor are we Christians▪ who are bought with the blood of his Son, less dear to God, or less beloved by him, than any others have formerly been, of which future miracle, we have an evident late example, which may persuade us to believe we shall share of. Do you not know in what condition the Island of Malta was, this time five year? begirt by so long and so sore a siege, oppugned by so many soldiers, defended by so few, void of all hopes of help, and in all sorts of want and necessities: Yet the defendants, no whit lessening their valour nor loyalty, for whatsoever adverse fortune, the Barbarians pour was rendered vain and useless, and they were laughed at, for their overdaring attempt. And that the power of divine providence might the more appear, the Fort, when reduced to the last extremity, was freed from the siege by the enemy, before it was relieved by friends. You are to imitate these stout and valiant men, by exposing yourselves willingly to all the labours and dangers of war; nay, you must exceed them: for those Knights, being foreigners, of several Nations, fought for religion. and glory; you do not only defend these, but also your wives, children, and estates; so as all things, both human and divine, invite you to show invincible valour; and that the more readily and boldly, as that you being free men, and generous, are to fight against slaves, base and unarmed people, wont to overcome more by their numbers, than their valour. Which advantage, they at the present want, this City being defended by strong walls, and by so many great guns, as this alone will be sufficient to repulse the enemy, who if they shall dare to assault us, you are sure of the victory, if you can but withstand their first brunt. For it cannot be long ere the succour come, which you have heard our commonwealth is sending us, with a powerful Fleet, which will never refuse to expose all her forces readily, for the preservation of this Kingdom, which she esteems, as a noble member of her State, and loves so well. These humane provisions being of themselves sufficient to deliver us, will, through your prayers, faith, and firm resolution to forego your sins, make you invincible; when your sins being punished more by fear then pain, you shall have time and reason, to honour and praise the All-glorious God, who showing you only the face of his anger, in the fury of this barbarous Ottoman, will have provided for your souls health, and for your achieving of heavenly blessings, together with the preservation of your lives, country, and estates; to the end that you may use all these hereafter, to his glory, who is the true and liberal Lord, and the free giver of all grace. The whole Auditory seemed much affected with these words, so as they cheerfully comforted one another; and preparing courageously to defend themselves, they betook themselves solicitously to all military actions, to secure their Parapets, to bestow their Companies in places of greatest danger, and to guard their Bulwarks carefully. The danger increased daily, as the enemy drew nearer; for the Turks wanting neither for diligence nor industry, were come with their Trenches very near the Ditch, and by frequent Musket shot, playing upon those that were upon the walls, kept them from appearing upon the Parapets. Moreover, they planted divers great Pieces towards the City, on St. Marina's side, whereby they did much prejudice to the houses, not without great fear unto the people. But that which gave the Commanders justest cause of fear, was, their stupendious earth-works, which being made with great art and expedition, several Forts were seen within a few days, to be raised to such a height, as the enemies standing thereupon, might fight securely, and upon great advantage; and make use, not only of their Artillery against our men, but of their Arrows, and artificial fireworks, which being thrown over the walls, and fastening upon woolsacks, whereof the Traverses were made, destroyed those works, depriving those within of those defences. The difficulty grew the greater to the defendants, for that being but a few, they could hardly supply the duties, which the defence of so many places required; so as they were forced to keep from sending people abroad to molest the enemy, lest they might add to their own difficulties. Their chief hope lay in their Artillery, which being well managed, did disturb the enemy's works; Antonio dal Berentino, a witty man, and a well experienced Canonier, did much good thereby to those of the Town: But the City soon lost him, and many others, who were well versed in that affair; for being shot by the enemies, whereunto they were continually exposed, most of them were slain: So as the Turks brought on their Trenches so far, as they came to the Counterscarp, wherein making some breaches, they at last entered the Ditch; and having thereby made rampiers of earth, whereby to defend themselves from the enemy's shot, they began to undermine the Bulworks with their Mathooks, so as they soon made stairs, whereby they might the more easily mount the Bulworks; and climbing up thereby, they began to make some little assaults upon the Bulworks, Costanzo and Padacataro, (which were so called, from the families of such Gentlemen, as had had a particular care in building the Fort) to see, how they that were within would behave themselves. And it so fell out, as those who were upon the defence of Costanzo, being surprised at unawares, suffered themselves to be so charged, as many of the Turks advancing very boldly, got beyond the Parapets; but Paolo dal Guasto, and Andrea da Spelle, falling upon them with their Companies, the enemies were repulsed, much to their prejudice; but not without the loss of many of our men, particularly of Andrea, who fight valiantly amongst the foremost, was slain. This unexpected assault did so terrify the defendants, as many thought, that if the Turks had seconded the first assailants with greater forces, the City would have been lost. But the eschewing of this danger gave them no better hopes, for they could find no way to disturb the Turks works, who labouring continually in the making of, as it were, several Cawseys of earth, twenty five foot broad, which reached from their Trenches to the Breaches, which (as hath been laid) was made in the Counterscarf; and sheltering those ways on the sides, with faggots, and baskets filled with earth, they prepared for greater, and more secure assaults; which if they were not timely opposed, there was no way of safety left. So as though it was a hard and dubious thing, to expose the best of their few good soldiers, to so great danger; yet no better exigency appearing, they resolved upon that course at last, which had been several times before refused. Cesare Piovine, an Italian, Count Rocas his Lieutenant, sallied therefore out of the Town, with part of the Italian Foot, and with the Horse, intending to fight the enemy's Trenches, and their Forts, to clog their Artillery, and to destroy, or at least to do what mischief he could to their works, which resolution was very welcome to the soldiers, who were impatient to see themselves daily wasted, and the utmost of dangers to draw nigh, without making any trial of themselves, or taking revenge upon the enemy. But this generous action, being perhaps too lately attempted, and then too precipitously pursued, wrought not the good effect which was hoped for, nor which the happy beginning promised; wherein Piovine boldly advancing, took two of the enemy's Forts, and slew almost all that were within them; who being sweltered with the extreme heat, (for it was at full noon when our men assaulted them) and being free from any apprehension, had laid aside their Arms, and were fallen asleep. But Piovene's soldiers, according to the abusive custom of our Militia, gave over pursuing the victory, and fell to pillage; which disorder became afterwards the greater, because the Grecians and Albaneses, having too early advanced with their Horse, to assault the enemy's Trenches; were it either, for that vying with the Italians for valour, they would be the first that should appear in that action; or that they were not well pleased to be commanded by Piovin●▪ they, by this their unseasonable haste, made those of the Camp too soon acquainted with their coming, so as many Turks hasting thither, they easily made our men run, who were divided, and busied about plunder. But Piovine, together with Count Alberto, and jovan Battista de Fano, tarrying with some few of their men, to defend the Fort which they had taken, after a long and stout withstanding, the enemies coming still in, in great numbers, were cut in pieces. These valiant men were encouraged to make this defence, out of hopes of being soon assisted by those from within, the usual sign of succour being already given between them. But because the Turks, who upon the notice of our men's coming out, were assembled together in great numbers, and making use of this occasion, prepared to assault the Bulwark Costanzo, as they did afterwards: Count Tripoli, who had the keeping thereof, was forced to stay Captain Gregorio Panteo, who was appointed to go forth with the relief, that he might make use of him, and of his men, against the enemies unexpected assault; who not being able, after a long dispute, to mount the Parapets, were forced to retreat. Thus the Turks continued many days to annoy those within, by several ways, and to attempt the taking of the City, though but with trivial assaults. Wherefore by reason of the paucity of the defendants, our forces were much lessened, which could not well discharge all the duties which were to be done, both by day and night, in several parts of the City. The Parapets of the Bulwarks were already very much weakened, and in some places wholly cast down, by the enemies continual shot; so as great diligence was used, to fill up those Parapets with earth, and to finish the in-works, where they were imperfect, and to erect some Cavaliers for more security, upon the Bulwarks. But these works proceeded on but slowly; for the Ploners, wearied with watching, and other hardships, grew not able to perform their work; and because the enemy's Artillery, which were leveled by day, shot also by night, and did much harm. Yet the soldiers, especially the Italians, and the Gentry of the City, continued steadfast in their resolution, to defend themselves to the very last, being a little comforted, with hopes, that the Venetian Fleet would soon come and raise the Siege. No answer was therefore given to divers Letters, which were conveyed by the Turks into the City, by Arrows, wherein the Bashaw Mustafa writing, sometimes to the Governors, sometimes to certain of the chief Nobility of the City, and sometimes to the people in general, exhorted them to yield, promising, in case they would do so, to use great liberality and humanity towards them; and denouncing severe punishment, if they should do otherwise. But finding that they could not learn any thing of the people's, nor of the governor's intention by this means; they made signs of parley to those of the Bulwark of Costanzo; and having free liberty given them to do so, they in the name of the Bashaw Mustafa, said, That he wondered very much that he had received no answer to any of his Letters, as if his Forces were despised, which were notwithstanding such, as he might have ended the War much sooner by them, had he not had regard to their safeties, which they themselves seemed to slight so much. That therefore he had thought good to admonish them, that duly weighing the state of their affairs, which was now reduced to the utmost of danger, by the death of so many defendants, and for that there was no hope of relief left them; for he had had certain intelligence, that the Venetian Fleet being oppressed with much sickness, and other difficulties, could not stir out of their Havens: it might suddenly so fall out, that they might in vain entreat those fair conditions which they now refused; for he could no longer moderate the Soldier's rage, who had made frequent demands, that they might be permitted to plunder the City, in reward of the labours and dangers which they had undergone: So as if they should delay surrendering the Town, the ruin thereof would be attributed rather to their foolish obstinacy, than to the cruelty of the Enemy. Having quickly resolved to give an answer to these words, for the Truce was to last but for two hours, they put an end to the parley, telling them only, That the Soldiers and Citizens were firmly resolved to defend the City with all their might, to the very last minute, and to keep loyal to their Prince; so that whatsoever the event should be, nothing could be more desired of them, but better fortune, which they hoped they should not fail of, since they would not be failing to themselves, to their honour, nor to their religion, which, together with their safety, they had undertaken to defend. Thus having placed all their hopes in their Arms, the Governors thought good to feed the Soldiers and people with hopes of Succour, which did chiefly increase in them their resolution, and courage to defend themselves. Wherefore they made it be divulged by a Renegado who was fled from the Enemy's Camp to the City; that he had brought Letters from Famagosta, which brought certain news of the arrival of the Christian Fleet; which that it might be the more credibly believed, the Captains which were upon the Mountains with the Islanders, were ordered to give the sign of ten fires, which every one known was to give notice to the City, that the Christian Navy was arrived. This wrought such impression in some, as imagining that to be true which they did so much desire, they affirmed, they saw the Turks begin to remove their Artillery, and their Pavilions. But the Enemy who feared nothing less, continued their batteries, whereof nothing of remarkable ensued for some days, save only that jacobo di Nores, Count of Trepoli, one of the chief Barons of the Kingdom, who had won the name of being vigilant and valiant, was slain in an assault which was given to the Bulwark Costanzo, and his Brother Francisco Maria was in his place made Governor of that Bulwark. Thus did the Turks waste those within by little and little, with frequent skirmishes: but they durst not enter upon the Bulworks, for fear of Mines; whereof they were the more cautious, by reason of the loss which they received at the expugning of Zighet. Moreover, Mustafa thought he had too few men to make a great Efforte; for the janissaries were not very forward to be the first that should fall on; wherefore he spun out the time, till such time as having more certain news of the Enemy's Fleet, he might, (as he did afterwards) safely increase his Army by those that remained in the Galleys: Who as soon as they were come to the Camp, all fear of the Fleet being over, and the Cawseys being now perfected, and rendered secure, which led from the Trenches to the four Bulworks of Podacataro, Costanzo, Davila, and Tripoli: he began to place all the Commanders and Soldiers in their proper employments, and gave an orderly assault at one and the same time with his whole Forces to all the four Bulworks, which the besieged interpreted to be done by the Enemy as their last essay, with intention of departing suddenly, if they should not succeed therein. So great an impression had the news of the arrival of the Venetian Fleet made in them, which being held by all to be true, they encouraged one another; affirming confidently, that the Victory, the end of their labours, and their safety from all danger lay, in withstanding the fury of that assault. Wherefore worthily outdoing themselves, and the opinion which was held of their Forces; they repulsed the Turks that day every where, and slew very many of them: Whereat Mustafa being much incensed, and beginning almost to despair of getting the City, as he thought he might easily have done, he ceased not continually to solicit the Soldiers, that they would once more be brought to give another assault; sometimes reproaching them of cowardice, sometimes promising largely to reward their valour. And what is it, said he, that can infuse courage into you, if that now that you do so far exceed the Enemy, both for number and military discipline, who are but a few, and those fresh soldiers, and unexperienced in Arms, you cannot so much as abide their looks, whom you have suffered to baffle you so ignominiously, being strucken rather with a panic fear, then with any danger? If the hopes of prey provided for you, by the plunder of so opulent a City, if the desire of glory, in having by your valour won so noble a Kingdom to the Ottoman Empire, be not able to excite in you that fortitude and generosity which is always wont to accompany those who fight under the prosperous Ensigns of the Ottoman Empire; you must never think hereafter of any military action: for no Commander will dare to confide the honour of the Grand, and always invincible Signior, under his guidance, that grand Signior, whose perpetual felicity ordained to him by heaven; you seem not to know, by believing that any Nation is able long to resist his Forces. Be sure, unless you will resist yourselves, the Enemy must soon yield unto your Prowess, and to your Prince's fortune, who having a just regard to gallant actions, doth largely impart rewards unto his Soldiers; so as there is no degree of honour, to which each of you may not by his own worth be brought; to whom alone all the wealth and honour of the Ottoman Empire is reserved, which are disposed of in other Dominions, more according to favour, ofttimes purchased without any merit, or according to the vain name of Nobility, then by true and peculiar worth: whereas there is not any one of you, who may not hope for the highest honours of the Militia, to which the way lies always open, and whereunto you are particularly by this occasion invited. Which words the Bashaw being willing to confirm by more express promises, he made it be proclaimed throughout the whole Army, that the first three who should mount the walls of the City, should be made St. jacchi; and in case any Bashaw should die, he who should first enter the City, should succeed in that dignity. The Soldiers being thus encouraged, order was given for an assault the next morning, wherein the Turks, before sunrising, approached quietly to those very Bulworks, which they had before attempted, hoping the more unexpectedly they should fall upon the Enemy, the more easily they should get the victory; and so it fell out. For finding those who were upon the guard of the Bulwark Costanzo, fast asleep; they overcame the greatest difficulties without any dispute, and getting upon the Parapets, did not afford them time to defend themselves; nay being amazed between sleep and fear, they could not get, time-enough, into their inward works. The opinion of the coming of the expected succour, had wrought so much with our men, as they thought the noise which was made the preceding night by the Turks, standing to their Arms, was an assured token of the raising of the siege; so as in that respect, and because they were almost quite spent with watching and labour, they had the more securely betaken themselves to their rest: The Turks entering promiscuously in this confusion, with our men into the inner-most works, it caused such noise and terror, as many began to run away. Count Rocas was lodged a little way distant from the Bulwark, who learning what had happened, more by the noise and tumult, than by any certain information, put on his Arms, wherein he spent some time; and coming to the place of Conflict, found all things in such disorder, as, though he kept his own men from running, yet could he not bring safety to what was already almost in despair, for being shot with a Musket in the head, all the rest, who through hopes in him, had with much difficulty, and upon great disadvantage, disputed the business as yet, quitted the defence of the walls, and ran every one to their own houses, hoping to provide for their wife's safety. So as though Pietro Pisani, a Counsellor, and Bernardino Polani came quickly thither, they in vain used their Authority and example to stay the people, who were already in disorder and much confusion; amongst which▪ whilst Polani mixed himself, and did by force stay some of them, he together with them was cut in pieces. But Pisan● retreated with the rest to Piazza, whither people ran from all parts to save themselves, and were not as yet pursued by the Turks; for minding only the making of themselves Masters of the Walls, after they had driven the first from the Bulwark Costanza, they went presently to the other Bulworks, where the Enemy were valiantly fought with, but especially with the Italian foot. But in fine, finding their in-works lost, and that they were at the same time fought with, both before and behind, not being able to make any longer resistance; they quit the Walls, and betook themselves all to make good the Piazza, which they did for a while against the assaliants, till the Bashaw of Aleppo came in, who entering the Town by the Bulwark Tripoli, hasted first about the Walls, killing many that were tarried behind; though throwing down their arms, they in vain endeavoured pardon. And having routed some armed Companies upon the Bulwark Barbaro, who had been got together by jovanni Faliero, a noble Venetian, and one that being but a private Merchant in the City, had upon several occasions given good testimony of his valour; and meeting with nothing to withstand him any where else, he came to the Piazza, where finding so many in arms, as they made stout resistance: he presently made three pieces of Artillery be brought from off the Walls, wherewith he disordered, and sorely indammaged those squadrons which defended the Piazza, and forced them to forsake it, many of them withdrawing themselves into the Courts of the Palace, whither the Lieutenant, the Bishop Contarini, and divers others of the chief of the City, were first come. And those that could not get in, being scattered up & down, and not having any defence, were either slain, or taken Prisoners: but soon after, he made sign of parley to those that were within the Court, and sent to the Lieutenant a certain Cyprian Friar, to Treat with him, who having yielded a little before, was received upon his Parole. This man having in the Bashaws name, promised life unto them all, was immediately sent back with Tutio Costanza, who in the Lieutenant's name, said, they would surrender. By whose order they having all forthwith laid down their Arms, it fell miserably out, that at the opening of the Gates, the Turks, who were thronging round about, entered violently into the Court, and cruelly, put all those unarmed people to the sword: wherein the Lieutenant, the Bishop, and all the other eminent personages, ran the same fortune as did the Soldiers, and the meanest men. After which, the Turks ran without any order or discipline all over the City, plundering the Houses, destroying the Churches, dishonouring Matrons, violating Virgins, and putting all to the Sword, without any distinction either of sex, age, or condition. So as the Turks slew that day above 20000 persons; and those whose lives were spared by the cruel Enemy, rather for their greater punishment, than out of any charity, were tied in chains, dragged over the dead carcases of their parents and friends, and carried away Prisoners. Thus that City, which for many years had lived in great pomp and splendour, and in great abundance of all things, did in one day undergo all the extremes of calamity; affording by this so horrible spectacle, a new example of variety of humane affairs. This sacking, happened on the ninth of September, the fourth day after the Turkish Army was encamped before the City. The booty which was exported by the Enemy, and sent to Constantinople, to be presented to the grand Signior, and to the Bashaws, was very great and rich; yet did they not go away wholly triumphant, for a ship which was loaded with many of the most precious things, and with the better sort of Prisoners, was not got far from the Island, when the Ammunition falling on fire, it utterly perished, with all that was within it. Nicossia being taken and sacked, Musta●a leaving 4000 Foot to guard it, marched with his Army towards Famagosta; for after the taking of Nicossia, the Turks found no obstacle, but easily made themselves Masters of all the rest of the Island: All the other Towns being neither strong, nor having people to defend them, yielded suddenly to the enemy, as did also Cirenes, though jovan Maria Mudazzo, who had the custody of the Castle, and Captain Alfonzo Palazzo, in order to the advice and exhortations of those of Famagosta, had some few days before signified, that they would defend themselves as long as they could. Those of the Mountains did the like; Scipio Garaffa, Paolo Singlitico, and others of the Nobility, accompanied with many Grecian Priests, and by a great crowd of country people, coming in suddenly to Mustafa, and swearing fealty unto him; so as now, nothing in the whole, Island but Famagosta, held for the Venetians. Mustafa therefore led his Army thitherward, and pitched his Camp at the Pomadamo, three miles distant from the City, making many Turks ride daily to & fro within sight of those of the Town, with the heads of divers chief persons, who were slain at Nicossia, upon their Lances, to terrify the soldiers, and to make them desist from their resolution, of standing out the siege. He afterwards drew a little nearer the City, making his Trenches, with baskets full of sand, for that that soil was not proper for such works. But those of the Town sallying out to skirmish with the enemy, drove them twice from their Trenches; and by their Artillery from the Fort, destroyed three Forts, which the Turks had with much expedition raised, at St. Georgio, at Priepole, and at la Torre del Ocha, whereby the besieged got no great good, as it fell out afterwards; for in a few days, they had consumed in this business only, more than 50000 weight of powder. But because the winter came already on, which was not seasonable for the siege, which was likely to prove a long and hard business; and because some of the men were to be employed in reinforcing the Galleys, by reason of the advertisement, that the Christian Fleets were joined; Mustafa, being desirous not to try his fortune again, whereby he might lessen the glory which he had gotten, in taking Nicossia, had several treaties with the besieged to come to an agreement. Wherefore suffering jovanni Sosomano, whom he had taken prisoner, to go into the Town, under pretence of getting moneys for his ransom, he made many motions, tending to surrendering the Town; that he should tell the Governors, and Commanders, That if they would not of themselves resolve to surrender the City, they might, whilst they had time to do so, write to their Masters at Venice, to acquaint them with the condition they were in, with how hard it was to hold out against so great an Army; and to exhort them to make use of this occasion, of accommodating their affairs with the grand Signior, and consequently of securing their Dominions, by yielding up that, which they could by no means keep. Mustafa made several Letters of the same tenure be written, and ordered it so, as they might seem to be written by the Governors of Famagosta, and come to the hands of the Consul at Constantinople. But the Governors and people of Famagosta were resolved, to hold it out to the last; therefore they did not only not listen to any such discourse; but in stead of writing to the Senate for leave to surrender, they resolved to write very effectually for relief. And to the end, that the condition of affairs, and their own particular needs, might be the better understood, they sent Nicolo Donato to Venice, who was then with two Galleys in the Haven at Famagosta; with whom came also jerolimo Rogozzoni, Bishop of that City, very well instructed with all things, and ●it for such an employment. But it is now time, that we return to acquaint you, with the proceedings of the Christian Fleet, which parting (as hath been said) all jointly together, from the Haven at Suda, came to Scythia, where the Commanders began to give their several opinions, how those forces were to be made use of, to the best advantage; Some were for assaulting some of the Ottoman Towns, and for the endamaging them as much as possibly they could, upon their own confines, whereby they might make them forego Cyprus, and come with their Fleet, and the greatest part of their forces, to relieve themselves, where their affairs should be endangered most: Which if it should not so succeed, yet it would stand with their first purpose, to counterpoise the loss which they might suffer, in losing any of the Towns of Cyprus, which peradventure might be more easily recovered by that means, then by defending it now. Wherefore they affirmed this to be the safer, and more advantageous course to be taken, than to go for Cyprus, whereby in many cases, they might rather reap loss then profit; for it would not be in their power, to force the Turkish Fleet to fight, which riding in good order, being flanked on both sides by great Vessels, full of Artillery, might keep upon those shores, as in a safe haven, and either not be brought to fight, or if they should, it would be a sure token that they knew, they might do it upon great advantage. Nor could they hope for more safety, when they should be arrived at Cyprus; for the good they could expect by landing their men, to assist Nicossia, could not be answerable to the danger they might incur▪ the enemy being so strong, and Masters of the field; and to besiege the besiegers, would be almost impossible, since there was such store of victuals in the Island. And then again, to keep long at sea, especially in that season, and amidst the Rivers of the enemy's Country, was a thing which might be subject to several accidents; and if any misfortune should befall, they could not avoid the imputation of rashness. But on the contrary, others, and chiefly General Zanne, were no less fervent for going for Cyprus, alleging, That that Fleet was principally destined for the defence of Cyprus, which, by reason of their so long delay, could not be freed from danger, by any diversion. That the only remedy, and not without very great hopes, lay, in going to find out the enemy's Fleet, and in fight them. For at the news of their arrival, the Turks would be forced to withdraw unto their Fleet, and would abandon the siege of Cyprus to defend themselves▪ And if they should busy themselves any longer about it, what could they desire more for certainty of victory, than to find the enemy dispersed up and down the Country, and the Galleys abandoned, and exposed to secure prey? But that it was much more like, that the Turks, when they should have notice of the Venetian forces, and of their Galleys, being joined with those of the Church, and of Spain, they would depart with their Fleet from Cyprus, not to fight, but to return to Constantinople. And that therefore, meeting the Enemy upon the way, they might fight them upon great advantage. But howsoever, they might promise unto themselves as far as the uncertainty of war would permit, prosperous success from this their forwardness; for though they were inferior to the enemy, in the numbers of shipping and men, yet did they undoubtedly exceed them in the goodness of their vessels, and valour of their soldiers. Moreover, they being fresh and entire, now that they were sufficiently recruited with mariners and soldiers, they might upon great advantage fight the enemy, who must be wasted and wearied by much of action, wherein it was to be believed, they might have lost the flower of their men; and that certainly, if they should get no other good thereby, they should gain much honour, by approaching so near, and by so much urging the enemy's Fleet. Whereas on the contrary, to fall upon any other undertaking, would argue fear, as if they shunned encountering the enemy, whereby they would be much enheartned, and our men discouraged, especially those that defended Cyprus. Nor would it be wisely done, to lose what was ones own, to get what was an other's; and that so much the less, for that it would be the harder for a weaker Principality, such as was their Commonwealth, either to maintain what they should get, or recover what they should lose, from the Turkish Empire, amidst their own territories, so full of soldiers. These reasons being of themselves very strong, drew all to be governed by them, especially, because they were conformable to the orders and desires of the Senate; to wit, That setting aside all lesser affairs, they should mind the main business. They therefore all jointly resolved to go for Cyprus; and those who were formerly of another opinion, showed no less forwardness to do what was resolved upon. Thus parting from Candia on the 18 of September, they steered their course towards Cyprus. The whole Fleet consisted of 181 Galleys, 124 of the Venetians, 12 man'd out by the Pope, and 45 of the King of Spain's. And to boot with these, 12 great Galleys, and 14 Ships man'd by the Venetians, together with a great number of Vessels of burden, fraught with ammunition. There were in this Fleet about 15000 Foot, to boot with a great number of Volunteers, who were come from all parts, most of them Gentlemen, and people of good quality. And though many of the first Venetian soldiers, that were on board, were wanting; yet the first number, which was 10000 Foot, was almost made up by new men, taken from the Islands. And in the Pope's Galleys, there was above 1000 and about 4000 in those of Spanish. These were all commanded by men of great esteem and experience, so as they went boldly on to find out the enemy. Thus they sailed with favourable winds towards Cyprus, though, that they might keep company, they used only the Trinchet; and having gone above 300 miles in three days, they came to the Castle Ruzzo, which is a Fort lying over against the Set Cani in Caramar●a, and not above 150 miles from Cyprus. The night, and foul weather coming on, our men were fain to put into the Havens of Vathi and Calemiti; and here they met with the unfortunate news of the loss of Nicossia, whereat they were all much abashed. Wherefore calling a Council the next day, wherein they would have the advice of all those that bore Lanterns. Those, who whilst in Scythia, were against this enterprise, did now more expressly protest against it: Yet the rest promised, that they would not obviate, what had been formerly resolved upon, neither by their votes, nor by their counsels, provided that the whole forces should join therein. But Doria soon declared openly, that he would by all means return back; saying, That they went from Candia, with a resolution to relieve Nicossia; which being now lost, they had not the same reason to expose themselves to the hazard of a Battle, which was by this news become much more great and considerable: For the enemies having nothing to do on land, and being grown bold and insolent by this victory, would be all of them got aboard the Fleet, not only ready to withstand us, but to advance and meet us, who should assault them. To this, the season of the year may be added, winter being at hand; the long voyage which they were to make, before they could get into their Havens; and the particular care he had to preserve that Fleet, which was committed to his trust by the King his Master. He was so positive herein, as neither General Zane, nor Commissary Veniero, who being gone aboard, seemed very desirous to make for Cyprus, could by any means persuade him, to run the same fortune with them, and to try the fortune of war, now that he was come so far along with them in company; since they could not excuse themselves of the imputation, which would be laid upon them by all men, of having consumed so many men, and spent so much time in doing nothing. But all was to no purpose. Nay, his actions witnessed this his will no less, than did his words; for it was observed, that Doria keeping his Galleys from mingling with the rest, by the way as they went, kept still to the lee-ward, to the end, that he might do (as it was suspected) whatever he listed; and that the night that he was at Castle Ruzzo, lying more outwards towards the Sea, than the rest, though a brisk wind that blew, might have advised him, to have withdrawn to more safety, made it also be suspected, that he intended, if the wind should grow stronger, to steal quietly away, and seem as if he had been necessitated to do so. Whereupon those others, who were not for advancing any further, taking occasion from Doria's words and proceedings, were for returning back. Thus Doria's assured resolution appearing, and the others dubiousness, General Zane was forced to think of returning, though much against his will, seeing that he could not obey the Senate's orders, and must leave the enemy free and at liberty, to return home in triumph, after having done such injuries, and made such prey. But assuredly, if we shall reflect upon what ensued, this advice did not deserve blame, being accommodated to the time, and an occasion of avoiding greater dangers: For in returning, the Fleet met with great storms, which suffered it not to get wholly safe into the Havens; for some of the Pope's and of Venetians Galleys being driven on land, by boisterous winds, split in sunder And the Turks (as was understood afterwards) being informed by Caiaceleby, who had been sent towards Candia, to discover the proceedings of the Christian Fleets, that they were joined, and ready to set forwards, & to fight them, laying aside whatsoever might be a hindrance to them, & all unuseful people; had man'd all their Galleys with choice and fresh soldiers, & stood expecting our men, who were wearied with so long a voyage, & so many sufferings. The Christian Fleet being thus parted from castle Rozzo, came jointly together to Scarpanto, and entered into Tristano Haven, where Doria taking his leave, went presently with his Galleys towards Puglia, and from thence to Sicily, seeming to mind nothing, save how to get quickly home: So as Colonna and Zanne's endeavours proved all vain, who were desirous to keep those Forces united, and to fall upon some other enterprise. For Doria refused to fall upon any petty business, as not worthy for his King's Fleet, to run any hazard in; and as for any long or difficult affair, he said, the season was not fitting. Thus the Popes and the Venetian Fleet, being weakened by Doria's going away, and hearing that Piali was parted from Cyprus with a great number of Galleys in pursuit of them, they steered their course towards Candia, not without danger of being set upon by the Turkish Fleet, which being advertised of our departure, made such speed as it arrived at the Island of Stampalia. Piali thinking (as it was believed) to find some assured prey of some scattered Galleys, which might be sailing upon the shore of Candia, void of any such fear, which he could not do, by reason of the great winds which blew from the North, to which the best Havens of Candia, which look towards the Archipelagus, are directly exposed. And this was so credibly believed, as Quirini, who was in the City of Candia, with certain Galleys, came suddenly to join with the rest of the Fleet, at Suda; which not long after went for the same reason all away together in a body to Candia, to get into a place of more safety. But Piali, who peradventure intended no such thing; or were it that by reason of the times he altered his design, turning backward, penetrated further into the Archipelagus, intending as he seemed, to winter in the Haven Calegiero, which to that purpose he made be cleared of some shelves, though changing his mind again, he left some guards abroad, and went with the Fleet to Constantinople. The Venetian General endeavouring to dive into these designs of the Enemy, had sent two Galleys towards the Archipelagus, which lighting unawares upon five of the Turkish Galliouns upon the Island of Par●●, either of choice, or out of necessity took several ways, and ran several fortunes. For the one of them, which was commanded by Vicenzo Maria d'ye Priuli, came to a fight, and after a long and valiant contest, had her Master's Mate, and all that were in her cut in pieces, and fell into the hands of the Enemy: the other, commanded by Angelo Suriano, taking advantage of the time, and giving way apace, escaped the danger and got safe away. At the same time, five Galleys of St. john of jerusalem, which were sailing towards Candia, and commanded by Pietro justiniano's, Prior of Messina, a noble Venetian, who had given sufficient testimony of his valour some years before in the siege of Malta, and was therefore made General of that religious order at Sea, being assaulted by a great squadron of Turkish Galleys, were all of them but hardly dealt with; two of them being taken by the Enemy, the other three, whereof the Admiral justiniano was one, got with much ado into the Haven at Suda. Thus so great Venetian Forces, put to Sea at so vast expense, and with such incredible speed (all humane accidents, those of War especially, being subject to various chance,) produced not the least good to their affairs; nay, it may be said, they were rather cause of prejudice to them, for they hoped so much in the good which they expected by their Fleet, against the enemy, and they were wholly so busied in the business of the Levant, as they did not much mind lesser affairs, which might have brought them certain, and no small advantage, The Turkish subjects in Albania, had made an insurrection in several parts; and being desirous to shake off the yoke of slavery which they lived in under the Ottoman Empire, they desired assistance of men and arms from the Magistrates of the Venetian Towns, which lay upon those confines; saying, that assoon as they should see a Venetian Standard, they would readily give obedience to the Commonwealth, and would give up their Sons as hostages of their Loyalty; in which their requests, although they could not receive satisfaction according to their necessities, and desires, yet great store of the inhabitants of Monte Negro came in unto them, and from about Boiano, which is now called the Country of Drino, and from other parts of the Marcovicchi, to put themselves under the Venetians Government; so as above a hundred Towns were received into the obedience of the Commonwealth, by the Governors of Antiviri, Dolcingo, and Budua; by which risings, and by reason of the small Garrisons which were then in the neighbouring Turkish Towns, it was thought they might make good this their action, though sufficient forces had been ready to assault them. The Venetian Magistrates of that Province, ceased not notwithstanding, to do all that they were able, to nourish and increase the good affection of those people towards the Commonwealth, and to make way for better successes. Amongst these Magistrates, Alessandro, Dorato, chief Magistrate of Antiviri; the Archbishop of the City, interposing himself therein by the means of some of his friends, held secret intelligence with Mustafa, who was Governor of Scutari, to deliver up that Town into our men's hands, upon promise of very great rewards; for which enterprise, whilst foot were assembling out of the neighbouring Garrisons, and whilst Ferrara's Horse were expected, together with two Brigandines, which were to come for that purpose from Zara, the opportunity was lost; for were it either that many Soldiers were come into the Fort of Scutari, from Vallona, which hindered his designs, as Mustafa alleged; or that under pretence of this practice, he plotted some mischief to our men, which he found afterwards by new accidents he could not compass; the business could not be effected, nor had they so great forces, as they might hope thereby to force the Town, which was already Garrisonized with new men. The like success, and out of the same reasons, had the business of of Alessio; attempted not long after, by those of Dulcingo. For having taken the Suburbs of the Town, with those few men which they could put together, and chased the St. jacco of Ducagini, who was come with some Horse to relieve the Town: they could not keep long before the Castle, nor so soon effect the enterprise by a few men, but that it was impeded by the Belgerby of Greece. But our men made War upon the confines of Zara, rather to keep the Enemy from doing injuries, and to secure that Country which was mightily infested by the Turks, than out of any other hopes; for the enemy were mightily increased in Horse thereabouts, so as our light Horse, which kept for the most part within the City of Zara, went out as occasion required to hinder Pillage, and many other mischiefs which were done by the Enemy; wherein Brandolino Brandolini, Count di Valdi Marino, and jerollimo dal Nero Vicentino, did behave themselves gallantly with their Ferrara Horse; wherewith appearing often in the field, and valiantly assaulting the Enemy, who came to do mischief, they revenged themselves upon them before they suffered them to depart. But no remarkable action happened in these Countries: Pillage, rather than Battle, being the effect of this first years actions. At the same time that these things happened, whilst the Fleets were gone prepared for hostile actions, the business of the League which was agitated (as hath been said) by common consent in Rome, was no less solicitously attended; where as soon as sufficient Commissions were come from the King of Spain, and from the Signory of Venice, to their Agents, enabling them to conclude it, the Pope sending for them to come before him, in a grave and affectionate manner, spoke unto them thus. As soon as there was any news heard of War resolved upon by Selino Ottoman, against the State of Venice, we, fearing lest this might be the beginning of much mischief to Christendom, a million of our-enormous sins having provoked God's anger against us; We I say, presently betook ourselves to our prayers, and devotions, which if they might not impetrate pardon for us, might at least mitigate the punishment, wherein we have intermitted nothing, neither by our internal peculiar affection, nor by our admonitions, nor by our example, which belonged unto our office, as the true Pastor and Custos of the Flock, committed unto us by God. And now we begin to rejoice, thinking that our humble Petitions have not been poured forth in vain, since the Catholic King, moved by the divine spirit, hath so easily and so quickly been persuaded to concur in this holy League, and to this purpose hath made choice of pious and wise men, that so important a business may the more easily be brought to a good end. And the like good disposition of mind is seen in the Venetian Senate, all whose votes have concurred to the undertaking of this War; Those Senators being resolute and constant, not to dispense with any cost or pains, wherein their own safety may be concerned, and the common good of Christendom, which was certainly very much threatened by the Turks. Which, as it is well known to you Gentlemen, who are so wise, so ought you with all your study and endeavours, to intend this union, wherein the purchasing of perpetual peace and quiet to your Prince's Dominions, and immortal glory to their names, is negotiated. men's Governments and Empires, are not secured from ruin, by the far distance of others men's Countries; but those ruins are retarded, that they may fall the heavier. Constantinople, Cairo, and Jerusalem, how far are they distant from the Caspian Gates, from whence these Barbarians had their first beginnings? and yet these Seats of noblest Empires, are enslaved by a foreign people, neither known nor feared by them before. And at this time, when these men, extending the bounds of their Dominions on all sides, are become neighbours to almost all Princes; now, that overrunning the Sea with their shipping, and having so many Havens in their hands, they have made the way more easy for them into the most remote Regions; Shall it be said, that Spain, or any other Province, is free, or safe from the power of such an Empire, which being wholly ordered for War, will never meet with any Boundures, but making one War arise from an other, aspires at the universal Monarchy? But say, that the Venetians were solely concerned in the damage and danger of this war, it ought assuredly be common to all Christian Princes, since it is made by Infidels against the faithful; nay against that Commonwealth wherein the true Christian Religion hath always been professed and nourished, and which hath so often defended and maintained the dignity of this holy Sea, the head of Christianity; and which imports not a little, since she fights in defence of the Kingdom of Cyprus, the preservation whereof ought to be highly esteemed and defended by every Christian Prince, lest that Island which lies so opportunely for the enterprise, of the Holy Land, fall not into the hands of Infidels. To which enterprise, now that the Empire of Constantinople is lost, that passage will be shut up, whereby Christians have formerly passed happily thither. Nor will we despair, and think that our fervent desires shall always prove vain, but that we may yet see a Croisado, wherein all Christian Princes and people may so zealously concur, as a new Kingdom of jerusalem may be sounded, and the Trophy of the Cross be replaced there; so as that blessed Land be no more the receptacle of impious and wicked men. The Hermit Peter was able to persuade so many Princes, and join together so many Armies, almost of every Nation, for so glorious and pious an enterprise, in the time of Pope Urbane; who knows, but that God may be as gracious to us? And that the time is now come, we have some signs thereof, since God hath so long preserved so famous and and powerful a Commonwealth, from so many dangers; and that he hath been pleased by so many ways, to increase the power and dignity of the House of Austria, wherein he hath now given us so powerful and pious a Prince, that he may quell the pride of the Enemies of the Holy Faith, and parallel the worth and glory of Charlemagne, whose fame is made so illustrious, by the memory of so many things done by him, for the increase of Christian religion. This so great and honourable work, and the hope of such happy success, is recommended to your diligence and trust, so as you ought not only be diligent and effectual, in executing your Prince's desires, but labour by all possible means to confirm them in this their good intention; nay solicit and provoke them, endeavouring that as their interests cannot be separated in respect of Religion, nor State; so neither may their Forces, nor minds be divided, but united together by the firm bonds of charity, and common safety; so as they may become a terror to those enemies, whom rather our own discords, than any worth in them, hath made to undervalue us. But let us overcome ourselves, and our affections, and we shall easily overcome others. The Forces of these three Potentates being firmly united, will be such, and so many, as we may promise thereby unto ourselves, noble and assured victories. Besides, we do not doubt, but that our example will invite the Emperor, and all other Christian Princes, to partake with us, not only in our labours and expense, but also in glory. We will use our authority with them, will pray, admonish, and solicit them, to enter into this holy League, and not to be wanting to their common safety, honour and duty, to the end, that howsoever our conscience▪ may tell us, we have not failed in any thing, in the discharge of that place, whereunto God hath called us. And if it shall be thought, that our presence may further the business, and that our authority and example may move others, the imperfections of old age shall not detain us, from willingly exposing our life to all danger and labour, to whom nothing can be more welcome, then to die for the glory of Christ, and for the good of Christendom. The Ambassadors, and the two Cardinals, seeming to be much affected with these words, humbly thanked his Holiness, and promised to lend all their assistance, with sincerity and diligence, in so important and pious a business, and which was so much desired by their Princes, as well for their own particular interests, as for the common good of Christendom. But all these words, though much magnified by all parties, produced not answerable effects; for every one minding their own ends, as those differed, so differed they in their opinions: and the conclusion of the business was spun out to an unseasonable length, wherein many months were spent in vain. The Pope deputed five of the chiefest Cardinals of the Court, to intervene in the Treaty, in the name of the Apostolic See; Alexander, the Pope's nephew, Morone, Cesis, Grassi, and Aldobrandino; with whom, when the two Spanish Cardinals, and the Spanish and Venetian Ambassadors, begun to treat, they presently met with many difficulties. The Signory of Venice, because all her Territories by Sea, are first exposed to the violence of the Turks; and because the League lessened not the expense of so many Garrisons, in their so many Cities, and Maritime places, and did not secure their affairs, but that they were to be at greater expense and danger; being desirous to reap some advantage, which might be answerable to so many inconveniences, propounded things, which tended to the abating of the Turkish power, and to the destroying of their Fleet, and to the bereaving them of some of their Dominions, that for the future, they might not fear their forces. Which things, though they might also bring advantage to the King of Spain, yet was not the event so certain, nor the profit so apparent, and at hand. Therefore the King's Commissioners thinking, that, if their King's Dominions were not more safe, were yet further from danger, proposed temporizing, and rather to wait for the advantage of time, then to expose any thing to fortune. They therefore endeavoured the making of a perpetual League, and upon such terms, as tended more to defend themselves, then to offend the enemy; by which League, the Catholic King would have reaped much good; for by being, as he always was, at open wars with the Turks, he made use of the credit and forces of his friends, without drawing a new enemy upon himself; and by increasing his power much at sea, and carrying the war far off, he freed his Dominions from the expense of Garrisons, and from being molested by the Turkish Fleets; which things did not only not put him to greater expense, but (which is but seldom seen) war brought safety and advantage to him: For to boot with the lessening of his ordinary expense, in maintaining soldiers in so many maritime parts, he reaped so much profit by the immunities granted him by the Pope, which were now the greater, by the new concession of the Croysado in the Indies, as did largely supply the charge he was at in his Fleet; for during the League, the revenues of the Crown of Spain were increased to about two thousand millions of gold. These were the King's thoughts, which were nourished and fomented by divers of his State-Ministers, chiefly by some of those, with whom the Treaty of the League at Rome was entrusted; for it was generally thought, that their opinions corrupted the King's good intentions, and was the occasion of depriving Christendom of the good, which men thought might have been expected upon this occasion, had it not been for them: And yet they themselves, that were the raisers of so many difficulties, propounded contrarieties. And as if they had thought it nothing to abase the Turks power, and to save themselves from the present danger, began to propound other things, whereby utterly to destroy the whole Mahometan Sect, and all their Empires; constantly affirming, that this League was to be declared, to be not only against the Turks, but generally against all Infidels, intending thereby also to extirpate the Moors; and the Ottoman Empire being overcome, to proceed on to the King of Persia, to the end, that Christendom might be for ever secured, from these barbarous Infidels. The vanity of which proposition appearing too plainly, they bounded that Article afterwards within narrower precincts, and would have ill Siriffo, or King of Barbary, and the Moors, and others depending upon the Turks▪ to be named as enemies to the League. But notwithstanding, when any thing of action was propounded, they appeared to be very backward; they would not consent to what the Venetians desired, to wit, That the forces of the League should be intended to continue, for at least two or three years, and that they should be such, as might be employed in the greatest enterprises of the Levant, for the common advantage of the Colleagues. Against which, it was objected, That Princes could make no certain resolution in things, which depended upon the variety of several accidents; that therefore they were to inform themselves of the Turks preparations and designs, and resolve accordingly upon the League's forces, and what they should do every year, in Rome: Which being but a semblance of satisfaction, was thought, would really hinder or retard all good success, the chiefest time for action being thereby to be spent in disputes. This intention of the King's Agents, aiming too much at their own accommodation, and at the prejudice of the common cause, appeared yet more plainly in other things, more especially in their constant opinion, that the enterprises of Barbary, should be particularly named, in all the Articles of the War; alleging, that without this hope, the King could not get that sum of moneys out of Spain, which was requisite, for the expense he should be at, in the League. But the Pope, who proceeded with great sincerity in all things, and aimed only at the universal good of Christendom, sought sometimes to temper the Spaniards immoderateness, by reason, sometimes by seeming angry, protesting, that unless they came to a speedy resolution, he would withdraw all those acts of favour, and all those immunities, which he had granted their King, for the raising of moneys to this end. Nor was he wanting, in using his endeavours with the Venetians; he exhorted them, to accommodate themselves even to such resolutions, as might not be over advantageous, encouraged them to hope well, and promised, that he would never abandon their cause, nor be wanting, in favouring and assisting them to his utmost. The Cardinals, deputed to this business, siding sometimes with the one party, sometimes with the other, that they might the more easily bring them together, laboured very much to put an end to the Treaty. Morone, a man of much experience, in the management of important businesses, and very well-spoken, adhering often to the proposals made by the Venetian Ambassadors, as those that aimed most at the common good, endeavoured to remove the King's Agents from their peculiar interests, or rather, to make them more capable of truth. Is it not most true, (said he) that by fight the Turkish forces in the Levant, where they are strongest, the Catholic King will not only secure the Spanish seas, which he shall hardly do by the African affairs, but will also procure safety to his other Dominions for many years, nay perhaps for ever? For when the enemy's Fleet shall be ruined, and when he shall be weakened in the very heart of his Kingdom, by the loss of places near to Constantinople, which is the seat of his Empire; Who can doubt, but that Algeers, Tunnis, Tripoli, and other Towns that lie further off, will suddenly fall, without either pain or peril, into the King's power? As on the contrary, there is nothing more certain, then as long as the Turks shall continue strong, and keep their forces entire, it will be a very hard matter to get those Towns, and almost impossible to keep them, of which, we have late and assured experience, since in that respect, the Emperor Charles the 5th, could never get the City of Algeers, though he did very much desire it. For it was judged, it would be rashly done, to attempt any such action in the summer, when the Turkish Fleet would be at her strongest; and if it should be attempted in autumn, it would prove more troublesome, more dangerous, and no good would be got thereby, by reason of the short time, that the Militia could keep in field, and by reason of the hasards at sea, which the Fleet should be exposed unto. But if such things were feasable, certainly, greater victories were not to be laid aside for them, upon such an occasion as this, nor were such hopes to be lost. But time and occasion must be waited for, to bring things to maturity; and in the mean time, the preservation of the Kingdom of Cyprus in the power of Christians, and which was the chief cause of this Treaty, should be endeavoured. Wherefore, to make any particular mention of the African parts, in the present Articles of this League, would be nothing, but to wrest it from its true end, and vainly to beget jealousies in the Colleagues. And yet, I pray you, what of tie, or what of caution is had, by these express words? Is it not clear enough, that the League being made against the Turk, and against his Dominions, it is to be understood, that those places which he holds in Barbary, are therein comprehended; against which, the forces of the League shall turn themselves, when reason, and the condition of affairs, shall advise thereunto. To do it at another time would be prejudicial, and not to be wished for by him, who aimed at what was good. Nor was it to be said, that the Colleagues were at liberty, to defer the enterprise; it was rather to be believed, that they would all concur the more willingly therein; the Venetians, in requital of the good they had received; and the Pope, seeing that now the greatest dangers of Christendom were over. The King's Agents being convinced by these, and by the like reasons, betook themselves to other excuses, saying, That they would write to Spain, to know the King's pleasure more particularly therein. Hereunto were added other difficulties; for the Spaniards endeavoured, to lay some note of jealousy upon the Venetians, by obliging the Colleagues, under the penalty of Ecclesiastical Censure, to observe what should be established by the League; every one seeing plainly, whither such a condition tended, and how unequal it was in many respects; chiefly, because the Catholic King was free from any such danger, by his own grandezza. There were often disputes likewise, touching who should command the Fleet in chief, the Spaniards craving the prerogative, not only of naming the Captain General, which was easily condescended unto; but to substitute any other with the like authority, in the absence of him that should be chosen: So as diffidence increasing by means of these things, the business of the League began to cool very much, which was begun with such fervour. At which, the Venetian Senate being the more troubled, because it was far from what they hoped for at first, they resolved to send another Ambassador to Rome, deputed particularly for that Treaty, to show the Pope, how desirous they were of a conclusion, and their constant resolution to continue the war; and also to put the more reputation upon the business, by its being negotiated by two of the Commonwealth's Representatives; and this was the rather thought fitting, because the Ambassador Suriano, had given occasion of speech, that he had given way to some of those things, which were yet in dispute; nay, such as had been always gainsaid by the Senate. jovanni Soranzo was chosen for this Embassy, who though he joined very wisely with Suriano, to have the League concluded, yet meeting with the same difficulties, he could do no good. So as to the wonder and grief of all men, the time was unusefully spent, which should have been rather now employed, in executing things resolved upon, then in resolving upon what should be done. At the same time, the Treaty of the League was continued at the Imperial Court, but with no better success; for the Emperor having spent many months under several pretences herein, being desirous to keep from declaring himself as long as he could, said at last, that having made Truce with Selino for eight years, whereof only three were as yet expired; he thought he was bound in honour to observe what he had promised. But that though he should be otherwise persuaded, he neither could nor would do it without the approbation of the Princes and Hauns-Towns of the Empire; as also without the advice of his own particular States; so as it behoved him to take time, and to expect the firm resolution of others, who perhaps might have changed their minds, by reason of what had happened at Nicossia; that he might not resolve upon a thing of so great concernment, without great maturity; and so much the rather, for that he not being the principal in this League, and yet there being a place therein reserved for him, no respect of his did hinder the others from concluding, nor did his delay exclude himself: whereby it was evident, that Cesar had no mind to interest himself in this War. And the like intentions were seen to be in the other Germane Princes, and Hauns-Towns: for an other Convention being by order from Caesar propounded to be called in the Diet at Spire, particularly to treat of things appertaining to the League; they answered, That when, his Majesty should be molested by the Turkish Forces, they would not fail to lend him all their assistance, but that they did not intend to enter into so sore a War unnecessited. Therefore to keep the Ambassador Soranzo any longer in that Court, was but little for their honour, and not at all for their advantage. The Senate recalled him back to Venice, and having destined Antonio Tiepolo, Ambassador to the King of Polonia, for the same purpose, who was already on his way: when they received this answer from the Emperor, they quickly sent for him back, being firmly opinioned, that that Nation, though very warlike, and an Enemy to the Turks, and which had formerly opposed him all that they could, though but unfortunately, would not resolve to meddle in that war, without they were therein accompanied by Caesar's Forces. But there were many reasons, which made Caesar unwilling to declare himself in favour of this League; For▪ having but a little before been unfortunate in the trial of his Arms against the Turks; and added, by the loss of Zighet, to the prejudice and shame which Germany had received some few years before, by that Nation at Buda, and at Essechio, in his father Ferdinando's time; he had resolved not to put himself upon the hazard of war again, unless much provoked, or rather forced by necessity: and therefore having made Truce with Sultan Selino, he studied to continue it. He likewise knew that the Authority and Forces of the Empire were great only in name and appearance, but that in effect the latter wa● but weak, and the former but of little esteem. Nor could the Emperor's promise themselves any assistance from Germany, as well by the so many discords caused in her, by the diversity of Government and Religion; as also for that their greatness grew troublesome, the Imperial dignity being become almost hereditary in the Ho●se of Austria; and the words and exhortations of the King of Spain were not peradventure such, as that he could ground his hopes thereon: for that King knew, that when the Emperor, who was not able of himself to withstand the Turks, should be molested by them in his own Dominions, he must be forced, in respect of his alliance, and for having exhorted him to the War, to assist him with moneys, and so to draw a burden upon himself, in a time when he was at greater expense elsewhere. To these respects the doubt was added which Caesar had, lest the entering into so tedious and difficult a War, might be a cause of diverting him from that which he ought chiefly to aim at, to wit, at the making his eldest Son, Rodolphus be chosen King of the Romans, and at the establishing the Imperial, dignity in his offspring, who had but little else to trust to: and yet cloaking these his cogitations, as much as he might, he would not make the Venetians despair of having him a Confederate in this War, to the end that they might the more willingly embrace it and break off all Treaties of Agreement, whereby his Dominions, might be much secured, and h● might the better attend his own particular ends, whilst this so formidable enemy being busied elsewhere, suffered him to live quiet. These were the treaties touching League against Selino, which were this year begun with much fervency, but ended fruitless, as you may have seen: Now let us return unto the Fleets. The Venetian General being returned (as you have heard) to the Haven of Cania, partly because his Enemies were nigh at hand, and his friends far off; partly by reason of the season, which was not fit for actions at Sea, thought it a vain and rash thing to attempt the relief of Famagosta; whither it was resolved that 1600 Soldiers should be sent in three Ships; and that they should be secured by a convoy of 12 Galleys, by reason that they heard that eight Turkish Galleys remained upon the coast of Famagosta to hinder them: but Commissary Veniero pressed very hard, that that City might have as many more ships, and as many more men sent thither for the better security and longer preservation thereof, wherein all the hope of preserving, or rather of recovering the Kingdom of Cyprus lay; which not being able, by reason of many impediments, to be effected, Veniero in that respect, and much more of sickness which befell him, tarried behind in Candia. Marquis Rangone Pallevesino, was destined for the Captain of these men; but he absolutely refused to go, alleging, that being sent to go into Famagosta, if Baglione were not there, and if he should be there, to go into Nicossia; he was now free from any such obligation, because the last was lost; and it was certainly known, that an other Commander was in the former: the which being judged not to be a reason fitting to be given by a Soldier, especially at such a time, he incurred some note of infamy thereby, in the opinion of the Soldiery; whereupon he being oppressed with grief, died not long after, ●●d Luigi Martiningo was chosen in his place, to be the Commander of that relief, who was then Governor of Ca●e, and who with much alacrity offered to undertake that service. These directions being given in Candia, the General thought fit to be gone from Candia as soon as he could, so to ease that Island of the charge it had been at, in feeding so many men, and to free it from the fear of so powerful an Enemy, since Piali would not then have any occasion to winter in the Archipelagus: so leaving Quirini in Candia, with the Galleys of that Kingdom, with some Galleyslaves, and other three great Galleys, he went with the rest of the Fleet to Corfu, having escaped a great storm at Sea in his voyage, and with much ado got into the Haven at Vatica, where the General expected orders from the Senate, either to stay there, or else (as he had advised) to pass on into Dalmatia, for the better acconchiating of the Galleys, and for the furnishing of the Fleet, which did already want all things. But Colonna, and Palavesino, preparing suddenly to be gone, to which purpose they were got to the head of the Island, were forced by reason of contrary winds, to keep a whole month in the Haven of Casopo,; from whence parting at last, they met with great tempests and dangers, particularly Colonna, whose Admiral was set on fire by lightning, and burnt; and he being got into Francisco Trono's Convoy, ran almost at once two great hazards. For that Galley was likewise driven on shore, and split by the same Tempest, so as the men that were in her could hardly escape. But having escaped that storm, Colonna came to Zara, and having acquainted the Senate with his voyage, and with his actions, he went forthwith to Ancona, and from thence to Rome, to give an account of all that had happened, to the Pope: but Palavesino fell grievously sick at Liesena, so as he was forced to tarry long in that City. General Zane fell likewise into a sore sickness at the same time, occasioned by the many sufferings both of his body and mind, which made him crave leave of the Senate to lay down his charge, and to return home for cure, which was granted him, and Sebastiano Veniero was chosen in his place, and orders were presently sent to him into Candia, to go forthwith with two of those Galleys to Corfu, and to take upon him the Government of the Fleet, which it was already resolved upon, should remain all that winter in that Island, and should be there fitted with all things. But for fear lest Veniero might have ta'en his voyage towards Cyprus, before he should receive these orders. The Senate resolved to choose a commissary-general at Sea, who in Veniero's absence, was to have the same authority as he had; and in his presence, should notwithstanding keep in the Fleet, and have the next place under him: For howsoever, it was thought very fit, that in times of such difficulties, wherein ofttimes resolutions touching the total business, was to be taken upon the place; the Commonwealth might be served by the Counsel and Authority of more than one. And to this place was Agostino Barharigo, chosen by general consent, a man of singular wisdom and integrity, in whose worth the Commonwealth might safely place her hopes. Thus did the first years war end, which was begun with great, but unsuccessful hope. He who shall first consider the vast maritime Forces, which the Commonwealth of Venice was able to raise in so short a time, must confess that her institutions are excellently good, concerning the Sea-Militia, and that she is no less accommodated therein, in times of War, than in times of Peace; but he who shall afterwards reflect upon the whole passages of this year, wherein so great a Fleet, and such preparations for War could effect nothing, either touching their own defence, or the offending of the Enemy, may learn by what hath been already said, that good orders are not always able to preserve Dominions, nor to bring what they take in hand to a good end; but only when they meet with such as do execute them well, or rather when they are attended on by fortunate Encounters, or by some happy Genius particular to that Province; without all which, we often see the wisest Counsels prove vain, the accidents and disorders to which humane actions are subject, being almost infinite, especially those of war, which are not to be foreseen, nor amended by humane wisdom, as shall more clearly appear in what succeeded afterwards, as we shall pursue to relate. The End of the First Book. THE WARS OF CYPRUS. BOOK II. THE CONTENTS. THe Senate is much troubled at the loss of Nicossia; falls to some thoughts of Agreement, and how it should be handled; whereof the Prince's doubt, and solicit a conclusion of the League. Colonna's speech in the Senate. The Senators several opinions, touching the prosecution of the Treaty of Peace or War. Paolo Tiepolo, in an Oration, exhorts them to the League. Andrea Bodaro's speech to the contrary. The League is concluded, and upon what conditions. Provisions for prosecuting the War. Secure sent to Famagosta. Insurrections in Albania, which produce not the expected ends. The Venetians and Turks are busy in Dalmatia. The Doge Mocenigo's Oration, to invite the citizen's to relieve their country. Turkish provisions. Their Fleets meet, and the damage done by them in Candia. The proceedings of the Turkish Army. The treaty of Agreement succeeds not. The condition of the Venetian, Spanish, and of the Pope's Fleet. The League is published in Venice. The proceedings of the Turkish Fleet. Insurrections in Albania. Dulcingo and Antiveri are taken. How Carzola was preserved. The Venetians diligence, when they saw the Turkish Fleet in their Gulf. Garrisons made upon the shore. How Corfu was defended from the Turks. The business of the League is delayed. The League's Fleets meet together at Messina. The description, and the taking of Famagosta, and what things happened there. The proceedings of the League's Fleet. A conflict is bad, wherein the Christians had the victory. New provisions made, for the continuation of the war. The Fleets part. The Venetians take Malgariti, and destroy it. They attempt St. Maura, but in vain. Colonna is received into Rome in triumph. THE Venetians were so troubled at the loss of Nicossia, and at the other successes, which fell out almost in all things quite contrary to their first conceived hopes, as they knew not well what to do; for on the one side, their great desire, to recover the reputation of their forces, and to revenge the injuries which they had received, incited them to renew the war, with yet greater forces, and to try their fortune once more. But on the other side, when they considered the power of the enemy, and the uncertainty of being assisted by other Princes, who were all seen to be bend upon their present and particular interests, they were put upon other thoughts, and sometimes bethought themselves of making some fair agreement, which they knew, by advertisement from their Consul, that the Turks were not averse unto. The possession which they yet had of Famagosta, the ●ame which was divulged abroad of the League, and of the Colleagues great forces, and the, as yet, uncertain end of the whole war, made them hope, they might the more easily obtain peace, and reduce their affairs into their former tranquillity. And then, the so many difficulties which they met with in concluding the League; the bad Augury conceived, by the first so unfortunate beginning of their forces, & by a certain malign influence of so many adverse chances, made them almost despair of doing any good by war. The Senators were the more perplexed with these doubts, not knowing well what to resolve upon; for that they had a fair occasion offered them, of negotiating peace, with their honour, and with some hopes of good; for Bashaw Mehemet continued still his first desire, of bringing things to some accord, not being pleased with whatsoever should happen by war; which if it should prove cross, the associate Princes wanted not forces, whereby to trouble and endanger that Empire; and if it should prove prosperous, the honour and authority of his rival Mustafa, would be too much increased. Mehemet, moved by these cogitations, had always, in many discourses, kept an endeavour of peace on foot with the Consul, being very desirous to draw out of him, whether he had any Commission to treat thereof, or no; and at last began to promote that of himself, whereunto he found no invitation: He took his rise, from the complaints which were daily made at Court by such, whose friends were imprisoned, or had their goods detained in Venice, after the war was declared. He treated with the Consul, that he would be a means to his Lords and Masters, that the subjects of the Ottoman Empire might be set at liberty, and have their goods restored; it being against the justice and dignity of that Nation, that the Venetian Merchants should be free, and enjoy their goods, in all the Turkish Dominions, when those that lived under the wing and protection of so mighty a Prince, should be detained prisoners, and be bereft of their goods. The Bashaw showing, that the grand Signior was much scandalised hereat, did not only give leave to the Consul to write to Venice, but seemed very desirous, that he would send away an express messenger, who might treat thereof more lively, and get a speedier resolution therein. And at the same time, he offered occasion of discourse, by means of Hebraim, wherein he manifested his intention, of inviting the Venetians, to send an express to Constantinople, who, together with this business of the Merchants, might motion some treaty of Agreement. He therefore sometimes wished the Consul to consider, that the Kingdom of Cyprus was laid so waste by the war, as that no advantage could be made of it a long time: Sometimes he would exaggerate the good that was got by peace, and the great mischiefs which war would bring with it, if the Venetians would continue therein, against the Ottoman family; magnifying his Master's forces, and his new designs, of assaulting the Venetian Dominions with his Fleet, and with his Army, both by sea and land. And offering at the same time, to use his authority, that the ancient friendship between the Commonwealth and the Ottamans, might be renewed, wherein, he said, his Masters would find at last, they might more firmly ground their hopes, of preserving their power and Empire, then in the uncertain assistance of Christian Princes, who, as experience had ofttimes showed, were no great friends to their grandezza. Thus the Consul, by permission from the Bashaw, nay, by his express order, dispatched away the Master of his household from Constantinople, and one of the Dragomani, with Letters, which were dictated to the Consul by the Bashaws self, touching the business of the Merchants; wherein he afterwards gave a particular account of all that had passed between him and the Bashaw, and of the Bashaws mind. At the same time, Grascinan, a French Gentleman, who negotiated some business in that Court for the French King, parted from Constantinople, who when he came to Venice, said, How that the Bashaw Mehemet, had had many discourses with him, about the business of peace; nay, that he carried Letters from the grand Signior, and from the Bashaw, to his King, whereby he might find, they would be content, that the King of France, as a friend to both parties, should intercede in the treaty of Agreement. Which proposals, though they were suspected by the Senators, as made rather, to make them slacken their provisions for war, and their joining in league with other Princes, than out of any intention of laying down Arms, and coming to a good peace; yet the various accidents of the present times, prevailed much with them, to make them listen to these Treaties. For in the conclusion of the League, to boot with other things, a new difficulty arose, touching the time when it should commence; the Spaniards being desirous, that this summer might pass over, and that they might not be tied to the observance of the Capitulations therein contained, till the next year, nor that the League should be of force till then; and the Venetians were afeared, they should not have forces sufficient, to withstand so powerful a Fleet, as they understood the Turks were ready to put forth: Wherefore they writ very earnestly to the Pope, that he would use his authority, in overcoming these difficulties; they showed, How that by his advice, they had embraced this war, had sent away the Chiaus, by whom they might have negotiated their affairs, and neglected other accommodations, which had often been propounded to their Consul. How that, by his advice likewise, they had so long expected the Spanish Galleys, whose assistance proved afterwards more in name then in reality. And that, seeking to outdo their own strength in all things, they had showed their readiness to settle such a League, as they conceived should be pleasing to him, and suitable to the necessities of Christendom. But all this produced not such effects, as the time required; for the Pope, who of himself was wholly set upon the general good, and knew, that the Venetians intents were answerable thereunto, confessed, that their desires were just and honest; and exhorted them, not to go less, notwithstanding their first had successes. That war did always produce various effects, but that at last, worth, and a constant resolution, and the justice of the cause, did prevail. Neither ought they to despair of help from others, nor yet of their own forces; for neither was there so much time spent, nor were the difficulties such, but that they might be overcome, and a Fleet be put together, which would not be only able to face the enemy's Fleet, but to beat it. Yet being a Pope of easy impression, and being persuaded to the contrary by those, who for their own particular interests, did adhere too much to the Spaniards, he either leaned towards those things, which might weaken the League, or retard the conclusion thereof, or else did not vigorously interpose his authority. But that which the Venetians were exceedingly troubled at, was, to see, that the Pope was busied in other affairs, and full of other troubles; for Cesar's Ambassadors having protested, that if the Pope would not annul the concession of new titles, which he had made unto the Duke of Florence, the Emperor would be forced to use all possible means, for the maintaining of his own dignity, and the honour of the Empire. The Pope being full of jealousy, and fear, and yet not being willing to retract, that which he thought he had authority to do, and which he had with reason done, prepared to defend his honour, and the reputation of the Apostolic See, even with temporal Arms: He therefore was diligent in listing new men, and provided for Arms, Monies, and all things else necessary. He made a general Proclamation be made, which did redound to the particular prejudice of the Venetians, That no body whosoever should have any soldiers out of the Ecclesiastic Estate; and this with such severity, as Pompeo da Castilia, and jovan Aldobrandini, were imprisoned, for having raised some Foot for the Venetians, in the Church's territories. He proceeded likewise very sparingly, and only in generalities, in his promising assistance for the Turkish war. So as it was daily feared, that there would be some commotion of Arms in Italy, than which, nothing could at that time prove more pernicious. The Senate resolved therefore, to send Secretary Formenti speedily away to Rome, to appease the business; but the Secretary's going being a while after stopped, to shun fomenting such an opinion, the same employment was recommended to their Ambassadors at Rome, who were to beseech the Pope, to consider well the condition of the present times, the eminent danger that threatened Christendom, and that the remedy to so many mischiefs, (if any were to be found) lay only in him, which should move him to value very little, or not at all any other respect how important soever, which might disturb the hopes of securing Christendom from the power of so dreadful an enemy, to which he had already opened the way, by declaring himself piously & zealously, to be the head & first Author of the union of the Christian Princes: Whereunto though the Pope did graciously give ear, yet pleading necessity for his excuse, he spun out time, & left the success of War in a doubtful condition. Out of these respects, the Venetians were the better pleased with their coming, who came from Constantinople, and thought it fit to make use of this occasion, and think upon the business of Peace: for they saw their hopes grew every day smaller, and more uncertain; and that reason why for some months past, they had forborn doing so, was now ceased; to wit, the fear of making men jealous that they intended an agreement: For they found by experience, that their entrance into the War with so firm and constant a resolution, had wrought effects contrary to their hopes, since those who for their own respects, were glad that the Commonwealth should be busied in this war, did rather cool, then grow fervent in her defence; and that haply they would have been more forward therein, if they had seen them less resolved not to lay down the Arms which they had taken up against the Turks. The Senators thinking therefore, that to fall upon this treaty of Peace, though no good should come thereon, and that their intentions should either be suspected or discovered, might rather further then retard the establishing of the League; they resolved to betake themselves to the treaty of Peace. The Government and charge thereof was therefore given to jacobo Ragazzoni, as one who by reason of his much traffic, was nearly concerned in the business; and who by reason of his great experience, was thought fittest for this employment. He was sent to Constantinople, to treat concerning the restitution of the Merchant's persons and goods, which had been detained on either side; to boot wherewith, he had secret instructions given him by the Council of Ten, which he was to carry to the Consul, the sum whereof was, That if any discourse of Peace should be hereafter promoted, he should not appear averse unto it, but enter further thereinto, if he should find the business might be undertaken, upon fair conditions, and not detractive from the dignity of the Commonwealth; to wit, either by re-having the Kingdom of Cyprus, upon payment of so great Tribute to the Turks, or by the Commonwealth's keeping of Famagosta, or by yielding that up, upon the being possessed of some other State in lieu thereof, elsewhere; and that the Territories of Albania and Dalmatia, should be returned to the same boundures as they were before the war. Power was likewise given to Ragazzoni to treat of all these things, and to put on the business by the same way; if peradventure the Turks, who seemed desirous to have one sent over expressly to that purpose, would not treat with the Consul, because he was a prisoner, or out of any other respect. Advertisement was forthwith given to all the Prince's Courts, of Ragozzoni's being gone for Constantinople, saying (as it was true) that he was sent to negotiate the affairs of particular Merchants, and not to exceed such Commissions as were given him. But though there was nothing else communicated, every one presently suspected that Ragatzoni had some other private Commission to negotiate peace; to the which they were the easilier persuaded, for that it appeared by what hath been said, that the Venetians had great occasions offered them, to think of securing their affairs by this means; having unfortunately, and in vain, as it now appeared, taken up arms against so powerful an Enemy. The Pope being therefore jealous, and the fear which he had conceived of Caesar's Forces, beginning through other new accidents, to be assuaged, began to think upon the treaty of League more cordially, to which he was also solicited by the Spaniards. He therefore resolved to send Mark Antonio Colonna, to Venice, to the end that he himself, who was a man of an acute wit and mature judgement, and one whom the Venetians thought very well of, might, by word of mouth, by favour, & by granting some things that were formerly denied, hinder the treaty of Peace, and make them assent unto a sudden conclusion of the League. Colonna being come to Venice, and being several times admitted into the College, did in the Prince his presence, earnestly and efficaciously persuade to the embracing of the League; labouring to show, that he was more fervent in this business, that he was not able to bond his affections, nor would he conceal what his reason dictated unto him, because he knew his persuasions tended to a business which would prove very advantageous for the Commonwealth; and that therefore his being able at one and the same time to serve his natural Prince, the Pope, the King of Spain, to whom he was obliged by service, and also their Lordships▪ to whom he found himself no less obliged, for the affiance they seemed to have of him, then to the rest, made him more fervent in this business. I am not come, Gentlemen, (said he) to persuade you to embrace war, or to incite you to pursue it; because this your generous resolution is sufficiently known by many of your actions; by your dispatching away the Chiaus, who was sent to set the business of Agreement on foot, by your mustering so many Forces so speedily, by giving so express Commission to your General to Garrisonize Cyprus, and to expose himself to all hazard, rather than to suffer the Enemy's Fleet to return safe home; which things, I myself can witness to others: That which I have to do, is, only to show you how good and firm the foundations are, upon which you may ground your hopes, and how opportune the means are, which God hath put into your hands, to effect that which you have proposed unto yourselves, in manfully maintaining war against this barbarous Infidel, by which you are assured to have a glorious victory. The intention of the Pope, and of the Catholic King, is assuredly such, as I may ascertain you, you shall never find yourselves deceived in anything that you can promise unto yourselves, in this holy and general service, from them or from their forces; and if you will not credit me, you must believe experience and reason. Hath not the Pope readily granted his assistance, man'd Galleys with his own subjects, made himself the Protector of this League? Hath he not been so favourable thereunto, as freely to grant those graces towards the establishment of this holy union, which he hath always denied to the Catholic King, for raising of moneys to defend Spain, against the Insurrection of the moors; and of Flanders, against the Rebels both to their God▪ and Prince? And the King of Spain, how willingly did he listen to the proposal of this League? how readily did he give Commission to his Agents to conclude it? how affectionately, without being bound thereunto, hath he granted his Galleys for the defence of your Dominions? What confidence hath he showed in you, by trusting them in your Havens? And now we have certain intelligence, that great preparation of Shipping, and of Soldiers, is making in Spain, to send away Don John with all speed into Italy. These things being justly weighed, leave not any the least place for doubt, of the intentions of this so pious, and so truly Catholic King. If therefore it shall be thought, that these Princes have been hard in being brought to any of these things, it must be assuredly believed that it hath happened, partly out of a desire of establishing this union more firmly, and of taking away all impediments at first, that might obstruct it; partly because the very nature of the things propounded, hath in it somewhat of difficulty, or peradventure of impossibility; as that the King should set forth a hundred Galleys this year, when he hath not at the present above fourscore. Yet the Pope and the King labour to overcome this difficulty: Orders are already sent to the Viceroy of Naples, for the manning out of 20 Galleys with Letters of Mart in that Kingdom; and those of Savoy, Florence, and of Malta, are endeavoured to be had: nay the Pope hath promised, that the number of 100 shall be made up, and that there shall be Forces enough this year, not only to oppose the proceedings of the Turkish Fleet, but as I hope, to fight them, and to vanquish them. But for God's sake, what jealousy, what danger, can rise from the League, which will not be found to be much greater, and more certain in making peace, if it were to be had, now that the Enemy's forces are entire, and stronger than ever? You are very wise, and your Counsels use to be the rule and example of good Government to other States. You may very well know, that the Turks can obtain no greater victory, nor that any thing can prove more prejudicial to us Christians, than that the occasion of so great a union of Christian Princes, vanishing after so many Treaties, nay after the firm belief of all men, that the League is already established and concluded; the Turks may for certain find, that the Christian Princes shall not be able at any time to raise forces sufficient to prejudice the Ottoman Empire: And that, as not any one of them is able of himself to oppose their power, so the discords between themselves, the misfortune of our times, or our sins, secures them from the danger of their joining together, whereby they will grow to despise the name of Christian the more, and will be the more encouraged to assault them every where; but I neither will, nor ought I fear, that this malady should still continue; I rather hope, that when you shall have duly considered these respects, you will readily pitch upon embracing the League which is offered you; and that I shall have the honour and the consolation of having been the instrument of confirming it; and (if it shall so please God) perhaps of producing some good effect thereby. Colonna his authority and eloquence, wrought much upon the Senators; but the mighty concernment of the business, the experience of the last years passages, the condition of the proposals being but in general, and uncertain, and the hopes, that treaty of peace might produce some good effects, distracted the Senators, and made them dubious in their opinions. They therefore gave him general answers, remembering their actions, which might make the world believe, they were well inclined to the League; and objecting something to what he had said, but neither narrowed nor enlarged the Treaty, standing resolute upon the point, that the business might either be absolutely concluded, or absolutely laid aside. But Colonna having received new orders from Rome, whereby greater satisfaction was given, in point of the forces, and of the time of using them, and of recruiting the Galleys, as the Venetians had desired, for this first year; and particularly, that the Pope did promise to grant three Tenths yearly to the Commonwealth, for the space of five years, out of the goods of the Clergy of the Commonwealth; The whole business was discussed in the Senate, to the end, that knowing on the one side, what was in agitation at Constantinople, and the directions which they had given to their Consul, and to Ragazzoni, touching the treaty of peace; and on the other side, the Pope's conditions, and what was propounded by the Catholic King, for the conclusion of the League, they might more maturely resolve either upon war or peace, and do, what might be thought, would bring most advantage and safety to the Commonwealth: wherein the Senators differed in their opinions. So as continuing still in the same ambiguity, they did not resolve upon any thing. But such answers were given to Colonna's proposals, as differing more in words, then in sense, they stood still upon generalities, without declaring themselves any ways absolutely, touching the concluding, or laying aside of this Treaty. Whereupon, whilst the business was one day agitated in the Senate, Paolo Tiepolo, a Senator of mature judgement, and long versed in the government of the Commonwealth, though he was not then of the order of the Savii, whose proper and peculiar charge this useth to be, stood up, and said: If in what is now before us, the glorious fame were only concerned, which our Commonwealth hath purchased with all men, by her generous resolution taken the last year, of accepting the war, intimated unto us by the Turks, and of defending our State against their insolency, I might peradventure be silent, and look for what the end of these our irresolute counsels might at last prove; though certainly it is no small loss which befalls a Prince, when his reputation is lost, wherewith States are no less governed, then by forces. But since I know, that this our unseasonable delay leads us to ruin, whilst vainly relying upon far distant, and fallacious treaties of peace, we will bereave ourselves of the assistance of other men's forces, and of ourselves only, withstand the violence of such insolent enemies, I must oppose what is propounded, and speak my contrary opinion. For I think it very pernicious, to resolve upon nothing, and to spend our time only in speaking for by so doing, we shall at last be deprived of those helps, which we have for some months passed sought, towards the conclusion of this League, though the Colleagues were not unwilling to assist us. Most illustrious Senators, I find, that our minds are rather altered by this deliberation, than the condition of affairs. Did not we know, that we had to deal with a powerful enemy, when with such zeal and general consent, we resolved upon this war? when we refused all treaty of agreement, whereunto we were invited, by the coming of the Chiaus, and readily entertained the confederacy, which the Pope offered us? Were we not acquainted with the uncertainty of war, and with the usual difficulties met withal, in the colleagueing of Princes? Yet since we saw no trust could secure us, from these barbarous Infidels, whose power and ambition doth daily increase; and that the delaying of war did not free us from danger, but did rather increase it; for we hoped, that the honesty and justice of our cause, might at last, after several, both good and bad adventures, prevail, and make us victorious; since we intended, by our dexterity and patience, to purchase the goodwill of other Princes, and making them sensible, that their interests were concerned in ours, draw them to a real and firm confederacy, that the common cause might be agitated by joint forces and advice. It was these reasons, and not chance, that moved our Senate to take up Arms, and to undergo the hazard and expense of war, and to treat upon the speedy conclusion of the League: And shall we now suffer the first unfortunate success in war, the first difficulties arising amongst the confederates, as if all our generousness and constancy were passed, not only cool our former fervour, and make us forgo our former resolves, but so to bereave us of all counsel, as involved in ambiguity, we shall not know what to pitch upon, which whilst we do not, having neither peace nor league, suffer all conditions to be uncertain, every thing suspected, and all businesses to go backward: When if we shall duly consider things, as they are in themselves, uninvelloped in our own affections, we shall find it evident what we are to do. For all respects concur in prosecuting, and in stipulating a speedy confederacy: Advantage and Honour advise unto it; our security is great, and great the glory which we may hope for thereby. And if there shall ever be a time to think upon this union, certainly the occasion is now offered us, not only out of necessity, to oppose the formidable greatness of the Turks, but by reason of the opportunity we have now to do it. Certainly this is the time, since we find all Princes, not only willing, but in a posture of power to undertake it. Who finds not an ardent zeal in the Pope, of exalting Christianity? Do not all the King of Spain 's actions show, how great a lover he is of peace, how well content he is with what is his own, and only desirous to abase the Turkish power, that they may not molest his Dominions, nor disquiet his peace? It cannot be denied, but that the Emperor is sufficiently desirous of glory, and of recovering the Kingdom of Hungary, whereof he is for the greatest part at this time deprived, by these common enemies, which he hath witnessed, by his late taking up Arms against Soliman. And if these do not readily satisfy our desires, we may be sure, the hindrance proceeds from necessity, and not from want of goodwill. The Pope's Exchequer is exhausted, he hath been forced to impose taxes upon the ecclesiastics, to procure money for this war; nay, by the contribution of Monks in our State; wherefore he must proceed more reservedly, in granting Tenths, and other aids. The King of Spain is so oppressed, by the burden of governing so many Dominions, as he must manage his affairs by the hands of several Ministers, and by the advice of many, which sometimes retards maturity, and is the reason, why his intentions are not so easily made known, nor produce not conformable effects so soon. The Emperor hath not forces enough of himself, and cannot dispose of the Germane forces, without the consent of the Princes and Hans-towns; therefore he is slow in resolving upon what, both his words and reason shows, he is willing to do. But certainly, the death of the Transylvanian is luckily happened at this time, which will necessitate Germany to take up Arms, and to embrace this occasion, unless she will suffer that Province to fall under the obedience of the Turks, and thereby increase her dangers. These hindrances then, which arise from usual difficulties, which are inseparable from such businesses, nay, from all weighty affairs, ought not to beget difficulties or jealousies in us, nor alienate us from the friendship of those Princes, in whom we find no ill towards us, but rather many signs of good-wishes, towards the welfare of our Commonwealth. Whereunto if we were to be persuaded by no other reason nor arguments, we cannot certainly fail, if we measure the minds of those Princes, but by their own interests; wherein, how much the nearer they are concerned in this war, and in our behalf, we ought to rest the more assured, that they will not abandon us, and, with us, themselves. Does not the Pope see, that the ruin of this Commonwealth, would draw along with it the ruin of all Christendom, and that neither his Court nor he should be secure in Rome? Does not the Catholic King know, that if Candia, Corfu, and the other Islands be lost, Sicily and Calabria will be the frontiers against the Turks? that if the enemy grow stronger by the ruin of others, his danger will be the greater; and that by how much the forces of this Commonwealth are weakened, the withstanding the Turkish Fleets will light the more heavy upon him. The Emperor can never be sure to have his Dominions safe, whilst he hath so potent a neighbour; and must know, that how much the later other Princes are in lending us their assistance, and how much the less they shall be, we shall be the sooner persuaded to accept of any agreement; which will be nothing else, but to afford time and convenience to this Common enemy, to turn his Arms against Hungary, and against the Empire. Wherefore shall we then admit of doubts, without reason, and let slip those things which are in our own power, to rely upon what depends upon the will of others, and chiefly of those, whom we have great reason to suspect, by reason of their accustomed cunning, and of their late deceits? The conclusion of the League is certain, the event of the treaty of peace uncertain. And it may well happen, that the prolonging of our determination, may cause the League prove doubtful, and our peace be never the surer; by which, in my opinion, we shall get but little advantage, since it bears with it, only the bare name, not the quiet nor security of true peace; nor do I think, that any real peace is at this time to be had, but rather, that these things are proposed to us by Mehemet, to cheat us, not out of any favour to us; to the end, that we being lulled asleep by the pleasing name of peace, as by the Sirens singing, may be less careful in providing for war; and that through these our vain hopes, the confederacy of Christian Princes be dissolved, which the Turks do not a little apprehend; and without which confederacy, they promise unto themselves for certain, the possession of our Dominions. The Turks are by nature haughty, and now grown more insolent by their prosperous success in Cyprus; they are always perfidious, always our enemies: What reason have we to believe, that they desire peace now, and are real in the propounding thereof? And grant, that the first Bashaw may perchance desire peace, to lessen Mustafa 's greatness, it is most assured, he dares not mention it to the grand Signior, but upon severe and unjust terms for us, left he thereby ruin himself. But say, that these things which reason, not fear, dictates unto me, prove false; ought this Senate to part from its ancient and laudable custom, of valuing their word, of proceeding still with all sincerity, of not doing any thing, which, in the sight of the world may appear to be not altogether so honest, just, or reasonable? Is it not known to all men (and say it were not, are not we conscious to ourselves) how far this treaty of confederacy is proceeded in? Now that all our desires are yielded unto, is not our word engaged? The state of affairs is still the same, we ought not to be changed. What more of ambiguity remains? What excuse can we make for this delay? what reason for abandoning, what hath already been agreed on? Really, that which troubles me most, is, to think, that as the repute of constancy and sincerity in this Senate, hath prevailed much with these Princes, to make them the more readily confederate with us; so in the future, this inconstancy and double dealing of ours, may so alienate us from the friendship of all men, as either out of anger, or mistrust, they will suffer us to run upon our ruin. If peace be treacherous, the League is sincere; the success of the latter most assured, the event of the former most uncertain; the one may bring us long and true security, the other frees us from danger only in appearance, and but for a while. Let this Senate then now resolve, not to busy itself any longer in such doubts, and not to listen to any thing which shall be proposed, unless to what may terminate, conclude, and put a final happy end to this business. Tiepolo was attentively listened unto, and many signs were seen of adhering to his opinion. But Andrea Ba●●ero, a man who bore great sway in the Senate, and who was one of the Savii Majiori, which party did wholly promote delay, spoke thus to the contrary. The repute of wisdom (said he) which this Senate hath purchased throughout the world, is now so looked upon by all men, as, though so many and so important respects did not concur, a just desire of preserving this honourable reputation, were able to make the result of this business now in hand, weighty, difficult, and dubious. A League, and a Peace, with powerful Princes, are both in hand, at the same time, and to the same end, but by very differing, nay, by full contrary means: The one and the other of them, may make us hope for a speedy conclusion, but neither of them, with such honour and security, as may freely invite us to accept thereof, and may ease us of all trouble. So as if only one of these were to be discussed, it would not be easy what to resolve; but both of them joined together, affords almost inexplicable difficulties. Therefore you ought not to wonder (Gentlemen) if in a business of such importance and dubiousness, men be not so clear nor resolute in their proposals, and if they seek to be more enlightened by time, and by proceedings, so as th●y may be safely led out of so many difficulties; and the rather, for that we need not fear, that the Spaniards will slacken their provisions, for any such delay of ours, but will be the more diligent in hastening them, to encourage us, to repose the more confidence in the forces of the League; and for that, though they did verily believe, we would lay down Arms, they were to keep in Arms, since the Turkish forces prepared against us, were likely to fall upon them. And truly, I see not why, having begun a treaty of Agreement, we should, without expecting the first answer, so oblige ourselves with others, as it may not be lawful for us to do, what may be thereby offered, towards the securing of our affairs, since we may be loose by their means, not by any fault of ours, and peradventure upon better terms. What certainty have we of the event of this war? what hopes? what likelihoods, that we should so suddenly (not to say, so precipitously) determine to continue it long, as if we were sure of glory and triumph? Past experience may teach us, what good we may expect from war against the Turks; this Commonwealth hath always been unfortunate, in taking up Arms against them, and hath been forced, not without loss of some Territories, to yield unto their greater forces, and to a certain Genius of their Empire. But if we have forgot things done long ago, how can we forget the passages of the last year, which are yet fresh in our memory? And if we shall consider, in how short a time we lost so many men, and so much money, not only getting not any thing thereby, but losing a noble City; nay, we may say, a flourishing Kingdom, how can it be thought a wise advice, which puts us upon the necessity of continuing that war? The mischiefs we may receive thereby, are great and certain; our hopes of repairing ourselves, small and uncertain. For, happen what will, war is always accompanied by many miseries; but is more grievious to this our City, then to any other, since it does in a manner block up the sea, by which it receives its wealth, and abundance of all things; and doth deprive her of commerce, whereby Arts do therein flourish, which are one of her chiefest ornaments. For my part, I cannot fancy unto myself those high conceits, as some do, who know not how to measure the present condition of affairs, the fortune which attends the enemy, and our weakness and misfortune; who do not consider the strength of those forces, which do depend only upon one; and the inconstancy of Leagues, by which never any great enterprise was achieved, or which could continue long, by reason of the differing, nay, contrary designs of Princes, by reason of the jealousy of States, and the suspicion which one Prince hath always of another. He who promiseth unto himself a better end of this League, than was that of late years made against Soliman, and who does not believe, that what befell us at Pevesa, and the difficulties we met with at castle nuovo, be to be renewed, to our prejudice and ignominy, thinks that the world will alter, and delights to cheat himself with vain hopes. But some may be persuaded to be for this League, not moved thereunto by any hopes, but drawn out of a certain consideration, that this treaty is already far advanced, so as to withdraw from it now, may taste of inconstancy, and appear a fault, & that thereby we shall debar ourselves ever hereafter, of the aid of other Princes: To which purpose, I would I could forget, how other Princes have carried themselves towards us, and how little they have valued our faith or constancy. How can we forget the confederacy, broken by Lewis the 12fth, King of France, at the same time that he constantly affirmed, and solemnly swore, he would never forego our friendship; whereof having once made use to his own advantage, he did not only abandon us, who, not to forsake him, had with great expense and danger, taken up arms Arms against the Emperor Maximilian, but did mainly conspire against us, that our ruin might be the reward of our fidelity. I will say nothing of what followed afterwards; the assistance in appearance, but real oppression, plotted against us by Ferdinando King of Spain; the so various counsels of Pope Julio the 2d. and Pope Leo the 10th. sometimes for our good sometimes for our ruin. So as it behoved us in a short time, to change both friends and enemies, because we found all confederacy fraudulent. And at last, our forefathers drew our Commonwealth out of so many calamities, and restored her to her pristine greatness, rather by knowing how to accommodate themselves to the times, and by wisdom, then by war. These examples would not, peradventure, be to be praised, if it were not usual with Princes, to proceed with such ambiguity, nay often, with such contrariety in their counsels, as they must necessarily tread in the same steps, who will preserve their Dominions: So as not being sure, that any respects shall be born to them, they must be pardoned, if they bear but little respect to others. And it is an assured truth, that those respects are not to be had, where the common good is treated of, the preservation of a Commonwealth, or a State, as in private actions. We therefore ought to regard the treaty of League only so far, as we think it may make for our good, holding it for a certain truth, that those will deal just so with us, who now seek to join with us in League, whose proceedings, if we will observe, shall we not clearly see, that their own private interest is the rule whereby they walk, in all their designs and actions? And I wish to God, that this were well understood; they would then know, that their welfare is almost inseparably annexed to ours. For, whatsoever we shall now do, we may both for the present, and for the future, promise just so much to ourselves from the assistance of others, as will stand with their own advantage, and according as times shall fall out. But grant, that so great an esteem should be put upon that; have we, I beseech you, after the engagement of our word, after the agreement unto Articles, been faulty in our promises? Have we treated upon advantageous or abusive terms? Much contestation and difficulties have still been found in this business; we have no sooner yielded to many things, but that those obstacles being taken out of the way, others have been raised of greater importance, and more difficult. Which way of proceeding is such, as ought rather make us forego such a confederacy, though stipulated, then invite us to observe it now, when we are at liberty, and that the present accidents advise us to prolong the time, without further engaging ourselves. Is it not too apparent, that we can make no use of this League, save in show, and by the vain report of great warlike preparations, but never in reality. The hundred Galleys, which the Spaniards were bound by Articles to Man, would now be reduced to fourscore, and the time of their joining with ours, is spoken of uncertainly; sometimes, the whole month of May is taken for it, sometimes no determined time. The delay of these assistances, are better expressed by effects, then by words. The last years orders to Doria, are at first not well understood, afterwards worse observed. The Galleys destined for our present aid, are to go to Barcelona, to bring away the Emperor's sons, the Bohemian Princes; and we shall hope to find them at Otranto, according to promise, in fitting time for our occasions. A greater doubt than this doth yet occur to me, when I call to mind, the King's Agents pressing so earnestly, that the business of Algiers should be specified in the confederacy, and then meet with these difficulties. For we must with reason doubt, that the Spanish forces will go this first year, for the Rivers of Africa, for their own particular service, pleading for their excuse, that the League hath not sufficient forces, to send the Fleet into the Levant, against the Enemy; and making use of this occasion to mind that enterprise, whilst they may be free from fear of the Turkish Fleet, by the Turks being busied in the action of Cyprus, and by the counterpoise of our forces at sea. These than will be the aids, these the forces, these the hopes, wherewith we are to continue the war, maintain Famagosta, defend Candia, and beat the enemy from the confines of Friuli and Dalmatia, against which, we hear great store of men are raised. But will our neighbour's forces defend us? or the strong opposite country secure us? The Archduke Charles, who was so forward in the beginning to defend those passes, does not he now answer our desires, by saying, He can resolve upon nothing, without the advice of his brother the Emperor? And the Emperor, seeming not to believe those rumours, which were first raised by his Agents, doth now so neglect his answer, as I fear, when need shall require, he will neglect his provisions. But it is alleged, that peace will bring with it but a short and seeming security, since the Turks may violate it the more easily, when they shall have opportunity or a desire to do so, when they shall see, they may make peace when they please, and are sure, their injuries shall not be revenged. I deny it not: But I say, the condition of these things is such, as it is vain to persuade ourselves, that we, by any thing we can do, can alter their usual and natural fickleness. Therefore what is said of the peace which we are now in hand with, with the Turks, may be said, of whatsoever other agreement, made with any other Princes, which is easily broken by several accidents; nor will there be pretences of injuries wanting, when men are pleased to take them, and they are easily made to do so, by the hope of aggrandizing and accommodating themselves. Wherefore we see, friendship lasts but a while amongst Princes, and the lesser while, by how much they are the more powerful, and nearer neighbours. But howsoever, you will say, we must not forbear to use Treaties oftener than Arms; nor must we refuse a short quiet, because we cannot enjoy a perpetual tranquillity. There is at least thus much good in peace, as it secures us from present labours and dangers; and this ill in Leagues, as they, upon uncertain hopes, expose us to certain expense, and to great dangers; so as we hasten those evils by these means, which we seek to shun. It hath therefore been the constant purpose of this Senate, for these many years, to do any thing, whereby the friendship of the Turks might be preserved; and yet there was not any one that did doubt, when war was resolved on, that such a confederacy as this which is now proposed, might be had; but all confessed, that little good was to be hoped for by it, because it was known, that it was dangerous for us to suffer the Turks greatness to increase so much; this remedy of a League was not thought very fitting for it, and not to be used, but upon great necessity, as was now done, when we despaired to allay Selino 's fury, in the height of his anger. What is now to be done, when we see the State of affairs somewhat altered, but to temporise with the enemy, whom we cannot suppress, to make him jealous by this treaty of League, to sweeten him with a treaty of peace, to keep several ways open, and to follow that, which time and affairs will show us, shall be most for our good, and as God shall inspire us to do, for the preservation of our Commonwealth. These words wrought variously upon the Senate, so as they remained still in the same irresolution, but most of them being inclined towards the League; whereunto they were much persuaded, for fear of some scandals that might be imputed to them, of inconstancy, for having so soon altered their minds, as if they were mated by the first misfortunes of war. The question was put, and carried by many voices, of sending to their Ambassadors which were at Rome, to stipulate the League, which was the sense of the answer which they gave to Colonna, who presently after returned to Rome; where the Pope hearing of this determination, made the Catholic King's Ambassador, and those of the Commonwealth, be publicly brought into the Consistory, and making what they had agreed upon be readd by the Datory, he, laying his hand upon his breast, was the first that swore to observe those capitulations: wherein he was followed by Paceco, in the name of the Catholic King, Gravella being gone for Naples; and then the King's Ambassador, and those of the Commonwealth, took the same oath upon a Masse-book; and the next day, though the Venetian-Embassadours were against it, saying, That in point of honour, any such declaration should be deferred, till that Cesar might have notice thereof, and his pleasure therein might be more expressly known▪ the Pope, a solemn Mass being only said, and a Procession made in St. Peter's Church, would have the League published, whereof these were the particular Articles. That a perpetual League should be made between Pius the 5th. (who engaged himself for the Apostolic See, and for his Successors, by the consent of the College of Cardinals) and Philip the Catholic King, and the Duke and Senate of Venice; to abate the power of the Turks, who had lately by force of Arms assaulted the Kingdom of Cyprus, which lay very fitting, for the enterprise of the holy Land. That the Colleagues forces should consist of 200 Galleys, 100 Ships, 50000 Foot, Italians, Spanish, and Dutch; 4500 Horse, with a suitable train of Artillery and Ammunition; which were to be employed, as well in defence of the associate Princes Dominions, as in opposing the Enemy, particularly in the enterprises of Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis. That these forces should meet at Otranto in May next, or in the beginning of April, so to passed into the Levant, and proceed against the Enemy as time should advise, and as the Commanders should think fit. That notwithstanding, these things might be altered, the provisions of war be increased or diminished, according as the need or conditions of the enterprises should require, which they were intended for; which was every year to be consulted upon, and determined at Rome, in the Autumn. And that if it should be resolved, not to undertake any common enterprise that year, it might then be lawful for any of the Associates, to mind their own particular affairs; chiefly the King of Spain, those of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli; in which case, if no great Turkish Fleet should be abroad, the Venetians should be obliged to furnish the King with 50 Galleys, and the King was bound to do as much for the Venetians, if they should attempt any thing against the common enemy, within their Gulf: Provided always, that those who would have any such assistance, should first have greater forces in readiness. That all the confederates should be bound reciprocally, to defend each others Dominions, which should be assaulted by the Turks, and particularly all places belonging to the Church; in which case, they were to give over all enterprises, that were begun against the Turks. That the King was to contribute the full half of all the expenses of the war, and that the other half being divided into three parts, the Venetians should defray two parts, and the Pope the third, who not being able to contribute so much of himself, the other confederates should make good what was wanting of that Proportion, of three parts whereof, the King was to pay two, and the Venetians one; who moreover should be particularly obliged to give the Pope 12 Galleys, furnished with tackling and Artillery, which the Pope was to man for the service of the League; but that generally every confederate should be bound to contribute such things for the common cause, as he should most abound in, and the others want, which should be regulated in the accounts according to the aforesaid proportion; That the exportation of Corn should always be open in all places, with a limited tax for the carrying out; and that they should be extracted from such place or places, as lay fittest for the occasion; their needs being first satisfied who were to give way thereunto, that in all consultations, and deliberations, the Commanders in chief of the three Confederates were to intervene, and what the most should determine, should be firmly concluded: but the execution of what should be resolved on, should remain in him who should be declared captain-general of the League, which should be Don John of Austria, and in his absence, Mark Antonio Colonna, with the like Authority, though he should at the same time retain the name and quality of General of the Church. That it might be lawful for Maximilian of Austria, the Emperor Elect, for the King of France, and for the King of Portugal, to join in this Confederacy; and that all the Colleagues should use their uttermost endeavours to persuade them, and the other Christian Princes to do so. And in case of addition of any other Confedederates, it was to be understood, that what proportion of expense they should be at, should go to the augmenting of the Forces of the League. No particular mention was made of dividing such places as should be gotten; but it was referred to what was expressed and declared in the Articles of the League, in the year 37, if any difference should fall out between the Confederates, the Pope should be the Arbitrator and judge: so as that should be no breach of the Confederacy, nor any impediment in the execution of what was established therein. These Articles being sworn unto, as hath been said, and afterwards signed and sealed by the Ambassadors, were ratified by the same Princes within the appointed four months. But because the Confederates were not bound to the observance of these things till the next year: there was another writing stipulated apart, wherein these things were particularly contained, which were to be done this year; to wit, That 80 Galleys, and 20 Ships, aught to be at Ottranto by the month of May, to join with the Venetian Fleet: Those of the Pope, Savoy, nor Malta, not being therein comprehended: And because a difficulty arose, touching the satisfaction to be given to the Venetians, towards the expenses pretended unto for having more Galleys, than by the covenant they were bound unto: It was declared in the same writing, that the Pope was to be judge thereof, who was notwithstanding to determine particularly, that their debt being known, it should be made good out of what they ought, or should owe to the King of Spain for Corn, either formerly had, or to be had hereafter, the price whereof should be rated by the Pope; who took upon him likewise, though it was not expressly mentioned in the Writing, to determine what satisfaction should be given to the Venetians, for their pretences of charge for great numbers of Foot which they maintained in his Sea-Forts, more than the Garrisons of those places, to make use of them either in the Fleet, or otherwise against the enemy as occasion shall serve. At the same time that these Treaties of League and Peace were discussing in Venice, wherein there was some difference in opinions, they all agreed, and were very diligent in providing for war: It was resolved, that 25 Galleys should be set out, which should have for their Governors Venetian Gentlemen, not only of the Venetian Nobles, but many of those of the Cities of Terra Ferma, to the end that in the common cause, all might be partakers as well of honours, as of dangers and troubles, and because their greatest want was of men, by reason of the great mortality, and the apprehension which was had thereof; safe conduct was granted to the Banditi of the Commonwealth, to come and serve in the Galleys, either as Mariners, or Soldiers; and all Gentlemen of the Country, who would come willingly to that service, were exempted from any personal penalties for four years. 2000 to serve in Galleys, were likewise ordered from the Cities of the Terra Ferma, though this tax was formerly wont to be laid only upon the Country. Soldiers were also brought from foreign parts, to recruit the Sea Garrisons, and for the service of the Fleet. And that nothing might be wanting to try the fortune of war again, a new General being already chosen, as hath been said, they would also change the two Commissaries. Quirini, Captain of the Gulf, was chosen in the place of Celsi, and Trono, Captain of the Ships in Canale's place. But he dying at the same time, Canale continued in his place, & Quirini was succeeded in his place of Captain of the Gulf, by Trono, who was then in the Fleet. jovanni Ven●ramini, & jov. Contarini, were afterwards made purveyors, who were to have particular care of the public moneys, and of all that was to be delivered out in the Fleet. This mean while, Commissary Barbarigo, having made haste from Venice, was come to Corfu, where the Fleet then was, as hath been said; to whom according to the order of the Senate, the Government was assigned over by General Zanne. But he held it but for a few days; for Veniero hearing whilst he was in Candia, of his election, left such orders as he thought convenient for the arming of the Galleys of that Island, and suddenly began his journey; and coming to Corfu in the beginning of April, took solemnly the place and dignity of General upon him. When General Zanne returned to Venice, there were many faults laid to his charge; and, as it often falls out upon such occasions, the cause of the bad successes, occasioned for the most part from bad seasons, and for many almost inseparable accidents, were attributed to his negligence, and want of experience: and whereas a kind of happy Genius had formerly made all his actions be commended and admired, whereby it was thought that the public affairs recommended to his charge, should have good success, as he was thought to have been very fortunate in his private condition, by reason of his Honour, wealth, and Children, and for that he had twice before been General, and so successful therein, as all troubles and dangers ceased as it were with his election; so now these so many adversities, were taken from off the public score, and laid to his private misfortune. Being thus accused of these faults, he died two years after, before he could justify himself, proving the saying true; that, No man can be said to be happy before his end. The affairs of Cyprus, and preservation of Famagosta, whereupon the hopes of other events did depend, were not at this time forgotten, but as soon as the season would permit, Antonio Quirini, who being taken from the Government of Candia, had this charge committed to him, after Pietro Trono's decease, departed with four Ships to carry the succour formerly ordered for Famagosta. Which that it might the more safely arrive, 12 Galleys were given for a convoy to the ships; for it was heard, that the Turks lay with some Galleys about the Island, to hinder the supply. Marco Quirini, went with his Admiral along with this Convoy, who, to boot with guarding the succour, had the opportunity of doing an honourable action; for as he came to Famagosta, he made the Ships advance within sight of the Enemy, who were in Costanza, and lay with his Galleys concealed near Land: and seeing seven of the Enemy's Galleys come forth to assault our Ships, he suddenly came behind them, to keep them from returning back unto the shore. But the Turks, when they saw our Galleys, instead of endangering us, sought to save themselves, and to get to the shore whence they were come: so as the men, to whose assistance many were come from the Camp, got safe to Land, and abandoned their Galleys; three whereof, having but few men left in them, were sunk by our shot: the rest, which were gotten a little further off, escaped. For some signs of foul weather appearing, Quirini betook himself to get his ships to be towed into the Haven; whereinto when they were gotten, they might easily Land the supply, which consisted of 1600 Foot, and much Ammunition and Victuals. The addition of these Forces, and the rest of the recruit, did much comfort the defendants, and encourage them; and Marco Quirini his gallantry was mightily cried up by all the Famagostans; and he purchased much more praise and reputation by other prosperous successes; for whilst he kept in that Haven he took a Ship, and other lesser Vessels of the Enemies, loaded with Ammunition and Victuals, which were going to the Army, which were very seasonably turned to the service of the besieged. And going with his Galleys not long after to shelves of Gam●ella, where he heard the Turks had made some Forts, he at unawares fell upon them, and destroyed them: which things being done, he thought he could do no more good by his tarrying any longer there, and therefore returned with his Galleys to Candia. The Senators were not less solicitous this mean while, in providing new supply for Famagosta, whither they had sent two Ships with 800 Foot, and several Ammunitions, which by relation of the Bishop of Ragozzoni, the besieged wanted. Honorio Scoto, was made Commander of the Soldiers, and Nicolo Donato had charge of the Ships, who being come a little before from Cyprus, upon the occasion that hath been mentioned, offered to return himself with that succour, (for which he was much commended) and to comfort those that were to undergo so sore a siege; the Senate, thought fit to wit Letters of praise, and much affection to the communality of Famagosta▪ telling them, That they were very well pleased with their constancy and fidelity, which they would never forget, but reward them for it, when the times should prove better; and that largely for their labours, loss, and dangers; wishing them therefore to discharge their duties, in the defence of themselves and families, reposing their hopes of safety in themselves, and in the assistance of their Prince, and not in the words of barbarous Infidels: for the Senate would mind nothing more, than to provide for all things which should be necessary for that their dear and faithful City: And that the so many Fleets, so many Soldiers, such expense, and such warlike preparations, aimed chiefly at the freeing of them from that siege. Letters of almost the same contents, were likewise written to Baglione, exalting his valour, as worthy of those he was descended from, and of the affection which he and others of his Progenitors had always born to the Commonwealth, promising him rewards answerable to his merit, and assistance proportionable to the Forces of the Enemy. The Albaneses continued at this time in insurrection, many of Dugagini, Pedana, Ematia, and Sadrinia, came in daily to make several offers to the Representatives of the Commonwealth: Wherefore Commissary Celsi was ordered to go to Cataro (whither Za●cheria Salamone was gone before, with the Title of commissary-general) to defend the City, and to advise of what was to be done in those parts: but Celsi falling sick by the way, Nicola Suriano, who was left Vice-Captain in the Gulf, whilst Trono exercised the same office further off at Sea, received orders to enter the River of ●oiana with four Galies, to foment the Insurrection of those people, and to inform himself more particularly upon the place, whether there was any hopes of good to be done in the enterprises of Burazzo, Beutari, or Alessio, as was propounded and desired by the heads of the Albanesis. But Suriano having tarried awhile in those parts, found that effects were not answerable to words; and that no design could be had by such commotions upon the Town's of the Enemy, but with great uncertainty of success. Yet that they might not be wanting upon any occasion that should be offered, the Senate had made jacopo Malatesta, Governour-Generall in Albania, who going to Cataro, began forthwith to make several proposals, and it was at last resolved to fall upon Alessio, which was thought to be more feasable than the rest, by reason of situation, there being many strong passes there, which might hinder the Enemy from being succoured. But whilst things necessary for this purpose were a preparing, Malatesta being impatient of lying long idle, went one day out of Cataro, to pillage some Towns of Risano, which were not far off; and having overcome the difficulties of the situation, burned the Villages, and gotten much booty, as he was returning safe with all his men, through a valley, the Enemy fell upon him, and not being able to defend himself, by reason of the disadvantagiousnesse of the place, he was much endamaged, not only by musket shot, but by stones, so as almost all his soldiers ran away; and whilst he, with some few of his men, withstood the fury of the enemy, who came down from the mountains, his leg was broken with a stone, and he was carried away prisoner into Risano by the enemy. But Almoro Tiepolo▪ Captain of the Pinnaces, and Astore Viseconte, Governor of Sebenico, had better success in Dalmatia; for having assaulted the Town of Scardona, they made the enemy seek their safety by flight, so as our men had leisure, not only to take the Town, but also to get great booty in the neighbouring Country. The Turks ceased not this mean while, to plot all the mischief they could against the Commonwealth; those of Castelnuovo had held secret intelligence with Trojano Ciciliano, a Foot-Captain in Cataro, that upon their coming at unawares to the City, by his means, they might get in by the Porta della Fiumara, where the walls were weakest. But Ciciliano not being able to procure, that that Guard might be committed to him, out of another respect, for that treachery was not as yet discovered, the Turks sailed in that their design; and when the intelligence was known, the traitor was put to death. The enemy afterwards had other attempts upon that City, making some Forts in the mouth of the Gulf, whereby being able to keep out any vessels from entering thereinto, Cataro was in a manner besieged, and was in great danger of being taken: Wherefore it behoved to send some Galleys, to disturb those works, and to keep navigation open. These things made the Venetians be very vigilant, in keeping Commanders of authority, and strong Garrisons in their sea-Forts. Thus Savorgnano, not being able to serve any longer at Zara, the Marquis Baltasar Rangone was put in his place; and jacopo Foscarini was made Commissary General of Dalmatia. Luigi Georgio went to Corfu, and Marino de Cavalli to Candia; the former in the place of Venier●, who was chosen to be General of the Fleet; and the latter in Mula's place, who could no longer attend that charge, by reason of sickness. By reason of these extraordinary expenses, which amounted to 300000 Ducats a month, it became them to use all means possible, for the raising of moneys: wherefore the number of Procurators were again increased, sale was made of other public goods, and moneys by several bargains brought into the Exchequer; wherein, to make the citizen's more willing and ready, Doge Mocinego encouraged them all he could, and was still the more careful and diligent, in making all sorts of provisions, as being very ambitious of glory. He was much afflicted, that his government should begin with the loss of so noble a Kingdom. Wherefore the great Council being one day assembled, the Doge standing up, spoke thus. If ever citizen's of any Commonwealth had a noble occasion to show their generosity, their desire of glory, and of the common good, you now have it, to show your worth, in preserving the splendour and dignity of this your noble Country, which the industry and perpetual labours of our Ancestors, hath to their immortal glory purchased. We, through their deserts, and as the reward of their wisdom, do now enjoy a Commonwealth, which for excellency of government, exceeds all the most ancient and modern Commonwealths, and is not much inferior to any of the famousest, for Forces and Empire. And since the condition of times and place will not permit, that greater perfection can be added to it, in civil affairs, nor perhaps, that her ancient glory may be increased by military actions, by enlarging our confines, which are every where environed by powerful neighbours; yet ought we with like endeavour and vigilancy, mind the preservation of so miraculous a work, recommended to our care, to the end, that we may leave it such to others, as we have received it from our forefathers, whereby we shall purchase no small praise. We being now to govern ourselves in a heavy war, against the fury of so powerful an enemy, whose forces I confess are to be feared, but with wisdom, not pusillanimity; but so, as fear may make us more diligent, more joint, constant, and firm in all labour and danger, and not to slacken that fervour, wherewith we undertook the war: nor to take us off, from our noble and generous resolution, of defending our Dominions, against the unjust forces of those, that seek to oppress them. Let us call to mind, with how much praise and wonder to other Nations, our fathers and grandfathers withstood the violence, of almost all the Princes of Christendom, who jointly conspired the ruin of our Empire; so as finally by their worth, the fortune of the vanquishing enemy was overcome, and by adversity, the Commonwealth won more glory and honour. And if the loss of all our Dominions by Terra Ferma, the having so many, and so potent enemies, and so near at hand, could not prevail over our noble Ancestors; certainly, if we will imitate their domestic worth, the first frowns of fortune will not at all prevail over us, nor not only not discourage us, but not make us forego any thing of our former hopes. The loss of Nicossia is assuredly very sore, but not such as may not be repaired. The fortune of war at first, is very uncertain and various; but at last, she associates with true worth; and the most valiant are at the last the most glorious. Our forces (God be praised) are yet safe and entire, and such, as had it not been for want of diligence, and good advice in our Commanders; or, it may be, for want of better fortune, the enemies might have had no cause to rejoice. Our Commonwealth could at one and the same time, make war in several Countries; nor did her being assaulted by Bajazet, Prince of the Turks, make her lay down the Arms which she had taken up, against Lodowick Sforza, Duke of Milan: fight on the one side for their own defence and safety; on the other, for the honour of the Venetian name, and out of a desire of making new acquisitions. Nor are these things so far out of our memory, as that we not rather say, we have seen them, than heard of them. We may hope for these, and greater things, if there be in us the like worth, agreement, and readiness to maintain and defend the public safety and dignity. Wherefore though we may assure ourselves, that all other Christian Princes will, for their own interests, favour and assist our cause, against the common enemy, who is now become so formidable to them all; yet we must repose our chiefest defence in ourselves, constantly believing, that every one's particular good is inseparably annexed, to the preservation of the liberty and prosperity of this Commonwealth; which being safe and powerful, whatsoever else is most dear unto us, wives, children, friends, and goods, will be the more safely preserved from injuries, and we shall have great rewards of honours, and many other things reserved for us. Therefore as the charity we bear to our Country comprehends all other loves to whatsoever we esteem dearest; so he who is truly set on fire therewithal, knows no danger, shuns no inconvenience, values no expense, but freely sacrificeth himself, and all that is his, to this his true Mother and Nurse, from whence he must acknowledge, he hath received all things. Then you, gentlemans, who have still agreed in all things else, must v●● and contend only in this generous emulation, who shall contribute most, and readilie●●, to the service of this his Country, in this her so great necessity. Let those, who for their age, or experience in the Militia, or Sea-affairs, are able to serve in person, either by way of command, or as private persons, put themselves into the Fleet; and such as are fitter for counsel, let them busy themselves, in thinking upon, in minding, and in providing for all such things, as may secure the present dangers, and may make way for better fortune. In this, the thoughts of all true Venetians ought to be busied; this aught to be the true, and only ●ime and end of all their discourses and actions, in these so dangerous times. But above all things, let every man, according to his ability, contribute moneys to the Commonwealth, which is the very sinews of war; assuring himself, he can put it forth to no better advantage; the little that he lays out hereupon, preserves all the rest, not only his estate, but his honour, children, and life; none of which will be safe from the injuries, of the insolent victorious enemy; nor can any thing be dear or delightful to him, the prosperity and pristine greatness of this city being les●. We see, how wonderful readily, no● only th●se who live under the wings and protection of this Dominion, who may be persuaded to endeavour the preservation of this Commonwealth, out of a desire of living quiet, and under a moderate government, but many other persons of honour, have come to serve in this war, from almost all the parts of Italy, and from foreign parts; making our cause theirs, and concurring with us in expense and danger, to the end, that this, the glory of Italy, and bulwark of Christendom, (as our Commonwealth is, by all, reputed to be) may be preserved: Which, as it ought to rejoice us, and make us thankful, so ought we not by any means suffer ourselves to be outdone by others, in the defence of ourselves, and of our Commonwealth; but show unto the world, that this city exceeds not others more in fortune, than in worthy citizen's. Briefly, Gentlemen, we must always have an eye to the condition of these times, and of this war, which is such, as if we do but never so little give way unto the Enemy, or s●acken necessary provisions, we shall not only leave the Kingdom of Cyprus open to him, to be made a prey of, but all our Dominions by sea, will be exposed to manifest danger; the grandeur of this Commonwealth, the principality of the sea, which hath with so much labour been for many ages gotten by our Ancestors, will be lo●● to the discretion of bitter and powerful enemies. Whereas, on the contrary, we may through 〈◊〉 diligence, constancy, and gallantry, hope for much better things; and, by valiantly withstanding and repulsing the violence of thi● fierce enemy, purchase unto ourselves much glory and honour▪ Who knows, but that this war may prove the exaltation of this Commonwealth, and of Christendom, and the confusion of the Ottoman Empire? I do despair, but that a general League may be made by all Christian Princes, whereof the treaty is already drawn near to a conclusion with 〈◊〉. If by these forces, and God's assistance, our Fleets shall have got the better of these enemies, who are grown so powerful, more through our home-discords, then by their own valour; will not the way be opened to their ruin? What may not we hope for, of prosperous or happy? All our fears and hopes, as also our bad and good fortune, do for the most part depend upon ourselves; who, by change of behaviour, may work a change of fortune. He who doth not justly consider these things, who apprehends not these dangers, who is not cheered by these hopes, deserves not to be called a Citisen of this illustrious Country, is no man, nor lives not; since he is not sensible of so many offences, is not awakened at his own safety, nor minds not his own good. These the Doge's words, which were attentively listened unto by all, made great impression in all noble minds, and encouraged them to continue the war, and to provide for all things necessary thereunto. Each enheartned other, lessening the past losses and misfortunes, and comforting each other with hopes of better success. One showed the necessity of defending themselves, for the maintaining of the Commonwealth, and public dignity. An other more highly minded, aspired at greater matters, and to take a double revenge of the enemy, as well for injuries received, as by becoming Master of their Dominions. All things requisite, either for Naval preparation, for victuals or moneys, were diligently taken into consideration. No pains, industry, nor cost was spared, in muniting the Forts, in recruiting the Fleet, and in adding thereunto forces sufficient to withstand, and to assault the Enemy. All hopes, thoughts, and designs, were now busied about Arm●; no more talk of treaties of peace. But whilst the Venetians were doing these things, the Turks were as solicitous in providing for war, that they might pursue their prosperous fortune. Selino was very much gladded, at the news of Nicossia's being taken, which, together with many other presents, in token of victory, was brought unto him by a son of Mustafa's; Mustafa's valour being highly esteemed by Selino, he was very ready to furnish him with new men, and with all other things necessary, to perfect the enterprise; wherein the Turks were more diligent, because they heard great fame of the Christian Fleets; yet did it cause no fear in that proud Barbarian, but did the more incense him; so as, not satisfied with the getting of the Kingdom of Cyprus, he threatened to beat the Christian Fleets, and to reduce the other Islands and places, belonging to the Venetians, under his power, which lay very convenient (as he said) for the making himself Master of Rome, the head of the Roman Empire, which did belong unto him, as supreme Emperor, and which, as was foretold by their Prophet, should fall under the Dominion of the Ottamans. Selino abounding in these vast imaginations, 〈◊〉 unto himself, that when his Fleet should have carried sufficient succour to Cyprus, it should fight ours, and fall upon such other enterprises, as they should see occasion for. Thus valuing his power the more, by his prosperous success in Cyprus, he was highly offended with Pioli, for not going the preceding year into the Gulf, to find out the Venetian Fleet, and fight it; and his fault being aggravated by Mehemet, who said, he had forborn doing so, out of fear, and that thereby he had much lessened the reputation of the forces of the Empire, and not without some danger, leaving all the Maritime places, as it were, in prey to the Christians, Piali was degraded from being Bashaw, and Pertau was chosen in his place, who was to have the same authority in the Fleet. In order to these designs, twenty Galleys put to sea from Constantinople, very early in the year, under the command of Caiaceleli, who meeting by the way with the Galleys of Schio and Rhodes, went along with them towards Cyprus, to hinder the relief which went to Famagosta, and did so; for Nicolo Donato being gone with the ships of succour from Candia, which Island he had touched upon, to learn some news of the enemy, he was forced by a violent storm, which had shrewdly torn his ships, to steer his course backwards, and to return again to that Island, to provide himself of many things which he wanted; where he heard, that some Turkish Galleys lay in wait about Cyprus, to hinder the succour: wherefore thinking it became him, to take some new advice touching his voyage, he desired the opinion of Cavalli, Commissary of the Island, and of Commissary Quirini; and finding them to agree, he stayed in Candia, where he landed his soldiers, and distributed them into the Forts, to augment those Garrisons; it being judged, that if the ships should be sent without a convoy of galleys, they would incur certain ruin, from which they could not be secured by a few galleys, those of the enemies being many; nor were those of Candia fit to make such a voyage; or, had they been fit, it was thought, it would not be wisely done, totally to deprive that Island of the guard of those galleys, wherein there were as then but a few soldiers; and when it was noised abroad, that the enemies were very near, and did intend to assault it. After these first Galleys were gone from Constantinope, Ali went from thence also with 30 others to Fenica to take up men, and from thence went to Cyprus, where he tarried for many days himself, and sent his Galleys the mean while to Tripoli, to take in more Soldiers, and Ammunition; and when the Army was provided of all things, Ali, leaving Arum●t with 20 Galleys, ten Mahouns, five Ships, and many other Vessels to guard the Island, went with 54 Galleys to find out Bashaw Pertau, who being gone from Constantinople before, and meeting by the way with the Galleys of Napoli and Metelino, was come with about 100 Galleys to castle Ruzzo, where the whole Fleet was to make their Rendezvouz. Not long after, Uluzzali, who was gone from Algiers, came to the same place with 20 Vessels, and with many others belonging to particular Pirates; and last of all Cessan, Son to Barbarossa, came thither with 20 Galleys which had been battered, and were now new Calked. The Turkish Fleet being thus all met together, which consisted of about 250 sail, they went to the Island of Candia, whither being come, they entered the Haven of Suda, and going soon after towards Cania, they landed many men not far from the City, who burned divers Villages, and made much prey of beasts, and other goods; for the Inhabitants were all fled either to the City, or to the Mountains. The Commissary of Cania sent forth a good Band of the Garrison of that Fort; and with them many of Quirini's Soldiers, out of his Galleys which were then in that Haven, to suppress the insolency of these Men, and to prevent further mischief, who made the Enemy to retreat; and our Soldiers being afterward recruited with 300 Corsic foot, who were very opportunely come thither a little before, in a ship of Genua, under the conduct of Colonel justiniano's, they pursued the Turks; who as they retreated towards the Galleys to save themselves, were many of them slain, and durst not accost the Fort, knowing that it was well man'd: but they had a great mind to have pillaged the whole Island, and the Maritime parts, had they not been diverted by foul weather. Uluzzali forbore not, notwithstanding to go to Rethimo with 40 Galleys, in which City, (for all the rest were fled at the news of the approach of the Turkish Fleet, not having sufficient Garrisons to defend themselves) there was none left but jerolimo justiniano's, one of the Counsellors, and Captain jeraldo Alfieri, with 100 foot, who as the Enemy drew near the City, began to shoot apace at their Galleys, not without somewhat indamaging them; whereupon the Enemy thinking that there were men enough in the Town able to defend it, they departed for that time, without making any further attempt. But afterwards landing some men on the neighbouring shores, and taking some Prisoners, they understond by them, that the City had not men enough within to defend it: So as Uluzzali resolved to return thither, as to a secure prey. justiniano's seeing the Enemy returned, and landed, with a full resolution to assault the City, was forced to abandon it, and to retire into the neighbouring Mountains, to save those few Soldiers; and with them, and some others that he had picked up in the Country, he betook himself to guard the strongest passes, to the end that the Enemy might not get further in to do more mischief. When the Turks were entered the City void of Inhabitants, 'tis a sad thing to say the cruelties which they used to that miserable Town; they plundered the Houses, ransacked the Churches, fired both public and private Edifices, did not pardon the quiet of the dead, but digging up the graves, scattered them up and down every where, moved thereunto either out of hopes of finding some moneys there, or by that natural inhumanity of dealing with the dead, as they could not do with the living: For which wickedness they did in some sort pay, for some of their Galleys were by a great tempest driven upon the shore, where together with the death of many, they were split; and many others, who out of a desire of pillage, were gotten further into the Island, were cut in pieces by the Soldiers, who were gotten out of Cania, and by the Country people, who came down from the Mountains: So as upon mustering their men at their departure, they found above 2000 missing. The Enemies being gone from Candia, went to Cerigo, where they did much harm, and from thence the whole Fleet passed to Giunco, and went to the Islands of Zante and Cefalonia, burning all the Towns, and laying the Country's waste, all the Inhabitants being withdrawn into Forts. Whilst the Turks did this mean while diligently attend their business at Sea, they forgot not their Land affairs; for they had assembled together an Army numerous enough, and made Acmat Bashaw Captain thereof, who being gone with his men from Constantinople, and keeping awhile in Scopio, made men doubtful whether he was to go for Dalmatia, or for Transilvania; the times being such, as there was reason to suspect either of them: but soon after, Acmat marched towards Ducagini, with above 15000 Horse; and it was known, that the Belgerbie of Greece, raised many Horse to join with Acmat's Army, which made it be believed, that these men were intended against the Venetians Dominions; and chiefly, since the Fleet was seen to advance so far, which being assisted by the Land forces, it was thought that the Turks intended to attempt jointly somewhat in the Gulf. These things being first designed by the Turks, were the more hotly pursued, for that all Agreement grew desperate, and all treaty of Peace was broken. For when Ragazzoni was come to Constantinople, it was known that the hopes had much prejudiced this business; that if the Venetians would prosecute the Treaty, it might be brought to a good end, the Turks having begun to hope they might attain those things by agreement, which were not to be had without doubt, and difficulty, by Arms. For before Ragazzoni came to Constantinople, a messenger was come thither, sent in great haste by the Sangiacco of Chersego, Son to Mehemet, which gave notice of the others coming, with certain intelligence that he brought orders for a treaty of Peace; which as it caused much joy, so did fill it men with immoderate hopes. So as the Bashaw entering upon this Treaty, did in a magnificent manner extol the Ottoman Forces. He said, that Selino was heinously offended▪ that he had mighty designs against the Commonwealth, the which he prepared to assault with powerful Forces, both by Sea and Land; and out of these discourses he took occasion to propose unreasonable conditions of Peace: but yet proceeding very cunningly therein, he sought to moderate the severity of what he related in Selino's name, by his own endeavours full of humanity and affection. In fine, he advised the Consul, to counsel his Senators, to deliver up the possession of Cyprus freely, as that which did justly belong to the Ottoman Empire, and which lay more convenient for the other Ottoman Dominions; and that if it should be laid waste, it would be of great expense, and of no advantage to the possessors. By which words, the Consul perceiving plainly, that there was no hopes of proceeding in the treaty of Peace with any public honour, or with hopes of bringing it to any acceptable conditions, thought it fit that Ragazzoni should depart from Constantinople, as he did: the Treaty in hand, which was formerly begun by him with great hopes, nay brought to a conclusion, of restoring the Merchants and their goods, being left imperfect; for when commands were already agreed upon, and given out to be sent to Soria, and Alexandria, it was found that through ill offices done with the Grand Signior, his mind was altered, who had always been very forward therein, saying often, that it was no more than just; And therefore what had been before concluded, and established, being again called in question, other proposals were made; to wit, That the men and Merchants of all sides, should be brought to Ragugi, or at least to Zara, where the exchange should be made, that the resolution of the Turkish subjects might be the better known. But this proving a business of length and difficulty, and Hebraino dying unluckily at this time, who had the management of this business, Ragazzoni's journey proved to no purpose. At which time, General Veniero, that he might not be altogether idle, went with the Galleys that were then at Corfu, to the shores of Albania, to relieve the Castle of Sopoto, a place very fit (as hath been said) for other acquisitions. And the Fleet being entered into the Haven of Palormo, he might easily land the Garrison, which being done, he passed on to the Gulf of Vallona, where hearing that the Fort of Durazzo was very weak, and ill man'd, he went thither, hoping easily to gain it. The whole Fleet, when it came before the For●, was divided into three squadrons, commanded by three Chieftains, Veniero, the commissary-general; and the Commissaries, Quirino and Canale. The battery was at once begun on three parts, for so long a space of wall as contained one whole curtain, and two great Towers; against which, finding they could no good, though they were frequently played upon by great Guns from all the Galleys: our men wanting Ammunition, and having but a few foot to give an assault, dispaired of accomplishing that enterprise, wherein their fortune had been no better than their advice had been; for they found the Town stronger, and better man'd than they were persuaded; and not knowing the situation, they left the Enemy some passes open, which they easily might have hindered, whereby new Garrisons passed in afterwards, so as our men were forced to depart, without having done any thing. The Fleet being returned to Corfu, they betook themselves to relieve la Parga, and the charge thereof was given to Paolo Orsino, though he was not much for the business, considering that it was hard to secure that Town, which might be played upon both by Sea and Land; and that it would be unseasonable to weaken the Garrisons of Corfu at this time. Yet the desire of replacing those men in their own Houses, who were very affectionate to the Venetians, and a very fitting means to make their Neighbours the Albinese rise, prevailed as then over the reasons to the contrary; but it did no good, for the Town was not well repaired, when soon after it was taken, and once more destroyed by the Turkish Fleet. At this time the associate Fleets, which was appointed to have met altogether in May, at Ottranto (all great actions being always slower, and more difficult than is imagined) was neither met, nor likely to meet, when all june was over. The Venetians, whilst it was not known what would become of the League, fearing that they should not be able of themselves to oppose and fight the Enemy, which was said would be stronger, and more numerous than that of the preceding year, had resolved to maintain a body of 60 Galleys, the best that were in Candia, by which they might convey relief to Cyprus; or, as occasion should serve, to any other place, hinder the Enemy from sailing safely on those Seas, fall upon the fag end of any Turkish Galleys which should lag behind, and be divided from the rest, (as falls always out in a numerous Fleet, where all the Galleys cannot be of an equal goodness); and, in fine, to do as they should see occasion. And to this purpose, Commissary Canale was gone with 15 of the best Galleys of Candia, to leave them, with as many more of the best man'd Galleys of that Island, under the command of Commissary Quirini; from whom receiving the rest that were not so good, he was to return with them to find out the Fleet at Corfu. But this his return was at first hindered by news, that the Turkish Fleet was gotten very near those Seas; and afterwards, by new orders from the General, who had dispatched away Letters speedily to Candia, desiring that not only Canale, but Quirini also, should come with all possible speed to Corfu, with 50 Galleys which they had, that they might jointly proceed against the Enemy, when all the Confederates forces should according to appointment, be met. Which order could not so suddenly be obeyed, because Commissary Quirini, when the Enemy's Fleet was passed on further, was gone with ten Galleys to Cerigo, that he might better inform himself of what course the Enemies steered, and of their intent; to the end that with more caution and safety, he might carry the Garrison to Famagosta, which was the mean while preparing, in two ships that were thereunto destined: But the commissary-general, who was come into the Gulf, to gather together several ships that were there, and to bring them to Corfu, hearing at Ottranto, that it would be long ere the Spanish Fleet would arrive, made no haste, lest he might remove the Galleys too immaturely from doing of several duties to which they were destined; so as of all the chief Commanders, the General only remained at Corfu, and but with a few Galleys: This was the condition of the Venetian Fleet, nor was there any hopes of the speedy coming of that of Spain; for 'twas known, that the Princes of Bohemia were not as yet come to Barcelona, to embarck therein; and those men which were first prepared for the Fleet, not being to be made use of, by reason of an accident that happened; Don Alvero di Bazzano went with some of the galleys to Almiria, to take up some other Foot, which were in their steed destined for that service. Nor could all the pressures of the Pope or Venetians, get the galleys of Napoli and Sicily, which were in readiness, and had nothing to do, come to Ottranto; the Spaniards being resolved, that these also should expect Don John's coming. And Colonna being busied in getting the galleys of Florence and Malta to join with his, was forced to delay his going to join with the Venetian Fleet, though he was very desirous to do so. The Turks being advertised of the not joining of the Christian Fleets, when they left Candia, proceeded boldly on, having received orders (as hath been said) to find out and to fight the Christian Fleet, ruinating, in the interim, and destroying, all the Venetian Dominions, wheresoever they came. Wherefore General Veniero, hearing what way the enemies went, and what their intentions were, and knowing that he was not able to keep them from advancing, resolved to go with his Fleet to Messina, which was afterwards approved of by the Senate; fearing, that when the enemy's Fleet should be come near them, (as it was thought they would do) our Galleys might be exposed to much danger: and that likewise the enemies coming between Fano and Merlere, might hinder the joining of the Colleagues Fleets. He therefore would not follow the counsel of some, who advised him to go to Brandizzi, as that which met with the same objections: wherefore Messina was chosen for the rendevouz of the whole Fleet; and they resolved the rather upon this, for that this consideration of the uniting of the Fleets, which was the ground of all their hopes, prevailed over all that was urged to the contrary, of not abandoning the Gulf. They were likewise persuaded, that when the Turks should have assured news of the League, and of the joining together of so great forces as were a preparing, they would not enter the gulf, and leave so powerful a Fleet of the enemies behind them. Whilst these things were a doing abroad, the League was proclaimed in Venice, on the 2d. day of july, with great solemnity and concourse of people; Mass being first sung in St. Mark's Church, which Don Gusman de Silua, the Catholic King's Ambassador, did celebrate, the Doge and Senate intervening, and the Embassadours of Princes, together with many Prelates; who went out afterwards in Procession, with the whole body of the Clergy, into the Piazza, which was hung with Tapestry, and other rich adornments. And when the Doge was come to the place, where Proclamations are wont to be made, it was proclaimed by a Crier, who had the words dictated unto him by one of the Secretaries, That on the 20th. of May, in the city of Rome, through the grace of God, and of the blessed Virgin, and by the means of Pope Pius Quintus, a perpetual league and confederacy was made against the Turks, the common enemy, between the See of Rome, the Catholic King, and the State of Venice; leaving room therein for the Emperor, and the most Christian King, upon such conditions, as were particularly declared in the writing. That therefore every one was to beseech the divine Majesty, to grant prosperous success to the union of these Princes, for the exaltation of the Commonwealth, and for the universal good of Christendom. These words were with silence heard, and afterwards confirmed by great applause of the people, and were accompanied by a great noise of Artillery, Bells, Drums, and Trumpets, with much universal joy. The League being thus proclaimed, they began to prosecute the business more fervently, chiefly in soliciting other Princes, that they might jointly, and with the greater force, make war against the common enemy. The Pope, to this end, resolved to send his nephew, the Cardinal Allessandrino, to Portugal, it being thought, that the forces and territories of that King were very fit, to give aid and reputation to the League; he having many armed Vessels, and confining in his Indian territories, with the Turkish Empire. To this purpose, the Venetians sent Commission likewise to Antonio Tiepolo, their Ambassador formerly to the Court of Spain, that (when he had dispatched his business with that King) he should pass on into Portugal, to use the name of the Commonwealth in the business, which was to be treated of, in the Pope's name; and this by reason of the ancient friendship, and continual traffic, which was between the Kings of Portugal and that Nation. That the conclusion of the League, and the hopes that it would be confirmed, and the forces thereof increased, by the assistance of other Princes, had so inflamed the Venetians with a desire of war, as they had not only quite given over all treaty of peace, but being constant to the resolution they had taken, would not listen to any agreement. That therefore the King of France had resolved, to send the Bishop of Aix to Constantinople, chiefly to interpose himself in the business of agreement; who being come to Venice, showed how zealous the King was, of the welfare of the Commonwealth; and that he did therefore offer all his endeavours and authority, to put her into her former quiet condition of peace. That notwithstanding, these speeches were not listened unto, but that when the French Ambassador, alleging other respects, would pursue his voyage, the Senate acquainted the other confederates with what had passed between him and them, to free them of all jealousy, and to incite them to provide for war, as they themselves did solicitously, taking Foot into pay in several parts, augmenting their Garrisons, and often wishing their Commanders at sea, to have all things in readiness; so that as soon as the Fleets should be joined, they might meet, and fight the enemy's Fleet, which was their chief intent and desire. But in the mean while, General Veniero having received certain intelligence from the Galleys of jovanni Lorredado, and Collanne Drassio d● Cherso, who were sent towards Cefalonia to that purpose, that the Turkish Fleet, having pillaged the Islands of Zante and Cefalonia, was advanced further; went from Corfu, as he intended before; came to Reggio, and so to Messina, having with him 50 small galleys, 6 great ones, and 3 ships. But the same Chersan-gally, and that of Francisco Trono, staying behind, to inform themselves more particularly what way the enemy went, as they went out of the Haven of Iteca, they met unfortunately with ten of Caragiali's galleys, who tarried to lay waste the lesser Drasio's galley making towards land, with much ado, got safe into the channel of Corfu; but Trono's putting to seaward, was taken by the enemy; who understanding by the prisoners which they took, that our General was with no great forces in the Island of Corfu, hasted thitherward, and came to Figaro, and soon after to Butintro, where, after one day's stay, they viewed the Island of Corfu, but not doing any thing more then; they went to the shores of Sopoto, whither many men were come from land, insomuch as Lazaro Scioni, who kept the Castle, being mightily afeard at the approach of the enemy, abandoned it; so it fell into their hands without any dispute. Sopoto being taken, and garrisoned, the Turkish Fleet made presently for the Gulf of Venice, the Bashaw being moved thereunto, either ou● of a desire of making more prey, or by pride and barbarous boasting, that he might say, He had failed so far victoriously, and that none daring to oppose him, he was come near the very city of Venice, making the terror of his Arms be felt every where: or else, as it was afterwards conceived, and as the effects showed, to bring safety and reputation by these forces, to their affairs in Albania, where the inhabitants were risen in several parts, who were fierce men, and could not well tolerate the yoke of Turkish slavery. By which risings, whilst men hoped easily to take Alessio and Scutari, they hastened the loss of Antiveri and Dolcigno, whereunto many land-forces were already drawn near; for the St. Iac●●● of Scopia, Durazzo, and Ducagini were joined together, so as their Army amounted to above 5000 men, bringing with them ten great guns, and many lesser. The Marcovicchans, who had rebelled against the Turks, had made themselves masters of some strong passes, which hindered the enemy's Army from going to Antiveri; and on the other side, the garrison of Dolcigno, assisted by the country people, had possessed themselves of Corno, and St. Georgio, places upon the Botana, which being very narrow, and very advantageously seated, a few might keep a great many out. Nicolo Suriano was likewise very seasonably come at this time, who hearing what eminent danger Dolcigno was in, had brought with him a good relief of men from Cataro, with which the guards were made the stronger, and the passes better secured: And a little while after, entering with two galleys into the River of Boiana, they disturbed and damnified the enemy, who were encamped about those shores, by frequent shot; so as for a while, the Turks were doubtful what to do, and kept aloof off. But hearing that the Turkish Fleet advanced, the two galleys, commanded by Michiele Barbarigo, and by Pietro Bartalazzi, of Zara, went from those shores, to go to find out the Fleet at Corfu, according to orders received from the General, though their diligence therein proved unfortunate; for meeting with some Turkish galleys, they were taken by them. The news of the approach of the enemy's Fleet, made those foot be likewise sent for, who (as hath been said) were upon the guard of the passes into Dolcigno, it being feared, that to weaken the garrison of that Town, which was but badly walled, especially on the side towards the sea, would make the danger greater. Wherefore the country people who were up, being terrified, and wanting both Arms and Commanders, did likewise abandon the passes, leaving the enemy's Army free entrance; by whose advancing, and by the still continuing news, that the Turkish Fleet was not far off, those of Dolcigno being sorely afraid, and thinking themselves not able to withstand so great a power, by reason of their small numbers, and for that the Town was not strong either by nature nor art, began to think upon their own safety, propounding the last desperate terms, of taking away the Artillery of the Town, of embarcking themselves, and all they could of theirs, in some small Vessels, and of getting safe to Cataro, burning and ruinating the Town themselves, so to keep it from falling into the power of the enemy, & from being serviceable unto them. And whilst being yet rather resolved to fly, then to defend themselves, Nicolo Suriano, and Sciarra Martiningo, returned with fresh succour, who entering the Town, appeased the tumult, and somewhat comforting the minds of those, who were confused through fear, they made them prepare for defence. The enemy's Camp this mean while approached, and beginning to batter the walls with six piece of Cannon, they quickly deprived our men of all defence, so as a good band of Janissaries, began already to prepare to give an assault. Wherefore Martiningo not hoping long to defend the Town, unless he were suddenly recruited by a great supply, resolved, that Suriano should return to Cataro with his galleys, and bring with him a good company of French foot, whom not long before he had conducted into Cataro; which was very speedily done, all that could being first taken from out his galleys, wherewith the garrison of the Town was recruited. These helps kept the defendants a while in heart. But the enemy's Fleet still advancing, and Suriano being forced therefore to go from those shores, they were all seized on by excessive fear; and the more, for that Martiningo being then ill-disposed, who standing underneath the walls, had a stone which fell upon him, which bereaving him of his sense, made him for a while be thought dead, he could not behave himself so, as the occasion required. Wherefore despairing to be able to maintain that Fort, which was played upon both by sea and land, where there was no materials for Rampires, nor sufficient ammunition; after having withstood battery twelve days, they were forced to yield, leaving the Town in the Bashaws possession, which he received, with promise of saving all their lives and goods, and of allowing them four ships, to carry as many to Ragugi as would depart thither, and of treating those well that would tarry there; and with particular permission to the soldiers, to march out with their arms and colours: Which conditions were afterwards but badly observed, for some contention arising hereupon, between Pertaw, and Acmat Bashaw, were it true or feigned, they took occasion to deal hardly with those miserable people, who had submitted themselves upon his word, making the soldiers and most of the townsmen prisoners, and putting many valiant Albanesian soldiers to the sword. They kept their word only to the Governor, to Martiningo, and to some few others of the better sort, whom they conveyed safe to Ragugi. Dolcigno being taken, the Army marched suddenly towards Antiveri, where all, by reason of their neighbour's success, were full of fear, though the Town, being four miles from the shore, was safe from any fear of the Fleet; but the Governor, not waiting till the Camp drew nearer, sent the keys by some of the chiefest of the town to the Bashaw, for which he was afterwards sentenced by the Senate to perpetual banishment. And the Buduani, Agostino Pasquillio their Governor being already gone, forsook their Country, and endeavouring to save themselves in Cataro, and other neighbouring places, were most of them taken prisoners, and the town was first sacked, then burnt. All things were now so full of terror, flight, death, and rapine, as those miserable Inhabitants proceeded not by any counsel, but by despair, whereby the ruin of their country became more certain to the enemy. Uluzzali being thus gone with fifteen galleys to Curzola, after having made much prey in the Island, he drew near the Town, from which, (though there were but few inhabitants in it) being at first beaten back by the Artillery, he forbore attempting it any more; so as, by a notable example, 40 men only, making women put on military apparel, and appear upon the walls, to cause the number of the defendants seem the more, were sufficient to save that Town from utter ruin, and to keep off the Enemy. Thus Uluzzali departed from Curzola, and taking with him some Galleys of Caracosa, went to plunder the Island of Liesena, which was also void of Inhabitants. The Venetians were at this time very much afflicted, to understand that the Turks were entered with so powerful a Fleet into their Gulf, and that they did still advance further, leaving sad marks of misery wheresoever they went; and to see so many armed Vessels of the Enemy, sail with such out-ragein those Seas, whereof they by ancient privilege pretended possession: it seemed a strange spectacle to all men's eyes, to see what provisions were made for the safety of that City, which being the only example, which had despised the power of the enemy, had kept herself for so many ages free from being injured by the Barbarians; It was thought, that not only her situation, (the miracle of nature) but the so many forces which she had then at Sea, were sufficient to secure her from all present danger: the Fleet not being able to tarry on those shores, which were every where exposed to the fury of the winds, and it not being likely, that the Turks, having so many Forces of the enemy behind them, as were those of the Venetians, and Colleagues, would advance any further, nor busy themselves in any the least enterprise which might detain them longer; yet since not to fear great dangers, though far off, was thought no rash advice; the Senators, that they might leave nothing to Fortune, thought fit diligently to munite their shores, which are as it were the City walls, to the end that so insolent an enemy might know the vanity of his presumption. Vicenzo Moresini, one of the prime Senators, was made General upon the shores, and to him were added six other Senators, who were to assist him upon all occasions; Daniele Veniero, Maro justiniano, Girolimo Contarini, Francisco Michiele, Lorenzo Soranzo, and Andrea Bernardo. The Washeses, or Moorish grounds, whereon the City of Venice is placed, in the midst of salt-water, founded upon, and every where environed by, a almost perpetual shore, which extends itself for the space of thirty miles from the mouth of the Adice, to that of Piave, renders that Creek which is therein enclosed, (which is not now above five miles over in the broadest parts, though in ancient times it enlarged itself for above thirty miles, even to the roots of the Euganean Mountains) safe from the violence of the winds. This shore, is as it were cut through in sundry parts by short intervals, by which the Sea-waters come freely into every part by the Lake, and by which Navigation is also open to ships. That which is nearest the City, and by which, as being the most commodious, most Vessels enter and go out, is called Porto St. Nicolo: over against which stands a Castle of egregious Workmanship and art, wherein much Artillery may be placed, which shooting continually upon any Vessels which should endeavour to get in by force, suffers them not easily to enter. Luigi Grimani was made Governor thereof, and had a good many foot and gunner's allowed him. And from this Castle, to the opposite shore, was drawn a strong chain, which blocked up the whole channel: Behind which they placed three great Galleys, and some bodies of smaller Galleys, with great store of Artillery; and the other Ports were easily secured, by reason of the shallowness, crookedness, and uncertainty of the channels which lead to the City. Divers Corpse de Guard, were likewise placed in several requisite parts of those shores, and 200 Gens d' Arms were added to a number of foot; all the other Leaders being brought to muster near the City. There was a large and continued Cawsie drawn upon the shores, by which men might commodiously pass in all places; julio Sovorgniano, who had the chief, charge given him of managing all that appertained to the Militia upon the shores, having designed to tarry in the midst thereof himself with 4000 foot, that he might be ready to turn and wind every where. But to the end that the Soldiers might upon all occasions have a safe and commodious receptacle upon the shore; and because the preservation of Port St. Nicolo, did secure the whole; It was resolved to make a Fort there, drawing a line which looked towards Malamocco, which beginning from the Washeses, ended upon the Seashore: the part within was left open for the conveniency and use of the defendants, and that without, was flanked and secured by a well woven Palesado. In the midst of this Travers, there was an entire perfect Bulwark, and at the ends thereof two half Bulworks. Thus was all that part of the shore secured, which extends itself from the Monastery of St. Nicolo in an acute form, to the mouth of the Haven, a place very fit to receive upon any occasion a number of men. Some other Forts were likewise made in an octangular form, within the wash in the Velma, whither great Vessels could not come, whereby the Havens of Malamocco and Chioggia were secured; by the Artillery whereof, and wherewith they were furnished, the entrance by the mouth of those Ports might be easily impeded, and the channels, and neighbouring shores secured. The Senate having made these provisions, that they might proceed wisely, and with great circumspection, in a business of such importance; and that they might not by their negligence invite the enemy to do some shame unto the City: it was soon known, as it was at first imagined, that they were needless. For Uluzzali when he had sacked the Islands of Liesena and Curzola, turned suddenly back to find out the Bashaw, who was gone with the rest of the Fleet to the mouth of the channel of Cataro, where having stayed a while, and demanded the Fort, but made no attempt; were it either, that he never had the courage to do any important action, or that he grew more jelaous of the uniting of the Christian Fleet, hastened towards Vallona, where reinforcing the Fleet with many men, having sent several galleys to several parts, to inform himself more particularly of the confederates Fleet: he went towards Corfu, and being come to Pazu, the first thing he did, was to view the Mandracchio; and when the galleys were gone from Butrinto, the Commanders went several times about the Island, and having diligently considered the situation, they did not well agree within themselves what to do; but many soldiers being this mean while gone on land from out of lesser boats, to be the first that should pillage; they fell upon an ambush of our light Horse, which was laid by Captain George Mormori, where they were almost all of them either slain, or taken Prisoners, amongst which Cassan, named Baffo, was one, a Renegado Candian, famous for his experience at Sea, but much more famous for his cruelty. At last, the whole Fleet drawn near, and were shot at from the Fort, but not much prejudiced, by reason of the Cannoneers want of experience. And being passed on about a mile, they landed a great many men at Potamo, who came to assault the Suburbs; our men, who had possessed themselves of the Passes upon the Mountains, not being able to detain them. Philippo Roncone, had the custody of the Suburbs, with 400 foot, part Grecians, part Italians, who seeing a greater number of the Enemy, were forced to retreat into the plain, where meeting with a succour of more men, which were sent to them from the Fort, they made a stand, making the Turks do the like: But the next day, having landed more foot, together with 600 Horse, which they had taken up at Butrinto; they attempted the taking of castle St. Angelo, and finding it a harder business than they had thought, they gave it over, but not without some sign of their barbarousness, for they fired many Houses and Churches, destroying almost all the Suburbs and vineyards about the City, and the third day they quit the Island. But this mean while, the Magistrates of the City, and the Commanders, had taken order, that as long as the Enemy should keep about the Island, the gates of the Fort should always stand open, secured by a good body of men, to keep the Enemy from growing more bold, by the appearing fearfulness of those that were within: and they had also forced the Enemy by shot from the Fort, to change his station more than once. The Venetians were the more grieved at these miseries, for that having hoped for aid from the League, they found that they had not only failed in their expected good thereby, but that they had altered their first design, and employed their forces much to their disadvantage; for their having ordered the galleys of Candia, to go forthwith to Messina, to join all their forces with those of the Colleagues, made them fear the success of Famagosta, not having any certain intelligence that it had been as yet relieved, as they might very well have heard; for that there being so many galleys in that Kingdom, and the enemy's Fleet being far off from those Seas, our men could not have been kept from succouring Famagosta. So also, by expecting the coming of Don john with the entire forces, and consequently not to hinder the hopes of better affairs; their General stood idly looking on so many injuries and outrages done by the Enemy, without taking any revenge. So it being very hard what to resolve on, amidst so many difficulties, they set themselves wholly to solicit Don john's coming, which they chiefly did with the Pope; showing him, that by his persuasions chiefly, they had given over all treaty of peace, and that in time of adverse fortune, when more mischief was to be doubted, then good hoped for by continuing in Arms, they had embraced advices which peradventure were more generous than useful; so to preserve the ancient dignity of the Commonwealth, to be governed by the Authority of that holy See, and not to seem to distrust the Christian Princes; but that whereas they had not failed in their part, nor had retarded the business for any expense or danger, they found that the Colleagues had not use ●● like diligence, and that that League which was made for the good of Christendom, would redound to the shame thereof, and to the particular prejudice of their Commonwealth: That it was too apparent, how great a less of honour, and how great a prejudice to all other proceedings the loss of Famagosta would prove, wherein so many important consequences consisted, as to preserve her, questionless they were to find o●t, and to fight the Enemy's Fleet, since they had so great hopes to pass victoriously into Cyprus, and free Famagosta from being besieged, whence the recovery of that Kingdom would quickly ensue, and the destruction of the Enemy's Army, which would be wasted by its own wants, and way would be made for greater acquisition. The Pope held these things to be very just, and was very solicitous therein. He heard all men willingly, desired them to be mindful of fitting remedies against so many mischiefs; and interposed his means and authority, in every thing which might further the League. He dispatched express Messengers to Don john, and earnestly renewed his endeavours to the Spanish Court, whither Cardinal Allessandrino was already come, who carried Letters from the Pope to the King, wherein he told him; That he never desired any thing more fervently, than prosperity to the League; that nothing had ever been more suitable to the worth and power of that King, or which might purchase him greater, or more real glory. That he had much desired to come himself in person to make this desire unto him, and to acquaint him with the necessitities of Christendom, and how he might acquire singular merit; but that, since the imperfections of old age would not suffer him to do so, he had sent his Nephew, Cardinal Alessandrino to him, whom he loved as his Son, to the end that he might the more lively represent his person, and perform that office the more effectually. The Legate was very honourably received by the King, and met by himself and his whole Court, at the utmost precincts of Madrid, and was sent back with an answer full of affectionate expressions, and fair promises; wherein the King laboured to show the Pope, That he had been always very ready to be serviceable to Christendom, and particularly now upon occasion of this League, towards the prosperous proceedings whereof, he had resolved that Don John should winter with the Spanish Galleys in Sicily, that he might be the readier the next spring, to do what should be resolved of in Rome; and that though he had ofttimes used his Authority with the Emperor, in exhorting him to enter into this umon; yet he would now again send Don Pietro Fastardo to him, to the same purpose, to the end that Cesar knowing more expressly that this was his desire, and being sure, that his encouragement would oblige him to maintain it, ●●e might the more willingly resolve to do so. But howsoever the slowness of the Fleet's meeting, did much lessen the reputation of the League; made no belief be given to the speeches, whereby the greatness and stability of its forces were amplified, and made the other Princes more cool therein; insomuch as Cardinal Comend●ne being gone into Germany, and afterwards into Poland, to perform his Embassy, his endeavours were less efficacious, and less belief was given to his promises: for it was most assured, that these Princes would not meddle in it, unless they should see it firmly settled, that the confederacy should be long continued. So as (which redounded much to the prejudice of such a business) it was said by many in those Courts, that the Spaniards would serve the League only in name, and by giving it reputation, but that they would not actually concur therein, with forces answerable to what was needful. These speeches were the rather credited, by reason of Fassardo's delay. Wherefore Cesar finding himself in the same perplexity, and having received many Letters and messages from the Bashaw of Buda, which exhorted him to preserve peace, and promised him good and real friendship and neighbourhood; and on the other side, hearing the preparation of the Turkish Fleet, which keeping till then in Scopia, made men doubtful whither it would bend; resolved at last to send the Tribute to Constantinople, affirming, that it was no hindrance to the League, nor did it bar him from declaring for it, whensoever there should be a fitting time; but that on the contrary, he might be much inconvenienced, by longer detaining the Tribute; for Selino growing jealous of him, would be the first to invade him, when he should not be provided for him, and when his own particular troubles, would increase the mischief and danger of Christendom. The Venetians were mightily troubled at these things, knowing, that if the Turks should be sure, not to be troubled by any commotions of the Northern Provinces, it would much prejudice the League, and more endanger the Commonwealth. Wherefore, the Pope and the King of Spain's Agents consenting thereunto, they offered Cesar to give him 20000 of the League's Foot, and 4000 Horse, thinking, that they might be more serviceable against the enemy on this side; and that the other 30000, which remained by the tie of Articles, would suffice for those enterprises, which were to be attempted by the Fleet, on the maritine parts. The Emperor's Ambassador, resident at Rome, had oftentimes professed, that his Master wanted no goodwill, but only forces, to make war upon the Turks; and that if the confederates would promise to assist him, he would doubtlessly declare for the League; and that whole Germany, being convinced at last by necessity and shame, would join in this war; and that by their example, Poland and Muscovia would easily be brought to do the like. Yet all this would do no good; for Cesar affirming, that it was too late for him to make use of this assistance, and that the scarcity of corn, which was that year in that Country, would not suffer him to have an Army, till after the Harvest; continued in his resolution of sending the Tribute, making all men firmly believe, that by reason of his last unfortunate success in the war of Hungary, he thought, that peace was the only way to secure his Dominions from the Turkish forces. And thus stood the affairs of the confederacy. But the Venetians continued still, to do what they were able, for the safety of their State: They resolved to create twenty five Governors, whereof ten were forthwith to man their galleys, and, with some others, to attend the guarding of the Gulf, under the government of Filippo Bragadino, who was chosen Commissary General of the Gulf, and had commission to cease on all sorts of Vessels, whatsoever were then in those seas, and to attend with all possible diligence, in conveying victuals and garrisons into such places, as were needful, to defend the Islands, and to preserve navigation. Wherein, that he might govern himself the better in the general's absence, he had supreme authority given. But there was much ado at this time to furnish the Fleet with soldiers, for the which there was already 5000 Foot in Venice, commanded by Prospero Colonna, Pompeio da Castilia, and Galleazzo Farnese; which being already embarked in three great Galleys, and in other shipping, the passage being stopped up, by the enemies coming into the Gulf, they could not get thither. Wherefore to find a speedy remedy for this, Prospero Colonna was in great haste dispatched away to Napolls, to raise 1000 Foot in that Kingdom, as he promised to do. And Duke Atri, and some others, that had first offered themselves to do so, were written unto, to bring as many men as they could to the Fleet; and the viceroy was desired to give leave, that men might be had from thence upon this occasion. The Venetian galleys, and those of the Church, of Florence, and of Malta, were in this interim brought to Messina; and Don John's coming was expected by all, who being gone with 27 galleys, and 5000 Catalonian Foot, was at last come about the end of july to Genua, where having stayed a very little while, and left Doria with 12 galleys, to provide for several things which the Fleet wanted, he went towards Napolls, where being received in great pomp, he had the Standard of General of the League delivered unto him, which was sent him from the Pope; and soon after, making the same haste, and leaving 30 galleys to accompany the ships, he went with the remainder of the Fleet to Messina, where he knew he was expected by the Pope's, and by the Venetians Generals; who, in sign of honour, and that they might be the readier with all their forces, for greater enterprises, as also to make the enemy the more jealous of this union, stayed there without doing any thing, only waiting for Don John's coming; of whom, mention being often to be made, in the most important things which are yet to be related, I have thought it not amiss, to say somewhat of his conditions and customs. Don john was illegitimately gotten by the Emperor Charles the 5th. upon Madam di Plombes, a Flemish Lady, and was acknowledged by his father for his true and natural son, and as such recommended to his Brother King Philip, not indowing him notwithstanding with the Inheritance of any particular State. Don john was then about two and twenty years old, of a very noble and gracious aspect, and who by his words and actions appeared to be greatly desirous of glory; and excellent hopes were conceived of him; so as every one thought that he would zealously embrace this noble occasion of acquiring glory, which fortune had presented him with, and which was fit for his ancient Descent, and for his generous mind: and some said, that the King his Brother had promised to make him King of Tunis, and to give him whatsoever he should get in the Levant. Yet it was observed, that the King being willing to honour him with this Title, and to use his name and person in a business of such importance, did notwithstanding not a little lessen his Authority, by giving a great part thereof to many of his Counselors; not without some doubt whether he had therein respect only to moderate his youth, or not also not to suffer him to grow too great. These were Don Bernardino di Requasens, Commandadore Magiore of Casteille: Don Alvero di Bazzano, Marquis of S ta Croce; Don jovanni di Cardona; i'll Conte di Piego: Antonio Doria; and Carlo d' Avalos, to which he afterwards added the Duke of Sessa, and Ferrante Loffredo, Marquis of Trevico; all of them men of great condition, and highly esteemed by the King; and by whose judgements all important affairs were governed. As soon as Don john was come to Genua, he dispatched away Michiel Moncada, one of the King's Council, to Venice, to give an account of his voyage, and to thank the Senate for the confidence they had put in him, promising that he would carry himself so as they should never be deceived in the good opinion they had of him; and showing great readiness to act any thing against the Enemy, with which welcome news they were all much cheered and encouraged. But the Turks going from Corfu (as hath been said) with their Fleet, returned to Butintro, where staying some days to hear some tidings of the Christian Fleet, & expecting new orders from Constantinople, they passed on to Pevesa, where the Bashaw had certain news of the taking of Famagosta, and particular commission to find out, and to fight the Christian Fleet. The Fort of Famagosta, after having resisted long and valiantly, fell on the 5th of August into the enemy's hands; and because it was one of the most memorable sieges which hath happened in our memory, and peradventure in many former Ages, I have thought fit, to give a particular relation thereof, to the present, and to future Ages. Famagosta is seated on the head of Cyprus, towards the Levant, in a flat shore upon the Seas, whence it was called of old by the Grecians, Amatunte, as much as to say, hid in the sands; It stands almost in midst of a semicircle, shaped out by two Promontories, Carpassio, and Pedaglio, which by the modern are now called, The one Capo di St. Andrea, the other Capo della Greca; The former thrusting out, for above 90 miles, and breaking the circle, puts an end to the Island on the North side, in a very acute point. This Country was formerly called Salaminia, from the ancient City Salamina, built by Tevero, after the ruin of Troy, which was afterwards called Costantia, of which there are some signs yet to be seen, which (it may be) in remembrance of the ancient nobleness of their City, is now by those inhabitants called, Old Famagosta. It hath a Haven lying between the East and the North, made up of certain Shelves and Rocks, which being a little divided in several parts, and withstanding the first waves of the Sea, renders that little creek which is between them and the shore, free from storms; but being but shallow, it is capable of but a few great Vessels. The mouth of the Haven, which is turned towards the North, and shut in by a chain fastened in a butting out, which thrusts itself forth 40 paces beyond the Fort; and a little Castle, built after the ancient form with four Towers, secures the whole Haven. This Fort was reduced into a square, but in an imperfect form; for extending itself on the part towards the Sea, from the East to the North, in crooked lines, and with some great spaces, the sides thereof are in some parts unequal: Of these, two lie towards the shore, and two look towards the Town, in one of which there was a little Tower, or Keep, with six fronts, called il Diamantino, and here was the Gate called Limisso; In the other, there was a large Bulwark, built but of late, with double Flanks, a good Front, and with Origlions, after the modern fashion. The whole Fort was little above two Italian miles in compass, all walled about with a wall of square soft stones, chiefly on the side towards the Town, where it was 20 foot broad, with a platform of twelve paces, upon which there was a Parapet above four foot high; the ditch round about was 12 or 15 paces over, digged out for the most part in the soft stone; and where that wanted, there was a counterscarp made ●f Stone. About the walls there were many Towers, but for the most part so narrow, as but small pieces of Artillery could be made use of there: and some others, which were greater, and stood between the Gate Limisso, and the Arsenal, which were, for their shapes sake, called half Moors, wanted not likewise for many faults; but they were thought to be the safer, and more commodious for that they were made compass wise, and because they had places to go out of, on both sides. The parts about the Fort, are all a plain Campagnia, having only some little houses towards the Northwest, which stand somewhat higher, like so many little hills, not above a mile from the city, where it was thought the Enemy would have encamped, both for that the Fort was weakest on that side, and for the commodiousness of some caverns under ground, from whence the Famagostans duged out stones for their buildings, wherein many men might lie safe: But the Turks finding that they could not well incamp there, by reason of the condition of the Earth, they brought their whole camp to the opposite plain, which extends itself for the space of three miles, from the Fort to the Sea, which was full of fine Gardens, of Orange trees, and Cedars, and of other sorts of fruit trees, which were before much destroyed by the Inhabitants, to bereave the Enemy of making use thereof; yet they had the use of many wells of fresh water, which served for use of the Gardens, and which were a great refreshment to the Army, afflicted with excessive heat. The Turks had slackened the siege (as hath been said) by reason of the bitterness of the season, and withdrawn themselves to winter in more commodious places further off. But as soon as Navigation began to be safe, and that the time fit for action drew near, great store of Men, Ammunition, and Victuals, were brought to the camp by galleys, and other vessels, which passed continually to the Island, especially from the neighbouring shores of Caramania, and Soria, all men flocking so fast thither, as it is said above 50000 Turks, came to the Island of Cyprus, after Nicossia was taken, many whereof were neither paid nor commanded, but drawn only out of hopes of booty, which the Bashaw had cunningly given out, should be greater than that of Nicossia, in so much as the Turks boasting, according to their usual manner, of their numbers, they in a threatening way sent word to the besieged, by some that were come from the Town, to treat of the ransomming of prisoners; that the grand Signior had sent so many men to this enterprise, as if every one of them should throw but one shufle-full of earth in the ditches about the Fort, they would fill them up, and level the way to mount the walls. The Army being recruited, and sufficiently furnished with all things, and some great Guns being brought from Nicossia: the Turks began about the midst of April to make their Trenches, to draw near the Town, and to raise Forts to batter it; which Works were really of much labour, and miraculous industry: for digging the earth from their winter quarters to the Fort, which was for above three miles; they made some ways so large and so deep, though in some places they met with Stone Mines, where they were fain to labour with Picaxes, and Mattocks; as not only Foot, but men on Horseback marched so well covered, as the tops of their Lances could hardly be seen; and being thereby safe from the shot of the Town, they drew many Trenches athwart, raising the earth so high above them, as being able to work safely by day, they perfected the work. These Trenches were so made, as the pioneers throwing the earth they digged out very forwards, there remained sufficient space between the ditch and the bank for the Soldiers to keep in, making use of the earth that was thrown out, as of a Parapet, behind which they might with aim shoot at the walls. These Ditches, and these Rampires were so many, and so disposed of, as the whole Army was safely lodged therein, though very near the city, being as it were buried between those Mountains of earth, so as from the walls of the city, nothing of the Enemy's Camp could be seen, but the tops of their Pavilions. In the same plain, the Turks made ten Forts, standing at several distances, 50 foot broad in the front, which were secured with rafters of Oak woven together so artificially, and so strong, as the middle being filled with earth, with bundles, cinders, sacks of wool, and such like things those Forts were made defensible against any thing that could prejudice them: and if any of these works were at any time thrown down by shot from the city, the number of pioneers was so great, as they were speedily restored to their former condition; so as for above half a miles space, from the Arsenal to the Limison Gate, the walls were played upon by continual shot. These were the forces, provisions, and designs of the Enemy, by which the defendants being made more industrious and vigilant, prompted thereunto by their own gallantry, and by the danger they were in; the soldiers and citizen's were not wanting in any thing that might make for the defence of the city. Thus at first, (though they were not so many as might counterpoise the Assalliants forces) they sallied often out to skirmish with the Enemy, and to disturb their works, thereby to show their generosity, and to lessen the Enemy's confidence. They were very diligent in securing the Parapets, in making in-works, in making new Cavaliers, and in mending the old ones, and sparing neither for labour nor ingenuity; there was not any hour wherein they were idle, nor any day wherein they had not new inventions. All the Artillery, (whereof some new ones were cast, and so their number still increased) were brought to that part of the wall where the battery was expected. Luigi Martiningo, as captain-general of the Artillery, had the particular care thereof who had six underneath him, who commanded all the Cannonieres, so as all things were very well ordered. They prepared likewise many artificial fires, to be used in several manners, which being made by excellent Masters, did very good service; and that they might not fight at once against the Enemy, and against their own inconveniencies; they put all useless people out of the city, to the number of above 8000, which not being any ways injured by the Turks, went to their country houses, and mustering the rest, there were found to be 7000 men fit for action in the city; 3500 Italian foot, and the rest Grecians, who behaved themselves with much valour and fidelity in these actions. These were still encouraged to defend the city out of hopes of glory, and ample rewards; wherein, as in all things else, Marc Antonio Bragadino, who was then Captain of Famagosta, and chief Magistrate of the city, was very diligent, and won much praise: and the danger increasing by the Enemy's nearer approaches, Bragadino sought to encourage the Soldiers; Telling them the time was now come, wherein they were to show their true valour, which he saw them for these many last months nobly prepared to do. That no greater glory had happened to any in this our age, than what was now prepared for them, by preserving a Fort so far from all other parts of Christendom, against the power of the Ottoman Empire; nay by thereby keeping a flourishing Kingdom from being enslaved by Barbarians. Wherefore, said he, are you, most valiant Soldiers, (directing his speech to the Italians) come from parts so far off, exposing yourselves to the certain inconveniencies and great dangers of long Navigation, if not to give good proof of your worth, and by your merits, to purchase the prime honours of the Militia? You have now met with that you so much desired; you have a large field wherein to exercise your patience, your industry, and all military virtues. This City being assaulted by powerful enemies, and the eyes of all the world being set upon the event of this siege: Nor is my confidence less in you citizen's, and in all the rest who have entered into this Militia; who have given so good testimony, not only of fidelity and constancy, but of true valour; Having performed all military actions as well and readily now, as ever did any ancient Soldiers. Your generosity is such, as will not suffer you to let any other advance you in the defence of yourselves, country, wives, children, and estates; every one of you will with a noble emulation, seek to exceed other in painstaking, and in exposing yourselves to danger. Let not the number of the Enemy any whit affright you; for certainly it is less than it is noised to be, or then their empty Pavilions cunningly make show of; the most and valiantest of them being wasted, partly by sufferings, and part of them being gone to their own homes, to enjoy the wealth they got, at the sacking of Nicossia, the example whereof ought to make you more vigilant, but not more fearful. For we are certain, it was not the valour nor industry of the enemy, which gave them the victory, but the defendants negligence, who thought, as I believe, that it was bare walls, not bodies of men, that went to the defence of a City. The hopes we have of speedy relief, may make even cowards valiant; which notwithstanding, none of you ought to consider, that you may not thereby lessen your courage, but rather place your hopes in yourselves, and believe, that you carry your fortune in your right hands. Thus ought all valiant men do, whereunto you are persuaded by infinite examples, where worth and fortitude of mind, have overcome invincible difficulties. But we have an other greater hope of safety and victory, since we defend so just a cause, against so wicked and perfidious enemies, whom peradventure divine providence hath permitted to be prosperous hitherto, that the fortune of war altering, their fall may be the greater. All humane and divine reason doth therefore persuade us, to drive away all fear, and to hope for good and happy success, from our own daring. These words were accompanied with great acclamations, and expressions of joy, every one striving to show confidence, and encouraging others readily, to undergo labour and danger; and the commanders to encourage their soldiers, not only by words, but by example, having already excellently well ordered all the guards, went themselves to lodge upon the walls, at the foot of the rampire, that they might be present at all actions, and partake in labour and danger. By this time, half May was over, and all things were ready prepared on all sides, chiefly the soldier's minds, which were miraculously disposed, as well in the camp, as in the city, to give, and to sustain the Assault. In which condition of affairs, one morning, at the rising of the Sun, they might discover from the walls, all the sorts and trenches of the enemy, furnished with great store of colours and lances, and a great shout was heard of men, and noise of Cymbals, and other such like instruments; and soon after, the Turks began to discharge their muskets and artillery, continuing to shoot all the day-long, to increase courage in their own men, and to infuse the more fear in ours. The enemy intended first, to bereave the city of her defences; wherefore they leveled their shot against the Parapets, which were speedily re-erected by those within, and made better than they were, so as they received great security thereby. But beginning afterwards to shoot lower, whereby they much prejudiced the walls; those within were very diligent, in mending by night, what had been thrown down by day, which they were able to do, though not without infinite labour, till such time as the Turks getting into the ditch, disturbed this their work; for the enemy being already got with their trenches near the counterscarf, they threw much earth into the ditch, and afterwards hollowing the wall of the counterscarf, they made their passage safe into the ditch, even to the wall, without being prejudiced by artillery from the halfmoons, which shot on their flanks, and were a little damnified only by some shot from the Cavaliers. But the city beginning to want powder, it behoved them to be sparing thereof; so as the cannoneers were forbid to shoot, unless by order from their captains, which was not given, but upon great occasion. So as the greatest harm the enemy received at this time, was, by artificial fires; which were thrown down upon them from the walls, which did disorder and kill many of them. They used some iron-balls full of fine powder, like Granades, which breaking into many pieces, did at once give many mortal wounds. So as they began to make many mines, especially on the side of the Arsenal; whereof those within found some, and did very seasonably make use of that powder, for their own preservation, which was intended for their ruin. But the Turks had already placed many Corpse de guard in the ditch, and lay safe there in their tents, being secured from harm by the diligence of the guards, which attended the nearest neighbouring trenches; who did so narrowly observe all the motions of our men, as not any one could appear upon the walls, who was not soon slain by the enemies musquet-shot. Mines were not, notwithstanding, this mean while given over; of which, one proved very prejudicial, which was made in the midst of the Arsenall's half Moon, which gave a notable example of the soldier's constancy, or rather, of their miserable condition; for seeing the mine made, and the bags of powder put into it, so as the danger of that horrible death was certain, they did, notwithstanding, continue the wont guard in the suspected place, expecting hourly, that those that were upon it, should be blown up into the air, and rend into a thousand pieces by the violence of the fire; as soon after happened to a company, which was but just then entered to relieve others, that were upon that guard. The Mine made so horrible a noise, by reason of the wall's solidity, and of great quantity of powder, as the city seemed to be shaken with an earthquake; and the Turks began almost immediately to enter, through the ruins, made by this mine, and to give an assault, which endured with great fierceness, for above five hours' space: Our soldiers were so desirous to fight with the Turks near at hand, and not to suffer themselves to be slain, without making trial of their valour, or without taking any revenge; as every one strove to get into places of greatest danger, every one would be present at every important action, at all assaults; insomuch as women vuying for valour with men, came continually upon the walls, bringing many things for the soldier's use. In this action, our men lost above an hundred and sixty men, amongst which, Bernandino da Ugubio, who had behaved himself gallantly; and Pietro Conte, Hercole Malatesta, and other valiant commanders were dangerously wounded. The defendants retired then from this place, which was broke open by the mine, to their inward works, which were made with great art; but by reason of the smallness of circuit, were but of little use; for the soldiers being to defend themselves at push of pike, were much inconvenienced. In these works, the industry of Mormori, an Engineer, and of Marco Crivellatore, a Venetian Captain of foot, was chiefly commended; for by their inventions, two ranks of hogsheads full of earth, joined one to the other, and upon them, two ranks likewise of bags of wet earth, well rammed in, were placed, behind which, convenient space was left, for musketeers to stand safely; which proved to be of notable advantage; for the shot meeting with no solid resistance, took away some of those bags; the place whereof was suddenly filled up with more of the like, so as no great hurt was done. By these inventions, and by singular valour, the enemy were long withstood, and ofttimes repulsed, insomuch as they began to despair, of taking the city by this way: Wherefore betaking themselves to new inventions, they began to build up other Forts nearer hand, from whence they might the more easily throw down the inward works, and the cavaliers, thereby to bereave our men of all defence, and themselves of all impediments. And at the same time they shot continually into the city, with mortarpieces, bullets of great weight, which falling upon the houses, broke down the roofs, and slew the inhabitants. They shot likewise great number of arrows, shooting them up on high, that falling down perpendicularly, they might wound the heads of those, that were upon the walls. They gave many alarms, especially by night, making, as if they would give an assault; and, in fine, they left the defendants no hours rest, so to tyre them out, and to discourage them, with so continual labour; danger, and watching. But at last, finding that breaches made by mines, was not sufficient to make way for their assaults, they fell to work with their mathooks and pick-axes, throwing down the walls, and forcing them within to yet straighter in-works: So as things being brought to that pass, as that they might get upon the walls in several places, the Commanders resolved to do their utmost, and to assault the defendants at one and the same time in several parts; who being few, and employed in many actions; they thought they would not be able long to withstand the violence of their assault. Mustafa made all things fitting for this, to be prepared; he would be present every where himself, and going about, sought to encourage the soldiers, and calling all the valiantest and most honourable by their names. He minded them of their former actions, of their praise and merit got by their valour, and encouraged them to hope for greater things. As for the rest, he sometimes threatened their cowardice with severe punishment, promised sometimes great honour and rewards to their valour. He held forth unto them the booty and prey they were to get, which he confirmed, by their companions having enriched themselves at Nicossia. He entreated, he conjured them, not to suffer the victorious army incur any shame; that they should not fear them, to whom they had ever been a terror. He ●ad them remember Nicossia, showing them, that they might get another noble victory, and put an end to the war, with more ease and advantage; for that the enemy were still the same, weak, and unexperienced in the true Militia: They therefore ought to be the same, and to be mindful of their invincible forces, whereby they had got the glorious name of conquerors, having hardly ever attempted any thing, wherein they were not successful, teaching the world by their example, that fortune of war obeys true valour. The Bashaw having much encouraged the soldiers, with these and the like speeches, would be present himself at the assault, to the end that seeing what was done, & being seen himself by others, he might by his advice, provide for all things, & by his presence encourage his soldiers. This assault proved terrible & dangerous; the Turks fought valiantly, hoping to get the city that day: but our men keeping together, and resolute to keep what they had, could not be beaten off; the enemy appeared no sooner, but they were dispersed, repulsed, and slain; their blows proved the sorer to the enemy, for that being made at a multitude, none of them proved vain. Thus for five hours' space, the third assault was valiantly with stood. But those who defended the Ravelin of the gate Limisso, being disordered by fireworks, and not being able to govern themselves well in so little a compass, laboured still, when the battle was almost ended in all other places, and were much endamaged by the enemy; so as being forced to yield at last, they suffered the Turks to mount the Ravelin; and all other helps failing, the Captains, by necessary, but dreadful advice, resolved immediately to give fire unto a Mine, which they▪ foreseeing the danger, had prepared in the same place; and the soldiers of the camp, and those of the city, being intermingled on the Ravelin, those pursuing, these retreating, both enemies and friends were blown up, and buried in those ruins. The Ravelin being lost, there was only the thickness of the in-works, made, as hath been said, of bags of earth, between the besiegers and the besieged, so as the soldiers of the camp, and those of the city, spoke often together; and, according to the custom of war, the Turks mocked and laughed ●t our men, for their vain hopes, saying, That the Christian Fleet was fled for fear back towards Venice; and our men reproached the enemy, for that like country people, not like soldiers, they used their spades and mathooks, not trusting to the valour of their forces. Amongst which jesting speeches▪ some serious discourse was sometimes mingled; the Turks made some proposals of agreement be put, by certain slaves that were in their camp, which they had ofttimes formerly endeavoured by several Letters, written sometimes to the Governors, and sometimes to the common people of the city, which were conveyed in by arrows. But no answers of coming to a parley was ever assented unto, according as was desired. Wherefore the Turks finding they could not prevail by their craft, betook themselves to another assault; by the Ravelin which they had already got. When the combat was come to, it was egregiously fought on all sides, but chiefly by our men, and to the singular glory of the chief commanders; for stout Baglione encouraged his soldiers more by his example, than by his words; and placing himself amongst the foremost, took, as it is said, the Venetian Standard, which the enemies got at the taking of Nicossia, from the hands of an Ensign-bearer; and Luigi Martiningo, who had the particular charge of that place committed to him, did discharge the part of a wise and valiant commander in all things, did supply the battle with fresh soldiers often, assisting those that were wearied, entertaining the enemy where they fought most and repulsing those that gave back. The Turks having received a repulse, betook themselves to molest our men yet further, with new machinations; they filled up all the space which was between the gate and the Ravelin, with wood and faggots, which they set on fire, throwing in several mixtures, that the combustion might be the greater; whereby they did much torment our men by the heat, and also by the stench of that wood, which grows in that Island, and which is called by those of the country, Tezza, which being set on fire, makes a very horrible stink. This fire continuing for many days, the soldiers had much ado, and were greatly incommodited to defend that place, having in vain tried all things to quench it. Those valiant men, notwithstanding these, so many, and so grievious perplexities, did still defend the city, all of them growing so courageous, and being so resolute to maintain the siege to the utmost, that even old men and women kept continually upon the walls, and together with the soldiers, discharged the duties, of the Militia. But things were now brought to the last extremity; the persisting in labour, and danger afforded no hopes of safety. The Enemies were still recruited with new Forces, and with all things necessary; the want of men, ammunition, and victuals, grew daily greater and greater within the Town: a great many of the valiantest Soldiers were already slain, and many being wounded, were given over for want of Medicaments, and Physicians: The few that were yet well, were wasted not only by continual painstaking, but by sufferings, being forced to feed upon Asses, Horses, Dogs, and other such nauseous food, and to drink nothing but water, their wine being all spent: They were reduce● to such weakness, as they seemed to live more by vigour of wind, then by strength of body; so as finding it was now impossible to maintain the city any longer, the citizen's resolved to beseech the Governors and Commanders, to provide for their safety, and not to wait the utmost extremities. Matteo Gol●● spoke in the ●ame of all the rest. Who entreated the Magistrates, in the name of the whole city, that considering the loyalty and constancy of the Inhabitants, the dangers and sufferings which they had so patiently undergone: and that since things were now brought to the utmost extremity, they would not suffer their fidelity to be rewarded by the total ruin of their country, but rather by the preservation thereof; so as to the double praise of those who had so long defended her, it might be seen that their generous minds, which could be wrought upon by ●o fear of the Enemy, had been moved by the love of their friends, & by a desire of giving them, if not the reward which they had desired, at lest what fortune had permitted them to do: He said, that if there were any hope of doing good, the same readiness and courage should be found in them as had been seen hitherto; that if they could preserve their country from the sore & cruel slavery of those barbarous infidels, by the expense of their blood, so to maintain it under the just and moderate Venetian Government, there was not any one that would be sparing thereof; for that which had now moved them to make this request, was no fear of death, which they valued not, since that being bereft of so many kindred, friends, and of whatsoever else was held dear by them, they could not delight in life, but rather a doubt of living to suffer more heavy calamities, and of seeing their Country laid waste; themselves, and their children, made prisoners; and the eternal welfare of their souls endangered. That therefore he did in all humility desire, in name of the most Loyal City, that they would give way to a parley, which was daily desired by the Enemy; and by some fair conditions of agreement, endeavour to preserve those few remainders, which were yet left of so great, and of so noble a Kingdom. This the people's request being heard, the Magistrates and chief commanders consulted what was to be none; there was several opinions therein, some were stiff for dying with sword in hand; and that by sallying all of them out by night, they might assault the Enemy at unawares, and dying, vindicate that death by their blood, which howsoever was to be esteemed equally certain, but not equally glorious, by reason of the no trust that was to be given to the Enemy's word; that there was no reason to believe the Turks would keep that agreement, which they saw necessity, not choice, had brought them to; which though they should do, it might contaminate, or at least somewhat lessen the renown and honour, which through so much labour they had gotten. Others pleaded on the contrary, that it became not them who were deputed to the Government of that city, to show themselves more cruel thereunto, and to the people thereof, than did the enemy: For it was clear enough, that nothing had moved the Commanders in the Camp to motion and Agreement, save only to preserve the city from sacking, and the citizen's from being slain, fearing that they should not be able to refrain the Soldier's insolence, if it should be taken by storm. Moreover, as it became men of courage not to do any base thing, or to be failing in their duty, for fear of death, so to lose their lives without any advantage, would be rather a sign of foolish ostentatiousnesse, than of true worth: that the things which they had done for the defence of that Fort, were such, and so many, as none, unless moved by envy, would dare to detract from their merit; but that how much greater glory is, so much more do●h Envy sharpen her goads: yet virtue had that of privilege, that she could be satisfied and apaid in herself; that they had sufficiently discharged their duties in all respects, by preserving that city to the Masters thereof to the last, that now they were able to do them no other service, then by preserving those Soldiers for other occasions, who by so many sufferings, and by such experience, were all become fit to be made Commanders. Neither ought they so much to distrust the observance of Articles in this case, having had many examples, as in the taking of Rhodes, and upon many other occasions in the actions of Hungary; that, though the Turks were Barbarians, yet they love and honour war like worth, even in their enemies. These reasons at last prevailing, it was, after a long dispute, resolved to surrender the city upon fair conditions. Thus on the first of August, it was concluded, by means of an Italian Ensign, who was prisoner in the camp, that Hostages being first given to our men, two of the chief of the Camp should enter the city, to treat of the particular Articles of surrender, and that in the interim, there should be a cessation of Arms on all sides, and several white flags being hung out, both within the city, and without, in sign of Truce, the next day two Cechaia, (who are amongst the Turks as Masters of the Household) the one of them belonging to Mustafa, the other to the Aga of the Janissaries, entered the city, and with them only 6 Janissaries on foot, the Cechaia being on Horseback, richly adorned. On our side, Hercole Martiningo, and Matteo Colti, a citizen of Famagosta, went out, attended only by four Soldiers, who as soon as they were out of the city, were met by a Son of Mustafa's, and by a great number of foot and horse, and were by him brought to his Father, who having very civility received them, and presented them with two vestments embroidered with gold, sent them to lodge in the Aga of the Janissaries Pavilion. Those who were come to treat of the Agreement, easily granted all that was proposed, which in fine was, That the Soldiers should be safely carried in Turkish Vessels to Candia, carrying with them all their Arms, and goods, and particularly five pieces of Artillery, and three of the three chief Commanders Horses: That the same liberty should be given to such of the Inhabitants as would depart, to go with their families, and their goods, whither they pleased; and that those who would tarry, should be preserved in their lives, goods, and honours, from the insolency of the Soldier. Thus in one and the same day, the Articles were negotiated, agreed on, and concluded. And seeming as if they would speedily and inviolably observe them, some 40 Vessels were forthwith sent into the Haven, in which those that were infirm, began to be embarked, whilst those that were well, guarded the inworks, not suffering the Turks to make any invasion. But as soon as our men came out of the Trenches, and that they saw the Enemies, and were seen by them, it cannot be said what wonder arose in both the Armies, but out of several reasons. Our men marvelled at the vast number of the Enemy, who for three miles' space from about the city, stood so thick, as their white Turbans, like flakes of snow, seemed to cover the superficies of the earth. And the Turks on the other side, seeing how few those that defended the city were, how lean and pale, hardly able to stand upon their legs; they admired their valour, who had been so long able to make so valiant resistance, not without some obloquy to themselves: so as being wrought upon by mere natural charity, they gave them several refreshments, and praising their constancy, encouraged them to hope well. The Grecians, and Albanians, were this mean while embarking themselves, and their families; and some soldiers were already got into other Vessels; so as on the 4 th' of August, the whole city was left in free possession to the Turks: But as soon as the Enemy were got within the walls, they began to use much violence against the citizen's, wherewith Bragadino acquainted Mustafa, complaining thereof, and entreating him, that in observance of the Articles, and of his plighted faith, he would curb the soldier's insolency, and send other ships to carry away the rest of his men; saying, that he would come himself, and bring him the keys of the City. This employment was given to Nestore Martiningo, a spirit youth, who being come to Famagosta at the very beginning of the War, under the colours of his uncle Girolimo Martiningo, had carried himself gallantly in several offices, and with much praise, showing great ingenuity and valour. He coming to the Bashaw, got speedy orders sent to the Soldiers who were entered the City, to keep from doing any injury, and that two Vessels more should be sent to the Haven to embark the Soldiers; and by commission from Mustafa, brought Bragadino word back, that he should be very glad to see him, for that he desired much to know his face, as he had already known his valour, which he would always witness to the world: So as without any longer stay, leaving Tiepoli in the city; all the chief Commanders marched out, Bragadino, Baglione, Martiningo, and Antonio Quirino, a noble Venetian, accompanied by other Captains, and some Grecian Gentlemen, all on Horseback, with forty Musquetiers on foot. Bragadino went before the rest under a red umbrella, clad in purple, and in his ordinary habit of Magistrate, being followed by all the rest, who when they were come to the Bashaw's Pavilion, were received with much civility, made to lay down their Arms, and then brought before Mustafa; who entertaining himself a while with them in several discourses, concealing his inward thoughts; at last seeking some occasion to show his cruelty, demanded security for the return of his ships which he lent them; to the which Bragadino answering, that he was not tied thereto by Articles, nor had he any with him which were sufficient security: Mustafa, pointing to Quirino, said, he should stay behind with him: This Youth's gallantry might be seen in the nobleness of his aspect. But Bragadino said, he would never willingly give way unto it; wherefore the Bashaw, being no longer able to conceal his anger, fell to injurious words, accusing our men, for that contrary to the custom of War, and to all humane Laws, they had put his Musselmen to death, who were their prisoners: and his anger increasing by multiplying of words, he commanded that they should all be bound, and making them be led out of his Pavilion, dismissing the hostages, who were yet with him, ●e made Baglione, Martiningo, Quirino, and all the rest (a sad spectacle) to be cut in pieces by his Soldiers; a death certainly misbecoming so gallant valiant men, who should have received rewards from men truly military, though enemies, not punishment for their warlike worth. But Bragadino, who was reserved for greater torments, must be a spectator of this cruelty, being to feel the torments of death several times before he lost his life: for making him reach out his neck, they would not as then kill him, but only cut off his Ears: and those that were formerly embarked, fared no better than the rest; for they were put in chains, and condemned to miserable slavery, being to undergo long and heavy calamity. Fortune was more favourable to some few, who tarrying last in the City, were made Prisoners by some particular Soldiers, & paying speedily some ransom, were for fear of losing it, set at liberty by those that took them; for all men were strictly forbidden to keep any particular Prisoners: the Bashaw being desirous to make his Triumph the more glorious by the number of slaves which he should lead into Constantinople. Amongst these, only Tiepoli found no favour, whose dignity made him the more regardable: He by order from the Bashaw, underwent the infamous death of being hanged upon the Mast of a Galley. But it is a sad thing to tell, what, and how many cruel Martyrdoms these barbarous men made Bragadino suffer: After many revile, and scorns, he was brought to the Piazza of Famagosta, and being tied to the Plllory, he was flayed alive; Mustafa standing upon a little ●ill in the Palace to feed his eyes with this strange and most cruel spectacle; but the courage of this gallant man showed amidst so many torments, and for which his memory ought never to be forgotten, is not to be imagined▪ Mustafa, not having yet satisfied his anger, gave order, that Bragadino 's skin should be stuffed with straw, and putting it upon a Cow, with the red umbrella, for his greater scorn, with which he went into the Camp, made it to be led all about the City, and at last made it be hung up upon the main Mast of a Galley, to the end that this infamous Trophy might be seen by all the people on the shore as he passed by. It was not well known, what made Mustafa thus crvel; some said, that having kept the Soldiers from the reward he had promised them in sacking the City; he sought to give some satisfaction to his Army, by the death of a few, for the death of so many as he had lost in that great siege. Others, that being incensed at their so long and obstinate standing out, and at the loss of some that he had extraordinarily loved; he had formerly ta'en some oath, to take some severe revenge. And others thought, that Mustafa, who was so subject to choler, as when he was moved he was wont to grow furious, and to be born-mad; being proud of Victory, was mightily scandalised, when he saw Bragadino and the rest come to his Pavilion with so many armed men, and so richly apparelled, as if they had rather been conquerors, then conquered: which being of itself a slight occasion for such cruelty, was the less likely, in respect of the time which passed between these severe punishments, and the giving sentence. For moved only out of his Barbarism, he was cruel even against the dead, and entering into the Cathedral Church of St. Nicolas, made all the Tombs be thrown open, and the bones that were within them be scattered abroad; he destroyed the Altars and Images of Saints, and committed many other cruel and bestial actions, for which he was much blamed even by his own men. The city being thus won, they betook themselves with diligence to cleanse the ditches, to level all the Forts and Trenches that were without, and to repair what was ruinated within; in so much, as in a short time, the Fort was restored to its former condition; nay, made more defensible than it was before: the Bashaw left i'll Bei de Rodi, Governor of the City, and went himself from Cyprus, the 24th of September, returning victorious, and triumphant towards▪ Constantinople; where he was received with much honour and joy by all, though this victory was dearly bought, the Turks having therein lost, as it was said, above 50000 men, among which many Commanders, and their best Warriors. But it is time for us, after so long and unpleasing▪ a Narrative, now to return to the Fleets, where we shall find wherewithal to make some amends for these miseries. On the 24th of April, 〈◊〉 the three Generals were joined together, as hath been said, at Messina, with the greatest part of the Forces of the League, wherewith they thought at first, to go to Palermo, that they might by getting nearer the Enemy, cause some jealousy in them: But this resolution being delayed, jovan Andrea Doria, and the Marquis of S ta Croce came thither with some other of the King of Spain's Galleys; and soon after the two Commissaries, Canale and Quirini, with 62 Venetian Galleys man'd in Candia, which came somewhat late, having met with contrary winds at Sea. When they were altogether, they amounted to the number of 220 galleys, to boot with six Galleasses, 25 ships, and other lesser Vessels. These forces being thought able to grapple with the Turkish Fleet, a council was held, wherein the Commendadore Majore, Pompeo Collonna, and Commissary Barbarigo met, and spoke their opinions, and wherein it was by common consent agreed upon, to part forthwith from Messina, and go to Corfu, as a fitting place to put on such resolves as they should see occasion for, and to learn tidings of the Enemy. Having therefore addressed themselves by humble Orisons, solemn processions, and other pious and religious actions to God; the whole Fleet put from Messina on the 17th of September, the first day, they sailed with a prosperous wind to Calabria, keeping a good order either for making way, or for fight, that they might take all occasions they might meet with, of fight the Enemy. Eight Galleys, commanded by Giovanni di Cordona, the Sicilian General went before the rest, as Vanguard to the Fleet, after which, Giovan Andrea Doria, went next with 53 galleys, and after him followed the three Generals, with a greater squadron of 61 galleys; and a little after, followed Commissary Barbarigo, with 50 other galleys; the fourth and last squadron, consisting of 30 galleys, was commanded by Don Alvero di Bazzano▪ Marquis of S ta. Croce, the Neapolitan General: but upon occasion of battle, the Vanguard was to divide itself into two wings, and to fall into such places as were appointed them; and the first squadron, lying to seaward, was to make the right wing, whereof Doria's Admiral was to lie outermost, and the Admiral of Sicily, next to the Battle: the third squadron, recommended to Barbarigo, plying towards Land, was to make the left wing, wherein were likewise placed the two Commissaries, Canale in the midst, and Quirini, in the outermost part inward, as Commissary Barbarigo, first on the outside: The second squadron made the Battle, placed between the two wings, in the midst whereof were the three Royal Galleys, with the three Generals, Don john, Colonna, and Veniero; and next these, on one side, la Patrona Real, and the Admiral of Genua; and on the other side, the Commandadore Majore, and the Admiral of Savoy: and this whole battle was terminated on the right wings side, by the Admiral of Malta; and on the left, by Lomeli●●es Admiral: and the fourth squadron lay behind, to be a succour to the rest. The great Venetian Galleys were before the lesser Fleet, about half a mile, divided so, as Duodoes' Admiral was to be placed before the battle, and that of Iacop● Guoro: Before the right wing, stood Andrea Pesaro, and Pietro Pisani, with their two galleys; and before the left, Antonio, and Ambrogio Brag●dini, with other two. The ships were sent before with the men and munition, to Corfu, commanded by Cesare Davalos, and Nicolo Donato; but because the foot destined thereunto, were not yet arrived, being hindered, as hath been said by the Enemy's Fleet, whereby the Venetian galleys were not furnished with as many men as were the Spanish; Don john gave very readily way, that they should be reinforced with 1000 of the Spaniards Italian foot, and with 4000 Spaniards, which were with as much affiance received into the Venetian galleys. Two days after, the Fleet being come to the Cape of the Colonne, where, by reason of contrary winds, and upon occasion of taking in some foot, it stayed a while: Gilandrada was sent with his own galley, and with three other Venetian galleys, to Corfu, to learn news of the Enemy's Fleet, whereof that of Caterino Malepiero returned forthwith; and brought news, that the Enemy was passed by within sight of Zante, and was entered with their whole Fleet, into the Gulf of Lepanto; the mean while, seeing the winds would not serve them to make for Corfu, the Venetian General mentioned going towards Cefalonia, whither they seemed to be invited by prosperous Navigation, and hopes of meeting speedily with the Enemy; but this opinion being laid aside, and the first course being pursued, the Fleet came on the 27th of September to Corfu, and anchored at Casop●, where having the same news confirmed by several advertisements; and moreover, that Uluzzuli was passed with fifty sail to Mo●●ne, It was thought, that these things being to be believed, it was now time to come to some certain resolution. The three Generals therefore called a council; where not only those did intervene, who were usually admitted, but many other Commanders, and prime Personages, who were then in the Fleet. Some were of opinion, that they were to advance, and fight the enemy. But others being of another mind, propounded other enterprises, seeking to interpose delays; yet to show, that they were likewise for trying the fortune of war, but governed by better reasons, they proposed the expugning of Naverino; alleging, that by taking this place, which with so great forces they might easily do, Modene would be thereby likewise much endangered, so as the enemy would be forced to come out of their strong places, and places of safety, where they were, and to encounter and hinder them; so as by this means, they might come upon more advantage to battle. But it was clearly seen by many arguments, that these things were propounded, not with any mind of putting them in effect, but of opposing such as were forwardest for advancing; for at the same time, it was granted by themselves, that the season of the year was unfit for sea-enterprises, and that this would meet with many dangers; for that so great a Fleet would not meet with any friend's places, or havens able to receive them. That therefore they ought to consider well, before they should take any such resolution, as might make the enemy glory in a victory, gotten without fight. That those, to whose care the conduct of the Fleet was committed, and whereupon the whole business did depend, were to think, as well of coming back, as of advancing, and not to suffer themselves to be carried so far away, with a desire of undoing the enemy, as to forget their own safety. That the voyage of the Western Galleys, to go to where they were to winter, was long and difficult. Besides, great care ought to be had, in assaulting the enemy at their own doors, though they should be the weaker: whereas those that spoke the least, affirmed, that the Turkish Fleet was doubtlessly greater than theirs. That though Uluzzali was gone, he was not gone so far, as that they might hope to find the Enemy divided. And that certainly it was more likely, that they should lose their labour, in seeking to find out the Turkish Fleet, which, loaded with prey, after having ta●● the towns in Albania, it being no longer time to make other attempts, would not stay expecting them, but would be already passed on towards Constantinople. Which reasons prevailing with some, they were for making some enterprise in the Gulf, as that which would be sooner, and with more safety done. And others, mentioned going for Candia, fearing, left the enemy, when they should see our men busied elsewhere, and being thereunto invited by the weakness of the garrisons, and the rising of the country Mountagniers, would turn towards that Island, and endanger it. But General Veniero, and commissary Barbarigo, with some others, who were constant to their opinion of fight the enemy, gainsaying all other proposals, considered, that the season was now such, as that alone was enough to make them give over the thought, of expugning any city, or doing any thing else, that required length of time; whereas the Turkish Fleet was so near, as that a battle might soon be had, wherein all the hopes and reputation of the League did now consist. That Cyprus was already lost, many Islands in the Levant, and all the Rivers of Albania and Dalmatia were pillaged. That the victorious enemy insulted every where, threatening the Island of Candia, wherein, it was already said, they intended to winter, putting themselves, with the greatest part of their Galleys, into the haven of Suda. Wherefore (said these) hath there been so great a Fleet prepared, and so many soldiers raised? Wherefore hath so much moneys been expended? Why have the people been grieved with so many taxes? Prince's so much troubled? if without so much as seeing the face of an enemy, or trying our fortune, We, when we are not well got out to sea, should return home, with so 〈◊〉 loss, and disgrace to Christendom? Is it not peradventure sufficiently known, that no war is made without danger; and that not only war, but no other action is secure and certain? But when the danger is counterpoised with as much hope, those who esteem glory, or what the world will say, ought not to shun the trial of their fortune. We have a Fleet so numerous, so well provided of men and artillery, and artillery, and of all things fitting, (the Lord be praised) as we want nothing, unless our Commanders want courage and resolution, to make use of their forces. The Turkish Galleys are usually much worse than those of Christendom, and at the present, they cannot be well provided of soldiers, all the best being gone with the Army to Cyprus; the having been long at sea, their prey, and their present security, are things which make the Fleet the weaker, and the easier to be overcome. And say, that the Fleet should now be suffered to return home safe and entire, have we not reason to believe, that it will be so strongly recruited the next year, as all lands, and all seas, must lie open to the pleasure thereof, not meeting with any, that dare any where withstand it? It is wisely done, to spin out the war in length, when there is hopes, that the enemy may consume of himself, and by his own sufferings: But our case is clean different, such difficulties being, out of many respects, rather to be feared on our side, then that we should hope to see the enemy oppressed thereby. There is no hope of glory or safety therefore for us now in any thing, but in beating the enemy's Fleet; after that, we may hope for all good success; without it, all our designs are vain, all other enterprises are to no purpose, or else of very little help to the main business. Nor are we to despair of finding out the enemy, for being by their innate pride insolent, and by the negligence, wherein the Christians have always proceeded against them, they will not hasten their journey for any fear of our Fleet. But s●y we should not find them, we shall not be said to have done but little, when we shall have won much honour, by showing, we have done what in us lay, to find out, and to fight the Enemy. These things were eagerly disputed on all sides, so as every one standing firm to their own opinion, nothing could positively be then agreed on: Yet their judgement beginning to prevail, who advised for the best, it was resolved, to go to Cefolonia, and there, upon more certain intelligence, resolve what to do. Thus the Fleet parted from Corfu on the 30th. of September, passing by the head of the Island, which lies towards the Levan●; and, crossing the Channel with a brisk southeast wind, they went to Anchor at the Gamenizzes, about some twenty miles from Corfu, where there is a large haven, where being forced to tarry three days, by reason of contrary winds, they began to muster their men, the care whereof being given to john Andrea Doria, he went aboard some of the Venetian Galleys, and making the soldiers stand to their Arms, he seemed to be well satisfied. But so much powder was spent in these musters, and in continual salutations, wherein our men, who were but fresh soldiers, took much delight, as above 200 barrels of powder was wasted in one day, so as fearing lest they might want is in time of need, the soldiers were forbidden to shoot without occasion. There happened at this time a sleight accident, which was like to have caused very ill blood. A tumult being risen amongst the soldiers in Andrea Calergi his Galley, a Candian, wherein there was a company of Italian foot, who were the Count of S ta Fiore's men, commanded by M●tio Tortona, one of the King of Spain's Captains; The Venetian General hearing, that the tumult continued, and that several of them were slain, to prevent further mischief, sent first his Master's Mate thither, and afterwards his Admiral, who both of them received injurious words from Tortona, and the Admiral was sorely hurt by Tortona's soldiers. The Venetian General thought, that if this should remain unpunished, it might cause the greater prejudice to him, and to his authority, for that it was done before his eyes, who was not far from thence in his own Galley: Wherefore he gave command, that Captain Mutio, his Ancient, and his Sergeant, who were the first occasioners of the scandal, should be apprehended; and being apparently found guilty, he made them immediately be hung up upon the Mast of his own Galley, to the end, that they might be an example to others, to proceed with more respect, and to give due obedience to their Commanders. Don john was more troubled at this, than became him, as if he and his authority had been therein injured, by whom alone, as some of his followers sought to persuade him, such justice should have been done. But Colonna, and others, who were lovers of justice, and who were much troubled, that the most important business should be disturbed, by so small occasions, did labour to pacific Don john, showing, that there was no cause of offence given him; that the place wherein the fault was committed, was sufficient reason for him to punish it, who commanded there. That the Venetian General might use his authority in such particular affairs, wherein the common interest was not concerned; and that that time, and that occasion, did particularly require it, to the end, that Commanders might not be bereft of that obedience, which was always so useful in War, but most necessary there, where there were soldiers of several Nations, and under Commanders of several Dominions. Wherewith, though Don John's anger was in a good part satisfied, yet was he not altogether appeased; insomuch as absolutely denying, to treat of any thing with the Venetian General, the most important businesses were negotiated by Commissary Ba●berigo, who with singular dexterity and wisdom, sought to keep upon good terms with the Spaniards, which was then more necessary than ever; the enemy's Fleet was very strong, and very near; the business which they had in hand with all the League's forces, was of greatest importance. So as continuing without more dispute, in their first resolution, of going to Cefaloma, as soon as the wind should serve, they pursued their voyage; and passing on the 4th. of October by the Channel of Viscardo, on the 5th. the Fleet went to the vale of Alessandria, where many ruins of the ancient city of Samos are yet to be seen. Here, by the relation of Gita ' Andrea, of jovan Battista Contarini, and by Letters from Paolo Contarini, Commissary of Zante, the same things were confirmed, which they had formerly heard, of the Turkish Fleet; and chiefly of Uluzzali's being gone, though his voyage was diversely spoken of; some saying, that he was gone with fifty Galleys to Modene; and others, that he was gone with somewhat a lesser number to Barbary. Wherefore all of them being of opinion, that they were fully informed of the enemy's forces, and of their condition, and that they might hope to find them in the Gulf of Lepanto, and fight them upon advantageous terms, the Venetians met together, to consult what was to be done: On the one side, they were very desirous to fight, and had great hopes of victory; on the other side, they were very doubtful what to do, and feared much any good success, by reason of the Spaniards various and uncertain proceedings, so as they knew not well what resolution to take. By saying nothing, they did not only give over their hopes of good success, but suffered their Fleet to be exposed to great danger, by reason of the enemies being so near; and they were debarred advising thereupon, (according as the importance of the news, and the business required) by reason of the Commander's simulation. In this ambiguity, they resolved to send Colonna, and Commissary Barbarigo, upon the occasion of the news which they had received, to Don john; and that without mentioning any fight, they should endeavour to persuade him, to continue his first resolution of advancing, and to think only of doing what was already resolved on, without any further consultation. Yet some proposed the enterprise of S ta Maura, and other things; but much difficulty was found in them all. Wherefore the next night, the Fleet went from the Haven of Alessandria, and steering towards the Gulf of Lepanto, came to the Cutzolary Rocks the next morning, by Sunrising, which was on the seventh of October. At the same time, the enemy hearing by Caracoza, that the Christians Fleet came forward, and was badly provided of men; Al●, were it either, that he had received such express orders from Selino, or that aspiring after glory, being thereunto egged on by the Trophies, which the other Bashaw had won by land-enterprises, which made him desirous to do some notable action by sea, prepared to go out of the Gulf of Lepanto, and to meet the Colleagues Fleet, with intention to fight them, promising unto himself a glorious victory. And yet being desirous to have the opinions of the chief Commanders therein, he found some doubtful, and others of a clean contrary sense. Pertau, as being of chief authority, and knowing himself out of emulation of glory, to be more subject to suspicion, did neither give his free consent, nor openly contradict it. But Siloco, Sangiacco of Alessandria, an aged man, and of great experience at Sea, dissuading from the proposal, laboured to prove, that this advice was full of danger; and that the advisers thereunto might be the more subject to blame, for that such a resolution would not only be taken without necessity, but unseasonably, and without reason. Our arms (said he) have hitherto been victorious, we have ruined many of the Enemy's Islands, taken so much booty, brought away so many 〈◊〉 and taken two Towns in Albania, opportuvely seated, whereby we have much increased the Ottoman Empire; nor was it to be esteemed less boldly done to have advanced so far, and approached with their Galleys so near the lery city of Venice, and scorning the so great preparations of the Enemy's Fleet, to have withdrawn their forces to the defence of their own shores, and made the memory of that expedition perpetually glorious▪ What greater prosperity, what greater renown could be now expected? That some bounds were to be put to the desire of glory, and Empire; and that they ought not so often, and at th' time tempt, nay tyre fortune, which never smiles long upon any body, especially in affairs of War: that they had made war with the Venetians for the getting of Cyprus, which was successfully by force of Arms now reduced under the Ottoman Empire, so as the cause of that war was now decided. What should now make them hazard the dubious event of battel● and not only afford those Enemies a means, but even force them to fight, whom if they, the Turks, knew how to make use of the present occasions, they might without unsheathing a sword, force to return with shame home to their own Havens, for want of bread, leaving them the effect of victory, gotten without any hazard: so as being confounded and amazed by so many bad successes, they would not hereafter dare to agree in joining so many forces together as now they had done: wherein that they had done their utmost, might be witnessed by their so long delay of putting out together to Sea, and by their unwanted boldness of advancing so far, knowing that they had so great a Fleet as might counterpoise their Enemies: therefore it would be much more wisely done, to keep within that Haven, where they were defended by two Forts, and had good store of Victuals, and all other conveniencies, and where the enemy durst not approach them: that those things were truly advantageous, which wrought our intents with real glory, by the vain appearance whereof none ought to suffer themselves to be led against all reason of War, and whereby they might incur great blame, committing their reputation, and perchance all that they had got, to the uncertainty of fortune. But these reasons, though in themselves of great weight and consideration, were not able to remove Al● from his first firmly taken resolution, building upon so assured a victory, as that when our men should be assaulted by them, they should only think of saving themselves by flight; by which falling into disorder, they would the more easily become their prey. Former examples, and the late successes represented all things so prosperous unto him, and did so inflame him with pride and audacity, as thinking his men invincible, he could not be persuaded that his fortune could alter. He therefore cheered up the Captains and Soldiers with promised of Victory; he minded them that they went against the same enemies, which had been so often beaten by them, and robbed of all their military glory; a weak people, accustomed to pleasures, not to pain, who relied upon the Arms wherewith they were covered, not upon their valour. Thus all things being ordered to this purpose, and the galleys being well recruited with Soldiers, by taking 6000 Spachi from the neighbouring St. Iaccbi's, he parted with his whole Fleet from Lepanto, on the ●th of October, which according to the truest relation, consisted of a 50 sail, whereof above 200 were 〈◊〉, the rest Fly-boats, and Gallieasses: and in this number there were about 40 Lanterns. Ali disposing of the Fleet, as if he had been presently to give battle, committed the right wing to Mehemet Siloco, an Alessandrian Captain; he gave the care of the left wing to Uluzzali, King of Algiers; he placed himself together with Bashaw Pertau, in the midst, the body of the battle consisting of 100 galleys, 50 on a side. The two Captains of the wings were placed, the one before, the other behind all the squadrons; and certain fly-boats were kept for a reserve, under several Captains. The Turkish Fleet parting in this order from Lepanto, sailed the first day to Galata, where staying but one night, it steered the next morning before day towards Cefalonia, where the Turks thought to find our Fleet, and to fight it within the Haven, having the same design upon our men, as we had upon them; for a little before the Turkish Fleet hoisted sail, the Christian Fleet was likewise gone from their Havens, to go meet the Enemy. Thus it fell out, that the two Fleets were gotten very near one a-another, before either of them knew what way the other took: they both desired battle, but yet they met without knowing it, each thinking that the other would not fight uninforced. But when the Turkish Fleet discovered ours, and was at the same time discovered by ours, the wonder was great on both sides, and the joy as much, each of them undervaluing the others forces. The Turkish galleys sailed in the order aforesaid, with their Trinchet-sayl only, very close together, in form of a half Moon; but our Fleet, as it passed through the channel, which the Curzolari Rocks make there, was forced somewhat to alter their order; for the Vanguard being only advanced, and the first galleys of the right-wing beginning to go out, the rest remained behind those Rocks. But that all things may be the more clearly represented, the Narration requires that this situation be particularly described. A Creek is made as it were by two Arches in the Jonick Sea, which incompasseth about 200 miles; for parting from the Gulf of Aria, and pursuing the Rivers of Albania, even to the gulf of Lepanto, for the space of 70 miles: the Land bends backwards, and advancing as far on the coast of Morea, from the gulf of Lepanto, to the Castle Tornese, it makes as it were a half Moon. Opposite to the Farm Land, lies the Islands of Sta Maura, Cefalonia, and Zante, which being seated in a triangular form, shape an opposite Semicircle: so as this part of the Sea is, though with a large interval, almost enclosed. In this, there are three small Rocks, not above a mile from the Rivers of Albania, standing but a little divided; on the East, they look upon Lepanto; on the West, upon S ta Maura, from which places they are almost equally distant between 35 and 40 miles; on the South, lies the Islands of Zante, above twice as far off: and on the North, the Albanian coast. These Islands were by the Ancients, called Echinadi, whereof the Poets, sabling, said, they were Nymphs, drowned there in the Sea, and turned into Rocks: for having despised the Deity of the neighbouring River Achilos. These are barren Rocky places, without any humane habitation, and otherwise of no note; but now made famous through all Ages, for the memorable Naval fight which ensued there abouts. Hither came our Fleet, as you have heard the 7th of October, a day celebrated amongst Christians, in memory of the Virgin Martyr justina, a little after sunrising; which having dispersed the clouds, and allayed the winds, brought with it a Calm. jovanni di Cordona passed by the Curzolari Rocks, who guided the Van with 8 Galleys, and went to Petala, and was followed by the whole Fleet, to tarry there, by reason of the conveniency of the Haven, and of the River Achiloo, with intention, now that they were come within 8 miles of the Castle that lies in the mouth of the gulf of Lepanto, to send some Commander to view it. Thus all of them following the same way, as they came from out the Cursolary Rocks, upon the point of the Pescharie, called by the Grecians, Mesologni: the Enemy's Fleet was kend by Don john's Admiral Royal, about 12 miles off. Then the Generals, surprised by an unexpected necessity of fight, not being at all moved, sent with all possible speed and diligence to all the galleys, that they should stand to their Arms, and hastening their voyage, take the places as was particularly prescribed them before. It is said, that Don john was then wished by those who were formerly against advancing, not to hazard himself upon a battle, without new and mature advice; to which he wisely and generously replied, the present condition of affairs was such as required courage, not counsel. And thus immediately, without listening to any thing that might dissuade from fight, he caused the Standard to be hoisted up in his Galley, with the Arms of the Princes of the League, and made the sign of Bat●●l be given, at sight whereof all cried out with great joy, Victory, victory; and arming himself, and without any delay, getting into a long boat, He went round about, and solicited every one presently to make forward, and to overcome the malignity of the place; he ordered the Galleys, encouraged them all to fight; he acquainted them with the occasion of battle, with the danger, necessity, glory, and with the rich beaty of the Victory. The Venetian General was no less diligent, in ordering his forces, and in encouraging his men to fight. When any noble Venetian, Governor of any Galley, came before him; he desired him to remember, That a public, pious, and important cause, was to be disposed in that days work. That the total affairs, and the honour and safety of their Country, lay in their valour; that the necessity of fight was unavoidable, which was wont to make even cowards valiant; but that self worth, and desire of praise, did awaken fortitude in noble and generous hearts. This mean while the Galleys came still out, and leaving the Rocks on the left hand, the whole Fleet came into full Sea, and put itself in order, one galley keeping in a direct line by the others, with sufficient space for a galley to go between them: The Venetian and Spanish galleys being every where mingled, the whole Fleet taking up about 4 miles' space. Andrea Doria, who led on the right wing, kept towards the Sea on the Southeast side. Commissary Barburig●, kept with the left wing to landward, the three Generals keeping in the midst with the Battle, about which there were 4 galleys with Lanterns; two on the side, the two Admirals of savoy and Genua, upon one whereof was the Prince of Parma, and the Prince of Urbino upon the other, and two on the Poop, La Patrona Real, and the Commandadore of Casteiles Admiral. Lomelini's Galley, and Commissary Quirino's Admiral, closing up the battle on one side, joined it to the left wing; the Admiral of Malta, and Admiral of Sicily, joined it with the right wing; and the Admirals of the wings were the foremost of their squadrons, on the outside. The 6 Galliass were placed on the Front of the Battle, about half a mile from it, divided in the same manner: In the midst before the Battle, stood Duedo's Admiral, and Iatomo Gauro's Galley, with two others, for every wing, which were all very well furnished with Artillery and Soldiers. The Fleet being thus ordered, stood firm, with their Prows turned towards the Enemy, expecting that they should come on. Ali, not seeing our left wing appear yet, which was not come from forth the Rocks, thought the Christian Fleet to be lesser than it was; and seeing Doria, bend towards the Sea, which he did to make way for the other galleys which followed, he imagined they began to fly; whereupon the Trumpet, Drums, and Cymbals, sounding, and making great signs of joy, the Turks advanced, as to an assured prey; but when they had advanced a little, and saw all our Galleys in order, they grew doubtful; so as, striking their main Yards, (for the wind began to grow less) they slackened their course; but not having time to put on new resolutions, they came slowly on, that they might keep the better order. Ali exhorted his Soldiers, not to forgo their former courage; if he found fear in any one of them, he stirred them up, either by promises, or threats, bidding them remember the worth of many M●sselmans, who would not give over the Battle till either dead, or Conquerors. As soon as the Enemy's Fleet came near the greater galleys, they were played upon by a great shower of sho●; for those Vessels were well provided (as hath been said) with both great Guns and lesser, and suddenly made many shot as them every where, on Prow, Flank, and Poop, whereby they prejudiced them much. Those of the first squadrons made resistance, and made many shots at Duodo's Admiral, but soon perceiving that they did us but little harm, and received much themselves, they began to fall off with all possible speed from the greater Vessels, so as every galley seeking to give way, and to free themselves as soon as might be from danger, and not being all of equal goodness, nor able to keep the same course, they fell of themselves into disorder; and to get out of the reach of the Guns, kept their ranks sometimes closer, sometimes wider, not according to conveniency, or reason, but as they were advised by Necessity. Hereupon it happened, that the enemy's Fleet fought in great disorder for the wind failed them; so as after they had past the Galliass, they could not re-order themselves, before they were come very near our smaller Galleys, which making use of the fair wind, were advanced, and had by shot defied the enemy, and begun the fight. This disorder of the enemies appeared most in the right Wing, for many of them falling willingly towards land, they had straitened their Squadrons too much on that part. Then Ali, thinking Doria's Squadron the greater, because it made the greater show, being out at high Sea; and beginning to doubt, that his taking so great a compass, was done with intention, of enclosing him in the midst, and by tacking about, to assault him both on the Flank and Poop, to his great inconvenience, he commanded Uluzzali, that he should augment his left wing, and making towards the enemy, should face or fight their right Wing. But Doria steered his course towards the enemy's Admiral, which was opposite to him, so as the conflict began somewhat later on that side, than it had on the left Wing, which being near land, and having but little way to make, encountered the enemy quickly. But Siloco, who was opposite to this our Wing, seeing some space by sea, between the last Galleys thereof, and the land, his Galleys being (as hath been said) close together, fell with them presently beyond ours, to the end, that turning back, he might assault our left Wing on the rear, and that upon any ill fortune, he might be the nearer land, and so might provide the better for his safety. And though Commissary Barbarigo were aware of this his design, yet could he not hinder him time enough; so as the Galleys of the second Squadron past safely beyond ours. At the same time, Ali keeping his course straight on, and re-enforcing the Rowers, that he might be the sooner out of danger of the shot, met with Don John's Galley, who seeing him come, knew the Imperial Galley by its Ensigns; and not tarrying to expect being assaulted, advanced immediately, together with the Venetian General, and both of them gave him a fierce assault. Colonna did the like to Bashaw Pertaw's Galley, betwixt whom the fight grew the fiercer, for that these the chief Commander's Galleys, had other Galleys near them, which assisted them to sustain, and to refresh the fight. But other Squadrons of the same order, which kept first close together, severing themselves a little, entered the Battle in several places, and in several manners; some were to resist many of the enemy's Galleys, and some other unfought withal, wound about whither they listed, to succour their companions that were in danger. Thus they fought in several places with great slaughter, and dubious event, so as it seemed not to be one, but many Naval Battles. The soldiers being on all sides inflamed, not only with the desire of glory, but with hatred to their enemies, boarding the enemy's Galleys, or beating back those, that sought to get into theirs, exposed themselves readily to all dangers, and were more intent in wounding the enemy, then in defending themselves. There were but few that stood idly looking on, nor were these the more secure by their cowardice. The greatest cowards, and the most valiant, ran often the same fortune, but purchased not the same praise. The mixed noise of joy and lamentation, made by the conquerors and conquered; the sound of Muskets and Cannon, and many other warlike Instruments; the cloud of smoke which obscured the Sun, took away the use of ears and eyes, and made the Fight the sharper, and the more confused. They fought with more vigour there where the Generals were, and with greatest slaughter on all sides; the soldiers being become almost invincible by their presence, words, and example. So as for two hours' space, the business was hotly disputed between them, with various fortune, and dubious event. Our soldiers having entered Ali's Galley more than once, even to the mainmast, were as often valiantly repulsed by the Turks. The enemy increased their forces here, other Galleys coming in to assist the Bashaw, to boot with Caracozzo, Captain of Vallona, and Mamut Saiderbei, Governor of Matelina, who were already entered into the Battle with Ali and Pertaw: four other Galleys bearing lanterns, came in unto them, which did much augment the Squadron; and others giving over other employments, came continually in, to where the chief Commanders were fight: insomuch as the Marquis of S ta Croce, who was in the rear, being aware of the danger that our Generals were in, came in speedily to their assistance with his Squadron; and jovan Battista Contarini making forward at the same time, let fly at one of the enemy's Galleys, which was about to assault the Venetian General, and sunk it. Other Galleys of the Reserve followed their example, of which, jovanni Loredeno, and Malapiero, Commanders of two Venetian Galleys, put themselves boldly in the midst of the enemies, and after having long sustained their violence, were slain, and their Galleys were shrewdly torn, having, notwithstanding, by keeping the enemy's Galleys play, been very serviceable, to the taking of Ali's Galley, which was thereby bereft of the assistance he expected from others; and Ali's self was slain by a Musket-shot, which he received in the head: his Galley being at last taken by those of Don John's soldiers, which were nearest it, had the Standard with the halfmoons presently taken down, and an other with the Ensign of the Cross was immediately set up in the place thereof, and the Bashaws head put upon the head of a lance, to the end that it might be seen by the whole Fleet. At the same time Pertaw's Galley, and that of Caracozo, were taken; but Pertaw getting into a Cockboat, saved his life, and Caracozza died in the conflict. The enemies Bataglia being routed, thirty of their Galleys, which were in best condition, got close together, and wheeling about, fled towards land, to save themselves, being pursued by Quirini, who forced the enemies to quit their galleys, and to throw themselves into the water, when they were got into the neighbouring Rivers, so to provide for their safety. They fought with like valour in both the Wings, but with some differing fortune; for the conflict was very long and bloody on the side towards the sea, but on the side towards the land, the day began quickly to appear favourable to the Christians; so as the shout of Victory which was made from the main Battle, was answered as it were by way of Echo, from the left Wing, with the same word, Victory. Some Turkish Galleys were passed (as hath been said) beyond our left Wing, and assaulting our men on the Poop, did much endanger them, Barbarigo's Admiral, which was the first on that part, being encompassed and fought with, by six of the enemy's Galleys, had much ado to defend herself from them all. The Commissary, in whom (though they seldom are seen to meet) better counsel, and greater courage, was never known, not being at all discoid amidst to great danger, commanded, ordered, and provided all things necessary; but the misfortune was, that as he stood on the Poop, with his face towards one of the enemy's Galleys, which came to assault him, he was shot with an Arrow in the left eye, whereby losing almost all his senses, he was presently carried down▪ and not being able to say any thing, he died of that wound three days after, being therein the more unfortunate, for that he could not receive his part of joy of the victory. Frederica Nani, a valiant person, and well experienced in maritine affairs, succeeded him in his charge, whom Barbarigo's self, as if he had foreseen his misfortune, appointed thereunto: And he, accompanied therein by the valiant Count Silvio da Porcio, and the soldiers and 〈◊〉 assuming new courage, they did not only save their own Galley, but took one of the enemy's Galleys, wherein Cawrali was a commander, of great reputation, whom they took prisoner. But Marin● Contarini's galley, which, at the very beginning of the conflict, came in to the relief of Barbarigo's Admiral, was exposed to greater danger; for Contarini having run the same fortune as the Commissary, who was his uncle, had done, after his death, his Galley was long fought with, and was excellently well defended; for having 〈◊〉 most of her men in the long fight, she was in great danger of being lost: But Commissary Cavoli coming in, in the interim, he did so adoperate both his body and his wit, discharging at once the 〈◊〉 both of a captain, mariner, and soldiers, as the Turks began apparently to yield, especially when they saw Siloco's Admiral sunk by Canale's Cannon, and Siloco's self taken in the water, who was brought to Contarini's galley, who had behaved himself gallantly in this action. But Siloco being almost dead of his wounds, Contarini, seeing he could not add to his glory, by the longer life of so honourable a Prisoner, made his head he cut off. At the same time, Commissary Quirini came in, who having driven away one of the enemy's Squadrons, (as hath been said) turned upon the rest, who yet maintained the Battle in this part; and putting them to ●light, pursued the victory. So as the Turks being disordered every where, many of their galleys being shattered, and having no hopes of victory, and less of safety, being dispersed abroad every where▪ made for the neighbouring stores; and leaving their Vessels in 〈◊〉 to our men, exposed their lives to the danger of the waters, where many were drown, others slain by our forces, and but few of them escaped into places of safety. Thus past affairs in the Christian Fleet, which in the Battle, and on the left Wing, were undoubtedly victors: But the fight continued still very bloody in the right Wing for Uluzzali, seeing that he could not beat the hindermost part of our right Wing, by encompassing it, as it was thought he would have done, betook himself to a new resolution; tacking about, he bent his course inwards, and turned thither, where he saw some of our galleys divided from the body of the Battle, and from the right so as he had Sea-room enough to get beyond our Fleet, unprejudiced: 15 Galleys, whereof some were Venetians, some Spanish, being then furiously assaulted by a great squadron of the Enemies left wing, they were all of them reduced to despair of safety; and amongst these, the Admiral of Malta was taken by the Enemy, but was rescued by two other galleys of the reserve, and through the valour of many Knights of Malta that were in them: But Benetto Zoranzo's galley took fire, and was miserably lost, with all that were in her▪ Uluzzali had with him the bigger galleys of Algiers, excellently well armed, and provided for any Action; with which, and with some other galleys which yet remained entire, of his wing▪ (for having fallen much Roome-ward at the beginning of the fight, as you have heard, they kept aloof from the great galley); he yet maintained the fight, and prepared to assault our battle on the flank. But when he saw his companions disordered in all other places, and that there was no hopes of victory, and saw john Andrea Doria make towards him on one side, with a great squadron, and many other galleys of our battle, come to assault him on the other side; he resolved to free himself from danger as fast as he could. So as having the Sea open before him, he steered directly towards the Corz●l●ry and past through the midst of our Fleet with some 30 galleys, undamnified; but his other squadrons which followed him, not being able to sail so fast after him, being environed by our galleys of the right wing, and by those of the Battle, who came too late to hinder the former's passage, were ●aken by our men without much a do; and most of those that were fled away with ●luzzali, being followed by our men, gave against the ground on the Curzolari shores Uluzzali, with some few others, sailing with full sail towards S ta Ma●ra, escaped safe away: and the Enemy's galleys, which were in the reserve, when they saw their Battle broken, and their wings far off, being in a place fit for flight, were first retreated into the gulf of Lepanto, where they preserved themselves safe. After Uluzal●'s flight, our men pursuing the Victory, fell to take, and plunder the Enemy's galleys wheresoever they found them, and to take prisoners, the battle having lasted for the space of five hours. It was a horrid sight, to see the Sea covered with dead men, and with men half dead, who wrestling yet with death, did by several means keep themselves above water: Sails, Oa●s, Masts, Rudders, Arms of all sorts, floated upon the Sea, which was become red with blood. The number of the dead was diversely reported, as it is always seen to be in such eases▪ The most agree, that we lost above 5000 men, and had more than as many more wounded; but those who speak least of the Turk● loss, say that they had 30000 slain, amongst which, Bashaw Ali, their Commander in chief or Sea, and the greatest part of their prime Captains, and men of chiefest authority. The principal personages that perished in the Christian Fleet, were Agostine Barba●●go, commissary-general, Benetto Seranzo, Marino, and jerolime Con●ari●i, Mark-Antonio L●nado, 〈◊〉, Ia●opo de Mazda, Katirino Mal●piero, jovanti Loredanio, 〈◊〉 Quirini Andrea, and Giorgio Barbarigi▪ and besides these noble Venetians, of other Masters of galleys, of good condition, jerolimo Bisanzo, jacamo Tre●ino, Io●an Baptista, 〈◊〉 di Cypro, Iacop● di Mezza, and Andrea C●lergi, of Candia: and likewise some Chieftains of Authority, as ●● Bail● d' Alemgnia, Knight of Malia, Heratio, and Verginio Orsini, jovanni, and Bernardino di Cardine, Spaniards; Bernardino Bisbat● Conte di 〈◊〉 a Neapolitan; all whose names I have thought fi● to men●ion particularly, to the end that since it was not their fortune, to get any other advantage, or to receive any other reward by this victory; their memory may live glorious amongst men, who by their death have secured our lives, and augmented our Glory. The greatest slaughter and inconvenience the Christian Fleet suffered, was in the hindermost part of the night wing, which is doubtfully disputed, whether it happened by chance, (as often times bad effects follow good advice) or whether out of cunning and ill will: For john Andrea Doria, falling Room-ward, at the very beginning of the Conflict, as you have heard, went so ●a● out to Sea, as some galleys of his squadron, either not being able to keep course along with him, or it may be, suspecting this his way of proceeding, wherefore they would no longer follow him, nor to separate themselves further from the fight, were divided on all sides. D●ria alleged, that the reason of War advised him so to do, for, to keep from being in compassed by the Enemy, he was to take so large a compass, as keeping upon advantage, he might be in a condition rather of affaulting them on the Flank, then of being assaulted by them: yet many did not approve of this justification, thinking th●t he had gone further from the rest than ●e needed; and that keeping out of danger, he would place himself so as that he might accommodate himself to whatsoever event the conflict might have. 'Tis hard to say what his intention herein was, the effect appeared plainly to all men, that after having taken a large compass, & not being yet fully resolved what to do, it was very late ere he turned upon the Enemy, and came not in to succou● his companions, till they were in great distress. The carriage of this business being related to the Pope, the Pope said, that Dor●a had behaved himself more like a Pirate, than a captain-general. There were notwithstanding some, who in his excuse, laid part of this salt upon others; affirming, that Don jovanni di Cordona, Captain of the Vanguard, whose place was appointed to him, between the main battle and the right wing, in ●ase they should join battle, being passed on, and entered into the Haven of P●●ala, not discovering the Enemy, came in so la●e, as that he could not time enough with his galleys, which were part of the same wing, possess himself time enough of that place, which was of purpose left open for him, whereby the galleys that were nearest thereunto, were exposed to the assault of the Enemy. Others said, that the Marquis of S ●● Croce, who commanded the reserve, minding only how to succour the main▪ body of the battle, either for that Dohn john was there himself in person, or that he thought the victory did chiefly consist in the good or bad success of that part, did not care for assisting the right wing, though much played by the Enemy, and others, (so much do men differ in their judgements and affections in the very same thing) commended Doria for what he had done; for that as a very expert and well experienced person in maritime affairs, he had done so, to take the advantage of the Sun, and to have the opportunity of assaulting the Enemy upon the Flank. But it is most certain, that by this, either not very sincere, or unfortunate advice, the victory proved the more bloody, and the booty, and glory, somewhat the lesser, though they were both very great: For we took 117 of the Enemy's Galleys, many were sunk, and very few of them escaped free away. There were above 5000 prisoners taken, of which 25 of good quality, and degree; a great many Christians were also set at liberty, who were detained in miserable slavery in the Turkish Galleys. There were many reasons given for this so good success, and it may be all of them true; the goodness of our Vessels, which were strong, and sound at Sea, and wherein our Soldiers being sheltered, by our waste clothes, fought the more boldly, and more secure: our store of Artillery, wherewith our Fleet was better furnished then that of the Enemy, and made better use of them; as well by reason of their skill who managed them, as also that the Prows of our Galleys being low and eeven, not raised up, as those of the Turks, the shot being almost level with the superficies of the water, hit the Enemy's Galleys more justly: moreover, the conditions of the Weapons was of no small consideration: our men fought armed, against unarmed Enemies; and whereas the Turks did use their Bows and Arrows most, wherewith our men, though wounded, were yet able to fight, all our Musket shot was mortal; nor were our men weakened by frequent shooting, as were the Turks, their Bows growing slacker, and their hands weaker by often drawing. Our greater Galleys were likewise of great use, by whose shot the squadrons of the Enemy's Galleys being divided, and disordered, they began to lose their courage and force: But really, the worth and valour of the Soldiers was of most avail; as might be known when they came to grappling, wherein many of our Galleys boarded by the Enemy, though upon disadvantage, being to resist a greater number; they did notwithstanding bear away the Victory, by the defendants valour, in whose Arms all their hopes did then consist. The Italian foot wone much commendations, nor did the Spaniards merit less praise; but of all the rest, the Grecians, showing both courage and discipline; as those who were most accustomed to that kind of Militia, and knew all advantages in wounding, and in escaping being wounded, behaved themselves with great praise and profit. It was likewise considerable, that the fight near the Enemy's Country, as it made our men the more valiant; being necessitated to fight, knowing that their sole hope of safety lay in their forces; so the Turks having opportunity of getting into their own Country, was the reason of their speedier flight. This so great Victory was of rare example in all ages, but rather to be desired then hoped for in ours, by reason of the Turks mighty power, and of the discords between our Princes; so as it was deservedly acknowledged by the Christians, as the work of God's all-powerfull hand, whereof manifest signs were seen; for on a sudden, the troubled skies became clear, and the wind, which at first stood fair for the enemy, altered to our advantage. Besides, it was confessed by all sides, that being moved thereunto by divine inspiration, all the Commanders agreed in going near the Enemy, when it was least hoped they should do so. The Victory being thus got; the Christian Fleet sailing very slowly, as well by reason of towing the galleys which they had taken, as that the sea was covered over with dead carcases, with shrouds of ships, and other impediments, retired to Petala, a neighbouring place in the Rivers, opposite to the Curzolari Rocks. But the next day, the Venetian General passed with his galleys, for his better accommodation, to the Dragoniste; where the first care was, to cure the wounded, and to view all their men, to see who were wanting, that they might proceed to some further enterprise, answerable to their forces. But finding, that they were not able to land above 5000 Foot, they thought them not sufficient, for the expugning of Lepanto, which was proposed; wherefore they resolved to forbear falling thereupon, lest they might hazard the reputation they had won in their victory. Whilst the Commanders were intent about these business, the soldiers and mariners went from one galley to another, to inquire after their friends and acquaintance; they rejoiced with those that they found alive, talked of all that they had done, and reflecting back upon the danger past, they thought it to be greater, than what at first they had imagined, and were the more encouraged by their good fortune, conceiving the better of themselves. All men throughout the whole Fleet were joyed, with the glory they had won, and gladded of the rich spoils of the enemies which they had got. The mean while, General Veniero knowing, that nothing could be more welcome to his Country, than the news of so great a victory, dispatched away Omfredo justiniano speedily, in his galley, who making very great haste, came in ten days to Venice, where it is impossible to say, how all men, of all conditions, were ravished with joy for this success. This Galley appeared on the 17th. of October, in the morning, entering by the Haven between the two Castles, within sight of lafoy Piazza di san Marco, which was t●●n full of people; and having many soldiers in the Poop, clad in Turkish habits, which they had taken from the enemy, people knew not at first what to think, by reason of the novelties: but when they saw some Banners dragged along in the water, and that after some shot being made, those within the galley cried with a loud voice, Victory; victory was joyfully echoed from the Piazza: And the news being forthwith spread throughout the whole City, people flocked from all parts to St. Marks Piazza, every one embracing other for joy; insomuch as when the Doge came from his Palace with the Senate, to St. Marks Church, he could hardly get thither for the crowd of people. Te Deum was presently sung, and a Mass celebrated, as the time required, with all humble and devout thanks to God, for so great a mercy. Four days solemn procession was ordered, to be observed in the city of Venice, and throughout all the other▪ Towns in that State, in Terr● fe●ma● and the memory of that happy day was celebrated, with other demonstrations of joy, as ringing of bells, and bonfires. And it was ordained by decree of Senate, that that day should for ever after be kept holy, with much solemnity; and particularly, that the Doge and Senators should every year, visit the Temple of the blessed justina, in remembrance of the singular favour which they had received from God, under her protection. Their obsequies which were slain in the fight, were afterwards celebrated with much solemnity, and honoured with Verses and funeral Orations. And Iusti●iano, who brought the happy news, had the honour of Knighthood conferred upon him. Not long after, Iohn 〈◊〉 Contar●●i's galley came to Venice, being sent from the Fleet, to give a more particular account to the Senate, of several particulars; and to conduct four Gentlemen, who were sent by Don john to divers Princes, upon occasion of the victory▪ Don Lope● di Figoroa, to the Catholic King, Don Ernando Mendosa to the Emperor, the Count di Piego to the Pope, and Don Pietro Zapata to Venice, who landed all of them 〈◊〉 Otranto, Zapata brought Letters to the Doge, and to the Senate, wherein Don John gave an account of the fight, & how ready he was to serve in this so difficult and dangerous businesses; saying, That he had exposed himself to so much labour and danger, no less out of a desire of the Grande●za and safety of the Commonwealth, then for the service of the King his Master, or for his own glory. And that rejoicing with them at the happy success, he would be ready to serve them hereafter with the same willingness, and hoped to do yet greater things. All the Princes of Italy sent likewise their Ambassadors to Venice, to congratulate this their so great prosperity. And such rejoicings were had in the Courts of Princes, that were further off, as might show the importance of the business, and in how great esteem they held the Commonwealth. These things did not, notwithstanding, make them forbear providing for war, but did rather much quicken their desire of prosecuting the victory, and their hopes of reaping more advantage thereby. Iacop● Zoranzo was suddenly chosen in the stead of Agostino Barbarigo, to be Commissary General of the Fleet, whither fifteen Gentlemen were likewise sent, to be governor's of such galleys, as were destitute thereof. The Senate writ to General Veniero, praising his valour much, and willing him to give particular thanks to all the principal Personages, in name of the public, for their service so readily performed, in so important a business. And then to rejoice with them, for having ●on so much glory and merit, throughout all Christendom. But they chiefly desired the General, to make good use of the victory, and to use all diligence in bereaving the Enemy, of the remainder of his Fl●et, Tackling, Men, and of all things else, whereby he might recru●● his Fleet; saying, That this was the chief ground work of all other hopes; for if the enemy were bereft of all Naval preparations, an easy way would be opened for other acchieuments. The Generals seemed very desirous, to prosecute their good fortune; therefore being all reconciled after the conflict, they had often met to consult, upon what they should do next; and 〈◊〉 last it was by common consent resolved, to equipage 150 galleys, whereof 30 should tarry to guard the galleys which they had taken; and that the other 120 should scour the Rivers of Morea, and incite the inhabitants to rebel against the beaten Turks, whose forces and courage were lost, by that day's misfortune. Wherein much hopes being put at the first, all things were prepared, for passing into the neighbouring shores of Romania, that they might first get ●ooting there, and make themselves Masters of some fit place, to furnish the Fleet with victuals, whereby they might the better tarry in those parts, and fall upon greater affairs. But when these galleys were to steer this course, many difficulties being objected to Don john; that purpose was suddenly altered, and he would go with the whole Fleet to the Haven of Calogero, where the taking of S ta Maura being propounded, Gabriele Cerbalona, and Ascanio della Cornia, were sent to view the Fort, that they might put on the better resolution: From whom, when they heard, that the enterprise would be long and difficult, they quitted their former intention, and concluded, that it was not good to employ the Fleet in such actions, as might keep them from reordering, and reinforcing it, and from doing greater affairs the next year. So as many days being spent in these consultations, and the winter coming on, they bethought themselves rather where to winter their Fleet, then to make any new attempts. All the Generals came therefore to Corfu, where Don john making no abode, when with his galleys to Messina, and Colonna went with the Pope's galleys to Napols, and from thence to Rome. This course not answering to the conceived hopes, caused much wonder, and no little dislike, since having overcome, they had not with the same vigour pursued the victory, then, when the bare reputation of such success, was sufficient to make way, to further noble proceedings against the enemy. But as it is commonly seen, men are more diligent, and agree better, in keeping off common dangers, being by necessity instructed so to do, than in pursuing glory, and greater power, either out of envy to one another's power, or else through the delight of present victory, neglecting such things as are uncertain and far distant, though very beneficial. Wherefore some pleaded the example of the memorable Battle of Sal●mina, wherein, though the Grecians did with incredible valour, overcome the mighty Prince Xerxes his Fleet, they did not yet reap any more signal advantage thereby, then of having delivered Greece for that time from the eminent danger of bein enslaved by Barbarians. The Venetians stayed, as you have heard, with their Fleet at Corfu; and finding their forces increased by Phillipp● Bragadino's coming, with ● galliasseses, and 10 galleys, which were not in the Battle, several enterprises were propounded, all of them acknowledging, tha● to lie idle, must needs diminish somewhat from the reputation which they had won. But the sharpness of the season did very much cross all attempts, which not suffering them to employ themselves in far-distant and important actions, the Commanders resolved, to attempt the taking of Malgarithi, whither 30 galleys were sent, under the conduct of Marco Quirini, with 6000 Foot; with whom there went Francisco Cornaro, Commissary of Corfu, Prospero Colonna, Paolo Orsino, and other Commanders: To whom the enemy immediately yielded, not more in respect of their forces, then for their recent victory. So as without much ado, they took the Fort, which thinking they should not be able to keep, without much inconvenience and expense, it was by common consent slighted. By which being encouraged to greater hopes, General Veniero propounded, the taking of S ta. Maura, thinking it to be a business easily to be effected, by the relation which was made by some, that the Fort was weak, guarded then but by only 300 men, and that the Passes to be possessed were but few and narrow; that it was very easy to cut the Bridge, which joined the Fort to the Terra ferma, whereby the enemy should be kept from all relief. But Commissary General Soranzo dissented from this proposition, saying, That the information was not so certain, as that they might build thereupon, with hopes of getting honour, or rather without much hazarding their reputation. Moreover, that they had too few men for an enterprise, which was always held to be difficult. That they wanted Commanders of authority, Prospero Colonna, and Paolo Orsino being presently gone, after their return from Malgarithi. That it was likewise to be considered, if the business should prove longer than was imagined, (as it usually falls out in such cases) they should lose honour in giving it over, and might incur great prejudice by continuing it, since all the League's Fleets were to meet in good order in the beginning of March. He therefore proposed, as a thing better befitting the present time, and occasion, an attempt upon the Dardanelli, or that they might go somewhere else, where by depriving the enemy of their Rowers, and of other things, wherewith they were to recruit their Fleet, their designs might be disturbed and hindered. Yet Veniero continuing in his opinion▪ went in the beginning of February with the whole Venetian Fleet, to the Island or Promontory of Albania, formerly called Leucade, but now S ta Maura, which being but a little distant from the firm land, is now by the Corinthi, the ancient inhabitants of that country, joined by a Bridge to the land. Our men's first care was, to keep the Fort from being succoured; hoping, that being unexpectedly assaulted by sea and land, and having but a small garrison, it would soon become theirs. Commissary Canale was therefore ordered, to advance with 13 galleys, and to break the Bridge; about which many armed Barks were placed, to keep horses from wading into the Island, ●o as the enemy might be bereft of all succour. These things being thus ordered, and many Foot and Horse being already landed, General Veniero, and Colonel Rancone, who had the chief command of the land forces in this enterprise, went to view the situation; but finding many of the enemy's Horse, with whom it became them to skirmish, and wherein they lost some of their men, they were forced to retreat, not being able to take so good observations as was needful. And finding by what they conceived at the first sight, that the situation was stronger than it was given out to be, and the therefore the enterprise would prove the more difficult; which difficulty was made the greater, by their failing in their first design: For the Barks which were to keep the Fort from being relieved, not being able to advance so far as they should have done, by reason of the shelves and shallowness of the water, could not keep the enemy's Foot and Horse from wading over, and increasing the Garrison. They despairing of doing any good, without more ado, embark their men, and went awa● with the whole Fleet, whereof 25 galleys, commanded by Commissary General Soranzo, went to Candia, and General Veniero returned with the rest to Corfu. This mean while, Colonna was come from Naples to Rome, where he was received with great pomp, and extraordinary honour, the houses and streets being adorned, divers Arches erected, and the ancient Arches of Vespasian and Constantine, by which he was to pass, enriched with new and proper motions. At his entrance into the City, he was met by a numerous company of people, and by the chief Magistrates of Rome, before he came to the Porte Capena, now called St. Sebastian's Gate; through which he made his public entry, accompanied by 5000 Foot, and many Nobles, with attendance in rich Liveries; the pomp being made the more conspicuous and glorious, by 170 Turkish Slaves, who, clad all in silk, were led as it were in triumph amidst the files of soldiers. Thus did Colonna pass by the way of the Campidoglio, to the Palace, where the Pope, accompanied by the College of Cardinals, stood expecting him, in Constantine's Hall, whose foot when he had kissed, he presented the prisoners to him, amongst which were the sons of Bashaw Ali, in token of his victory. At which, Rome was overjoyed, seeing the memory of her glorious triumphs, and of her pristine greatness, as it were, renewed, after so many ages, in one of her famous citizen's. THE WARS OF CYPRUS. BOOK III. THE CONTENTS. THe effects of the Victory, and men's several discourses thereupon. The disunion, and differing opinions of Christian Princes, in adhering unto the League: How the Turks behave themselves after the Rout. Pius Quintus dies, and Gregory the 13th, is chosen. The Enterprise of Castelnuovo succeeds not. The Colleagues Fleets lie idle: their dis-union. The occasion of the Spaniards parting from the League, related more diffusedly; and the discords between the French and Spaniards. The proceedings of the Turkish Fleet; the like of the Venetians, and the Popes. The Turkish and Christian Fleets face one another; both stand upon their advantages: They fight not, and the Turks fly: They meet again, but fight not, by reason of divers accidents. Don John joins with the Confederates Fleet; they go to assault the Enemy; but coming too slow, the design succeeds not. Other Enterprises attempted without success. Don John's departure, and the dis●●●ion of the Colleagues. What succeeded in Dalmatia, between the Venetians and the Turks. Treaties in Rome, for provision of War, to no effect. Treaties of Agreement held at Constantinople, and in Venice. Doge Mocenigo's speech, persuading to Peace. The conclusion, and conditions of Agreement, ensuing in March, 1573. men's several discourses, and Princes opinions thereupon. THe Victory gotten by the Princes of the League, against those Enemies, who being till now almost invincible, were by reason of their so many prosperous successes in Battle, become formidable to all other Nations, had awakened great hopes in all men, thinking it was now an opportune time to take revenge for past offences; and that the Ottoman Empire being once abandoned by fortune, might be overborne by the true worth and valour of Christian Princes, and Soldiers: and, as it usually falls out, especially when being at the height of prosperity, men fancy all things feasible which they do very much desire: no enterprise, no acquisition was so great, as could satisfy their conceived hopes, or which was thought a sufficient recompense for such a Victory. Nor did only such, to whom it appertained, either by peculiar employment, or by experience in War, to talk thereof; but all men, being every where become Soldiers, did popularly, and ofttimes very vainly discourse, how, making use of so happy an occasion, the Colleagues forces should be employed. Several Enterprises were motioned against the Turkish Dominions, and especially in Greece: All men held for certain, t●at the very same of the approach of the Christian Fleet, was sufficient to make way for noble acquisitions: For that the Inhabitants of those Provinces, who were held in cruel slavery by the Turks, mortally hating their religion, customs, and Empire, would instantly rise up in behalf of the Christian●; and the Soldiers of their Garrisons, being possessed with fear, would retreat to the most remote and secure places, leaving their Towns to be freely possessed by our men, if they would but appear before them; so as the whole Turkish Dominions would in a short time be in disorder, and one acquisition would make way for another; and this first victory would be get more. Others, not content with such things as these, but flying at all, were of opinion, that as soon as the season should permit, the Christian Fleet should advance, and entering the Dardanelli, should with great, and unexpected forces, f●ll upon the city of Constantinople, against which they might use their maritime forces the better; for that it was said, the Garrison there were but weak, and the Inhabitants full of fear: That such an Enterprise would be undertaken with greater preparations, and more readiness by all the Colleagues because all of them would share in the gain; that this was to be esteemed the only sufficient reward of the Victory; that other lesser acquisitions would but increase expense and difficulties, that nothing would be wanting to so glorious an action, if men's forwardness would equal the importance of the occasion, which was now offered them of chase these new, insolent, and ●●venous Inhabitants, out of the most noble Countries of Greece, into the farthest confines of Asia; and of regaining, together with that Empire, glory to Christendom. But the wiser and more temperate men, suffered not themselves to be born away by their desires to so immoderate thoughts; nor nourishing vain hopes, but measuring the event of things by reason, not by affections; knew, that as long as the Turks Land-forces should remain in●ire, which is the true foundation of their Empire, no attempt which could be made against them would prove so easy; neither did they think it a good foundation to ground their hopes upon the people's rising, which often producing other effects, than what was at first conceived, might prove the more uncertain, and fallacious in the Ottoman Empire; for that the Inhabitants who are thereunto subject, being poor and base, wanting Commanders and followers, weapons and wealth, cannot by their rising do an● great prejudice to the Turks, nor be of much advantage to any others▪ and the Grecians, being long accustomed to slavery, have much lost their ancient generosity. But grant that such commotions were to be expected from the late Victory, they had let slip the occasion, and lost all such hopes, by not pursuing the blow; for the Enemy's fears being by time lessened, and their Forces increased, they might either appease, or hinder such Tumults, and secure their own affairs. So as that being every day confirmed by new advertisements, which was at first thought almost impossible, that the Turks would have a numerous Fleet out that Summer; it was judged by such as did more seriously, and more judiciously balance the present condition of affairs, that nothing could be more advantageous for the League, then to bend all their endeavours and forces, to destroy this new Fleet, whereby they might so weaken the Enemy, as they might either have more assured hopes of doing some good upon their Dominions, by continuing the War; or that, if Peace should ensue, they might secure their own Territories for some time from the Turkish Fleets, and make use of the happy success of this battle, rather as of a certain foundation, and commencement of overcoming the Enemy more easily hereafter, then as a perfect and complete Victory. Out of these considerations, the Venetians gave themselves with all their might, to make new preparations for War. They increased the number of their Galleys, they recruited their Fleet with men, and provided for all things necessary, that as soon as the season would permit, their Fleet might go into the Levant to encounter and fight the Enemy. Thus did men think, and thus they did discourse; but the Christian Princes, being blindfolded by their own affections, knew not the opportunity which was offered them of abasing the power of a common Enemy, who was become so formidable; but envying so much good unto themselves, and so much glory to this their age, neglected the War, as if they had not been therein concerned▪ though their common interests lay therein, and refused the greater prosperity, promised them by their first happy success. For the Emperor being again earnestly solicited, and many promises being made unto him, by the Pope and the Venetians, to come into the League, since he was thereunto invited by prosperous, and all desirable success; so as he might (as he himself had said) safely do so; and being likewise exhorted thereunto by the King of Spain, who had sent Don Pedro Faffardo to him, to that purpose; continued notwithstanding in his delays and irresolutions: nay, he propounded new and greater difficulties; for being averse thereunto, he strove to have place for excuse, and protraction still left unto him. He desired that the greatest part of contribution for the foot, should be assigned to him in Monies; and that it might be ascertained out of some of the Hauns-Towns in Germany. He further desired to be secured, that these assistances should continue for some time, and that therefore some more stricter capitulations should be inserted into the League; which desires were seen to be made, out of persuasion, that they would not be granted; for it was known, that the Tribute being already prepared, he had made choice of one to carry it to Constantinople. And the King of France, whom the Pope did again solicit by his Nuntio, not to be wanting upon so weighty an occasion, to the good of Christendom, said, He must first know Cesar's resolution, who, if he should move therein, he would readily afford his helping hand, and would join his land-forces with those of Germany, under the command of Monsieur his brother; but that he neither could, nor would permit, that his sea-forces, which would be much inferior to those of the King of Spain, should join with his Fleet. At the same time, Cardinal Allessandrino, having dispatched his Embassy in Spain, was already gone by order from the Pope to Portugal, who, by Torres his information, (who was sent thither the year before, to the same purpose) was told, that above 30 vessels might be man'd out of that Kingdom, for the service of the Christian Fleet; and that the King seemed very willing to employ all his forces in this common service: wherefore his Holiness hoped, he might get good assistance there for the League. But though the Cardinal was very honourably and lovingly received, he could get nothing from the King but general promises, whereby it was discovered, that that Prince being wholly intent upon the business of Barbary, did not much mind things at a farther distance. And not long after, Antonio Tiepolo went thither likewise, with an Embassy from Spain, it being hoped, that the news he brought of the victory, might persuade that pious Prince, to enter into the League, wherein an honourable place was preserved for him; he being invited by the Colleagues so prosperous success, and by his own interests, to quell the Turks insolent forces, both in regard of his Dominions in the Indies, to the which, he might know, the so great power of the Ottamans must needs be prejudicial, by what Soliman had attempted against the City del Dieu, in the mouth of Indus, and by the Fleets which were assembled together in the Arabic Creek. Yet was not that King much moved at all this, nor could he be brought to promise any thing, save that he would furnish out 4000 Foot for the service of the League, the next year, and add some of his ships to the confederate's Fleet; which, he said, he was not able to do at the present, by reason of the French Hugenotes of Rochells incursions; against whom, he was forced to keep many armed vessels, to secure his Rivers, and the navigation of those seas: As also by reason of the Moors insurrection, in the Kingdom of Fez, which he was first to suppress. And hereof he gave an account by his Letters to the Senate, witnessing the affection and great esteem he had, for the Commonwealth. But Tiepolo, that he might do some good by his endeavours, showed him, That he might assist the cause of Christendom against the Infidels some other way, without inconveniencing himself; to wit, by making his Officers in the Indies hold some intelligence with the Persians, who are naturally enemies to the Turks, by informing them particularly, of the union and forces of the Christian Princes, of the victory which they had gotten, and with their designs: And then by furnishing them with some Portugesse Harchebugiers, who getting into the Turkish Empire by the Red-sea, might raise some commotion, whereby the Turkish forces might be kept employed in several parts, or whereby they might at least be made jealous. Which the King readily promised he would do; adding, that he would hinder the Turks commerce at Ormus and Bazzana; and keep them from bringing the great store of Mettle, which they were furnished with from China, through the Persian sea. The King likewise assisted the Legate Alessandrino, in sending certain Briefs from the Pope to the King of Persia, to Prester john, and to some Arabic Kings; exhorting them to take up Arms against the Turks; of which, there never came any answer, nor did there any good come thereof. But these uncertain and far remote things, were not much considered, as being able to do but little good at the present, to the conceived hopes. The Pope did likewise renew his desires to the King of Poland, with whom Cardinal Commendone was at the present, hoping to make him take up Arms, not only in respect of the Victory, but for that other accidents had also occurred, which was thought might work upon the King, and the Barons of that Kingdom. For the Turks being jealous, that the Polanders had favoured the Wallachians, in prejudice of the Ottoman Empire, that he might revenge the injury, entered at unawares into the Country that was subject to that Crown; and having made several incursions into Prussia, Podolia, and Russia, threatened greater mischief. But the King was unseasonably saln dangerously sick, when he should have been treated with, touching this business: So as the affair being to be negotiated in the King's absence, with other Lords of the Kingdom, not well inclined to this war; that they might not, contrary to their customs, contribute to any expense of war, out of their Kingdom; and they having had advertisement at the same time, that a Chiaus was upon his way from Constantinople, sent thither to accommodate the differences; the Pope's authority nor endeavours could not work such effects, as were hoped for. Thus went affairs in the Courts of Christian Princes, and the first so exalted hopes began to grow less. For sea-forces were not sufficient to suppress the power of the Turks, powerful land-Armies being likewise thereunto requisite, which the Christian Princes might at this time have made good use of, taking advantage of the Turks maritime forces being divided; whereby, and by their loss of reputation in the Battle at Lepanto, they were become weaker then formerly, and easier to be overcome. But to this it was primarily necessary, that Cesar should declare for the League, it being the common opinion, that Poland, Muscovy, and the other Northern Countries, which were apt to take up Arms against the Turks, would follow the example of the Empire: Which being very well known unto the Turks, they sought by all possible means, to preserve friendship with the Emperor Maximilian at this time, thinking their danger very great, if the Germane forces had moved against them. Wherefore Bashaw Mehemet had writ to Cesar, and given him an account of the success of the Battle, lessening very much the loss which they had received, exalting the power of the Ottoman Empire, and exhorting him not to break the Truce, for any vain designs of others; but to keep inviolably his friendship with Selino, wherein if his faith should now be seen, it should for ever be perpetuated. The Turks were so jealous and apprehensive of the commotions, which Germany might be able to make, as that, when it was after known, that the Emperor would send the Tribute to Constantinople, that soldier's reward was increased, who was the first bringer of so welcome news. But that which did most trouble the Pope, and the Venetians, and which made all men not well know, what to hope or fear, was, a doubt which was begun to be conceived, that the Spaniards were not so forward to pursue the victory, as the present occasion required, whereby the enemy might have means afforded him, of becoming more powerful than ever; for it was given out, that Don john was blamed by several chief personages of the Catholic Court, for hasarding the King's forces to such danger of Battle, wherein the King's interest, and that of the Venetians, were not alike; and that therefore that business ought to have been otherwise handled by him, and by counsels apart. And afterwards it was known, that the Duke of Less, a man of much maturity and esteem, and who had been versed in very important employments, was sent to the Fleet, in the place of the Commendadore General, who was gone to be Governor of Milan. From whence it was inferred, that the King's pleasure was, that Don john being very well informed by the Duke of Less, and by his Council, in all things, should not suffer himself to be so far carried on in point of glory with any thing, as might in the least part exceed his directions. But the greatest impediment which was thought would befall the fervent prosecution of the war, in the Levant, was, the bad success of the affairs in Flaunders, which grew every day worse and worse; it being somewhat suspected, that the Protestants of Germany, England, and France, did favour that insurrection, and assist those that rebelled against the King. Which being added to a certain natural slowness in the Spaniards, and to other more cautious circumspections, it was feared, that it would either altogether hinder the proceedings of the League, or occasion some important delay at this time, to the business of the Levant, whereof many apparent signs were seen: For the proper time for actions at sea appearing, and wherein the Fleet were of right to join, there was but little care taken to put the Fleet in order. And though the Venetians did mightily mediate it, by the means of their Ambassador Lunardo Contarini, who was sent to Don john; first, upon the occasion of the victory, and who tarried afterwards with him; yet no resolution was taken, nor were such actions seen, as the business required. Only the Venetians letting no time slip, nor sparing either for cost or labour, endeavoured to make use of the victory, were diligent in repairing their galleys, added to their numbers, and raised new men to recruit the Fleet; that they might both return with a powerful Fleet into the Levant, and at the same time mind such occasions as presented themselves, of doing some remarkable thing in the Gulf. And finding those who were subjects to the Turkish Empire up in several parts, and ready to rebel, they thought it became them, according to the custom observed by the Commonwealth, upon like occurrences, to choose another General; to which end, they chose jacopo Foscarini, who was then Commissary General in Dalmatia, who having had the miraculous happiness, to pass some few years before from private affairs, to the managing of public business, had showed such singular judgement and wisdom therein, and wrought himself into so good an opinion with all men, as they thought, they might safely place the hopes of the Commonwealth upon him. And to obviate any occasion of new dislikes, finding that Don john, and generally all the Spaniards, no● well affected to General Veniero, for what hath been said before, the Senate was pleased, that Veniero should come with some galleys into the Gulf, and that Foscarini should go with the forces of the League into the Levant: Who hearing of his election, and having already received the Standard from Luigi Grimani, who succeeded him in the place of Commissary in Dalmatia, he went away from Zara with 9 galleys, and came in the beginning of April to Corfu, where he took upon him the charge of the Fleet, which consisted then of 40 Galleys, and fell diligently to view those that were in them, to cause Foot be brought from Brandizzi, great store whereof were already there, under several Commanders, to provide for Victuals, Arms, and Ammunition, and to dispose of all things excellently well. And General Veniero came with some galleys into the Gulf, to act as occasion should serve, keeping the same superiority of command over all the Captains at Sea, whensoever they met. And these were the proceedings of the Christian Princes. As for the Turks, they were the more afflicted for the rout given to their Fleet, because being long accustomed to good success in war, they believed, their fortune was unalterable; and totally despising the Christian Militia, thought, that to war with them, was only for assured prey and glory. But after having received this unexpected blow, they grew capable of fear, and doubting the worst of evils, that some tumults might arise even in Constantinople; Selino, who was then at Andr●nopoli, came to Constantinople, and showed himself to the people, concealing his grief and fear as much as he could: but the Pashas were not the less careful, in providing necessaries for the Fleet; but building upon our men's slowness, and negligence, in pursuing their victory, they were the more diligent in all things, for that their labours were accompanied by hopes, that they might make amends for the loss they had suffered in their Fleet, and recover their lost honour. They rig'd up their old galleys, and all those also which had been given over, as unserviceable in the Mar● majore, and elsewhere. They built many new ones, mustered mariners, sent out commands to their soldiers in other Provinces, to come to Constantinople. And using great speed and industry in all things, not without much wonder, and mischief to the Christians, Carazzali went out very betimes, out of the straits of Gallipoli, with 60 galleys, wherewith he began to scour the seas, and to lay waste the Islands of Tyre and Cerigo; whilst Uluzzali stayed, to gather together as many armed Vessels as he could, designing, as it was said, to advance, and pillage the Island of Candia, when they should be joined; or else to face our Fleet, hindering the designs of our Commanders, and securing the Ottoman shores. By which provisions of theirs, and by the slowness and irresolution of the Christian Colleagues, the Turks re-assumed courage, though at first they had begun several discourses of peace with the Bayl●, and appeared very desirous thereof; yet they put off the more certain resolution, till Monsieur d' Aix, the King of France his Ambassador, should be come to Constantinople, who they heard was parted from Venice, and came upon important occasions to that Court, and who, as they believed, brought with him some particular Commission about that business; so as by his means, and by his King's authority, the agreement might be the more easily made, and the more firmly established. So as afterwards, the face of affairs altering, when they came to a more particular treaty, they propounded very unjust and unreasonable demands, and would make peace rather as conquerors, then conquered. So as the business was as then laid asleep, and the war prosecuted with much fervency; which though the Venetians did willingly continue, yet were they much troubled, finding, that their Islands were burnt, and pillaged, and that the vanquished enemy did insult as victorious, threatening every day more mischief and ignominy. And that on the other side, their friends and confederates not being moved at these mischiefs, nor apprehending greater dangers, did proceed so slowly in all things, as if the enemy had been utterly overthrown, and that they needed not to fight any more, but only peaceably to enjoy the fruits of victory. Many reasons were alleged for these delays, and much discourse was had upon it, all men wondering very much, at this manner of the Spaniards proceeding. It was much noised, that the French assisting the Flemish now no longer secretly, as it was thought they had done formerly; but that they were openly, and by public advice, to assault the King of Spain's Dominions; that the preparation of 50 armed ships, which was made at Rochel, which Philip Strozzi was designed to command, aimed at this. That the assembling of men, and noise of arms, which was said to be made in the Kingdom of Navarre, reflected upon this. That therefore it became the Spaniards to be careful, and to provide against these important and dangerous commotions, and not to employ their sea-forces, wherein their greatest strength now lay, in remote enterprises, where they could not be ready upon occasion to defend their own territories. Others reasoning otherwise, said, That these French commotions being in themselves of no moment, were made to appear greater by the Spaniards, thereby to cloak their truer and more secret counsels, which were seen very cunningly to aim, at the keeping of the Turks forces and power, and the like of the Venetians, so equally balanced, as neither of them should exceed their present condition. That therefore thinking, they had done enough for the Venetians security, by defeating the Turkish Fleet, and by hindering the Turks further progress, they were very reserved, in falling upon any other undertake, lest if they should prove prosperous, the Venetians power and reputation might grow too immoderate, whereby the Spanish Fleet might meet with another weighty counterpoise, and greater, than peradventure might be thought convenient, for the safety of the territories, which the King of Spain was Master of in Italy. Nor wanted there those that said, the Grandees of Spain did envy Don John's glory, and that therefore they had held forth his too great Grandezza to the King of Spain, as a thing that might cause trouble and danger to his Dominions. But what the true cause of these proceedings was, is unknown; for the Spaniards were so close in concealing their counsels, as without appearing alienated from having the Fleets meet, or from the enterprises of the Levant, for fear of the French, or out of any other respect, they still affirmed the contrary, giving daily hopes, that they would go to Corfu, which they were very crafty in doing: for they knew very well, that if the Venetians should have any the least suspicion, of being abandoned by the Colleagues, they would be forced to come to some agreement with the Turks, which, for some other respects, would be inconvenient for the Spaniards; for than they must of themselves alone withstand the forces of so great a Potentate, against whom they had always professed enmity. Thus, and for these reasons, did not the Spaniards discover their intrinsical thoughts, but finding sometimes one cause of delay, sometimes another, spun on time, without doing any thing. At this time did Pope Pius Quintus die, which caused a general grief, being taken away very unseasonably, when Christendom was was in so great need; for he, being a sanctified man, and very zealous of the common good, and consequently of great authority and reverence with all Christian Princes, was held by all to be an excellent means, of keeping up the League, and of increasing the power and reputation thereof: giving also great hopes, of making way for some notable acquisition by the Christians, and for the suppressing of the barbarous Infidels. As soon as his death was heard of, the Venetian Senate wrote suddenly to the College of Cardinals, praying them, that they would not suffer the affairs of the League to slacken, wherein the late Pope had been so zealous, since any the least protraction might prove very prejudicial, and might hinder the happy proceedings against the enemy. They were all of them very well minded to pursue the war; and that they might proceed the more resolutely, the employment was presently confirmed to those very Cardinals, who were formerly deputed by Pius Quintus, to negotiate the affairs belonging to the League, who were very diligent, in ordering all things necessary. But the inter●all of Popedom was but very short, for the Consistory of Cardinal's meeting, they, the very first day, chose Hugo Buoncompagno, Cardinal of San ●esto, Pope, who took upon him the name of Gregory the 13th, a Bulligonesse by Nation, a Doctor of Law, who had lived long in the Court of Rome, and was held to be a just man, but of a sour and austere nature, well minded, but meanly witted, and not much experienced in managing of State-affairs. This election was much favoured by the Spaniards, and particularly by Cardinal granville; were it either, that Hugo, whilst he was Lega● in Spain, had won the King's favour by his integrity; or else, (as some others said) because he was known then to be so moderate a man, as that it was thought, when he should be Pope, he would prove such a Prince, as in many respects would make for the advantage of the Catholic King; particularly, for the safety and preservation of his territories in Italy. Pope Pius Quintus his death, brought great disturbances to the uniting of the Fleets, though Gregory, as soon as he was crowned, confirmed the League in the same manner, as his Predecessor had done. For Don Io●n, who sought to protract time, began more to scruple his departure, considering, that he could not of himself resolve to move with his Fleet any where, unless he should receive new orders from Spain; which he notwithstanding giving hopes should be suddenly had, according to the common desire, was the reason, why the Venetian forces did as yet nothing; and continuing still the same course, he, according as he thought time required his answer, did continually intimate his sudden departure, affirming it so particularly, as that he writ to General Foscherini, he stayed only from coming to Corfu, in expectation of the Duke of Sessa; who, if he should not come all the sooner, he would assuredly come away without him, Nay he blamed Colonna's counsel, who expecting some few galleys from Florence, did so long delay his coming to join with them. The Senate had commanded General Foscherini, to wait for the coming of the Spanish galleys, and not to attempt any thing, nor to employ those his forces in any enterprise, whereby the common concernment, and further progress might be retarded. But the Venetians being desirous that their Forces might be somewhere felt by the Enemy, resolved to attempt castle Nuovo; S●i●rra Martiningo, being the chief adviser thereunto, who having been the preceding year at Catarro, and having had opportunity to inform himself well, propounded it as a thing easy to be done. This man was born in Bressia, of a noble Family, though illegitimately; and being banished upon occasion of private enmities, had been long in the French Wars, where he had won much repute for military valour. And upon occasion of this War, he had no● only obtained a safe conduct, but was made (as it is said) General Governor of Albania, every one conceiving well of him: His advice being embraced, and his speeches believed, all things wer● provided, which he desired as necessary for this action. The taking of castle Nuovo was very much desired by the Venetians, not out of mere consideration of the thing itself, it being a little Town, of no great circuit, not very strong, nor well inhabited; but for the many advantages which might be had thereby: For it stands almost in the mouth of the Gulf of Catarro, near whereunto the land thrusts out, and streightens the Channel so, as they who are the possessors thereof, may hinder any from passing further into the Gulf, which winding towards the Levant, makes an other great Creek, which is safe from storms, wherein any Fleet, how numerous soever, may upon any occasion ride safely, and in the utmost part thereof, stands the City of Catarro, which cannot be by any other way supplied with Garrisons, Victuals, or any other necessaries, it being environed every where on the Lands side, by the Turkish Territories. Sciarra, having embarked himself at Chioggia with 5000 foot, whereof many were French, gallant men, and very well disciplined, went with great expectation of success towards the Gulf of Catarro, bringing orders with him to General Veniero, from the Council of Ten, by whom this business was negotiated, to assist the Enterprise; so as meeting him near Liesena, they joined together, and went to the mouth of the Gulf of Catarro, and passing a little forward, tarried in a narrow place, which by reason of the straightness thereof, may easily be shut up, and is commonly called Le Catene, or the Chain. Here they thought they might most safely land their men, all that coast of castle- Nuovo, being full of Flats, which in bad weather are very dangerous: Whence it happened, that a shallop wherein Colonel Alessandro Castracani's men were, not being able to keep at anchor, was by the fury of the wind driven on ground, which the Turks being aware of, they got upon a little hill not far off, and by Musket-shot slew some of those that were in her, who were not able to make any defence; so as enforced by necessity, they went on land, though in an enemy's Country▪ and finding themselves backed by some of our Galleys, they were the better encouraged, and did for a while withstand the Enemy, though they were far inferior to them in number, till such time as some Boats were sent out unto them, wherein most of them saved themselves. After this, the rest of the men were landed without any opposition; which being done, Martiningo ordered his Brother Silla, to march immediately with a band of 200 French Harchibugiers, by the way of the Mountain which stands on the right hand of Castelnuovo, and that he should endeavour to make himself Master of some important Passes, whereby he apprehended the Enemy might be relieved: and he made as many more French Soldiers march towards the Town, conducted by Captain Santa Maria; and for the rest of his men, he gave the charge of the Battle to his Sergeant Maiore, Carlo Frisone, a Bergamas Captain; the rearward to Latino Or●in●, and put himself in the Van, and marched thus in three squadrons, the one a little after the other: In this order, he drew very near the Fort, the land Forces being still backed by the Galleys, which coasted along the shore, and observed what way they went: Then Martiningo having placed Corpse de Guards in several places, fell presently to make Trenches, having brought good store of pioneers to that purpose from Catarro, and began to plant Cannon: But these works were mightily disturbed by frequent shot from within the Town; so as being to use more time than was imagined, the news of our men's arrival, and of the expugning of Castelnuovo, was noised in the neighbouring places, whereby many came from several parts to the relief thereof, by ways unknown to our men: and chiefly on that part whither Silla Martiningo was sent to guard the Pass, the enemy grew so numerous, as though Silla was furnished with more men from his Brother, it was clearly seen no such succour could be sent him, as was able to make good that Pass, which whilst it was open, they had great conveniency of bringing Garrisons to raise the siege, and free the Fort from danger; which when the Captains considered, and found that the business grew every day worse on their side, they began to think they should not be able to get the Town so quickly as they had imagined, it being much better furnished with defendants than they thought. Wherefore it was resolved, to recall the Soldiers which were sent to guard the Passes, who could not retreat without some danger, and at the same time to reimbark the Artillery, and the rest of their men, it being then the opinion of all men, that whatsoever they should attempt would prove unsuccesful, and not void of danger: So as raising the siege, General Veniero came to Zara; and Sciarra with his French Soldiers, returned to the custody of Catarro. Thus ended this Enterprise, not otherwise then was foreseen by many before, who thought it a vain design to be able to storm Castelnuovo, in so short a time with so few men; it not being likely that a Fort esteemed very much by the Turks, and which they had used so great warlike preparations to get some few years before, should in so dangerous a time be left with a small Garrison to the discretion of the Enemy; nor yet, that being placed in a Country so full of Soldiers, the succours would be long a coming, which might be brought from the neighbouring parts. This success being therefore answerable to the advice, made Martiningo lose much reputation, who was formerly well esteemed of by many, rather for courageous daring, than for military wisdom. This afforded just occasion to Mehemet Bashaw, of upbraiding the weakness of our Counsels and forces, as he was discoursing with the Venetian Baylo. These were the Christians actions, which were not answerable to the reputation they had won by so famous a Victory; the Fleet lying at Corfu and Messina with all their Soldiers, idle spectators of the Enemies insultings at Sea, wanting forces to make any important attempts elsewhere; and the worst was, that the forces lay not then only idle, but did much lessen, wasting their Victuals, and losing many men daily through sufferings, and want of action. Wherefore there being no appearance of Don john's departure from Messina, General Foscherini, infinitely weary of such delays, was still thinking of several affairs. He propounded to attempt something by himself alone; he discoursed with such as were skilful in the Enemy's forts, and in their inhabitants in those parts: nothing troubled his mind, which was full of aspiring thoughts, and greatly desirous of glory, and of maintaining the good opinion which he had won, more than quiet. But at last, tempering his bolder counsels with mature wisdom, he got the mastery of himself. He known it became him not, to attempt any thing with small forces, left if the Enemy's Fleet should advance, he must be forced to let it pass, and lessen much the reputation of the League, to their great prejudice;▪ especially to those Christians who were subjects to the Turk, and who being encouraged by the happy success at Lepanto, were risen: but he chiefly shunned doing any thing which might be displeasing to the Spaniards, or which might give them any just excuse of being faulty to the common obligations, which he did the rather, for that all other acquisitions were held poor, all enterprises to no purpose, in respect of what might be hoped for by fight the Enemy's Fleet, with the whole Colleagues forces, which was always the Senate's intention, greatly endeavouring this union, and hoping therein very much. Foscherini being much troubled with these difficulties, and finding no better remedy for the sore loss of time, he thought it expedient to send the Commissary Soranzo, (who was now returned from Candia) to Messina, hoping that this wisdom and dexterity, together with this demonstration of honour, might work much with Don john, and might make him hasten his journey. Soranzo parted thus from Corfu, with 25 Galleys, being to make the whole voyage with bad winds, so as he could not avoid all inconveniences; some of his galleys being driven by a great tempest upon Regio, and that of Antonio Iustiniano's being driven on land by a furious wind, could not be saved. But Soranzo being at last got to Messina, he was honourably received, and welcomed by Mark Antonio Calonna, who lay there, who excused himself, for not having come further to meet him, laying the fault upon the tempestuous winds: And then coming aboard the Commissaries Galley, they went together to Don john, who making Soranzo be met at the entrance into the Palace, by his chief Major Domo, and by other principal personages, he received him with much honour and grace, and seemed to be very glad of his coming. Then Soranzo began to acquaint him with the reason of his coming; he acquainted him with the present condition of things, saying; That his Highness' coming to Corfu was much desired by all, where all their forces lay now ready, 25 galleys, and 6 galliass, all of them well fitted, with all things necessary; a great number of soldiers, abundance of victuals and ammunition, whereof there were 22 ships loaded. That all that was now expected for their going forth, to prejudice the enemy, was the joining of the Fleets, which believing that they were in readiness, by reason of the great diligence, which they knew was to be used in business of so great concernment, he was come thither, to give him an account of the Venetian Fleet, and to wait upon him so Corfu. That the Venetian Commander would not venture upon any attempt, with those forces which they had in readiness, without his presence, and fortunate conduct, though they had been by many occasion invited so to do, and by some others almost enforced, by reason of the news they had of the enemy's weakness, and of the injuries that they had done to their Islands. That it was the Senate's desire, and the desire of every particular man, that all things should be referred to him, and that the prime glory of ●ll●●er pri●es should be reserved for him. That for this cause, they had till now kept their whole Fleet within their own havens, being confident, that it would not be long before he would come thither. That he was now come to Messina, rather to wait upon him, then to hasten his departure. That it was too apparent, of what importance every minute's loss was, wherein occasions of greatly prosperous success might be lost, or whereby at least, the reputation which they had won might be much lessened, which could not be upheld, but by speedy and generous resolutions; the expectation which the world had conceived of the League's forces, being very great, and particularly of his worth and fortune. That the last year, one day was sufficient to beat the enemy, and to make way for other victories; that no● much more time would be required to vanquish them, to bereave them of all their maritine forces, and to make themselves Masters of their Forts. That they were certain, these considerations would make him use all possible speed and diligence, in making the Fleet ready. And that if his departure must be somewhat later, than the business required, doubtlessly it would be occasioned by the usual difficulties, which accompany great actions. But that this small time which was let slip by necessity, might easily be recovered by his ardent zeal, towards the good of the League, towards his own glory, and towards the satisfaction of the Colleagues. Colonna said almost the same things in the Pope's name, showing, that he was very ready to favour the League, and very desirous to hear, that the Fleets were united. All these things Don john seemed to take in good part, as answerable to his intentions; he excused his past slowness, out of several impediments, and promised to use all possible diligence, in putting 100 galleys speedily in order, and 24000 Foot of several Nations, which were assembling for the service of the Fleet. But the effects were not answerable, for there were not then above 64 galleys at Messina, and there was no news of the Duke of Sessa, who was to bring those of Spain; and the old soldiers, who were ready to embarck, being in arrears for pay▪ refused to come on board, unless they were satisfied for their former service; for which, there was no course taken. Yet the Venetian Commissary was held in hand with several hopes and promises, from day to day; the which, that they might appear the more real, 3000 Italian Foot were embarked in 30 galleys, which were given in charge to the Neapolitan General, it being given out, that he should go with them to Corfu, and there expect the coming of the rest of the Fleet. Thus time was spun on till near the end of june, nothing being all this while done against the enemy, nor was there any thing resolved what should be done; the Pope's endeavours having prevailed herein no more, than those of the Venetians. For Don john being oft solicited by Briefs, and by an express messenger, which was the Bishop Odiscalco, sought to satisfy the Pope with good words, and hopes, affairs being brought to that pass, as the Fleet was hallowed by the Bishop aforesaid; and Processions and Orisons were made, and a certain day appointed for their departure. But at last, Don john not knowing how to justify his so long delay, or to gainsay so many pressures, wherewith he was hourly solicited, the Marquis of Santa Cross being come with the Neapolitan galleys, and Don john di Cordona, with those of Sicily, and his Admiral being already ready prepared, which things had served before for some excuse, he was forced ●o discover the truth; That he could not remove with the Fleet towards the Levant, by reason of new orders that he had received from Spain, out of the fears which were had of the French commotions, which had caused the keeping back of the Commissions, and had made him keep those forces, where they might be ready to defend the King's Dominions. This order being made known, and the reason of the Fleets suspension; whereby Soranz● found, that it was in vain to persuade Don john, to depart with his whole Fleet; and yet finding him well inclined to the good of the League, that he might get as much good thereby as he could, he thought it became him to endeavour the getting, at least some part of the Fleet, which joining with the Venetians, the honour of the League might be preserved, and the forces which were ready at Corfu for any enterprise, might be increased. But to shun assenting that, without breach of League, those forces might be detained, which were obliged to serve the common interests of the associates, he wrought it so, as that proposal was made by Colonna; upon which, many consultations being had, it was resolved, that 22 galleys should be permitted to go to Corfu, and 5000 Foot, part whereof being to be had from Calaria, was yet a further cause of delay. These galleys were given into the charge of Gil d' Andrada, Knight of M●lta, with title of the King's General, Vicenzo Tuttavilla having the command of the soldiers. With these, and with the galleys of the Church, which were 13 in number, 11 of them belonging to the Duke of Florence, and 2 to Michale Bonello, brother to Cardinal Alessandrino, did Commissary Soranz● return to Corfu, the whole Fleet coming along in company to the Straits of Messina, from whence Don john passed to Pa●ermo; and when they were parted, Mark Antonio Colonna set up the Standard of the League, supplying the place of General thereof. ●●is the Spaniards resolution being published, every one firmly believed, that the enterprise of the Levant would be no further proceeded in this year, by all the forces of the League: And the Spanish Ambassador at Rome did already say, that the affairs in Flanders could not be settled time enough, for the going of the Fleet into the Levant; and that therefore the King would turn his forces into Africa, that they might not be altogether idle, and to case Sicily of them for a while. This opinion was the rather believed, by reason of many things that happened; and especially, for that much provision was made upon the Spanish coasts, for refreshing the Fleet; and because it was known for certain, that Muley Assam, King of Tunis, was willingly listened unto, who then was with Don john, and affirmed, that those people were very well disposed towards the Crown of Spain, and were ready to rise, and put themselves under his subjection, if they should find any forces to back their rebellion. This the Fleets suspension, afforded subject for several discourses; some said, That the King, in making this League, had respect to his own peculiar interests, since otherwise he could not have obtained from the now present Pope, the confirmation of what was granted him by Pius Quartus, of raising moneys from the Ecclesiastic goods, for which he was bound to keep 100 galleys, to guard those seas; and that moreover he was persuaded thereunto, out of other weighty considerations: For if the Venetians only were to withstand the Turkish forces, and should peradventure make any acquisition, they would get so much reputation at sea, as they might 〈◊〉 with him for power; and on the other side, if they should far ill, and should suffer in their Dominions, the Turks power would be so much the more increased, and become infinitely formidable. And then again, if the Venetians should fail in their hopes of such assistance, it might be believed, they would easily give way to some agreement; and so those forces which were prepared against them, might be turned Westward upon the King's Dominions. That therefore having taken upon him the common cause, upon these reasons, and bound himself out of these respects to maintain it, he could not with any justice, turn those forces to his own private and, which were before obliged to the common service of the League. That the w●●s of Flanders was not any thing of new, whereby the King should put on such a resolution; for that war was already begun, when the League was stipulated. Nor were there even then wanting suspicions of commotions in France; for the Agreement being made being made between the King of France, and the King of Navarre, and the Admiral, there was reason to believe, that the French, who are naturally lovers of novelties, and who were then long versed in Arms, would not keep quiet, but would betake themselves thither, where they should find best opportunity to make war. Th●● it was very clear, that by the conventions of the League, each Confederate might of right claim interest in the forces of the rest, upon requiring observance of the Articles agreed upon. That before the League, it was in the King's power, to employ those assistances where, and when be pleased, but since he had freely, of his own will, bound himself to limited time, and forces, he could not regulate them according to his own occasions, 〈◊〉 alter them, without the Confederates consent. Others affirmed the contrary, that the Catholic King had abundantly discharged the duty of a Christian Prince, and of a friend to the Commonwealth of Venice, since, unobliged thereunto, he had readily assisted the first year of this war, with all the sea-forces he was then master of, the common service of Christendom, to the particular advantage of Venice. That it wa● in his choice, whether he would engage himself in this war or no, not being thereunto enforced by necessity, or at least, that being unlimited, either in point of time or forces, he might have governed himself according to his own peculiar interests. That notwithstanding, he would engage himself with the League, to make the Confederates confide the more in him, and that they might have the better foundations, for designing their enterprises, which they were to make against the enemy. That this had been the cause of very great good, since the Colleagues forces being fastened together by this bond, and to the same end, had gotten so great, and so famous a victory over the Turks. That since the King's interests were not like those of the Venetians, it was to be highly valued, that he would suffer the Fleet to run the same has●●ds. That i● ought not to be wondered at, if the King, having had so great a sha●e in this victory, should endeavour to reap some particular advantage thereby, by sending his Fleet, now that he had bereft the enemy of their power at sea, and that he might safely do it, to the enterprises of Barbary, which were specified in the Articles of the League, and which were so much desired by his people, to bereave the Pirates of their receptacles, from which the Spanish Seas could by no other means be secured. That it was much more lawful for him to make use of his own Forces for the defence of his peculiar affairs, at a time when his Confederates the Venetians, were in a great part free from being offended by the enemy. What reason, what wisdom was there, that he should abandon his own Dominions, to assault those of other men? and to suffer the like, or greater dangers increase at home, that he might carry them to the Enemies? That it was true, the Wars of Flanders was no new thing, but that the accidents were new, which forced the King to think upon the preservation of those Countries, wherein disorders, were multiplied, and the Enemy's Forces increased. These, and such like things, were alleged according to the variety of men's judgements, and much more of their affections; but to the end, that the cause of a business of such importance, whereby the hopes of much good to Christendom were interrupted, may be made known, it will not be far from our purpose, that we acquaint you a little more particularly with the present condition of affairs, and with the occasions of jealousies which arose between the two most powerful Kings of France and Spain, in a very unseasonable time. In the very beginning of this year, the Town of Mons, in Flanders, was lost, and not long after, Count Nassaw took Valentiennes, with foreign foot, the most whereof were French. And a little before the Duke of Alva had chased, and routed a great many both foot and horse, of the same Nation, which went to Garrisonize the Town of Mons. These things, as they did much increase the danger of losing those Countries; so did they beget great jealousy in the Spaniards, that so many French Soldiers were brought into Flanders, not only by permission, but by order from the King of France, which was the rather believed, for that the Duke of Alva giving notice of these passages, to the Spanish Court, to Rome, & to Milan, had much amplified the business, and caused many fears of greater Commotions. Whereupon the Governor of Milan, the Spanish Ambassador at Rome, and Cardinal Granville, exclaiming very much, and appearing to be full of jealousies and fears, were the first reason why Don john stayed at Messina, openly discovering themselves to be so ill satisfied with the French, and the French growing as jealous of the Spaniards, by reason of their speeches, and proceedings, and fearing lest the Catholic Fleet might turn upon Provence to their prejudice; they betook themselves to fortify Marcelles, and increased the Garrisons thereof. It was also noised abroad, that the Duke of Alva should have said in public, that he held the War to be already begun between the Crowns of France and Spain; at which speeches, the King of France being very much troubled, he mediated by his Ambassadors, not only with the Pope, and with the Venetians, but even with the King of Spain himself, complaining partly, That a thing of such importance should be affirmed by one of his majesties chief Ministers of State, which as he was very far from thinking of, he thought he should find others to be so too; and partly seeking to justify some of his actions, which might seem to have given occasion to these the Duke of Alva's speeches. He therefore constantly affirmed, that those French with whom the Count Nassaw had taken Valentiennes, were all of the Hughenot faction; his subjects, but (as it was well known) co●●umacions, and rebels to the Crown of France, that he had been always much displeased at the commotions of Flanders, as one who was sensible of the people's rebellion, in his own Kingdom, and whom it became to obviate, not to 〈◊〉 by such examples, the dare of subjects against their Prince▪ and as one also who did at much desire the exaltation of Christendom as did any one, though his particular troubles would not permit him to act therein with others at so opportune a time. But though he could not 〈◊〉 therein with his Forces, he was far from hindering the good actions of others; that he had armed some Vessels, not with intention to prejudice any, but for the safety of his Seas, which were mightily infected by Pirates; neither were those hit armed Vessels so many, as could make it be suspected that he either could, or would fall upon any enterprises. And that these his words might be the better believed, he published an Edict, upon pain of punishment, prohibiting all his subjects to go armed into Flanders, and placed guards in all places to hinder them if any contumacious people (as he termed them) should be so bold as to countervene his orders: Nor being herewithal content, he began at the same time to do several things, whereby he seemed as if he himself would also enter into the League, making the Cardinal of Louvain hold many discourses thereupon, with the Ambassador of the Commonwealth, then resident in France, wherein he strove to make it be believed, that the King of France was well inclined to the Peace, and to the good of Christendom, and chiefly to the Crown of Spain: So as laying at last all other respects aside, he would side with the League; and proceeding to particular Agreement, he propounded several conditions; and chiefly to ratify friendship and good intelligence, between him and the Catholic King, by Marriages. Though these things came to the Spaniards knowledge, yet were they not satisfied therewith; but gave out, that the French did this, to work their ends the more easily, by assaulting the King of Spain's Territories in several parts, which were unprovided for them: that for certain, the Admiral, and the King of Navarre, did publicly persuade the Christian King to this Rupture, whose he would be forced to please for some other particular interests of his own. That it was said by all the chief of that Court, that there could be no quiet in France, till the King should resolve to fall upon some important foreign Enterprise, wherein the Catholics & Huguenots were to be jointly employed; and that it was clear enough, that the French thought this the easiest of all other Enterprises, by reason of their conveniency of assaulting Flanders, and of straightening the Spanish Army in point of Victuals, as also in respect of the difficulties the King of Spain should meet with, in relieving his men. That the King of France might make this War, upon some appearing pretensions of right, which the Crown of France hath to these Countries, wherein doubtedly the Queen of England would join both with mind and might; nor was the League treated of by Monsieur de Mom●rancy, nay concluded (as some say) with the English, to any other end, but that being free from all other jealousies, they might the better mind the molesting of the Catholic King, and therewith assault Flanders. That the Queen's mind was sufficiently known by her many no friendly actions, and especially for that the English did at this time flock over in so great numbers into Holland and Zealand, wherein they had already taken some Towns: That the ill will of that Queen, and of that Kingdom, could be no longer concealed now, by whom, and from whence, though with much secrecy and cunning, the King's Rebels had been many ways assisted, and those insurrections nourished and fomented with several hopes, and some sums of Money. Moreover, that the friendship which the French held with the Turks, afforded more just reason for these suspicions; it being very likely that the French might be now as much solicited to turn their Forces upon the Catholic King, as they had often formerly obtained, that the Turks Fleet should proceed to the prejudice of the said King: nay, that it was given out, that the more to invite them thereunto, the Turks had granted the City of Tunis to the Crown of France, upon being preserved by their forces from the Armies of Spain. The Pope was much troubled at these things, as well for the great Concern of Christendom, as in respect of his own credit, which seemed not to suffer a little, since the conventions of the League were violated by the Fleets suspension, and therewith his authority, who as Head thereof, had a little before established and confirmed it: and he was the more scandalised thereat, for that many things were in hand, which showed but little respect towards the Pontificial Majesty, whereof he was zealous above all other things, that it was not lawful for Don john, being General of the League, to obey those orders of the Catholic King, which did countervene the said League, not only without the Pope's consent, but without his knowledge, nay contrary to his express will: after having been so often pressed by his Nuncio's to go from Messina, and join with the Venetian Fleet; that it was to be considered, that that Fleet, being raised by moneys drawn from the Clergy, or from others by the particular concession and authority of the Apostolic Sea, as destined against the Turks, could not with any reason be by the King turned elsewhere: Wherefore the Pope being anxiously solicitous to have the Fleets join, he sent reduplicated Briefs to Don john, to make him speedily depart, and exhorted the Venetians to dispatch away their Ambassadors forthwith, to the Courts of Spain and France, to appease the jealousies, and take away the diffidences which were risen between those Kings; and particularly to move the Catholic King to grant them his Fleet, and not to forgo the Articles of the League. To the same purpose, he sent Antonio Maria Salviato, Bishop of St. Papolo, to the King of France, and dispatched away Nicolo Ormaneto, Bishop of Milan, as his Nuncio to the Catholic Court. Caesar interposed himself likewise herein, using his Authority with both the Kings, to preserve peace and concord between them; being moved thereunto, either that he might do what became a Christian Emperor, or else, knowing, that if these commotions should go on, Peace with the Turks must ensue; whereby he, who lived then secure and quiet, by reason of the dangers and troubles of others, might have reason to suspect that the Turks might fall upon him: But the Venetians were more fervent in these endeavours, than all the rest, as well because their interest was most therein, as also not to make the Pope jealous, lest by their not stirring in accidents of such concernment, they might rather intend Peace, than War, which might make him grow cooler for the concerns of the League, who knowing that by these proceedings, the Venetians might have reason to think of agreeing with the Turks, encouraged them with many hopes, and exhorted them to use the accustomed wisdom and moderation of that Senate, which would overcome all difficulties; that they might not totally deprive themselves of the advantage which they might receive the next year (in case the Fleets could not conveniently join this year) by the more speedy provisions for War, and by the King of Spain, who would then be free from troubles, and from such suspicions. jovanni Michiele, was chosen to be sent Ambassador to the King of France, and Antonio Tiepolo, to the King of Spain; both which used all diligence, in going to the Courts of those Kings. Michiele said, how that the Venetian Senate had always greatly desired the common good and peace between Christian Princes, which they did now the more, for that the war undertaken against the Turks, the danger wherewith the Commonwealth was threatened, as also all Christendom, made them the more desirous to procure peace, and good intelligence between the Christian Princes, that they might jointly turn upon the common Enemy. That for this cause, they were much troubled at the insurrection of Flanders, and at the King of Spain's troubles; that their displeasure was not a little increased by the report which was given out, of some suspicions, and State-jealousies, which were risen between the Crowns of France and Spain; by which it might be feared, that if these thoughts should take deeper root, an open breach might from thence proceed, to the great prejudice of Christendom; which (if it should meet with no impediment) might be in a gallant and safe condition. But by how much the more grievous, and of greater importance the business was, the less was it believed by the Senate, who very well knew the wisdom of that King, and his well-wishing towards the common good. Yet because the persuasions of such as are no friends to peace, and for their own interests seek to disturb it, do often divert Princes from their good intentions; the Senate would not be wanting in making use of that favour, which they persuaded themselves they partook of from his Majesty, in exhorting him not to listen to such discourses, when they should be propounded; or that if he had had any such intentions hitherto, that for the good of Christendom, and for the particular advantage of their Commonwealth, he would lay aside all such thoughts, and totally convince the Catholic King, so as being free from all such jealousies, he might mind the business of the Levant, and observe the Articles of the League. The King listened graciously hereunto, and took it in good part; saying, That the Senate was not at all deceived, in the good affection which he bore to the Commonwealth, nor in their belief of his well-wishing to the good of Christendom. That he had been always troubled at the commotions of Flanders, and that he had still endeavoured, to keep those insurrections from being fomented by his subjects. But that the condition of those times was such, and the state wherein his Kingdom then was, as be could not curb the insolency of such, as were desirous of novelty; who having endeavoured to work confusion in his Kingdom, it was no wonder, if contrary to his orders, they were gone into other States, to perturb the affairs of other men. And some Court Lords, to free men from such suspicio●s, were of opinion, that he should wink at these things, which did not now concern the Crown of France, which was sensible of the prejudice which Princes receive, from the unbri●led licentiousness of people, cloaked under the name of just liberty; which could no otherwise be hurtful to him, then violent exercise is to an infirm body. That he knew this might be prejudicial to the Catholic King, without any advantage to France; way, not without fear, of putting her into new troubles and dangers; for that these commotions might very likely make the King of Spain agree with the Flemish, with intention peradventure of assaulting Dolphin, or the Kingdom of Navarre: So as, instead of carrying the war to other men's doors, they might be enforced to make war at home, at a time, when the forces of the Kingdom, through so many▪ and so long civil dissensions, were divided and weakened. But of all others, the Queen Mother (who bore then almost the chiefest authority in the Kingdom) seemed greatly desirous to preserve peace, and would therefore with her own hand write to the Pope, attesting this her desire, and professing herself ready to follow his good advice. And that though there were some provision of Arms made, they were never intended to make use of them, to the prejudice of others, but only in their own defence; fearing lest the Spaniards, for the injuries which they causelessly affirmed they had received from the French, might invade his Kingdom. Where it is worth consideration, how great the jealousies of States are, and how easily Princes are more subject than other men, to every impression of various affections. The Catholic King feared, that the French would make war upon him, and desired peace. The Christian King desired to keep fair with the Spaniards, but apprehended, lest their forces, which were prepared against others, might be turned upon his Kingdom. Both these Princes were busied in other affairs, and were therefore better pleased with Agreement, and each of them feared, the other would break it. And yet those vain jealousies, which seemed to tend to the quiet and safety of their affairs, did in a manner afford occasion of many troubles, and of great prejudice. But the Catholic King was resolved, before the Ambassador Tiepolo came to his Court, to send to Don John, that laying aside all other respects, he should forthwith go, with all the galleys that he had with him, and join with those of the Venetians; and when the Fleets should be met, that he should immediately pass on to the Levant; being hereunto moved, either that he might the better know the King of France his mind towards him; or that he did fear his forces the less, after the recovery of Valentiannes', and other prosperous successes, which ensued in Flanders; or that he better understood the inconvenience and prejudice, which upon other occasions might arise to his affairs, it having made much for the reputation of the French amongst the Turks, by his seeming to be so concerned in all they did, as that he was thereby enforced to abandon his other enterprises; or else, for that as a just and wise Prince, he thought it did in no way become him, to abandon the Articles of the League. But were it one, or more of these reasons, that moved him thereunto, it was then said for certain, that this resolution arose from his own mere will; for he had dispatched this order away to Don john, before he communicated it to his Counsellors, fearing lest they might have propounded somewhat, which might have diverted him from doing so, as had formerly happened. But when Antonio Tiepolo was come to that Court, being now no more to speak of the jealousies of France, nor of the joining of the Fleets; he, according to his Commission, desired the King only, That since the best season for actions at sea was now well nigh over, he would give Don John leave (in case the occasion of affairs should so require it) to winter abroad in the Levant, showing, that great advantage might be made thereby; for their Islands would by this means be eased of the burden, which was now become grievous and insupportable, of having so long nourished so great a Fleet; which burden would be laid upon the enemy's countries, from whence they might easily be furnished with abundance of victuals. Moreover, they would the sooner, and more easily, prosecute any thing, which they should either have beg●n, or should intend to do. The courage also of those which were risen, would thereby be augmented, and others would be invited to do the like, the enemy would be driven to within the straits of Constantinople, and they would be hindered from coming forth early, to prejudice Christians, as they had done the preceding years; and, in fine, the League would thereby get great reputation in all things, and the enemy dishonour. But he concealed somewhat from the King, which moved the Venetians as much as any other reason, to desire this, which was, that by this, the Spaniards would be made forgo their so highly valued interests, in the African enterprises, and by laying aside those thoughts, would be brought to mind the common affairs in the Levant the more. But all this did no good; for the King alleging many reasons to the contrary, would not give way thereunto, following therein either his own inclination, which was, not to hazard too much to fortune; or else the persuasion of those, who liked not the League. But howsoever, this advice was not much liked, it being thought, that thereby occasion for great good successes, if they should be favoured by fortune, would be taken away; and that Don john ought not to have been limited, in his Commissions granted him, as General of the associate Princes; which were, that he should endeavour to do, whatsoever might make for the advantage of the League, which was questionlesly known, would be very great, by wintring in the enemy's Countries in the Levant. Don john had been persuaded formerly to this very thing, wherein the Pope likewise interposed his authority. But he, not being willing to determinate it of himself, had referred the consideration thereof to Spain, which was an evident sign that his common Orders were limited, and restrained by particular Commission. Whilst Christian Princes were thus employed, & whilst the League proceeded very slowly, the Turkish Fleet was already very numerous, & powerful at sea; for Uluzzali, who was declared General at sea, had with great diligence rig'd up 100 galleys, besides those former, which (as hath been said) were gone under the command of Carozzali, wherewith he likewise parted from the straits of Galipoli▪ And when the whole Fleet was met, he made forward, with intention to pillage the Island of Candia, and to do other prejudice to the parts belonging to the Venetians, according as he should hear news of the Christian Fleets proceedings▪ At which time, certain word being come to Venice, of the suspension of the Spanish Fleet, great sorrow was seen in all men, their wonder increasing together with their sorrow, that the Spaniards, who seemed at first to desire the League, should, when it was concluded, & so many difficulties were overcome; nay, when they saw their hopes were great, deptive themselves of the present, and assured advantage, which they might have by the League, for fear of dangers which were uncertain, and far off; and that they should give occasion of dissolving it, when they ought to have confirmed it, and establish it with more forces and confidence. So as, seeing they could not penetrate into their secret designs, nor thinking it fit to ground any thing upon such helps, the Senate resolved, to order General Foscherini, that waiting no longer for the joining of the Fleets, he should, as soon as Commissary Soranzo should be returned from Corfu, advance with their own forces, for the consolation and safety of their subjects and affairs; and that proceeding with caution and circumspection, he should do as he should see occasion, for God's glory, and the good of the Commonwealth. Therefore when Foscheri●i had received this order, being impatient of lying so long idle; as soon as Colonna, and Commissary Soranzo were come to Corfu, he began without any further delay, to endeavour the Fleets departure towards the Levant, that they might approach the enemy: Wherein finding all men willing, a Council was called, wherein, to boot with the three Generals, P●mpeo Colonna, Lieutenant to Mark Antonio, and Commissary Sor●nzo, did intervene. Mark Antonio, with much freedom and affection, declared himself to be very affectionate to the League, and particularly to the good and greatness of the Commonwealth, showing his sorrow for the time they had lost, and for the forces which fell so short of what was hoped for. He, notwithstanding, encouraged them to hope well; saying▪ Th●● the Catholic Kings good intentions were very well known to him, as also the Pope's fervency in soliciting him: Wherefore, if the jealousies of France should cease, they might be sure Don John would come, and join with them, with the rest of the ●leet. But that howsoever, though he were the Pope's servant, and the King's vassal, he was ready to fall upon the enterprise, which might rend to the particular service of the Venetians, whose interests and dangers ●e knew was most concerned therein. Hereupon General ●oscherini said: That the Pope's and the Catholic King's goodwill, was sufficiently manifested likewise to his Commonwealth, as also the like of his Commonwealth towards those Princes, and towards the League, as might be witnessed by the way she had proceeded in, and did still proceed in, as concerning this business: And that Colonna 's gallantry, and his affection to the Commonwealth, as also his desire to be serviceable to Christendom, was manifestly known, not only in particular to the Venetians, but throughout the whole world, by the so many services he had done the Commonwealth, to the honour and advantage of the League. Yet he could not but be sorry, that fortune had advanced such occasions, as that effects answerable to this general good intention, were not seen to be continued. But that since it was in 〈◊〉 to lament what was past, and which could not be recalled; and that likewise it was not in their power to remove the impediments, which detained Don John in Sicily. The only remedy for such great mischiefs, was, to seek to outdo themselves, (if it were possible) in hasting to what they had to do; which be it what it would, he put them in mind, and did advise them, it could not be of more advantage, then to go and encounter with the enemy's Fleet, which doubtlessly for number, as also in many other considerations, was much inferior to theirs. And that peradventure it had happened by divine providence, which ofttimes brings our actions to their predestinated end, by ways unknown to human wisdom, that the Colleagues Fleet should be so separated, to the end, that being therefore less mindful of their affairs, and apprehending no encounter, the enemy should afford them that means of finding them out, and fight them; which if they had known they had been to withstand the whole forces of the League, they would easily have prevented. And if it should so fall out, as, that upon the approach of the Christian Fleet, the Turks should retire, it was not to be lightly esteemed, that they had so confirmed the reputation of the League, and secured the work which they had undertaken, and were resolved to do, whether the rest of the Catholic Fleet came or came not. Colonna soon yielded to Foscherini's opinion, giving many reasons, why nothing of more profit could be attempted, than what was now proposed. But he was of opinion, and did desire, that being to proceed against the enemy, they should go with all their forces joined together, the greater and lesser galleys keeping still together in company, which the season of the year afforded them great conveniency to do, by reason of the Northern winds, which do blow almost continually at that time of the year. But Gelandrada did neither totally commend, nor totally discommend this advice; he told them, They were to proceed with much circumspection, and not to hazard a business of such concernment, unnecessitated, or at least, without great occasion. Adding, that they should first endeavour to have some news of the enemy, of their forces, and what way they steered; and then to put on that resolution, if they should be persuaded thereunto by more certain information. But he chiefly commended the counsel, of carrying the ships along with them, as well to increase their forces, as also not to be distressed for want of victuals, and not to leave them at the discretion of fortune, and the enemy. At last he concluded, that he would not descent from the opinion of the rest, showing himself to be very well inclined to do any thing, which might be for the common service. So as it was agreed upon, by general consent, that the Fleet should forthwith part from Corfu, which consisted then of 126 smaller Galleys, 6 Galliass, and 20 ships; and every Galley had in them 150 Soldiers. The whole Fleet was divided into three parts; the three Generals kept in the midst with 45 Galleys, the other were equally divided into two wings. Commissary Soranzo led on the right wing, and Canale the left; the Van, and relief, was reserved for the Candy Galleys, which were hourly expected. Two Galliass, and part of the Ships, did tow on each squadron of the lesser galleys, with order to guide them to the front of the Fleet, whensoever it should be needful; it being resolved in Council, that without these, they should not join battle. At this time, when the Fleet was ready to hoist sail, a Frigate sent speedily from Palermo to the Venetian General, from Placido Ragazzoni, who dealt concerning Corn for the Commonwealth in Sicily, arrived, by which he sent news, that a Spanish Galley was come to Messina, which brought positive order to Don john, for the joining together of the whole Fleet, which was not long after confirmed by Letters from Don john's self, to Mark Antonio Colonna, whereby he gave him notice of this new Commission received from the King, and of his readiness to obey it; and that he would come forthwith with the rest of the Fleet, to find him out: But he desired, that in the interim, the news of his coming should be published, to keep the Grecians who were up, in their Loyalty, and that without undertaking any thing wherein the reputation of the League might be endangered, they should only mind the thwarting of the Enemy's designs, and the securing of the Venetian Territories: though all were much joyed at this news, yet they thought it ought not to hinder or retard the departure of the Fleet, which was already resolved on: So as on the 28 of july, the three Generals parted from the Gomenizzes, where they stayed, awhile, to expect Commissary Canale, who was gone with 16 Galleys to Ottranto, to take in 3000 foot, who were there ready for the Fleet, under the conduct of Colonel Horatio Aquaviva, Son to the Duke of Atri; which when they were come, were distributed into the Spanish Galleys, into those of the Church, and into the Venetian Ships. Before they went from this place, jovanni Mocenico, one who was diligent, and well practised in Sea affairs, was dispatched away with his Galley towards Candia, to give notice of the coming of the Christian Fleet, and to learn some news of the Enemy, of whom nothing of certainty was as then known, neither concerning their numbers, nor their voyage. The League's Fleet being on their way, 13 Galleys came in unto them, as they entered into the channel of Viscardo, which Commissary Quirini brought from Candia, and pursuing their course from thence, they came with a prosperous wind in two days to Zante: No assured advertisement of the Enemies proceedings being brought thither (as they hoped for) and they being to tarry there two days to take in fresh water; they dispatched away three other Galleys, to find out where the Enemy were. Uluzzali was at this time come to underneath the fort of Malvasia, and had with him about 200 ●ail, his number being increased by the access of many Pirate's Vessels, which came in unto him in his voyage. Wherefore after having for a while scoured the Archipelagus, he was come to this place, wi●h an intention to pillage the Island of C●ndi●, and then to pass to Br●zzo di Maina, to curb those people which were risen up in favour of the Christians. But hearing that the Christian Fleet did advance, which he thought would not have departed from Corfu, (for he had been informed, that it was divided) he recalled some Galleys, which in pursuit of his first design, he had sent to Cupo M●li●, and returned together with his whole Fleet, to underneath the fort of Malv●sia, where he stayed expecting more particular information of our Fleet. But when he was told, that it still advanced, and was already got near the Island of Cirigo; and that it came shore of ●his Fleet for number of lesser Galleys, though it were very strong in great Vessels, he resolved to put to Sea, and to encounter it. Having therefore called together his Officers, and other chief persons which were in the Fleet; it is said he spoke thus unto them. We have great occasion offered us, to win much favour with the Grand Signior, and glory with all men, if we know how to acknowledge it, and to make use thereof. We are informed, that for certain, the Christian Fleet is divided; and that the Venetian General comes forward with a very small number of Galleys, being drawn by shame, and by necessity to succour we Kingdom of Candia; but (for as far as may be imagined) with a mind far from fight; bringing along with him so many great Vessels, to keep himself from being assaulted by us; whose forces it may easily be known, by their delay, and by their irresolute counsels they are afraid of▪ I am therefore of opinion, that without further delay, we put to Sea, and go where we may meet the Enemy, and may have means to give them battle. This ad●●ce, as it is full of Generosity and Glory, so may it be very advantageous: nor doth it want such assuredness, as a wise Commander, in the condition which we are in, aught to have regard unto, it will doubtlessly redound much to the reputation of the Ottoman Empire, to the honour of her Commanders, and of our whole Nation, that after so great a rout at Sea, happened by misfortune, we have notwithstanding retained so much worth and courage, and preserved so many forces, as that we have come forth the very next summer, with so powerful and gallant a Fleet, as hath not been afraid to face the Enemy, and to ●ight them, as being desirous once more to make trial of every man's valour, and of the fortune of War. None can deny, but that, great praise and glory is to ensue from hence; and certainly the profit, nay the necessity thereof, is no less, nor no less evident, which persuades us to this resolution, or which (to say better) doth thrust, and force us upon it. For if we keep here idle, it is no doubt but that our enemies, grown insolent by their victory, and being the bolder by our fear, will either come to find u● out, to try whether they can fight us upon advantage, and to increase their reputation, boasting that they are come to fight us at our own doors; or else they will fall upon some of the grand Signors Dominions, wherein the defendants being discouraged by our cowardliness, they will the eastier prevail: but if we go boldly to meet them, (a thing which peradventure they look not for at this time) who sees not that this their beat being cooled by our unexpected encounter, they will tack about, and losing courage, will rather think of securing themselves, and their own affairs, than of endangering those of other men? ●hus will all the shores of these Seas be kept from being injured by the Enemy, all whose designs we shall frustrate; for seeing us come forth to follow them, they will not dare to fall upon any Enterprise, lest we should assault them. All the experience in Sea-affairs, which I have got in so many years, tells me, that we may get this honour, and this advantage safely, and without hazarding our Fleet: for the Enemy have not dared to advance and approach us, out of any confidence they have in the number of their Galleys, or in their soldier's valour, wherein they come far enough short of us: but only confiding in those great Galleys, and many ships which they bring along with them; behind which they think they may keep from being assaulted by us, as sheltered by so many strong Bulworks; so as it is clear enough, the matter of fight will always be in our po●er, they not being able to force us to fight, unless we will, though we may force them: for they not being well able to govern those great Vessels at their pleasure, and for their conveniency; but being to be at the pleasure of the wind, and at the discretion of fortune, and being unwilling to part from them, so to be deprived of that stout and safe defence; who is not aware with what advantage we may face them, and offer them battle; and then do, not as chance, or necessity shall enforce us, but what the reason of War shall persuade us unto? nor ought we be any whit terrified, or removed from doing this, by the last years unfortunate success: for it is well known, that it was not the valour of our enemies, but our own disorders, which occasioned that ruin; and (if I may be permitted to say so) the rashness of our Commanders, who by hasting too much to fight, made us expose ourselves inconsiderately, to the great shot of the Galliass, so as we entered the Battle, being divided, and in confusion; by which example being now taught, we shall the better know how to govern our Fleet, and to know our advantages, and disadvantages, and not commit ourselves foolishly to the will of blind fortune. Let us then forget that ill luck, and all fear that may arise from thence▪ and if we will be mindful of that had success, why should we not likewise call to mind, the so many, and so famous victories which the Musselmans have bad both by Sea and Land, over the Christians? in so much as there is not any part in Europe, which hath not been noted for calamities caused by us, and for the glory of the Ottoman Empire. We ought assuredly to be confident therefore, that fortune which doth accompany the valour of our Nation, and which is always a friend to this happy Empire, hath suffered it to receive this one blow, not to embase it, but that by governing itself well in adversity, and showing the excellency of its orders, and its soldier's worth, it may rise to greater glory. These reasons are sufficient to make you applaud and embrace this my proposal, certainly a generous longing to revenge the injuries received from these insolent and ignoble Enemies, and to recover that reputation which they boast they have bereavest us of, scorning, reviling, and despising us, as if by one bare victory they had quite overthrown the powerful Ottoman Empire, must be of some force with military men. He who doth not resent these things, merits not the name of a Soldier: but methinks, I see you all so inflamed with desire of carrying the Fleet from out this Haven, and so full of good hopes, as prosperous success must needs accompany us. Therefore let us, without any further delay, put our Galleys in order, and not suffer the Enemy to prevent our designs. Uluzzali accompanying these his words with action, made all things fitting be immediately prepared, and sailed towards Cape Malio. In this interim, two of the Galleys which were sent out to that purpose, brought word to our Fleet, which was already gotten to the Island of Cerigo, that Uluzzali was with about 200 sail under Malvasia. This news being come, & it being thought, that since the enemy was so near, they could not without going less in honour, pretermit the opportunity which was given them, of finding them out, and of offering them battle; the three Generals did jointly resolve to steer their course toward Cape Malio; and that when they should come within sight of the Enemy, they should advance and present them battle. This advice being followed, the Fleet came to the head of the Island Cerigo, to the place called, le Dragoniere, that they might be the nearer Cape Malio, the better to observe the proceedings of the enemy, and make use of any occasion that should be offered. For they could not design to assault them in a place of safety, where they were strong, as well for the shot that might be made at our Galleys, out of the Castle of Malvasia; as also for the difficulty they should have of bringing the greater Vessels thither, and in ordering them, wherein our chiefest hopes of victory lay, if the enemy ought to be fought with. Whilst they were in this place, the Turkish Fleet was discovered on the seventh day of August, in the morning, by the guards which were placed upon the Mountain: which Fleet being already past the point of Cape Malio, a Promontory of Morea, anciently called Malea, and following the coast of the Vatica, sailed towards the channel of Cerigo: which way of theirs not being above ten miles from our Fleet, it was thought they advanced with an intention of fight; which our General's hearing, they caused the sign of battle be given to the whole Fleet by the sound of Trumpet, and by setting up their standards in their galleys; being very diligent in disposing of all things, in ordering their squadrons, and in making the ships and greater galleys advance forward, that they might withstand the first encounter of the Enemy. And though a contrary wind began to blow a little from the North, the whole greater Fleet was by force of towing, brought to the place designed, and very well disposed of. In which order the Fleet being come from fort● the Rocks of the Dragoniere, it sailed towards the coast of Cape Malio, taking a fitting place to present battle to the Enemy; who at the first seemed not as if they would refuse it: But as soon as the Fleets drew nearer, were it either that the Enemy thought the number of our Vessels to be more, which being distended in good order, took up a great space, and made a terrible show of Battle; or that the Enemy were terrified at the courage of our men: (if it be not truer, that Uluzzali had neither Commission, nor mind to fight, seeming only to desire it, that he might gain reputation) altering their course, they made towards the Island de Cervi, which is a Rock not far from that Promontory, from whence they were last come; and sailing in a close order, and drawing still nearer Land, they went further off from our men; which it was thought Uluzzali did, for that (being an excellent Mariner) he would stay for a western wind, which usually in that season blows in those parts, that so he might afterwards have the advantage of a forewind, to assault our Fleet: Which the Commanders of the Christian Fleet foreseeing, they designed that their ships (which lay over against the great galleys on the left hand) as soon as the enemy's galleys should be passed by, they should hoist all their sails, and assault the Enemy with a ●ore-winde: But the wind blowing at Southeast, Uluzzali was forced to take an other course; and making towards the Western point of the Island of C●rigo, he crossed the channel which runs between the Islands of Cervi and Cerigo: So as the one end of his Fleet reaching to Cerigo, and the other to Cervi, it enclosed all that space of Sea, which is about ten miles in length; and turning their fore-Castles towards our Fleet, they stood expecting it, having put themselves in order for battle, in three great squadrons, all of an equal number of Vessels; which delay of the Enemy made much for the advantage of our men, for they had thereby opportunity to order themselves the better; so as the wind becoming good afterwards, they made forward with the whole Fleet to assault the Enemy: And they were already come so near, as they made many shot at each other, it being undoubtedly thought that the battle would be that day fought, and that that action would decide what the fortune and end of the whole War would be. But the wind beginning to slacken, our men could not advance, without severing the greater Vessels from the less, and so part from their first firm resolution. And on the other side, Uluzzali, keeping constant to his opinion, not to come near the Ships nor Galliass, stirred not from the place where he was. There were then in the Turkish Fleet, above 200 sail, of which 160 well armed Galleys, very you're and fit for action; the rest were lesser Vessels, mixed together with the Galleys in the battle, and in each wing. There were not above 127 small galleys in the Christian Fleet, but they had six Galliass, and 22 Ships, excellently well man'd, and furnished with Artillery: so as each Fleet exceeding the other in some kind, and coming short in some other, the Fleets were justly counterpoised. This advantage, and disadvantage being very well known to both parties, was the cause why the Fleets, though they were so near, did not join Battle; since the greatest and most certain hope of victory was reduced to industry, and to endeavouring to draw each other to fight upon the advantage of such forces wherein each did exceed the other. Uluzzali endeavoured therefore by several means, to shun encountering with the greater Vessels, and to deprive the lesser Galleys of their assistance; and taking the advantage of the Lee-shore, he intended for as much as was conceived, to keep himself from shot of the greater Vessels, and to assault our left wing either on the Poop, or Flank: But Commissary Canale, who commanded that wing, preventing him, blocked up the passage, and deprived him of that opportunity: Wherefore Uluzzali trying to work his intent by some other means, commanded 25 of his yarer galleys, to go from the part that was nearest the Island of Cervi, and to assault our right Wing, which was commanded by our Commissary General, hoping to disorder it; and by drawing other of our galleys to defend it, to engage all our lesser galleys in fight, far from the ships and galleasses, which being totally becalmed, lay unmoveable. But Commissary Soranzo, resolving valiantly to withstand those that came to assault him, before they should be come nearer him, repulsed them by frequent shot; and making them retire towards their other Squadrons, began to pursue them close, and to endanger them, and was followed by the Fleet; but they were forced to proceed slowly, by reason of so much towing: So as many hours being spent, and our men not being able to advance faster with their joint forces; and the enemy not willing to accost them, before he had divided them; when the Sun began to set, Uluzzali, secured by the coming on of night, and by the great smoke of the Artillery, began to make his galleys be towed back by little and little, yet turning their Prowess; but at last, he took the advantage of the point of the Island Cerigo, and turning his Prow, he launched out into the sea, and got quite out of the sight of our men, and out of danger; our men not being able to follow them any further, by reason of the slowness of towing, and of the weariness of their men; nor could they well discern then what course he took, as well by reason of the obscurity of night, as also by a stratagem which he used in his flight, having sent one Galley, with a light in the lantern, quite another way, than whither he went with his whole Fleet, to make it be believed, that he was gone the same way. But the next morning, the enemy was kend to be towards Brazzo di Maina. Our men having kept the most part of that night at sea, went to the North Cape of the Island of Cerigo, to take in water, and to afford some rest to their wearied Rowers; where having tarried that day, and part of the next (for they understood by their Guards from land, that the enemy's Fleet was discovered to be not far off) they speedily embarked their men, and went to where they heard the Turkish Fleet was; which not being to be found any where that day, our Fleet kept all that night at sea in very good order. But on the tenth of August, the enemy were discovered to be upon the Cape Matapan, who keeping their Galleys with their Forecastles towards land, kept about the coast on both sides the Cape. Uluzzali seeing himself found out by our Fleet, gave warning by shot of Cannon to his Galleys which lay furthest off, to come closer together, and suddenly put himself in order, being especially cautious, not to put himself in such a place, as he might be forced to fight with our greater vessels; wherefore he took a great circuit, keeping his two wings half a mile distant from the body of the Battle, wherein he kept in the midst: He faced our Fleet which came towards him, in somewhat a closer order, expecting that our Generals, alured by hopes of an easy victory, should pass forwards, beyond their ships and galliass, to fight his Squadron, whilst it was divided, and severed from his other galleys. And in the mean while, the two Wings of the enemy, taking a large compass, seemed as if they would encompass our men, and assault them on the back, out of danger of our greater vessels, so as they should not be able to assist our Generals, if they should come to conflict with their middle Squadron. Which design being found out by our Commanders, orders were forthwith sent to those that were in both the Wings, that observing vigilantly what course the enemy should steer, & keeping their Forecastles still turned towards them, they should not suffer them to pass beyond our Fleet. Thus each Fleet facing the other always in all parts, they were already come within Canon-shot. At this so great a pinch, General Foscherini, being ambitious of praise, and of doing somewhat, which might be answerable to the opinion of his conceived gallantry, took a small boat, going sometimes to one place, sometimes to another, and endeavouring to be every where; he ordered, commanded, provided for all things necessary: He desired the governor's and captain's of the galleys, to be careful of themselves, and to remember the last year's happy success; saying, That these were those very enemies, who, not many months ago, were with so much glory overcome by them in Battle; nay, that they were the poorest, and least courageous amongst them; for all the ablest, and most generous, were slain in the last Battle, and those that escaped were full of fears. That the very reputation of the late victory, would assuredly be sufficient to fight for them, against cowed people, and who had lost their courage by the bad success of the last Battle; whose Admiral would be the first that should teach them to fly, as it became his trade of Piracy, and as he had done in the last fight. That there was not any, who had not earnestly desired, to have an opportunity of fight the enemy, believing, that therein lay the chief difficulty, of getting another no less famous victory. That this opportunity was by divine Providence now offered them, when they did most desire it, and looked least for it. That if they should now again suffer the enemy to escape away safe, when their forces were so weak, they might in vain seek an occasion hereafter, of suppressing them; for growing in time more powerful, and more bold, they would bereave ●hem of the occasion, or of the easiness of other victories; nay, they might deprive them of the fruit of that victory, which they had already gotten. Therefore the end of that war, and the fortune of the Commonwealth, for some ages, did depend upon that day's success. If they valued their own glory, the good of their country, the exaltation of Christendom, let them now fall boldly upon the enemy, since they had that now before their eyes, which was able to inflame poorly spirited men, much more such as were noble and generous. But that if any one should be otherwise minded, let him know, the enemy was so near, a● there was neither time nor means now left, of shunning the Battle, wherein their safety and glory did wholly consist. With these and the like speeches, did General F●scherini strive to encourage all to Battle: And in the mean time, our Fleet advanced jointly together, with much courage, hoping to fight the Squadron wherein Uluzzali was, and to beat him, before he could be succoured by his other Wings, which were gone far off. But we were forced to proceed very slowly, and not without some disorder, as well by reason of towing on the ships, the wind being wholly ceased; as also, that our Wings could not be well adjusted, being to stand opposite to those of the enemy, which (as hath been shown) had taken a large compass. Yet the Fleets drew still nearer, especially on the side towards the sea, which answered to our right Wing, and to the enemies left. Commissary Soranzo, who was the foremost of his Squadron, against which the enemy came, advanced speedily, with some of the yarest galleys of the first Squadron, to fight the enemy's galleys, before they should be able to join with their companions. These, not seeming as then to shun the encounter, kept on their course, and came within shot of ours; but finding afterwards, that Soranzo did valiantly advance to fall upon them▪ they stayed a while, expecting relief from some other galleys of their Squadron, which were already got very near them; which made Commissary Soranzo do the like: so as the enemy, who (as was palpably seen) did abhor the conflict, had time to retreat, being much endamaged by shot from our Galleys, giving way manifestly, and being driven from their first station. But our left Wing, the enemy being fallen further off on that side, had likewise taken a larger compass, so as it was neither so near as to fight the enemy, nor could it so soon return to its place, and join with the body of our Battle, as was requisite, for their advancing jointly against the enemy. Things being reduced to this condition, and the Northwest wind beginning to blow, which was contrary to us, it was clearly seen, we could not possibly come to Battle that day, unless we should advance with our smaller Galleys, and leave our greater Vessels behind. The Venetian General desiring very much to fall on, speaking aloud to the other Generals, whose Galleys were near him: What mean we, said he, that we do not boldly advance? Why do we not forego this impediment of the greater vessels, whereby we must always be guided by fortune, and by our enemy's pleasure? Shall we suffer the victory to escape as once more? Occasion invites us to alter our resolution, let us make use thereof whilst we may. We must be bold, and hope well. Foscherini thought it was the best and safest way to advance, for that they might make advantage of the cunning, which the enemy sought to use against them, by assaulting their middle Squadron, before the rest could come together, and put themselves in Battle array. And if the enemy should continue their first intention, their ships, which the enemy would never dare to approach, would secure them from the danger of being assaulted on the back. But the rest of the Generals, neither totally consenting to, nor dissenting from this proposition, saying only▪ That it was contrary to the resolution which they had maturely taken; and that the time would not permit new counsels; the Fleet continued to advance, though but slowly; and the smaller galleys and galleasses passing by the ships, went boldly forward towards the enemy: but the wind growing stronger, not only the ships, but the galleasses, which did before advance without towing, were forced to ●arry behind; so as making very slowly forward, Uluzzali had opportunity to retire with leisure, and in good order, with all his Squadrons joined together. And the better to dissemble his retreat, he for a while made his galley be towed backward by the Poop, till being gotten out of our sight, he thought he might safely wheel about, and launching out into the sea, get (as he did) into a place of safety. These successes might, as it was thought, teach a new and useful lesson, concerning the Militia of the sea; That as greater vessels are of much safety, by reason of their strength, so they may occasion great inconvenience and prejudice, since they who are to make use of them, must always depend upon the pleasure of the wind, and upon the enemy's will. For this cause, Uluzzali, who had been long accustomed to sea-exercises, when he came from Malvesia, made use of the men only that were in his Maone, or ships of burden, to recruit therewith his lesser galleys, leaving the vessels themselves behind, to shun the necessity, either of abandoning them, or of governing himself according to the will and convenience of others. The Christian Fleet, the Turks being passed beyond Cape Matapan, and they not being able to pursue them any further, by reason of the contrary wind, and weariness of their men, retired to the Island of Cerigo, where lying at sea the first night, it came the next morning underneath the Fort, the ships lying a little without. Whilst our Fleet stayed here, news came, that Uluzzali had taken one of our Frigates, by whom having notice of Don John's coming, he prepared to go to where the Spanish Fleet was to pass, intending (as being much stronger) to fight it. At which, Colonna, and Gil d' Andrea being very much troubled, they propounded, that all other respects being laid aside, they might immediately go with all their lesser Galleys, to meet Don john, and to free him from danger. But the Venetian Commanders were absolutely against this, considering, That to avoid an uncertain danger, that Fleet must be exposed to manifest inconvenience, to the hazard of the whole forces of the League; for the greater vessels not being able to part from Cerigo, by reason of the contrary winds, nor having any haven there, wherein they might be safe, they must be a certain prey to the enemy. Nor could the lesser galleys be free from the like fear, their number being lessened, and wanting the assistance of the ships and galleasses, wherein they had so far placed the security and safety of that Fleet, as they thought all opportunities unseasonable without them, though accompanied with much hope of overcoming the enemy. They urged moreover, that it was very like, that they, keeping all their forces joined together, and observing Uluzzali's way, they might, by following the same trak, keep him in such jealousies, and apprehensions, as he might rather fear to be taken in the midst by the League's Fleets, then intent falling upon any part thereof. They called to mind also, that the artillery, ammunition, and victuals lay in the ships, to deprive themselves of which so necessary things, was no better, then to draw upon them such disorders and mischiefs, as they could not receive greater from the enemy. Besides, that the wind was very contrary to the course which they were now to steer, if they should return to Corfu; whereas it was very good for Don John to come into the Levant, who bringing 50 galleys with him, he might easily and safely come to them; and that when they should be all met together, they were likely to meet with some occasion of attempting some enterprises in the Levant, which might become the name & preparations of the League, whilst the season of the year, which was already well advanced, might permit them to do so. These reasons not being allowed of by Colonna, no● by Gill d' Andrad●, they were full of doubts and difficulties. These thought they might go safely with 100 galleys towards Zante, and thereby secure Don John's voyage, and send the greater Vessels the mean while to the Island of Candia, whither they might soon and easily get, and be free from all danger: They said, no other course could be thought good, sav● what made for the conjunction of the Leagues Fleet. For whilst their forces should be divided, so as they should neither have small galleys enough, nor men of War, to follow the Enemy in all places, or to fall upon any other enterprise; nor yet being able to force the Enemy to fight with their greater Vessels; it appeared clearly, that their longer tarrying in those parts, would be totally to no purpose, which being well known to Uluzzali, had been the cause why he was gone (as it was reported) to Brazzo di Maina to keep the Fleets from meeting; which if he should be able to do, it would make much for the safety of his own affairs, and would frustrate all their designs. Whilst this important resolution remained yet undecided, a Frigate arrived very seasonably from Don john, which brought word, that he would not take his voyage before the first of August. Which news, though it afforded occasion of accommodating the Commanders first disputes more easily, yet did it not free them from all trouble; for they therewith understood, that Don john would not advance much with his galleys, but that he by express Orders, and Letters, willed the Generals to return and meet him: which by reason of the contrary winds, they being to bring along with them so many great Vessels, could not be done without great loss of time, without much danger, and without much dissatisfaction to the Inhabitants of the Islands, subject to the Venetian Dominion, if they should abandon them at a time when the Enemy was so strong at Sea, and so near them: but howsoever they jointly resolved to obey Don john's orders; and because it was thought almost impossible to do so, and bring the greater Vessels along with them; they resolved to go first to the Island of Candia, and there leave the Ships and Galliass, as in a place of safety, and to cross the Sea towards Zante, with the lesser galleys. But this was not done, by reason that they heard the Enemy's Fleet was discovered upon the Vatica, and that it made towards Cape Malio; wherefore thinking they might safely pursue the nearer way, to meet Don john, the whole Christian Fleet went to Brazzo di Maina, from whence Uluzzali was gone but a little before. The wind turning fair for them into the Northwest, they sailed in three days from hence to Zante, where not meeting with Don john, (as they had well hoped to have done) but with new orders from him, whereby he desired them to come to C●falonia, they were necessitated to leave the ships there, though in apparent danger; the Enemy not being gone so far, but that upon notice thereof, they might return, and possess themselves of them: and being told that they did do this, as was suspected by many that they would do, some of those that bore chiefest authority in the Spanish Fleet, moved, that since it was so hard a thing to succour the ships, they should give order for firing them; but General Foscherini detesting this advice, resolved to send Commissary Quirini, with 25 galleys, to free them from danger, and to bring them to the Fleet, as he did, safely. At last, they passed from Cefalonia to Corfu, whither Don john was come himself in person with 55 galleys, 33 ships, & 15000 foot, on the ninth of August; Who though at first he did not conceal his displeasure, for their not having waited his coming, he being thereby necessitated, (as not having sufficient forces of himself to pass into the Levant) to lie so long idle, and little to his honour at Corfu: yet he was pleased to say, he would speak no more of what was past, and strove very much to make it be believed, that he was greatly desirous to do any thing, which might be for the reputation and advantage of the League. And herein he did the more expatiate himself, and showed the greater affection, because he heard it was publicly said in the Fleet, that he was come only to make a certain kind of Appearance, but not with any intention, or commission to do any thing; and that therefore he had cunningly prolonged the time, seeking excuses, and avoiding any occasion of encountering the enemy, or to fall upon any enterprise: Which suspicions did notwithstanding still increase the more, since after so many delays, he came to no settled resolution, because he expected the Duke of Sessa, with the Spanish Galleys. But at last, it being thought jointly by them all, that their forces were sufficient (for all of them being numbered together, the League's Fleet was found to consist of 194 galleys, and 8 galliass, and 45 ships, whereof 30 were Spanish, and 15 Venetians) they were all mustered at the Gomenizzes, before they advanced, and resolved in what order to proceed, if they should have occasion to join battle. The three Generals were placed in the midst, with 72 galleys; the Marquis of Santa Croce▪ led on the right wing, Commissary Soranzo took care of the left, and each wing consisted of 52 galleys: the Van, wherein were 6 galliass, was committed to the charge of Fra. Piet●o justiniano, General of Malta, and jovan di Cordona, and Nicolo Donato brought up the rear with 22 galleys. The Galliass, which were commanded by i'll Duado, and placed before the smaller galleys, according to the first orders, stood four of them in the front of the battle, and two before every wing. The ships were commanded by Don Roderigo Mendosa, and by Adriano Bragadino,; it being resolved to carry them along to Zante, and then to leave them there, that they might be the readier for any whatsoever design, but with intention to make use thereof only, for the conveyance of victuals, and ammunition, which they carried along with them, and not for any use of War, in point of fight. All things being thus ordered, the Fleet parted from Paru, on the eleventh of September, not having resolved upon any thing as yet, save only to advance, and then do, what they should be invited unto by the Turks proceedings; which by the relation of the galleys which were sent before, to spy out their course, and designs, were quickly known to be at Modone, and at Navarino; and that their Fleet was divided, and in want of all things that were necessary, and especially of men, whereof many were fled, and many dead; and that for certain, the occasion that made them ●arry in those parts, was for their security, till such soldiers should be sent unto them as was intended. This was thought a fit opportunity to suppress the enemy, and all of them were the more rejoiced at it, for that they had almost dispaired of it; it having been certainly believed, that the Turks, having understood the joining of the Confederates Fleets, (which doubtlessly were stronger than theirs) they would have made towa●●● Constantinople, and return to winter their Fleet, as usually 〈◊〉 did within that straight, after having won much honour, by facing the Christian Fleet twice, and showed, at least a great willingness to fight: and when they thought they had now no longer reason to apprehend, that the Commanders of the League were to fall upon any important enterprise; which some of Don john's Counsellors made use of afterwards, to discredit the information, though it was confirmed by many clear evidences. Whence it happened, that much credit being given to their opinion: the Fleets departure was very unseasonably retarded, and the execution of what was resolved by the Generals, deferred; though it was confessed by all, that being to find out the Enemy, the chief hope of good success lay in the quickness of the Enterprise; whereby not to afford them time, neither of flying, nor of joining together; and that the unexpected assault, might cause more terror in them, and put them in disorder. The Commanders therefore designed, to part presently away, and sailing from the Island of Zante, not to suffer themselves to be discovered any where, but to come on the sudden to Sapienza, which is a Rock lying in the midst between Navarino and Modone, and so to block up the passage, as the Enemy which was at Navarino, could not join with their companions, nor shelter themselves under the walls of Modone. But this advice was so long delayed, and they sailed so slowly, as our Fleet, which as it was intended, should have been on the 16th day, before sunrising, at Sapienza, got but to Prodano; so as being soon discovered from the castle of Navarino, that part of the Turkish Fleet which lay in the Haven, had leisure to get safely to Modone, passing not above three miles before, within the sight of our Fleet; our men thinking, that since Uluzzali had had the opportunity of getting all his forces together, he would fight them, they put all their squadrons into order; and after having stayed a while to arm themselves, the galleys of our Van advanced, which being got near the Enemy, gave fire to their great Guns, to try whether they had any mind to fight, or no; but the Turks meaning nothing less, as knowing their disadvantage, retired to underneath the Fort of Modone. Thus it fell out, that a few hours delay (of such importance is dispatch in point of War) made the Christians lose a gallant occasion of suppressing the Turkish Fleet, without almost any hazard unto themselves at all, which occasioned a great change in all the ensuing War. The Enemy's galleys being retired to Modone, great doubts and difficulties arose amongst our Commanders, touching what they were to do; it being thought very dangerous, and almost impossible to fight the Enemy's Fleet within the channel of Modone. For the mouth of the channel being of itself very strait, and being yet made more narrow by some shelves, was excellently well fortified on one side, by some Galleys which were placed to guard it; and on the other side by a hill, which butting out over against the Rock Sapienza, is as it were a Flank, whereon were many pieces of Artillery; and just over against the mouth thereof stands a Rock, called San Bernardo, upon which likewise many great Guns were placed: But moreover, when our men should have passed all these dangers and difficulties, and passing 〈…〉 in, should have been gotten near the Town of Modone; they should have received more prejudice both from the Town, and from the Castle of San Nicolo; from whence, (it standing in the Sea) our galleys might be drilld through by shot, upon the superficies of the water. Wherefore knowing they could not force the Enemy to fight, the Generals of the League resolved to retire to the point of Sapienza, that they might get into Porto Lungo, whither two wings, which were the first that were to move, being already on their way: Uluzzali issuing out of the Channel of Modone with 50 galleys, came to assault our Battle, which was tarried behind. But as soon as he was discovered, Don john gave the sign of Battle, and made them all turn their Prowess towards the Enemy; so as the right wing became the left, and the left the right. But Uluzzali, who was not come forth with an intention to fight, when he saw our men stand in Battle array, began forthwith to retreat, from whence he was newly come; the which he might the more safely do, for that night was already come on, and therewithal a great storm of rain, which forced our men to fall Room-ward, and to launch into the deep, having the Enemy's shores on all sides: But the next morning, the Sea being become more calm, the Confederates Fleet went into the Gulf of Corone, to take in fresh water at a clear and plentiful River, which runs along four miles from Corone, through a most pleasant Country, full of woods all of Cedar; from whence the River takes the name of Lungo, which in the Greek Idiom, signifies a Wood But to secure those that went for fresh water, they being to go far from our Galleys, and in an enemy's Country, it behoved them to land many foot, whereof Francisco d●l Adriano had the charge; and this danger was seasonably foreseen, and provided for; for Uluzzali observing which way our men went; were it either to disturb them, or to keep them from carrying away water, or else for the safety of the Town of Corone, he sent 1500 janissaries, and 200 Horse thither, with whom our soldiers were forced to skirmish more than once▪ in which actions, Charles', Marquis of Eumena, who was then a volunteer, together with many other French Gentlemen in our Fleet, won much praise: as also jovan Battesta Contarini, Master of a galley, who was ●anded with the rest▪ for meeting with a company of our men, who were running away, he made them stay, and bringing them boldly on, he repulsed the Enemy. The foot being re-imbarcked, the whole Fleet parted from those shores, being shot at as they passed by the Fort Corone, whereby they received no great prejudice. Our Fleet being got out of that Gulf, as it sailed between Cape Gallo, and the Island Caprara, it passed within sight of the enemy, in three Squadrons, one in the rear of another, by reason of the narrowness of the situation, and came again to Cape Sapienza, on the South-west side, and lay at Anchor almost over against Modone; so as the two enemie-Fleets were divided but a little. But finding clearly, that to tarry long in that place, and expect the enemies coming forth, whereby they might have opportunity to fight them, was but to spend time to little purpose, with much indignity, and not without some danger, they being to keep in open sea, and being often deluded by the enemy, who being sure quickly to save themselves, sent some few galleys often out to molest them; The Venetian General propounded the landing of 10000 Foot, whereby to make themselves masters of the Hill, which lay upon the point of the Channel, from whence, if they intended to make any attempt against the enemy, they were likely to receive most harm; it being to be hoped, that this place being defended by a few men, and not in condition of being relieved by Uluzzali, who having the enemy before him, ready to fight him, he would not bereave his Galleys of soldiers, and incur a greater danger. But the Spaniards approved not of this proposal, saying, That being so near the enemy, they were not to land so many men, whereby to weaken the forces of the Fleet, and expose it to much danger. Wherefore Foscherini, finding so many difficulties, in whatsoever they should pitch upon▪ and considering, that they must be forced ere long to be gone, without doing any thing; his opinion was, That in a business of so great estimation, and where the hopes of doing good was greater, than the danger that might be incurred, they were to adventure, and forceably to enter the Channel of Modone, and assault the enemy. He therefore propounded this to the Council, offering to be himself the first, that should expose himself to danger, and to make way for the rest: Which though it were at first approved of, and that every one seemed to strive, who should have the honour of achieving glory by the first danger, yet they came not to the trial thereof. So as without making any attempt as then▪ the Fleet went to the Haven of Navarino, which is very spacious, very convenient for water, and for other accommodations, and also a safe receptacle for any Fleet; it not being to be injured by shot from the Castle, which is seated very high, and far off; where whilst they should tarry, the enemy's Fleet was as it were besieged underneath Modone; so as by reason of the many inconveniences which it underwent, it grew into a bad condition of returning to Constantinople, and also was in great danger of being driven upon land, and split against those shores by South-west winds: And if they should be forced by these necessities and dangers, to depart from thence, they must afford our men opportunity to fight them, The Turks this mean while sent many Harchebugiers, who being well skilled in the situations, falling down from the mountains near Navarin●, did disturb our men, and sought to deprive them of the convenience of water. Wherefore our men were forced to land 5000 Foot, commanded by Paolo Giordo●o Orsino, by which the enemy being driven away, the country remained safe. So as our men keeping there with much safety and convenience, things seemed to be reduced to that pass, as it was hardly to be doubted, but that the Confederates would soon have the victory: whereupon such advertisements were sent throughout all Christendom, as men rejoiced thereat, not as at a hoped-for happiness, but as at one already certainly had. Yet many days were idly spent, without any appearance of advantage, save what time might produce. Wherefore so long delay waxing tedious, the enterprise of Navarino was proposed; but it being afterward considered, that though it was feasable, yet it could not be much advantageous for the main affair, they gave over any further thought thereof, and bend themselves to the expugning of Modone, in the getting whereof, the obtaining of their chief intent did consist; for the enemy's Fleet being driven from thence, might be fought by our men upon very advantageous terms. It was therefore resolved, to assault the Town and Castle of Modone, both by sea and land, at one and the same time; and Giovan M●cenic● was sent to Zante, to bring Foot in all haste from the ships. In the interim, a certain Engine was invented and made▪ by juseppe B●nell●, in Florentine-Ingineer, by fastening four Galleys together, upon which, ten pieces of Cannon were placed, and some kind of Parapets raised, intending to bring it to the Castle of Modone, and to batter it; and at the same time, to secure the coming of other Galleys, which being sheltered by this Engine from the Enemy's shot, might enter the Channel, and give an assault. But when this Engine was made, many contrarieties (as usually happens in these new inventions) were found to be in it, which made it be but of little use; for it neither could be well guided upon the water, nor was it very safe; for having a very great weight upon it, and the sides of the Galleys being narrow, it might sink as the going off of the Cannon; and the sea being there very deep, it was not known, whether it could have firm Anchorage or no. There was also great difficulty found, in bringing it to the intended place, for it was to be towed by other Galleys, which by reason of their slow motion, were exposed to the danger of being shot through, and sunk, by the Artillery which lay in the mouth of the Haven. So as despairing of getting that advantage by this invention, which was at first hoped for; and it being given out, that the Belgirby of Greece was coming with 2000 Horse, to impede that enterprise, the business was given over. But tha● which did exceedingly afflict the Venetians, and cut off all hopes of doing any good, was, the news which was divulged through the whole Fleet, that the Sp●●iards had bread but for a few da●●s; wherefore they said, They could not busy themselves about any long affair, being, by reason of that want, to bethink themselves of 〈◊〉. Wherefore (being still de●irous to leave some sign of victory, which might encourage the people of Morea, and make them hope for better things) they resolved to besiege Navarino, which thing had been proposed several times before, but still rejected; it no● being thought, that the getting of so small a Castle was worth the while, incomparison of that their great preparation. The Castle of 〈◊〉, which was anciently called Pilo, is sea●ed upon a point of land, which th●●sting out on the Southeast, shapes the Haven almost into the form of a Bow: It is strong rather by Nature, than by Art, being in an eminent place, and hard to be clammered up: it is very diligently guarded by the Turks, for the conveniency of the Haven, and for the situation thereof, which is almost in the midst of Morea. There are two ways which lead to the Castle; the one on the left hand, which lies not far from the shore; and the other backwards, lying towards the firm Land; which encompassing a neighbouring ●●anding Pool, is very narrow, and almost hidden. The Prince of Pa●●● had the chief charge of this enterprise; who when he had landed the men that were destined thereunto, which were 1000 Spanish foot, and as many Italians, and ten Cannons of Battery. He took the first way, which was openest, that he might keep the Enemy from being relieved; but as for the other, he either was aware of it too late, or did not much value it: so as jovan di Moncada, and Mor●●t● Caliaurese, going afterwards to possess themselves of that Pass, they were unexpectedly overpowered by many of the Enemy, part whereof came to bring succour, and part came out of the Castle to meet, and back their men: they had much ado to save themselves, which they did not without some loss. Whereupon the Turks, who were above 2000 in number, put a Garrison into the Castle, and having the way open, did also possess themselves of all the most eminent Passes which lay nearest the Town, whereby they had opportunity of succouring those that were within again, and of molesting our men that were without by continual musket s●ot, whilst they were busy in planting their Cannon, intending to begin the assault in that very place; and they were at the same time prejudiced and damnified by Artillery from the Castle, so as in three days space they could hardly plan● two pieces of Cannon against the place where they had designed them: and this mischief and danger grew daily greater, for our soldiers lay open, without any manner of shelter, by reason of the want of Earth: and the enemies which were without, with whom we were continually to skimish upon disadvantage, grew daily stronger and stronger. These things did very much trouble the Colleagues Generals, knowing that to r●●e too soon from this begun-enterprise, would reda●nd too much to their dishonour; and yet they could have no certain hope of good success by continuing the siege: But the want of bread was that which did most molest them, which was daily more and more complained of by Don john and his Counsellors, who showed a necessity of departing. But many thought it very strange, and not easily to be believed, that the Spanish Fleet being come with so many ships from Sicily, which is accounted the Granary of Italy, should want bread in so short a time. Others thought, that if the want were indeed such as it was given out to be, it might easily and speedily be provided for, by sending to bring some ships away which were loaded with Biscuit, and which the Spaniards themselves said, were left at Taranto. But the Venetian General, to remove all occasions of the departure of the Spanish Fleet, whereof there was no hope left, nor any thought of good success either then, or in the future; offered part of his victuals to Don john, entreating him to accept thereof, and showing that he daily expected some ships with Biscuit, wherewith to supply his necessity. But whatsoever the reason was, the Spaniards did not accept the proposal, nor would they listen to any thing which might retard their departure; which being resolutely bend upon, they went from Navarino, permitting free and safe passage for Uluzzali, to return with his whole Fleet to Constantinople, with the name of an expert and valiant Commander, having got so much reputation and favour, as it might be feared he might be an instrument of more mischief to Christendom. Don John endeavoured by all the means he could, that this his departure might be by the consent of General Foscherini, and the Venetians, labouring to show his ardent desire of acquiring glory and reputation; his condition being such as thrust him thereupon, if he had been otherwise inclined, since be wanted power and Estate answerable to his birth. He minded them of the last years Victory, of his forwardness therein, and of the satisfaction he had since received thereby. He accused fortune which had bereft him of the opportunity of fight the Enemy, which had been so often offered them and so much by him desired. He also promised, That if he should meet with the ships in his voyage, he would willingly embrace any occasion that should offer itself of doing some signal service to the League, before he would return with his Fleet into the West; but that if he should not be permitted to do so now, he would make amends the next year for the loss of that time which necessity had now enforced him upon. The Venetian General finding his resolution fixed, thought good to give way unto it, lest he might make the Enemy believe that the League was broke; and because he knew he was not able to do any good of himself alone. Many did firmly believe, that the King had always, and particularly at this time, been very well inclined towards the League, and Don john no less; but that effects had not ensued answerable to the good intention of these Princes, and to the opinion which was had of their forwardness, by reason of several impediments and disorders which had occurred by negligence, or false rumours, or by the bad affection of some State Ministers. And it was more particularly affirmed, that the Orders for requisite victuals, had been badly observed, and that those provisions which were prepared for the Fleet, for the business of the Levant, were made use of upon other occasions, which was the reason why the Catholic Fleet was necessitated to give over the Enterprise, and return to her Havens. But it so fell out, as our men happened to be nearer giving battle to the Enemy, than they had ever yet been, when they lest thought of it▪ for just as the League's Fleet was ready to be gone, news was brought, that a Spanish ship which was come from Corfu, and was already got to the Sapienza, was set upon by some Turkish Galleys; wherefore all things being put in order, the Fleet parted speedily from Navarino, to fall upon the Enemy's Galleys, and to rescue the ship, which was reduced to utmost danger. The League's Fleet was not got wholly out of the Haven, when Uluzzali began to come out of the Channel of Modone with 60 other galleys, to assist his former Galleys, which were gone to take the Spanish ships, and were 25 in number. Whereupon Don john gave order, that Commissary Soranzo should go with a squadron of Galleys on the left hand, to keep Uluzzali from advancing farther; and that the Marquis of Santa Croce, and Commissary Canale should go with their squadrons to pursue the 25 Galleys belonging to the enemy, which when they spied our Fleet from afar off, quitted the ship, and began to fly; and Uluzzali, when he saw himself faced by Commissary Soranzo, haulted a little, being desirous to know better what our men intended to do. And when he saw the Commissary ply his Oars, and come vigorously to assault him, he wheeled about, and returned to underneath the Castle of Modone, being so closely pursued by our men, as coming very near the Town of Modone, they made many shot even to within the walls. But the Galleys which fought the Spanish ship, having got the start much, and meeting every where with friendly acception, escaped all of them, except one that was commanded by the St. jacco of Metiline, Nephew to the famous Ariadeno Barbarossa, which being the last that tarried to fight the ship; and for that the slaves, hoping to get liberty, slackened their rowing, was taken by the Marquis of Santa Croce. These actions continued so long, till the night came on, which bereft our men of making any other attempts against the Enemy. Wherefore Don john gave order, that the whole Fleet should return to the Haven of Navarino, being unwilling to abandon the Engine of 4 galleys, which might afford occasion to the Enemy, to turn his departure▪ flight, if he should leave his Instrument of war behind him. But the great ships being also out of the Haven, and a favourable wind blowing a little at the Southeast, he ordered the ships to go presently towards Zante, and he the next morning went with the whole Fleet the same way, being so desirous to return speedily▪ as steering his course through the Channel of Viscardo, contrary to the opinion of his most skilful Mariners, who advised him to go to Cefalonia: the Fleet run a great hazard about the gulf of Lart●, and one of the Pope's galleys was split against the shelves of Paru. Uluzzali, when the League's Fleet was gone, being free from fear of meeting any impediment in his voyage, went with all his galleys carelessly, without any order, to C●pe Malio▪ where, by reason of a contrary Northwind, he stayed some days; but afterwards▪ the wind turning fair, he came with 100 galleys to Constantinople, and was received with much joy and honour; the Turks holding themselves absolutely to be conquerors, because they had defended Morea, and all their other Dominions, having offered battle several times (as they said) to the Christians, and at last chased them from their Territories, and made the Sea safe and open. But the same difficulties and desires continued still in the Christian Fleet, (which came on the 20 of Octob. to Corfu) though their forces were increased by the Duke of Sesse's coming to them with 13 galleys, and john Andrea Doria, with some ships laden with Corn. Several undertake were daily propounded in Council, but none approved of. The Enterprise of Santa Maura, was chiefly had in consideration; whereunto Don john seemed to be well inclined; yet it was hindered by the Duke of Sesse, who being of a contrary opinion, did absolutely oppose it, affirming it was not time now to beleaguer Forts without Tents; nor to cross the Sea with numerous Vessels, and in an Enemy's Country. All designs being therefore laid aside, the Spaniards resolved to turn Westward, the League's Fleet having been but 50 days together. Don john went first to Messina, where leaving part of his galleys, he returned to Naples with the rest; and dismissing the Italian foot, he sent the Spanish and Dutch foot to their Garrisons. But Colonna, by Commission from the Pope, went to the Court of Spain, to give the King an account of what had been done, and to treat how the War was to be carried on the next year, and what provisions would be requisite thereunto. Colonna was very glad of this occasion, that he might satisfy the King of some doubts, which he feared might have some impression in him, by the relation of those who envying his glory, and seeking out some occasion to blame his actions, and of putting the King in an ill opinion of him, had accused him, for having gone into the Levant before Don john's arrival: though it was very clear, that those things could not be done, which were ordered by Don john's self, without the Fleets departure from Corfu. Colonna having dispatched the public business, and justified himself very well, went from the Court, and returned to his employment, with increase of honour and merit. The Spanish Galleys, and those of the Church being gone, only the Venetians remained, and they almost idle at Corfu, where they lay armed all the Winter, that they might go out to prejudice the enemy, very early the next spring. These were the successes of the year 1572. wherein Christendom had good hope to repair herself in part for the so many mischiefs she had received from the Turks, and to recover her pristine dignity, since the so famous victory which God had miraculously granted her, seemed to have made way for other noble Achievements; and that they might have so quelled the forces of the Ottoman Empire, as that the Christian Princes might have been free from fear of being injured by them a long time: But really, our posterity may have just cause to blame the Princes of this Age, for not knowing how to make use of the opportunity which was offered them of suppressing the insolency of the common Enemy, which was grown so formidable to them all: and all future Ages will grieve for the misfortune of this our time, wherein, to the greater infamy thereof, the occasion of so much hoped for happiness was lost. The League's Fleet being departed, those of Morea, and of Brazzo di Maina, who were risen up in favour of the Christians, and who waiting for the success of the Fleets, as neither having field forces, nor strong holds to defend themselves, were retired to the mountains to save themselves from the violence of the Turks, were forced to surrender to their power, and to return to greater slavery, being deprived of all hopes of ever getting quit of it. The Venetians complained grievously to the Pope by their Ambassadors, (who at this time were sent upon a solemn Embassy, according to custom, to render obedience to his Holiness, in the name of the Commonwealth) of these irresolute Counsels, and of the Spaniards slack provisions, and chiefly of the departing from Navarino, so much, and so unseasonably at this time pressed by them: wherefore to gratify them, the Pope sent his Chamberlain, jovanni Claudio Gonsaga, forthwith to Don john, to persuade him to tarry where he was, in expectation of receiving orders from Spain, to winter in the Levant: which resolution they hoped the King had already put on, being persuaded thereunto, jointly both by the Pope and the Venetians; and the affairs in Flanders having had prosperous success; to facilitate the which, in case the King should not be already resolved thereupon, the Pope sent Monsignor di Lanzano speedily away to Spain. But all these endeavours proved to no purpose, for having already given a positive answer to the Popes, and the Venetians other Ambassadors, that he would not keep his Fleet so far from his Dominions, he would not be brought to alter his mind: and Don john not valuing the Pope's desire, as knowing peradventure the Kings, and his Counselor's mind, pursued his voyage (as hath been said) to the West: and in the interim, General Veniero, finding himself indisposed, by reason of his great Age, and much labour, having got leave from the Senate, returned to his Country with much glory, being met by many of the Senators in the Butcentauro, and received very honourably by the Nobility and People. The affairs in Dalmatia were not at this time altogether quiet; for though there were no settled Armies there, yet the neighbouring Saniacki overran, and pillaged the Country with their Turkish Horse, much to the prejudice of the Venetian subjects: to hinder which, the Stradiotti went often forth on Horseback, and the foot Garrisons; so as they had continual skirmishes, but without any notable effects on either side. For both the Venetians and Turks, proceeded but slowly therein, both of them thinking that it made not much for them, to use powerful forces in Dalmatia. The Turks feared, that to send a strong Army into that Province, to attempt any great enterprise, might make the Emperor more jealous of their forces, whereby he might the more easily embrace the offers made him by the Colleagues, and make War with them in Hungary: and the Venetians, whose designs lay altogether in the Levant, where all their forces were employed, did forbear busying themselves in other enterprises, for that they thought, that whatsoever of importance might be then attempted, either in Dalmatia, or in Albania, was to depend upon the success of the Fleet, as also the fortune of the whole War. They knew also, that they were not likely to do any good with, but small forces; the enemy being very strong in that Country, by reason of their usual Garrisons, and that they were apt to assemble together great numbers of men. Whence it was, that having gotten the Town of Macarsca, by the advice of Luigi Grimani, and of julio de Pompey, which was a place of some consideration, and formerly much frequented by Merchants, being both fortified and garrisonized; they were notwithstanding quickly forced to abandon it; our men being much inferior in numbers to the Enemy. The like befell them at the Fort of Clissa, which being gotten by our men, by intelligence held with them within, they kept it but for a very short time; for the Soldiers of the Garrison hearing that the Turks were coming to assault it with great forces, were so terrified at the very news thereof, as they fled all for safety to Sebe●ico, before the Enemy were come. The Turks let slip no occasion, whereby they might prejudice the Venetians; wherefore not having at this time sufficient forces assembled to storm their Towns, they plotted otherwise against them; particularly against the Town of Catarro, which they designed to take by siege, there being no way left to victual it by land: Therefore to block up all access also by Sea, they had gone about several times to build a Fort in the mouth of the Channel, wherein that City was placed: but they were always disturbed therein by our men. But the Saniacco del Duca●o, being at last come thither with a great many of men, he perfected it, and built a Fort upon the point of Vorbagno, about three miles distant from Castel-N●ovo, where the Channel is not above forty paces over: Whereof when the Senate heard, they had reason to think that the City of Catarro was in great danger: wherefore they sent particular orders, to General Foscerini, that he should send to destroy that work. So Commissary Soranzo, having no other occasion of employment at that time, it being in the midst of winter, wen● with 22 galleys, and 6 galliass, to the mouth of the Channel of Cattaro. He had with him Paolo Orsino, Pompeio Colonna, Morett● Calaures●, and other Commanders, who conducted 4000 Foot to this Enterprise. And as they were on the way, Nicolo Suriano, Captain of the Gulf, came in unto them with 4 galleys; being all of them come to Gianizza, they landed many men, part whereof went with Pompeio Colonna, to possess themselves of a neighbouring hill, to keep the Soldiers of Ca●●el-N●●vo from succouring those of the Fort: and part went with Nicolo da Gambara, ●o a place not far off, whither Zacharia Salamone, who had been formerly adverstised with the whole design, was to come at the same time from Catarro, with some soldiers of that Garrison, and with some other people that were raised in the Country of Za●c●eria. Then Zoranzo entered the Channel with 18 of his best Galleys, and going foremost himself, he pas● beyond the Fort: from which though many shot were made, yet did not the Fleet receive any harm; but passing on safely, he put himself into a fit place, where he might batter both by Sea and Land. The Fort was made of great Oaks, very artificially fastened and chained together, so as they made a double rank, and encompassed a great Platform; upon which, some Parapets were raised, for the safeguard of the Defendants. The whole Fort was 150 paces in compass, the shape thereof quadrangular, without any flanks; but so placed, as one of the Fronts played upon the Galleys, as they entered the Channel, and the other, when they were passed on. It was well furnished with Artillery, and had 200 soldiers to defend it. Wherefore our men resolved to batter it both by sea and land, at one and the same time, to the end that the defendants being busied in several places, and confused through fear, might abandon it the sooner. The next morning, after their first arrival, they began to batter apace both by sea and land; and soon after, our soldiers came with ladders to assault it. After a short defence, the enemy was forced to yield, leaving the way open for the assailants to enter, and to make themselves masters of the Fort. There were many small guns found therein, and eighteen great ones, which the Commissary sent to Venice, and blew up the Fort. This business being speedily and prosperously performed, and ●●●ufficient garrison put into Cattaro, they returned to Corfu, with their galleys, and with the rest of their men, where the Fleet still lay. During the winter season, many things were treated of in Rome, about provisions of war for the next summer: They knew, that dangers were much increased, the enemy having had so much time given him to repair himself, for the losses he had suffered in the battle, and to gather together greater forces. Wherefore they resolved to increase the forces of the League also, to the number of 300 galleys, and 60000 Foot. It was likewise propounded, to send 100 galleys very early into the Levant, not expecting the union of the whole Fleet, which would require more time, that the enemy might be prevented, who, as it was said, would put to sea very betimes, to hinder the relieving of Candia, to pillage the Venetian shores, and to infuse fear into all. Yet they came not to any settled resolution, of obviating these dangers; either for that they did not value them so much as they ought to have done; or, as some said, fearing, that when their forces should be divided, and part of the Fleet should only be advanced, the Turks might possess themselves, with their joint forces, of some convenient place, between the one and the other part of the Colleagues Fleet, and so keep them from joining, and hinder all their designs. The first heat being, out of this reason, allayed, affairs proceeded very slowly; and whilst they thus endeavoured to take safer courses, it was clearly found, that they incurred greater dangers: For whilst the Spaniards endeavoured, that the time for the uniting of the Fleets should be put off, till the beginning of May, the Venetians territories, especially the Kingdom of Ca●dia, which was of such importance to all Christendom, was exposed to be assaulted by the Turkish Fleet, with very little hopes of being timely relieved. Wherefore the Venetians, that they might not wholly rely upon fortune, were more diligent, in garrisoning all their Forts, sending many Foot thither. And being to continue at this great expense of Garrisons and Fleets, they pressed the Pope, (who still solicited the increasing of the League's forces) to help them with some moneys: They desired they might have leave, to sell the goods of ecclesiastics, and to use other means, which were used to be permitted in much lesser necessities, by his Predecessors. But the Pope, not assenting to any of these things, did only promise, that 100000 Ducats might be raised by the way of Tithes, from the Clergy belonging to the Commonwealth. So as the war behoved to be maintained by the Revenues of particular men, contributions which were paid into the Exchequer being daily multiplied, and new moneys being paid into the common Bank; by which the Commonwealth grew more indebted. Nor for all this could the Venetians obtain any resolution, touching the reparation which they pretended unto, for the contribution which they had given in a greater measure, than they were obliged unto, to the League's service, in number of Galleys and Foot; which being referred to the Pope, could never be brought to a●●nd, who interposed several delays, and wished the Venetians to be contented, that this business might be proceeded in by composition, not by decree. From whence the Venetians took occasion to say, that the Pope favoured the Spaniards too much, either in memory of the great and recent obligation, he had to them, having received (as hath been said) that supreme dignity by their means, or for some other concealed ends. Others conceived, that the Pope proceeded with much zeal to the public good, for that he thought, (as he often said) that in all things which concerned the League, businesses were to be carried on with much dexterity, to shun giving any occasion of breaking, or of any whit lessening the good intelligence between Princes, whereby to deprive himself of the good which might be hoped for, by the forces of the League, the next year. At which time, there had been many things handled at Constantinople, touching the composing of affairs: For the Turks hearing of the uniting of the Christian Fleet, and being doubtful of the event of war▪ caused several discourses of peace be often made, to the Venetian Consul. The chief Bashaw was still more and more desirous of agreement; who, after the defeat at Lepanto, did increase much in authority and reputation, being esteemed to be wise by all men, because he had foreseen that, or the like ruin, and had therefore advised against the war, contrary to the opinion of other men. He therefore thought this a very fitting time to come to some agreement, whilst Selino, who being at the first puffed up by his own greatness, and by the adulation of his other Pashas, would not listen to any such discourse: But his courage being now somewhat cooled, by the unexpected event of the Battle, he seemed more inclined to peace: Whilst it might be believed, that the Venetians would not be averse thereunto, that they might upon such an occasion treat, upon composing their affairs upon better terms. This Selino's inclination being known by Mehemet, and hopes of agreement being publicly discoursed of by the people, who were now 〈◊〉 desirous thereof, by reason of the many inconveniences which they had undergon by war: Much news was spread abroad throughout Constantinople, of the great forces of the League, and of the Confederates designs; which things being amplified by those of greatest authority, who wished well to peace, Selino was contented, that the business might be treated of with the Venetian Consul. Mehemet began therefore, to discourse more freely with the Consul, making use therein of Orembei, the chief Interpreter, and of Rabbi Salamane, an Hebrew Physician; who being gotten into intimate acquaintance with Mehemet, was often employed in affairs of weightiest importance. Whereof, though the Consul had sent particular notice to Venice, yet the propounded Treaties were not embraced; for the Venetians desired to continue war, being encouraged by hopes of other prosperous successes, and having a better esteem of the League's forces, by reason of their late victory. But when they found, they had lost great opportunities of suppressing the enemy, so much time being spent to no purpose, and all their former designs being totally broken, they were forced to alter their minds, and to listen to proposals of peace, endeavouring to secure their affairs, which were exposed to the uncertainty of fortune, the best that they could. The business was propounded in the Council of Ten, to the end that it might be negotiated with all possible secrecy, and be the more speedily dispatched, as time, and the condition of affairs seemed to require. But the Senators we●e not well resolved in the point at the first; the first desire of war being re-inkindled in them the rather, for that the Christian Princes, apprehending this Treaty, began now to be more forward, and efficacious in their promises, of favouring and assisting the League: Insomuch as Lorenzo Priuli, being gone Ambassador to Spain, in the place of Leonardo Donato; Secretary Peres, and Doctor Velasco, through whose hands businesses of greatest importance did pass, did frequent his house oftener then was usual; and that they might make the better impression in the new Ambassador, laboured to show him, that the King, who had been always well inclined towards the League, was now more desirous than ever to prosecute the war, and would add much to the forces of the League; saying, That express orders were sent to his Agents in Italy, to be diligent in making greater provisions, lest they might incur the like delay and disorders, as they had done the last year. And on the other side, Don john promised, that he would not tarry to expect the coming of the Spanish galleys, but that he would come and join with the Venetians, having only the Italian forces, to the end, that he might be gone betimes into the Levant. The Emperor also, who could not be drawn from his first resolutions, neither by the so many offers made unto him several times, by the League, nor by the assistance lately promised him, by the Princes of Italy, of 1000 Horse, and 7000 Foot; made it known to the Ambassador of the Commonwealth, then resident with him, (no reason appearing to move him thereunto, save only his fear, that the Venetians would come to some agreement with the Turks) that he would adhere unto the League. Out of these reasons, the Venetians proceeded doubtfully and irresolutely, in the business of the Peace. Whereupon Doge Mocenico, who had always been more inclined to peace, then to the League, upon a day, when the Council of Ten were met, spoke thus. It was not the thought of any one, (as I believe) to perpetuate, or to continue this war, which is intimated to us by Selino, too long, when we did first resolve to take up Arms for our own defence; but with a noble and generous mind, to make trial of the fortune and gallantry of the Commonwealth, of the goodwill and forces of Christian Princes, for the greater safety of our State, and of all Christendom, against the power of the insolent common Enemy. And it is certain, that war is in order to peace; and quiet security ought to be the thing aimed at, by all troubles and dangers. Experience of what hath passed of late years, may sufficiently teach us, what our condition may be, if we shall continue war any longer, what the end thereof may be, what reparation we may expect for so great expenses, and what reward for our labours. We lost the noble city of Nicossia the first year, by vainly trusting, that our forces would be accompanied by the like of others, whereby to relieve the Kingdom of Cyprus. Losing no courage, we continued making provisions for war, flattering ourselves, that we might repair our losses, by joining in a straighter confederacy with the other Christian Princes. God was pleased to give us such a victory over our enemies, as almost none could hope for; and yet I know not, through what fault or misfortune of ours, Famagosta was miserably lost; and we were compelled to yield up the peaceful and secure possession of the whole Kingdom, to the enemy: But the pleasure of having begun to overcome, suffered us not to be sensible of our great loss. Wherhfore we as readily and boldly betook ourselves to make great provision of Arms the third year, and to increase our Fleet and Soldiers, not sparing for any cost, nor passing by any inconvenience. We now see too clearly, what good we have got ●hereby. Our Galleys lay long idle at Corfu, expecting aid from the Confederates; and when we hoped▪ that having overcome so many difficulties, all forces would be joined together, that we might go jointly against the enemy; we must leave our Islands in prey to them, and let our Fleet return, with more loss of time and reputation, the● any advantage we got by the forces of that union. And when at last, fortune afforded us unexpected occasions, of beating the enemy, we must abandon them, by reason of being abandoned by our friends, parting unseasonably from the haven at Navarino, unnecessitated, and dishonourably. But what need I relate things of so recent memory? We are reduced to such a condition, as assuredly we cannot maintain war of ourselves alone, against the Turks forces, too disproportionate for us. And we know by experience, that the company of others, which ought to be a help and ease to us, is an encumbrance and impediment; it fills us with great hopes, which it afterwards makes not good, but suffers us to precipitate, and doth rather increase, then secure 〈◊〉 evils. We were persuaded, that good intelligence might not only be had, between the Pope, the King of Spain, and our Commonwealth; but that this our confederacy might make all other Christian Princes, to take up Arms jointly against the common enemy; especially after that great victory, which was always thought, would have conduced much to the suppressing of them. But now we find we built those our conceptions more upon desire, than upon well-grounded a truths. Shall we then continue still in the same error, and place the preservation of our State, and all our welfare, upon such uncertain grounds, upon hopes wherein we have been so often deluded? It was certainly a generous, pious, and laudable resolution, not to yield to Selino's insolent demand; not to abandon the cause of Christendom, not to degenerate in the least point from our Ancestors, who did always with much magnanimity undertake such things, wherein they might hope for praise unto themselves, and for glory and grandezza to this Commonwealth. But now, after having courageously taken up Arms, and been fortunate in battle, and that we see clearly we cannot (by what cross destiny I know not) reap any further good by other prosperity, that we hazard all by fight, and that we get nothing by overcoming; To continue in this fame mind, and in the same troubles and dangers without any reward; and when the opportunity of great effects, which was given us by victory, is already vanished and escaped our hands, to grow worse and worse, and not rather to wait for the advantage which we may hope for from time, and from other occasions; may rather appear to be rash obstinacy, than good Christian zeal, or desire of true honour. If we shall consider the condition of our forces, and of our Commonwealth, it is too manifest, that nothing can be more unseasonable, 〈◊〉 more prejudicial, than to prolong the War. For the condition of affairs grows daily worse for us; the forces of the League which depends upon variety of Counsels, and ofttimes upon contrary respects, become vain and useless, though they be great in themselves; and yet the inconveniency of maintaining them is great on our side, by reason of the excessive expense we must be at, and for the want of men, especially of Rowers, whereof these wars have consumed so many, as now we must with much expense, have recourse for them to Transalpine Nations, and not be sure of being well served. But if we consider the particulars of our State, and seek not to deceive ourselves, we may clearly know, that though our forces be great of themselves, yet are they but weak to sustain the weight of war long against so powerful and fortunate an Empire, a● i● that of the Turks▪ and, (which is of no less importance) our Territories by Sea lie far from this city, are divided amongst themselves, and exposed to the injuries of the Enemy, and more easy to be assaulted by them both by Sea and Land, than to be relieved by us; and therefore they require so many soldiers to Garrison and defend them, as we are enforced to maintain at one & the same time, as it were two Armies, to furnish the Fleet, and to guard the Sea-Forts: and I wish we be not necessitated to raise a third, to oppose those who threaten to assault Friuli. What reason have we then to hope, we shall by length of War be able to defeat the Enemy? It might peradventure have been done▪ if we had known at first how to make use of our Victory▪ and therefore our endeavours have still been to raise a great force, wherewith to put a speedy end to the war: What effects have ensued thereupon, and for what reasons, is sufficiently declared by the necessity and dangers which we are in. Our hopes now (if ●e do weigh them aright) are changed into fear of being reigned by a powerful Empire; which for the extent thereof, and orderly Militia, is ●pt to maintain war long. Why should any one doubt then, but that we should listen to proposals of peace, made and propounded by the chief Bashaw to our Consul, as we have been informed by many of his Letters? since we have in vain endeavoured to secure Candia, and our other Dominions, by other ways; wherefore shall we not use that course which is afforded us of f●eeing ourselves from the present eminent dangers we are in? We know that Bashaw Mehemet (as one that hath always been desirous of peace) laying the doubtful event of war before Selino, hath made him give way to agreement, from which he seemed to be at first much averse, If we let slip this occasion, truly for my part, I fear we shall hereafter desire it in vain: and that our affairs will lie long fl●ting, before they will be brought into the Haven, and to our former condition of Tranquillity, for which we were peradventure more to be envied by other Princes, than we had reason to envy them, who were environed with so many troubles and dangers. Who would ever have imagined, that the Turks would have been able to put together a new, and so powerful a Fleet, the very next year after so great a rout, as they should dare to put to Sea, therewith to defend their Rivers? and yet we see they have done that with ease, which was by all men thought impossible. They have put to Sea; have much prejudiced our Dominions: they have faced our Fleet, defended all their own Territories, and are safely returned with their whole Fleet unto Constantinople. What greater proof can we have of their power? What more certain tokens of the next years successes? if after having been so beaten, they have resumed so much courage, and been able to put together so great Forces, we may very well imagine what they will dare, and what they will be able to do, after having had so long time to recruit themselves, and having in a large manner recovered their former reputation and greatness. But let them who are of a contrary opinion, say, I beseech you, if the Turks shall come forth the next year so powerful to our prejudice, both by Sea and by Land too (as some affirm); and that the King of Spain, moved by some more particular important respects of his own, by reason of jealousies which he may have of the French, or Germans, which is already spoken of; or that for any other such occasion, he resolve to employ his Forces destined for the service of the League, for the safety of Flanders, as he did the last year: or if he shall purpose to effect his old and chief design about the business of Africa; which, as we know all, is the thing chiefliest desired by the Spaniards, and which we may have just reason to apprehend by his not suffering his Fleet, ●o winter in the Levant; how shall we be able to defend Candia, Corfu, and our other more important places, against so eminent danger, whilst we rely upon one who is not steadfast in his resolution of adhering unto us? so as by vainly trusting to such a leaning-stock, our forces shall become the weaker, and less able to withstand the enemy, or to do any thing against them. When they shall besiege our Islands, play upon our Forts, we shall then send our Ambassadors to Spain, Portugal, and Germany, vainly imploring and soliciting the assistance of other Princes, acquainting them with their own and our dangers, (which they value but little) as we did the late years. And our enemies, when they shall see ●s deserted by our friends, and not resolved what to do ourselves, will become more insolent than yet they have been, will scorn all conditions of agreement; and that which we now refuse being offered, shall not be listened ●nto, nor granted when it is propounded by us. My opinion then, gentlemans, is, that the occasion of achieving more generous and noble ends, as might with reason have been hoped for, after so famous a victory, being to the great misfortune of ourselves, and of all Christendom, let slip, we may at least reap thereby what advantage we may, to the end that all our dangers rest not wholly unrewarded; nor that the blood of so many of our well deserving citizen's be shed in vain. We ought not to recommit the total of our Fortune, for any slight cause, to the uncertain event of Battle; and experience teacheth us, that we ought not to hope for any great enterprises. Let us then be rational, let us free ourselves as soon as we can from the Dominion of fortune, and let us let this malign influence of the Heavens, which doth but badly befriend our Commonwealth, pass over. Nor ought this to be a badge of infamy to us to the world, nor unsatisfactory to the Confederates. Our actions have been too evident, our good wills therein have been sufficiently seen therein by all men; none can deny, but that we have readily concurred to the observance of the League; that we have desired, solicited, and endeavoured the suppression of the enemy; and to make good use of victory. But since all our endeavours prove vain, who can blame us, if being advised thereunto by reason, or rather compelled by necessity, we have thought upon securing our Dominions, by peace, as well as the Spaniards endeavoured to secure theirs the last year by detaining their Fleet, which by the Articles of the League, was destined to the common service in the Levant. These our just reasons are known to all men, the Spaniards themselves know not how to gainsay them; nay, (as we have been lately informed) a State Minister of the Kings, seeming to have▪ some jealousy of this Treaty, said, the King would not be displeased, that the Commonwealth of Venice, to the preservation and dignity whereof he had always been a wellwisher, as all Christian Princes ought to be for the good of Christendom, should treat with the Turks of peace upon honourable conditions. And say, that this peace which shall now be established, be not likely to be of any long security to us, through the enemy's perfidiousness; we may notwithstanding get advantage of time by it, a thing very seasonable in doubtful and dangerous accidents, and which always ought to be endeavoured by those that are weakest: for humane things are governed with much of change, and not only men's opinions are seen to be altered in a short time, but the whole state and condition of the most important affairs. Let us now endeavour to find out some remedy for our instant dangers. God, who hath always taken this Commonwealth into his particular protection, and who will peradventure correct her by this scourge of War for some error of hers, but not ruin her; will open some more certain way to her safety and greatness, which is as yet hidden and unknown to human wisdom. The Doge's words bore great weight with them; his gravity and authority, accompanied by reason, became more efficacious: wherefore his advice being approved, new Commission was given to the Consul, to attend the Treaty of Peace, and to endue him with authority to conclude it, upon the conditions which shall be hereafter related. Several accidents made much for this resolution: many difficulties which were found for recruiting the Fleet, by reason of the great number of men that were consumed, by labour and hardships, and through great fear which had possessed all men, and which was made the greater, because it was not now tempered, as it was before, with hopes of prey and reward. Moreover, the pains and danger did now increase, by the reason of fresh commotions in Flanders, and of assistance which was preparing for them in Germany: wherefore it was said, that the Spaniards being thereupon chiefly intent, had wholly bend themselves upon the augmenting of those Garrisons, and upon making the sorer war the next year in Flanders. It was also understood, that a Chiaus was come at the same time to the Cesarean Court from Constantinople; who (though it was afterwards known, that he was sent to treat of things touching Moldavia) was suspected to be sent to demand passage for the Turkish Army, which was said to be prepared for assaulting Friuli. Their forwardness being out of these reasons somewhat allayed, who were at first for continuing the League, they all unanimously resolved upon the Treaty of Peace. Monsieur d'Aix, the French Ambassador, was presently made acquainted with these resolves; who being returned from Constantinople, was then at Venice, and who had received new orders from his King, to return to Constantinople, that he might, as oft as he should be requested, be aiding to the treaty of Agreement, to the which the King of France had both formerly, and at this time, oft exhorted the Venetians. The Consul Barbaro, was therefore acquainted with all these proceedings, to the end, that when the French Ambassador should be come to Constantinople, he might consult with him touching the Treaty of Peace, and according as he should see occasion, make use of his mediation and authority. But the Turks, as soon as they heard of Monsieur d'Aix, returning to Constantinople, hoping that he had brought new conditions for the stipulation of Peace, and which might be more advantageous for them, cooled in their negotiations formerly held with the Baylo, endeavouring cunningly to spin out the time, without declaring any resolution in the point. Which delay did much prejudice the business; for several difficulties were falsely promoted by such, as for their own interest, desired to disturb it, chiefly by telling Selino, that great provisions being already made both for the Fleet and Army; it was neither advantageous, nor honourable, to treat of Agreement: so as the condition of affairs grew daily worse, and unreasonable proposals were made; the Turks appearing to be totally alienated from thoughts of peace. They imprisoned the Baylo closer than they had done formerly, made all his windows be shut up, set more guards upon him, and dealt more severely with him in all things, thinking thereby to make him discover his latest, and most secret Commissions; or else to keep him from sending notice to Venice of their provisions for War; or rather, as appeared by the sequel, to keep him from communing with Monsieur d'Aix, who was come just then to Constantinople, imagining, that by this means, they might the more easily draw the new conditions from him, which they conceived he had brought. But when beginning to treat with him, they found that really he had only general orders concerning peace. And the chief Bashaw growing jealous, that the French would interpose themselves in this business, for their own particular interests; as if the Turks, esteeming these endeavours, as tending much to their service, would be the readier afterwards in lending their assistance, for the election of Monsieur d' Anjou, brother to the King of France, to be King of Poland, he cared not to continue the business by this way; but having recourse to the former means, and to those who had formerly negotiated therein; to wit, to Orembei and Salamone, he reassumed the Treaty with the Consul; and after several proposals and replies on all sides, The Agreement was at last concluded, and established about the midst of March; all things contained in the former Capitulation being now again confirmed, but with a particular declaration, that the castle of Sopoto, which was yet held by the Venetians, should be restored to the Turks: But that all the other Towns of Albania and Slavonia, together with their confines and territories, as they were constituted before the war, should remain possessed in whose hands they then were. That all the goods which had been taken in time of war, from the Merchants of either side, should be entirely restored. And moreover, that the Venetians should be bound to send yearly, for the space of three years, 100000 Ducats, to the Court at Constantinople: which was stood upon and endeavoured by the Turks, more than any thing, as a token of their grandezza, and reputation. The Consul dispatched away his son Francisco to Venice, with these capitulations, confirmed and signed under Selino's own had, who came thither about the midst of April. The news of the conclusion of peace being published, at young Barbaro's arrival, people discoursed thereupon variously, every one according to their own particular sense and affection; many thought, their interests were concerned herein; others persevering in their first hopes, that Christendom might have been much advantaged by war, blamed the Venetians, for having laid down Arms, and abandoned the League, But those of wiser and more mature judgement, who measured things to come, by what had been past, did constantly affirm, that this action deserved praise, or at least justly to be excused, the reason of State requiring it, for the preservation of the Commonwealth's Dominions, which without this only remedy of peace, would be subject to great inconveniencies and dangers. But of all others, the Pope was chiefly scandalised hereat; to whom, when the Venetian Ambassador went to acquaint him with the whole business, the Pope, not being able to moderate his anger, would not as then, not for many days after, give ear to any thing that might be said, in the justification thereof, nor admit the Ambassador to his presence. This so great anger of the Pope's, made the Cardinals, and chief personages of the Court, and▪ by their example, all the people, speak very freely of it. Wherefore it was doubted, that the Pope, moved chiefly out of a desire, of giving better satisfaction to the Spaniards, whom he thought would hold themselves much injured hereby, would show himself so severe; and that some Cardinals, imagining, that by so doing, they might please both the Pope and the Spaniards, for which they daily expected thanks, and remuneration, would aggravate the business, more than they themselves believed, it deserved to be. But the Catholic King, who was accustomed to govern, and knew by experience, how very rational it is in Princes to desire, that their Dominions may be preserved by wisdom and moderation, not being at all troubled at the news, that peace was concluded, seemed not to be displeased with what the Commonwealth had done, for her own interests; saying, That assuredly they must be weighty and important occasions, which had moved the Venetians to put on such a resolution. And that as he had been ready to lend his forces to the service of Christendom, and particularly to the good of the Commonwealth; so he did assure himself, that they being sensible of his goodwill, by his actions, would do the like to him, when occasion should require it. And the Spaniards generally, both in the Court of Rome, and in Spain, using much moderation, made no outward show, either of dislike, nor resentment. Some said, They were rather sorry for the occasion, which had necessitated the making peace, then for the peace itself. They confessed, that those respects, which had persuaded to this resolution, must have been very great, but not so well known to them, by reason of the distance of their Dominions, and of their King's power. And the Spanish Ambassador who was at Rome, understanding that the Ambassador, who was chosen to go to Constantinople, to confirm the Capitulations, was not yet gone from Venice; propounded new endeavours to enliven the League. This way of proceeding, regulated by the reason of interest, not of affection, was much wondered at, as a thing but little known, or practised by Italians. Wherefore some said, that the Spaniards were thus moderate, lest by blaming the Venetians, they might provoke them to justify themselves, by complaining of the actions of the Colleagues, the last years past. Others said, That though they had lost the advantage of the League for that time, they would not forego the friendship of the Commonwealth for ever, which they might make use of upon other occasions. But, it may be, the truest cause was, that following therein their natural custom, of maintaining their dignity, it became them not to value much the dissolution of the League, as if they were not sufficient of themselves, to give a just counterpoise to the Turkish forces. But the Pope continued still unsatisfied. Wherefore the Venetians, not being willing to be held contumacious, resolved to send an express Ambassador to Rome, that the Pope might be the more easily pacified, and admit of their true justifications, by this sign of their reverence and respect. Nicolo damn Ponte was chosen for this employment, a man of reverend years, and of great esteem and authority in the Commonwealth, being a Procurator of St. Marks. This man going speedily to Rome, and having obtained audience of the Pope, showed him, that the Commonwealth had just cause to accept of the peace, which was offered by the Turks, That all their territories by sea, were exposed to very great danger, by reason of the enemies many preparations made to offend them, and through the slow proceedings of their friends and confederates to defend them. That the weight of this war was become so grievous, by reason of the expenses which the Commonwealth had been at, for the space of three years, and through the many inconveniences, whereby her subjects were prejudiced, as it became now unsupportable. That as long as the hopes of prosperous success, and of future quiet, did keep up their hearts in the bitterness of war, and did a little consolate the present evils, the Venetians had outdone what they were bound to by their Articles, in providing for war, ●nd exceeded their abilities. But that the best occasions being now unseasonably let slip, what reason had they to continue at such expenses and dangers? since it was now clearly known, that the Commonwealth could not preserve her Dominions better, then by peace. That the Pope should be well pleased, it being for the common service of Christendom, that accommodating herself to the times, she should temporise with so powerful an enemy, that she might employ the remainder of her forces upon some other seasonable occasion, for the good of Christendom, and of the Church, as she had so often formerly done. That in this respect, Paul the third, when he knew that it was in vain to take up arms against Soliman, did himself exhort the Venetians to make peace, though they had the same obligations of League upon them, as they had now. That the Senate did not communicate this their resolution to their considerates, out of just and sitting respects, governing itself by that rule, by which all other States govern themselves, and by which the Catholic King, a powerful Prince, had walked. For, that he might not break the League unnecessitated, if the condition of affairs should alter (as they did) and not to seem to distrust his forces, whereby to encourage his enemies. He did not acquaint the Venetians with the reasons, which moved him to keep back his Fleet; nor did any thing, but the effect itself, discover his intentions, and the jealousies which he had of the French. That it became the Venetians to do the like now, who, at the beginning of the treaty of peace, which was as then doubtful and uncertain, basarded the loss of the uncertain advantage of the League, and of encountering many inconveniences, in following that advice, which reason did dictate unto them, or rather necessity; though it might be more truly said, that peace was much nearer, being concluded, then was imagined; it being thought, that an Ambassador was to be sent expressly for that end to Constantinople, as had been done formerly; and that such resolutions might be communicated in fitting time. But that that which was much desired, and much to be desired, being proffered, it ought not to be refused or deferred, for any respect whatsoever, the damage not being to be repaired by any mediation, which any delay, though never so short, might occasion in a business of such importance; they being to treat with a barbarous Nation, insolent, and full of jealousies. That they had also considered, that to advise in a thing, which was judged by those that demanded counsel, not to be avoided, seemed to be unseasonable, and to no purpose; the rather, for that it would not have been lawful for the Pope, though he had known the true reasons, which had caused the Venetians to make peace, to dissuade them from it, or to hinder it; nor would the place which he held, permit him, to advise or give way thereunto. So as since their occasions forced them, to act contrary to his declared will, and not to be governed by his exhortations, their offence would have been made the greater. That lesser evil was occasioned hereby, since he knew nothing of the treaty of peace, before it was concluded. The Pope being convinced by these reasons, was indifferently well pacified, and began to treat with the Venetian Ambassadors upon all occurrences, in a quiet and peaceful manner. The Senate had in the interim dispatched away Francisco Barbaro with much expedition, with the confirmation and stipulation of the peace, to Constantinople, till such time as Andrea Badoaro, who was chosen Ambassador to that purpose, might go thither, for the solemn settlement of the Articles, and bring with him accustomed presents. Barbaro used great diligence, answerable to the importance of the business; and having ended his journey in fourteen days, came very opportunely to the Court at Constantinople, on the first of May. For news being daily brought thither, of great preparations which were made at Messina, the Turks began to suspect, that the Venetians had made use of this treaty of Agreement, merely out of cunning, to keep them from providing for war, that so they might suppress them the more easily. And they were the rather confirmed in this opinion, because the Ambassador was so long in coming thither, which for these respects was thought might be delayed. They therefore began to be more diligent in making ready their Fleet, though the season was far advanced; Mehemet having, by interposing several difficulties, endeavoured to keep the Fleet from going out, to obviate any occasion that might disturb the Peace; but at last, Uluzzali, and Piali Bashaw, put to sea about the midst of june, with 150 Galleys, 30 Fliboats, and ten Mahones, wherewith they passed to Negroponte, where they tarried a while, expecting what would become of the treaty of Peace. For Piali hearing soon after from the Saniacco of Chersego, that the Ambassador, and the new Consul, were already come to Dalmatia, on their journey towards Constantinople, he forthwith went with his whole Fleet to Modone; & finding the Agreement concluded with the Venetians, he turned his forces to prejudice the Catholic King; so as coming to the Rivers of Puglia, he committed much pillage, and burned the Town of Castro. But the Venetians, by reason of the news of the Turkish Fleets being put to sea, and of many speeches which were given out, that the Turks would not observe the Articles of Peace, and that all their Treaties were treacherous, grew almost as jealous of the Turks, as the Turks had been of them. So as though the Ambassador was gone, and come already to Dalmatia, they were notwithstanding doubtful, what the success of that Embassy would be. And General Foscherini being gone, by order from the Senate, to Sara, with intention to disarm all the Galleys, save six, which he left at Corfu, did delay doing what was resolved upon; nay he was enjoined, to take all the men out of ten of the worst furnished Galleys, and to reinforce the rest with them; which being done, there remained yet 92 Galleys in the Fleet, fit for action. These things being done by the Venetians, and known by the Turks, did much increase their jealousies. But when the apprehensions of these jealousies were vanished, and that the Senate thought, the affairs of the Commonwealth were now in a safe condition, they, to the end that they might be no longer at so great expense, gave order to the General, that he should by degrees disarm the Galleys; which when he should have done, that he should then return home, and lay down his Commission. At the same time, the Ambassador Badoaro, who was come to Constantinople, had delivered his Embassy to the grand Signior, wherein, in a few words, (as the custom is, not to use many with that Prince) he told him: That the greater the grief was, which the Duke and Senate of Venice had conceived at the occasion of breach of amity, which had for so many years been had, between the Commonwealth and the Ottoman Family; the greater was their consolation at the present, to think, that all past differences being accommodated, they were to return to their former condition, whereby the people on both sides might enjoy tranquillity, and free commerce. That they hoped, the peace which was now renewed and established, should be preserved for many ages; which the Venetians, for their parts, would always carefully endeavour, assuring themselves, that Selino would do the like, as became a great Prince, and a lover of what was just and honest. To which Selino made no other reply, save, that he did approve of what the Ambassador had said, and that he did ratify and confirm the Capitulations, which had been formerly agreed upon with the Consul. Thus after the space of almost four years, and after so many and so sore adventures, as you have heard by our narration, Peace was renewed and established with the Turks, and the Commonwealth was restored to her former quiet: Wherein we pray God that she may long continue, in better and more fortunate times, since we see, she hath so often, with much generosity, but still with great misfortune, taken up Arms against the Ottoman Empire. FINIS.