Bust of Dr. John Whitgift 
The most Reverend Dr. JOHN WHITGIFT Ld. Archbishop of Canterbury.  R. White sc●lp   

THE LIFE OF JOHN WHITGIFT, Archbishop of Canterbury In the Times of Q. Elizabeth and K. James I.  
Written by Sir George Paul, controller of his Grace's Household.  
To which is added a TREATISE Entitled, Conspiracy for Pretended Reformation, Written in the Year 1591. By Richard Cousin, LL. D. Dean of the Arches, and Official Principal to Archbishop Whitgift.  
LONDON: Printed for Ri. Chiswell, and to be Sold at the Rose and Crown, and at the Rose in St. Paul's Churchyard. MDCXCIX.   

TO THE Most Reverend Father in God, GEORGE, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Metropolitan; One of the Lords of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council.  
Most Reverend, and my ever Honoured Lord,  
I See it incident to Personages of high Place and Deserving, to win by their Living Favours many obsequious Followers; who, after their decease, prove but cold Remembrancers of their Bounty, or other Virtues. Which slackness in others forced that boldness in me, rather to choose the hazard of disreputation to my Pen, which was never cunning, than to my Heart, which shall never be ungrateful. And therefore I have presumed to set down the Godly and Religious Courses of the most Reverend Archbishop WHITGIFT, your Grace's late Predecessor, to show mine own obligation to his Memory, and to make known his worthy Parts to future Ages. And because your Grace's beginnings show how careful an Embracer you are of his chiefest Virtues, as well in your industrious Studies, as in your private and public Government; I held it my Duty to present both this, and my best Services to your Grace. That here you may see, if nothing else, those Virtues in another, that are so aimed at by yourself. Which make many true affected Hearts pray, that by your godly, vigilant and prudent Guidance, his Church may long and happily flourish among us, To  
your Grace's most bounden, Geo. Paul.   

TO THE READER.  
IT was far from my Thoughts that these first Draughts of mine, which I only intended as Minutes and Directions for a more skilful Penman; should ever have showed themselves to the World, had not the backwardness of some, and the importunity of others, driven me to the Orator's Resolution; who saith, I had rather any Man should do it than myself; yet myself, rather than none at all. The Argument may peradventure sooner find some Maligners, than just Reprovers. Wherein yet, as far as the importance and necessity of the Cause will suffer, I have so warily tempered the sharpness of my Pen, that I hope none of moderate Humour himself, will justly charge me of being immoderate herein. But yet, if any where I shall seem otherwise, the discreet Reader will see it is out of the Instructions, Records, and Authors, whom I follow, and not out of mine own Disposition, who desired as well herein, as in other of my Courses, rather to imitate my Master in his mild and moderate Carriage, than willingly to be offensive or displeasing to any. Neither is it my purpose to have the Ashes of the Dead raked up again. But as no Man can rightly commend a Commander, or skilful Pilot, without relating their past Exploits, and dangerous Storms: So neither could I, without wronging my Reader, and the principal Subject, commend him for so Worthy and Prudent a Governor, unless I had withal given a taste of his Adventures, and the stormy Time wherein he lived. And therefore I pray thee, Courteous Reader, both charitabby and modestly to Censure my Travel and Pains herein.   

THE LIFE OF THE Most Reverend Prelate JOHN WHITGIFT, Archbishop of Canterbury.  
1. A Wise and Excellent 
Tacit. Annal. lib. 4.  Historian saith; It hath always been a Matter of free liberty, and least subject to Detraction, to speak of those, whom Death hath exempted from hatred or favour. A Speech that moved me to write (whilst many other, better able, look on) the Life of the most Reverend, and Worthy Prelate John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, to the end that Posterity might take true notice of the worth of such, as have well guided the Stern of this Church, and settled the Peace thereof; and render unto him, as unto other Men, the due Honour and Commendation, which he hath deserved.  
2. He came of the Ancient Family 
The Archbishop's Descent.  of Whitgift of Whitgift in Yorkshire. His Grandfather, John Whitgift, Gentleman, had many Children; some whereof he made Scholars, others he placed abroad in several Courses of Life, disposing his Father Henry Whitgift, to be a Merchant at Great Grimsby in Lincolnshire. Where he married Ann Dynewell, a virtuous young Woman, of good Parentage in that Town, of whom this our Archbishop came, and was there Born in the Year of our Lord, 
He was born, Anno 1530. at Grimsby in Lincolnshire.  1530. being the Eldest of his Father's Sons, who were five in number, besides himself, viz. William, George, Philip, Richard, and Jeffery.  
3. He had an Uncle called Robert Whitgift, Abbot of the Monastery of Wellow, in the County of Lincoln, near Grimsby, who teaching divers young Gentlemen, took like pains also with him. In which time (as he was pleased often to remember) he heard his Uncle, 
First instructed by his Uncle, Robert Whitgift, Abbot of Wellow in Lincolnshire.  the Abbot say, That they, and their Religion could not long continue, because (said he) I have read the whole Scripture over and over, and could never find therein that our Religion was founded by God: And for proof of his Opinion, the Abbot would allege that saying of our Saviour; Omnis plantatio, quam non plantavit pater meus caelestis eradicabitur: Every planting which my Heavenly 
Matth. 15. 13.  Father hath not planted, shall be rooted up.  
4. His Uncle, finding an extraordinary towardliness in him, sent him afterwards 
Sent up to London.  to London, where he became a Scholar in St. Anthony's School, and boarded at his Aunt's House in Paul's Churchyard; she being the Wife of Michael Shaller, a Verger of that Church. There he escaped a great danger, lying with another Scholar that had the 
Narrowly escaped the Plague.  plague, and coming in the Summertime Hot and Thirsty from School, drunk his Urine out of a Pot or Cruse, standing at his Beds-head in stead of Drink; and was not sick after it, though his Bedfellow died.  
5. From St. Anthony's School he repaired 
Sent back to Grimsby for refusing to go to Mass.  to Grimsby to his Parents, being thrust out of Doors by his Aunt, because he would not (as she often required and solicited him by the Canons of Paul's) go with her to morrow Mass; imputing all her Losses and domestic Misfortunes to her harbouring of such an Heretic within her Doors; and, for a farewell told him, That she thought at the first, she had received a Saint into her House, but now she perceived he was a Devil.  
6. His Parents finding that he had 
Sent to Cambridge; first of Queen ' s College, then of Pembroke-Hall.  much profited in his Learning, sent him, by the advice and direction of his Uncle, the Abbot, to Cambridge, where he was first of Queen's College; but liking not the Education and Disposition of some there, went to Pembroke-Hall: Dr. Ridley (afterwards Bishop of London) being there Master, who hearing by Mr. Bradford, his Tutor, of his great towardliness and small means, (by reason of his Father's Losses at Sea) made him Scholar, and then Mr. Gurth became his Tutor; from thence he was 
Chosen Fellow of Peterhouse, May 1555.  chosen Fellow of Peterhouse, Dr. Pearne being then Master there.  
7. Whilst he was Fellow of that 
Had a grievous Sickness.  House, he fell grievously Sick, and was by commandment of Dr. Pearne (who much tendered him in regard of his good Parts) carried to an House near the College, whither Dr. Pearne came often to visit him, and willed the Woman 
Dr. Pearne's special Care of him.  of the House that he should want nothing; neither should she spare any cost for his good, and the recovery of his Health, saying, that if he lived, he would be able to defray the Charge himself; but if he died, the said Dr. Pearne would satisfy her, and pay for all things.  
8. When it pleased God to restore him to his former Health, he determined 
Recovering his Health, determined to Travel.  to Travel beyond the Seas, purposely to avoid certain Visitors sent in Queen Mary's time to the University, to establish Popery, and to enjoin the young Fellows and Scholars to take Primam tonsuram, being their first entrance into Popish Orders.  
9 Dr. Pearne hearing of this his purpose, 
Dissuaded by Dr. Pearne.  talked with him, and found him resolute in his Religion, yielding (as Dr. Pearne often acknowledged afterwards) many good and sound Reasons therefore; whereupon the Doctor willed him to be silent, and not troublesome in uttering his Opinion, whereby others might take occasion to call him in question: and he for his part, would wink at him, and so order the matter, that he might continue his Religion, and not travel out of the University; which accordingly the good old Man justly performed. For which his Favour the Archbishop carried a loving, faithful, and true heart towards him unto his dying Day.  
10. He Commenced Bachelor of 
Commenced Bachelor of Arts, 1553. Master of Arts, 1556. Bachelor of Divinity, 1562. Doctor of Divinity, 1569.  Arts in the Year 1553. Master of Arts, 1556. Bachelor of Divinity, 1562. Doctor of Divinity, 1569. at which time he answered the Divinity Act publicly in the Commencement, wherein he maintained this Position, Papa est Ille Antichristus.  
11. After he was entered into the Ministry, (which was upon the Year 1560.) being to Preach his first Public Sermon in St. Mary's, he chose 
His Act-Sermon at St. Marry ' s, 1560. on Rom. 1. 16.  for his Text that excellent saying of St. Paul, I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ, etc. wherein his singular Method, choice of Matter, and judicious handling thereof, were such, that his whole Auditory, especially the chief of the University, grew into great admiration of those great Parts in so young Years.  
12. From being Fellow of Peter-house, 
Made Master of Pembroke-Hall, Chaplain to the Bishop of Ely, Prebendary of Ely, Parson of Teversam.  he succeeded Dr. Hutton, late Archbishop of York, in the Mastership of Pembroke-Hall; being then Chaplain to Dr. Cox, Bishop of Ely, by whose means he had a Prebend in Ely, and the Parsonage of Teversam near Cambridge.  
13. He was also chosen Divinity 
Divinity Reader.  Reader of the Lady Margaret's Lecture, which he discharged with so great liking of the whole University, that for his sake they increased the Stipend from Twenty Marks to Twenty Pounds, and afterwards he was made the Queen's 
Queen's Professor.  public Professor of Divinity.  
14. Whilst he read these two Lectures, the public Schools were frequented with throngs of Students in Divinity, Young, and Old; such was his diligence, great learning, and extraordinary gifts showed in the reading thereof; insomuch as many of the precise Faction were his daily Auditors, and the Lectures themselves so highly accounted of (especially those, which he read upon the Apocalypse, and the 
Read upon the Apocalypse and the Hebrews.  Epistle to the Hebrews) that through the importunity of divers his honourable Friends (than his Pupils) and others of great learning, and judgement, he was persuaded to set down those his Lectures in writing, which are like shortly for their excellency and worth, to be published for the common benefit.  
15. His singular, and extraordinary 
1567.  gift in preaching, caused him, upon the recommendation of Sir Nicholas Bacon, the then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, and Sir William Cecil, principal Secretary (afterwards Lord Treasurer of England) to be sent for to preach before Her Majesty, who took 
Sent for to preach before the Queen.  so great liking of him, for his method, and matter, that, hearing his Name to be Whitgift, she said he had a whitegift indeed. And as his Gifts were then esteemed white, so his Fortune afterwards proved white, and happy; his good Name and Reputation white, and spotless: so that it may be properly said of him, that he was gallinae filius albae.  
16. Her Majesty within four Months 
Was made Master of Trinity College, July 4. 1567. and the Queen's Chaplain.  after that he was Master of Pembroke-Hall, made him Master of Trinity College, and caused him immediately after to be sworn her Chaplain.  
17. IN the College, at his first entrance, 
Found Divisions in the College;  he found much division, (especially amongst such as laboured innovation in the Church) being begun and headed in the government of his Predecessor Master D. Beaumond. Yet did he in short time wisely appease these 
Wisely appeased them.  Stirs, and governed for five years' space with great quietness both of the whole Company, and himself, until Master Thomas Cartwright (a Fellow of that College) his last return from beyond the Seas.  
18. The first discontentment of the 
Cartwright ' s first discontent.  said Master Cartwright grew at a Disputation in the University before Queen Elizabeth, because Master Preston (then of King's College, and afterward Master of Trinity Hall) for his comely Gesture, and pleasing Pronunciation, was both liked and rewarded by her Majesty, and himself received neither reward, nor commendation; presuming of his own good Scholarship, but wanting indeed that comely grace and behaviour which the other had. This his no small grief he uttered unto divers of his inward Friends in Trinity College, who were also very much discontented, because the honour of the Disputation did not redound unto their College.  
19 Mr. Cartwright, immediately after 
His Self-conceit.  her Majesty's neglect of him, began to wade into divers Opinions, as that of the Discipline, and to kick against her Ecclesiastical Government; he also then grew highly conceited of himself for Learning, and Holiness, and a great Contemner of others that were not of his mind. And although the Learning and Qualities of any were never so mean, yet if he affected Master Cartwright, and his Opinions, he should be in great estimation with him, according to the saying of the Poet:—  

Praecipui sunto, sitque illis aurea barba.   
But if he were against him in his fanciful Conceits, though he were never so good a Scholar, or so good a Man, he could not brook or like of him; as of Dr. Whitaker, and others: And although in their Elections of Scholars into that College, they made as good choice as any other, either before, or in their time, yet could he never afford the Electors, nor Parties elected, a good word, unless they sided with him in his Fancies.  
20. And that he might the better 
Cartwright went to Geneva; affected the Discipline of that Church.  feed his Humour with these conceited Novelties, he travailed to Geneva; where observing the Government and Discipline of that Church to be by certain Ecclesiastical Superintendents, and Lay-Elders, or Presbyters (as they called them,) he was so far carried away with an affection of that new devised Discipline, as that he thought all Churches and Congregations for Government Ecclesiastical, were to be measured and squared by the practice of Geneva.  
21. Therefore, when he returned 
His opposition to the Established Church-Government in England.  home, he took many exceptions against the Established Government of our Church, disallowing the Vocation of our Archbishops, Bishops, Archdeacon's, and other Ecclesiastical Officers; the Administration of our Holy Sacraments, and observation of our Rites and Ceremonies; and buzzing these Conceits into the Heads of divers young Preachers and Scholars of the University, he drew after him a great number of Disciples and Followers. And upon a Sunday (Doctor Whitgift being from home) Master Cartwright with some of his Adherents, made three Sermons in that one day; wherein they so vehemently inveighed (amongst other Ceremonies of our Church) against the Surpless, as those of Trinity College 
Preacheth against the Surpless.  were so moved therewith, that at Evening Prayer they cast off their Surplesses (though against the Statutes of the House) and were all placed in the Chapel without Surplesses, three only excepted; Doctor Legge, Mr. West, and the Chaplain. By reason of which Stirs, both that private College was greatly distracted, and the whole University much perplexed and troubled.  
22. For these his Opinions were now broached not only at home in their College Sermons, and Domestical Common-Places, but by Master Cartwright himself, and his Adherents, in the public Church of the whole University; wherein they mightily declamed against the Ordination of our Priests, and Deacons, and greatly traduced the Heads and Governors of the Colleges, because they attended the Service of those Places. The Reverend Bishops, and Fathers of the Church, for their due observing Ecclesiastical Rules, and Constitutions, were by them much perstringed, the Established Church paralling (as they termed it) the Romish Hierarchy, was also much reproached and disgraced.  
23. Dr. Whitgift, after that Master 
Whitgift preacheth against Cartwright ' s Opinions.  Cartwright and his Complices had broached this his dangerous Doctrine, would always the Sunday following in the same Church, answer and confute their Opinions, with such commendation, and applause, as thereby he much quieted and settled the judgement of many, that otherwise were inclining to this Innovation, and gained a singular opinion of the most Learned and Judicious throughout the whole University.  
24. When by this course he had 
Cartwright and his Followers oppose Whitgist.  somewhat appeased these Stirs, Master Cartwright did not yet cease, but by secret Instigations set on others of his own humour to continue them; who in their College Exercises (which they call Common-places) and also in their open Sermons, would prick at him with the Swords of their Tongues, and otherwhiles uncharitably through the Sides of others pierce and wound him; sometimes furiously without regard of duty, shame, or modesty, would strike downright at him. For it then was (and I pray God it still be not) a thing too frequent with that Generation to tax their Superiors, and to accuse their Government, as also to asperse them and it with many unjust Calumniations.  
25. Notwithstanding, so far was he from entering into any rigorous course of proceeding against them (as justly he might have done by the Statutes of the College, and public Laws of the State) as that with great sufferance he winked at and passed by many of 
Whitgift ' s gentleness.  these Wrongs and Enormities, and instead of revenge, he by gentleness and goodness heaped coals upon the Adversaries heads, as also for rough and unseemly Speeches, he breathed nothing but sweet breath of love, and peace, often exhorting them to call to God for Grace, that they might have more sober consideration and better judgement of Orders established, which then they mistook to be amiss. For (as a Learned man truly saith of them) those fervent 
Hooker ' s Eccles. Policy, lib. 5.  reprehenders of things established by public Authority, are always confident, and bold spirited men: but their confidence, (for the most part) riseth from too much credit given to their own Wits; for which cause they are seldom free from Errors.  
26. The state of the University being 
The State of the University disturbed by Cartwright.  in this sort mervailously disquieted by Master Cartwright, and his Abettors, Doctor Whitgift wisely foresaw that these sparks of Sedition, if in time they were not quenched, would grow to a great flame, to the endangering not only of the University, but of the whole Church (as every one knoweth it afterward fell out); and therefore to cure this Evil, if it might be, in the beginning, he oftentimes sent to Master Cartwright, 
Whitgift adviseth him to be quiet.  and in friendly and kind manner, advised him to surcease from those Courses: But finding him always wilfully bend, and finally obstinate; to prevent further mischief, he with the Seniors of the House, called him in question; 
Calls him in question.  and having sufficient matter of Expulsion against him, for uttering some Errors in his Lectures, and not recanting, nor expounding them; being by the Master and Seniors so appointed, and for exercising the Function of a Minister, having no Letters of Orders (which he had either torn, or suppressed, for that he thought it not lawful by his own Doctrine to use them) and for transgressing the Statutes of the House in divers other Points, he expelled him the House; 
Expels him the House, and deprives him of the Lady Margaret's Lecture.  and being Vicechancellor, caused him likewise to be deprived of the Lady Margaret's Lecture, which then he read.  
27. Before which course of proceeding with him, Doctor Whitgift (understanding that Master Cartwright had given it out, that his dangerous Assertions were rather repressed by Authority, than refeled by Truth, and strength of Reason) wished him to forbear such disturbance of the public Peace of the Church, and often offered him to enter a quieter course for trial of the truth of 
Offers him a Conference; which Cartwright refuseth.  his Cause by Conference, and Writing; which he always refused to accept, as may appear by an Act recorded in the Registry Book of the University of Cambridge, under the Testimony and Subscription of the chief Heads, bearing date the 18th of March, 1570. in these words.  
WHereas it is reported that Master 
This Recorded in the Register of the University.  Cartwright, offering Disputations and Conference, touching the Assertions uttered by him, and subscribed with his Hand, and that he could not obtain his request therein; This is to testify, that in the presence of Us, whose Names are here-under written, and in our hearing, the said Master Cartwright was offered conference of divers, and namely of M. Doctor Whitgift, who offered, that if the said Master Cartwright would set down his Assertions in writing, and his Reasons unto them, he would answer the same in writing also; The which Master Cartwright refused to do. Further, the said Doctor Whitgift, at such time as Master Cartwright was deprived of his Lecture, did in our presence ask the said Master Cartwright, whether he had both publicly and privately divers times offered the same Conference unto him by writing, or not. To which Master Cartwright answered, that he had been so offered, and that he refused the same. Moreover, the said Master Cartwright did never offer any Disputation, but upon these Conditions; viz. That he might know who should be his Adversaries, and who should be his Judges; meaning such Judges as he himself could best like of. Neither was this kind of Disputation denied unto him, but only he was required to obtain licence of the Queen's Majesty, or the Counsel, because his Assertions be repugnant to the state of the Commonwealth, which may not be called into question by public disputation, without licence of the Prince, or her Highness' Counsel.  

John Whitgift, Vicechancellor.  
Andrew Pearne.  
John Mey.  
Edward Hawford.  
William Chadderton.  
Henry Harvy.  
Thomas Ithell.  
Thomas Bing.   
ET ego Matthaeus Stokis Sarum Diocese, in Artibus Magister publicus Authoritate legitima Notarius, quia interfui deprivationi dicti Cartwright factae undecimo die Decembris, Anno 1570. & tunc & ibidem audivi Doctorem Whitgift interrogantem eum Cartwright de praemissis allegatis, & M. Cartwright eadem confitentem; Ideo, in fidem & testimonium praemissorum, nomen meum requisitus superscripsi, Anno Domini 1570.  
28. Not long after (at which time her Highness had summoned a Parliament) some of principal note amongst these Disciplinarians thought that the fittest time either to effect their desires by some Abettors in that high Assembly, or at least to disperse their Opinions into all the parts of the Kingdom. To which end they then published a Seditious Treatise, entitled, An Admonition 
The Disciplinarians publish An Admonition to the Parliament.  to the Parliament; being indeed the very Summary both of their Opinions touching Church matters, and of their shameless Slanders against the Governors thereof.  
29. And albeit Doctor Whitgift considered that this Libel was unworthy any serious confutation, yet in regard of the great applause it found among the green Heads of the University (who were greedy of Novelties) and to stop the current of so dangerous Positions, he spared not his pains in writing a learned 
Whitgift answers it, 1572.  Answer; therein laying open the weakness of that Cause, and the strength of their Malice, who so hotly pursued the same; which being published upon the Year 1572. won him no less reputation with the learneder sort, than the former had with the young and weaker Brains, yea even those who had formerly thought the Admonition unanswerable, found the rashness of their Censures by the soundness of that Refutation.  
30. Whereupon Master Cartwright, notwithstanding his former refusal to enter into the list with Doctor Whitgift (as is aforesaid) seeing both the walls and foundation of his new-founded Church-government already shaken, and tottering, endeavoured to underprop the same with a Reply. The weakness 
Cartwright replies. Whitgift defends his Answer.  whereof Doctor Whitgift displayed in his Defence of the Answer to the Admonition, against the Reply.  
30. But Master Cartwright (glorying belike to have the last word) published a second Reply, fraught with no other 
Cartwright's Second Reply.  stuff, than had been before refuted, yet Doctor Whitgift addressing himself to answer it, was by the advice of some (whose Judgements he much esteemed) dissuaded from troubling himself, in refuting that which he had already overthrown. Amongst others who dissuaded him, the learned Doctor Whitaker was one; against whose Judgement the Adversary can no way justly except. His words in his Letter to Doctor Whitgift are these; Quem Cartwright us 
Mr. Whitaker's Letters concerning Mr. Cartwright's Reply, and his censure of him.  nuper emisit libellum ejus magnam partem perlegi. Ne vivam, si quid unquam viderim dissolutius, ac penè puerilius. Verborum satis ille quidem lautam, ac novam supellectilem habet, rerum omnino nullam, quantum ego judicare possum. Deinde, non modò perversè de Principis in rebus sacris, atque Ecclesiasticis aucthoritate sentit, sed in Papistarum etiam castra transfugit, à quibus tamen videri vult odio capitali dissidere. Verum nec in hac causa ferendus, & aliis etiam in partibus tela à Papistis mutuatur. Denique ut de Ambrosio dixit Hieronimus, verbis ludit, sententiis dormitat, & planè indignus est, qui à quopiam docto refutetur. I have read over (saith he) a great part of the Book which Master Cartwright hath lately set forth; Let me not live if I ever saw any thing more lose, and almost more childish. As for words, indeed he hath store of them, both trim, and fresh enough; but as for matter he hath none at all: Besides this, he hath not only peevish Assertions touching the Prince's Authority in matters Sacred, and Ecclesiastical, but he also flatly revolteth from us to the Camp of the Papists, from whom he would seem to fly with deadly hatred. And not in this Cause only is he unsufferable, but in other Points also he borroweth his Weapons and Arguments from the Papists. And in a word, as Hierome sometime said of Ambrose; he is in his words but a trifler, and for his matter but a dreamer, and altogether unworthy to be refuted by any man of Learning.  
32. Master Cartwright after these Controversies thus begun, and continued by himself, as you see, lived sometimes beyond the Seas, now in one place, and then in another, without attaining any eminent or certain Place in the Commonwealth, save only the Mastership of an Hospital in Warwick.  
33. But Doctor Whitgift having continued Master of Trinity College ten years, and being twice Vicechancellor, was by her Majesty preferred also to the Deanery of Lincoln, which he held for 
Whitgift made Dean of Lincoln.  the space of seven years; so long as he remained in Cambridge.  
34. By his Government in Trinity 
Norwich, Redman. Worcester, Babbington. St. David ' s, Rud. Gloucester, Golsborough. Hereford, Benet.  College he made many excellent Scholars, that came afterwards to great Preferment in the Church, and Commonwealth, five whereof were in his time Bishops, that then were Fellows of the College when he was Master, and some of them his Pupils; besides many Deans, and others of Dignity and Estimation in the Church at this day.  
35. He had divers Earls and Nobleman's 
Several Noblemen, etc. his Pupils.  Sons to his Pupils, as namely the Earls of Worcester, and Cumberland, the Lord Zouch, the Lord Dunboy of Ireland, Sir Nicholas, and Sir Francis Bacon, now his Majesty's Solicitor General, in whom he took great comfort, as well for their singular Towardliness, as for their observance of him, and performance of many good Offices towards him. All which 
Their respects towards him.  together with the rest of the Scholars of that House, he held to their public 
He holds the Scholars strictly to their Exercises and Devotion.  Disputations, and Exercises, and Prayers, which he never miss, chief for Devotion, and withal to observe others absence, always severely punishing such Omissions and Negligences.  
36. He usually dined and supped in the Common Hall, as well to have a watchful Eye over the Scholars, and to keep them in a mannerly and awful obedience, as by his Example, to teach them to be contented with a Scholarlike College Diet.  
37. The sway and Rule he then did bear through the whole University, the Records themselves will sufficiently testify; for by his mere travail and labour, and the Credit which he had with her Majesty, and the Lord Burghly, than Lord Treasurer of England, and Chancellor of Cambridge, he procured an alteration and amendment of the Statutes 
Procures amendment of the University Statutes.  of the University. In which kind of Affairs, and Business, all the Heads of the Houses were directed and advised by him, as from an Oracle; For commonly whatsoever he spoke or did, they still concurred with him, and would do nothing without him.  
38. He never took the foil at any man's hands, during his ten years' continuance in Trinity College; being therein not unlike unto Pittacus in his 
Diog. Laert. de vita Philosoph.  ten years' Government of Mitilene, Cui nunquam, per id tempus, contigit in aliquâ causâ, quam in se susciperet cadere. For as the Causes he dealt in were always just, so his Success was ever prosperous, wherein his singular Wisdom was to be noted, and his Courage and 
His Wisdom and Courage.  Stoutness in his Attempts were observed of the greatest; and the general Fame thereof remaineth yet fresh in the University, and will continue as his Badge, and Cognizance, so long as his Memory lasteth. And yet that Stoutness of his was so well tempered, and mingled with his other Virtue of Mildness, and Patience, 
His Moderation. Mr. Hooker's Character of him in his Eccles. Policy.  that Master Hooker made this true observation of him, He always governed with that moderation, which useth by patience, to suppress boldness, and to make them conquer, that suffer, which, I think, well suited with his Posey, or Motto; Vincit Qut Patitur.  
39 The first Wound which those fervent Reprehenders received at Doctor Whitgift's hands, and his prudent order of Government, together with his singular gift in Preaching, made his Fame spread, and gained him so great estimation, that her Majesty was pleased to make choice 
Whitgift's esteem with the Queen. Consecrated Bishop of Worcester April 21. 1577.  of him, before many others of eminent Place in the Church, to be Bishop of Worcester. Upon which his Advancement he first took his leave of the whole University, by a public Sermon which he preached in St. Mary's Church; wherein he exhorted them to peace. And afterwards by a private Sermon in Trinity College he gave unto that Society such a godly and learned Exhortation 
Takes leave of the University, with an Exhortation to Peace and Unity.  for their continuance and constancy in peace and unity, as it so moved their Affections, that they burst out into Tears, insomuch that there were scarce any dry Eyes to be found amongst the whole number. He chose for his Text the same Farewell which St. Paul gave to the Corinthians; Finally, brethren, far 
His Farewel-Text. 2 Cor. 13. 11.  you well: Be perfect, be of good comfort, be of one mind, live in peace, and the God of love and peace shall be with you.  
40. IN June following he was attended, 
Sets out for Worcester, June 1697. attended with the Heads of Houses, etc.  and accompanied on his way from Cambridge towards Worcester, with a great Troop of the Heads, and others of choice account in the University, and with exceeding lamentation, and sorrow of all sorts, for the loss they conceived they had of so worthy a Governor.  
41. But their grief for the loss of 
The Queen forgives his First-fruits, and gives him the disposal of all the prebend's of that Church.  him was not so great, as was the joy of them who had found him, amongst whom it pleased her Majesty to grace his very first entrance both in forgiving him his First-fruits (a Princely and extraordinary Bounty) as also in bestowing on him (for the better encouragement and provision of his Chaplains, and other learned men about him) the disposing of all the prebend's of that Church of Worcester, during his continuance there.  
42. He found the Bishopric at his 
He finds the Bishopric impaired by Grants of long Leases.  first coming much impaired by his Predecessors granting away in long Leases, divers Manors, Parks, and Mansion-houses: But that which much troubled him, and wherein he most of all stirred, 
Particularly the Rent-Corn of Two of the best Manors, Hollow and Grimly.  was the letting to Master Abington, Cofferer to the late Queen, the Rent-corn of his two best Manors, Hollow and Grimley, which is the chief upholding of the Bishop's Hospitality, and without which (especially in dear Years) he is not able to keep House. This Lease being let to Master Abington (a great Man then to contend withal; his Wife also being sometimes the Queen's Bedfellow) the Bishop notwithstanding did 
He questions the said Lease.  call it in question; having now (besides his Honourable Friends, the Lord Keeper, and the Lord Treasurer) gained by his attendance at Court many more about her Majesty, who much favoured him, and professed great love unto him; especially the Earl of Leicester, Sir Christopher Hatton, Vice-Chamberlain, 
Has great Friends at Court.  and Sir Francis Walsingham, Principal Secretary; all in special grace with her Highness. Master Abington by his Wife's greatness, procured her Majesty's gracious Letters, written very earnestly in his behalf. The Bishop returning 
Satisfies the Queen.  answer unto her Majesty, and informing her by means of his honourable Friends, how prejudicial it was unto the Bishopric, she was thereupon much displeased with Master Abington, and took part with the Bishop; insomuch as Master Abington was willing to have yielded the said Rent-Corn for the Bishop's own time, so that his Lease might have still stood on foot against his Successor, which the Bishop utterly refused, and in the end was rather contented, by way of composition (notwithstanding 
Recovers the said Rent. Corn, paying 300 l out of his own purse.  that the Lease was void, because the Rent-Corn was never before let) to give Master Abington Three hundred pounds out of his own Purse, to have the Lease surrendered, and to redeem the said Corn; which yet remaineth, and I hope ever will, unto his Successor in that See.  
43. Some have accounted Worcestershire happy, in having so kind and loving men to their Bishops, and others impute it to the good Nature and Disposition of the People, that so love and kindly use their Bishops, that thereby (unless they be too inflexible, and harsh) they cannot but in requital of their loves, entertain them with reciprocal kindnesses. But howsoever it be, such 
He has great respect from the Gentlemen and People in the Country.  was the mutual love betwixt this Bishop, and the Gentlemen there, that they delighted much to converse together; especially at Assizes and Sessions, the Bishop would commonly reside at Worcester to give the Judges and Justice's entertainment. There was no speeding of Commissions for service of the Country, nor any appointment for the Justice's meeting for such purposes, but ever the Bishop's pleasure was first known for time, and place; and the rest of the Gentlemen accordingly attended him: He would oftentimes make appointment of Meetings, either at his own House, or some of theirs, for some commendable Recreation, or Exercises; whereby still to keep the Gentlemen by their continual repair to each other, in mutual love and concord.  
44. If he had understood of any Jar, 
Is a great Peacemaker among them.  or Discord, he would send for both Parties, unawares to each other, under pretence of some service to be done, or some meeting appointed; and before their departure would make them Friends. If he perceived a frowardness in either of them, and that by entreaty he could not prevail, then would he leave persuasion, and entreaty; and, as being Vicepresident of the Marches of Wales (which Place her Majesty shortly after he was made a Bishop, bestowed upon him) threaten the Obstinate with imprisonment, or safe custody, till he should reform himself. Of which his Resolution, when the Gentlemen of the chiefest sway and account had experience, they then would grow calm, and submit themselves, and he as mildly and gently did use them, when he saw them coming. One particular instance (among many) I will give you, of Sir John Russell, and 
Makes up a Remarkable Quarrel betwixt Sir John Russell and Sir Henry Barkeley.  Sir Henry Barkeley; betwixt whom was so deadly a Quarrel, as that great Bloodshed was like to have ensued at a Sessions in Worcester, by reason of their many Friends, and Followers, had not the Bishop wisely prevented it, by providing a strong Watch at the Gates, and about the City, and requiring them to bring both Parties, with their Attendance, well guarded to his Palace, where he caused them all to the number of four or five hundred, to deliver their Weapons into his own Servants custody; and after two hours' pains taken, sometimes in persuading, and otherwhiles in threatening them, he made them so good Friends, as they both attended him Hand in Hand to the Town-Hall, where they performed the Service of their Country in amity and love, and ever after held him in great honour and estimation therefore. Wherein he was much happier than Bias, who reporteth of himself, that He never arbitrated 
Diog. Laert. de vita Philosoph. lib. 1.  any Controversy between two of his Friends, but he made one of them his Enemy.  
45. A year after his Consecration to that Bishopric, he was (as before is mentioned) made Vicepresident of 
Is made Vicepresident of the Marches of Wales.  the Marches of Wales, (Sir Henry Sidney, his very honourable Friend, being then Lord Precedent, and at that time, Lord Deputy of Ireland) where albeit the Bishop might immediately have taken upon him, according to his place, to direct the Court, having an excellent quick Understanding, a good facility in Speech, and a deep and sound Judgement, gained by his long experience in Government in Cambridge, and elsewhere, where his Sufficiency and Patience were tried to the proof; yet notwithstanding it was a whole Year before 
He had great experience in Government, yet backward to bear sway.  he would almost speak in the public Affairs, much less take upon him to bear any sway, but still observed the Orders and Practice of the Cor t, and looked into the Affections and Dispositions of his Associates; hearing the Complaints of the Suppliants, and informing himself by others of Integrity, and Honesty, and sometimes noting their partial Orders, and corrupt Deal; but at the Years end, he then took upon him the directing and ordering of things himself, taking exceeding pains from Morning till Bedtime, affording himself only some small times for Meals and Study.  
46. And when he had found the corruption of some of his Associates, as well by his own observation, as by the confession of the Parties that corrupted them (for the property of some amongst them, was to leave nothing unassayed to corrupt any man to serve their own turn for the present, though they ever after hated him to the death, and would revile him) he would dismiss these Associates by sending for others under pretence of ease to the Parties.  
47. He had also a special care (as 
Has a special Watch over his own Family and Attendants, to avoid all colour of corruption.  behoved him) of his own Family, and Attendants near unto him; and therefore to avoid all colour and suspicion of Corruption, he would never hear any Cause or Informations, or receive Petition in his private Chamber, but abroad, by the Petitioners themselves, either in going to the Chapel, Court, Dinner, Supper, or at the Council-board; insomuch as a Gentleman of his Bed chamber (employed sometimes by him) making request unto him that he might have the delivery of Suitors Petitions, and endorse their Answers, he grew into such dislike of the young Gentleman (as supposing he had been tampered withal) that he presently discharged him of his Chamber, and could never afterwards very well brook him.  
48. For this his Integrity and just dealing, 
Is highly esteemed by the People of Wales.  the People of Wales especially had a very reverend and honourable opinion of him, the rather because they observed 
His great Integrity, Justice, and mild Government.  in him a temperate and mild government, without reviling or harsh Speeches; and oftentimes moderating their Fines and Punishments, which in strictness of Law, and opinion of his Associates, would have lighted heavily upon them; for which they highly esteemed him as their Patron and Protector, and said he was sent amongst them to deliver them from the oppression of the Mighty, and corruption of the Wicked, yea such was their opinion and conceit of him, that if he had imprisoned, whipped, or inflicted any other grievous Punishment upon them, they would have undergone it with patience, confessing their Offences, and lauding his Uprightness and Justice.  
49. Her Majesty out of her experience 
He is made Commissioner by the Queen for reforming the Disorders in the Cathedrals of Lichfield and Hereford.  of his wise and prudent Government, was pleased (upon complaint made unto her, of the many Discords and Disorders that were in the two Cathedral Churches of Lichfield and Hereford) to make choice of him alone, amongst a number of worthy Prelates, for redress thereof; directing two Commissions unto him for the visiting of the said Churches, which accordingly he did, and reform them both (being very far out of order) and ordained them Statutes for their better and more peaceable government afterwards.  
50. These his Courses thus held for his government, and reforming both of Church and People, gained him so general an opinion and liking in the life-time, and disgrace, of Archbishop Grindall, that her Majesty designed him 
The Queen designs him for Archbishop of Canterbury, in the room of Grindall then in disgrace.  Archbishop of Canterbury, as was signified unto him, and earnestly wished by some of his honourable Friends about the Queen, and also by Archbishop Grindall himself much desired, who, out of the great estimation he had conceived of his government, and other his many Virtues, and worthy Parts, and by reason of his own Years and Infirmity, laboured him in like earnest manner, presently to accept thereof, being himself well contented to shake off those Cares, and receive from her Majesty some yearly Pension, which Bishop Whitgift utterly refused, 
He utterly refuseth it during Grindall's Life; the Queen is contented.  and in presence of the Queen herself, besought pardon in not accepting thereof upon any condition whatsoever in the life-time of the other. Whereupon the Queen commiserating the good Old man's Estate (being a grave and learned Father of the Church; and at that time blind with years and grief) was graciously pleased to say, That as she had made him an Archbishop, so he 
Grindall dies.  should die an Archbishop, as he did shortly after.  
51. Upon whose decease, Bishop 
Whitgift sent for to Court.  Whitgift receiving Letters from a great Counsellor for his repair unto the Court, and the Speech thereof, together with the report of Archbishop Grindall's death, being spread abroad, you would have wondered to have seen the repair, and flocking of Gentlemen and others, unto him, both out of Worcestershire, and the Marches of Wales, not to congratulate his Advancement (which they upon such his preparation to the Court, conjectured was to follow) but to express their true love, and hearty affection towards him, and to beseech him not to departed from thence; and so with tears and sobs took their leave of him, as kind natured Children use to part from their Parents, whose Face they are out of hope ever to see again. Plutarch observeth, that it falleth out very seldom with Magistrates, and those who are in Authority, that they should please the multitude, or be acceptable to the common People, because they, striving still to reform the disordered, do grieve them as much as Surgeons do their Patients, when they bind up their Aches with Bands to cure them. For though by that binding they restore and bring to their natural places again the broken Bones, and Members out of joint, yet put they the Patient to great pain: But this Bishop was not so boisterous a Surgeon, for he had learned the Art of curing the Diseases of a Commonwealth, from a more skilful Surgeon, even from him that taught, that as Wine was to be poured into the Wound to search, so Oil was also necessary to supple, but both expedient for the Cure. And therefore as he always resolutely endeavoured the redress of the illaffected, so with an excellent Temper of rare Mildness, he ever effected it without exasperation of those, whose good he was desirous to procure. For which singular mixture of two so requisire Virtues in a Magistrate, he was most worthily, and most happily, both for the Church and Commonwealth, advanced from the By 
Is translated to the Archbishopric of Canterbury, Septemb. 24. 1583.  shoprick of Worcester, to the Archbi shoprick of Canterbury, September 24. 1583.  
52. AT his first entrance he found the Archbishopric surcharged 
Finds the Bishopric overvalued: gets an abatement in the First-fruits for him and his Successors.  in the valuation, and procured an Order out of the Exchequer, for the abatement of One hundred pounds, for him, and his Successors, in the Payment of his First-fruits: He also shortly after recovered from the Queen, as 
Recovers Lands that had been detained.  part of the Possessions of the Archbishopric, Long-Beachwood in Kent, containing above a thousand Acres of Land, which had been many years detained from his Predecessor by Sir James Croft, than controller of her Majesty's Household, Farmer thereof to her Majesty. In letting Leases of his Impropriations, if he found the Curates Wages 
Amends Curates Wages, where small.  but small, he would abate much of his Fine to increase their Pensions, some Ten pounds by the year, some more, some less, as at Folkstone, Maidstone, and others.  
53. But to leave these particular Affairs, 
The Queen jealous of the Puritans, charges the Archbishop to see strict Conformity observed to the Established Church and Government.  and to come to those public Employments, for which he was specially made Archbishop; her Majestly fearing the danger that might ensue by the assembly of divers Ministers to Exercises, and Prophesying, (as they termed it) straightly charged him to be vigilant, and careful for the reducing of them, and all other Ministers by their subscription and conformity, to the settled Orders, and Government; adding, that she would have the Discipline of the Church of England formerly established, of all men duly to be observed, without alteration of the least Ceremony; conceiving belike, that these Novelists might have wrought the same mischief here, which the turbulent Orators of Lacedemonia did in that Commonwealth, so wisely settled by Lycurgus his Laws; which whilst they took upon them to amend, they miserably defaced, and deformed. The inconvenience of which kind of reforming, that Prudent and Judicious Queen had learned out of the Poet Aratus, his Answer to one 
Diog Laert. de vita Philosoph. lib. 90.  who asked him, How he might have Homer' s Poem's free from Corruptions, and Faults; Get (saith he) an old Copy not reform: For curious Wits labouring to amend things well done, commonly either guite mar them, or at least make them worse.  
54. The Archbishop endeavouring 
His care of the Queen's Command.  to perform this her Majesty's Commandment, had notwithstanding much ado, and many conflicts with them. For they had gotten such strength by his Predecessor's connivency, that many of them were then planted both within his Province, and particular Diocese: In whose favour sundry Gentlemen of the chiefest account there came to entreat the Archbishop, and some of the younger sort would needs argue and dispute matters in controversy on their behalf. But he gave so good satisfaction unto them all by his mild and temperate Answers (albeit he yielded not unto their Requests) that they loved him after; some of the chiefest of them preferring their Sons unto him, and the rest performing many kind Offices and Services towards him.  
55. The next Year following, for 
Decem. 1584. For satisfaction of some great Persons, he with two other Bishops receive the Reasons of some Ministers for their Nonconformity. They sufficiently answer the same.  farther satisfaction of some of the greatest, and most honourable Counsellors of State in these Points, the two Archbishops, and the Bishop of Winchester were pleased to hear the Reasons of some Ministers that refused to conform themselves unto the Orders of the Church established. At which time albeit the said learned Prelates sufficiently cleared all their Doubts, and Exceptions; yet after this, these honourable Personages affying much in the Sufficiency and Scholarship of some others, not yet dealt withal, and supposing that they had been able to have said much more in defence of themselves, and the impeaching of the Ecclesiastical Government established (for so they were born in hand) were desirous to hear at Lambeth the Controversies 
A Conference at Lambeth, and a further debate of the Controversy, to the seeming satisfaction of those Great Personages.  further debated on both Sides. Whereunto the Archbishop, for their satisfaction yielded; and after four hours' Conference spent, these Honourable Personages professed, that they would not have believed that the Archbishop's Grounds and Reasons had been so good and strong, and the Others so weak and trivial, but that they heard them once and again with their own Ears; and so, they said they would inform her Majesty; seeming to be there well resolved, and also persuaded the Ministers to Conformity.  
56. Howbeit afterwards, when those Honourable Personages saw that they might not sway (as formerly in the restraint of Archbishop Grindall) and prefer 
The Archbishop perplexed with Oppositions, is grieved.  whom they listed unto Ecclesiastical Promotions; they with some others linked themselves against the Archbishop, and gave him, (being yet no Counsellor of State) many thwarts at the Council board, wherewith he was so much perplexed and grieved to see things thus carried, as thereupon advising with some of his Honourable Friends (whose assistance he knew might avail him) if their Affections were not otherwise overswayed by the potency of so great Personages, he thus imparted his mind in several Letters, 
Writes his mind.  as followeth.  
GOD knoweth how desirous I have been, from time to time, to have my Do approved by my ancient and honourable Friends. For which cause, since my coming to this Place, I have done nothing of importance against these Sectaries, without good Advice. I have risen up early, and sat up late, to yield Reasons, and make answer to their Contentions and their Seditious Objections. And shall I now say, I have lost my labour? Or shall my just dealing with disobedient and irregular Persons, cause my former professed and ancient Friends, to hinder my just Proceed, and make them speak of my Do, yea and of myself, what they list? Solomon saith, that an old Friend is better than a new. I trust those that love me indeed will not so lightly cast off their old Friends for any of these new fangled and Factious Sectaries, whose fruits are to make division, and to separate old, and assured Friends. In mine own private Affairs I know I shall stand in need of Friends; but, in these public Actions, I see no cause why I should seek Friends, seeing they, to whom the care of the Commonwealth is committed, ought, of duty, therein to join with me. And if my honourable Friends should for sake me (especially in so good a Cause) and not put their helping hand to the redress of these Enormities (being indeed a matter of State, and not of the least moment) I shall think my coming unto this Place to have been for my punishment, and my hap very hard, that, when I think to deserve best, and, in a manner, consume myself to satisfy that, which God, her Majesty, and the Church, requireth of me, I should be evilly rewarded. Sed meliora spero. It is objected by some, that my desire of Uniformity, by way of Subscription, is for the better maintenance of my Book. They are mine Enemies that say so; but I trust my Friends have a better opinion of me. Why should I seek for any confirmation of my Book after twelve years' approbation? or what shall I get thereby more than already I have? And yet, if Subscription may confirm it, it is confirmed long ago by the Subscription almost of all the Clergy of England before my time. Mine Enemies likewise, and the slanderous Tongues of this uncharitable Sect, report that I am revolted, become a Papist, and I know not what. But it proceedeth from their lewdness, and not from any desert of mine. I am further burdened with Wilfulness; I hope my Friends are better persuaded of me, to whose Consciences I appeal. It is strange, that a man of my Place, dealing by so good warrant as I do, should be so encountered, and, for not yielding, be counted wilful. But I must be content, Vincit qui patitur. There is a difference betwixt Wilfulness and Constancy. I have taken upon me, by the Place which I hold under her Majesty, the defence of the Religion, and the Rites of the Church of England, to appease the Schisms and Sects therein, to reduce all the Ministers thereof to Uniformity, and to due obedience, and not to waver with every wind; which also my Place, my Person, my Duty, the Laws, her Majesty, and the goodness of the Cause do require of me, and wherein the Lords of her Highness' most Honourable Privy Council (all things considered) ought in duty to assist and countenance me. But how is it possible that I should perform the Charge which I have undertaken, after so long liberty, and lack of Discipline, if a few Persons, so meanly qualified (as most of these Factions Sectaries are) should be countenanced against the whole State of the Clergy of greatest account both for Learning, Years, Staidness, Wisdom, Religion, and Honesty, and open Breakers and Impugners of the Law, young in Years, proud in Conceit, contentious in Disposition, should be maintained against their Governors, seeking to reduce them to Order, and to Obedience? Haec sunt initia Haereticorum, & ortus, atque conatus Schismaticorum malè cogitantium, ut sibi placeant, ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnat. Sic de Ecclesia receditur, sic Altare profanum foris collocatur, sic contra pacem Christi, & ordinationem, atque unitatem Dei rebellatur. The First fruits of Heretics, and the first Births and Endeavours of Schismatics are these, to admire themselves, and in their swelling Pride to contemn any that are set over them. Thus do men fall from the Church of God; thus is a foreign unhallowed Altar erected; and thus is Christ's Peace, and God's Ordination and Unity rebelled against. For mine own part, I neither have done, nor do any thing in these Matters, which I do not think myself in conscience and duty bound to do, and which her Majesty hath not with earnest Charge committed unto me, and which I am not well able to justify to be most requisite for this Church and State; whereof, next to her Majesty (though most unworthy, or at the least most unhappy) the chief care is committed unto me, which I will not by the grace of God neglect, whatsoever come upon me therefore. Neither may I endure their notorious Contempts, unless I will become Aesop ' s Block, and undo all that which hither to hath been done. And how then shall I be able to perform my Duty, according to her Majesty's Expectation? It is certain, that if way be given unto them, upon their unjust Surmises and Clamours, it will be the cause of that Confusion, which hereafter the State will be sorry for. I neither care for the Honour of this Place I hold (which is Onus unto me) nor the largeness of the Revenue, neither any worldly thing (I thank God) in respect of doing my Duty; neither do I fear the displeasure of Man, nor the evil Tongue of the uncharitable, who call me Tyrant, Pope, Knave, and lay to my charge things that I never did, nor thought. Scio enim hoc esse opus Diaboli, ut Servos Dei mendaciis laceret, & opinionibus falsis, gloriosum nomen infamet, ut qui conscientiae suae luce clarescunt, alienis rumoribus sordidentur. For I know that this is the work of that Accuser, the Devil, that he may tear in pieces the Servants of God with Lies, that he may dishonour their glorious Name with false Surmises, that they, who through the clearness of their own Conscience, are shining bright, might have the filth of other men's Slanders, cast upon them. So was Cyprian himself used, and other Godly Bishops, to whom I am not comparable. But that which most of all grieveth me, and is to be wondered at, and lamented, is, that some of those which give countenance to these Men, and cry out for a learned Ministry, should watch their opportunity, and be Instruments and means to place most unlearned Men in the chiefest Places and Live of the Ministry, thereby to make the state of the Bishops and Clergy contemptible, and I fear saleable. This Hypocrisy and dissembling with God and Man (in pretending one thing, and doing another) goeth to my heart, and maketh me to think that God's Judgements are not far off. The day will come, when all men's hearts shall be opened. In the mean time I will depend upon him, who never faileth those that put their trust in him.  
Thus far his Letters.  
57 After this he linked himself in a 
After which he is in strict league with Sir Christopher Hatton by means of Dr. Bancroft.  firm league of friendship with Sir Christopher Hatton, than Vice-Chamberlain to the Queen's Majesty; and by the means of Dr. Bancroft (his then Household Chaplain, and afterwards Lord Archbishop of Canterbury) had him most firm, and ready upon all occasions to impart unto the Queen, as well the Crosses offered him at the Council-Table, as also sundry impediments, whereby he was hindered from the performance of many good Services towards her Majesty and the State. He had always the Lord Burley (than 
Lord Treasurer Burley his firm Friend.  Lord Treasurer of England) his firm and constant Friend, and one that would omit no opportunity for his advancement, who prevailed so far, that when the Earl of Leicester (one of those honourable Personages aforementioned) was in the Low-Countries, the Archbishop, 
The Archbishop sworn of the Privy Council.  and the Lord Cobham, were first sworn Counsellors of State, and Thomas Lord Buckhurst was sworn the day after, whereat the Earl was not a little displeased. The Lord Buckhurst was joined 
Lord Buckhurst his faithful Friend.  in like affection to the Archbishop as the other two were, and continued after he came to be Lord Treasurer, his faithful and loving Friend to the time of his death.  
58. When the Archbishop was thus established in friendship with these Noble Personages, as aforesaid, their Favours, and his Place, wrought him free 
He has free access to the Queen.  access to the Queen, and gracious acceptance of his Motions in the Church's behalf. His Courses then at the Council-board 
His Oppositions abated.  were not so much crossed nor impeached as heretofore; but by reason of his daily attendance and access, he then oftentimes gave impediment to the 
Sir Thomas Bromeley. Lord Chancellor, died, April 12. 1587.  Earl's Designments in Clergy Causes.  
59 About this time Sir Thomas Bromely (the then Lord Chancellor) died; whereupon it pleased her Majesty 
The Queen disposed to make the Archbishop Lord Chancellor.  to discover her gracious Inclination to have made the Archbishop Lord Chancellor of England. But he excusing himself in many respects, that he was 
He excuses himself, and recommends Sir Christopher Hatton.  grown into years, and had the burden of all Ecclesiastical Businesses laid upon his back (which was as much as one man could well undergo, considering the troubles with so many Sectaries that were then sprung up) desired to be spared, and besought her Highness to make choice of Sir Christopher Hatton, who 
Sir Christopher Hatton made Lord Chancellor, Ap. 29. 1587.  shortly after was made Lord Chancellor in the Archbishop's House at Croyden, thereby the rather to grace the Archbishop. His advancement did much strengthen the Archbishop and his Friends, and withal, the Earl of Leicester and his Designments, came soon after to an end. For, the Year following, taking his Journey to Kenelworth, he died in the way at Cornbury Park, whereby the Archbishop took himself 
The Earl of Leicester died Sept. 4. 1588.  freed from much opposition.  
60. Upon the death of the said Earl, the Chancellorship of Oxford being 
Oxford desire the Archbishop for their Chancellor in the Earl's room.  void, divers of the Heads and others of the University, made known unto the Archbishop their desire to choose him their Chancellor, although he was a Cambridge man. To whom he returned this Answer, That he was already their Friend, whereof they might rest assured; and therefore advised them to make choice of some other in near place about the Queen, that might assist him on their behalf: And both at the Council-board, and other Places of Justice, right them many ways, both for the benefit of the University, and their particular Colleges. And therewithal recommended unto them Sir Christopher 
He recommends Sir Christopher Hatton, who is chosen: He is the Archbishop's constant Assistant in bridling the Puritan Faction.  Hatton, being sometime of that University; whom accordingly they did choose for their Chancellor, and whom the Archbishop ever found a great Assistant in bridling and reforming the in temperate Humour of these Novelists, who by the Countenance of the aforesaid Great Personages (E. Leicester, etc.) were now grown to a strong head.  
61. For, in the Year 1588. came 
Martin Marprelate, and other Libels published, 1588.  forth those hateful Libels of Martin Marprelate, and much about the same time, the Epitome; the Demonstration of Discipline; the Supplication; Diotrephes; the Minerals; Have you any work for a Cooper; Martin Junior, alias Theses Martinianoe; Martin Senior; More work for the Cooper; and other such like Bastardly Pamphlets, which might well be Nullius filii, because no man durst 
A Private Puritan Press erected at Kingston and afterwards removed to several Places.  father their Births. All which were printed with a kind of wand'ring Press, which was first set up at Moulsey, near Kingston upon Thames, and from thence conveyed to Fausly in Northamptonshire, and from thence to Norton, afterwards to Coventry, from thence to Welstone in Warwickshire, from which place the Letters were sent to another Press in or near Manchester, where (by the means of Henry, that good Earl of Derby) the 
The Press discovered at Manchester.  Press was discovered in printing of More work for a Cooper. Which shameless Libels were fraughted only with odious and scurrilous Calumniations against the Established Government, and such Reverend Prelates as deserved honour with uprighter Judgements.  
62. Some of the Printers, whilst they were busied about the last Libel, 
The Printers apprehended, prosecuted and fined in the Star-chamber. On their submission, and the Archbishop's Mediation, were released, and Fines remitted. Penry and Udall Authors of the Libels.  were apprehended; who, with the Entertainers, and Receivers of the Press, were proceeded against in the Star-chamber, and there Censured; but upon their submission (at the humble Suit of the Archbishop) were both delivered out of Prison, and eased of their Fines. The Authors and Penners of some of these Libels were, John Penry and John Udall; the chief Disperser of them was Humphrey Newman, a Cobbler, a choice Broker for such sowterly Wares, and in regard of his Hempenly Trade, a fit 
Newman a Cobbler, Disperser.  Person to cherish up Martin's Birds, who (as Pliny writeth) do feed so greedily upon Hempseed, that they be oftentimes choked therewith. Such was the unfortunate end of some of his Martin Birds, as appeareth upon Record in the King's-Bench, against John Penry, Clerk, 
John Penry condemned, 1593. Udall pardoned.  Termino Pasch. 1593. and at an Assize in Surrey against John Udall, whose Pardon the Archbishop afterwards obtained.  
63. Thus the factious Ministers, zealous of pretended Discipline, having with these seditious Libels (as the Forerangers and Harbingers of their further Designs) made way in the hearts of the Vulgar (who ever are apt to entertain Novelties, though it be with danger and detriment to themselves; and specially if it have a show of restraining the Authority of their Superiors) they thought it the fittest time to prosecute their Projects. And while one sort of them were maliciously busied in slandering 
Thomas Cartwright (with others) proceeded with in the Star-chamber for their Conventicles, 1591. and for publishing their Book of New Discipline.  the State of the Church already settled, the other were as seditiously employed in planting the Discipline which they had newly plotted. Whereupon shortly after Thomas Cartwright, and Edmund Snape, with others, were called in question, and proceeded withal in the Star-chamber, for setting forth, and putting in practice (without Warrant or Authority) a new Form of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments and Presbyterial Discipline. The particularities of which their dangerous Plots, and Positions (though most secretly carried amongst men only of their own combination) were by Doctor Bancroft first discovered, and by the Archbishop and the Lord Chancellor farther brought to light, as the Records themselves in the Star-chamber do testify, and may at large appear in Doctor Bancroft's Survey of the Pretended Discipline; and dangerous Positions under 
Dr. Bancroft writes two Books against the Disciplinarians, and their dangerous Practices and Positions.  pretence of Reformation: Wherein also you shall see these Disciplinarians to exceed other Ministers, from whom they have their Presbyterial Platform, in Threatening, Railing, and undutiful Speeches, against their Sovereign, the High Court of Parliament, the most Honourable Privy Council, the Archbishops and Bishops, the Reverend Judges of the Land, and Lawyers of both Professions: And generally against all Magistrates, and other inferior Ministers of Justice, and Officers under them, that do maintain the present Government of the Church of England, and withstand their desire.  
64. It was therefore high time for the Archbishop and State to look strictly to 
The Archbishop and State's vigilant watch upon them.  these Perturbers of our Churches happy quiet. But if we shall take a further view of those enormous, and desperate Courses, which after ensued (tho' all Branches growing out of the same Root) we shall be far from accusing either the Archbishop of too much Vigilancy, or the Civil Magistrates of overmuch Severity, in cutting off some of those outrageous and unbridled Sectaries.  
65. Three Principal there were among them deeply infatuated with this reforming Spirit; William Hacket, Yeoman; Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington, Gentlemen; all of them strongly possessed, at the first, with an earnest desire of the late invented Discipline, and carried violently with the strength of their erroneous Fancy, into a desperate and lamentable Course; whereof, though I will suppose that many are innocent, who were led with the same Spirit and desire of Reformation with them in the beginning; yet I am induced by just and weighty Reasons to conceive, that, unless the Vigilancy of the Magistrates had timely prevented their Courses, the intemperate Zeal of these Novelists, finding no certain ground to stay itself upon, nor any determinate end where it might finally rest, would have broken out into some like Combustion, and Flame, as these aforenamed did, whereof I will give you but a little taste. Two of these, Edmund Coppinger and Henry Arthington, 
Coppinger and Arthington their preaching in a Cart in Cheapside, Julii 16. 1591. That Hacket represented Christ, and Themselves Prophets from God.  came into Cheapside, and there in a Cart proclaimed News from Heaven, to wit, That one William Hacket, Yeoman, represented Christ, by partaking his glorious Body in his principal Spirit; and that They were two Prophets, the one of Mercy, the other of Judgement, called and sent of God to assist him in his great work, etc. But because the weight of the Matter requireth a larger Discourse than is fit to be inserted in this Work, I refer the Reader for the rest unto the perusal of Doctor Cousin his Book, entitled, Conspiracy for Pretended Reformation: 
Conspiracy for pretended Reformation, wrote by Dr. Cousin.  Where he shall find their Purposes, Plots, and Designments, with many other markable things at large discoursed, and taken truly out of their Conference and Writings under their own hands, with their Confessions and Examinations, subscribed by themselves before sundry honourable and worshipful Personages, of great gravity and wisdom, employed in those Affairs. By all which, together with their temperate, direct, and pertinent Speech, and congruity of Phrase and Matter, both before, and after their Apprehension, it will clearly appear, that the said Conspirators were not Madmen (unless it be a kind of Madness to be a violent 
* Promoters  Prosecutor of This Reformation; as indeed it is) howsoever some of that Fraternity, and Sect, have so given it out; choosing thereby rather to accuse the honourable Justice of the Realm, and all the Ministers thereof, than that any, professing desire of pretended Reformation, should be noted with deep Disloyalty, as they were charged withal.  
66. When the Queen and State saw the incredible height of these audacious Attempts, so dangerous to the Commonwealth, thus knotted and countenanced under pretence of reforming the Church, they found it necessary to stop the Fountains of these Proceed; lest it might grow to the like outrage. Amongst whom there were very forward to the like presumption Henry Barrow, Gentleman, and John Greenwood, Clerk, who were convented before the High Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical, in November 1587. for 
1587. Barrow and Greenwood their Schismatical and Seditious Positions.  their Schismatical and Seditious Opinions, viz. That our Church is no Church, or at the least, no true Church; yielding these Reasons therefore. First, That the Worship of the English Church is flat Idolatry. Secondly, That we admit into our Church Persons unsanctified. Thirdly, That our Preachers have no lawful Calling. Fourthly, That our Government is ungodly. Fifthly, That no Bishop, or Preacher, preacheth Christ sincerely, and truly. Sixthly, That the People of every Parish ought to choose their Bishop; and that every Elder, though he be no Doctor, nor Pastor, is a Bishop. Seventhly, That all the Precise, which refuse the Ceremonies of the Church, and yet preach in the same Church, strain at a Gnat and swallow a Camel, and are close Hypocrites, and walk in a lefthanded Policy; as Master Cartwright, Wiggington, etc. Also in Norwich, Master Moare, Pawmone, and Burges, that all which make Catechisms, or teach and expound printed and written Catechisms, are Idol Shepherds; as Calvin, Ursin, Nowell, etc. That the Child of ungodly Parents ought not to be baptised, as of Usurers, Drunkards, etc. nor any Bastards: That Set-Prayer is blasphemous.  
67. The fore said Brochers of these 
The Ringleaders on being convened, make show of Conformity, but afterwards go back.  Opinions at this their first Convention, made show of their conformity, upon conference with some Divines; and in hope thereof, were enlarged upon bonds; but all in vain. For after their liberty they burst forth into further Extremities, and were again committed to the 
Were recommitted July, 1588. and proceeded against March, 1592.  Fleet, July 20. 1588. where they pub lished their Scandalous and Seditious Writings; for which they were proceeded withal at Justice-Hall, near Newgate in London, March 21. 1592.  
68 For suppressing this kind of People (which as you see were grown unto a great height of violence and outrage) the State held it fit at the next Parliament 
An Act of Abjuration and Banishment made against Schismatics.  following to make a Law of Abjuration, or Banishment, of such as should either persuade others, or be present themselves at these their Conventicles, or Meetings, which Law is entitled; An Act to restrain the Queen's Majesty's Subjects in their due obedience.  
69 LET the Reader now consider with what Contagion, and Leprosy, many poor Souls had like to have been infected through the divulging of their wicked Libels, and dangerous Positions, tending to Innovation and Rebellion, had not the stroke of Justice, and providence of the State, wisely prevented the same; selecting as out of an hundred thousand seditious Mutineers (for, so many they confessed were ready for that purpose) only four 
Only four Persons prosecuted of a very great Number.  Persons, as the chief Ringleaders, whose lot it was to be proceeded withal, for the quenching of the fiery outrage of the rest, kindled already to the like Attempts, as those in Germany of the 
Great Troubles in Germany; just cause of sears here from like Principles and Pretences of Reformation.  Cabinet-teachers, and Reformers, both at Mulhusin, and Munster in Westphalia: Which Seditions could not be appeased, till Fifty thousand of them were killed, and cut in pieces by the united Forces of most of the Princes of the Empire: And though some, not of the greatest foresight, may think that the fear which our Archbishop conceived of Dangers to ensue out of these Sectaries Attempts, was far greater than there was just cause, yet the Examples of those foreign Pretenders of like Reformation as is aforesaid, compared with these our Reformers Designs, taught him not to be without fear, or care, for preventing these dangerous Events at home. For all their Intendments sorted to one end, viz. Reformation, and to be brought to pass by one and the selfsame means; viz. by commotion of the unbridled multitude.  
70. For was it not in their Assemblies 
The Discipline decreed in their Assemblies to be put in Practice.  Classical and Synodical concluded, That the Discipline should, within a time limited, be put in practice, and erected all in one day by the Ministers together with the People? whom these Disciplinarians bragged to be already inflamed with Zeal to lend so many thousand hands, for the advancement of their Cause, by whom they hoped, and said, such Reformation must be brought in: And how, I pray you, did they incense the common People, not only in their private Conventicles, (decreeing that the Queen's Authority 
The Queen's Authority Ecclesiastical to be restrained.  ought to be restrained in Causes Ecclesiastical) but in their public Sermons, and Exhortations; alienating the hearts of their Auditors from all obedience of the Ecclesiastical Magistrates? As namely Master Cartwright, who saith, That no obedience 
Cartwright ' s seditious Doctrines.  ought to be given unto them, either in doing that which they command, or abstaining from that which they prohibit: And that it should not be lawful for any one of the Brotherhood to take an Oath, whereby he may discover any thing prejudicial to himself, or his Brother, especially if he be persuaded the matter to be lawful, for which the punishment is like to be inflicted; or, having taken it, he need not discover the very truth. And in his Prayer before his Sermons, he used thus to say; Because they 
Cartwright ' s charitable Prayer for the Bishops, in his Sermons at Banbury, 1589. Penry ' s Supplication to the Parliament; threatening them with Plagues.  (meaning the Bishops) which ought to be Pillars in the Church, do band themselves against Christ, and his Truth, therefore, O Lord, give us grace and power, all, as one man, to set ourselves against them. Which words, by way of Emphasis, he would often repeat. And how, I pray you, doth Penry, in his Supplication to the Parliament; incite both the Lords and Commons, threatening them with Plagues, and Bloodshed, if they gathered not Courage, rage, and Zeal? And withal, scoffing at their unwillingness hitherto for disturbing of the State, forsooth, to set upon the Hierarchy of the Bishops; telling them, if they refused so to do, they should declare unto their Children, That God had raised up but a company of Whitelivered Soldiers to teach them the Gospel in the sincerity under Queen Elizabeth. And doth not Udall threaten that the Presbytery 
Udall ' s Threats against the Resisters of the Presbytery.  shall prevail, and come in by that way, and means, as shall make all their hearts to ache, that shall withstand or hinder the same?  
71. And when, I pray you, were 
These Stirs set on foot at the time of the Spanish Invasion. 1588.  these Classical Assemblies, and these Seditious Stirs, and Hurliburlies of Martimists, and that Reforming Sect put in practice? In the Year 1588. at that time, when the Invincible Spanish Navy (as some vainly termed it) was upon our Coasts, and should have invaded us; albeit it was by the gracious Providence of our Omnipotent God, prevented, and their Ships so dispersed, as that no Enemy was able to put foot on English Shore, but as a Prisoner or Captive. At which time, as the Care of her Majesty, for the preparation of Forces to encounter and resist them, was very great; so might her Grief also be, to behold a discord and dissension of her own Subjects within her Realm. The Archbishop also himself had not the 
The Archbishop's preparation for Defence of his Prince and Country. The whole Clergy of his Provinçe Armed.  meanest part to perform in so great and weighty an Action; when the whole Forces of the Clergy, not only within his particular Diocese, but through his whole Province, were committed unto his care, and charge, to have in readiness, besides his own Family, and Tenants, which were by him gathered together, and all prepared, mustered and trained for defence of Prince and Country.  
72. Now, of the aforesaid Stirs, and Seditious Attempts of sundry Persons in this our Archbishop's time, that Master Cartwright was the Fountain, and 
Cartwright the Head of the Puritan Party.  principal Author, it may appear by sundry Passages, and also by the Opinion and Dependencies which all the Fore▪ named had upon him, especially in their Proceed; as their Conferences, and Conventicles do sufficiently declare, which are extant in the Records of the Star-chamber; whence I have taken my chiefest Instructions in this behalf. The recourse of Hacket, Coppinger and Arthington unto him, and 
Hacket, Coppinger, and Arthington resort to him.  his Fraternity, and the vain Conceits of extraordinary Callings which they were put into, both by Speech, and Letters, and the Opinion which they all three conceived of Master Cartwright by name, both before, and after their Apprehension, 
Penry and Udall his Consorts.  may appear sufficiently, both by the Records, and 
* Conspiracy for pretended Reformation.  Books published, whereof mention is already made. That Penry, Udall, and the rest of the Libelers, 
Dangerous Positions.  were of his Consort, by his sight of divers of the Books, and knowledge both of the Authors, and Publishers, and his not revealing them to the State, he could not deny, being examined thereupon. And that he approved their hateful Libels, it appeared by his own words; when, being asked his Opinion of such Books, he said; Seeing the Bishops, 
Cartwright's words in the Articles in the Star-Chamber.  and others there touched, would not amend by grave Books and Advertisements, it was therefore meet they should be dealt withal to their further reproach. Which was not unsuitable to one of his own Decrees in a Synod, where it was determined, That no Books should be put in 
The Disciplinarians Decree about Books to be printed.  print, but by consent of the Classes; that some of those Books must be earnest, some more mild and temperate; whereby they may be both of the Spirit of Elias and Elizeus.  
73. That Barrow and Greenwood were 
Barrow and Greenwood infected by Cartwright.  so infected with his Grounds, and Opinions, which brought them unto their fatal Ends, shall manifestly appear unto you upon Barrow's own Confession. For when Doctor Ravis (than Chaplain to the Archbishop, and late Lord Bishop of London) at the earnest desire of Barrow himself, and direction of the Archbishop, dealt with Master Cartwright to confer with Barrow, they being then both Prisoners in the Fleet: Master Cartwright (having been once before with him at the entreaty of Master Sperin a Minister) would by no means be drawn to further Conference with him again: Which his refusal, when it was by Doctor Ravis signified to Barrow, in 
Bishop Ravis' Conference with Barrow and Greenwood, 1592.  the presence of divers of good Reputation and Account, he fetched a great sigh, saying, And will he not? Hath he only brought me into this brake, and will he now leave me? For from him received I my grounds, and out of his Premises did I infer, and make the conclusion of the Positions which I now hold, and for which I suffer bands.  
74. Again, when Sentence of death 
Bishop Androws and Bishop Parrey, with others, their Conference with Barrow and Greenwood.  was given against the said Barrow, Doctor Androws (now Lord Bishop of Ely) Doctor Bisse, and Doctor White, were sent unto him to counsel him for his Soul's health. There also accompanied them Doctor Parry, now Lord Bishop of Worcester. After many passages of Speech with Doctor White (unto whom he then seemed especially to address himself) he broke forth into these words. You are not the men whom I most dislike in these Differences. For although you be out of the way, yet you think you are in the right: But I cannot but complain of Master Cartwright and others of his knowledge, from whom we have received the truth of these things, and have been taught that your Callings are Antichristian; who yet utterly, against their Consciences, forsake us in our Sufferings, and will not come out of Babylon for fear of their lives. It being farther replied by Doctor White that those Callings which Barrow reproached as Antichristian, were the very same which Archbishop Cranmer, and Ridley, and many other holy Bishops, etc. (that suffered Martyrdom in Queen Mary's time) did embrace; Barrow replied in this vainglorious manner; True it is that Cranmer and others 
Barrow's Vainglorious Answer.  were Martyrs in Queen Mary's days, but these holy Bands of mine (and therewithal shook the Fetters which he did wear) are much more glorious than any of theirs, because they had the mark of Antichrist in their hands. Thus he, in Newgate at that time, in the presence of many, with great insolency, did triumph.  
75. Men therefore, not partially affected, 
The danger of Innovation.  may hereby observe and conceive what danger Innovation bringeth to the People, and what hazard to a State; when, by little and little, it increaseth like the swelling or flowing of the Sea; which if it surpass the bounds wherewith it was confined, or gain never so small a Breach, it spreadeth itself over a whole Country, and groweth to that violence, and stream, that it cannot by any contrary force be kept back, but without pity or mercy putteth all things to wreck where it rageth. Which, as it seemeth, Master Cartwright himself did now find; when after his first Conference, he perceived how impossible it was for him to make up the Breach which he had unfortunately begun; for that Barrow, like a tempestuous Surge, would have forced him (by finding his own oversight and Errors) back again from his former Positions, or drawn him inevitably to his Conclusions.  
76. And therefore observable it is, 
Cartwright withdraws privately.  that Master Cartwright, having upon his first discontentment (as hath been delivered) made a desperate assault and breach in Sion's peaceable and blessed City, now like a sly Captain did steal away secretly (after Summons given) from his own Siege, fearing upon his entry by the force and press of his own Soldiers, to be environed and kept within the Walls (as Pyrrhus was) to the loss of his life; or doubting belike, the outrage and violence of his Army, whose Fury he could not have appeased when he list, but have been enforced (as Titus was) to see his Soldiers sack, spoil, and burn the Holy City of Jerusalem, though he vehemently laboured, and with great earnestness cried out unto them (whom yet himself first set on work) to save the Sanctuary of the Lord, but could not be heard, or at least, was not able to stop their rage and fury, until it was with fire consumed and destroyed.  
77. Not much differing from the said Positions of Barrow and Greenwood, 
Brown the Author of a New Sect of that Name.  were the Opinions of Robert Brown (sometimes of Bennet College in Cambridge) from whom that Sect beareth the Name even to this day. But because 
His Positions little differing from Barrow and Greenwood.  in this Archbishop's time the said Brown was changed from those Fancies, and afterwards obtained a Benefice called Achurch in Northamptonshire (where he became a painful Preacher) I will not much insist upon him.  
78. I let pass many like Schisms in 
The Archbishop suppresseth many Schisms, and also Controversies in the Universities.  other parts of the Realm which this good Archbishop suppressed, and the Controversies in both Universities, which by his Wisdom were appeased; as also the reverend Opinion which divers honourable Personages had of him for his great temper and moderation in handling these Businesses toward some of great Place (whose Reputations, if he would, he might have blemished with her Majesty, for favouring the aforesaid Libelers, and Libels, which 
He procures Cartwright's Pardon of the Queen.  had stowage and vent in their Chambers) as also in procuring, at her Majesty'y hands, both pardon and dismission for Master Cartwright, and the rest, out of their Troubles.  
79. For which, and sundry other his Favours, Master Cartwright held himself much obliged unto him, as he confessed in his Letters, written with his own hand to that effect. In which Letters he is also pleased to vouchsafe him the stile of a Right Reverend Father in God, 
Cartwright's Letters, March 24. 1601. acknowledging the Archbishop's favour.  and his Lord the Archbishop's Grace of Canterbury. Which Title of Grace he also often yieldeth him throughout his Letters, acknowledging his bond of most humble duty so much the straighter, because his Grace's favour proceeded from a frank disposition, without any desert of his own. Yea the Archbishop hath been heard to say, That if Master Cartwright had not so far engaged himself as he did in the beginning, he thought verily he would in his latter time have been drawn to Conformity. For when he was freed from his Troubles, he often repaired to the Archbishop, who used him kindly, and was contented to tolerate his Preaching in 
The Archbishop tolerates Cartwright to perach publicly without Conformity.  Warwick divers years, upon his Promise, that he would not impugn the Laws, Orders, and Government in this Church of England, but persuade and procure, so much as he could, both publicly, and privately, the estimation and peace of the same. Which albeit he accordingly performed, yet when her Majesty understood by others that Master Cartwright did preach again (though temperately, accordingly to his Promise made to the Archbishop) she would by no means endure his Preaching any longer without Subscription; and 
The Queen requires his Subscription.  grew not a little offended with the Archbishop for such connivency at him. Not long after Master Cartwright died rich, as it was said, by the benevolence 
Cartwright dies Rich.  and bounty of his Followers.  
80. After these Stirs, thus suppressed, they began to tamper with the Earl of Essex; who was grown into a great height of favour with the Queen; and by reason that sundry of his Kindred 
The Earl of Essex favours the Puritans as far as he durst.  and Allies were inclined that way, they so far prevailed with him, that he did privily, and far as he durst for fear of the Queen's displeasure, give way and countenance to them. But upon better consideration, finding by the heady Courses of some of them, the danger that thereby was like to grow to her Majesty and the State, and the Resolution had of all hands to cut them off by the Law aforesaid, he grew very calm, and was careful how to carry himself uprightly betwixt both. And yet the Archbishop had still a vigilant Eye over him, that he could not, though he would, do any great hurt.  
81. For, to say the truth, by this 
Upon timely execution of the Laws, the state of the Church at quiet.  due execution of Laws, in the beginning, and the provident Courses of the Archbishop, with the Assistance and painful Endeavours of Doctor Bancroft, and Doctor Cousin, and the publishing of their learned, and unanswerable Books, the state of the Clergy was in good quiet; especially, so long as Sir Christopher Hatton the Lord Chancellor did live.  
82. Immediately after whose death, 
Sir Christopher Hatton died Nou. 20. 1591. Lord Buckhurst chosen Chancellor of Oxford on the Queen's Letters.  the Archbishop attending upon her Majesty, and advising with her who was fittest to succeed him in the Chancellorship of Oxford, found her graciously inclined toward the Lord Buckhurst; in whose behalf she presently dispatched her Letters to the University, and prevailed: Whereat the Earl of Essex was 
Earl of Essex offended at it, is pacified by the Archbishop.  so offended (his Friends having laboured exceedingly therein, on his behalf) that being then Lord General of her Majesty's Forces in France, he made open profession of his dislike of the Archbishop. But, upon his return into England, finding how firm her Majesty stood for him, and that his stirring in the matter must needs call in question her Majesty's Judgement, did therefore in a temperate manner expostulate the matter with the Archbishop, from whom he received such an Answer, as he knew not well whom to be angry withal, unless with the Queen herself, who thought him too young a man (being yet no Counsellor) for so grave a Title; and fearing happily, lest if she should have committed the guiding of that University unto his young Years, and unexperienced Judgement, some hot and unruly Spirits there (like Phaeton's untamed Horses) might have carried him in such an headlong course of government, as that the sparks of Contention, which were then scarce kindled in that University, might have broken forth into open flames, to the utter destruction and devastation of the whole State Ecclesiastical. And, besides this, she held the Lord Buckhurst (being an ancient Counsellor, and her Kinsman,) more fit for the Place a great deal. And so much it seemed the Queen had told 
The Queen justifies the Archbishop to Essex.  the Earl in justification of the Archbishop, before his questioning of the matter with him; for in effect, he acknowledged so much, and thereupon they parted in no unkind terms, but with due respect of each other in very friendly manner. The Queen, not long after, 
She makes them firm Friends.  was the mean of their entering into further Friendship; having oftentimes recommended unto the Archbishop the Earl's many excellent Parts, and Virtues, which she thought then rare in so young Years. And the Earl likewise confessed to the Archbishop, that her Majesty's often speech of her extraordinary opinion of him, and his worth, was the cause of his seeking after the Archbishop; and therefore did offer to run a course for Clergy Causes, according to his directions, and advice, and to cast off the Novelists, as indeed he did, immediately after Sir Francis Walsingham's 
Sir Francis Walsingham died Apr. 6. 1590. The Archbishop's firmness to Essex in his Troubles.  death; which was a special cause of the Archbishop's constancy and firmness to the Earl in his disgrace and trouble afterwards.  
83. But now to return to our former course: The Lord Chancellor's death much troubled and perpexed the Archbishop; 
The Archbishop fears on the Lord Chancellor's death.  fearing that new Troubles would befall him and the Church. Howbeit, things were then so well and firmly settled, that he had no great ado afterwards, saving with their dispersing 
New Pamphlets dispersed by the Puritans.  of Pamphlets, and that some few Persons (though thanks be to God not powerful) both in Court and Country, 
Attempts in Parliament on their behalf.  did attempt, as much as in them lay, by motions in Parliament, and Bills there preferred, to bring in I know not (nor they themselves) what kind of new Government in the Church, but were prevented by the Wisdom of her Majesty, who always suppressed those Bills and Motions, and still comforted the Archbishop (who was oftentimes 
The Queen comforts the Archbishop with fresh Assurances of her Countenance and Favour to the Church.  much grieved with their causeless Complaints) and assured him they should not prevail to do any hurt, except it were to hurt themselves. For she did see in her Princely wisdom, how dangerous they were to her and all Imperial Government. And when she found them still bend to pursue such Bills, and Motions, she (to deliver the Archbishop from farther trouble and vexation) before it was expected, and as it were with silence, broke up the Parliament.  
84. AFter the death of Sir Christopher 
Sir John Puckering Lord Keeper, June 4. 1592.  Hatton, Sir John Puckering was made Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, of whom (because he lived not long) I shall not have occasion to say much: But for aught that I ever 
Upon Hatton' s death the Queen offered the Archbishop his Place: But he declined it, because of his Age and Ecclesiastical Business Sir Thomas Egerton made Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, May 6. 1596.  heard, he shown himself a Friend to the Church, unto the Archbishop and his Proceed, and acknowledged him to have been amongst his other good Friends, a Furtherer of his Advancement.  
85. Sir Thomas Egerton, Master of the Rolls succeeded him, May 6. 1596. Her Majesty and the State had long experience of his Integrity and Wisdom, as may appear by the great Places which he worthily held; being first her Highness' Solicitor, and then Attorney General. In which time (besides his many great and weighty Services) he was very careful and industrious in labouring earnestly to suppress the aforesaid Libelers; a lover of Learning, and a most constant Favourer of the Clergy, and Church Government 
He is a constant Friend to the Church before and after his Advancement.  established; as also a faithful loving Friend to the Archbishop in all his Affairs; insomuch, as after his advancement to that Honour, and that the Earl of Essex and the Archbishop concurred together, being also (out of the affection of his most honourable Friend, the Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer) further strengthened by the friendship 
The Archbishop cherished and strengthened by union of many Friends.  and love of Sir Robert Cecyll, principal Secretary, (and now Earl of Salisbury, and Lord Treasurer of England) he began to be fully revived again, and as well fortified by them as ever he was, when he was most and best friended. And her Majesty finding in him a zealous care, and faithful performance of his duty and service towards the Church, and her Highness, shook off those Clergy Cares, and laid the burden 
The Queen throws the whole care of the Church upon him.  of them upon his Shoulders, telling him, That if any thing went amiss, be it upon his Soul, and Conscience to answer it; for she had rid her hands, and looked that he should yield an account, on her behalf, unto Almighty God.  
86. And now, though the Archbishop 
He disposeth of Bishoprics and all other Ecclesiastical Promotions.  was in this singular favour and grace with her Majesty, so that he did all in all for the managing of Clergy-Affairs, and disposing of Bishoprics, and other Ecclesiastical Promotions, yet was he never puffed up with Pride, 
His great Humility and Lenity.  nor did any thing violently (by reason of his Place, and greatness with her Majesty) against any man. For he ever observed this Rule, that he would not wound, where he could not salve. And I leave to the report of the Adversaries themselves, when he had that sway in Government, and favour with her Highness, whether his Carriage were not exceeding mild, and temperate, and whether he did not endeavour rather by gentle Persuasions, and kind Usages to win them, than (as the Law and his Place required) to pronounce Sentence, or lay any sharp Censure upon them. Hath he not many a time, when Sentence hath been ready to be given by consent of all the Commissioners, found some occasion to delay the Sentence to another Court-day, and in the mean time so plied the Delinquents, and set on others to persuade them, as thereby many of them were won, which otherwise would never have been brought unto Conformity? Wherein he was of Antoninus Pius his mind, who 
Opus de temporibus mundi in vita, Antonini Pii.  said, when he was taxed by Aurelius for like Remissness, and Lenity, That he had rather save one Citizen of Rome, than kill a thousand Enemies. And yet they knew this Archbishop had Courage enough in him, and Credit, and Authority to back him, if he would have extended it unto severity.  
87. But it was truly noted in him by 
The Earl of Salisbury's Observation on him.  a great Counsellor in the Star-chamber, when Pickering was there censured for libelling against him after his death, That there was nothing more to be feared in his government (especially toward his latter time) than his mildness and clemency. And he said that which was most true; for did he not, after that Udall and others were condemned unto death, draw upon him the dislike of his dear and honourable Friend 
* Sir Christopher Hatton. , in making earnest Suit, and never ceased until he had obtained pardon for them at her Majesty's hands? And, besides the dismission of Master Cartwright and his Consorts out of the Star chamber, did not divers Gentlemen of special note, find the like favour there, by his Intercession, and were eased both of 
Many favoured and eased by the Archbishop's intercession.  Fine and Punishment for entertaining the Presses and Printers ? The very truth is, I cannot sufficiently express his singular Wisdom, and Clemency, albeit some Younger Spirits were of opinion, that he was much to blame in that kind, and imputed it unto his Years, and want of Courage, and sometimes would be bold to tell him, that he knew not his own strength with her Majesty.  
88 But he knew the Court well, and that Queen Elizabeth was the wisest 
The wisdom of the Queen in her moderate Government.  Governor of any Prince then living; and that she had always entreated her Subjects graciously, and ruled with all mildness, and moderation, and that she brought her Subjects oftentimes rather by gentle means to yield unto her just and profitable Demands, than enforce them thereunto by Rigour and Authority; which peradventure she would have used, considering her absolute Sovereignty, and great Occasions, had she not found out of her singular Wisdom, and long Experience in Government, that she was the more observed and reverenced of her People, by intermingling and tempering her Authority and Sovereignty with Mildness and Lenity. And this her Highness' Example 
The Archbishop follows her Example. Plutarch, in vit.  the Archbishop followed; agreeable to that which was said of Pericles, That he would steer and govern the Commonwealth with two principal Rudders, Fear, and Hope; bridling with the one the fierce and insolent rashness of the common People, when they were in prosperity, and in their jollity; and reviving and comforting with the other their discontented Spirits, by giving way for the time, unto their Humour and Passion. And happy surely was it for that crazy state of the Church (for so it was at this Archbishop's first coming, and a long time after) not to meet with too rough and boisterous a Physician; for he preserved it with Conserves, and Electuaries, and some gentle Purges, which with strong Purgations in all likelihood might have been much more endangered; so that it may be very well verified of him, which Ennius wrote of Fabius Maximus. 
Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem; 
Ennius' Torent. Annal. lib. 1.   
Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret.   
89. As you may perceive his Clemency towards the irregular sort, so, towards the Conformable he was carried with an exceeding tender respect and kindness. He loved a learned Minister, virtuous and honest, with all his heart; framing himself unto that Rule of Aristotle, which directeth a good Magistrate 
Aristot. Polit. lib. 1.  to be as careful in encouraging good men, according to their merits; as in punishing the bad, according to the quality of their offences. If he found a Scholar of extraordinary Gifts, or Hopes, that out 
The Archbishop a great lover and encourager of Learned and Virtuous Clergy.  of wants, grew discontented, and inclined to Popery, or Puritanism (as most of their discontentments and waywardness proceeded thence) him would he gain both with supplies of Money out of his Purse, and Preferments of his own gift, or otherwise, as opportunity served.  
90. Now as our own Countrymen of all sorts had daily taste of the kind disposition of this our Archbishop, so was it not wanting unto sundry Men of Learning, 
Was bountiful to Foreigners of Learning and Quality.  and Quality, of Foreign Countries, whom he entertained both with his Love, and his Bounty. He sent sundry times much Money to Master Beza out of his own Purse, besides the general Collections and Contributions to Geneva, which he also greatly furthered. Upon which occasion many Letters passed betwixt them, especially towards his latter time. In some of which Letters Master Beza confesseth, That in his 
Theod. Beza his Letters to the Archbishop, March 8. 1591. Approving the Policy of the English Church.  Writings, touching the Church-government, he ever impugned the Romish Hierarchy, but never intended to touch or impugn the Ecclesiastical Policy of this Church of England, nor to exact of us to frame ourselves, or our Church, to the Pattern of their Presbyterial Discipline; and that as long as the substance of Doctrine were uniform in the Church of Christ, they may lawfully vary in other matters, as the circumstance of Time, Place, and Persons requireth, and as prescription of Antiquity may warrant. And to that end, he wisheth, and hopeth, that the sacred and holy College of our Bishops (for so he calleth them) will for ever continue and maintain such their right and title in the Church's government, with all equity and Christian moderation. Yea so far was he from denying our Church to be a Church, that often, and in most pithy manner he confesseth, That as Queen 
Beza his high commendation of the Church of England.  Elizabeth was the true nursing Mother of the Church of Christ, so England and our English Church was both the harbour of all the godly, and the preserver of all other reformed Churches. So far was he also from esteeming the Archbishop an Antichristian Prelate, as he never omitted to term him, A most Reverend Father in 
His great respect to the Archbishop.  Christ, and his most honoured good Lord. I wish that our Disciplinarians, who seem to direct themselves by the Rule of Geneva, would learn thus to discipline their Tongues with him, and imitate his Modesty.  
91. The Archbishop, as from Master Beza, so from other famous Men beyond the Seas received many Letters, arguing their great love, and due respect of him. At their request and recommendation, he relieved and entertained into his House, for many years 
The Archbishop's kindness and charity to Foreign Divines of the Reformation.  together, divers distressed Ministers out of Germany and France, who were enforced to forsake their own Countries; some by Banishment, others by reason of Wars and extremity which they were put unto. And at their departure he dealt bountifully with them; as namely Drusius, Renicherus, Frigevill, and Monsieur Buse, a French Minister, who read weekly a Lecture in Latin in his Chapel. And although his French pronunciation, and want of good delivery, did somewhat blemish the goodness of the matter which he handled; yet the Archbishop's property ever was, to cherish and encourage him, and all others that preached before him, and was never heard to give the Preacher distaste, but rather would commend, or excuse him against other men's Censures; saying, If he were young, better experience would correct his defaults; and if he were in years, he was in that respect to be born withal; alleging for both, that some would take exceptions sometimes rather to satisfy their own too much curiosity, than for any just cause of dislike in the Preacher.  
92. Wherein he shown a Disposition very rarely to be found; in that, having himself an excellent gift in that Faculty, his modesty in prising himself, and his mildness in censuring others, was extraordinary, and very singular: 
His backwardness to censure other men's Gifts and Performances.  so that thereby he gave great encouragement unto some, whom otherwise his exquisite Judgement might have daunted.  
93. Neither herein did he, as in service of War the Trumpeters use to do, who encourage others to fight, never taking Weapon in hand themselves, or as Plutarch noteth in Aristogiton, who 
Plutarch, in vita Phocionis.  animated others to take Arms, but himself in excuse, pleaded lameness, and came halting to the Musters in pretence thereof: But as his continual Endeavours were to reward those of best Gifts, and to encourage those of meaner; so (as often as Church, and State-affairs gave him leave) he was industrious in propounding wholesome Doctrine unto the People, and a worthy Pattern of true Divinity and Diligence unto all others of the Clergy to follow him therein. When he was Bishop of Worcester, unless 
The Archbishop a constant Preacher when public Affairs would admit.  extraordinary businesses of the Marches of Wales hindered him, he never failed to preach upon every Sabbath-day; many times riding five or six Miles to a Parish Church, and after Sermon, came home to Dinner. The like he did also when he was Archbishop, and lay at Croyden, the Queen being in her Progress. No Sunday escaped him in Kent, as the Gentlemen there can well witness, who would exceedingly resort unto him: And he would oftentimes preach so early in the Morning in some Parish-Church, both in Worcester, and Canterbury, that he came afterwards to the Sermon in the Cathedral Church.  
94. His Gift that way was excellent, 
Had an excellent Talent in Preaching. Learned, eloquent and judicious. His Gesture grave and decent, without affectation.  as if you had heard Saint Augustin himself, or some of the ancient Bishops in the Primitive Church. His Gesture, and Action in the Pulpit, so grave and decent, his words coming from him so fatherly, and comely, and though plainly (for the most part) and without affectation, yet always elegantly, with special choice, and substantial matter, full of good and sound Learning, plentiful in Authorities out of Scripture, Fathers, and Schoolmen, so singularly applied, that he much affected his Auditory therewith. Thus he oftentimes stirred and moved men's minds and affections; and that not by the force of Eloquence only, but by his pious Life, answerable to his religious Sentences; the opinion and confidence which the People had of his Integrity, being very 
Of great Integrity and unspotted Life.  great, because he did live unspotted of the world, and would not any way be corrupted.  
95. He never preached, but he first 
He wrote the Notes of his Sermons.  wrote his Notes in Latin, and afterwards kept them during his life. For he would say, That whosoever took that pains before his preaching, the elder he waxed, the better he should discharge that Duty; but if he trusted only to his memory, his preaching in time 
Disapproved trusting only to Memory.  would become prattling. Wherein (out of a true religious care, and divine wisdom) he did express the grave and prudent Counsel that Demosthenes held in his Orations, and plead in the Court. For (as Plutarch saith) He would never 
Plutarch. in vit. Demosth.  offer to speak unto the People, before he had made briefs of that which he had to deliver, alleging that he loved the People well, that would be careful beforehand what to say unto them. And this preparation (saith he) doth show that a man honoureth and reverenceth them too. Contrariwise, he that passeth not how the People taketh his words, it is a plain token that he despiseth them, and their Authority, and that he lacketh no goodwill to use force against them, if he could, rather than reason or persuasion.  
96. When he was Bishop of Worcester, 
When at Worcester, he treated the Recusants mildly, and won many of them over.  and Vicepresident of the Marches, he did exceeding good by that his continual preaching, as also by his often conference, and conventing of the Papists, whom he used with mild and temperate speeches, and thereby got many of them to conform themselves, both Gentlemen, and others, whereby, as at his first coming unto the See of Worcester, he found many Recusants, so he left very few at his coming thence.  
97. Immediately after he came to be 
When he came to be Archbishop, he dealt with the Learnedest of them by Authority Ecclesiastical.  Archbishop, he convented before him the chiefest and most learned Recusants throughout all England. He also wrote Letters to the Bishops, his Brethren, within the Province of Canterbury, to proceed with the Recusants by their Authority Ecclesiastical, and Censures of the Church, and called yearly upon them for an account of their do. He sent forth also many Warrants, by virtue of her Highness' Commission for Causes Ecclesiastical, and thereby had daily brought before him both Recusants and Priests; who according to the quality of their Offences were restrained, and proceeded against, or delivered over unto the Civil Magistrate to be dealt withal, as to Justice appertained, after the Laws were enacted against Recusants and Seminary Priests.  
98. Thus this grave and prudent 
He kept a strait hand over the Seminary Priests and subtle Papists.  Archbishop always carried a most vigilant eye, and strait hand over the subtle-headed Papists; as fearing lest they conceived an hope of advancing their Cause and Quarrel by help of the aforesaid Contentions betwixt the Bishops and these Sectaries; and so soon as they should have found the Forces on both sides sufficiently weakened and enfeebled by a long continuance of the Conflict, to have destroyed the Vanquished with the Vanquishers, whereby to re establish their Papal Jurisdiction, and superstitious Impieties; as not long after this Archbishop's death they attempted to do, by the devilish Device of that damnable Powder-Treason; which if it had succeeded, their intendment then was, to have put both alike to the Sword.  
99 You may perceive by the Premises, 
He is unjustly traduced by the Sectaries.  how untruly some of the uncharitable and precipitate Sectaries traduced him for a Papist, and called him The Pope of Lambeth in their Libels, and Conventicles, and most unjustly reproached him with the Title of Doctor Pearn' s Servant, whom they likewise taxed with Popery, and falsely charged him to have infected the Archbishop therewith, because of his affection and love unto him, for the reasons specified before. The truth is, as the Archbishop was of his own nature a very loving kind man, so he did hate ingratitude 
He hated Ingratitude.  in any, and could never be taxed with that fault. He was likewise (as the Gentlemen of Worcestershire and Kent had daily experience) very firm, 
Is firm in his Friendships.  and marvelous constant, where he affected and professed love, which brought him in great displeasure in the Cause of the late Earl of Essex; with whose Life, and Actions, though I have nothing to do (having only taken upon me to report another Man's) yet thus much I may truly say, that his misfortune drew upon the Archbishop the greatest discontentment, and severest reprehension 
Censured for his affection to the Earl of Essex.  from her Majesty, that he had ever before undergone in all his life.  
100 For after that the Earl began to fall upon Courses displeasing and distasteful unto her Majesty, nevertheless such was the confidence the Archbishop had in the Earl's Loyaly, and his own steadfastness in that Friendship which he had formerly professed unto him, that he could not be drawn from being a continual Intercessor for him; wherewith her Majesty was so highly displeased, 
The Queen displeased at his inter session for the Earl, which much grieves him.  and so sharply rebuked him for the same, that the good old Archbishop came sometimes home much grieved and perplexed.  
101. Within a while after, the Earl (forgetting that unto Princes the highest 
Tacit. Annal. lib 4  judgement of things is given, and unto us the glory of obedience is left) went out indeed. The Archbishop being that Sunday 
Earl of Essex apprehended, Feb. 8. 1600.  Morning at the Court (whether by direction, or by his own accord, I know not) hastened home without any Attendant, and commanded as many men as he then had in the House to be presently armed, and sent them over unto the Court, but not to go within the Gates until Master Secretary Cecil, or some other by his instruction, should appoint them a Leader. There were immediately 
The Archbishop arms his Servants for the Queen's defence.  presented unto him Threescore men well armed, and appointed, who with a Message from the Archbishop, shown themselves before the Court, of whose arrival there Master Secretary Cecil, with the rest of the Lords of the Council, were right glad, and said he 
Well taken at Court.  was a most worthy Prelate. They had speedily a Leader appointed unto them, and marched presently, and were the first that entered into the Gates of Essex-house; and in the first Court made good the place until the Earl yielded himself, 
Earl of Essex brought to Lambeth-house, then sent to the Tower.  and was by the Lord Admiral brought to Lambeth-house, where he remained an hour or two, and was from thence conveyed to the Tower. The Archbishop had likewise in readiness that Afternoon Forty Horsemen well appointed, and expected Directions from the Court how to dispose of them. The next Morning he sent a Gentleman to know how the Queen did, and how she rested all night. To whom she made answer, that she rested and slept the better for his care the day before; but I beshrew his heart (said she) he would not believe this of Essex, though I had often told him it would, one day, thus come to pass.  
102. After this, when her Majesty understood that her own recommendation of the Earl had wrought that good 
The Archbishop in the Queen's good opinion and favour to her dying-day.  opinion of him in the Archbishop, and that she now found his readiness for her defence, with Horse, and Men, and the nearness thereof unto the Court, to stand her at that time in great stead, she began to entertain him in her wont favour and grace again, and ever after continued her good opinion of him unto her dying day.  
103. Towards which time, though 
Queen Elizabeth died March 24. 1602. The Archbishop, Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Watson, Dr. Parry, attend the Queen in her Sickness.  by reason of her melancholy Disease, she was impatient of others speeches with her, yet was she well pleased to hear the Archbishop, the then Bishops of London, and Chichester, and the now Bishop of Worcester, with some other Divines, give her comfort and counsel to prepare herself to God-ward, and most devoutly prayed with them, making signs and tokens unto her last remembrance of the sweet comfort which she took in their presence, especially when towards her end they put her in mind of the unspeakable Joys she was now going unto; where, no doubt, she remaineth a glorious Saint of God, and as a most religious Prince, rewarded with a Crown of Immortality, and Bliss.  
104. NOW the much-lamented 
The Faction take heart on the Queen's death.  death of this noble Queen gave great hope to the Factious of challenging forth with all exemption from the Censures, and subjection of Ecclesiastical Authority: But how vain their hopes were, the issue hath declared; and although the Archbishop was much dejected and grieved for the loss of his dear Sovereign and Mistress, who had so highly advanced him, yet he, with the rest of the Lords, repaired immediately to Whitehall, and after two hours sitting in Council about the penning of the Proclamation, he principally (as his Place required) with a cheerful countenance, and the rest of the Lords in like sort accompanying him, first at the Courtgate at Whitehall, with the applause, and unspeakable comfort of all the People, proclaimed her most rightful Successor, JAMES (than 
King James proclaimed King of England, March 24. 1602.  King of Scotland) King of England, France, and Ireland. Afterwards, in like cheerful sort, the Archbishop with the rest of the Lords, trooped up to the Cross in Cheapside, and there with like acclamation of the Lord Mayor and Citizens, 
Sir Robert Leighe, Lord Mayor. The People are pleased at the Archbishop's presence in proclaiming the King.  proclaimed him again.  
105. I am doubtful to speak (lest I might seem to detract from others) of the great comfort which the common People and Citizens took in the presence of the Archbishop, and how hearty they prayed for him at his return, as if they nothing doubted, but that all went well for the State in that Counsel, among whom he was present.  
106. He was indeed beloved of all sorts of People, yea even of some of them who were the most fervent Reprehenders themselves, as they have confessed since his death. And well worthy was he so to be, for that he carried a most mild and moderate hand over them. A more particular love also he deserved of many, for his affection 
Archbishop a lover and incourager of Liberal Arts.  unto liberal and ingenious Arts, whereof his domestic government and care was no less argument than his public; which I have formerly spoken of. For, besides the pains which he took himself (after he was Bishop of Worcester, and Archbishop of. Canterbury) many years with a number of worthy young Gentlemen, in reading unto them thrice aday, he took into his House, besides his Chaplains, divers of quality to instruct them in the Mathematics, and other Lectures of sundry Arts and Languages; giving them good allowance, and Preferments 
His Liberality great.  otherwise, as occasion was offered. And besides the many poor Scholars, 
He kept many poor Scholars in his House,  whom he kept in his House till he could provide for them, and prefer them (as he did sundry to good Estates) he also maintained divers in the University 
And maintained divers in the Universities.  at his own charge, and gave liberally to them and others of any towardliness, as he heard of their necessity, and wants.  
107. He kept likewise for the exercise of Military Discipline, a good Armoury, 
Is an incourager of Military Exercises.  and a fair Stable of great Horses; insomuch as he was able to arm at all points both Horse and Foot, and divers times had One hundred Foot, and Fifty Horse of his own Servants mustered, and trained; for which purpose he entertained Captains. He had also skilful Riders, who taught them to manage their Horses, and instructed them in warlike Exercises, all whom he rewarded in liberal manner. By this means he had divers of his own Gentlemen that afterwards proved good Soldiers; many whereof became Captains and Commanders, and some for their Valour and Service were Knighted in the Field. There were also divers others, that for Learning, Languages and Qualities, were fit to be employed by any Prince in Christendom. Insomuch as his House, for the Lectures and Scholastical Exercises therein performed, might justly be accounted a little Academy, and in some 
His House a little Academy.  respects superior, and more profitable; viz. for Martial Affairs, and the Experience that Divines and other Scholars had, being near, and often at the Court, and chief Seats of Justice, from whence they continually had the Passages and Intelligences both for Matters of State, and government in Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil. By which their continual Experience, many of his 
* Dr. Bancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury. Dr. Ravis, Bishop of London. Dr. Barlow, Bishop of Lincoln. Dr. Goldisbury, Bishop of Gloucester. Dr. Parry, Bishop of Worcester. Dr. Redman, Bishop of Norwich. Dr. Buckeridge, Bishop of Rochester.  Domestical 
His Chaplains promoted.  Chaplains, both before, and since his death, attained unto the chiefest Honours and Dignities in our Church and Commonwealth.  
108. And here I may not forget his religious care and provident order for the due execution of his Charge, and determination of all such Causes as belonged unto his proper cognizance and place. To which end and purpose, he appointed every Thursday in Term a solemn and set Commission day; upon which he had a Sermon in his Chapel by one of his Household Chaplains, and entertained the Commissioners, and their Attendants, though to his great expense, which he little esteemed in regard of the well guiding, and ordering the Affairs, then by him undertaken. That day you should have had a Senate of the worthiest and greatest Counsellors of State, with the assistance of the chief Prelates, Justices, Judges, and sufficientest Lawyers of both Professions, that those Times afforded.  
109. You may then hereby observe the 
The Archbishop's care and wisdom in determining Causes.  Archbishop's exceeding care and singular wisdom in proceeding with the Advice of so many worthy, prudent, and learned Men of several Faculties; whereby the Subjects came cheerfully to the hearing of their Causes, and without fear of partiality in any particular Person. And howsoever the Cause went, the Archbishop could not be impeached of rash or inconsiderate proceeding, seeing he had the consent and approbation of all Professions. For the Archbishop always gave Sentence, and ordered matters as the greater part of the Court did incline, beginning at the Junior first, although himself would sometimes descent from them in opinion, and so he would tell them, but without tartness; yea in such kind and loving manner, as no man was hindered in delivering his mind. By which means he was sure always to have the Cause fully debated, and every man's opinion fully known; which when he found concurring with his own, and the Proceed ordered according to the Rules of Justice, he would go on to sentence and determine the Cause.  
110. Wherein he carried himself 
His Resolution in Judgement.  with great resolution, and courage, were the Persons never so great that were interested in the same, as you may perceive by one Instance (among many) when himself was yet no Counsellor of State. A Gentleman of good Note seeing 
An Instance.  how the Court was inclined to order his Cause (not according to his desire) told the Archbishop, that upon another occasion there grew some speech of that Cause before the Lords of the Council, and their Lordships were of another opinion than his Grace, and the rest of the Commissioners, seemed to be; what tellest thou me (said the Archbishop) of the Lords of the Council? I tell thee, they are in these Cases to be advised by us, and not we by them. He would upon such like Occasions oftentimes say unto his private Friends towards his latter time (when they talked familiarly with him, and observed his courage and stoutness) That two things did help much to make a man confident in good Causes, namely, Orbitas, & Senectus; and (said he) they steed me both.  
111. This orderly proceeding and 
He upholds the Dignity of the High Commission-Court.  course upheld the Reputation and Dignity of the Commission Court; which albeit it be of great Authority, and dealeth for the most part in matters of great weight and importance, yet the want of worthy Assistants and Counsel (if the like care should not be continued) may make it grow to be of little reputation, as experience hath somewhat taught us since the decease of this good Archbishop: Whereunto not unaptly may be applied that which Plutarch reporteth 
Plutarch. in vita.  of Cato Utican, When he was Praetor: For he would oftentimes go on foot, bare legged, and without his Gown, unto his Praetorian Chair, and there give sentence of life and death, whereby he rather defaced and impaired the majesty and dignity of his Office, than gave it countenance by his manner of proceeding; although otherwise he were a good Commonwealth's man, and ministered justice uprightly unto all.  
112. But I return unto our Archbishop 
His dispatch of Causes to great satisfaction.  again. He gave audience unto Suitors twice a day, and afforded them set hours for their dispatch, at which time he would so courteously entreat them, giving them so mild and gentle Answers, that even they that sped not of their Suits, did departed without discontentment. Wherein I may justly compare him unto Titus, qui neminem 
Sueton. in vita.  unquam à se tristem dimisit; he dismissed no man sorrowful from his presence. Wherefore he gave also express commandment unto his Officers, that Suitors and Strangers should ever be courteously entertained, as well for expedition of their Suits, as for Hospitality sake.  
113. He had a desire always to keep 
His great Hospitality.  a great and bountiful House; and so he did, having the same well ordered and governed by his head Officers therein, and all things in plentiful manner, both for his own service and entertainment of Strangers, according to their several Qualities and Degrees. He often feasted the Clergy, Nobility, and Gentry of his Diocese and Neighbourhood. And at Christmas, especially, his Gates were always open, and his Hall set twice or thrice over with Strangers: Upon some chief Festival-days he was served with great solemnity, sometime upon the Knee, as well 
His State.  for the upholding of the State that belonged unto his Place, as for the better education and practice of his Gentlemen and Attendants in point of service.  
114. Every Year he entertained the 
His entertainment of the Queen.  Queen at one of his Houses, so long as he was Archbishop; and some Years twice or thrice; where all things were performed in so seemly an order, that she went thence always exceedingly well pleased. And besides many public and gracious Favours done unto him, she would salute him, and bid him farewell by the name of Black Husband; calling also his Men her Servants, as a token of her good contentment with their attendance and pains.  
115. Every third Year he went into 
He was always honourably received by the Gentlemen of the Country.  Kent (unless great occasions hindered him) where he was so honourably attended upon by his own Train (consisting of Two hundred Persons) and with the Gentlemen of the Country, that he did sometimes ride into the City of Canterbury, and into other Towns, with Eight hundred or a Thousand Horse. And surely the Entertainment which he gave them, and they him, was so great, that, as I am verily persuaded, no Shire in England did, or could, give greater, or with more cheerful minds, each unto other. The Fatherly care which he had of his Clergy, (whom he never charged with visitation, but once in twenty Years) his Affability amongst the Gentlemen, and courteous usage of his Tenants, gained him so great a love, that he might very far prevail with them; yea, they never denied him any request that he made unto them.  
116. At his first Journey into Kent 
His first journey into Kent, July. 1589. with pomp and solemnity.  he road to Dover, being attended with an hundred of his own Servants, at least, in Livery, whereof there were forty Gentlemen in Chains of Gold. The Train of Clergy and Gentlemen in the Country, and their Followers, was above Five hundred Horse. At his entrance 
A Romish Intelligencer accidentally lands, he admires the Appearance, and owns a mistaken prejudice concerning the meanness of our Church.  into the Town, there happily landed an Intelligencer from Rome, of good Parts, and Account, who wondered to see an Archbishop, or Clergyman in England, so reverenced, and attended: But seeing him upon the next Sabbath day after in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, attended upon by his Gentlemen, and Servants (as is aforesaid;) also by the Dean, Prebendaries, and Preachers in their Surplesses, and scarlet Hoods, and heard the solemn Music, with the Voices, and Organs, Cornets, and Sagbuts, he was overtaken with admiration, and told an English Gentleman of very good quality (who then accompanied him) That 
Sir Edward Hobby.  they were led in great blindness at Rome by our own Nation, who made the People there believe, that there was not in England, either Archbishop, or Bishop, or Cathedral, or any Church or Ecclesiastical Government; but that all was pulled down to the ground, and that the People heard their Ministers in Woods, and Fields, amongst Trees, and bruit Beasts: But, for his own part, he protested, that (unless it were in the Pope's Chapel) he never saw a more solemn sight, or heard a more heavenly sound. Well, said the English Gentleman; I am glad of this your so lucky and first sight, ere long you will be of another mind, and, I hope, work miracles when you return to Rome, in making those that are led in this blindness, to see and understand the truth. It is (said the Intelligencer) the chief cause of my coming, to see with mine own eyes, and truly to inform others. Whereupon the said English Gentleman accompanied him to London, and so to the Court, where he saw and heard many things to confirm the Gentleman's report, for the government of the Church, and civil carriage of the People, in their obedience to the Clergy and Magistrates in the Commonwealth. Afterwards this Intelligencer had private 
The Intelligencer had private speech with Secretary Walsingham.  speech with Sir Francis Walsingham (then principal Secretary to her Majestey) who related all this to the Archbishop with due approbation of his Kentish Journey; confessing that he should reverence and honour him therefore while he lived. And although he were one of the honourable Counsellors, before mentioned, that seemed to favour the precise Faction, yet, undoubtedly, he was, after this time a kind Friend to the Archbishop, and did him many good Offices with the Queen.  
117. Howbeit, some of near alliance unto Sir Francis, bearing themselves very boldly upon his favour, would oftentimes handle the Archbishop very roughly, and much provoke him by vain Speeches, and brags of their own worth and scholarship; and (being mere Laymen) would very unmannerly compare themselves with the best conformable Divines, for true knowledge, and understanding of the Scriptures. But the Archbishop smiling at their Vanities, would notwithstanding courteously handle and entreat them in his own House, according to the true Rule of Hospitality; not unlike unto Pericles, who being reviled by a lewd 
Plutarch. ●n vit.  Fellow in the Marketplace all the day long, returned no bad language, but dispatched his Affairs in hearing the Suppliants, and determining their Causes; and when night came on, the Party followed him still, railing upon him till he came to his own House: It being now dark, Pericles, as he entered in, commanded one of his Servants to light him home.  
118. You see now of what an excellent 
The Archbishop's good nature.  Nature this Archbishop was, how far from giving offence, how ready to forgive a wrong, merciful, compassionate, and tenderhearted. Yet was he not void (as no man is) of infirmities. The Holy Scripture noteth of Elias, that 
James 5. 17.  he was a man subject to the like passions as we are. But, as Horace saith, 
— optimus ille 
Serm. lib. 1. sat. 3.   
Qui minimis urgetur—  So may it be confessed of this Archbishop, that the greatest, or rather only fault known in him was Choler: and yet in him so corrected, not by Philosophy alone (as Socrates confessed of his Faults) but by the Word, and Grace of God, as it rather served for a Whetstone of his Courage in just Causes, than any Weapon whetted against the Person, Goods, or good Name of any other. So that it may (as I am verily persuaded) be rightfully said of him, That he was such a Magistrate as Jethro advised Moses to take in judging the People of God, and such a Bishop as St. Paul requireth in the Church of Christ. Provide (saith 
Exod. 18.  Jethro) among all the People, men of courage, fearing God, dealing truly, hating covetousness, and appoint such over them to be rulers. And a Bishop (saith St. Paul) 
1 Tim. 3.  must be unreprovable, the husband of one wife, watching, temperate, modest, barbarous, apt to teach, not given to wine, no striker, not given to filthy lucre, but gentle, no fighter, not covetous, one that can rule his one house honestly. He may not be a young Scholar, lest he, being puffed up, fall into the condemnation of the Devil. He must also be well reported of, even of them which are without, lest he fall into rebuke, and the snare of the Devil.  
119. And now what is there that the Devil himself, with all his Imps, Popish, or Schismatical Libelers, can rebuke or condemn, in this good Archbishop's Saintly Life? Let them examine his Actions, in all his carriage and course, if so they can convince him in any thing, that was not agreeable to the directions of Jethro for a Magistrate, and answerable unto the Rule of Saint Paul for a Bishop.  
120. As for good Works (whereof 
His good Works in Lincoln, Worcester, Wales, Kent, Surry.  the Papists so vainly brag, as particular effects of their superstitious Doctrines, yea, for which Heaven itself is a due reward by condignity) many Towns, Cities and Counties can yield a plentiful Testimony for him in this behalf; namely, Lincoln, Worcester, the Marches of Wales, Kent and Surry, wherein he lived, and, in particular, that notable Monument of our time, his Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Croyden, which he built very fair, and College-wise, for a Warden, and Eight and twenty Brothers and Sisters. He builed also near unto it a goodly Free school, with a Schoolmaster's House, allowing unto the Schoolmaster Twenty pounds by year for ever. All which he performed with such alacrity, and good success, that he hath been heard divers times to profess with great comfort, that, notwithstanding the charge of the Purchase and Building was not small unto him, in comparison of his Estate (who neither impaired House-keeping, nor Retinue at that time) yet when he had finished and done that whole Work, he found himself no worse in his Estate than when he first began, which he ascribed unto the extraordinary blessing and goodness of God.  
121. After the finishing of this Hospital, among many other his good Deeds, the French Lieger Ambassador in England, called Boys Sisi, enquired what Works the Archbishop had published, for that he would willingly read his Books, who was reputed The Peerless 
Cambden Britan. in Comit. Lincoln.  Prelate for Piety and Learning in our days, and whom in conference, he found so grave, godly, and judicious; when it was answered, that he only published certain Books in the English Tongue, in defence of the Ecclesiastical Government (although it be very well known to many, who were near unto him, that he left divers learned Treatises in Written-hand, well worthy the printing) and that it was thereupon incidently told the Ambassador that he had founded an Hospital, and a School, he used these words; Profectò Hospitale, 
Boys Sisi, the French Ambassador, his opinion and speech of Archbishop Whitgift.  ad sublevandam paupertatem, & Schola, ad instruendam Juventutem, sunt optimi Libri, quos Archiepiscopus conscribere potuit; Truly an Hospital to sustain the Poor, and a School to train up Youth, are the worthiest Books that an Archbishop could set forth.  
122. And albeit the Archbishop had 
His love to Croyden for retirement.  ever a great affection to lie at his Mansion house at Croyáon, for the sweetness of the Place, especially in Summer time; whereby also he might sometimes retire himself from the multiplicity of Businesses and Suitors in the Vacations; yet, after he had builded his Hospital, and his School, he was farther in love with the Place than before. The chief comfort of repose or solace that he took, was in often dining at the Hospital among his poor Brethren, as he called them: There he was often visited by his entire and honourable Friends, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Worcester, and Cumberland, the Lord Zouch, the Bishop of London, and others of near place about her Majesty, in whose company he chief delighted.  
123. In the absence of his Friends, 
Cheerful and affable in his Family.  he would be exceeding cheerful and affable with his own Gentlemen and Servants, though his Bounty towards them and the Poor did not consist in words, but in deeds, for he was very liberal in 
Liberal to his Servants.  rewarding them, both with Leases, Offices, and otherwise with Supplies, as their Occasions required, out of his Purse; and would, I make no question, have done much more for them out of his own Estate, if he had had ability, and time (after his Sickness first seized upon him) to dispose of his worldly Affairs.  
124. As his Bounty was very great 
Bountiful to the industrious Poor, and to the Disabled and Necessitous.  towards his own (for in that number likewise he always accounted the poor Society of his Hospital) so were his Hands  reached out to the necessities of all sorts. Yea such was his Charity, that if he had seen poor men addicted to labour, he would have given them Money, and waste Ground to employ in gardening, or some such use as might be for their relief. Or if he heard that any of his poor Neighbours were decrepit, or destitute of means to follow their Trade, he would supply their needs either with Money or Fuel, and sometimes poor Waterman's wants with Boats, and such like; wherein he dealt no worse with them, than that famous Bishop of Lincoln, Robert 
After the manner of Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln his usage of his Kinsman.  Grosthead, dealt with his poor Kinsman; in whose behalf when he was solicited to advance him, and thereupon enquiring what course of life he followed, and receiving answer that he was an Husbandman; Why then (quoth he) if his Plough be broken, I will repair it, or rather than fail bestow a new one upon him, whereby he may go on in his course of life; but so to advance him, as to make him forsake his Trade, or Condition, in which he was brought up, that mean I not to do.  
125. I fear lest I have held the Reader too long in these private matters: therefore I will for brevity sake, omit to speak of the fair Library which he left behind him, with many other memorable things (worthy the observation) and return again unto his public Affairs.  
126. THE Archbishop (respecting the welfare of the Church, and public Cause) albeit he was very confident of the King's Princely wisdom, by the experience he had thereof (being now an ancient Counsellor) and well understanding the passages of Matters betwixt his Majesty, and state of our Country, (whereby he did conceive that it was not probable so wise and learned a Prince could be overcome with the Conceits of such Innovators, whose Fancies could not stand but with hazard of the State) yet he held it most expedient to send that Reverend Gentleman, Master Doctor Nevil, 
Doctor Nevil, Dean of Canterbury, sent by the Archbishop and Clergy into Scotland to King James.  Dean of Canterbury, into Scotland to his Majesty, in the name of the Bishops, and Clergy of England, to tender their bounden Duties, and to understand his Highness' pleasure for the ordering and guiding of Clergy Causes. The Dean brought a most gracious Answer of his Highness' purpose; which was, to uphold and maintain the Government of the late Queen; as she left it settled. Which Answer did much 
The King's Answer that he would uphold the Church, comforts the Archbishop.  comfort the Archbishop; and the rather, because it did yield full satisfaction unto some others, who peradventure might conceive some doubt of alteration, by reason of the Puritan brags, and their affections unto the Presbyterial Government in Scotland.  
127. In this mean while, the preparations 
Queen Elizabeth's Funeral, April. 28. 1603. very sumptuously performed.  were great for solemnisation of the late Queen's Funeral; which being performed very sumptuously, as became the dignity of so great a Prince, the Archbishop, as he was the principal in the Custody of the Kingdom, and chief in all Councils of State, under his Majesty in his absence (for there is no interregnum in England, as Watson the Priest did traitorously pretend) so in this last Solemnity of Obsequy unto his ever honoured Sovereign, and Mistress, he was the most eminent Person of the whole Land, and principal Mourner; 
The Archbishop the chief Mourner.  who received the Offering, and had the Banners presented unto him.  
128. After this, when at his Majesty's 
King James gives him personal assurance of preserving the settled State of the Church.  first entrance into England, the King had spoken with him at Theobalds', whereby he more fully conceived his religious pleasure touching the Affairs of this Commonwealth, he was therewith put into heart, especially, when after his coming to London, he did again perceive his Resolution for the continuance of the well settled state of the Church, which made him more cheerfully prepare himself for performance of his Duty (as a thing belonging unto 
King James' Coronation, July 25. 1603. by the hands of the Archbishop.  his Place,) against the day of Coronation, July 25. 1603.  
129. At which time the Archbishop, with all due Ceremonies and observances for so great a Solemnity, crowned and anointed his Sacred Majesty King JAMES in the Collegiate Church of Westminster. Then also, and there he crowned our most noble and gracious Queen AND, his Majesty's 
Queen Ann also crowned at the same time.  happy and fruitful Wife; whose blessed Seed God grant so to increase and continue, as there may never be wanting thereof to rule and reign in this Kingdom.  
130. The Puritan Faction did not surcease, until by their importunity they obtained a Conference before his 
The Conference at Hampton-Court, Jan. 14. 1603. betwixt the Bishops and the Puritans in the King's presence. The King satisfied with the Bishops reasonings, And orders the reprinting the Liturgy.  Highness, which continued for three days. His Majesty having now at full heard their Objections, and the Bishop's Answers (the weakness of the one, and the foreible Reasons of the other, much confirming his Royal mind in his former Opinion) was pleased immediately thereupon to signify publicly his Resolution for the continuance of the Religion, and Ecclesiastical Government, formerly established: highly commending the Wisdom, Care, and Constancy of his Sister the late Queen Elizabeth, in constituting and maintaining all things so well; as also approving the Bishop's Learning Wisdom, and endeavour to uphold so godly and well governed a Church; which himself (by God's assistance) would ever advance and defend. Likewise he gave present command touching the new printing of the Common-Prayer-book, for the further ratifying of the Liturgy and Orders of our Church.  
131. The Parliament now growing 
A Parliament comes on.  on, the Archbishop, that he might be the better prepared, did appoint a meeting at Fulham, at the Bishop of 
The Bishops have a meeting at Fulham.  London's House, to confer with some of the Bishops and Judges of his Court, concerning the Affairs of the Church, which were then to be treated upon. As he was thus going in his Barge upon an extaordinary cold day, and having his Barge-cloath tied up (as his custom was) to the top of the Bales, the Wind blew very sharply; so that the young Gentlemen (shaking with cold) desired to have the Cloth down, which he would by no means permit, because the Water was rough, and he would therefore see his way. By reason whereof the flashing of the Water, and sharpness of the Air, did so pierce the Archbishop (being above Threescore and 
The Archbishop 73 years old, is seized with a cold on the Water.  thirteen years of Age) that he complained the same night of a great cold, which he had then taken in the mould of his Head.  
132. Notwithstanding which distemperature, for performance of his accustomed duty unto the King's Majesty (as formerly unto the Queen) he went upon the next Sabbath following (being the first Sunday in Lent) over unto the Court at Whitehall, where 
Goes to the Court, has speech with the King about Affairs of the Church.  meeting the then Bishop of London, they both had long speech with his Highness about the Affairs of the Church, both before and after his Majesty's coming from the Chapel. For which cause, staying long at the Court, and having fasted until it was near One one of the Clock, as he was going from his Majesty unto the Council-chamber to dinner, he was taken with a dead 
Is taken with the dead Palsy.  Palsy; whereby all his Right side was benumbed, and he bereft of his Speech. From the Council-chamber he was, by means of his dearest Friends, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, and the Bishop of London, with the aid of the King's Servants, carried to the Lord Treasurer's Chamber, and afterwards in his Barge conveyed home 
Is conveyed to Lambeth.  to Lambeth.  
133. His Majesty (being much troubled with the report of his Sickness) came upon the Tuesday following to visit 
The King visits him.  and comfort him with very kind and gracious Speeches; saying, That he would beg him of God in his Prayer: Which if he could obtain, he should think it one of the greatest temporal Blessings that could be given him in this Kingdom. The Archbishop made offer to speak to his Majesty in Latin; but neither his Highness, nor any there present, well understood what he said, save only, that by the last words, pro Ecclesia Dei, 
He earnestly recommends the Church to his Royal Care.  pro Ecclesia Dei (which in earnest manner with his Eyes and Hands lift up, he oftentimes iterated) his Majesty conceived (as it pleased him afterwards to report) that he continued the Suit, which sundry times before, and at his last attendance on his Highness, he had earnestly recommended unto his Royal and Special Care in behalf of the Church.  
134. After his Majesty's departure, the Archbishop had neither perfect use of his Speech, nor ability to write his mind; as he did desire, by the signs that he used for Ink and Paper. Which being brought unto him, and he making offer to write, had no feeling of his Pen, for it fell out of his Hands. When he perceived his impotency to write, after two or three assays, he fetched a great sigh, and lay down again; and on Wednesday following (at Eight of the Clock at night) the last of February, 1603. 
He departs this Life, Feb. ult. 1603.  he quietly, and like a Lamb, died the Servant of Christ; as in the time of his Sickness, by many infallible signs, was manifest unto myself, and those that attended him in that time of his visitation. Which cannot be better testified by any, than by Doctor Barlow, the now Bishop of Lincoln, together with Doctor Buckeridge (now Bishop of Rochester) and Doctor Charryor, his then Household Chaplains; who for the most part, were continually with him, from the beginning of his Sickness, unto the end of the same. Of the manner of whose death, though some undiscreet men have censured uncharitably, yet I may truly say, as Solon did for the happy ends of Eleobis and Biton, who in the absence of their Mother's Oxen, did yoke themselves, and drew her in her Coach to the Temple, and after their Sacrifices performed, went to bed, and were found the next Morning dead, without hurt or sorrow: So fared it with this good Archbishop, who wanting the assistance of some, who by their Places should have undergone with him the Charge of guiding and supporting of Ecclesiastical Affairs, took the yoke and burden thereof himself for his Mother the Church's sake. And when he had performed his Oblations of Prayer and Thanksgiving to God; was carried to bed, and there died, without suffering hurt or sorrow. Thus he, as Abraham 
Gen. 25. 8.  (of whom he was a true Son) yielded up the Spirit, and died in a good age, an old man, and of great years, and was gathered unto his people. He was Bishop 
He was Bishop of Worcester six Years and five Months. And Archbishop of Canterbury twenty years and five Months. Camden. Britannia, in Com. Kent. pag. 338. He was libelled after his death by Lewis Pickering.  of Worcester six Years and five Months, and Archbishop of Canterbury twenty Years and five Months.  
135. Now though he lived and died, no doubt, a chosen and beloved Servant of God, and one, who as a learned Man truly saith, had devoutly consecrated both his whole life to God, and his painful labours to the Church; yet there wanted not some, who after his death fought by an infamous Libel to slain the glory of his ever honourable Name. But their Malice was soon discovered, and the Author, at least the Publisher, punished by an honourable Sentence, given in the High Court of Star-chamber.  
136. And if what was then spoken by their Lordships, and the rest of that great and judicious Court, concerning this Archbishop's Piety, Wisdom, Learning, and Government, were published in Print; he that would have adventured to write any thing more of him, might justly have been condemned of indiscretion. Therefore, as a burden that I am not able to undergo, I forbear to enter into any particular relation of their Speeches and Sentence.  
137. His Funeral was very honourably 
Was honourably interred at Croyden, March 27. 1604.  (as befitted his Place) solemnised at Croyden the 27th of March following, 1604. where the Earl of Worcester, and the Lord Zouch, did him the honour in attending the Hearse, and carrying his Banners: Doctor Babbington, Bishop of Worcester, made his Funeral Sermon; 
His Funeral Sermon by Bishop Babington.  who like wise was his Pupil in Cambridge, and performed that Duty (among many other due observances of him in his life-time) with very great commendation, choosing for his Text a portion of Scripture most fitting the worthiness of his Person. But Jehoida waxed old, and 
The Text. 2 Chron. 24. 15, 16.  was full of days and died. An hundred and thirty years old was he when he died. And they buried him in the city of David, with the Kings, because he had done good in Israel, and toward God and his house.  
138. Having now committed the Body of this most Reverend Personage (which was sometimes the Mansion of a most excellent Soul) unto his Grave (where it rests in assured expectation of a glorious Resurrection) I will for conclusion, speak somewhat of the outward shape and proportion thereof. He was 
Description of his Person.  of a middle Stature, of a grave Countenance, and brown Complexion, black Hair and Eyes, he wore his Beard neither long nor thick. For his small timber, he was of a good quick strength, strait and well shaped in all his Limbs, to the habit of his Body; which began somewhat to burnish towards his latter years.  
139. And thus, gentle Reader, that I may not extend this Discourse beyond the period of his Life, who was the Subject thereof, I withdraw my Pen from Paper, entreating either thy friendly acceptance of this my Labour, or thy farther pains in writing and publishing some more complete and learned Observations of thine own, touching this renowned Archbishop's Actions, and Fame; which could not without great shame unto myself, and others his Followers, be buried in Darkness with his Body.  
FINIS.   

THE TABLE TO THE Life of Archbishop WHITGIFT.  

THE Archbishop's Descent, Page 2  
He was born, Anno 1530. at Grimsby in Lincolnshire, Ib.  
First instructed by his Uncle, Robert Whitgift, Abbot of Wellow in Lincolnshire, 3  
Sent up to London, Ib.  
Narrowly escaped the Plague, Ib.  
Sent back to Grimsby for refusing to go to Mass, Ib.  
Sent to Cambridge; first of Queen's College, then of Pembroke-Hall, 4  
Chosen Fellow of Peterhouse, May 1555. Ib.  
Had a grievous Sickness, Ib.  
Dr. Pearne's special Care of him, 5  
Recovering his Health, determined to Travel, Ib.  
Dissuaded by Dr. Pearne, Ib.  
Commenced Bachelor of Arts, 1553. Master of Arts, 1556. Bachelor of Divinity, 1562. Doctor of Divinity, 1569. Ib.  
His Act-Sermon at St. Mary's, 1560. on Rom. 1. 16. Ib.  
Made Master of Pembroke-Hall, Chaplain to the Bishop of Ely, Prebendary of Ely, Parson of Teversam, 7  
Divinity Reader, Ib.  
Queen's Professor. Ib.  
Read upon the Apocalypse and the Hebrews. Ib.  
Sent for to preach before the Queen. 8  
Was made Master of Trinity College, July 4. 1567. and the Queen's Chaplain, Ib.  
Found Divisions in the College, 9  
Wisely appeased them, Ib.  
Cartwright's first discontent, Ib.  
His Self-conceit, 10  
Cartwright went to Geneva; affected the Discipline of that Church, 11  
His opposition to the Established Church-Government in England, Ib.  
Preacheth against the Surpless, 12  
Whitgift preacheth against Cartwright's Opinions, 13  
Cartwright and his Followers oppose Whitgift, Ib.  
Whitgift's Gentleness, 14  
The State of the University disturbed by Cartwright, 15  
Whitgift adviseth him to be quiet, Ib.  
Calls him in question. Ib.  
Expels him the House, and deprives him of the Lady Margaret's Lecture, 16  
Offers him a Conference; which Cartwright refuseth, Ib.  
This recorded in the Register of the University. Ib.  
The Disciplinarians publish An Admonition to the Parliament, 19  
Whitgift answers it, 1572. Ib.  
Cartwright replies, 20  
Whitgift defends his Answer, Ib.  
Cartwright's Second Reply, Ib.  
Mr. Whitaker's Letters concerning Mr. Cartwright's Reply, and his censure of him, 21  
Whitgift made Dean of Lincoln, 22  
Several Noblemen, etc. his Pupils, 23  
Their respects towards him, Ib.  
He holds the Scholars strictly to their Exercises and Devotion, Ib.  
Procures amendment of the University Statutes, 24  
His Wisdom and Courage, 25  
His Moderation, Ib.  
Mr. Hooker's Character of him in his Eccles. Policy, Ib.  
Whitgift's esteem with the Queen, Ib.  
Consecrated Bishop of Worcester April 21. 1577. Ib.  
Takes leave of the University, with an Exhortation to Peace and Unity, 26  
His Farewel-Text. 2 Cor. 13. 11. Ib.  
Sets out for Worcester, June 1597. attended with the Heads of Houses, etc. Ib.  
The Queen forgives his First-fruits, and gives him the disposal of all the prebend's of that Church, Ib.  
He finds the Bishopric impaired by Grants of long Leases, 27  
Particularly the Rent-Corn of Two of the best Manors, Hollow and Grimley, Ib.  
He questions the said Lease, Ib.  
Has great Friends at Court, 28  
Satisfies the Queen, Ib.  
Recovers the said Rent-Corn, paying 300 l. out of his own Purse, Ib.  
He has great respect from the Gentlemen and People in the Country, 29  
Is a great Peacemaker among them, 30  
Makes up a Remarkable Quarrel betwixt Sir John Russell and Sir Henry Barkeley, Ib.  
Is made Vicepresident of the Marches of Wales. 31  
He had great experience in Government, yet backward to bear sway, 32  
Has a special watch over his own Family and Attendants, to avoid all colour of corruption. 33  
Is highly esteemed by the People of Wales, Ib.  
His great Integrity, Justice, and mild Government, 34  
He is made Commissioner by the Queen for reforming the Disorders in the Cathedrals of Lichfield and Hereford, Ib.  
The Queen designs him for Archbishop of Canterbury, in the room of Grindall then in disgrace, 35  
He utterly refuseth it during Grindall's Life; the Queen is contented, Ib.  
Grindall dies, 36  
Whitgift sent for to Court, Ib.  
Is translated to the Archbishopric of Canterbury, Septemb. 24. 1583. 37  
Finds the Bishopric overvalued: gets an abatement in the First-fruits for him and his Successors, 38  
Recovers Lands that had been detained, Ib.  
Amends Curates Wages, where small, Ib.  
The Queen jealous of the Ruritans, charges the Archbishop to see strict Conformity observed to the Established Church and Government, Ib.  
His care of the Queen's Command, 39  
Decemb. 1584. For satisfaction of some great Persons, he with two other Bishops received the Reasons of some Ministers for their Nonconformity, 40  
They sufficiently answer the same, Ib.  
A Conference at Lambeth, and a further debate of the Controversy, to the seeming satisfaction of those Great Personages, 41  
The Archbishop perplexed with Oppositions, is grieved, Ib.  
Writes his mind, 42  
After which he is in strict league with Sir Christopher Hatton by means of Dr. Bancroft, 48  
Lord Treasurer Burley his firm Friend, Ib.  
The Archbishop sworn of the Privy Council, Ib.  
Lord Buckhurst his faithful Friend, 49  
He has free access to the Queen, Ib.  
His Oppositions abated, Ib.  
Sir Thomas Bromely, Lord Chancellor, died, April 12. 1587. Ib.  
The Queen disposed to make the Archbishop Lord Chancellor, Ib.  
He excuses himself, and recommends Sir Christopher Hatton, Ib.  
Sir Christopher Hatton, made Lord Chancellor, April 29. 1587. 50  
The Earl of Leicester died September 4. 1588. Ib.  
Oxford desire the Archbishop for their Chancellor in the Earl's room, Ib.  
He recommends Sir Christopher Hatton, who is chosen: He is the Archbishop's constant Assistant in bridling the Puritan Faction, 51  
Martin Marprelate, and other Libels published, 1588. Ib.  
A Private Puritan Press erected at Kingston, and afterwards removed to several Places, Ib.  
The Press discovered at Manchester, 52  
The Printers apprehended, prosecuted and fined in the Star-Chamber, Ib.  
On their submission, and the Archbishop's Mediation, were released, and Fines remitted, Ib.  
Penry and Udall Authors of the Libels, Ib.  
Newman, a Cobbler, Disperser, Ib.  
John Penry condemned, 1593. 53  
Udall pardoned, Ib.  
Thomas Cartwright (with others) proceeded with in the Starchamber for their Conventicles, 1591. and for publishing their Book of New Discipline. Ib.  
Dr. Bancroft writes two Books against the Disciplinarians, and their dangerous Practices and Positions, 54  
The Archbishop and State's vigilant watch upon them, 55  
Coppinger and Arthington their preaching in a Cart in Cheapside, July 16. 1591. 56  
That Hacket represented Christ, and Themselves Prophets from God, Ib.  
Conspiracy for Pretended Reformation, wrote by Dr. Cousin, Ib.  
Barrow and Greenwood their Schismatical and Seditious Positions, 58  
The Ringleaders on being convened, make show of Conformity, but afterwards go back, 59  
Were recommitted July, 1588. and proceeded against March, 1592. Ib.  
An Act of Abjuration and Banishment made against Schismatics, Ib.  
Only four Persons prosecuted of a very great Number, 60  
Great Troubles in Germany; just cause of Fears here from like Principles and Pretences of Reformation, Ib.  
The Discipline decreed in their Assemblies to be put in Practice, 61  
The Queen's Authority Ecclesiastical to be restrained, Ib.  
Cartwright's Seditious Doctrines, 62  
Cartwright's charitable Prayer for the Bishops, in his Sermons at Banbury, 1589. Ib.  
Penry's Supplication to the Parliament; threatening them with Plagues, Ib.  
Udall's Threats against the Resisters of the Presbytery, 63  
These Stirs set on foot at the time of the Spanish Invasion, 1588. Ib.  
The Archbishop's preparation for Defence of his Prince and Country, 64  
The whole Clergy of his Province Armed, Ib.  
Cartwright the Head of the Puritan Party, Ib.  
Hacket, Coppinger, and Arthington resort to him, 65  
Penry and Udall his Consorts, Ib.  
Cartwright's words in the Articles in the Star-Chamber, Ib.  
The Disciplinarians Decree about Books to be printed, Ib.  
Barrow and Greenwood infected by Cartwright, 66  
Bishop Ravis' Conference with Barrow and Greenwood, 1592. Ib.  
Bishop Androws and Bishop Parrey, with others, their Conference with Barrow and Greenwood, 67  
Barrow's Vainglorious Answer, 68  
The danger of Innovation, Ib.  
Cartwright withdraws privately, 69  
Brown the Author of a New Sect of that Name, 70  
His Positions little differing from Barrow and Greenwood, Ib.  
The Archbishop suppresseth many Schisms, and also Controversies in the Universities, Ib.  
He procures Cartwright's Pardon of the Queen, Ib.  
Cartwright's Letters, March 24. 1601. acknowledging the Archbishop's Favour, 71  
The Archbishop tolerates Cartwright to preach publicly without Conformity. Ib.  
The Queen requires his Subscription, 72  
Cartwright dies Rich, Ib.  
The Earl of Essex favours the Puritans as far as he durst, Ib.  
Upon timely execution of the Laws, the state of the Church at quiet, 73  
Sir Christopher Hatton died Novemb. 20. 1591. Ib.  
Lord Buckhurst chosen Chancellor of Oxford on the Queen's Letters, Ib.  
Earl of Essex offended at it, is pacified by the Archbishop, Ib.  
The Queen justifies the Archbishop to Essex, 74  
She makes them firm Friends, 75  
Sir Francis Walsingham died Apr. 6. 1590. Ib.  
The Archbishop's firmness to Essex in his Troubles. Ib.  
The Archbishop fears on the Lord Chancellor's death, Ib.  
New Pamphlets dispersed by the Puritans, 76  
Attempts in Parliament on their behalf, Ib.  
The Queen comforts the Archbishop with fresh Assurances of her Countenance and Favour to the Church, Ib.  
Sir John Puckering Lord Keeper, June 4. 1592. Ib.  
Upon Hatton's death the Queen offered the Archbishop his Place: But he declined it, because of his Age and Ecclesiastical Business, 77  
Sir Thomas Egerton made Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, May 6. 1596. Ib.  
He is a constant Friend to the Church before and after his Advancement, Ib.  
The Archbishop cherished and strengthened by union of many Friends, 78  
The Queen throws the whole care of the Church upon him, Ib.  
He disposeth of Bishoprics and all other Ecclesiastical Promotions, Ib.  
His great Humility and Lenity, Ib.  
The Earl of Salisbury's Observation on him. 80  
Many favoured and eased by the Archbishop's intercession, Ib.  
The wisdom of the Queen in her moderate Government, 81  
The Archbishop follows her Example, Ib.  
The Arcbishop a great lover and encourager of Learned and Virtuous Clergy, 83  
Was bountiful to Foreigners of Learning and Quality, Ib.  
Theod. Beza his Letters to the Archbishop, March 8. 1591. Ib.  
Approving the Policy of the English Church, Ib.  
Beza his high commendation of the Church of England, 84  
His great respect to the Archbishop, Ib.  
The Archbishop's kindness and charity to Foreign Divines of the Reformation, 85  
His backwardness to censure other men's Gifts and Performances, 86  
The Archbishop a constant Preacher when public Affairs would admit, 87  
Had an excellent Talent in Preaching, Ib.  
Learned, eloquent and judicious, Ib.  
His Gesture grave and decent, without affectation, Ib.  
Of great Integrity and unspotted Life, 88  
He wrote the Notes of his Sermons, Ib.  
Disapproved trusting only to Memory, Ib.  
When at Worcester, he treated the Recusants mildly, and won many of them over, 89  
When he came to be Archbishop, he dealt with the Learnedest of them by Authority Ecclesiastical, Ib.  
He kept a strait hand over the Seminary Priests and subtle Papists, 90  
He is unjustly traduced by the Sectaries, 91  
He hated Ingratitude, Ib.  
Is firm in his Friendships, Ib.  
Censured for his affection to the Earl of Essex, 92  
The Queen displeased at his intercession for the Earl, which much grieved him, Ib.  
Earl of Essex apprehended, Feb. 8. 1600. Ib.  
The Archbishop arms his Servants for the Queen's defence, 93  
Well taken at Court, Ib.  
Earl of Essex brought to Lambeth-house, then sent to the Tower, Ib.  
The Archbishop in the Qucens good opinion and favour to her dying-day, 94  
Queen Elizabeth died March 24. 1602. Ib.  
The Archbishop, Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Watson, Dr. Parry, attend the Queen in her Sickness, Ib.  
The Faction take heart on the Queen's death, 95  
King James proclaimed King of England, March 24. 1602. 96  
The People are pleased at the Archbishop's presence in proclaiming the King, Ib.  
Archbishop a lover and incourager of Liberal Arts, Ib.  
His Liberality great, 97  
He kept many poor Scholars in his House, Ib.  
And maintained divers in the Universities, Ib.  
Is an incourager of Military Exercises Ib.  
His House a little Academy, 98  
His Chaplains promoted, Ib.  
The Archbishop's care and wisdom in determining Causes, 99  
His Resolution in Judgement, 100  
An Instance, 101  
He upholds the Dignity of the High Commission-Court, Ib.  
His dispatch of Causes to great satisfaction, 102  
His great Hospitality, 103  
His State, Ib.  
His entertainment of the Queen, Ib.  
He was always honourably received by the Gentlemen of the Country, 104  
His first journey into Kent, July 1589. with pomp and solemnity, 105  
A Romish Intelligencer accidentally lands, he admires the Appearance, and owns a mistaken prejudice concerning the meanness of our Church, Ib.  
The Intelligencer had private speech with Secretary Walsingham, 106  
The Archbishop's good nature, 108  
His good Works in Lincoln, Worcester, Wales, Kent, Surry, 110  
Boys Sisi, the French Ambassador, his opinion and speech of Archbishop Whitgift, 111  
His love to Croyden for retirement, 112  
Cheerful and affable in his Family, Ib.  
Liberal to his Servants, Ib.  
Bountiful to the industrious Poor, and to the Disabled and Necessitous, 113  
After the manner of Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln his usage of his Kinsman, Ib.  
Dr. Nevil, Dean of Canterbury, sent by the Archbishop and Clergy into Scotland to King James, 115  
The King's Answer that he would uphold the Church, comforts the Archbishop, Ib.  
Queen Elizabeth's Funeral, Apr. 28. 1603. very sumptuously performed, Ib.  
The Archbishop the chief Mourner, 116  
King James gives him personal assurance of preserving the settled State of the Church, Ib.  
King Jame's Coronation, July 25. 1603. by the hands of the Archbishop, Ib.  
Queen Ann also crowned at the same time, Ib.  
The Conference at Hampton-Court, Jan. 14. 1603. betwixt the Bishops and the Puritans in the King's presence, 117  
The King satisfied with the Bishops Reasonings, Ib.  
And orders the reprinting the Liturgy, Ib.  
A Parliament comes on, 118  
The Bishops have a meeting at Fulham, Ib.  
The Archbishop 73 years old, is seized with a Cold on the Water, Ib.  
Goes to Court, has speech with the King about Affairs of the Church, 119  
Is taken with a dead Palsy, Ib.  
Conveyed to Lambeth, Ib.  
The King visits him, Ib.  
He earnestly recommends the Church to his Royal Care, 120  
He departs this Life, Feb. ult. 1603. 121  
He was Bishop of Worcester 6 years and 5 months. And Archbishop of Canterbury 20 years and 5 months, 122  
He was libelled after his death by Lewis Pickering, Ib.  
Was honourably interred at Croyden, March 27. 1604. 123  
His Funeral Sermon by Bishop Babington. Ib.  
The Text 2 Cor. 24. 15, 16. Ib.  
Description of his Person, 124   
FINIS.   

CONSPIRACY FOR Pretended Reformation: VIZ.  
Presbyterial Discipline.  
A TREATISE Discovering the late Designments and Courses held for Advancement thereof, by William Hacket, Yeoman, Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington, Gent. out of Others Depositions and Their own Letters, Writings and Confessions upon Examination.  
Together with some part of the Life and Conditions, and the two Indictments, Arraignment, and Execution of the said Hacket.  
Also an Answer to the Calumniations of such as affirm they were Madmen: And a Resemblance of this Action unto the like, happened heretofore in Germany.  
Written by Richard Cousin, LL. D. Dean of the Arches, and Official Principal to Archbishop Whitgift.  
Finished Ultimo Septembris. 1591. And Published by Authority. 1592.  
LONDON: Reprinted for Ri. Chiswell, MDCXCIX.   

Prov. cap. 30. v. 12. There is a generation that are pure in their own conceit, and yet are not washed from their filthiness.  
2 Tim. cap. 3. v. 5. Having a show of godliness, but have denied the power thereof; turn away therefore from such.   

TO THE READER.  
DIVERS have hitherto diversely reported of this Action, and of the Actors in it, according to their own several Intelligences attained thereof, and to the Humours they are led by. And albeit the Matter (falling out not many Months since) might seem to be in fresh remembrance of many; yet sundry there are which hitherto know not the very particular dangerous Attempts and Outrages, into which these men burst out, and the most part (I think) have not heard what was the original cause of such their discontentment, or the main drift and purpose of all their Designments, nor of any the ways and means by them used, for furthering and achieving the principal scope they shot at, nor of any their Counsels and carriage of the Action, nor yet who were their Complices that were made acquainted with the matter, in some general or more special terms.  
By want of knowledge of which things, sundry perverse and sinister Conceits and Misdeeming have arisen, and are blown abroad amongst the People, which seem meet to be abated, and reform in them.  
For the Papist, our common Enemy, in some late Writings from beyond the Seas, hath (as I am informed) wrested these men's deal to another end. And sundry at home, who would seem more moderate than many other of their own Judgement; yet in favour of the Persons or (which I judge rather) upon liking of their Opinion in matter of Church-Government, have allowed their meanings to have been good, though they mislike (somewhat they say) of the manner. Others seek to disguise the very Purposes of these men, as if that which (in truth) was most, had been least of all intended by them. There are some also, purposing to extenuate the Fault, and to prevent that so just a blot may not fall upon the meanest Favourer of pretended Reformation, who will needs make them to have been stark mad, and such as knew not what they said or did. And there want not certain also, who under pretence of pity and commiseration towards them, are said not to spare to mutter abroad, that Matters are made worse, and of greater consequence and peril than they be in deed: And that these Men, with some others, were prosecuted with greater vehemency and sharpness, than the Cause itself, or quality of their several Offences might justly minister occasion.  
All which untrue Surmises and Imputations, what do they else but apparently and directly tend unto the injury, depravation and slander of the honourable Justice of this Realm and State? For assertion and clearing whereof from such Calumniations, and to make manifest also the very truth of these matters unto all that are desirous to be informed aright in them: It is thought meet that this Treatise (for good Considerations hitherto stayed since it was finished) should now at length be published.  
Whereby I make no doubt, but it will appear to any that shall be pleased to peruse it with a single eye, how important these Causes are to be throughly looked into, for the weight and danger of them; how honourable the Proceed in them have been for manner; and how exceeding mild and merciful a course hath been holden by the State, not only with some of the chief Dealers, but also with sundry others notable Concurrents in the Action, who though they be sufficiently well known, yet hitherto have not been so much as called into question; how far soever (perhaps) they may seem unto some (not unwise) to have waded therein, or to have entertained intelligence of it, both dangerously and undutifully. So far is her Excellent Majesty, and the whole State, from aggravating men's Offences, yea, and from taking advantage, even when most just occasion (sometimes) is offered.  
I pray God this notable rare Clemency may be hereafter answered (by those who both in this and other matters stand not a little in need of it, how little soever they acknowledge it) with that measure of dutiful remembrance and thankfulness, which it worthily deserveth at their hands.  
Amen.  
R. C.   

THE PREFACE  
WHEN in the time of professing the truth of Religion, such as pretend greatest sincerity and zeal, do fall into fanatical Fancies and dangerous Attempts; Then some do thereupon stagger in the Doctrine, and are scandalised: Some be quite driven back; And others are carried even with open mouth to slander and to reproach the very profession of the Gospel. The two first of which are of the weaker, but the last are of the wickeder sort. For these are straightway ready to make comparisons betwixt the Times, and to declaim largely concerning the sweet and golden quiet, with agreement in Judgement, which they (erroneously) conceive to have continually accompanied the Times of Superstition and Blindness.  
But though this were universally true, which is far otherwise; yet both the one sort and the other, are dangerously deceived and transported into misdeeming by want of due consideration, what is the very wellspring and occasion of such Accidents under the profession of the Gospel.  
For when Satan, the deceiving Enemy of Mankind, had in the Times of Popery, by insensible, and as it were obscure degrees (under a colour of Religion and Devotion) envenomed once the very Fountains of Doctrine with many pestilent Errors, much Superstition, and gross Idolatry, and had almost quite damned up the light of the glorious Gospel; Then was it no marvel, though he here rested his Labours, as being (in some sort) arrived unto the main end of all his drifts and purposes. Insomuch, as this once achieved, the rest were sufficiently able to go forward of themselves. For upon corruption of Faith and Doctrine, must needs ensue either open corruption of Life and Conversation, or at least Corruption, masked under a vail of Hypocrisy: Because he that walketh in darkness, knoweth not whither he goeth, and a corrupt Tree cannot bring forth good fruit. Therefore after the victory gotten, that he might more deeply deceive, and surely retain, whom he had caught, he thought it requisite (at some seasons) upon these Corruptions, to wove a vail of pretended unity, and as it were to candy and sweeten them over with the lovely show of peace and agreement: Which nevertheless being without verity, is nothing else but a lewd Conspiracy, and is rather a deadly sleep, wherewith men be overwhelmed, than an unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. For where all is subdued, what needs any further resistance? And where a strong man keeps the House, all that he possesseth are in quiet, till a stronger than he do come to dispossess him.  
But when as God taking compassion of his Church in the eyes of his mercy, had in these latter times made the daystar to shine again in our hearts, no sooner did the beams of his Gospel begin to glimpse and break forth, but the old crafty Serpent (knowing his Kingdom to be invaded afresh, and his time but short) began in great wrath to rouse up himself again, and to hammer over anew all his long-approved wicked Experiments, and to plant new Engines for the discredit and hindrance of the passage and propagation of the Gospel.  
This he plotteth (besides many other means) by seducing some that profess it, into sedition and error: And so in their Persons he bringeth the Profession itself into obloquy and hatred with such as afore did think hardly of it, or were not persuaded it was the truth. For by reason of his Angelical Substance, corrupted with Diabolical Malice, and by long Experience, even of 5553 years' continuance, he is now become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mille-artifex, his perfect Craftsmaster in infinite Devices and Subtleties. So that he doth at sundry times very manifoldly and variably suggest and plot, not only several and divers, but sometimes even contrary Opinions and Actions, one to another; howbeit all to one and the selfsame general end, of seducing Mankind. Therefore (amongst his infinite Deceits for hindrance of the Gospel, and of Man's Salvation by it) some whom he cannot pervert in Doctrine, he seeketh to attaint in Life: Others whom he cannot so easily seduce in their Conversation, he oftentimes soweth his cockle and darnel of Superstition, Schism, and Heresy in their hearts, and so perverteth them in judgement, and matter of Religion. Some, whom he cannot entangle by one sin, he tempteth to overthrow by a sin contrary unto it. Others whom he cannot snare by gross and actual Sins, he gets ground of, by making them have overgreat estimation of their own supposed Virtues and Purity: So that they grow hereby both to a conceit and self-love of themselves, and also to contemn and condemn others with the Pharisee, saying: Oh God, I thank thee, that I am not as other men are: Or as the Prophet speaketh touching such proud Hypocrites, Depart from me, for I am holier than thou. Others he draweth into error by mistaking of the true quality or cause of things, as when, not being able to corrupt the general Doctrine of the Church, he persuadeth Preachers most to insist upon matters of mere circumstance, as if they were of especial necessity, and procureth the outward Government and Discipline to be obtruded and beat upon, for a principal Point of Doctrine. So that matters of the substance of Doctrine and Faith in deed, do either wholly slip by untaught, or else are so slightly and ignorantly slubbered over by such Preachers, that the common Adversary the Papist, is thereby rather hardened, than convinced in his Opinions. Which practice may hereby appear to be the very subtlety of Satan, for that such do use far more earnestness and diligence to plant and bring in that their Discipline, than they do for retaining of purity and soundness of Doctrine, and are less incensed and uchement against Papists, than they are against such as impugn that Fancy.  
Out of this Head springs also that Error of some, who do attribute all disorder and personal faults of men about execution of Laws, unto the Laws themselves, and unto the very Policy of the Church: Thereupon gathering with themselves, that the Plot of Discipline (if it might come in place) will surely serve as a Mithridate, and a sovereign Salve, to heal (with short applying) all Diseases and Sores both of Church and Commonwealth. Certain be so bewitched (in like sort) by a kind of admiration of that, which is (in itself) most necessary, as that in the mean time they overslip matters of no less importance in the Life of a Christian, because they think it sufficient to be occupied only about the other.  
Hereupon it cometh, that sundry do attribute so much to the hearing of the Word preached, that neither public nor private reading of Scripture, Works of Charity, Praying, nor practice of that which is preached, is any whit almost regarded of them. Whereby they are always learning, but never come unto the knowledge of the truth, as if the very work wrought of hearing alone could make them good and perfect Christians. So that where in old time there were certain Heretics called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who did nothing but pray: So (not without cause) have some feared, lest such Persons would bring in an Heresy of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, putting all Religion in bare hearing of Sermons. Divers also there are, who are so whetted against the abuse of things, that the Seducer hereby taketh opportunity to draw them to omit even the good and commendable use of them. Such are those, that because they will not seem to confirm God's truth by human Testimony, do therefore despise all light and help of good Arts, and learned Interpreters, and instead of them, do in their Sermons nothing else, but blaze out their own frivolous and unsound Collections, trifling out the time (without order and method) by an heap of earnest and resonant, but undigested words, vain Repetitions, Tautologies and Battologies, without any substance of matter, to the great abuse of their Auditory, and of that excellent Work. Many also are so afraid to fall into superstitious observation of days, commanded for abstinence and avoiding of most nutritive Diet, that at such times they do usually most pamper their vile Flesh, even with a purposed and settled contempt of good Laws, in that behalf provided. Neither will this kind of Persons (for the most part) use any private fasting, for subduing the Body, but must have a whole side of a Country, or a whole family at least, know when they fast, and will not stick to ride out a dozen or twenty Miles from home to fast with others for company (though without public Authority) there to make ostentation of great humbling themselves, by abstaining perhaps from one Meal, how plentifully and delicately soever they do fare at Suppers, or at their next Meal. Likewise, to avoid opinion of superstitious worship of the outward Elements at Communion, sundry do refuse to kneel at the perception of it: And of the contrary side do fall to a profane and swinish (at least outward) irreverence of that high and excellent Mystery. Others there are, who in avoiding Superstition, are themselves become little less than superstitious. For albeit the Holy Ghost condemneth want of 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rom. 1.  natural affection as a sin; yet such Persons, when their Husbands, Parents, or Friends do die, are so far from moderate sorrow or mourning for them (lest haply they should seem to do it superstitiously and excessively, as those do, who have no hope) that on the contrary, they do, (even with a kind of superstitious singularity) avoid all show of sorrow, as if it were a matter unlawful for any Christians, of their degree of perfection. And therefore they take unto themselves at such times, Music, Rosemary Branches, and other tokens of joy and great solace. Howbeit, the Holy Ghost greatly commendeth the devotion of them, who buried the Martyr St. Stephen, and 
Acts 8. 2.  made great lamentation for him. Of whose resurrection nevertheless unto Eternal Life, those Mourners had as good assurance, as any man now can have touching such, whom these do so pleasantly and jocundly tumble into the Pit. Many also he deceiveth and drowneth in sin and impiety by some similitude and resemblance that it hath unto virtue and godliness, as, by making that which in deed is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Will-worship, to seem to be nothing else, but an earnest care to serve God: Superstition, to be taken for obedient Devotion: Hypocrisy, for true sincerity: A show of humbling a man's self by a meal or two's abstinence, and hanging down the head like a bulrush, for true fasting, and subduing of the flesh: Calumniation, slander, and disdain of others, for an hatred of sin: Rancour and male-contentment, for zeal of God's glory: Schism and Division, for an avoiding of the works of darkness, and of pollution by them: Seditious Innovation, for lawful Reformation: Presumptuous expostulation in prayer with God, for fervency of the Spirit: Bitter invectives against others in praying, for desire of amendment in them, and to advance God's glory: Overweening Conceits, for extraordinary Callings and Gifts: Hot and bloody pangs of Malice and Cruelty, for motions of God's Spirit, and revelation from him, with such like a great many, more than a good number. All these, and such like, are usual practices and sleights of Satan, whereby even in the time of the Gospel, he cunningly inveigleth and slily entrappeth many, to the danger of themselves, to the scandal and down-fall of others, and to the obloquy of true Religion. It is necessary (saith Christ) that offences come; yet woe be to them, by whom they come. And there must needs be heresies, (saith St. Paul) that such as be approved, may be made manifest. But of all the other, the last sort of them (being suggested by Satan, under the vizard of Virtue, Godliness, and Religion) are most pernicious and devilish: And the poison of them spreadeth and rankleth furthest, to the disturbance and peril both of Church and Commonwealth, because hereby the Devil transformeth himself into an Angel of light. For as the most noble Creature engendered, is most loathsome and base in his corruption: So is the untrue pretence and colour of Piety and Religion (things of themselves of chiefest price and excellency) the most dangerous snare, and deadly dart, that Satan can shoot forth. The profane Politic of our Age could 
Macchiavel.  observe, That show of Piety and Religion was the readiest and surest way to blind and seduce a multitude. If then this Imp of his could mark it, shall we doubt, but that Satan himself, the Forger of all Subtleties, can see it, and accordingly also put it in practice? Yea, he hath put in ure this most dangerous Device, not only in this Action (whereof we entreat) done in our late sight and knowledge, by his seduced Instruments, William Hacket, Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington; but at sundry other times also, by other his like Factors, since the last renewing of the Gospel, begun in Germany, in our Father's days. One or two of the most memorable of which Examples recorded in History, it shall not (I trust) be amiss to compare with these late Attempts and Actions; both that the one and the other may be better known, and avoided hereafter, and that the efficacy of this strong Illusion may more fruitfully be weighed and considered.  
In Military Instructions it is prescribed, not to 
Polyaenus in Stratag.  use a Stratagem twice together in one Age, for fear of over-fresh remembrance, and thereby of prevention. Therefore Satan an old Leader, might not in his great Policy, so soon after, have again assayed this Practice so like (in most points) to the former in Germany, had he not perfectly known (by experience) the efficacy and rare working thereof, and therefore did repose in it, an especial confidence for raising of Tumult, shedding of Blood, and overthrow of States.  
But before I enter into that Comparison, it is requisite first to make narration of this late Conspiracy, with the Circumstances thereof, as it was plotted and carried forward by them, so near, as I could inform myself therein, either by Depositions of others, or from their own Letters, Writings, and original Confessions upon examination.   

CONSPIRACY FOR Pretended Reformation.  
ONE of the three principal Persons in this Action (whereof we entreat) was Edmund 
Edm Coppinger, Gent. a younger Brother of small Estate.  Coppinger, a Gentleman descended of a good House and Lineage, and one of her Majesties sworn Servants, but a younger Brother, having no great Livelihood. His chief abode (as I have learned) for some years past, hath been in and about the City of London.  
Another of them is Henry Arthington, a 
Henry Arthington a Yorkshire Gentleman of mean Estate, and in debt.  Gentleman likewise, whose place of Birth and Dwelling is said to be in Yorkshire: Howbeit for the greatest part of certain years past, he hath remained and sojourned in or about London. It is constantly (how credibly I know not) reported by some, who pretend to know it, that this Arthington (at the times of his long abodes at London) did most converse with another Gentleman of Yorkshire, by whose means he presently stands more deeply engaged, than his mean Estate might well bear, and whose company is feared to have wrought in him small dutiful opinion of the godly Reformation planted and established by the means of her Majesty. It is discovered by the mutual 
Dispersers of Seditious Books printed in Scotland against the Established English Reformation.  Letters of Arthington, and the aforesaid other Yorkshire Gentleman, that certain Seditious and Slanderous Books against the Council, Judges, and this whole Estate, were received and dispersed by them, being printed in Scotland.  
Now by such remaining about the City of Coppinger and Arthington, they fell to be acquainted together for some Years past.  
These two made semblance, and so were 
Both zealous Professors of the Gospel, and hot for Innovation.  holden to be Professors of the Gospel, neither of the coldest or lewk-warm sort (as such do untruly term others, who be indeed godly wise, with a sober moderation) but rather of those that more justly may be said, to be scalding hot in desire of Innovation, which they falsely call Reformation. They therefore standing thus affected, most willingly 
They consort with such who spend their zeal in reproaching the Government Ecclesiastical.  sorted themselves in familiarity with such, as by their demeanour may seem to repose a great part of their Christian Profession and Zeal in the only reproacing, and odious traducing of Governors and Government Ecclesiastical.  
These two having itching Ears, most usually 
They hear and follow chief such Preachers as inveigh against and deprave the Established Ecclesiastical Polity, and are for advancing that they call the Discipline.  heaped to themselves, and made choice to hear and follow such Preachers as were thought fittest to feed their humour: Which Preachers with their sad looks, frequent sighs abroad, long and vehement conceived Prayers, bitter and plain Invectives in private, and privy depraving in public, of the Laws and Policy Ecclesiastical, joined with their usual Speeches, besides sundry infamous Libels and other Pamphlets spread already for advancing that Government (which they strangely term The Discipline) may seem so to have inflamed these two Persons, as that they thought this Discipline a worthy Subject whereupon they should spend most of their Actions and Cogitations.  
Their minds being thus prepared, it happened 
Some Preachers of the Discipline prosecuted in the Star-chamber.  that some Preachers of this Discipline were begun to be proceeded with in the most honourable Court of Star-chamber, about the same time that this Coppinger (by means of one Giles Wigginton) came acquainted 
Coppinger brought acquainted with Hacket by Wigginton a Puritanical Minister of Northamptonshire.  with William Hacket, the third Actor and chief Setter forth of this Tragedy.  
Concerning the said Wigginton (because this also tendeth to the better understanding of the whole Action) he was born or bred up in Oundel in Northamptonshire (where Hacket dwelled) and he often resorted into that Country by that occasion. He was not long since a Minister, and Vicar of Sedberghe and Dent in the North parts, but for 
Wigginton some time Vicar in the North, for his insolences and contempt against the Laws and Peace of the Church, deprived ex Officio & Beneficio. Hacket lived at Oundle, Servant to Mr. Hussey, afterwards to Sir Thomas Tresham; a quarrelsome Fellow.  his intolerable Insolences and Contempts against Laws, and the Peace of the Church, was both deprived of chat his Benefice, and deposed from his Ministry by Authority of her Majesty's Commission for Causes Ecclesiastical, a man (by report of such as know him best, and favour him not a little) whose zeal never came behind knowledge, nor bold-hardy forwardness, at any time went after discretion in him.  
This Hacket had dwelled also by a long space in Oundel, where first he served one Master Hussey an Esquire, by the space of ten Years; and after, for some time, he served Sir Thomas Tresham, Knight: He was a notable bragging and quarrelsome Fellow, yet thought in truth to be but a very recreant Dastard.  
He long together used one lewd and ungodly practice, which was to resort unto 
He frequently resorted to Sermons to mock and carp at them.  Sermons (of purpose) to gibe, mock, and carp at them: And having a good Memory (which was the only commendable part in him) he used in scoffing manner to preach over again in Alehouses the Sermons that he had heard, most insisting and sporting himself and others at such Passages thereof which pleased him least, or whereat he imagined any likely matter of deriding might be gathered.  
Whilst thus he served Master Hussey, he 
Married a Widow with Substance, but wasted it by Idleness and Lewdness.  obtained (by his Master's countenance) the marriage of one Moreton's Widow, of reasonable Substance, having also a good Farm in that Town. But he following lose and licentious Company, and an idle course of life, without labour or industry either to get or save, lewdly and riotously misspent and wasted in short space all her Goods.  
It fell so out, that at length he pretended 
Pretended from a Papist or Atheist to be converted to the Truth, got intimately acquainted with Wigginton.  from a Papist or an Atheist, to be converted to Religion and knowledge of the truth: At what time he grew to be of familiar and inward acquaintance with the said Giles Wigginton, and was an especial Follower and Disciple of his, both at public Sermons and private Conventicles. Of late times he was also consorted in Partnership of Malt-making with Wigginton: Their great acquaintance and familiarity may appear by a Letter sent from Hacket unto him, the third of March last, and by his lending unto Hacket of ten Pounds: The Superscription is, To the Worshipful Minister of God's Word, M. Giles Wigginton at Newgate. In the Letter thus he writeth: M. Wigginton, I desire to communicate my Spirit at large with you, but I know not your Keeper. And in the end thereof, thus: Good M. Wigginton make my sound heart known to Master Cartwright, Master Snape, Master Udall, Master Lord, etc.  
By his and such others (like affected men's) 
Grew a forward Professor, and great Railer against the Laws and Orders of the Church.  Instructions and Example of life and behaviour, he so profited, that in short space he proved one that professed with the forwardest, and practised with the frowardest. For falling as Fools do, from one extremity to another, Qui dum vitant vitia, in contraria currunt, he grew to a most insolent, proud, and contemptuous disdain of all Preachers and others whomsoever, that flew not his pitch, or lay not to the level of his pretended zeal. But most gladly, and with greatest felicity that might be, he used to spend his mouth largely in Invectives, Rail and Contumelies against Bishops and other Governors of the Church, and also against the Laws, Orders, and whole Government Ecclesiastical, not sticking (as was probably suspected) to procure also sundry lewd infamous Libels against them and other Preachers, etc. to be framed and set up thereabouts.  
His detestation of Ecclesiastical Orders 
Despised the Town-Minister for his Conformity.  commanded was so great, that he could not endure to frequent the Sermons which Ray the Minister of that Town did preach, because he seemed to him a little more conformable in some few matters (by Authority established) than Hacket liked of. Wherefore on Sabbath days Hacket usually did resort to a Place a Mile off called Stoke (where the Minister fitted his Humour better) in company of some of like strain to himself, and of certain light idle Gossips, whereof some of the sincerest were said to love and like him so little, as that she could ofttimes be content to take the Meat off his Trencher, which he had cut for himself, and to eat it up from him. But whensoever this devout 
Slighted the Divine Service.  Flock came so near to Stoke Church, as they might perceive the Minister to be yet at Divine Service and Prayer; then they used to stay abroad and rest themselves in the Green Churchyard there (without going into the Church) until they heard the Psalm begun before Sermon, for fear lest they should be polluted by those Prayers.  
One most memorable Prank (above others) was played in Oundel by Hacket, which is renowned far and near for the unmanly brutishness of it. It happened that M. Hussey his Master fell at debate, and was offended with one Freckingham an Artificer of the Town. This Freckingham had a Son which was a Schoolmaster, who (as in nature he was bound) did take part with his Father. Now Hacket meeting this Schoolmaster in an Alehouse or Inn, did lovingly (as seemed) signify unto him how sorry he was, that there should be any breach betwixt his Master and him the said Schoolmaster, entertaining him (that suspected no Treachery) with such good Speeches, till spying an advantage, he so grasped both Freckingham his Arms, as that he might easily hold him, and throw him to the ground. Thus having gotten him down on the ground under him, 
He treacherously bitten off a man's Nose in a Quarrel.  Hacket most savagely and currishly bit off the poor Schoolmaster's Nose with his teeth, which when he had so barbarously performed, both the said Freckingham and one Clement (a cunning Surgeon) instantly desired the Nose of him again, that whilst the Wound was fresh and green, it might be stitched on and grow again (as they conceived it would) to avoid so foul and great deformity: But the Cannibal Varlet not only utterly refused so to part with it, but held it up triumphantly, and shown it with great vauntery and glory, to all that would behold it; and after (as some have reported) did in a most spiteful and devilish outrage eat it up.  
In process of time it happened that his Master fell out with him, and put him from his Service (I think for no good Conditions) yet it is said that he was retained afterward 
Retained in the Service of Sir Charles Morrison.  in service (by what means I know not) with a very worshipful Gentleman, Sir Charles Morrison, Knight, Nephew to his first Master; and one of those against whom he lately caused his two small Prophets so vilely to exclaim, and so unworthily to charge, even openly in Cheatside.  
Besides his former Virtues and good Qualities, 
Hacket a great Swearer and Blasphemer in his Youth.  this Hacket was also a very great Swearer and Blasphemer of the Name of God in his younger years; which course, when afterward, to retain the reputation of a Professor of the Gospel (whereof he made great pretence) he was forced to leave, he turned his single Oaths (in truth) into worse and more horrible, joined with most fearful Imprecations 
Which after his pretended Conversion he turned into areadful Execrations.  against himself, whensoever he would make any Asseverations, wherein he desired to be credited, as namely these: So God judge me, I renounce God, and God confound and damn me, or do so, or so unto me, if this be not true: which was so usual, and by long custom so inveterate in him, even till the time of his apprehension, that in the midst of his counterfeit Holiness (whereby he seduced Coppinger and Arthington) he often burst forth into this kind of execration against himself, as an especial motive (amongst others) to have his words to be better believed by them. Arthington noted this course of Hacket's as a notable virtue in him, and a matter of rare zeal. His manner (saith he) of praying is as it were speaking to 
His strange Expressions in Prayer.  God face to face, denouncing his Judgements against himself, if he dissemble, lie, or seek himself in any thing, but the honour of God only. He prayed so confidently for Mistress H. that he charged God to have given her unto him, to restore her to her former health and liberty every way, saying, Lord, according to thy promise thou hast power, and I have faith, therefore it shall come to pass. This Mistress H. is a Gentlewoman of London, who pretendeth or feareth to be possessed with a Devil now fourteen years together.  
Besides these he was given to quaffing and 
Addicted to Drunkenness and lascivious Life.  drunkenness: Being not only a Maltster, but a Malt-worm, and was addicted also to lascivious life with Women, which commonly accompanieth the other vicious Excess: For credit whereof his own Story or Legend (which himself indicted as a notbale Monument of his excellent Virtues and special Holiness) may give too sufficient testimony: For therein he telleth of many temptations in this kind with Women, which (as himself confesseth) he rejected not altogether, but went further than either godliness or yet civil honesty would permit. But he pretendeth that these Baits were offered and laid by his Enemies (who sought matter against him) as Snares and Traps whereby to take his holiness tardy, that belike was so hard to be entangled. Insomuch as Arthington in the forefront of that History (which he did whilst he was yet seduced by Hacket) doth stamp this brand and censure upon it, That they were profane Speeches and matters of Women, which he would not have set down, but that he could not otherwise reveal the villainous practice which Hacket's Enemies intended for the overthrow of the Gospel of Christ, as he most childishly and ridiculously excused then the matter. For further proof and manifestation of his lascivious Disposition, it is also informed from the Place of his Abode, that on a time (under colour of giving godly Counsel) he attempted to have wickedly ravished a poor man's Daughter, whereupon he was forced to step aside out of the way for a season.  
Neither did the wickedness of this Wretch here rest itself: For he was vehemently holden in suspicion for committing also of sundry Robberies.  
But that which maketh up the heap of 
Covers his Wickedness with Profession of Religion, and zeal for Reformation.  all Wickedness, is this: That the sink of these Sins in him he always smoothly covered and parieted over (especially for sundry late years) with a very rare outward earnestness in profession of true Religion, and with a most entire (yea burning) desire of reforming (forsooth) the Church and Commonwealth, by establishing the Presbyterial Discipline, which he did imagine would prove like the Box of Pandora, for it promiseth cure for all Maladies and Disorders.  
But this his zeal and desire of Reformation, 
Which he then chief pretended to after he had wasted his Substance.  begun then most of all to enkindle itself in him, and to break forth, after that (by riotous mispending and licentious life) he had wasted the Wealth that he had with the Widow, whom he married, whose hap was very hard to match with him, albeit he made more of her than she desired, for he made the uttermost penny. For than he begun 
He pretended to a Prophetic Spirit, and to miraculous Works, in order to erecting the Discipline.  with counterfeit Holiness to set out himself (amongst such of the simpler sort as had zeal without knowledge) to be a man endued with an extraordinary and singular Spirit, such as (in old time) the Prophets and Holy Men of God were; making show withal, as if he had some peculiar Gifts and Qualities, to be able even to tell Secrets and work Miracles, which many believed; whereof some did attribute them to Sorcery and Enchantments, but the simpler sort unto his rare Spirit and Holiness.  
For he trusted by this persuasion to get such credit with the unstable Multitude, as that by their hands he might one day be able (whosoever should withstand it) to bring his Purposes about, for erecting of such pretended Discipline, to his own great estimation and advancement. In this vain and seducing Humour he is reported (I know not how truly) to have traveled in the North parts unto York: For among the simpler People (where he was not known) he hoped by the Vizard of Holiness and Religion not a little to prevail in setting forward his Designments. For which purpose he took upon him there the Office and Spirit of St. John 
Affirmed at York to have the Office and Spirit of John Baptist.  Baptist, affirming, that he was sent thither by God to prepare the way of the Lord before his second coming to judgement. But the counterfeit holiness and lewd seducing purpose of the Varlet being discovered unto some in Authority, he was welcomed not with loss of his Head (as that holy man unjustly was, whom he wickedly counterfeited) 
Being detected he was whipped out of the City.  but was well whipped and after banished that City.  
This Medicine wrought not so effectually with him, as that it could terrify him wholly from the like Attempts. For it is reported, that after this he assayed again to put on the like Person or Mask at Lincoln, where 
Had the same usage afterwards at Lincoln.  he also found the same Cheer and Entertainment for his pains, as he received afore at York.  
But this erroneous Opinion (whereby through self-love and illusion of the Devil, he thought that he was reserved of God for 
Fancied himself reserved of God for some great Work.  some great and excellent Work, being blown forward by the show of zeal, and of an earnestness for such a Reformation) could not thus easily be quenched and rooted out of him: the rather, for that by use and imitation of such as he most followed and conversed with (though wholly otherwise he were unlettered) he had grown to such a dexterity in conceiving of Extemporal Prayers, with bombasted and thundering words, as that 
Was an illiterate Fellow, but had acquired a great dexterity in Extempore Prayers.  he was thereby marvailed at, and greatly magnified by some Brethren and Sisters, as a man greatly vouchsafed with God, and adorned with rare and singular Endowments from Heaven, so that through admiration of such supposed Excellencies in him, he still continued to fancy unto himself, that he had rare Gifts and an extraordinary Calling. For he gave out to divers that he was a Prophet 
Was much admired, and affirmed himself a Prophet of God's Vengeance.  of God's Vengeance, where his Mercy is refused: Saying, That if Reformation be not established in England this present Year, three great Plagues shall fall upon it, the Sword, Pestilence and Famine. He pretended also that God had revealed unto him most wonderful things, Which he would (he said) utter to none but such as himself knew to be very resolute in God's Cause: But he told unto Arthington and Coppinger, that there should be no more Popes hereafter.  
Upon confidence of which Spirit and Gifts in himself, in Places of his resort, with an intemperate and fanatical boldness, 
With Fanatical boldness uttered seditious Speeches against the Queen, etc.  (even as if he had sufficient warrant for it) he dared oftentimes to utter most vile, lewd, and seditious Speeches both of the Queen's Majesty, and of certain the greatest Subjects whom he thought to be hinderers of his Practices. Which his Outrages being once or twice brought unto the Ears of certain in Authority in Northamptonshire, and elsewhere (not sufficiently acquainted with the strange Humours of such Anabaptistical Wizards and Fanatical Sectaries) and perhaps unwilling to let his words be drawn so far against him, as they justly might; they were therefore content to attribute them to some spice of frenzy in him, and in that 
Was corrected in Northamptonshire as Frantic.  quality to be corrected, rather than to construe them to have proceeded from any settled and advised malice, as the event hath since made most manifest they did. For in the whole course besides of other the Speeches and Actions of his Life, both before and after, no alienation of mind or madness could be noted in him.  
At one of the times that he was brought in question for his Seditious, and indeed Treasonable Speeches, it happened that he was convented before that honourable Counsellor Sir Walter Mildmay, who commanded him (for more safeguard) to be watched the night before he was to be conveyed to Northampton Gaol, at what time the counterfeit dissembling Wretch willed 
Put into Northampton Gaol.  his Wife to let him lie alone in the Chamber that was to be watched, for that he had to confer with one that would come unto him that night: Insinuating unto her, as if he were to have at that time some special Conferences with God, or some Angel. Whereupon 
Pretended to have conference with God or some Angel.  it was straightway blown abroad thereabouts amongst the credulous multitude of those, that either favoured him for supposed Zeal, or feared him for Sorceries, that (albeit there were no Candles used) yet there was a great light (that night) seen shining in his Chamber: so that by this Tale the erroneous Opinions afore conceived of him, were greatly increased.  
After he had lain in Northampton Gaol a good space, and was come unto his Trial (in the absence of Sir Walter from thence) the matter is thought to have been so handled by some (who in favour of his forwardness, would needs interpret his Felonies to be but Follies) as that (no Evidence being given against him) he was dismissed for that pull; upon Bond entered for his appearance, when he should be called for again.  
Now Hacket (a man thus qualified as ye 
Wigginton brings him acquainted with Coppinger.  hear) was of all other men thought by Wigginton most fit and worthy to be recommended, and straightly linked unto Coppinger's Familiar acquaintance; as most aptly consorting with his humorous Conceit; long ere this apprehended by him, whereof it seemeth Wigginton was not ignorant, nor misliked.  
Their acquaintance was wrought in this 
An Account thereof out of Hacket's History, Arthington's Prophecies. Both Manuscripts.  manner, as Hacket testifieth in that Discourse (which they since call Hacket's History enlarged) indicted by himself, written by Coppinger, and afterward copied out fair by Arthington, as it should have gone to the Press, being annexed to Arthington's Prophecy. For there it is said: That the Lord brought Hacket to London (about the beginning of Easter Term last) to see what would be done against Job Throgmorton, and partly to reckon with M. Wigginton about the making of malt between them together: At what time Wigginton said, That there was a Gentleman in the City, a very good man; but Hacket (as the Lord knoweth) did not think that there had been one godly man in the Land; and supposed the Twelfth Psalm belonged to this time. When Wigginton was describing the Man, and the matter that he was entering into, viz. that the Man whom he spoke of, had a message to say to his Sovereign, concerning some practice intended against her, from dealing wherein, the Preachers in London had wonderfully discouraged him: then Hacket answered thus: Did you so also? No, saith Wigginton: Then said Hacket, encourage him in any wise: for what know you what matter it is he hath to say? Hereupon Wigginton sent for the said Edmund Coppinger to come to the Counter to speak with him; who (by God's Providence) came forthwith, and Wigginton willed them to take acquaintance one of the other, assuring Coppinger that he knew Hacket to be a man truly fearing God, and such a Person, as by whose Conference God might minister some comfort to Coppinger: Whereupon they two, (viz. Coppinger and Hacket) went from thence presently unto Hacket' s Chamber, at the Sign of the Castle without Smithfield-Bars: So soon as they were entered the Chamber, Coppinger desired that before any speech should pass between them, they might first pray to God together, which they did: Hacket speaking to the Lord first. After which Prayer, Coppinger delivered unto Hacket, how he had been very strangely and extraordinarily moved by God to go to her Majesty, and to tell her plainly, that the Lord's pleasure was, that she must (with all speed) reform herself, her Family, the Commonwealth, and the Church: And that the Lord had further told him, by what means all the same should be done; but that Secret he would not then deliver unto Hacket. Then Coppinger also prayed into God, desiring him, if he would be with him, and bless that Business (which he had committed to his charge) that then he would both furnish him with Gifts fit for so weighty an Action, and knit the heart of Hacket and his so together, as David ' s and Jonathan's, Moses ' s and Aaron' s: For answer hereof, Hacket took further time till the morning, at which time in the morning (a Prayer being first made) Hacket laid all the Lord's business (which was to be done by himself) upon Coppinger' s back; telling him the Lord had appointed him to it, and would stand with him in it. Thus far in this Point goeth that Discourse.  
But long before this time of their two first Acquaintances, Coppinger (upon his return forth of Kent, in Michaelmas Term last) had signified unto Arthington, and to one T. Lancaster, a Schoolmaster in Shoe-lane, (both being of his familiar Acquaintance, and whom he had requested to fast and pray 
Coppinger pretends to a secret Mystery revealed to him relating to the Discipline, and the Queen's repentance about it.  with him, for success in obtaining a Widow) that God had showed him, the said Coppinger, great favour, by revealing such a secret Mystery unto him as was wonderful, being in substance thus much, viz. That he knew a way how to bring the Queen to repentance, and to cause all her Council and Nobles to do the like out of hand, or else detect them to be Traitors that refused: All they by such Repentance, meaning and understanding (as it seemeth) the erecting of their fanciful Discipline. For this Phrase being usual with them in Conferences of this matter, he thereby sufficiently declared his mind to them, and they well understood what was meant, without further .  
Now it had been inconvenient that Coppinger 
He imparts it to Wigginton.  should all this while conceal this Mystery (which he imparted unto them, and after to Hacket) from Wigginton, who brought them acquainted together, unto whom he so oft resorted, and so highly above all other Preachers esteemed, for his resolute deal in God's matters, as he terms them; whom he also after advouched unto Arthington, as an irrefragable Witness to be persuaded by, that would justify the truth of Hacket's Torments, and whom he also knew more often busied for attaining of that Discipline (which himself also laboured for) than perhaps for Heaven itself. And you see that he had accordingly done it, Wigginton not discouraging him therein.  
This Proposition so made by Coppinger, 
Arthington and Lancaster mislike the matter as impracticable.  Arthington saith, that he and Lancaster misliked, as a matter impossible by Coppinger to be done, but by the Lord Jesus only, and such, whereof the issue could not fall out well any way, and so put him off for the first time; not understanding in what manner, and by what special means, Coppinger conceived that such repentance should be wrought in the Queen's Majesty, and in others.  
The manner and other circumstances of the first revealing of this pretended Mystery, Coppinger himself at large declareth in a Letter written the 4th of February last, unto T. C. in Prison: The occasion of writing it, 
The manner and circumstances of revealing the Mystery, Coppinger declares in a Letter to Cartwright, then in Prison, desiring an Answer to some Questions.  he there saith, was the said T. C's offer to take knowledge (by writing) from him of such matter, as might induce him to suppose himself to have received some hope of special favour from God, to some special use: But yet, without warrant from the Word, direction of the Holy Spirit, and approbation of the Church, he was (he said) most unwilling to enter into so great an Action. The Letter is long, but to this effect: That upon some extraordinary humiliation of him, he, with some other, and a Guide of their Exercise, joined in a Fast: Their Guide (in the Evening) spoke of the use of Fasts, etc. and then willed the others to add to that, which he had delivered, either for the general, or particular Causes, which moved them to humble themselves: That a great part of the said Night Coppinger found himself very extraordinarily exercised, etc. by such a motive, as he could not well describe; partly comforted with a wonderful Zeal, which he found himself to have, to set forth God's glory any ways, which lawfully he might enter into; partly cast down by such a burning fire of Concupiscence, as in his greatest strength of body, he had not found the like: That the next day he riding into the Country (as he rid) fancied to himself, that there was leave given him to speak to God in a more familiar manner, than at any time before: And also persuaded himself, that God's Spirit did give him many strange Directions, wherein the Lord would use him to do service to his most glorious Majesty, and to his Church. Upon which, he had thought to have returned presently back, and to have left his intended Journey: But going on, and after being returned back, he imparted to his former Fast-fellows the work of God in him, and desired they might again join in the like, (which he (with some other) went forward with, to their comfort, but without their chief Guide, for he refused to join. Hereupon (he saith) that he was 
Note.  again stirred up to such business of such importance, as in the eyes of flesh and blood, were likely to bring much danger to himself, and unlikely to bring any good success to the Church of God: Hereof he writ to some Preachers out of the Realm, and to some in the Realm: At length he writ hereof to one in the City that was silenced: Who resolved him, that God did yet work extraordinarily in some Persons to some special uses. Hereupon he obtained this Preacher's consent to join with him, and about four others, on the Dord's-Day, in a Fast: Which Day was chosen, that they might not hinder their worldly Affairs in the Week; and that they used means to have notice given to some of the Preachers in Prison of the Day of their humiliation, desiring them to commend to God in their Prayers the holy Purposes, which any fearing God, should (in time) 
Note.  attempt to take in hand, by seeking to bring glory to God, and good to the Church: That in their Prayers at the said Fast, he and others did beseech God, That if he had appointed to use any of them to do any special service to him and his, that to that end he would extraordinarily call them, that he would seal up his, or their such Calling, by some special manner, by his Holy Spirit, and give such extraordinary Graces and Gifts as are fit for so weighty an Action. The Night following (he saith) he thought (in his sleep) that he was carried into Heaven; and there being wonderfully astonished with the Majesty of God, and brightness of his glory, he made a loud, and most strange noise, whereby he awaked his Brother that lay with him, and some in the next Chamber. Since which time (saith he) I find every day more and more comfort: And suppose, that there is somewhat in me, which myself am not so fit to judge of: And therefore I desire the Church (I mean yourself, and such as you shall name unto me, because I cannot come to you without danger to yourself and me) to look narrowly into me: And if I be thought to be any way misled, I crave sharp censuring: If I be guided by God's Spirit to any good end, as hereafter shall be adjudged, I shall be ready to acquaint you and them with generalities and particularities, so far forth as you and they be desirous to look into. At this time the end of my writing is only to acquaint you with the occasions of mine entering into this great Action, and to have your further answer to some Questions, wherein I desire to be 
Note.  resolved; with your direction also, what hereafter I am to signify to yourself, concerning the matter itself. Of the Questions wherein he thus desired resolution, I do find two Copies of Coppinger's own hand: The one more large and confused, the other briefer, and in better order, but both to one purpose, which to have set down, may give good light (in mine opinion) to this Narration.  
The Questions to be resolved, viz.  
1. Whether there be (in these days) any extraordinary 
The Questions to be resolved are, 1. Whether there be not extraordinary Persons in the Church in these days, as Apostles, Evangelists, etc. 2. Whether their Call be not immediate from God, and manifested to the Church by extraordinary Gifts and Graces? 3. Whether the Church may examine the same? and in what manner? 4. Whether may the same be found in a Country where the Gospel is truly preached, but the true Discipline not established, but oppugned? 5. If no extraordinary Calls to be expected, but where there is waste in the Church; and if there be waste in the Church where Prince and Magistrate oppose the Discipline, Whether may not an extraordinary Call be expected of some to deal with the Magistrate in the Name of God to Execute the True Discipline? 6. Where the true Discipline is wanting, whether a Pastor thrust on the People without their choice have a lawful Call?  Workers and Helpers to his Church, either Apostles, Evangelists, or Prophets, where need requires, more or less? or Nazarites, Healers, Admonishers, in any special sort?  
2. If there be, is not their Calling immediate from God, and his Spirit, a Seal unto their Spirits, through which they have such excellent gifts and graces of Wisdom, Knowledge, Courage, Magnanimity, Zeal, Patience, Humility, etc. as do manifest such their Calling to the Church?  
3. If such Graces and Gifts shall appear, whether may the Church enter into consideration of the success which God may please to give, yea or no? If they may, in what manner are they to proceed with such a Person, extraordinarily called?  
4. If it shall be confessed, that there may be until the end of the world immediate Callings from God: Whether may the same be found in a Country where the Gospel is truly preached, and the Sacraments (in some sort) truly administered, though not universally, but here and there, not perfectly, but in part: And where the true Discipline is not established, but oppugned by the public Magistrates, etc.  
5. If it shall be answered, that no extraordinary Callings are to be looked for, but where there is a waste of the Church, whether can it be truly said, that there is a waste of the Church, where the Prince and chief Magistrates are ignorant of the necessity of the Discipline, opposing themselves against it, persecuting such as seek it: By means whereof, all wicked Persons whatsoever be admitted to public exercise of the Word, and to the Lord's Table: Whether (I say) may it be hoped for, that God for his glory's sake, and the good of the Church) may extraordinarily call some, by giving him a Spirit above others, to deal with the Magistrate in the name of God: To provide that the People may every where be taught, and true Discipline executed, where the People already have knowledge?  
6. Whether, where there be wanting Pastors, Doctors, Elders, Deacons, and Widows, etc. in the Church established, and only a Minister thrust upon the People to be their Pastor, without their choice or liking: Whether it can be truly said, a man so placed (though furnished with all inward Gifts and Graces of God's Spirit fit for that Calling) hath the lawful and perfect Calling of a Minister, or no?  
To these I find Wigginton's Resolution 
Wigginton's Resolutions of Coppinger's Questions in the affirmastive.  made under his own hand, to this effect briefly, viz. That God hath, doth, and will, from time to time raise up extraordinary Workers, and Helpers, to his Church, a Apostles, Evangelists, and Prophets, where need requireth, and as Nazarites, Healers, Admonishers in special sort, and such like; that these cannot be known to themselves, but by God's Spirit; nor to others, but by godly effects: That he who is so called, need not to ask many Questions of mortal men for his Calling, yet must be approved godly before he enterprise his Work, especially if he have been a known wicked Person before.  
That where the chief Rulers of any House or Country, or the most part of any House or Country be ignorant, and untaught, there it may be truly said, that House or Country is out of frame, desolate, or waste: much more then, when one part of Thirty or Forty is not well framed, rightly taught, or guided, etc. in that House or Country.  
And in another Paper of his own Hand, he avoucheth such extraordinary Callings, by 
Such extraordinary Callings justified by two Examples.  example of one that cried up and down the Streets in Jerusalem, before it was besieged; and by another, which (he saith) the last Parliament came forth of Yorkshire to London, saying, he was charged from God by an Angel in a Vision, to signify great Vengeance from God upon the whole Realm, for certain great Enormities by himself (in another man's person) untruly and seditiously surmised. So that hereby it appeareth, that Wigginton is the silenced Preacher, meant by Coppinger in the former Letter, who resolved him of extraordinary Callings in those days; who consented to fast and pray with him and others, for a Seal, etc. of such Calling; and who (as he afterward affirmed to Hacket) would not discourage Coppinger in his Purposes.  
This Conceit hereupon waxing stronger 
Coppinger waxeth stronger in his Conceit.  and stronger in Coppinger, he often came to Lancaster's House (where also Arthington then lay) to confer with them; specially to know the certainty, whether there were any extraordinary Calling in this last Age, and how the same might be tried? They both told him (as is now said) that they were mere ordinary men, not able to resolve him, much less to take trial of his Gifts, and therefore willed him to keep his Secrets to himself, or else to go to others, that could better judge of them. Whereupon Coppinger 
Seeks direction from Divers Puritanical Preachers, is assisted by Penry.  sought for direction to divers Preachers, and others in London, and elsewhere, of what settled disposition may easily be conjectured: For resolution also herein (by the help of his diligent Fellow-labourer in this business, John ap Henry aliâs a Penry) he solicited the Reformed Preachers (so these Fellows term them) of some Foreign Parts.  
It may also be gathered by some Letters written by him to a Gentleman near about a great Counsellor, that he bore the said Gentleman in hand, as if he had intelligence touching some matter of great service to her Majesty, and the Commonwealth, to be imparted to the said Counsellor. For in the Copy of a Letter of his, of the 28th of January last, he thus writeth. Your signification 
Coppinger' s Letters to a Counsellor, pretending some service to the Queen.  of some service, which you heard I was desirous to do, in discharge of my duty to her Majesty, may give his Lordship cause to suspect that I honour him not so much as I do. Your revealing thereof to his Lordship, I do assure you, doth much trouble me, because I am not furnished with such matter as I wish. My meaning was therefore to have forborn his Lordship's trouble, until I had learned out that which my heart desireth to do, etc. And in another Letter of his written to the same Gentleman the 1st of February after, in this sort: If you think he looketh to have me come to his Lordship, (about any thing which you have put into his head) let me understand from you when I may attend his Lordship's pleasure, which being known, I will (according to my duty) do it, though I wish myself to be freed, until I may know that which may give his Lordship cause to think of me, as I do desire to deserve, etc.  
Now that this matter was the same whereof he desired such resolution, may be gathered by a Note of his own Hand, set upon the back of these two Copies, thus: viz. By these Letters it may appear, what care I had 
In his Letters to the Preachers pretends some service to God and his Church, meaning in both the same matter.  to carry myself in this Action. But in his Letters (about this matter) written unto Preachers, and others of his own humour, he goeth more plainly to work, and declareth another purpose, and that it is a special service by him to be done, to God and his Church, and so no Civil Matter, as he elsewhere pretendeth.  
For I find by a Letter of another Gentleman 
P. W. a Lay Gentleman, his Letter to Coppinger, encouraging him to go on in his Work.  of the Laity, dated the 25th of January last, and written unto Coppinger in answer: that Coppinger had sent for him up to receive advice of him in some matters of importance, tending to the true Service of God, wherein he was labouring: In the end whereof are these words, viz. You are in a plentiful Soil, where you may use the advice of many godly wise: Use the benefit thereof: And then (as Joshua said) be bold, and of a good courage: Fear not to be discouraged, for God, even the mighty God, will protect, and defend you.  
In his soliciting the Preachers to take trial of his Gifts and extraordinary Calling, it appeareth he used some more plainness, without much disguising of the quality of the Action, which he intended, and likewise how faintly he was discouraged from it by them. For in a Letter of his unto T. L. written the 29th of January last, he reporteth, that M. E. (a Preacher) most Christianly, 
The Preachers advise him to Caution; but do not discourage, nor reprove him.  wisely, and lovingly persuaded him to be careful and circumspect over himself: To take heed lest he were deceived by the subtlety of Satan, and so misled; whereby he might endanger himself both for his Liberty, Estate and Credit, and also be an hindrance to the great Cause, which he would seem to be most desirous to further; but 
Note.  withal, the said M. E. concluded, that he would be loath to quench the Spirit of God in him, or to hinder his Zeal.  
About this time and matter, Coppinger writ also another Letter to T. C. which thing (besides the Letter itself) appeareth also by a Letter of his, written the 24th of February last, to one M. H. The whole tenor 
Note. Coppinger' s Letter to Cartwright about some special service to God and his Church; he fancied himself called for.  of the Letter unto T. C. is (in mine Opinion) meet to be here inserted, in many respects, viz. Right Reverend Sir, I have with much grief been put back from doing some special service to God, and to his Church, which I hope time will manifest, that I am appointed for: Which if it had been done by Enemies, it should not much have troubled me: But being done by Persons as much regarded by me, as flesh and blood can regard men, it goeth near unto me. From you I received this Message, That I should attempt nothing but by advice of those whom you would procure to counsel me: This was done from you in the name of the Lord of Heaven and Earth, and therefore I obey it with great care and conscience, expecting at your hands, that Monday, being the day appointed for conference, that it may hold; that I may be justified in my course, or condemned. The danger that 
Note.  some stand in for their lives, is not unknown: And if I had not been letted, I durst have ventured my life to have procured their release ere now. God help us: I see Wisdom, Zeal, Courage, and Love are seen but in few, and those who would gladly use those Graces and Gifts which God hath given them, cannot: But God seethe what is best to be done, and he will by contrary effects bring to pass whatsoever pleaseth him. If you will answer my last Questions, there may much use be made of them. I desire them as much in regard of others, as myself, who are resolved of divers things, whereof I crave to be resolved, which I do to good purpose. And as you commanded me (in the name of God) to be wise and circumspect, and to deal by counsel, so, (as I may) I command you in the name of God, that you advise the Preachers to deal speedily and circumspectly, lest some blood of the Saints be 
Note.  shed, which must needs bring down vengeance from Heaven upon the Land. Return this Letter, I beseech you, to me, that I may show it (amongst other things) when the meeting shall be, and commend me and my Purposes to God in your holy Prayers, that they may so far be blessed, as himself is the director of them: God keep us ever his, this 14th of February. There is also this Postscript. I am so full of worldly business, as I have no time to attend this weighty Action, but do only weight upon God for the direction of his Spirit, saving my heart and soul are still mindful hereof, and to morrow (by God's grace) I will humble myself before his Majesty in fasting and prayer, and hope that God will stir up some other to join with me in spirit, though few or none in person do, only one I am assured of, the Prisoners know it: I leave it to them to join or 
Note.  not, as God moves them; but if ever men will fast and pray, I think it is now more than time to do it. The Superscription was this: To my very loving and reverend Friend, Master C.  
He dealt also (about this matter) with another Gentleman of the Laity, in one of 
J. T. a Lay Gentleman, his Letter to Coppinger, intimating caution about some singular Course or special Practice.  whose Letters written in answer to Coppinger's, the 18th of the fifth Month (meaning thereby May) I find these words of some mark. I confess (saith he) I heard some buzz abroad of a sole and singular course, that either you or some other had plotted in his head. And a little after thus: I would wish you, and all that bear good will to the holy Cause in this perilous Age of ours, to take both your eyes in your hands (as they say) and to be sure of your ground and 
Strive to put in execution.  warrant before you strive to put in execution.  
Besides these and some others, he instanted both by word and Letters (in Easter Term last) about this business, a certain Gentleman. In his first Letter to the said Gentleman, dated the 19th of May last, Coppinger promiseth to him in the name of the 
Coppinger comforteth a Gentleman censured in Star-chamber for the Cause.  Lord, a recompense in the life to come, for that in the Star-chamber he feared God more than Man, in such a glorious Action, so pleasing to God, so behoveful to his Church, which shall also remain of record here to all posterity. And a little after thus: If after your own holy private Prayer you find any desire of speech with me, let me entreat you, either to send this Letter to M. Cartwright, or rather (if you can) carry it unto him, etc. The second Letter which he writ to the said Lawyer the 21st of May (they having in the mean time conferred together) was thus word by word. Let thy Spirit (O gracious Father) direct us now and for ever, in all our ways, especially in those, whereby greatest honour may redound to thy glorious Majesty, most benefit to thy Church, and most danger to thine Enemies.  
Good Sir, and my loving Brother in the Lord, though such as are admitted to consult with God, and have by prayer and meditation much familiarity and acquaintance with his holy Majesty, need not doubt of good success in all things which he setteth them a work in, (though Satan and his Vassals cross their course, and hinder their labour by all the means they can) yet is it also necessary that while we remain in the fellowship and communion of the Saints, that we communicate one with another, that as loving Children we may all join together, to help each other, to be doers of our heavenly Father's will here on Earth, as the Angels do it in the Heavens. The conscience which I had hereof, enforced me to write unto you lately, and the like moved you to speak with me upon that Letter. And truly I did observe many things (in that little time we spent together) were said and done, which might move either of us to praise our good God, and to cheer us up, to further so holy an Action as now is in 
Note.  hand, which must needs speed well in the end, because it is the Lord's own work. And if we adventure ourselves to do him service here, he will reward elsewhere. You may be bold, for you have the warrant of the Word, the allowance of the State, and you walk in your own Calling: But I am to be fearful and circumspect, because the Dangers I enter into be infinite, my Course misliked (though unknown) because it is extraordinary; which Callings be ceased in all men's opinion of judgement, and have not (of long time) been heard of, or to be hoped for, but where the Word is not preached at all, or the Church in a great waste, which no body dare affirm our Church of England to be. Wherefore it seemeth that every step that I shall make herein, shall be upon thorns, and therefore I am to fear pricking: Yet for all this I am not without hope, neither is the same grounded but by good warrant. The end why I writ unto you, is this, to entreat you to give thanks to those holy men all on my behalf, who are now in question. I have reaped much benefit from them, by their carriage towards me, though they know it not: For I durst not (in regard of danger which might grow 
Note.  to them) visit any of them, since I found myself carried with a zeal to do somewhat in the same Cause, for which they suffer. If by some effects hereafter I may show it, that is it which I desire to do, and in the mean time do what I can to persuade the Saints, that in this Action I seek God's glory, and not mine own. I have been heretofore put back and dissuaded from attempting any thing (lest I marred all) by the wisest, the learnedest, the zealousest and holiest Preachers of this City, gene Causes and weighty Reasons moving thereunto. But yet this will not make me leave it, but still I am enforced (by little and little) to labour to make myself fit to take upon me the managing of it. Wherefore, if it please you to show the other Letter and this, and beseech them from me to lay them before the Lord, when they shall meet and join together in prayer: And if the Lord's Spirit shall assure their Spirits, that he hath been, is, and will be with me in this Action (how hard soever it seemeth to be) let me by their means be vouchsafed this favour, that I may be allowed conference with the Preachers of the City: which Suit I make not for that I would seek to have approbation from them, or any other living Creature, but from God himself: Or that I purpose to do that which heretofore I have been advised unto; namely, acquaint them with the Courses (which I purpose by God's assistance to 
Note.  take in hand) whereby great danger might grow to them, and little good to me: But that my carriage towards them, may witness unto them the humility of my mind, and lowliness of my spirit, and care and conscience not to enter into the matter, without offer to have my Gifts examined; and if they shall be supposed to be such as the Church may have use of, then let all holy means be used, which shall be advised to be fit to be done in such a dangerous time, and weighty Action. So beseeching God to govern us in all our ways, and preserve us in all our dangers, and supply us with whatsoever we stand in need of, I humbly and hearty commend you to God, this 21st day of May, 1591.  
The effect of the Speeches which Coppinger 
Coppinger encourageth the said Gentleman to persevere in defence of the Cause. He declares to him his Revelations and extraordinary Gifts and Calling touching the Reformation of the Church.  had with him at their Conference (as the said Gentleman himself reported) was to commend the Cause of the Preachers committed, to encourage him to the defence of it; adding, that it was the truth of God, and that in the end it would prevail. Then the said Coppinger began to declare unto him his Revelations, his great fasting and prayer, and how God had endued him with an extraordinary grace of Prayer, Persuasion or Prophecy: And that God had appointed him (as he was persuaded) to reveal the will of God touching the reformation of his Church, that he had an extraordinary Calling to do good to the Church, and what several conflicts he had in himself before he yielded to this extraordinary motion or calling from God. Therefore his Request was, That by 
He desires that his Gifts and Calling may be tried and allowed by the Preachers.  the said Gentleman's means, his Gifts and Calling might be tried and allowed by those godly Preachers, etc. What the Preachers and others that were conferred with, answered to Coppinger herein, and whether more dutifully to the Estate, than warily; so as they might neither (as they thought) endanger themselves, nor kill or discourage the Zeal of that their Brother, in so pretended holy a Cause, may partly by that which is afore spoken appear, and we may then believe them when they shall tell us the whole truth thereof.  
But how slender and cold discouragement 
A cold Answer from some.  he found with some Preachers of London (with whom he dealt) touching his fantastical extraordinary Calling, and dangerous Plots, may also appear by these words found in a Letter of his, viz. Good Master L. as Master Is former carriage in this Action (which standeth me much upon to deal advisedly in) did somewhat trouble me, so his Christian and loving Answer (delivered now by you from him unto me) doth much comfort me, though by reason of some particular business (which I must necessarily follow) I cannot attend till Friday in the Afternoon, or Saturday any part of the day. And after in the same Letter, thus: Satan by his Angelical wisdom (which he still retaineth) doth many times prevail with the holiest to make them fear good success in the best Causes, in regard of the lets and hindrances which himself layeth in the way. It cannot be denied but that the Cause is good, which I desire to be an Actor in: But it is said by some, that it is impossible that I should be fit to meddle therein. So that here a Christian 
A further Conference. The Course not misliked, but Success only doubted from his unfitness.  and loving Answer to his great comfort is given, further conference by speech is offered, and the Course not so much misliked, as the Success only is doubted by reason of his unfitness that was to be an Actor in it.  
But what Resolution herein was also returned from the Preachers of Foreign Parts to this Case of Conscience propounded by Coppinger, may hereby (not unprobably) be gathered. Arthington at one of his Examinations confessed, that Penry sent a Letter unto him forth of Scotland, wherein he signified, 
Penry writes to A thington from Scotland, that Reformation must be set up in England.  that Reformation (for so they speak) must shortly be erected in England: And herein he said, that he took Penry to be a Prophet. Now it is sure that Penry conveyed himself privily into England, and was lurking about London at the selfsame time when these other Prophets arose in Cheapside, attending (as seemeth) the fulfilling of this his Prophecy also by their means.  
How dutifully and advisedly those that be Subjects have dealt, which (having intelligence hereof) did conceal it, till it burst forth of itself, with apparent danger to her Majesty and the whole State, may thus be 
The concealing of this Design dangerous to the State.  gathered. For by this Conceit of Coppinger's (you hear) it is pretended and surmised, that a commendable Cause, a Cause to be defended, yea the very truth of God, (which must prevail) is by the State suppressed and kept under: That it is the will of God to have such a Reformation: That impeachment of it is offered by the Queen, Counsel and Nobles: That this is a great sin meet to be repent of by them: That they must be brought to this repentance: That the penalty against any of them that refuse to be brought, is to be detected as Traitors, an offence deserving death: That this must be done out of hand: That the will of God (in great favour for the good of his Church) was revealed to him in this behalf, being a man of much fasting, prayer, rare gifts, a 
Coppinger calls it the Cause and Truth of God, which must go or, and to oppose it is a Sin deserving death. That this was revealed to him as a Prophet, and not to be discredited.  Prophet, an extraordinary man, with an extraordinary Calling; such as was not to be judged of, or discerned by mere ordinary men, and whereinto he entered not rashly, or on a sudden, but after many conflicts with himself before his yielding to God's extraordinary motion and calling: But submitting himself nevertheless, to have his Gifts and Calling tried and allowed of, by the best reformed Preachers, and therefore not worthy to be suspected, or discredited: That the way to bring them to this repentance was a secret Mystery, such as those Preachers and others whom he conferred with (albeit 
The Preachers thought the ways of effecting of it dangerous, and refused to be made acquainted with them, but consent he should run the hazard.  they held it a work to be wished at God's hands) yet by his talk gathered the manner of bringing it in, to be so dangerous, as that they feared the success, and refused to be made acquainted with the particular ways and means which he had plotted to effect it. Thereby making choice rather that Coppinger should venture to put it in practice (if he remained resolute herein, which they found by him) of what dangerous consequence soever such a way might be, than that they, by bewraying of him to Authority, should be any means to break off and prevent his Resolution, or quench his Zeal. And thus (with opinion of safety to themselves) they merchandized the hazard of their Friend's life, or else the rearing of Sedition in the Realm, with the hope that secretly they nourished, to have the Discipline (which they dream of) erected.  
Thus Coppinger (remaining still more confirmed 
Coppinger brought acquainted with Hacket and Arthington.  and settled in this vein) by his Pewfellow Wigginton, about Easter-Term last, being (as is aforesaid) brought acquainted with Hacket (as with a most holy man) soon after would needs bring Arthington also acquainted with him, as one, whom (upon so small knowledge) he had observed to be a very rare man. For this purpose he sent for Arthington to Dinner or Supper unto Lawson's House, near to Paul's Gate, where Arthington met first with Hacket, together with another, whom he calleth a godly man: Of whose ordinary talk than had, Arthington liked very well; but had (as he saith) at that time no further conference with him. After which time, Arthington discontinued from the City, 
Arthington retires into Yorkshire.  and remained in Yorkshire until Trinity Term, leaving Hacket and Coppinger behind him, plotting of their purposes together: What Purposes they had, what Counsel they entered into, and what Conferences they entertained betwixt themselves, and with others, by the Events ensuing, will best be discovered. After this Hacket stayed 
Hacket goes also into the Country.  not long in London, but desired Coppinger at his departure, to write unto him what succels J. T. had, and withal assuring him, that whensoever he should write for him, he the said Hacket would straightway come up again. Hereupon Coppinger writ unto him first 
Coppinger sends for him to London, and provides him Chamber and Board.  at the end of Easter Term, and after again very earnestly to be at London three days before the beginning of Trinity Term last, but he could not be here so soon by three or four days. When he was come, he lodged the first night at Istington; but sent his Horse down again into the Country, as purposing to stay long in London. Then after a night or two (one of which nights he lodged at the said Lawson's House by Wiggington's direction) he was provided of a Chamber and of his Board at one Ralph Kaye's House, in Knight-rider-street, by Coppinger's means, and at his Charges, for he cost Coppinger there Eleven Shillings by the Week: But Keys waxing weary of him (in part for that he seared Hacket was a Conjurer or Witch, in that the Camomile (he saith) in his Garden where Hacket either trod or sat, did whither up the next night, and waxed black) therefore Coppinger provided at his own charges likewise another Room for him, at one Walker's House by Broken Wharf, where he remained until his apprehension.  
Whilst Hacket was at Kaye's House, he 
Hacket leaves the Queen out of his Prayers.  used before and after Meals to pray (as seemed) most devoutly and zealously, but never for the Queen's Majesty. Hacket also told Keys, That if all the Divines in England should pray for Rain, if he said the word, yet it should not rain.  
The first of the aforesaid Letters which Coppinger writ unto Hacket to move him to come up, doth contain matter of note besides, not unfit to be known. Brother Hacket 
Coppinger' s Letter to Hacket.  (saith he) the burden which God hath laid upon me (you being the Instrument to make me bold and courageous, where I was fearful and faint) is greater than I can bear without your help here, though I have it where you are. The workings of his holy spirit in me, since your departure, be mighty and great: My zeal of spirit burneth like fire, so that I cannot contain myself, and conceal his mercies towards me. And a little after in the same Letter, Master Thr. is put off till the next Term, the zealous Preachers (as it is thought) are to be in the Star-Chamber to morrow, the Lord by his holy Spirit be with them: Myself (if I can get in) am moved to be there: And I fear (if Sentence with severity be given) I shall 
Note.  be forced (in the name of the great and fearful God of Heaven) to protest against it: My desire is, that you hast up so soon as you can; your Charges shall be born by me. And somewhat after, thus: If his most holy Spirit direct you to come, come: If not, stay: But writ with speed, and convey your Letter, and enclose it in a Letter to him who brought you and me acquainted (viz. Wigginton) put not your name to it, for discovery: Direct your Letter thus, To my loving Brother in the Lord, give these my Letters: I put to no name, but the matter you know, which sufficeth. Pray that the Lord may reign, and that his Subjects may obey: That all Instruments whatsoever, that shall be used, may be furnished with such gifts and graces as every one have, or shall have need of: That it may appear, that the Action (now in hand) is his own; and therefore he will provide safety for his holy ones, and destruction for those who are vessels of wrath; who have accomplished the number of their sins, which call for vengeance from Heaven. These Letters Hacket carried to Pamplin, Schoolmaster of Oundell, to be read unto him, for that himself could neither write nor read: But I have not yet heard that he complained thereof to any in Authority.  
When Arthington also about the midst of 
Arthington returns to London, Coppinger visits him, and magnifies Hacket to him as the Holiest man that ever was, except Christ.  Trinity Term last, was returned to London, Coppinger (hearing thereof) came to his Lodging, and then (with many words) extolled and magnified Hacket unto him, for the holiest man that ever was, Christ only excepted, and one that traveled (together with him) for the good of the Queen and the Land, but after an extraordinary manner, and not both by one means. And albeit 
Arthington seems not desirous of their Secrets. Coppinger persuades him to hear Hacket's extempore Prayers, which he admires as divine, and esteems him as a most holy man.  Arthington (as now he saith) desired them to keep their Secrets to themselves, and not to trouble him with them, (who had other business to attend;) yet Coppinger importuned him so, as he could not avoid, but yield to hear Hacket pray before them (as a man of a singular Spirit, albeit utterly unlearned of the Book.) The first Prayer of his (that Arthington heard) was about four or five Weeks before their apprehension. All which Prayers conceived by Hacket (even since his apprehension) the said Arthington praised to be so divine, sweet and heavenly, that thereby he was drawn into a great admiration of him. In all the Prayers that Hacket made in his presence, Arthington observed this difference from other men's: That he usually therein desired the Lord to confound 
A horrible execration used in his Prayer.  him, if he did not seek only his honour and glory in all things: Which Arthington marking from time to time in him, and seeing him still to be so perfectly sound and very well, was thereby drawn (together with Coppinger's words and experience of him) to reckon and esteem of him, as of a most holy man.  
This Lesson of wishing themselves confounded, his said two Scholars (by imitation) did so perfectly learn of him, that to the great astonishment and horror of such 
The same used by the other two in their Affirmations.  (that afterward examined them) they used this Execration: Wishing themselves confounded and damned, if they said not the truth, in every matter whereof they made any asseveration, and wherein they desired to be credited, thinking (as Arthington confesseth) that whatsoever the Spirit (as he fancied) told him was a truth, he was bound to bind it upon his Salvation or Damnation. These being joined with the Relation of certain extreme Torments, which Hacket had signified 
Hacket pretends to suffer extreme inward torments from the Devil, as well as outward from men, for trail of the truth of the Gospel, which they conclude he is to establish in all Kingdoms, and that all Sceptres are to be yielded to him.  unto them that he suffered, not only outwardly by the instigation of certain noble and worshipful Persons (as he untruly made them believe) but more grievously a great deal (he said) by suffering whatsoever either Devils in Hell, Sorcerers or Witches in Earth, could practise against him (all which he pretended to have endured for trial and proof, that the Gospel was the true Religion against Popery, and all other Sects) did so deeply astonish, or rather infatuate them; that (after great fasting and prayer used, which fasting they usually performed on the Sabbath days) they all did resolutely conclude, That if Hacket endured in truth all these torments and practices against him, for so holy an end, no doubt he was a man, which should not only establish the Gospel in all Kingdoms, but all Kings and Princes should also yield their Sceptres unto him, and he should be established chief King over all Europe. Reasoning thus with themselves, that surely the Lord had some great good to be done by him that had endured so much for his sake.  
Now, this was the Opinion, which to 
This was the main drift of Hacket's cunning, and it succeeded.  have firmly planted in them two (as indeed it was first in Coppinger, and afterward in Arthington) was the main scope and drift (as may seem) of all Hacket's cunning counterfeiting of so much Holiness, Piety, Zeal and Religion.  
To work this, he handled his Actions so 
Coppinger avouched that God would deny Hacket nothing.  warily with them, that Coppinger seriously once avouched unto Arthington, how himself had by good experience found, that God would deny unto Hacket nothing which he prayed for or desired, and namely protested, that Hacket begged of God in a Drought (that was not long afore their apprehension) a Shower of Rain, and that it was presently sent in good abundance; Coppinger also so firmly believed Hacket, that he told his own Man Emerson, how Hacket being imprisoned, the Bolts would (often) fall off his heels miraculously.  
But for proof that such incredible Torments were indeed suffered by Hacket, he appealed herein to some of the Nobility, and to divers others both of worship and good credit. This did Coppinger further confirm 
Coppinger and Wigginton attest to the truth of Hacket' s pretended Torments.  unto Arthington, saying, that Master Wigginton also did justify the truth of the Torments that Hacket suffered, and could do it with a hundred honest Witnesses more, if need required. And Arthington himself also once heard Wigginton pitifully tell, how great and extreme Torments Hacket had endured.  
But being asked by them, why he was so tormented, and how these could tend to prove the Gospel to be the only true Religion? Hacket answered them thus: That his Tormentors (the better to colour their lewd purposes and malice) gave out and surmised him to be out of his wits, but the truth was (said he) that being once at Table with one G. H. an obstinate Papist, and reasoning which was the true Religion (I 
Hacket' s strange way to prove the truth of Religion against Popery, etc.  defending this which we now profess to be the truth, against Popery and all other Sects) amongst other Speeches, I protested upon my Damnation, that this was the truth, and withal prayed, that I might sink presently down into Hell, if it was not so: And that, if he the said G. H. would say so much for his Religion, if he did not sink presently into Hell, then would I take Popery to be the true Religion. But he refusing so to do, and being greatly moved thereby against me, complotted with a Knight (a near Kinsman of his) and with another Gentleman (being a Papist) and with sundry others, who found such means, as that they procured Devils to be raised, Sorcerers, Witches and Enchanters (all which (said he) I know and can name, and mind one day, to help to burn them) to work upon my Body, with intent to make me call back my said words of protestation, concerning the truth of this Religion, which if I would not do (said they) but could endure the Torments that they would inflict, than they all would be of my Religion, and would make me Emperor over all Europe.  
This Tale to them that had minds afore 
His Tale credited.  prepared, and took Hacket by reason of his most earnest Protestations, Prayers, show of zeal pretended, favour with God, and such like, to be a man that would not tell an untruth for all the world, seemed no way unprobable, or to be discredited: So that these three principal Actors having as well among themselves, as with others, often conferred hereabouts (both by word and writing) were by the midst of Trinity Term become most resolute, for the advancing of their designments. For in a Letter written by Coppinger (about that time) to the aforesaid J. Thr. it is thus contained. Mine own dear Brother, 
Coppinger' s Letter to J. Thr.  myself, and my two Brethren, who lately were together with you in Knight-rider's Street, do much desire conference with you, which will ask some time. The business is the Lord's own, and he doth deal in it himself, in a strange and extraordinary manner in poor and simple Creatures. Much is done since you did see us, which you will rejoice to hear of, when we shall meet, and therefore I beseech you (so soon as you receive this Letter) hasten an Answer in writing to my Sister's House; therein advertise (I beseech you) when I may come to speak with you; for delays are dangerous, and some of the great Enemies begin to be so pursued by God, as they are at their wit's end. The Lord make us thankful for it, who keep us ever to himself, to do his will and not ours. By occasion also of hearing Master Chark on a Friday about that time at the 
Coppinger' s Letter to Chark about his extraordinary Course for the advancement of Christ's Kingdom.  Blackfriars, Coppinger saith, he was thereupon moved by God's Spirit to write unto him a Letter, which beareth date the 9th day of July last. In which Letter (amongst other things) thus he writeth unto him. I do not deny, good Sir, but that I have now (a good long time) taken a strange and extraordinary course, such as hath offered occasion of suspicion, of my not only doing hurt to myself, but also to the best sort of men now in question, and to the Cause itself. But by what warrant I have done this, that is all: For if the Holy Ghost have been my Warrant, and carrieth me into such Actions, as are differing from others of great note in the Church of God, what flesh and blood dare speak against me? This is it that 1 desire at your hands, and at all the rest of God's Servants, that you forbear to censure me and such others, as shall deal extraordinarily with me in the Lord's business committed to our charge, and judge of us by the effects that follow; which if you hereafter see to be wonderful great, then are all ordinary men (placed in Callings within this Land) to fear, and to call themselves to examination before the Justice Seat of God, and see whether they have walked faithfully before God and man, in seeking the salvation of the Souls of the People, and the advancement of Christ's Kingdom, and the overthrow of Antichrist's. And if all and every one 
Note.  in their places shall be forced to confess, to have failed in not discharge of their duties, let them acknowledge their sin and repent, before Plagues and Punishments fall upon them. The waste of the Church cannot be denied to be great, so that there is place for extraordinary men (though temporising Christians will not admit this) therefore God's mercies shall appear to be wonderful great, if amongst us he have raised up such, as I know he hath, and hereafter I doubt not (by God's grace) but I, with the help of the rest, shall be able to avow against all gainsayers whatsoever. My desire heretofore hath been to have counsel and direction from others: But now (by comfortable experience) I find that the Action (which the Lord hath drawn me into) is his own, and he will direct it himself by the Holy Ghost, and have the full honour of it, and therefore I wait upon him, and yet most hearty crave the Prayers of the Saints, that they will beseech God to bless all his Servants, that he hath set a-work in his own business. And I further beseech you, to show this Letter to Master Traverse, and Master 
Orders it to be shown to Traverse, Egerton, and the other Preachers.  Egerton, and all the rest of the godly Preachers in the City, and judge charitably of me and others, and let every one look to his own Calling, that therein he may deal faithfully, and let us judge ourselves, and not judge one another, further than we have warrant. After this Letter, it happened that M. Chark preached in the same place again the next Sunday after, at which time Coppinger took himself to be particularly meant by one part of the Sermon. Whereupon he wrote a Letter to another Preacher (as I do gather) the Thursday after, viz. the 15th of July; whereby he thus signifieth. M. Chark told the People, that there were some Persons so desperate, that they would willingly thrust themselves upon the Rocks of the Land, and Waves of the Sea. This I took to be spoken principally to myself; and therefore I thought good to advertise you, that he spoke the truth in those words; but he touched not me, but himself, and the rest of the Ministers of the Land, who have not only run desperately themselves upon the Rocks and Waves, but carried the whole Ship, whereby they all be in danger of Shipwreck, and should have perished, if the Lord had not immediately called three of his Servants to help to recover it, who are not only sent from God to his Church here, but also elsewhere, through the World. My Calling is specially to deal with Magistrates. Another hath to do with Ministers, who hath written a Letter to you of the City, but it cannot be delivered hardly this day. The other third is the chiefest 
He pretends to be chief called to deal with Magistrates.  (who can neither write nor read) for he is the Lord's Executioner of his most holy will. This Letter is thus subscribed, The Lord's Messenger of Mercy, Ed. Coppinger.  
These three therefore strongly fancying to themselves such extraordinary Callings, and standing resolute by all means to advance that (which they falsely call Reformation) and being thus seduced and bemoped by Hacket, it is no marvel though they entered further (as by degrees) into many lewd, dangerous, and traitorous Attempts.  
For first having conceived mortal hatred against two great and worthy Counsellors of this Estate (who they thought would not a little stop the course they had taken, and hinder the purpose which they pursued:) Coppinger therefore (by Hacket's advice) directed 
Coppinger having hatred to two Counsellors of State, pretends to impeach them of Treason.  several Letters unto some Honourable Personages, whereby he signified, that certain Treasons were intended even against her Majesty's own Sacred Person; meaning after to appeach those two thereof; and hoping by this means, either to take them away, or at least their Credits with her Majesty, until he and his Complices might bring their Purposes to some better pass; or else (by this colourable Pretence having access and opportunity) to have executed some wicked Practice against her Royal Person. The discovery, avouching and proof of these supposed Treasons, Hacket and he did take (especially upon themselves.)  
The first two Letters that (I find) Coppinger 
He writes a Letter to them, with one enclosed to the Queen.  writ to the said honourable Personages about this pretended matter of Treason to be discovered, was the third day of June last; both to this purpose, To have them acquaint her Majesty, that intelligence was given unto him of some Treason intended against her own Sacred Person, but naming no particular. In the one of them, he enclosed a Letter of his to her Majesty, and certain Petitions, which he would have had to be offered up to her Highness, being to this effect: That he might have leave to entertain the Action of such discovery; that as matters should come to light, he might resort to a certain worthy Counsellor (by him there named) to acquaint him therewith, and to have his Counsel and direction: That he the said Coppinger might confer and examine Jesuits, and all Prisoners (suspected or condemned of Treason) about these matters, in the presence of certain others: That for better furtherance of his Service, he might have this favour to stay judgement, or at least execution against condemned Persons for Crimes capital or smaller, until her Majesty might have account given of the cause of his so doing: That he might be pardoned for so bold an Attempt, if in overmuch fear of danger to her Sacred Person, he had, or afterward should go too far, and not effect that in the end, which he hoped to do: And lastly, That this matter might be concealed from all men. But the said honourable Personage finding this to be an unlikely and strange Course to be yielded unto (as may be gathered by the Answer, and by the other Letters) directed him to a more sound way, viz. To learn first the grounds perfectly, to acquaint none other with the matter, and to do it speedily. Hereupon the 8th of the said 
His second Letter to them, with one of Hacket's enclosed; animating him to do the Lord's business.  June, he addressed another Letter to the same Personage, enclosing therein a Letter written to him from Hacket, and dated the last day of May, and another Letter of his own to her Majesty, to have been delivered unto her Highness. His Letter to the said honourable Personage, is to commend the Writer of that Letter enclosed, not naming him, (for Coppinger had razed out both Hacket's Name, and the Name of Oundell from whence it came) as a Man able and willing to do her Majesty some principal service, to offer their attendances to come before her Majesty, and to urge the delivery of the Letters, for that the matter (he said) admitted no delays. The Letter from Hacket is nothing but an inciting and animating of Coppinger to perform the Lord's business (he had in hand) by many holy and devout words and hypocritical Allusions to certain Stories of the Scripture. Coppinger's Letter to her Majesty 
Coppinger sends another Letter to the Queen, and presseth to get to her Presence, pretending some special service.  commendeth the Inditer of that enclosed, for a Man beloved of God, and fearing him unfeignedly, and one enabled (by God) to do her Highness some special service: He also humbly desireth thereby, that they two might appear before her own Princely Person, in the presence only of two certain Lords, and one Lady. But the said honourable Personage sent Hacket's Letter again unto Coppinger, as of no moment for that purpose, and stayed the delivery of his Letter to her Majesty, till some particular intelligence might be had, to be first delivered to her Highness. The same day Coppinger also writ two several Letters to the same two Lords, in whose presence he and Hacket desired to come before her Majesty, and to deliver their Intelligence; this he did to advertise them hereof aforehand. That which is written to the one of them, mentioneth a Supplication which Coppinger sent (the day afore) unto his Lordship to make passage to some better service to her Majesty, which he hoped should be done shortly to her Highness' good liking, and to his Lordship's great honour, for that he should be the chief Actor therein. Upon some answer returned 
Coppinger, j alous that what he had to reveal would be slighted, writes to Hacket for more important Intelligence.  from the Lady , craving some Particulars of that which they meant to discover, Coppinger writ to Hacket (being in London) to urge him unto some more special point of Intelligence: Whereunto Hacket (the said 8th of June) answering by Letter to small purpose, and subscribing his Letter thus, As you find me, so call me: Coppinger therefore returned in answer another Letter presently unto him, whereby he signified, that Hacket must manifest somewhat more plainly of some practice worth the revealing, otherwise they both should worthily fall into her Majesty's indignation; for that which he had then writ, would not satisfy her Majesty and the State, concerning the danger which Hacket supposed to be coming upon the Land, and wherewith he seemed to be acquainted.  
Upon such overture (as afore is touched) made to one of the said Lords, he had the 
Both of them are examined by one of the Lords, who finds little in their Information, so shakes them off.  said two Appeachers before him on the 10th of June: but finding Hacket's demeanour of himself very strange, and their Imputations as frivolous, he dismissed them (as is said) without further ado, to their great discontentment. Hereupon Coppinger (in stomach so far as he durst) writ another Letter to the said Nobleman the 11th of June: Hereby he signified, That were it not that he had been before acquainted with the Graces and Gifts of the Holy Ghost, which he did assure himself to be in Hacket in an extraordinary manner, he should have esteemed of him (by his behaviour) as his Lordship did. Therefore what trouble or danger soever might come to himself by it, he was resolute to abide it; and further chargeth the said Nobleman (in God's name) to deliver the Letters and Copies there enclosed to her Majesty, signifying, that what punishment should in that respect be allotted to him, or unto Hacket, they would undergo it, and not departed the City, till they might further understand what God would do therein. Sure it is, that (being thus shaken 
They thus slighted, grow malicious against him. Coppinger writes another Letter in Hacket's name to the Queen, threatening dreadful Judgements from God, and offers a Sign.  off by him) they grew extremely malicious also against the said worthy Nobleman.  
I find also a Copy of a Letter written in Coppinger's hand, but meant to be sent as from Hacket, unto her Excellent Majesty; wherein (amongst other things) he desireth he may enjoy that which God hath appointed him, and then lewdly and falsely accuseth and revileth two great and worthy Counsellors. In the end he saith, That if he should tell her the judgements of God that lie at her Gate (which the Lord hath showed him) they would be overfearful for her to endure, or to hear of. And if she doubted of his sending from the Lord, he willeth her to ask a Sign, and if he give it not, let him die.  
A second course taken by them besides the former Appeachments, was a Conspiracy 
They conspire the death of some Lords of the Council, in case Judgement be given against some of their Preachers, than Prisoners for Misdemeanours.  of the death of certain of the Lords of the Council, when they should be at the Star-chamber, in case they should give any Judgement against certain that were (sometime) Preachers, and are now Prisoners for Misdemeanours perilous to the peaceable state of the Realm, as is intended. That this devilish Purpose was rise amongst them, may appear by a Letter sent by Coppinger in Trinity Term last, unto the aforenamed Lancaster. In which was contained to this effect, That if the Lords should give a hard censure against those Parties (the next day) if God shown not such a fearful Judgement against some of those Lords, as that some of them should not go alive out of that place, than never trust him. And albeit some that saw this Letter, could not pick any further matter out of it, than Coppinger's Conceit, that God (without some speedy and miraculous Judgement from himself alone) would not suffer such men to be punished; yet Lancaster (to whom it was directed) justly suspected some further meaning, and that the concealing of it might be both accounted undutiful, and further also dangerous unto him, and therefore asked counsel of some more skilful than himself, whether he might safely suppress it, and tear the Letter in pieces.  
Another Device they also had for preparing (as is supposed) of the minds of the People, and to stir them up to be in readiness, which was by certain Seditious Letters 
They scatter Seditious Letters among the People.  that were purposely scattered five or six Nights afore, in many of the Streets of London, by some of these Actors, or by their Complices and Favourers. Likewise there was found in Wigginton's Chamber (in the 
Great numbers of Printed Libels found in Wigginton's Chamber.  Prison where he remaineth) about a thousand printed Pamphlets of two sorts; the one of Predestination, the other carrying an odd and needless Title to every man that knoweth but the Author. For it is entitled on the first side, in great Letters thus: viz. The Fool's bolt: And immediately under that Title, this Sentence is set down worthy to be duly considered, with all his Circumstances now apparent, viz. Such as do surmise the complaint of Innocency to be revenge, and the report of Truth to be slander, shall never want the due reward of their gross Error, whilst Innocency and Truth shall endure. On the other side of the Sheet the Title is, A Fatherly Exhortation to a certain young Courtier. The matter thereof is conceived into an halting Rhyme, roving lewdly not only at the Governors Ecclesiastical, and at other Ministers, but also at sundry having Civil Authority and high Places. Amongst the rest, the first two Staves and last Stave are most perilous, if ye respect the present Action these Persons had in hand, their Opinions of this State, and the base Condition and State of the chief of them. The first are these, viz.  

My Son if thou a Courtier sue to be,  
In flower of youth this Lesson learn of me.  
A Christian true, although he be a Clown,  
May teach a King to wear Sceptre and Crown.   
And in the last Stave are these, viz. 
For God will sure confound such as devise  
His Ordinance or Church to tyrannize, etc.   
These Papers Wigginton (by the means and help of one Brown) procured privily to be printed at Whitsuntide last, and being examined 
Wigginton confesseth that they were all to be sent to Women, and by them to be dispersed.  touching them by her Majesty's Council and others, he confessed, That they were all to be sent to Women, the weaker Vessels: viz. to Mistress L. Mistress B. and to I know not how many Mistresses, by them to be dispersed abroad; to the intent, that every one (to whom they might come) should conceive of them as the Spirit should move them. And Hacket also confessed, that a part of certain Writings which Wigginton and Coppinger framed, was, that a Clown might teach a King to wear a Crown.  
Now that Wigginton held intelligence in 
Wigginton in the Conspiracy for advancing the Discipline.  these matters with the Conspirators, and that there was mutual and ordinary correspondence betwixt him and them in all Plots for advancing of their Discipline per fas & nefas (besides that which in this behalf hath been touched afore) is made also manifest by the confession of Arthington, who saith, That about the 15th of July, or not long before, he heard Hacket singing of certain Songs, who then wished that Arthington had also some of them: For it was a very special thing, and (said he) M. Wiggington hath a great many of them.  
Also Coppinger had once conference with Wigginton (in the presence of Arthington) touching his extraordinary Calling. At what time it is pretended, that Wigginton refused to be made acquainted with the manner of Coppinger's Secrets; and that he used these Speeches to Coppinger, viz. You are known to be an honest Gentleman, and sworn to the Queen, and therefore I will not be acquainted with those things which God hath revealed unto you for the good of your Sovereign. And his Opinion of such extraordinary Callings (set down under his own hand) doth elsewhere appear, whereby is argued, that he was made a common Oracle for such Fantastics: That he knew the matter in generality, which by Coppinger was to be wrought upon the Queen, to bring her (forsooth) to repentance, howsoever he refused to know the particular manner of such Secrets: That he acknowledged it to be good for the Queen, and yielded it (without scruple) to be revealed unto Coppinger from God, so that it could not be, but that Coppinger hereby was much animated to go forward in his conceived Wickedness. Besides, Wigginton taketh knowledge (as appeareth by a Paper of his own hand-writing found in his Chamber) that Hacket had defaced the Queen's Arms, and had uttered 
Hacket defaceth the Queen's Arms, and uttereth dangerous words.  dangerous words, importing himself to be a King, and his mislike of all Kings now reigning, since his last coming to London. Hacket further declared unto M. Young on the 24th of July, that he was once (in company of two Gentlemen, and of Mistress Walker and Mistress Lawson) with Wiggington in his Chamber, where and when he heard Wigginton say, That if the Magistrates do not govern well, the People might draw themselves together, and to see a Reformation. This dangerous Opinion of his may be also gathered out of a Letter of his own hand-writing (found with him) being dated the sixth of November last, wherein he thus writeth. M. Cartwright (saith he) is in the Fleet for refusal of the Oath, as I hear, and M. K. is sent for, and sundry worthy Ministers are disquieted, who have been spared long. So that we look for some bickering ere long, and then a battle, which cannot long endure.  
A fourth Purpose of theirs was not only to 
They design a Change in the Civil Government, as well as the Church.  make an alteration in the state of Church-Government, and to plant in every Congregation their Elderships, or Consistory of Doctor, Pastor, and certain Lay Elders, with the Appurtenances; but also to change the Civil Policy of this Realm. For which consideration, they meant to displace all the Lords and others of the Privy Council; therefore (in their Speeches and Writings touching these Counsellors) they used of late no Title of Honour, but their bare Names and Surnames, or else their Names with this addition; Late L. Ch. or late L. Tr. as if they were already disauthorised, and in their steads they had nominated and set down certain others (in truth very honourable and worshipful Persons) that should be Counsellors, of whom every honest man nevertheless is persuaded, that they detest both these and all other such Vile, Seditious and Fanatical Persons and Courses.  
Coppinger (not long afore their rising as it seemeth) penned a Letter to have been sent to the one of the aforesaid honourable Personages. In this Letter he chargeth a great 
Coppinger chargeth two Privy Counsellors with Treason.  and worthy Counsellor (using only his Christian Name and Surname) that he, together with his bellish and infernal Companions (for so he raveth) had committed Treason in the highest degree against her Majesty. He desireth that honourable Personage to effect, that the said Counsellor, himself, and two others of the Lords Messengers, may be brought before the Queen's Majesty; and if he be not proved a Traitor to God and her, then let me (faith he) for my Pride and Presumption, be banged at the Court Gates. Then he exclaimeth against another great Counsellor (terming him but by his bare Name likewise) to whom he had sent Letters and Copies to have been showed to her Majesty, and there showeth himself greatly offended with him; because he was not (as he hoped) brought to her Royal presence; 
Note.  adding thus thereto, but he and the rest (saith he) of her wicked Counsellors, and ungodly Magistrates, shall be forced to acknowledge, what they are worthy to have; the Lord pardon their Souls, for in their outward man they must be punished, though they repent: And a little after, thus; I do advise also that every one of her Council be commanded to keep their House or 
He appoints to her Majesty a new Council, and recommends Wigginton for her Chaplain.  Chamber, for fear of stir or danger. Then he doth appoint to her Majesty a new Council, advising that Wigginton (a man in more favour (he saith) with God, than any man of his Calling whatsoever) be commanded to be near her Highness, to pray to God, or to preach privately.  
By the like resolute vein Arthington also 
Arthington chargeth the same Counsellor.  chargeth the said Counsellor as deeply, and upon the like and greater penalty to himself, in a Supplication penned by him to have been sent to her Majesty. But I will give you a taste how frivolously, and upon what fond Proofs he groundeth his Accusation, to the end it may appear, that this was but a colourable Pretence, wherein they reposed no great surety of success, but hoped at length thereby to have brought themselves and Hacket to her Majesty's presence. The issue he tendereth is this, That if in her Majesty's 
His Fanatical Proposal.  presence be prove not the said Counsellor to be the most dangerous Enemy that was discovered since her Highness' Reign, then let his Body and Soul be for ever damned: Provided always, that if her Majesty cannot (by his Evidence) judge him the said Counsellor to be so bad as be makes report of him, yet that she would give him the said Arthington leave in her sacred Presence, to fight the Combat of Prayer with him, wherein, if it please him (saith Arthington) I will first 
New Trial by combat in Prayer.  begin to pray against myself, that if he be not as deeply guilty as I have charged him, than that God's Vengeance may presently consume me both Body and Soul into Hell for ever, which if it come to pass, the Victory shall be his, and he return an Innocent. But if he see me leap up for joy, as one that hath discovered him to be a Traitor, then if he dare fall down in like sort, and make the same Prayer, that the like Vengeance may fall upon himself, if he be so deeply guilty as I have charged him; and if God's Vengeance fall not upon him before he depart out of her presence, let me be hanged, drawn and quartered, for labouring to impeach a Counsellor's Credit; but if he dare not thus enter the lists with me before her Majesty, let him be holden guilty.  
Their last and most damnable Designment 
Their last Design was the destruction of the Queen.  of all, was the deprivation of her Sacred Majesty from her Crown and Dignity, and the destruction of her Royal Person, whom the Eternal God (in mercy) long preserve, to the confusion of all Seditious Wretches her Enemies of all sorts.  
The very particular and principal means how these devilish Purposes were meant to be effected by them, Arthington now saith, that they were not opened unto him; pretending, that though the other two seemed willing to have imparted some of their Secrets unto him, yet himself was always unwilling to hear any of them. But for the special means that Coppinger had plotted to bring the Queen's Majesty and Counsel to repentance, he saith that this was a secret Mystery (as Hacket and Coppinger affirmed to him) which they would keep to themselves, and were so enjoined of the Lord. But whether soever the way to effect these, was meant by some open violence, or secret practice; sure it is, that popular Tumult was not the least means they trusted of, to bring them to pass, which they hoped to stir up by their pretence of so great holiness, with calling the Realm to repentance in the open Streets of London, by offering joys and mercy to the Penitent, and by their Proclamation also then made in Cheapside, as hereafter cometh to be declared.  
Now that these their two last Purposes were indeed the principal and main ends which they propounded to themselves (besides that which by the way is noted already, and that which comes hereafter to be mentioned) let these few Proofs ensuing suffice. First, for the alteration of the whole Government Ecclesiastical, and erecting of the new Discipline: It is confessed, that Coppinger 
Coppinger and Arthington (too false Prophets) their words to Wigginton the day before the Insurrection.  and Arthington, the two Counterseit Prophets (on the 16th of July last, being Friday, and the selfsame day that they arose in Cheapside) told Wigginton in the morning these words amongst many others, viz. That Reformation and the Lord's Discipline should now forthwith be established, and therefore charged Wigginton in the Lord's name, to put all Christians in comfort, that they should see a joyful alteration in the state of Church-Government shortly. To which words Wigginton made no reply, nor further demand, as of any matter strange unto him, how it was so shortly to be compassed. Wherein may also be observed, that these kind of Persons do reckon and term only those Christians that will take comfort and joy at such an Alteration. So that (by their Opinions) it skilleth not what be attempted or done against all others, being but as Heathens and Paynims, or at least Idolaters.  
Thus much (with their seditious Purposes 
Their Seditious Purposes appear in Coppinger's Letter to Udal, then condemned for writing the Demonstration of Discipline.  also) is plainly implied in a dangerous Letter written by the said Coppinger since Easter last, unto one John Udal, a condemned man for Felony, in the White Lion in Surrey, for writing of the Book termed the Demonstration of Discipline: That Letter beginneth thus: Right Reverend Sir, my forbearing to visit you and the rest of the Saints (who suffer for Righteousness sake) do give you all cause to think that I have forsaken my first Love, and have embraced the God of this World. But my Conscience beareth me witness of the contrary: The Reasons of my absence being so great and so weighty, that hereafter when they shall be examined by yourselves (who are endued with the spirit of wisdom and discerning of Spirits) I doubt not but 
Note.  you will allow of my not coming, which might bring you into more trouble and danger, than it would do me good, or breed me comfort. And afterward thus, You have care and conscience to further the building of the Lord's House which lieth waste, and to seek the final overthrow of Antichrist's Kingdom: which being the Lord's own work, he will bless it, and all the Actors in it. And this I dare be bold (of mine own knowledge) to report, that in this great Work he hath divers that lie hid, and are yet at liberty, who are hammering their heads, busying their brains, and spending their spirits in prayers to God, as much as you, or any of you that are in Prison, 
Note.  and hope in short time to be brought forth into the sight of their and your Enemies, to defend the Cause you stand for. And again afterward in this wise: I beseech you, cheer up yourselves in the Lord, for the day of our Redemption is at hand, and pray that the Hand of the Lord may be strengthened 
Note.  in them, whom he hath appointed to take part with you in this Cause, and beseech him that blessing may be upon Zion, and confusion upon Babel. Pardon my long Letter, I beseech you, and impart mine humble suit to all the rest, to whom I neither dare write, nor offer to see. I neither put to my Name, nor make Subscription: The Bringer can report who sendeth the Letter, and let that suffice.  
Furthermore, that they hated deadly and maligned her Majesty (as a principal Obstacle to their Innovation and Kingdom, and therefore sought to deprive her Highness of her Sovereignty and Life) may be gathered by their own Words and Actions: For Hacket confessed before the other two, that 
They usually attend Egerton, a Preacher in Black-Frairs.  at a Sermon of one Egerton's preached in the blackfriars (whither they usually resort) he the said Hacket remained uncovered all the Sermon time, until the Preacher came to pray for her Majesty, but then (he said) that he put on his Hat. And when Arthington demanded why he did so, Coppinger straightway answered thus, There is a matter in that. Likewise when as (in their private Prayers amongst themselves) Arthington used to pray for the Queen, Coppinger 
Coppinger and Hacket forbear to pray for the Queen.  would sundry times tell him, that his so doing did much grieve Hacket, adding, that in the beginning himself did also pray for her, but Hacket had now drawn him from it: saying, there was a cause why, which Arthington knew not, but should know hereafter. For (saith he) you do not know this man (meaning Hacket) who is a greater Person than she, and indeed above all the Princes in the World.  
And whenas on the very Sunday before their rising (for so themselves have since termed that Action) it happened that Arthington prayed again for the preservation of the Queen's Majesty: Hacket (not digesting this) suddenly with indignation turned his face away from him, but when he prayed for other matters, than Hacket cast his countenance towards him again; which he perceiving that Arthington also marked by him, and purposing (as it seemeth) to salve up this matter again, (left Arthington happily might yet have fallen from them) therefore when they had ended their Prayers, Hacket took him with his Arms about the middle (in very kind sort) affirming, that he loved the Queen as well as either of them, and desired him not to be offended, for the Lord had commanded it: Adding further, that there was a matter in it that Arthington as yet knew not. Hereupon Coppinger (being in hearing thereof) said, that she might be prayed for in general terms, but not so specially as Arthington did (whereby Hacket was grieved) nor yet to be prayed for as a Sovereign: For (said he) she may not reign as 
Note.  Sovereign, but this man Hacket; and yet (saith he) she shall live better than ever she did, albeit she must be governed by another, thereby also meaning Hacket. And to the intent they might the more assuredly retain Arthington without suspicion of their poisonful malice (wherein they boiled against the Queen's Highness) Hacket himself (once after this time) very subtly prayed for her Majesty.  
For proof that they also meant to deprive her of life, the several Confessions of Arthington 
Arthington confesseth that Hacket and Coppinger designed the Queen's deprivation of Government and Life.  at sundry Examinations may be alleged. Whereby (upon that which he heard and knew) is confessed, that he is verily persuaded Hacket menat her Majesty should have been deprived both of Kingdom and Life, which he also gathered by Coppinger's Letters, albeit he denieth, that he was ever made acquainted by what special means it should be done.  
Thus having in some part described the Qualities, Persuasions in Opinion, Familiarity, Inducements unto mutual crediting one of another, Exercises and Designments of these Persons: It resteth to go on with the Narration of the rest of the Action, for better perfiting up of this History.  
Hacket on a time recounting up unto the other two his Torments (which he pretended to have endured) told, how (amongst others) one Pig a Preacher did so beat him with Rods at a place in Hartfordshire, (whilst he lay bound there in a Sink-hole) that this cost him the said Hacket more dear, than all the rest of his Torments; because thereby he was enforced to suffer for all Hypocrites also; adding thereunto, that all their best Preachers (so they term such as thirst after and persuade Innovations) were no better in very truth than Hypocrites, nevertheless he 
They account their Puritanical Preachers Hypocrites and Idolaters for their conformity to the Laws of the Church.  would (he said) daily hear them preach. Hereupon Arthington took occasion to tell him, that he could prove all such Preachers to be Hypocrites and Idolaters both (albeit of ignorance) because they do yield (in some sort) to the Commandments of the Governors, and unto the Laws of this Church, that they may be tolerated to preach.  
This pleased Hacket so exceedingly well, as that he began highly to esteem of Arthington, and hereby the rather he thought good, that Arthington should be made acquainted with their Letters. For about ten days before their rising (Arthington saith) that Coppinger did greatly importune him to read the Letters which he and Hacket had written, if it were but to see the stile; assuring him they tended to nothing else; but to make a way to acquaint her Majesty with their Secrets. So that when Arthington saw so great Counsellors so resolutely thereby charged with matter of so high quality, by Coppinger especially (her Majesty's sworn Servant) he was induced to believe it, and to think they had some very good ground thereof.  
Arthington also (with great contentment unto Hacket) framed certain Syllogisms (I believe) in a lewd Mode, and in an unperfect and fond Figure, to prove (forsooth) one of the said honourable Counsellors (whom he and Coppinger villainously afterward proclaimed Traitors) to be such as they do charge him to be. This worthy work of Syllogisms therefore being first finished, his other Treatise (to prove those Preachers to be Hypocrites and Idolaters) was straightway set upon the stocks, and began to be built on the Monday before their rising; after they all had (for obtaining good success in this and the rest of their business) humbled themselves on the Lord's day 
Fasting and Prayer on the Lord's-day before the Insurrection.  afore in fasting and prayer, for so be their words. This latter Treatise Arthington finished up the Thursday morning next after, and termed it A Prophecy of Judgements against England, whose skill in this precipitate kind of Pistling, the other two so magnified, as that they termed him by a Title mentioned in a Psalm, viz. The pen of a ready writer. Whereas wiser men think they might have looked a little lower, and he have better compared it, as the Wiseman doth the like, where he saith, A word in a fool's mouth is like an arrow in a dog's leg, because he will never leave wrinching and fisking till he have got it out.  
In this Prophecy he first setteth down 
Arthington's Prophecy.  the Third Commandment, inferring what Plagues shall light on himself if he offend therein. Then cometh he to his nine several Assertions, adding to every one of them, The Lord to confound him, viz. that if he think not himself to be the vilest sinful Wretch living: If he take not himself to be the most ignorant in God's Book of any man that hath professed the Gospel so long: If he acknowledge not himself most unfit and unworthy of all men to serve the Lord Jesus: If nevertheless he be not extraordinarily called to do the Message of God more faithfully than any Preacher in England hitherto hath done: If the Scripture do not justify extraordinary Callings before the ends of the World: If he know not two Persons within the City of London, that have greater extraordinary Callings than himself, videlicet, Edmund Coppinger, and William Hacket: If the former be not a Prophet raised up of the Lord to bring a Message of great Mercy to the Land, if all the People truly repent of their Sins: If the latter be not the holiest Man, and of the greatest power to bring fearful Judgements upon the whole Earth, that ever was born, Christ Jesus excepted: If the said Hacket (as the Messenger of God's Vengeance, where mercy is refused) do not bring such great Plagues upon this Realm of England, the like whereof was never seen: In these, and in every of these several Cases, he prayeth the Lord to confound 
His dreadful Imprecations.  him.  
Whereupon he inferreth, that having thus denounced so many fearful Woes against his own Soul, as would sink it into the bottomless Pit of Hell, if he were guilty in any one of them. Then thereupon with cheerfulness he cometh to declare his Message to England, accusing it to be the most rebellious, though it have been most blessed of all other Nations. Then he affirmeth the City of London, and the Courts of Justice at Westminster, and the counterfeit Worship of God with Cross and Surpless, to be worse than Sodom and Gomorrah, or the Purple Whore of Rome, or else desireth to be confounded. Nay he preferreth Rome before London; because at Rome they sin only of ignorance. Of her Majesty he saith, she is least guilty of the common Sins, but most abused (of any Prince that ever was) by those whom she hath most advanced.  
Then he speaks to three great Counsellors, C. C. T. daring them to protest for their innocencies against themselves as deeply as he hath done, and then, if they be not swallowed up quick, he is contented to be hanged up in Chains at Paul's-Cross. Then he threatneth them, that they three shall be otherwise 
Note.  detected ere long, and all those that are their Partakers, when her Majesty shall reign and live to see better days, if God give her true repentance. Then he saith he will leave all other of the Clergy (as sufficiently detected already) save such as pretend to seek Reformation, who (he saith) are as guilty (in two points) as any of the other. The first point, for not crying out continually against Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, Archdeacon's, and others, as wicked Usurpers in the House of God. The second, for not crying out against the wicked Magistrates of this Land, because they keep out the Elderships out of the Church, and maintain in their room Officers and Offices of Antichrist: Hereupon gathering thus: How can God spare this Land any longer, wherein both the Magistrates and Messengers of God have dealt so unfaithfully in the Lord's service? Adding, That the fearful Judgements of God shall be sure to fall on the Reprobate; being already prepared, and put into the hands of the Mighty Messenger of the Almighty God, William Hacket, to be poured out upon this great City of London, and upon all Places, where repentance followeth not this publication. Then he goeth about to prove all such Preachers to be Idolaters, or consenting to Idolatry, which Practice or Consent, and suffer others to use Surpless and Cross, because (he saith) they are the marks of Antichrist. Preferring herein the Papists afore them, as sinning herein only of ignorance, seeking also to engreeve their Faults in this behalf, for that they are all Hypocritical Idolaters, in that (nevertheless) they profess Reformation: Whereunto he addeth (he saith) a Secret: That this their halting and hypocrisy hath so hardened God's heart against their Requests, for bringing in the Discipline, that for this unfaithful and 
Note.  unsingle walking in their Function, he hath hitherto denied it. Neither shall any one of them, or all of them together, have that honour given, to bring in Reformation: For (saith he) I tell you truly, the Almighty God hath put his Cup of Vengeance into his trusty and faithful Servants hand, William Hacket, to pour it down shortly upon every wilful and obstinate Sinner that doth not repent upon the notice hereof, or else the Lord confound me. Lastly, he giveth a charge to have this Prophecy, together with the incredible, (but most certain) History of the holiest Servant of God, William Hacket, that ever hath been, is, or shall be born, (Christ Jesus only excepted) with all speed possible, printed and published together, as in substance true (saith he) or else the Lord confound me. This wise Prophecy is thus subscribed: By the most unworthy Servant, but yet a faithful Prophet of the Almighty Jesus, or else his Wrath confound me. Henry Arthington.  
While Arthington was about this his Task, 
Coppinger writes Hacket's History at large to be published with his Prophecy.  Coppinger (as it seemeth) was neither idle nor well occupied, for he was setting down from Hacket's own mouth a long Ragman's Role of Hacket's Torments, Revelations, and (I know not what) called Hacket's History. For by Thursday morning Hacket having enlarged the first draught thereof, (which was at first but scribbled out by Coppinger) Arthington was to write out again fair the enlarged Copy, that being persited, it might be annexed unto the aforesaid Prophecy. All that Thursday was spent by them in consultation and writing: Hacket being also present, and assisting them. But with what joyfulness amongst them all, it is incredible, if we may believe their own Reports. Yet Arthington was forced (for the haste that was made to have all in readiness against the Friday following, and for the desire he had to yield unto Hacket all satisfaction and contentment that might be) to sit up most of Thursday night, writing out again of the said History, so enlarged.  
But on Thursday itself (being the 15th of July) amongst other their Actions, Coppinger and Arthington writ a Letter to the aforesaid T. L. which is of this tenor: first at the top of it, thus, viz.  
If this Letter be not indicted by the Holy Ghost, 
Coppinger's and Arthington's Letter ter unto T. Lancaster.  who hath appeared (in a far greater measure) to sinful Wretches, in the end of the World, even to us, whose Names are here under-written, and to a third Person, in Calling above all former Callings whatsoever, (Christ Jesus excepted) the Lord confound us two with vengeance from Heaven, and carry us (with all violence) into the bottomless Pit.  
If we have not taken the name of God in vain, it standeth you upon to read this Letter with fear and trembling, with joy and gladness; with fear, that the Lord should woo you to do him service; with joy, that he offereth you honour, if you accept it. We two are Messengers from Heaven, who have a good Captain to guide us; who have received immediate Callings from God, to call the whole World to repentance and amendment of Life; otherwise they are to fear, that Christ Jesus' second coming in glory, will be to them as a Thief in the night. If I, Edmund Coppinger, do not prefer you before any one man in the Land whatsoever, for your wise, holy, loving and religious Course, both in the general Calling of a Christian, and in your particular Calling, the Lord confound me Body and Soul. The reason why I choose you first, is, because in your House, in your presence, and (under God partly by your means) I had my first extraordinary Calling, though thereof (as of all other things) the whole honour and glory be the Lord's. And of the same mind is my Brother Arthington. In token of our extraordinary love to you, we deal as we neither have, or will do, with any other; for we command in the name of the Lord all Creatures upon the Earth, and they must obey. But with you we will dispense thus far, that it shall be your choice to come, and take a new Calling (for a time, wherein we would use you) or refuse it. So wishing you to commend us and yourself to God, before you answer us, which we expect in word, and not in writing, etc.  
The Messenger of Mercy to the whole World, if they accept me, E. Coppinger.  
I avouch whatsoever my Brother hath written to be most true: And further I protest, that you are a more holy man than any Preacher in London, or throughout the whole Land, or else the Lord confound me. If it please you to come and see me joyful, you may hope this is true.  
The Prophet of God's Judgements to the whole World, where mercy is rejected, Hen. Arthington.  
That the perfect and enlarged History of Hacket be briefly gathered into a Summary, and here set down, it will not (I think) be amiss, for such as shall be desirous to know, what mysteries may be therein contained, which drew these two (amongst other matters) into such a extraordinary admiration, and opinion of him.  First therefore, There is declared whom 
A sum of Hacket's History.  Hacket served; then how he got the execution of the Bailywick of Oundel, being void: How upon complaint of the Wives there, that their Husbands spent their thrift in Alehouses on the Sabbath days he (by a Justice of Peace not far off) did cause all the Playing Tables that could be come by, to be burnt. Also the light and enticing behaviour of some Women towards him, and his familiarity with them, whereby his Wife became jealous of him, so that he was forced (for her satisfaction) to clear himself by his Oath. The sundry Baits laid by means of some of his Fellows (that envied him for the credit he had with those whom he served) to entrap him with Women. His attempting them in dishonest manner, but with purpose only (as he there pretendeth) to learn of them the Practices against him. The like Snares laid for him by some of better place and credit than the former: Of his affliction in mind that he endured, because he so behaved himself toward Women, and yet could not learn out by them the plot laid against him: Of his going into Hampshire to have been placed there: How he was in a place there (for the most part of 20 days) beat with a Bostonado, and into what pitiful state of Body he was thereby brought: That this was done, partly for his avouching that Christ was Head of the Church, against the Pope, and for saying, That as certain Earthen Pots were there by him broken, so should all Papists be broken in Hell, and confounded, so many as risen up against him in Earth: How he was forced to use the Deputy-Lieutenant of Hampshire his Aid, to be safely conveyed out of that Country, lest he should be murdered by his Enemies: That he came thence to one M. Paul Wentworth's House, where he remained a Month, and was used most Christianly, and where he was most deeply exercised in the Spirit: How as he passed by the way out of Hampshire, he told a Gentleman in company (that was privy to his Enemy's Complots) of a great Practice intended against him, and to be done in a Chamber, by certain Persons, whom he then named aforehand: Insomuch as the said Gentleman (being made privy to such purpose, and knowing that he said true) affirmed, surely he could conjure, or else it had not been possible to tell such things as he did; where indeed (he saith) the Lord, in the midst of his former Afflictions, revealed it unto him, and further showed him a Place which he had appointed for him, and how he would bring all his Enemy's Practices to confusion: How in performance of that which was so revealed, he was afterward in a certain Place in Hartfordshire bound, first in a Chamber, and then chained in a Sink-hole of a Seller, and most grievously many ways afflicted there for 20 days together: That in the greatest extremity thereof (which was greater than he could express) a Cross came upon his Breast as he lay, and always when his Torments were at the greatest, the Lord unloosed his Feet and Hands from his Fetters, and Bands; nevertheless he lay still till his Tormentors came, and bound him again: How the Lord then appeared to him, and assured him, that he would establish the Gospel by him, and shown him all the Whoredom of Rome, in the person of a great Personage (since deceased) as it were in Candle-light, with a great Bell full of iniquity: That during that time, the Lord shown him a terrible Famine which he would bring upon a Land, but whether this Land or not, was not declared: That Christ then shown him his Wisdom and Providence, in governing the Seas, and all other Waters in their Courses: And further showed him the Man that should sit on Christ's Right hand, to judge both the quick and the dead, whose Name he well knoweth: That then he made his Petition unto the Lord, who answered him by a Voice, thus, What he would, how he would, and when he would: How (by the extremity of his Torments) his Eyes were fallen down, and his Tongue thrust out of his Head, so as he could not pull it in again one Barley-corn's breadth; but the Lord in that extremity shown him, that he would keep his Body from hursting, and that one hair of his Head should not perish: That being loosed (by his Wife's importunity) soon after, in a very Rainy-day, he, his Wife, one Richard Dickens, and one Palmer, rid altogether thence toward Oundell, thirty Miles that day; and albeit it reigned all the day very fore (so that great floods came upon it) yet never a one of them had any drop thereof fall upon their Clothes: That being at Oundell, and foreseeing he should be exercised again, he prayed his Wife that no man might come at him, for he would keep his Chamber: And then the Lord appeared unto him, and shown him in what danger the Land was, by reason of foreign Enemies at the Sea; and commanded him to go round about the Town, and that should be a defence to the Land round about: That after this he kept himself in his Barn about eight days, reasoning with the Lord touching Predestination and Reprobation, continually begging of him, that he would save all those that fought ignorantly against the Truth, or otherwise sinned through want of knowledge: How (after this) betaking himself to his Chamber again, the Lord (he saith) forced him to cry out against two great Subjects and Counsellors in this Land: That he was again bound and tormented there other twenty days, in eight whereof, he neither did eat nor drink, and was continually watched, for that they knew the Lord would come and lose him, if they left him: That during this time Witches used their Sorcery strongly upon him: That the Lord then told him that he would harden his own heart against Hacket's Tormentors: How then also four or five Angel's night by night stood by him, and watched over him, like unto Doves, and one night Spirits innumerable: And that a white Hand came from the Almighty, and took him by the hand, whereby all Venom, Poison, Uncleanness and Corruption departed from him for a time: whereupon the Lord shown him three Heavens together, and all the dwelling places contrived in one of them, but the highest Heaven was showed to be without end, which glory he was not able to behold, but was made able to look upon the Blood of the Saints, which was made round like a Wax Cake, in very great breadth, but the glory which therewith appeared, he could not look upon, so that he was forced to turn his face upon the Pillow: How the Lord also shown him the murdering of the Wicked, even like the slaying of Swine, the Father murdering the Son, and the Mother the Daughter, and every one another, all the day long, and no man took pity upon them: That there was then revealed unto him a very strange fire from Heaven, the length whereof he did see consuming all things from the Heaven to Hell mouth, but he did not see the breadth thereof: Also that he then did see the breadth of the tormenting place of the Damned, and what was therein, but neither the bottom, nor length of the place: That he also supposed he saw his Liberty begged by two honourable Personages: Notwithstanding which deliverance (that he dreamt of) he telleth that he was carried afterward to Northampton Gaol, where he remained 17 Weeks, as afore is remembered. Furthermore there is declared, That in his Torments the Lord shown him how he would confound all his Adversaries that were guilty in any practice against him, and that one thing which they went about, they should never bring to pass; for he let him see, that they were all as drunken men, and Fools without wit: That in the end they should throw all their Books away, and be at a great confusion one with another: That afterward (viz. about the beginning of Easter Term last) the Lord brought him to London, and how he was made acquainted with Coppinger at that time, as hath been afore declared: How after his departing out of the City from Coppinger, he could not but remember him in his Prayers; desiring the Lord to reveal himself extraordinarily to him, so that he might be encouraged to go forward in the Action: Whereupon (as the said Coppinger affirmed) he had two extraordinary Seals in very short space after Hacket' s departure, and was wonderfully strengthened to proceed in the Cause. Then is told how the Lord commanded him to go from one place to another in and about the City, for two days space; and how he was commanded to rail against the said two great Counsellors, in divers places where he came: How being (in that time) commanded to see the Lions in the Tower, he took the fiercest of them by the Head, and had none harm: Then is told what Preachers in the City he heard, and that going to hear one, he saw a Surpless lie in the Church, whereupon he would not stay there: That he went to certain Preachers in Prison, to command them to deal faithfully in the Lord's business: And how he was commanded by God to deface the Arms of England in Kaye's House in Knight-Rider's-street. Lastly, It is said, that God hath appointed two others to deal for, and with Hacket, whom it will stand upon to deal faithfully for the Lord, for they know what Hacket is, and what shall follow, if their Counsels and Directions be not followed. 
Now if any shall marvel, how such an absurd and ridiculous lying Legend should seduce men of any consideration, so earnest for a supposed Reformation, and so exercised in praying and fasting; let him remember, not only the effectual, but the efficacy itself of illusion, and the spirit of slumber, falling (by God's secret, yet always just Judgement) upon the Children of disobedience, such as be wise in their own conceits, and not wise with sobriety; that they might believe Lies, because they have not believed the Truth: And that they might ask and not obtain, because they ask not as they ought.  
After Arthington (On Thursday morning) had ended his aforesaid Treatise of Prophecy (being the very day before their rising) Coppinger told him, that God (the night before) had enlightened him the said Coppinger, who they all three were, saying, that Arthington had unawares prophesied truly; for he was the greatest Prophet of God's Judgements against the whole World that ever was, but that they both were greater than he; for Coppinger himself was (he said) the greatest that ever was, and last Prophet of mercy: and that he must describe the new and holy Jerusalem, with the several places of joy that the Elect should enjoy after this Life, and that they the said Coppinger and Arthington, were ordained to separate the Lambs from the Goats before the Lord Jesus at the last day. Whereat (it is said) they were both astonished, considering their own unworthiness and unfitness, crying out against themselves and their Sins; yet submitting themselves to the direction of God's Spirit, which they were assured should sufficiently furnish them to do him that service which himself did command. Then Coppinger proceeded to tell further, That Hacket was greater than either of them, and that they two must obey him in whatsoever he commanded, but told not then what, nor how great he was, other than King of Europe; which Title was (afore this time) concluded of amongst them. Hereupon (according to Coppinger's commandment) Arthington offered to honour Hacket with his Title of the King of Europe, and to demean himself toward him accordingly. But Hacket himself herein dispensed with him, until the time should come, that he was to honour him before others, bidding him withal to be of good cheer; for (faith he) I serve a good Captain, who makes so dear account of me, that all the Devils in Hell, nor Men in Earth, cannot take my life from me. Then Coppinger (for confirmation of the like unto them two also) said, that Arthington and himself were possessed, not only with Prophetical, but also with Angelical Spirits, which Arthington taking to be true (by a great burning that he felt in himself after that time) did thereupon fancy to himself, that no power in Earth nor Hell could hurt either of them, because they had the spirit of Angels, and they were subject to no Power, but to God alone: And that (God being the master of the whole Work) all things should prosper with them, they only seeking his glory, which (he faith) he vowed with himself, and to deal throughly in his Office, to rebuke the World of Sin, and to denounce Judgements against whomsoever the Spirit should move him, without fear or favour of Men, or of Devils in Hell: which Spirit (he faith) then moved him (according to his hatred afore conceived against them, and his opinion that they were Trayors against the Queen's Majesty) to utter and to declare his detestation he had against the aforesaid three worthy Counsellors, being by their places the greatest Subjects in the Land. But herein may be said with the Poet:  

Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes?  
Verrem de furto?—   
Who can with any patience endure such Seditious Companions as these, to appeach others of Treason? but especially so Loyal, Honourable and Worthy Counsellors, as they three are known to the World to be.  
By the way, we may note the subtle managing and carriage of this Action by Hacket and Coppinger in this one principal Point, which Arthington himself also now observeth: Videlicet, in that they opened not at any time Hacket's chief pretended Office unto Arthington; videlicet, to represent, and to participate with Jesus Christ's Office (of severing with his Fan the good from the bad) until the very time they were to go into the Streets to do the Message that Hacket enjoined them. For hereby they prevented a doubt of driving Arthington back, who seemed a Man so serviceable for their purpose, as that he was worthy to be still retained by them: and the rather, for that he had not yet finished the writing up of Hacket's History that was to be annexed to the Prophecy) until late that Thursday night which was afore their rising, for they might have feared (if leisure had served him to have considered of it, and examined it at full how this could be) lest it might have made him at least to stagger, and be doubtful of it.  
Besides, Hacket kept (as Arthington now gathereth) that honour wholly to himself to proclaim it to them both together, as it were by a Voice from Heaven, at that very instant when they should receive their charge of him; and thereby have no time to reason against it, being straightway to go forward as obedient Persons to him in all things.  
Thus that Thursday passed on. On Friday morning Coppinger sent his Man Emerson (by Five of the Clock in the morning) unto Arthington's Lodging, but his Wife would not then awake him; so he sent for him again at Six, and they two then went together unto Coppinger. Then Coppinger and Arthington determined (that Friday morning, being the 16th day of July last) between Six and Seven of the Clock in the forenoon, to go unto a certain Gentleman's House about the City, of good behaviour, and they forsooth to honour him, to be chief Governor under her Majesty, which they also did that Morning, and promised unto him accordingly that he should so be. Leaving also with him both the said Prophecy and Hacket's History to peruse, but the good Gentleman was unwilling to deal either with them or their Papers any way. They flayed not there above half an hour. From thence they came betwixt Eight and Nine of the Clock in the Morning unto Wigginton's Chamber (being Prisoner in the Counter in Woodstreet) with whom having much speech and conference (part whereof is touched before) among other things, they signified unto him, (as Arthington confesseth) that they were provoked to pronounce him the holiest Minister of all others, for dealing so plainly and resolutely in God's Causes above all Ministers, which God would manifest one day to his comfort.  
Wigginton at his examination confesseth such Conference by him at that time to have been had with them, and (as he was enjoined by those who examined him) hath reported it by writing somewhat largely. He therein also setteth down a Conference had by him about the same matters with Hacket himself, coming to him thither alone (as he saith) the selfsame Friday morning, some while after the other two were departed from him.  
It may be gathered by his own Narration, that betwixt the time of Coppinger and Arthington's talk with him, Wigginton had set down Article-wise, and distincted with number the several Heads of their Speeches had with him. And after he also enquired and set down in writing Hacket's Opinion likewise, unto every of the said Articles severally. And albeit it need not be questioned, but that both for Circumstance and Matter he would set it down, the least that might be either to his own, or any his Complices disadvantage, yet may it serve for the fuller understanding of the whole Action, and for necessary observation besides, to touch some chief Points of those Conferences, though it be but as himself telleth them.  

The principal Points of Wigginton's 
Wigginton' s Report of his Conference and Speeches with Coppinger, Arthington and Hacket.  own Report touching Conference and Speeches had by him to and fro with Coppinger and Arthington, and afterward with Hacket, the 16th day of July in the Morning, 1591.  
He saith, That Coppinger and Arthington came unto him about Eight or Nine of the Clock of the 16th day of July in the Morning, full of courage and comfort, saying unto him thus: We are come to you now to bring you certain News of great comfort, which is this, viz. That we have 
1.  seen Jesus Christ this day in lively and extraordinary shape or fashion presented unto us, not in his Body (for so he sitteth at the right hand of God in Heaven, until the last Judgement) but in his effectual or principal Spirit, whereby he dwelleth in William Hacket, more than in any Creature upon the Earth.  
When Hacket came not long after their departure that Morning unto him, Wigginton saith, That he examined him about the whole Speeches of Coppinger and Arthington uttered before unto him; whereunto Hacket answered first generally thus: That he approved them no further than he saw they had warrant for their do, but particularly to this first Article thus, viz.  
Hacket's Answer thereof unto Wigginton.  
To the first, That he knew not of that their Vision, but he accounted himself to be a chief Messenger of God, in such sort as followeth.  
Coppinger and Arthington's Speeches to Wigginton.  
That the said William Hacket is the very same Angel forespoken of by the Scriptures, who should come before the last Judgement of Christ with a Fan or Sheephook in his hand, to separate the Goats from the Sheep.  
Hacket's Answer.  
To the second, That he was the only principal Man sent of God to decide the Controversies of the Gospel of Christ in the World, or in England, or in Europe; into which Controversies some bad Persons (being Enemies to him and to the Gospel in England, and some of them being great Personages) had drawn him to enter by their Cruel, Unjust, and Extraordinary Practices and Treacheries, or Sorceries used against him: and that by him, as by a principal Angel of God (with his Fan in his hand) God would now separate the Sheep from the Goats; and that God would establish the Gospel by him generally, either by his death, or by his life; but (quoth he as it were correcting himself) by my life it must be.  
Coppinger and Arthington's Speeches.  
That Hacket is a Man dearer or nearer unto God in some respects, than Moses or John the 
3.  Divine, who wrote the Revelation; because he must (as it were) bring an accomplishment unto their Prophecies, and hath a more excellent spirit or work to do than they in some respects.  
Hacket's Answer.  
To the third, That God would do a greater Work by him the said William Hacket, than ever he did by any of all the Prophets, for the establishment of his Gospel, to the confusion of Satan and Antichrist.  
Coppinger and Arthington's Speeches.  
That the said Hacket had laid two several Charges in the name of Christ upon them two, 
4.  which they must needs perform or execute; the one upon Arthington of Prophecy, concerning the end of the World; the other upon Coppinger, of painting out the good and bad in the World, or in these parts of the World; and one of them had in purpose or charge to read over the whole Bible for proof of their Office and Business.  
Hacket's Answer.  
To the fourth, That God had sent Arthington to be the said Hacket his Writer or Pen, and the said Coppinger to be the Expounder of his Mind, or Deliverer of his Message to the old Magistrates (which were almost gone) and to the New, and to the World.  
Coppinger and Arthington's Speeches.  
That they had some sight of the glory of the 
5.  World to come, where they found that the Queen was highly in God's favour, because she had cut off much of Antichrist's Force or Train: but, etc.  
That M. Cartwright had done more against 
6.  Antichrist, than any in the World before him since the Apostles time; and that Wigginton was 
Mutuùm muli scabunt.  comparable unto him, and M. Lancaster (meaning a Schoolmaster in Shoe-Lane) was above them both, in the state of heavenly glory, because he had kept himself undefiled from the common Corruptions of these Times, and had a most single heart to God.  
Hacket's Answer.  
To the fifth and sixth, That men should shortly turn their Spears into Mattocks for the making of a true or better Reformation, or else a great Plague, as it were Fire from Heaven should fall upon them for their rebellion against God: And that the Queen was undone, and all we Preachers should be damned, if we fall not to Reformation speedily. And that he knew not of any such Comparisons or Degrees to be in the seat of Glory; but sure he was, although every man should be rewarded according to his works, yet he that would be highest, should be lowest there, where all be as one in Christ.  
7. The seventh Article by them then uttered, 
7.  is nothing but a lewd and slanderous railing against two of the said Counsellors, whereunto Wigginton shapeth no Answer in Hacket's behalf, belike allowing it; and therefore did not ask Hacket of it, because himself made no doubt of the truth thereof, as it seemeth.  
Coppinger and Arthington's Speeches.  
8. That many of the Preachers and People in 
8.  England professing Religion, were blind and careless in many things, yet the Servants of God to be saved upon repentance; and that some few which were more forward than others, should have more honour, or higher places in Heaven than they.  
Hacket's Answer.  
To the eighth; That it was true, so near as Wigginton could call to remembrance.  
Coppinger and Arthington's Speeches.  
9 That these things they would confirm unto 
9  him by God's Spirit out of his word: In the mean while, they both used vehement Protestations, that it was most true which they spoke, and that their Doctrine was or should be fetched out of the Third Heaven: and they would prove themselves and William Hacket to be extraordinarily called and sent of God as aforesaid; and they exhorted him to be constant in the Truth. Arthington also pronounced Wigginton to be highly in God's favour, and assured him, that God's Spirit should be doubled upon him.  
Hacket's Answer.  
To the ninth be avoucheth the full effect thereof, and he also pronounced Wigginton to be highly in God's favour: And further told (after a bold and a resolute manner) that he had appointed him, and some few others, to be Assistants to Coppinger and Arthington in their foresaid Offices, etc.  
Besides the Premises, Wigginton hath set down (as pleased him best) a Dialogue had with Coppinger and Arthington at that time not worth the inserting here: Yet this may be observed in it, that they then said, they 
Note.  would prove the things aforesaid by God's Spirit (which was above his word) and by his Word also. Secondly, By Wigginton his own Report it appeareth, That they answered unto his Speeches very temperately, directly, and pertinently. Thirdly, It appeareth also therein, that he did not contradict any of their say, nor rebuke them, nor found fault with the absurdity and blasphemy of their Opinions, and undutifulness of their Speeches, or danger of their Purposes, but only warned them to be wary, etc. lest they might be illuded of the Devil: So leaving it at that time doubtful, whether he allowed them to be such extraordinary Men or no.  
In his said Narration he further showeth, That he ask Hacket, when he saw the two 
Wigginton' s further Report.  Gentlemen? Hacket answered, They had been with him that Morning whilst he lay in his Bed, and had suddenly departed from him with one cry, saying, Christ is come, Christ is come; where at he said he marvailed, not knowing what was their meaning in the matter: Adding furtherm, That he had oft warned Coppinger to take heed of conceiving too much liking of his own spiritual Gifts, whom he perceived to be ravished with an exceeding love, and extraordinary care for the safety of his Mistress, meaning the Queen's Majesty, who (quoth Hacket) is undone (and here is put an &c.) For you and all other Preachers shall be damned, unless she for her part, and you for your parts, do speedily fall to Reformation. Wigginton also saith further, That Hacket either at that time, or not long before, did exhort him to deal faithfully in the Lord's business; and that he had heard Hacket pray sometimes before, in strange terms, as these and such like, viz. Father, I know thou lovest me as well as thou lovest thine own self. Thus when Hacket had answered Wigginton's demands touching Coppinger and Arthington's Speeches (as is afore set down) he said he would departed home into the Country; yet he would leave word behind, for his Adversaries to know in what place they should find him, if they were disposed to call for him. And withal made great show (after his former wont manner) as though he neither feared Magistrate, nor cared for any punishment, nor doubted any danger to ensue upon him, for any thing he had done or said, or should go about.  
Now touching some things markable in 
Remarks on Wigginton's Narration.  this Narration of Wigginton's. First, If Arthington say true in his Confessions; That Hacket published not himself to have that 
1.  Office of Christ, or his principal Spirit, till the very moment that they were to go into the City to proclaim (as they did) and if they went not unto Hacket that day till they had first been with Wigginton, which seemeth to be true; then could it not be, that Wigginton heard that of them two at that time, which he reporteth them to have spoken in the first, second, third and fourth Article; and therefore he was made acquainted with it before that time. Secondly, That which 
2.  he maketh Hacket to fumble about somewhat doubtfully in answer to the fourth Article (touching the old Magistrates that were gone, and of new) doth argue, that Wigginton was also made privy to the Intent of displacing all the old Counsellors, and placing of new, as was plotted by the Conspirators. Thirdly, 
3.  Their lewd and malapert imputation of her Majesty's Honour to be blemished, and affirming she was undone, though it had been no more, were matters of that quality, that no dutiful or well-advised Subject would have either concealed, or so lightly passed over as he did. Fourthly, It is probable, 
4.  that Hacket meant rather to have Mattocks turned into Spears, than contrariwise; for I see no peaceable means that was thought on by them. Fifthly, We may observe that 
5.  here is a Reformation moved, which upon pain of damnation must be undertaken, and that with all speed; even Now, (they say) wherein others beside the Queen have their parts to perform in erecting of it; some whereof have also extraordinary Gifts and Callings to run in that course of Reforming; and Wigginton (being yet a Prisoner, but belike put in hope of speedy deliverance by their means) is appointed a principal Assistant to them; yea, and is made privy unto some matter, for which Hacket thought he was not unlike to be afterward sought for, and which he knew might be dangerous unto him, had he been such a man, as any Magistrate, Punishment or Danger might have dismayed, and yet not sought to be revealed by Wigginton unto any Magistrate, till upon his examination it was found out. Lastly, I observe the Coggery of the 
6,  Reporter, or else the lewd lying and contradiction to himself of that wretched Seducer Hacket. For in his Answer to the fifth and sixth Articles, he knows no degrees of glory in Heaven; and yet in his Answer to the eighth, he assigneth more honour and higher places in Heaven unto some few that are the most forward, than he doth unto others.  
But let us go on with the Narration of the principal Action, interrupted by occasion of the Conferences had with Wigginton, and of his report of them.  
From Wigginton's Lodging the said Coppinger 
Hacket' s History continued.  and Arthington came directly to Hacket's Chamber in Walker's House at Broken Wharf, and there found the Beast in Bed after Eight of the Clock: Where being inflamed (they say) with zeal out of all measure, Coppinger began to pray at the Bed's feet, and Arthington joined with him; wherein they stood much upon their own unworthiness, etc. but yet offered their obedience to do as the Lord should direct them by his Spirit, having already done so much as was enjoined them. Whereupon Hacket came out of his Bed, and prayed with them in his Shirt twice, that the Spirit might direct them, and they likewise obey the same in all things, to the glory of God only. After Hacket's latter Prayer, Coppinger offered to go on in his Prayer, but the Devilish Spirit moved Arthington to interrupt him, and to charge him in the Name of the Lord Jesus to arise and anoint the King with the Holy Ghost. Whereupon Coppinger straightway risen up, and three times kissed the Board's under his feet, rising up after every time, and making great reverence with bowed knee; and after the third time he came towards Hacket as he lay in his Bed, who put out his hand, and took Coppinger by the hand, and said, You shall not need to anoint me, 
Blasphemy.  for I have been already anointed in Heaven by the Holy Ghost himself. Then Coppinger asked him, what his pleasure was to be done, Go your way both (said he, as Arthington reports) and tell them in the City, that Christ Jesus is come with his Fan in his hand to judge the Earth. And if any man ask you where he is, tell them he lies at Walker ' s House by Broken Wharf: and if they will not believe it, let them: come and kill me, if they can; for as truly as Christ Jesus is in Heaven, so truly is he come to judge. the world. Then Coppinger said it should be done forthwith; and thereupon went forward, and Arthington followed so readily the said Prophet of Mercy, that he had no leisure to take his Gloves with him, and ere Arthington could get down the Stairs, Coppinger had begun (in the House below) to proclaim News from Heaven of exceeding great Mercy: That Christ Jesus was come, etc. as above is said, with whom Arthington also cried the same words aloud, following him along the Streets from thence by Watling-street and Old Change, towards Cheapside, they both adding beyond their Commission, these words, Repent England, Repent. But surely either their Commission was delivered them (at one time or other) more largely than the one of them now reporteth; or else they went beyond and exceeded it in many other material Points besides this. For after they both had thus come (with mighty concourse of the common multitude as to such a novelty of hearing two new Prophets in these days arisen was likely) with an uniform cry into Cheapside near unto the Cross: and there finding the throng and press of People to increase about them, in such sort as that they could not well pass further, nor be conveniently heard of them all, as they desired; therefore they got them up into an empty Cart which stood there, and out of that choice Pulpit (fur such a purpose) made their lewd and traitorous preachment unto the People: wherein they stood not only upon the words of their former cry, but (so near as I could learn from so common an Auditory, and in so confused an Action) they reading something out of a Paper, went more particularly over the Office and Calling of Hacket; how he represented Christ, by partaking a part of his glorified Body; by his principal Spirit, and by the Office of severing the Good from the Bad with his Fan in his hand, and of establishing the Gospel in Europe (which as it seemeth they took to be all the World, or else supposed, that all Europe did profess Christianity) and of bringing in that Discipline which they so often babble of, and which they mean by the term of Reformation, and the holy Cause: That he was now come, and all these things were presently to be performed by him, telling also the People where they saw him, where he lay and remained: That they were two Prophets, the one of Mercy, the other of Judgement, sent, and extraordinarily called by God to assist him in this great Work, and were Witnesses of these things: confirming the same upon their own Salvation, and wishing themselves confounded and damned for ever, if these things they spoke, were not true. And thereupon, the one of them pronounced Mercy, great Comfort, and unspeakable Joys to all that should repent presently, be obedient, and embrace this acceptable Message and opportunity offered: And the other denounced terrible Judgements, if they repent not, which should even presently (also) fall upon them, and especially upon that City of London; affirming that all that believed them not, were condemned Body and Soul. This Judgement against London (as Arthington the pretended Prophet of Judgement, saith he gathered out of Hacket's History) was, that men should (there) kill and massacre one another (as Butchers do kill Swine) all the day long, and no man should take compassion of them. There was then and there further delivered by them, or by the one of them, that Hacket was King of Europe, and so ought to be obeyed and taken; and that all Kings must hold of him, and that the Queen's Majesty had forfeited her Crown, and was worthy to be deprived. Which most traitorous Point amongst others Hacket enjoined them to publish, as in the one of his Indictments is contained. Lastly, In very unmannerly and sawey terms they prayed to God to confound two great Lords of her Majesty's Counsel; for these two, (together with a certain Knight) they then and there openly and most lewdly accused in general terms of Treason. This outrage was done the sixteenth day of July aforesaid, about Ten of the Clock, or something after, in the Forenoon.  
By which their Proclamation, being laid together with their former Conferences, Letters, and Purposes against the Queen and Counsel, and for advancing of Hacket, and for altering the State, with the very time (when so many Soldiers were about the City) it is evident to any, who hath but half an eye to see with, that they intended and hoped to move Tumult and Sedition: That by many hands of the common multitude (which they brag of, saying, they are already inflamed with zeal) they might have brought all their Purposes at length to a sure and speedy conclusion; which designment, for their pretended Reformation, this sort of People do greatly lament, so long to have been frustrated, after so many other several kind of means, in vain attempted by them. But God (who stayeth the raging of the waters, and the madness of his people) did frustrate them herein of their purpose and expectation: his Name be always praised therefore.  
And whereas they had purposed to have gone with the like cry and proclamation through other the chief parts of the City, the press (not of Officers to take them, but of common People to gaze and wonder at them) was so great, as that they were forced to go into a Tavern in Cheapside, at the Sign of the Mermaid; the rather, because a Gentleman in a white Doublet, being of his Acquaintance, plucked at Coppinger whilst he was in the Cart, and rebuked him for his strange and lewd Demeanour and Speeches.  
Whereupon (though Arthington were offended with the said Gentleman for touching a Prophet of God in so rough a sort as he said) yet they were both contented to slep aside into the said Tavern with him; where when they had remained a space, Coppinger was persuaded by one of the aforesaid Lawson's Men, that stayed there at that time (for avoiding the wondering and press of the People) to step over into Woodstreet, and from thence by back Lanes to his Sister's House near unto Paul's Wharf, where he lodged. But whilst they two were going together, Coppinger was very careful to know whether Arthington followed them or not; insomuch as he would not be satisfied, till the said Apprentice went back again for him. At whose coming back, he found Arthington still publishing his foresaid Messages to the People, and telling them of Hacket, and of his Office, with whom Arthington was content also at last to go by the same Streets that Coppinger had gone, but yet crying (as he did afore) Repent England, Repent, etc. When in this sort they two were come together to Coppinger's Lodging, they found the Gates shut against them; whereupon the said Apprentice would have had Arthington to have gone to his own Lodging, but he would needs go to Walker's House at Broken Wharf, where not long before he left Hacket. All the way that Arthington went, he was followed by a great multitude of Lads and young Persons of the meaner sort: But at his coming to Walker's House, Hacket was not yet returned out of the City from Wigginton.  
After that Arthington was entered the House, he was there stayed by one Edward Jones, an honest Citizen: And when Hacket (not long after) came in, Arthington said, There cometh the King of the Earth. But Hacket willed him to keep silence, telling him he was too outrageous: whereupon he straightway (in very dutiful manner) obeyed; for he called Hacket his Captain, and said, That he would do whatsoever he commanded him to do.  
When the said Jones (in searching about Arthington) found a Writing in his Sleeve, Arthington said, That fell out as he would have it, for now it would be seen; for he had made (he said) an Epistle to the Queen, and she would not receive it, and therefore she was (he said) no longer Queen, but was deprived of her Crown, Hacket saying nothing thereunto.  
There was found also in Hacket's Chamber, hidden at the Bed's feet, many Writings; and Walker (the Owner of the House) brought also unto the said Jones other Writings of theirs out of a Stable.  
And when Master Heyney, Parson of the Church of St. Mary-Somersets, an honest and learned Preacher, looked on one of the said Papers, Hacket reproving him, said, that it appertained not unto him, but unto the Magistrates, to look on them.  
Arthington (in Speeches with the said Heyney) said amongst other things, That the Judgements of God over that City were very great, and that the time was now come, that God would reform his Church universally, and root out all Idolatrous Priests, and that the Ministers of that City were no better; affirming himself to be a Prophet sent purposely from God to denounce his Judgements, and that Coppinger was a greater Prophet than he: That Cartwright was a great learned Man, and a Saint of God; but Wigginton was less learned than he, yet far before him in Dignity for his Zeal; always concluding his Speeches with these words of imprecation against himself, viz. else God confound me.  
When the said Preacher demanded of Hacket, why he had seduced Arthington to bring him into such Blasphemies? his Answer was, that abundance of Zeal did cause him to exceed in that sort. Then he asked Hacket, how he liked that Arthington ascribed unto him an Office peculiar to Christ? To which he would not directly answer, but said, that God had a great Work to bring to pass by himself in this Land; affirming that himself also was a Prophet, and had indicted that Prophecy (which Arthington writ) to be sent to the Queen or Counsel, and that he prayed to God to direct Arthington's Pen therein.  
This strange Accident being quickly blown through the City, all was in a buzz, and in a kind of astonishment, what to think of the matter: And being speedily brought to her Majesty's ears, (then lying but at Greenwich) two of her honourable Counsel were presently dispatched unto London, to take further notice of the whole matter. About One of the Clock in the Afternoon Coppinger was sent for, whilst Hacket and Arthington were brought before those honourable Counsellors and others at the Lord Mayors to be examined: but (as is informed) they would not show any token of duty or reverence unto those honourable Persons, not so much as by putting off their Hats unto them. Then their Hats were plucked off by others, and they were told their duties, and were asked whether they did not know before whom they stood? To which they answered, that they knew them right well; nevertheless they would yield them no duty nor reverence, insomuch as themselves (they said) were greater Persons than those before whom they were convented, yet they seemed well content to stand bareheaded, so their Hats were taken off by force, and not put off by their own wills, This course of insolent behaviour towards all that examined them, both Hacket and Arthington held on at sundry other their Examinations. Nevertheless, Arthington that was so scrupulous to yield any reverence to the Queen's Counsel, and Officers, at one time when he saw Hacket, presently fell down grovelling upon his face on the ground and honoured him, according to the Convention among them mentioned before. And albeit both these continued still resolute in their former Fancies, conceived of their extrarordinary Callings and Offices, and sought most absurdly to defend it by Scripture, (but chief by most terrible Imprecations unto themselves, praying to be confounded and damned if they said not true:) yet to all Questions that were asked of them, they answered (though most confidently) yet pertinently, and directly to purpose, saying, That Hacket used the matter somewhat more craftily, when any Question of especial danger was propunded unto him. For than would he by cunning Evasions, by Cavils, and by frustratory kinds of Answers go about to put off such Interrogatories, seeming when he was pressed somewhat hard, to be weary of his Part and Person put on, if he could have then told how to have shaken it off, and been rid of it again with any honesty.  
Coppinger (soon after his first examination) finding the event of things not to answer their expectations, seeing also the matter somewhat warmly taken (as there was good cause) and thereby gathering the danger which he and his Complices stood in, and perceiving also (by the Questions asked) the intercepting of their Writings and Letters, whereby their deal were at full discovered and brought to light; began, either by his own voluntary choice (as some perhaps not unprobably have imagined) or through anxiety (indeed) of mind, growing forth of the badness of the Cause, to behave himself as a Man distracted of his Wits. Insomuch as coming at one time to be examined, and finding Hacket there, at his sight he presently roared out in a very strange and horrible kind of voice; which Hacket willing to turn to the best, straightway said, It was no marvel, though Coppinger did now so behave himself, for that he had given him over already unto Sotan.  
By perusal of their Writings and Letters, and by their Examinations, all the Plots of Treason and Lewdness (afore mentioned) fell out very evidently, and more at full against them.  
Touching the Queen's-Arms defaced at Kaye's House, Hacket did confess, at the times of his examination, that he did it, none other being present, and that he was moved thereunto inwardly by the Spirit, to take away her whole Power of her Authority; and that he would have done worse, had it not been for disquieting his Hostess where he lay, because when she found it, she was very angry therewith: For he was not sorry, neither is sorry (as he then said) for doing the Act, because he was commanded by God to do it, and durst do no otherwise. He confessed also, that he was likewise moved to put out the Lions and the Dragon's Eyes in the Arms; but being asked why he did so? he bitterly and maliciously answered, that he did know that Lions and Dragons did afflict God's People. He did also raze out the Cross that was pictured on the top of the Crown. He further confessed, That he meant also her Majesty's Counsel should be removed, because they were (he said) wicked; and that he himself (being moved by the Spirit) would have placed certain other new Counsellors (whom he then named) to wait upon the Queen, and to reform Religion. It is also confessed by him, that he told Arthington and others, that he was the anointed King of Europe. By the Depositions of the said Kaye and his Wife, it appeareth, that they finding, (about a fortnight before Hacket's departure from them) the Queen's Majesty's Picture pricked with some Bodkin or Iron Instrument in the very place representing her Royal Heart, did in great anger charge Hacket with it. Whereunto he answered, that he had done it, and must and would answer it; adding, he had greater Matters to answer than that, and therefore (said he) you need not make such ado for it. But Hacket at all his Examinations either denied this Point slatly, or said, he did not remember it. This Noble Heart, which thereby he so traitorously despited, God of his infinite mercy long bless and continue still most happy and hearty in his love and fear, within her Majesty's sacred breast, maugre all such execrable fiery spirits and hellhounds in earth, and all the damned devils in hell. Amen.  
Likewise he confessed, that he moved and sent forth Coppinger and Arthington, to go whither God should send them, and to declare and publish, that there lay a Man (namely he the said Hacket) at Walker's House, which made claim to the Crown of England, and that her Majesty had forfeited her Crown, in that her Ministers have used extraordinary means to set up Religion. This he confessed on the 21st and 23d of July. But at his former examination on the 19th of July, being demanded whether he would acknowledge that the Queen's Majesty is Lawful Queen of England or not? he subtly then said, he would not answer to that Question, but said she was Queen of England yet, if she had not forfeited the same. And he further confessed (on 23d of July) that he First published in Hamp-shire (about Three or Four Years passed) and afterwards in Hartford-shire, and in Northamptonshire, that her Majesty was not Queen, and that she had forfeited her Title to the Crown: And that he told Arthington so much in Trinity Term. All these aforesaid, were confessed by him, without any Torture: but being Tortured, he then Sang another Song, and confessed her Majesty to be his lawful Queen, and affirmed, that he Honoured her, and was Sorry for his Offence: adding, that if Coppinger, Wigginton, and one other (whom he named) were well sifted, and straightly examined, they would utter and declare sundry matters of Treason.  
It fell out besides upon deposition of Keys, that Coppinger (being told how Hacket had used the Queen's Picture and the Arms) at the first seemed to mislike with it, saying, that if he were such a fellow, he had done with him; but (saith he) you must bear with him: for some great men have also born with him, and he is with you, but as it were a Prisoner.  
Coppinger himself also at that his examination (which was taken the 19th of July) confessed, that the Letter then showed to him, (and inserted afore) was the Copy of a Letter which he sent to the said John Udall about ten weeks then past, and that the cause why he wrote to Udall that he used not to repair unto him and the rest who were in prison, so often as he was wont to do, for doubt of more trouble and danger that might grow to them thereby, was, in respect of this action, which he had to do: He also then affirmed, that the Queen's Majesty, Queen Elizabeth, is not Queen of England, neither is he (as he said) now her servant, for Hacket is the only King of the World, and that Hacket was commanded by God to deface her Majesty's Arms which were in the House where he than lay, and that Hacket also pricked the Picture of the Queen's Majesty at the Heart. That himself, Wigginton, and one other (the very Week afore Wigginton was committed) had a Fast together, where they Prayed, that if any of them should have any extraordinary calling, they might have some extraordinary seal of it: about the which time, he the said Coppinger was called in a Dream. And that he (together with Arthington, and one other) had a former Fast at the aforesaid Lancaster's House, about one Week afore that time: and that her Majesty's Counsel (that now are) must be Tried by this King, whether they are to be removed from her Majesty or not: and that she is to have to be about her to attend her Person (for the time) such as himself should assign, which shall be those, whom he hath named in a Letter of his, that is found with him: and some others also (he said) were meant to have been assigned also for that purpose.  
There fell out also upon some of Arthington's Examinations (while he remained obstinate) certain other points not unworthy to be remembered. One was, that whereas he, in writing of a treatise against the state of this Church as it now standeth, observed (as he saith) therein his old want to abstain from bitter speeches and raylings, as a thing which he naturally abhorred: yet within these few Months, and after he had entered into these actions, he had altered his opinion, and was moved, in spirit, to follow another sharp and biting course of Writing, as being more convenient in his judgement. Also, when some that examined him, stood greatly upon this point, to persuade him, that he was seduced in those things wherein he seemed so resolute: and reasoned against such their pretended extraordinary callings, gifts, and offices: then he (for better confirmation thereof) said; that it should very shortly appear to the world, that they were no such seduced persons, as was imagined. For whereas a godly Gentlewoman in London (so he termed her) had been by the space of 14 years possessed with a Devil, (as is afore touched) that (for a sure sign of their vocation) the said Devil should be thrown out of her, by all, or some of their three means, very shortly. He also persisted wilful in his former fancies, until the very time that he knew Hacket was hanged; for until that day, he very confidently affirmed, that he was most assured by the Spirit of God, and by the joys and comfort he inwardly felt, that Hacket did participate with Christ in a part of his office, and was indeed King of all Europe, on whom her Majesty and all other, must hold their crowns and sceptres, and must govern (if they would continue their government) by such Laws, as he should prescribe and set forth: That all they three should shortly be dismissed, and should go over-Sea with Hacket, to take possession of all those his other Kingdoms abroad, and to perform their Offices. But when the vanity and danger of this strange fancy was opened unto him, his answer was to this effect: You think (saith he somewhat pleasantly, as it were pitying their error and misconceit) that we have incurred the danger of laws herein; and that we shall therefore be put to death: but as sure as God is in Heaven, the sword shall not come near to hurt us, neither shall any man be able to touch the least hair of any of our heads.  
Thus, the mean time (for the most part 
Hacket comes to his Trial.  thereof) from Friday the 16th of July, until Monday seven-night after, being spent in examinations, it was thought good, that Hacket should then come to his Trial: on which day (being the 26th of July) he was brought from Bridewell to the Sessions-house near Newgate, before the Lord Mayor, the Lord Wentworth, Sir Gilbert Gerrard Knight, Master of the Rolls, Sir Walstane Dixie, and Sir Richard Martin Knights, Mr. Sergeant Fleetwood Recorder of London, Mr. Daniel and others in that Commission: where after the Grand Jury was Empanelled, the Witnesses that should give evidence Sworn, and two several Indictments against him found, Hacket was willed to hold up his hand, which he did: then the first Indictment was read being of this tenor being turned into English, viz.   

The Jury do present for the Queen, That 
The Indictment. London ss.  William Hacket late of Oundel in the County of Northampton Yeoman, as a false Traitor against the most excellent and Christian Princess our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth, by the grace of God, of England, France, and Ireland, Queen, defender of the Faith, etc. his natural and Sovereign liege Lady, having not the fear of God in his heart, nor weighing his due allegiance, but seduced by the instigation of the Devil, maliciously and traitorously, compassing, imagining, devising, and intending the deprivation and deposing of our said Sovereign Lady Elizabeth, from her honour and royal name of the Imperial Crown of this Realm of England, on the 21st day of July, in the 33d year of the reign of our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth now Queen of England, at London, that is to say, in the Parish of St. Brides in the Ward of Farringdon extra London, and divers other days and times, betwixt the 12th of February last passed, and the 25th day of July, in the said 33d year of her Majesty's Reign, as well in the Parish and Ward aforesaid, as elsewhere in London aforesaid, of his own perverse and traitorous mind, and imagination, maliciously, expressly, advisedly, directly, and traitorously in the presence and hearing of sundry faithful Subjects of our said Sovereign Lady, these false, malicious, and traitorous English words following, concerning our said Sovereign Lady the Queen's Majesty, falsely, maliciously, advisedly, expressly, directly, and traitorously said, rehearsed, published, and spoke, viz. That the Queen's Majesty (meaning thereby our said Sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth) was not Queen of England: and that the Queen's Majesty (meaning thereby our said Sovereign Queen Elizabeth) did represent all hypocrisy, and had forfeited her Crown, and was worthy to be deprived, and that he had been of that opinion this four years: and that he defaced her Arms in Keys house (thereby meaning the house of one Ralph Keys situate and being in Knightrider-street in the Parish of St. Gregory near Paul's in the Ward of Baynard's Castle London) to take away her whole power of her Authority, and was moved thereunto by the spirit, and that he neither was, nor is sorry therefore, to the great scandal and derogation of the person and Royalty of our said Sovereign Lady the Queen, and to the subversion of the State of this Realm of England, and contrary to the form of a statute in this case made and provided, and also against the peace of our said Sovereign Lady, her Crown and dignities, etc.  
Being asked whether he were guilty to this Indictment or not? he confessed and 
He pleaks guilty.  pleaded guilty: adding this, All must be as you will. Whereupon Mr. Attorney-General desired for the Queen, his confession of the Indictment might be entered. Then Hacket being again bidden to hold up his hand, he did so accordingly: whereupon the second Indictment was read being in English as followeth, viz.  
The Jury presents for the Queen: That William 
Second Indictment. London ss.  Hacket late of Oundel in the County of Northampton Yeoman, as a false traitor against the most excellent and Christian Princess our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland, Queen, desender of the Faith, etc. Having not the fear of God in his heart, nor weighing his due allegiance, but seduced by the Instigation of the Devil, and intending wholly to withdraw, put out, and extinguish the hearty love, and the true and due obedience, which a true and faithful subject of the Queen's should bear, and by law is bound to bear, towards our said Sovereign Lady the Queen; the first day of July in the 33d year of the Reign of the said Queen, at London, in the Parish of S. Gregory near Paul ' s in the Ward of Castle-Baynard London, falsely, maliciously, and traitorously intended, imagined, went about, and compassed, the said Queen his Sovereign and natural liege Lady, not only from her Royal state, title, power, and government of this Realm of England, utterly to deprive, depose, cast down, and disherit, but also to bring and put the said Queen's Majesty to death, and final destruction, and sedition in the said Realm of England to raise up, levy and make: and also wholly to subvert and destroy the state of this whole Commonwealth, being in and throughout every part thereof, well constituted and ordered. And to the intent be might fulfil and bring to pass those his aforesaid traitorous purposes, imaginations, compassings, and intents, the said William Hacket afterward, that is to say, the said first day of July, in the 33d year of the Reign of the Queen's Majesty that now is, did come to the mansion house of one Ralph Keys, situate and being in Knight-rider-street in the said Parish of St. Gregory in the Ward aforesaid: and then and there, maliciously, devilishly, and traitorously, razed and defaced the Arms of the Queen's Majesty then and there in the said house being, with this intent, traitorously to take away, put down, and overthrow the power of Authority of the said Queen. And that the said William Hacket for further accomplishing and effecting of his said traitorous purposes, imaginations, compassings, and intents, the said first day of July, in the said 33d year of her Majesty's reign, in the house of the said Ralph Keys, situate in the parish and ward aforesaid, did traitorously raze a certain Picture of the Queen's Majesty, then and there in the said house likewise being: and then and there did maliciously and traitorously put in and thrust an Iron Instrument into that part of the said Picture, that did represent the Breast and Heart of the Queen's Majesty. And afterward, that is to say, on the 16th day of July in the 33d year of the reign of the Queen's Majesty that now is, the said William Hacket, traitorously came to the house of one John Walker situate and being in the Parish of St. Mary Somerset in the Ward of Queen-hith in London aforesaid, with intent traitorously to confer and treat with one Edmund Coppinger Gent. and Henry Arthington Gent. concerning his traitorous purposes, imaginations, compassings, and intents aforesaid. And that the said William Hacket afterward, that is to say, on the 16th day of July in the 33d year of the Reign of the Queen's Majesty that now is, at London aforesaid in the house of the said John Walker, in the foresaid Parish of St. Mary Somerset in the said Ward of Queenhith in London, of his own perverse and traitorous mind and imagination, maliciously, advisedly, expressly, and traitorously did treat and had conference with the said Edmund Coppinger and Henry Arthington, by what ways, means, and manner, the said traitorous purposes, imaginations, compassings, and intents, might be accomplished and brought to pass. And thereupon on the said 16th day of July, in the said 33d year, in the said house of John Walker aforesaid, situate and being in the said Parish of Saint Mary Somerset in the said Ward of Queenhith London, in the presence and hearing of the said Edmund Coppinger and Henry Arthington (being then and there in the said house) the said Hacket these false traitorous English words following, of our said Sovereign Queen Elizabeth, falsely, maliciously, advisedly, expressly, directly and traitorously, said, rehearsed, published and spoke, viz. That the Queen's Majesty, (meaning our said Sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth, had forfeited her Crown, and was worthy to be deprived. And that furthermore the said William Hacket thereupon, the said 16th day of July in the said 33d year, in the said house of John Walker situate in the Parish of St. Mary Somerset in the said Ward of Queen-hith London, maliciously, and traitorously moved and stirred up the said Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington, traitorously and openly to publish and declare in London aforesaid, that the Queen's Majesty that now is, had forfeited her Crown, to the great offence and derogation of the person of the Queen's Majesty, and to the subversion of the state of this Realm of England, and contrary to the peace of our said Sovereign Lady, her crown and dignities, etc.  
And being likewise asked whether he were guilty to this Indictment or not, 
To this he answers perversely.  (belike perceiving that he was already plunged in far enough) he began then to answer more perversely, saying to the Bench, You have wit enough to judge for me and yourselves too: Being asked the same again, he said, Few words are best; it is good to know much and to say little: And being divers times asked, he still repeated these words. Then being told, that if he should persist in that sort, not to plead directly as by Law he ought, it could not serve his turn, for that alone was sufficient of itself to condemn him of the Treason: and being asked again, whether he were guilty or not, he said, Ambo. But some further good advertisements being given unto him, at last (after much ado) he pleaded, Not 
At last pleads not guilty.  guilty, to that second Indictment. Thereupon being asked, by whom he would be Tried, he said, By the Country: But being told he ought to say, By God and by the Country, he said, That he would be tried by the Jury. And therewithal burst 
He blasphemes,  out into such blasphemous and hellish words against the Majesty of God (in truth, not to be heard by Christian ears, and therefore not to be uttered or repeated here) that they were to the great astonishment and horror of all, and detestation of him with all the hearers. It may be that he 
Intending to induce the Court to believe him mad.  hoped thereby to induce the Judges to an opinion that he was mad and furious; albeit in his countenance, gesture, attentiveness to that which was spoken, silence when he ought, holding up his hand when he was commanded, perceiving the effect of all was spoken, pertinent (though sometimes perverse) answers, through all that action, no tokens of any fury or madness at all could be noted in him.  
Some have imagined that the Illusion of the Devil was so strong, to persuade him of an immunity from all danger, according to his former conceived Opinions, that thereby he grew to such a devilish impatience against God, when as now he saw himself to be brought to more apparent danger than (happily) he supposed there ever would be cause for him to fear. Which thing seemeth more probable to have been the occasion thereof; for that immediately after his Blasphemy, he also used these words; God Almighty is above, and will he not revenge? But seeing he could not be brought to any other Plea, the Queen's Attorney-General desired in behalf 
Not pleading as he ought, the Queen's Attorney demands Judgement to be entered. No Evidence being heard.  of the Queen, That Judgement thereupon might be entered. And seeing he pleaded Guilty to the one, and stood mute to the second, in that he answered not as Law would (whereupon he was to be convicted of both the Indictments) so that none Evidence (which was there ready) needed either to be used, or by the Queen's Council Learned to be opened or enforced: Nevertheless, for better satisfaction of the World, it was by them thought meet, somewhat to show both how heinous, and how evident (for Proof) his Treasons were. And albeit I am not able (in any tolerable sort) to repeat the grave, wise, and pithy Discourses that were made in this behalf, by those two worthy Gentlemen, Master Attorney-General, and Master Solicitor to her Majesty; yet (I hope) they will pardon me, to set down only some few heads of their Speeches, as they were noted briefly from their mouths, and afterward brought unto me. Master Attorney declared, That the Original of 
The Substance of Mr. Attorney's Speech.  these Plots and Conspiracies came from, and were for the Sectaries of this time: That Coppinger in a Letter to Udall, prayeth him and the rest in Prison not to faint: That he and others had taken a course for their speedy deliverance, and desired pardon for not coming to him, which he said might be dangerous, for that they should be the sooner suspected; or to that effect: That there were Letters dispersed in the streets five or six days before the Action: That there were found in Wigginton's Chamber printed Pamphlets, which should be sent to a great number of Women (whom I, quoth Master Attorney, forbear to name) as is touched before: That in other Letters was contained, That the Queen should command her Counsellors to their Chambers, because of the stir and danger which then should be: That Hacket himself had afore confessed (besides the other Points of the Indictments) how he sent Arthington and Coppinger to do and proclaim as they did.  
Then Master Solicitor very excellently 
The Substance of Mr. Sollicitor's Speech.  also discoursed, How there was no Treason more dangerous than that which is practised under other colours, as it were in the clouds, and none wounded so deep as those that were shadowed under the cloak of Religion and Zeal; for of it commonly followed greatest destruction and calamities. This he exemplified by the Anabaptists at Munster in Westphalia, and some others: That in like sort (as (they did) this Hacket also affirmeth he was sent from God, was a principal Angel sent before the Judgement; that he doth participate (with horror I rehearse it, said Master Solicitor) of the Human Nature of Jesus Christ, and the two other are Prophets, one of Mercy, and the other of Judgement. That the Queen had forfeited her Crown: That the Council was wicked, and must be overruled; and by whom but by him? etc. Then he shown what Hacket was, viz. a Bankrupt; that he had married a Widow, and had spent all.  
Which done, Master Recorder of London gave Judgement upon Hacket, as in like 
Mr. Recorder gave Judgement for Execution.  cases is accustomed. From thence Hacket was carried to Newgate, and there remained till Wednesday next after (being the appointed day for his Execution) that in the mean while he might (by godly counsel) be brought to Repentance, and to provide for his Soul's health. Certain Preachers so traveled with him in the mean time, that albeit (for some while) he thought to advantage himself, and to respite his execution, by giving (through dissimulation) froward and lewd Answers; yet at length they brought him (as it then seemed) to a serious consideration of his own state, and of the grievousness of his Treasons. Insomuch as Master Richard Young of London, coming 
He is visited by Preachers, is brought to sober Temper:  also unto him thither, on the Tuesday being the 27th of July, betwixt the hours of six and seven in the Afternoon (sundry others also being in company) he found him (in outward appearance) well affected. For when Master Young wished him to submit himself, and to confess his fault towards Almighty God, he presently with good words did it accordingly. Then Master Young told him that God had appointed Death unto all men, but unto divers in divers sorts, and wished him to take patiently that which God had laid upon him. This Hacket said he would unfeignedly do, and withal asked the Queen's Majesty 
Confesses the Fact, seems sorry, and asks the Queen's Forgiveness.  Forgiveness; saying, he was very sorry for the words he had spoken, and that it was a gracious and happy turn, that their Treasons were in time revealed: For otherwise it would have cost a number of innocent men their bloods, and himself (he thought) should nevertheless also have been slain amongst them: But now trusted in God that the others would confess also their Treasons; and that her Majesty was a gracious Prince, and would forgive them if they asked mercy. And if it would also please her Highness to be so gracious unto him as to pardon him, he would henceforth become a good Subject. Furthermore (because he had no Money) he then desired Master Young either to give or to lend him some Money; saying he would repay it again if ever he were able, who thereupon did his devotion towards him. Then Hacket thanked him, and desired Master Young to pray for him. Thus he continued in good Temper that night and the next morning, until (looking out at one of the Windows into the Street leading towards Cheapside) he saw all the street even filled (as it were) up with people, expecting his Execution. There 
Seeing the Multitude waiting his Execution, he raves, and blasphemes.  upon he began to answer such as exhorted him, very desperately and blasphemously: And when as coming down the Stairs one of the Sheriffs wished him to be mindful of Christ's Death, who suffered for him, he thereupon uttered most execrable Blasphemy against Christ's blessed Passion.  
He was brought from Newgate towards the place of Execution, the Eight and twentieth day of July (being Wednesday) after Ten of the Clock in the Morning, albeit by reason of the incredible multitude (than in the streets) but especially in Cheapside, from one end thereof unto another, (the like whereof at no assembly in memory hath been seen) it was very long ere the Officers (with all they could do) could get him to the very place. All the way that he was dragged upon the Hurdle, he continued his counterfeit vein that he had then undertaken; one while crying out Jehovab Messiah, Jehovab Messiah; 
His extravagant Speeches going to Execution.  another while crying out thus; Look, look, how the Heavens open wide, and the Son of God cometh down to deliver me. When he came under the Gibbet (which was reared hard by the Cross in Cheapside, towards the right hand of the Street as you come from Paul's) and the noise being appeased, he was exhorted to ask God and the Queen Forgiveness, and to fall to his Prayers: But he persevering in his unprofitable course of dissimulation, instead thereof, fell to railing and cursing of the Queen's Majesty, most villainously. 
He curses the Queen.  But being more vehemently urged to remember his present state, and to give over all hope to do himself good by such dissembling, he began to pray this most passionate, blasphemous, and execrable Prayer, viz. O God of Heaven, mighty Jebovah, 
His blasphemous execrable Prayer.  Alpha and Omega, Lord of Lords, King of Kings, and God everlasting, that knowest me to be that true Jebovah, whom thou hast sent: send some miracle out of a cloud to convert these Infidels, and deliver me from these mine enemies: If not, I will fire the heavens, and tear thee from thy throne with my hands. With other words of most execrable blasphemy against the divine Majesty of God (not to be rehearsed) by reason that he found not that deliverance which he fancied God to have promised. Then turning towards the Executioner, he said unto him, Ah thou bastards chila, wilt thou 
His words to the Hangman.  hang Wm. Hacket thy king? The Magistrates and people detesting this subtle, seditious, and blasphemous humour, commanded and cried to the Officers to dispatch with him, or to have his mouth stopped from blaspheming: but they had much ado to get him up the Ladder: And when he was up, he struggled with his head to and fro, (as well as he could) that he might not have the fatal noose put over his head. Then he asked them (very fearfully) O what do you, what do you? but seeing by the circumstance, what they intended, he began to rave again, and said, Have I this for my kingdom bestowed 
He dies horridly blaspheming.  upon thee? I come to revenge thee, and plague thee; and so was turned off. But the people unwilling that so traitorous and blasphemous a wretch, should have any the least favour: cried out mightily to have him cut down presently, to be quartered, and seemed very angry with the Officers, that made no more haste therein: but as soon almost as he was cut down, (even with a trice) his heart was taken forth, and shown out openly to the people, for a most detestable, blasphemous traitor's heart.  
Thus died the most dangerous firebrand of sedition, most detestable Traitor, most hypocritical seducer, and most execrable blasphemous hellhound, that many ages ever saw, or heard of, in this Land.  
The next day after this (being Thursday,) Coppinger having wilfully abstained 
Coppinger starves himself and dies next day in Bridewell.  from meat (as is said) seven or eight days together, died in Bridewell: and Arthington liveth yet in the Counter in Woodstreet, reserved (I hope) unto sincere and perfect 
Arthington in the Counter reputes and sues for Pardon.  repentance. For immediately upon Hacket's execution, he wrote a Letter unto two great Counsellors, (whom among others he had lewdly slandered) of submission, and afterwards (more at large) he wrote to the body of the Council, the whole course (as he pretendeth) of this action, so far as he was made acquainted therewith, humbly craving their Lordship's mediation unto the Queen's most excellent Majesty for his pardon, and acknowledging his dangerous error, and devilish leduction (by Hacket especially) into this traitorous action.  
This Declaration is truly taken forth of their own Letters, Writings under their hands, and their Confessions upon Examinations, subscribed by themselves, and by sundry honourable and worshipful persons of great gravity, and wisdom, before whom they were made: and therefore may suffice, to show unto all reasonable and well-affected, the lewdness and danger of the hypocritical Plots, and seditious Conspiracies entered into by these persons.  
But some there are so perversely wedded to 
The state slandered in these Proceed.  their own wills, and addicted to their fancies once conceived, that they give out they were mad, and furious persons, choosing therein, rather to accuse the honourable Justice of the Realm, and all the administers thereof, than that any of their factious Crew (professing desire of pretended Reformation, and to bring in The Discipline as they call it) should be noted with so deep disloyalty.  
As it is not the part of any honest Christian, by calumniation to charge those that be innocent; so doth it not become a loyal Subject, to justify any Traitors, especially with slandering of the State. It therefore seemeth requisite, that this point be not left uncleared: whether they or any of them, in these practices, were indeed transported 
The Justice vindicated.  with fury, besides themselves, so as they needed not to have been regarded, nor (by Law) ought to have suffered death for them?  
In wants of understanding and reason (after such time as men should naturally have them) there are noted divers degrees, that are also of several consideration; that is to say: Furor sive Rabbis: Dementia sive Amentia: Insania sive Phrenesis: Fatuitas, Stultitia, Lethargia, & Delirium. And albeit the three first (by sundry Writers) be sometimes confounded and taken for one, like as also the fourth is with the fifth, and the sixth with the last: yet when the diversity espied in the things themselves, do drive men to a more exact consideration, and distinction of the words (by which those passions are to be expressed) they are for the most part thus properly termed and distinguished by the best Writers.  
Furor (as it is described by Tully) est mentis ad omnia coecitas: an entire and full 
Tusc. qu. li. 3.  blindness or darkening of the understanding of the mind, whereby a man knoweth not at all, what he doth or saith, and is englished madness or woodness. He that is 
Bal In Lsed & milites 〈◊〉 autem § ffide excus. tuto: & passim alij.  possessed, herewith is carried with fury of mind, into great violences, and outrages, so that he neither spareth himself, nor other men, and is called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such was the madness of Ajax (as is feigned by the Poets) who whipped and scourged droves of beasts and , thinking they were the Groecians that had displeased him, and afterward in that rage killed himself.  
Dementia is described there, by the same 
Ibidem.  Author, to be affectio animi lumine mentis carens, A passion of the mind, bereaving it of the light of understanding: Or as another 
Quintil. Declamat. 348.  grave and learned Author calleth it; ablatus rerum omnium intellectus, when a man's perceivance and understanding of all things is taken away, and may be englished distracted of wit, or being beside himself. Such one is called also Mente captus, cum 
Festus.  mens ei è potestate abiit, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This infirmity of the mind is less than furious 
l 2. D. de inoffic. testamento.  rage, and to be distinguished from it. They differ in this, that the first is, as it were carried with great outrage of mind, into violent courses; but he that is only ment captus, useth greater quietness of body, and calmness, and showeth not such outward 
D. D in 1. Instit. § de curate.  testimonies in his actions, of alienation of his wits: yet neither of these have any ruled memory, will, understanding, or feeling, of that they do or say.  
Insania is also defer b●d by Tully (upon 
Tusc. qu. li. 5.  the judgement of the Authors of the 12. Tables) to be inconstantia sanitate vacans, quoe tamen possit tueri officium vitoe communis, & cultum usitatum; A kind of Inconstancy void in deed of perfect soundness of mind, yet such, as that he which hath it can observe and do the common offices of this life among men, in some reasonable and tolerable sort: such be all they, whom commonly we term either frantic, brainsick, crack'd-witted, cock-brains, or harebrained men, being not altogether unapt for civil societies, or void of understanding, to perceive what they say or do, or what is said unto them: albeit they have many strange conceits, toying fancies, and perform sundry, rash, undiscreet, mad, and foolish parts. Many examples of these three degrees, much differing one from another; may be observed in our daily experience, and in histories of all ages.  
Fatuitas is the want of wit and understanding, wherewith natural fools are possessed: But Stultitia is that folly which is seen in such, as albeit they be but simple and gross-witted, yet are not to be accounted very Idiots, or Naturals. Therefore one speaking modestly of himself, said thus: Ego stultum me existimo, fatuum esse none opinor. I take myself to be but a 
Afranius.  simple Man, yet (I hope) no stark Idiot.  
A Lethargy is a notable forgetfulness of all things almost, that heretofore a man hath known, or of their names: so that such one oftentimes forgetteth also his own name, calleth any thing by a wrong name; and beginning to speak, forgetteth what he had said afore, and what he meant to say after This distemperature and weakness cometh by some blow, sickness, or age.  
Delirium is that weakness of conceit and consideration, which we call dotage: when a man, through age or infirmity, falleth to be a child again in discretion: albeit he understand what is said, and can happily speak somewhat pertinently unto sundry matters.  
If a man, whiles he is troubled with either of the first two infirmities, shall commit any thing, which in his own nature is criminal, all good laws do rather pity his case, than punish him, albeit, in the rest it be not absolutely so observed: for voluntas non actus, affectus non effectus distinguunt maleficia: we are not in punishing offenders, so much to respect the event, and what is done, as with what purpose, mind, and affection the thing is done. But such as be furious, and distracted of their wits, are intended (whiles that passion lasteth) to have no will, to know or perceive nothing, and therefore not to give consent to any 
1. 17. filio. D. § de injurijs L. 2. finali D. § de jure Codicillorum.  thing they do or say. In which respects they are compared in law, to men absent, and utterly ignorant of any thing done by themselves, on in their presence.  
Now then, to examine these three persons by that which hath been said: It may be yielded, that their imaginations, purposes, plots, and designments, respecting the weightiness of the end and weakness of the means, were fantastical, unadvised, and most fond and unlikely, yet none otherwise than may be also truly said for the most part of all such fanatical fantastics, schismatics, heretics, or malcontented treasonable conspirators whatsoever. But cannot (truly or with any colour of probability) be affirmed, that any of them were mad, besides themselves, and out of their wits, as not knowing and perceiving what they did or said, or what others said or did unto them.  
First concerning Arthington, I have not heard so much as any doubt at all of Madness to have been made by any man that conversed, or had to deal with him, either in or after this action. But because Coppinger hath been supposed by many (after the time of his first examination) to have fallen into stark madness, let us a little look back, and briefly recapitulate some points, that have been afore touched concerning him, to see, if any such distraction of mind could also be noted in him, by the carriage of this action, before his apprehension. Yet I do know, that it hath been doubted (upon some good ground) by wise men, whether he were indeed mad, even at any time after he was apprehended, as he made-shew, or whether it were only feigned by him. For a mad man may, and often times doth, for two or three days together, eat no meat, nor happily drinks not at all. But when the humours of his stomach are fully concocted and put over, so that for want of food, it beginneth naturally to suck back the blood and nourishment, distributed afore into the veins and parts, which breedeth hunger: then will a madman (most commonly) very greedily and ravenously, even by course of nature, fall to his meat, if it be showed him, and cannot abstain, because he cannot dissemble this appetite, in the time of his fury. But Coppinger is said to have forborn and abstained from meat and drink (though they were offered unto him) by the space of eight whole days: whereby he grew so weak, as that it may seem, he died for want of Sustenance. Such resolution or obduration of mind, can hardly so long together remain with him, that is mad indeed, and knoweth not what he doth. Howsoever it were after, it is sure, that before their Pageant was played, (wherein matters prospered not as they expected) the whole course of his speeches, writings, and other deal were such, as do argue no defect at all of reason, memory, wit, or understanding, setting aside the absurdity and folly of the fancy, wherewith he was led.  
For when he first had taken apprehension of such extraordinary calling, he yielded not straightway and unadvisedly unto it, but after long and deliberate debating with himself: his care was great, and course (as in such a matter) was considerate, in seeking to be resolved by such, as he both then, and afore held, to be best able to judge of his gifts and calling: The questions that he framed were very pertinent to that purpose, and orderly penned: His Letters and speeches to T. C. to Eg. to Ch. to Vd. to Lan. to Wig. to P. W. to I. T. and others, and to them of foreign Churches, were (for that matter) well and advisedly indicted: His cunning was not small, to keep the very particular way of effecting that which he desired, from those he dealt with, because himself knew it a dangerous secret, and a course not justifiable, unless it came by extraordinary motion, and special oeconomy from God, and therefore he desired to have it allowed so to be: His pretence of entertaining intelligence (touching some important service to the State of the Realm, whereof he pretended to have an inlking, but no full and particular knowledge) was none unadvised or simple reach of policy, in him. For if in platting of his purposes, and dealing in the principal action, any thing of doubtful acceptance, should happen to have been after discovered, then might he well and with good colour, have pretended, that he did it but in way of attaining to intelligence of those dangers, whereof the generality (as it were in the Clouds) he had afore delivered to a Counsellor. For he might not seem a man to be suspected of any disloyal purpose, who shown himself so careful for his Sovereign's safety. Add to these, his cunning petition, to have prisoners for treason, etc. to be examined by himself, and execution of condemned persons to be stayed at his beck, whereby he might more easily have induced them to appeach, whom he list to have overthrown, and whom he principally aimed at. His subtlety also doth notably appear in his petitions to her Majesty; where he makes show of great secrets to be delivered only in her presence, and prayeth to be pardoned, if in overmuch fear of her safety, he had attempted to prove that, which he could not, which argueth, that he had (indeed) not so much as any colourable intelligence delivered unto him, of Treason intended, by such great men, as he pretended: but used this as a means, to have access, for himself and the others, unto her Highness' presence, for some further intended mischief: Then his allowance and commendation of sound and good counsel given him, by Eg. a preacher, and by others; his sparing to reveal the great and dangerous secret unto Hacket, upon their first acquaintance; his razing out of Hacket's and the Town's Name, out of the Letter sent by him to a Noble personage, to give inkling of Treasons intended against her Majesty, lest the quality and unlikelyhood of the man being enquired after, that that plot should be dashed; his not subscribing of his name to sundry Letters; his directing of Hacket, neither to subscribe nor endorse (but in that sort as he prescribed) for fear of discovery; his desire to have all the Letters again, that he had written to Eg. about that matter; his wary and diligent keeping of copies of every Letter that he writ in that cause; and when leisure served not so to do, his great care to have the very Letters again; his offence with one Hoc. for keeping a Letter from him, which he had sent unto him; his cunning excuse of Hacket's defacing of the Queen's Arms; his counterfeit revelation to bring Arthington further in; his device to make Arthington resolute, by saying it was revealed to him, that they had Angelical spirits, not subject to hurt, by any mortal power; his willing choice to withdraw himself into an house, when (after their proclamation) things fell not out as was expected, and from thence afterward to go to his place of abode, through by-lanes; his and Hacket's putting off the matter from knowledge of Arthington for a time, though afterward (happily) to be opened, why the Queen might not be prayed for, in particular; their pretence of the Lords commandment, to keep the means secret; how the Queen's Majesty and the Counsel were to be brought to repentance, and unto their pretended Reformation; the sensible and coherent manner of report unto Wigginton, touching Hacket's and their own callings, and offices, by Coppinger and Arthington; their temperate and pertinent answers unto Wigginton's speeches, and all their consulting sundry times together, about their business, namely, the night afore, and the day of their proclamation, do plainly argue, that Coppinger (albeit he were greatly misled by a false and spiteful zeal, and by much hypocrisy) yet was he far enough, from any distracting of his wits, in every part of this action.  
And concerning Hacket (whose terrible blasphemies at the last, do argue either a villainous dissimulation to have his execution respited, or a desperate intemperancy against God, for frustrating his expectation) there can no fury or madness be justly noted in him, by the whole managing of this action, but rather, notable hypocrisy, craft, and dissembled holiness. First, in that he seemed a man most zealous for the pretended Reformation of the Church, by erecting the Discipline, and afterwards also for reforming of the Commonwealth: That he used (in outward appearance) a most servant and devout manner of praying: that in his prayers, he did execrate himself most deeply, if he sought not the glory of God only in this action, thereby the better to be credited, and to cover his villainies: that he took a day's deliberation, to answer the great matter, after it was first propounded by Coppinger: that he sought to get credit to himself, and to terrify her Majesty, by telling (in generalities) of strange judgements of God, imminent over her, that were revealed unto him: that foreseeing it not unlikely to rain (after a long time of drought) he prayed in Coppinger's presence for rain, whereby it might seem to be sent by God, at his only prayer and mediation: that he bore them in hand he could tell things to come, being merely contingent: that he could fain such kind of Revelations, as if they were showed to him in the midst of his torments, (which if they be marked) tended only to have himself magnified, as a man placed most highly in God's favour: that when the one of his followers seemed offended, he craftily excused the mislike which he had showed, to hear her Majesty prayed for: that the better to colour his hatred and malice, he afterwards prayed for her himself: that he cunningly induced Coppinger, either to fain or to fancy a Revelation, that he, and Arthington must obey him the said Hacket in all things: that he pretended to dispense with Arthington, for honouring him as King of Europe, until he should do it before others, where it might stand him in better stead: that he craftily put off his intended anointing by Coppinger, (as being already done in heaven) left some (unlooked for) accident happily falling forth, the whole pageant might have been marred: that his pretended greatest office of severing (in Christ's behalf) the good from the bad, with his Fan in his hand, was concealed from Arthington, until the very time that the message was to be done by them, when as it was too late to consider of it, and unlawful to be disobeied: that this office he proclaimed unto them (after his two solemn prayers, for direction of them by God's spirit, to the glory of God only) as it were an oracle newly dropped down from heaven: that he aswered Wigginton's questions very cunningly, as touching the old Magistrates that were gone, and the new come in place, meaning thereby (in truth) the displacing of all her Majesty's Council: that he warily qualified Coppinger's and Arthington's speeches, which seemed unto Wigginton, to attribute a little too much unto him: that (coming through the streets, and seeing their proclamation had not made such stir, as was hoped) he then pretended unto Wigginton that he had not set them on work, but marvelled what they meant thereby, and thereupon signified, he would departed the city, and be gone home: that fearing what might happen in the event of the tumult he sent them into the streets, but tarried behind in the House himself: That he put the trial of his said pretended great Office (which he claimed in Christ's room) upon this issue and trial, That none of the People which should come to see him, had the power to kill him; for he knew that no private Subject might or would attempt to do it, howsoever otherwise they took the matter. That after the matter fell not out to his purpose, and being returned to Walker's House, he rebuked Arthington's overmuch forwardness, for calling him there (openly before others) the King of the Earth, and excused this in him, by his great Zeal. That he slily avoided the questions which the Minister of that Parish did ask him, touching those things which Arthington attributed unto him. That he used at his Examinations many crafty Evasions; when any question of capital danger to him was asked. That he constantly at all his Examinations persisted in denying, and said he did not remember that Action which seemed most odiously Traitorous, touching the piercing that part of the Picture which represented her Majesty's Royal Heart. That he denied also to have sent them to publish as they did. That he did answer so doggedly and (in truth) knavishly, to the question of defacing the Lion and Dragon in her Majesty's Arms. That to a question (of most importance) whether her Majesty were lawful Queen of England? he refused to answer. That he subtly answered (albeit not to the Lawfulness of her being Queen) yet she was (in fact) Queen as yet, if she had not forfeited it. That when he was tortured, he revoked his Treasons, and sorrowfully submitted himself; a course which by the extremity of Pain (at the first assaying of it) doth drive a man (being indeed mad) into a far greater rage and impatience than he was afore. That till he was tortured, he would not appeach any other his Complices in the Treasons. That being not willing to plead directly to his second Indictment, he drove off the time with cunning Answers, indeed importing nothing less than madness. That being in good Temper, and (as seemed) well disposed in mind both the Night before, and the Wednesday morning, until he saw no remedy, but that he was presently to be executed, he burst not forth into his horrible Blasphemies. And that at the very Execution, in his greatest impatience pretended, (albeit his Speeches were most villainous against the Queen, and blasphemous towards God) yet he understood what was said and done; his Words had Sense, and his Prayer was coherent together, one part with another. None of all which things premised, can happen or be found in him that is indeed furious and distracted of his Wits; such as the Laws not only do pity, but also spare and protect from all Punishment.  
If any man now shall marvel how such vain and foolish Conceits could so deeply possess men of any consideration, let him remember what Luther writ against certain like Fanatical Persons, the Anabaptists in Germany; who pretended like Purity, and intended also a dangerous Reformation: There is (saith he) none Error so absurd, but (when God's Wrath is once kindled) the Devil is able to persuade it.  
But if offence be taken by any against the Gospel itself, for that these Weeds have sprung up in the Times, and amongst those Persons that make outward Profession of it, let that be called to mind which I said in the beginning of this Treatise, and the Comparison and Resemblance now ensuing be considered, with these men's Purposes, Opinions, 
A resemblance betwixt these men and the Anabaptists in Germany in Luther's time.  and Actions, which there I promised to make, betwixt them and certain Heresies and Tumults stirred up in Germany, at the very beginning of the renewing of the Light of the Gospel by the preaching of Luther, Zuinglius, and others; the brief of which Story is thus; viz.  
About six or seven Years after Luther began to preach the Gospel, the Devil (to 
Sleidan lib. 4. & 6.  disturb this work) stirred up certain hot-brained, unconsiderate, and importune Preachers, 
The Story.  that misliked not only the Doctrine of the Pope, but the Doctrine of Luther also, as not being so spiritual, nor serving so fitly for planting of Purity, as they thought requisite. By whose continual Clamour, and sharp Invectives against the Enormities of the Ecclesiastical State, the Nobility and Magistrates, such Effect was wrought, as that (in short time) there was kindled a most fearful War of above one hundred thousand of 
A hundred thousand rise in Arms.  the common and uplandish People, rising and taking up Arms, almost about one time, in several parts of Germany, where they sacked Towns, killed certain of the Nobility, and did many other Outrages. For such Preachers having set them on fire, did so harden them also, as that they could not be wholly vanquished, until (what in one place 
Fifty thousand of them stain by the forces of the Lupire. They link themselves together by mutual secret Conventrcles, and plight their Faith to each other lie Oath. Their purposes to overthrow the State Ecclesiastical and Civil Their pretences the upholding the Gospel. Their Grievances they urge to be reform.  and in other of that Country) Fifty thousand of them were killed and cut in pieces, by the united Forces of the most of the Princes of the Empire. The manner of these Peasant's linking themselves together, was in secret Conventicles by Night, and Assemblies in private Houses, where they gave mutual Faith and Oath each of them to stick to other. Their purposes and counsels were how to overthrow the State Ecclesiastical, the Magistrates and Councils of Estate in every several Province. When they were up in Arms, they made the Pretences of their Actions to be the defending, erecting, and upholding of the preaching of the Gospel through every place. Being once assembled in great Troops, they then set forth and published certain Points, which they required the Princes and Magistrates to perform and yield unto them; whereof these following were some, amongst sundry other Grievances which they pretended were offered unto them by Princes, noblemans, Magistrates; and Gentlemen, and whereof they urged a Reformation; viz. One Petition of those Uplandish Rebels was this; That they and 
I.  other the common people, themselves might every where have the free choice of sincere Ministers. Another, That Mortuaries might wholly be taken 
2.  away. A Third, That they might be disburdened of paying any Tithes to Ecclesiastical Persons, but only Corn. And a Fourth, That 
4.  they might also prescribe how these Tithes should be better employed. Luther in an Answer that 
Luther calls this Sedition a Stratagem of Satan.  he made to that Book of theirs, saith, he conceived that this Sedition was a very Stratagem of Satan; to the intent that the Devil might destroy and kill him, and other true and sound Preachers of the Gospel, by men making outward show and profession of the same Religion, because he saw he could not effect it, nor so far prevail by open Adversaries, such as the Pope was and his Adherents. For these Rebels called themselves a Christian Congregation, and bragged 
They call themselves a Christian Congregation, and pretend to follow the precise Rule of God's Word.  much that they would (in all their actions) follow the precise Rule of God's Word. And whereas (under the pretence of detestation of sin, and of their own great sincerity and good lives) these Traitorous Rebels noted many Faults in all other sorts and states of men, and protested also great Loyalty and Fidelity to the Persons of their Princes, so they might but have things amiss reform; he freely and truly putteth them 
Luther winds them of their Pride and Hypocrisy.  in mind, That whiles they pried thus narrowly into other men's faults, the Devil had so blinded them (through Pride and Hypocrisy) that they could not see their own detestable Treasons, with other their Sins and Impieties: Adding also, That such as wrest away or abate Princes Swords and Jurisdictions, will (upon any fit opportunity offered) no doubt take away their Lives also; which is chief maintained by their Sovereign Jurisdiction, and by Power of the Sword.  
Amongst others, Carolastadius a Preacher, 
Carolastadius one of their Encouragers.  professing the Gospel, but fallen into discontentments and emulous oppositions against Luther, gave no small advancement to this fearful Commotion. This man attributed much to Cabinet Teachers in private Conventicles, and unto Visions, and pretended Conferences with God. But of all other Preachers that pretended Enmity both to the Pope and unto Luther, one Thomas Muncer 
Muncer the hottest and chiefest Leader. He exhorts them to great strictness of Life.  was the hottest and chiefest Boutifeu and Bellows of this Sedition. At first he urged and exhorted men (in his teaching by a good space together) and that with great vehemency, unto a singular, straight, precise, and holy course of life; namely, to fly all, even the least show of actual sin; to fast much, to array themselves with mean and base Raiment, to retain a settled Austerity in Countenance, to speak seldom, and such like; which he called the bearing of the Cross, Mortification, and Discipline. Now when as hereby he had procured unto himself a great Opinion of Holiness, and Reputation with the common People, he proceeded further 
He broacheth dangeroas Opinions. Teacheth men to pray for Signs, and expect Visions from God.  unto strange and very dangerous Opinions: For than he began to teach men, in their Prayers to ask a Sign of God, Whether they held the Truth in Religion, or not? That if he gave not a Sign, they might importune him, and expostulate with him, that he dealt not well with them in not giving a Sign to them who (in this sort) begged but true knowledge of him; saying, that to show such Anger in Prayer, was acceptable unto God, for that hereby men did show their fervency in Zeal. He taught also, that God (even in these days) did reveal his Will by Dreams and Visions: That all Judgements civil must be by the Bible, or Revelation from God: That all in dignity must be equal. He railed against Princes, and imputed 
Rails at Princes.  many faults unto them, and namely this, That they suffered the Ecclesiastical State with great Impiety. This Opinion of Equality of Authority and Dignity, made the common People fall from their Work, and beginning to gad idly up and down, they took away (by violence) such things as they had need of, from those that were more wealthy.  
Muncer (in this sort) winning many 
They enter into Leagues to root out wicked Magastrates.  unto him, they entered from time to time into secret Leagues together, upon mutual Oaths given, to help to root out and kill all wicked Magistrates, to the intent new that were more godly, might be set in their places; for so (he said) God had given in commandment unto him. According to which Plots (by a Tumult of the People) at Mulhusin, he procured the old Officer to be deposed, and a new Magistrate to be set up in his place, and himself to be chosen a Senator of that City, albeit he was still a Preacher, and seemed to mislike this course in other men. Now when as by these and other like means, great multitudes of men, to the number of Forty thousand had taken up Arms, throughout Franconia and Suevia, than 
Forty thousand arm in Franconia and Suevia. One Physer joins them.  he thought opportunity served him to set forward his purposes, by adjoining himself unto them: and in this action one Phyfer, a near Companion of his, and like affected to him, did also Joyn. But when the Rebellious Rout wanted Victuals, and many other Necessaries, whereby their courages began to Fail; then he comforted them in his Sermons, and assured them (as from God) that their Cause and Quarrel was so good, that the Frame of the whole World should sooner be changed, than they should be forsaken, or left destitute of him. And when the Prince's Army (gathered to subdud them, being greater and better furnished than theirs were,) was ready to join in battle; he still most resolutely assured them, of some evident miraculous help, to be manifest from Heaven, for the overthrow of their Enemies; saying, that God would so enfeeble all their Enemies Shot, that Muncer himself would receive them all (without harm) into the Lap of his Coat, before they should Light. For a token hereof, it happened that they had taken the Sign of a Rainbow for their Ensign. He shown 
A Rainbow is their Ensign, a token of Victory.  them (as it fell out the self same time) a true Rainbow in Heaven, as an undoubted sign, that they should obtain the Victory. Whereupon they courageously at first set forward, singing a Song for aid by the Holy Ghost: But being nevertheless all put in Rout and 
They are routed. Muncer flies, is taken; be justifies the Fact.  discomfited, Muncer fled away, and disguised himself. Yet by means of certain Letters that were found with him, he was afterward in a House discovered, and taken. Being brought before the Magistrates, he stoutly defended his fact, affirming, that Princes, who refused to establish the purity of the Gospel, were in that sort to be bridled. When he was brought to the place of Execution, and saw no hope of Escape (which before he hoped for) he grew to be 
At his Execution is dejected and poplexed.  very much dejected, and perplexed in Mind, insomuch as without help of a Godly Prince, which then stood by, he could not repeat so much as the Articles of his Christian faith.  
I shall not need to dwell long in the application 
The Story applied to our Disciplinarians, and the Parallel alike in all particulars.  and resemblance of these points unto this late Tragedy; the very reading of them over giving sufficient Light unto the same. For the sharp and angry Zeal of some unadvised Preachers, which pretend neither to like of the Pope, nor of the present state of the Church, for want of some purity, as they fancy, Hath it not incensed, and made to boil over, not only the foul Mouths of Martinists, but also the traitorous actions of these Conspirators? And albeit the common multitude (whom the Disciplinarians brag to be already inflamed with Zeal, ready to lend a hundred thousand hands for the advancement of their Cause, and by whom they hope and say such Reformation must at last be brought in) did better keep themselves out of this Action than was expected; Yet the danger thereof was as great, and if it had once taken head, would (happily) as hardly as the other have been subdued. Were not the Treaties of these men also in private Houses at Night-Fasts, and the Consultations concerning it, at Classical Conventicles, and like Assemblies? Did not these likewise shoot at the Overthrow of the whole State Ecclesiastical, and at the displacing of her Majesty's most Honourable Council, and that under pretence of Reformation, and to advance the preaching of the Gospel in every Congregation throughout this Land? Made not these the like Complaints of wicked Counsellors, Noblemen, and Magistrates, for keeping out the Discipline, for persecuting sincere Preachers, and afflicting God's People, like Lions and Dragons? And do they not pretend this to be a special Grievance of theirs, That the common people of every Congregation may not elect their own Ministers? That the People are brought under the Yoke of the Law Ceremonial, by paying Tithes, etc. and is not the hand and head of Satan as plainly in this Action, to seek the overthrow of sound Professors, by others of the same Profession, under pretence of greater Sincerity? Do not these likewise almost appropriate to themselves and their Favourites, the Terms of God's Church, of Christian Brethren, and of true and reformed Preachers? Is any Speech more rise in their mouths, than that they will only be tried and judged by God's Book, and by his Spirit? Do they not tax all other men (not so far gone as themselves) of lose Lives, of Antichristianism, of Hypocrisy, and Idolatry; in the mean time never looking at their own Treasons, Disloyalties, and other Vices? Make they not great Ostentation of Love and Fidelity to her Majesty's Person, and of Care of her Safety, even when they secretly nourished a fancy of Forfeiture of her Crown, and sought to overrule her by Hacket their imagined Sovereign King of Europe? Had they not their Cabinet Preachers, their Table-end Teachers, their Guides of Fasts, etc. that teach, pray for, and attend extraordinary Callings by Visions, Dreams, Revelations, and enlightenings? Was not Giles Wigginton and some others unto them, as Thomas Muncer, and Phifer were to the Germans, men of supposed great Austerity of Life, Holiness, Favour with God, Resoluteness in his Cause, Singleness, and Uprightness of heart? Did not Wigginton resolve them, by Examples he gathered touching Extraordinary Callings in these days, by reason of the great Waste of this Church of England? Had not he and they likewise learned of the same Devil (in the Prayers at Fasts) to ask Signs and Seals of God, for their extraordinary Callings? Doth not Arthington say, that he importuned God in his Prayers? And Coppinger, That he had leave given to talk more familiarly with God than afore? Did not Hacket in praying for the pretended possessed Gentlewoman, saucily expostulate with God, and charge him with his Promise, as if he dealt not well with him? Did he not at his Arraignment and Execution show such Anger in his Prayers against God, thinking belike, as those did, to be excused by his Fervency of Zeal? Did not both he and Coppinger pretend Conference with God by sundry Revelations and Dreams? Do not they and the rest of the Disciplinarian Humour, 
Fenneritheol.  exact and seek to square out, even in Hypothesi, all Civil Policies and Judgements (in Causes Criminal especially) unto the Judicials of Moses, given for the People of the Jews? Is there any thing they stand more upon, or condemn the contrary deeper, than to have an Equality among all Persons Ecclesiastical? Do they not inveigh sharply against Prince and Nobles, for upholding the State Ecclesiastical; and in this respect intended to have them brought to Repentance, when their Opinions grew to a Ripeness? Was not this their principal pretended purpose, to plant the Gospel and their Reformation by rooting out wicked Magistrates, and Counsellors (as they judged) and by setting others in their places? Did Hacket's fancied Fan, instead of Christ, to sever the good from the bad, import any thing else, or should it have served any other turn, than for the kill up of all that thought not well of their Discipline and Reformation? Did they not pretend the Will of the Lord so to be? And was it not plainly meant, this to be effected by tumult of the common people? Did not these likewise bear one another in hand, that all things should succeed and prosper with them? that no violence could harm them, nor any man had power to hurt them, as having Angelical Spirits, and being in most high favour with God? And Hacket accordingly (even in going to execution) did he not call for and expect a miraculous deliverance from heaven, out of the hands of those, whom he called his enemies? Did he not likewise (for a certain sign of his favour with God) make Coppinger believe, that he could and did obtain rain, and could stay it at his pleasure? Was not the chiefest of their plots and conspiracies detected by their letters found with them? Did not they likewise when they were convented before the Magistrate, stoutly and resolutely defend their deal, and maintain, that the Princess had for seited her right, and was now to be bridled and overruled by others? and lastly: Was not that impious Wrech Hacket as irresolute, dejected, and baseminded towards his death, as Muncer, or any man either could be, or as so bad a cause might procure?  
Not long after those former Rebellions in 
Another like Commotion of the Anabaptist's in Munster.  Germany, another strange and memorable Commotion happened in Munster, the principal City of Westphalia, a Province also of Germany; which is not unmeet to be (in some points) also touched in this place, for the near resemblance that it hath unto this late action.  
After the suppression of this former Rebellion, 
Sleydan lib. 6.  and about the year of the Lord 1527. Anabaptistry began mightly to spread itself in sundry parts of Germany, even as Cockle and Darnel doth (by the sowing of 
The First Preacher against them was Bernard Rotman, 1532. Id. lib. 10.  the envious man the Devil) among good wheat. It happened that in the year 1532. one Bernard Rosman first, and afterwards five others (sent to assist him from the Lantzgrave of Hess) began to preach the Gospel truly, in and about the said City of Munster. In the year 1533. one John surnamed of 
John of Leyden a Cobbler. ariseth, 1533.  Leyden a Town in Holland (having none other known surname, by reason of his Ignobility, being but a Cobbler, or a Currier by his occupation) came unto the City of Munster. This Cobbler was an egregious Anabaptist; under pretence of professing the Gospel, and of an hatred he had of Popery, he insinuated himself into the acquaintance of the Preachers of the City of Munster: But when it happened once that in answer to a question of his (in that behalf made) they told him, that young Infants ought to be baptised, he laughted at them, as it were in scorn and of pity of their ignorance. Not long after this, one Herman Staprede, a 
Herman Staprede.  preacher came also thither; but he preached openly against the baptism of young children. By these means (but especially by their secret Assemblies and Conventicles by night, this heresy of Anabaptism spread itself largely throughout that City, so that great speech was made in every place thereof; albeit no certain knowledge was had, because they admitted none other to their close assemblies but such, as stood alike persuaded. This their course being come to the Magistrates ears, all that favoured that opinion, and had assembled themselves in any such dangerous Conventicles, were (by a general Edict) 
By the Magistrates they are Banished the City, but return again.  banished the City: but as they went out at one gate, so (being confident upon their multitudes) they returned in at another, pretending that they were commanded by God to stay there, and to deal more earnestly and resolutely in their business. It happened, that Rotman (who before had 
Rotman becomes a faucurer of them.  preached against them) began at that time, to show himself to be a favourer of their opinions; which thing gave also great encouragement unto them, insomuch as they then challenged the sound Preachers (which stood against them) unto disputation. But when this challenge was accepted, so that learned and grave Judges and assistants might be chosen, and that whatsoever should be determined, might firmly be stood unto, and observed of all without further contradiction; then they shrunk back, and refused disputation upon any such conditions. Hereupon they began to be less esteemed with the people, than they were afore; therefore to recover their former reputation with them, they devised another more short and plausable course, which was this. About the end of December, one of them pretending 
One of them pretends to Inspiration. 1533.  to be divinely inspired, and to be ravished in spirit, did go through the streets of the City, crying, Repent, Repent, and be again baptised, or else the judgements and wrath of God will quickly and suddenly overwhelm you. By this occasion, many of them which afore did lurk secretly in corners, and kept themselves close, came suddenly abroad, and in great routs and plumps ran together (with the former cry) into the chief street of the 
They declare all that are not Rebaptised to be slain as Heathens.  City, being the Market Place, making great outcry's, that all which were not rebaptised in token of repentance, should be slain as heathens, and as ungodly men. After this, (with sundry great outrages done by them against many of the Citizens) they invested 
Seize the Town-House and Arms of the City.  themselves of the Guild-Hall or Townhouse, and of all the Artillery and Munition of the City; so that many persons, what upon credulous simplicity, and what for saving their goods and lives, were content to be rebaptised with them. Nevertheless, others (for safeguard of their goods and themselves in this perilous uproar) betook themselves to a place in the Town, very strong by natural 
Are opposed, and some apprehended.  situation, and apprehended many of the seditious Anabaptists for prisoners. These skirmishes lasted betwixt both the parties, until they grew to a parley and composition, giving Hostages each to other, for observance of it. And albeit the said Rotman, and one Bernarde Knipperdoling. (being chief 
Rotman and Knipperdoling agree to a Composition, but privily promote the Faction.  in the Faction) had also allowed of such composition; yet by their sundry. Letters, privily and underhand sent unto others of their Faction and Sect in Places and Cities abroad, they treacherously (from time to time) invited very many, (though it were with loss of their Goods abroad) to retire themselves to dwell at Munster; assuring them of ten times as 
Munster is filled with Strangers, the Citizens through fear forsake it.  much as they did forego. Hereby the City began to be replenished with strangers of that Faction, insomuch as most of the wealthy and grave Citizens, fearing whereunto it might tend, abandoned the City, and left it to the Anabaptists, and to the rest of the common sort. Thus becoming Masters of the place, they by and by put out all the old Senators or Counsellors of that Estate, and 
The Magistrates put out; Knipperdoling made consul.  the two Consuls (being the chief Magistrates) and put others in their places, and namely, they called Knipperdoling to be one of their Consuls. Then they fell to burn, rifle and deface the Churches, and in plumps went through the streets, crying, Repent, repent; and immediately after, Avoid all ye wicked, upon peril of your lives. Whereupon all the Anabaptists put themselves in Arms, and (according to their Proclamation) drove out of the City, all whom they supposed not to be of their Sect, without regard either of age or sex. Insomuch as divers women with child, through the great throng and their overhasty departing, pitifully miscarried. This banishing and proscription happened the very day before the Bishop of the City, 
The Bishop Besieges the City.  being also Temporal Lord thereof, planted his Siege against the Town for revolting from his Obedience. In the midst of all these Outrages, sundry (calling themselves Prophets) did arise up amongst them; who pretended to have extraordinary callings, gifts, functions, and revelations from God; the chief whereof was one John Matthew, next 
John Matthew, John of Leyden, Knipperdoling, etc. arose as Prophets.  to him was the said John of Leyden, and then Knipperdoling, Crecthing and some others. This Matthew (their principal Prophet) charged every man (upon pain of death) to bring all his gold, silver, and 
Matthew Commands the People to bring their goods into Common.  movable goods into a great common store-house appointed for that purpose, to the end they might be used and bestowed in common; for so he protested to them, it was the will of his heavenly Father. The people were greatly grieved with this rigorous Edict; nevertheless they obeyed, though sore against their wills. Neither 
They affrighted, obey.  was it possible (without great danger) for any to conceal or hid any part from them, because there were in the City two Girls, soothsayers, that did reveal whatsoever was concealed, at least so it was believed. Then the said Matthew commanded every one to bring all his Books whatsoever saving the holy Bible) to be publicly burned, 
He commands. all Books to be burnt but the Bible.  which was accordingly performed. Thus taking great confidence and boldness that his hests and advices were so readily obeyed, and had so good success; he most insolently and cruelly thrust in with a Pike, and after shot in with a Harquebuz one 
He murders Hub. Truteling.  Hubert Truteling, only for a merry jest that he made, touching one of their Prophets. Yet seeing that he did not die thereof out of hand, the said Prophet told them, it was revealed to him from heaven, that Trueteling should live, and continue, and that God had forgiven him. Nevertheless, he died of his wounds within few days after. Then Matthew got into his hand a long Pike; and running hastily therewith through the Town towards the Gates, he proclaimed as he went, that God the Father had commanded him to beat back all the enemies (that besieged them) from the Town. But being met near the Camp, by one only soldier, he was by him thrust through, and 
He is slain by a Soldier.  so died. And albeit the falsehood of his forged prophecies was thus twice detected, yet the other Prophets (his companions) did so disguise the matter, and bewitch the people, that they could not perceive his coggeries, but did rather much lament his death, as a matter ominating some great mishap towards them, for that so excellent a man was taken away. Yet John of Leyden 
John of Leyden and Knipperdoling comfort the People and Prophecy.  comforted them, saying, that God had revealed unto him long before, that Matthew should have such an end, and that he should marry his widow. Some few days after, Knipperdoling also prophesied, that high mountains should be brought low, and the poor and mean should be exalted; and thereupon commanded all which was left standing 
Command the Churches to be demolished.  of the Churches to be demolished even with the ground; assuring them (and that with a constant settled gravity and great earnestness) that this Commandment came from God himself: And in further accomplishment (as may seem) of such his prophecy, John of Leyden gave to the said Knipperdoling 
John of Leyden gives Knipperdoling the sword of Execution.  the sword of execution, and so made him the common Hangman of the City, that immediately afore was Consul and chief Officer. This office of Executioner (belike upon compact between them) he willingly accepted, and obeyed Leyden therein, as the messenger of God. Now after that some assaults had been made against the City, by the Bishop's Army besieging it, (albeit with no success) John of Leyden laid him 
John of Leyden dreams three days together.  down to rest, and dreamt three days together. Being awaked, he spoke not a word to any person, but calling for paper, writ down the names of twelve men 
He awakes and names Twelve men to govern the City.  (whereof some were indeed Gentlemen of blood) who should have the sovereign charge of all, and should govern the City, as the heads of the Tribes did in Israel: for so he said, it was the heavenly Father's will. But hereby (in very truth) he laid the foundation of a kingdom, whereunto he aspired. Then he propounded unto their Reformed Preachers, certain Articles to be resolved in 
He propounds certain articles to the Preachers.  by the Scriptures alone, by which, if they could not confute them, than he would (as he said) put them up unto the people, that by their authority they might be established. The effect of them was, that a man was not bound unto one wife, but might marry 
One was about Bigamy:  so many as himself lusted. When their Preachers made some difficulty, and sticking 
They boggle.  at it, he called them into the Council-house, together with the Twelve new Governors-or Elders. Then he put off his Coat and laid it and the New Testament down together 
He swears it is from God.  afore them, swearing by those two (as by assured tokens) that the Articles by him proposed, were revealed unto him from Heaven, and that God would never be merciful unto them, if they did not yield unto them. Hereupon they gave their assents, 
They assent.  and after (for three days together) they preached of nothing but of Marriage. Then 
He marries three Wives.  Leyden married three Wives: one whereof was the Widow of their great Prophet Matthew lately deceased, and divers other followed 
Others follow his example.  the like example, as if it had been a matter most allowable and laudable. But 
Some Citizens abhorring the Practice, seize the Prophets.  some of the Citizens (of better disposition) finding this course to be most abominable, gave a watchword through the Town for all that truly favoured the Gospel without fantastical Novelties, to come into the Market place, where being assembled, they apprehended Leyden, Knipperdoling, and all the rest of their Prophets. But when the Common people were advertised hereof, they 
The People rescue them and stay 50 of the Citizens.  straightway took Arms, and rescued the Prisoners from them. The people also laid hands on them, which had apprehended their Prophets, putting them to death with most exquisite torments; namely, they fastened fifty of them unto Trees, and shot at them with Harquebusses, their great Prophet (all the while) crying thus unto them, That he that would do God good service, should first shoot at them; and others were put unto sundry other several kinds of death.  
In the Month of July that year, a new Prophet (being a Goldsmith by his Trade) 
A Goldsmith. A New Prophet ariseth and declares from God John of Leyden to be Emperor of the Earth, and the Godly only must rule.  did arise up among them; who having called the Multitude together into the Market-steed, signified unto them, It was the Will and Commandment of the heavenly Father, that John of Leyden should be Emperor of all the Earth; and that he marching forth with a puissant Army, should destroy all Kings and Princes, but should spare the Common people that loved righteousness and sincerity, to the intent he may hold the seat of David his Father, until the heavenly Father should receive again the Kingdom: For (said he) Godly men must only rule in the World, after they have once dispatched all the wicked out of the way. When the Prophet had ended these Speeches, suddenly John of Leyden 
John of Leyden pretends he knew this before.  kneeled down, and lifting up his hands to Heaven, said thus: Brethren, it is a good while ago since I first knew this, and yet would not hitherto publish it abroad: but now the Father hath used another Minister to bring it to pass and to proclaim it. So having (by this subtlety) compassed to be King, he first deposed the Twelve Governors, and after the manner 
He deposeth the 12 Governors. He creates Lords, and wears the Robes of Majesty, and ascends a Throne.  of other Kings, did choose and create sundry to be great Lords about him: He also caused two Crowns of pure Gold to be made for himself, and a Royal Robe, Choler and Sceptre, with other Compliments of Majesty. He assigned also certain days, wherein he would give Audience to all Complainants and Suitors. Whensoever he came abroad, he was attended with his Officers and Gentlemen of his Court, and with two young Henchmen on horseback, the one on his right-hand carrying the Bible, and the other on his left, carrying a drawn Sword. He had also a magnifical Throne prepared and set on high for him, with a golden Cloth of Estate. At a certain time, when the King was thus set in his Majesty, and 
Knipperdoling pretends to breathe the Holy Ghost on the People.  the people thronged close together about him, Knipperdoling, one of the Prophets, got upon the people's heads, and so creeping along on his hands and feet, he breathed upon them in their mouths one after another, saying thus: The Father hath sanctified thee, receive the Holy Ghost. Certain Weeks after, the new Prophet (afore mentioned) 
The New Prophet summons the People to Arms.  caused (by sound of a Trumpet) to be proclaimed, That all should retire themselves in Arms unto the Churchyard of the chief Church, for that the Enemy must be repelled from the Town. Coming thither, 
Five thousand of them entertained at a Supper.  they found a great Supper ready prepared. Then there sat down to Supper (as they were commanded) four thousand: and after these had supped, one thousand more (that had waited) sat down. The King 
The King and Queen serve at Table.  also, and the chief Queen, together with their Courtiers did serve at table. The supper being towards an end, the King gave bread unto every one of them, saying, Take, eat, and show forth the Lord's death. Then the Queen presented them with the 
They profanely give them the Communion.  cup, saying, Drink, and show forth the Lord's death. This being done, the said Prophet got him up into a pulpit, and asked them if they would obey the word of the Lord? which when they had yielded unto that they would, he said it was the Father's commandment, 
28 Teachers sent forth.  that eight and twenty Doctors or Teachers should be sent forth into all the corners of the world, to teach the doctrine that was taught and received in that City. Then he named them all, and the particular place whither each of them should go. So after all was done, they let the said eight and twenty Preachers out of the town by night very closely, for fear of those without, who besieged them: giving to every one (above that which should defray his charges) one piece of gold, and commanding them to leave it at such places where their doctrine should not be received, for a testimony of such people's damnation, and everlasting perdition, for refusing such message and wholesome doctrine. When those Preachers were come to the places assigned unto them, they cried in the streets of the Towns where they came, Repont, repent, or else you shall all quickly perish. Then 
They preach Repentance, Community of Goods and the universal Reign of Rightcousness, brought to pass by King John of Leyden.  they spread their garments on the ground before the Magistrates, and upon them they laid the pieces of Gold which were afore delivered unto them, assuring them, and protesting that they were sent from the heavenly Father, to bring them peace and mercy: and if they would receive it, than they must give up all their Goods to be used in common: but if they refused it, than that sign and token should be a witness against them of ingratitude and rebellion against God. For (said they) now is the time come that was spoken of afore by the Prophets, in which Righteousness shall reign in the Earth universally; and when the King (meaning John of Leyden) hath brought to pass, that Righteousness shall rule in every place, than Christ shall give up his Kingdom to his Father. But these Preachers being hereupon apprehended, they resolutely stood 
The Preachers apprehended, they defend their wicked Practices with Scripture falsely applied.  in it, and defended, that they only held the true doctrine, which they would maintain upon peril of their lives. Being asked, with what justice they could enter upon, and possess other men's Wives, Children and Goods as they did? they said, The time was come forespoken of by Christ, that the meek should possess the earth, and that God gave these unto them, as he did give the Goods of the Egyptians unto the Israelites. They affirmed also, that King David and John of Leyden were two righteous Prophets: but the Pope and Luther were both false Prophets; whereof Luther was the worse. Thus still persisting obstinate in their erroneous Opinions, (notwithstanding the Tortures which they endured) they were all beheaded, saving 
One of them escaped, all the Rest put to death.  one of them that escaped away by slight. Whilst these things were thus in doing within and abroad, the City of Munster was every day more and more straight besieged, and pressed with extreme famine; so that for fear lest many the chief Burghers should capitulate with the Enemy, and yield the King up unto the Bishop; their King therefore did choose Twelve, whom he held most faithful unto him, and appointed them to be Captains of War over so many several Parts of the Town, into which he did quarter it; entertaining the said Twelve persons with Mountains of large Promises, and telling them over what great Provinces and Dominions under him he would after 
A Famine increaseth in the City.  place them. Thus the Famine still more and more increasing in the City (so that sundry died thereof, albeit the King had abundance for himself and his special Favourites, not only for supply of necessity, but also to riot and banquet) it happened, that one of his Queens, in commiseration of the distressed, said unto the rest, That she could not believe it was the Will of God, that men should in that sort be suffered to die for want of food. Hereupon being accused, she was brought into the Marketplace; and being commanded to kneel down, the King struck off her Head; all the rest of his Queens singing, dancing, and giving thanks therefore to the heavenly Father. But whenas the common sort had like to have mutined, 
The King proimseth them Deliverance before Easter. It not coming, he feigns himself sick, and puts a Cheat upon them.  by reason of the extremity of Famine, their King promised them assured deliverance from God before Easter. When Easter was come, no sign or token of their deliverance appeared. Then the King feigned himself to be sick for six days: afterward (assembling the people into the Market steed) he told them, that all that while he had ridden upon a blind Ass, and that the Father had laid upon him the sins of the whole Multitude, so that now they were cleansed and freed from all Vice; which was the Deliverance which he promised unto them, and therewith they were to hold themselves contented. When the Bishop's Strength, by common Supplies from the Princes of the Empire were much reenforced, matters (in the Town) grew to that Extremity, that by means of two Persons (who conveyed themselves secretly forth of the Town) it was at last surprised by the 
The City is surprised. The King. Knipperdolung. and Crecliting taken alive. Rotman is slam.  Assailants, though with much ado and Bloodshed, even after they were entered. Their King, with Knipperdoling and Crecliting, their two false Prophets, were taken alive: But Rotman their Reformed Preacher (seeing no hope to escape) desperately ran in amongst the thickest of the Armed Companies, and by them he was cut in pieces. The three Persons aforenamed were carried about the Country, as a Spectacle to sundry the Princes and others thereabouts, and after were brought back again unto Munster. The Bishop of Munster demanded of the King, by what Authority he took upon him to rule in that City? Who asked the said Bishop again, by what Authority he the said Bishop claimed any Power there? When he answered, that he had it by means of Election of the Chapter, and by Consent of the People, the King replying, said, That himself had his Authority from God. After two days had been bestowed with them, to reduce them (by godly Persuasions) from their Errors, Leyden their King confessed his 
Leyden reputes. Knipperdoling and Crecliting are obstinate. They are all three executed.  Sin, and desired Forgiveness at Christ's hands. But Knipperdoling and Crecliting would confess no fault, but defended their course and Opinions with great Obstinacy. So all Three being tied unto Posts, were dismembered by piece meal, and pulled in small pieces with hot burning Pincers and Tongues, and afterward their Carcases were hanged up there in Iron Cages; but the King in the midst, and much higher than the other two, as his Place required.  
Besides certain especial Opinions which 
Some of their Erroneous and Heretical Doctrines.  these Anabaptists held, namely, That Young Children were not to be baptised; and touching Lawfulness of Polygamy, or having many Wives: Of Community of Goods; and that Christ took not Flesh of the Virgin Mary, etc. they also taught and defended many other strange, erroneous, and heretical Positions: And yet they shown as much Devotion, outward Holiness and Purity, as might be. As for example; they held these following; viz. That a perfect Christian might not exercise the Office of a Magistrate, nor might take an Oath before him. That God doth now oftentimes show his Will by extraordinary Revelations, Dreams, and Visions. That the common people have an especial Authority in determining and establishing of Church-causes. That before the day of Judgement the Kingdom of Christ shall be such, as that the Godly and Elect shall overthrow and subdue all the wicked, and then they alone shall rule in the earth. That it is lawful for the People to depose and put down the Prince or Magistrate. That Ministers and others godly affected, aught to establish (though it were by Force) a Reformation in all Countries. That Princes and Magistrates ought not to pursue this kind of persons, for that they are Innocents', and the beloved People of God. That the Seat of David which was fallen down must be reestablished, and that Christ now in the latter end of the World shall reign externally upon the Earth. That the time of besiege (they then lived in) was that where of Isaiah prophesied, wherein the just and godly were afflicted and persecùted. That the time of their deliverance and enlargement was at hand; which should be like to that deliverance of the Israelites from the Thraldom under the Babylonians: And that then the wicked and ungodly shall receive the guerdon and recompense of all their Impieties committed against the Saints, all the ungodly being rid out of the way, the seat of Righteousness should be prepared and advanced. That there is none efficacy or force in that Baptism wherewith Infants are baptised. All which they obstinately defended; and yet (whensoever they were charged) they pretended that they would acknowledge and confess their Errors, if they should be showed unto them by the Scriptures, to be Errors.  
Now as I have done afore, in the History 
A comparison of the Anabaptists in Munster with the Disciplinarians in England, in Opinion and Practice.  of Thomas Muncer, I must crave leave, that with the Readers patience, I may also briefly compare and resemble some of the Deal and Errors of the Anabaptists of the City of Munster, with the actions and opinions of these late Conspirators, and of their Disciplinarian Schoolmasters, from whom they have sucked like Poison.  
For did not Hacket (the most ignorant of all the three, being but an unlettered Maltster) in like sort take upon him to rule the other, and to manage the whole Action? and are not the most ignorant of such as be of this humour, most presumptuous to direct all others, and to discuss deepest doubts? Have not their mutual cohortations, and seditious instructions, with their conceived Prayers, and hypocritical Fasts, (that they practised in privy conventicles, and assemblies) given greatest strength to his faction, to the seduction of numbers? Have not the Magistrates now as great cause to look into these proceed, before they make head, upon confidence of their multitudes? Have not all the stayed and sound Preachers of this Land by sundry Maleperts, and now again by Arthington, been (most insolently) challenged unto disputation? Hath not the cause of this pretended Discipline, been nevertheless quashed (oftentimes) in Pulpits, in public disputations in the Universities, and by learned treatises written: whereby the weakness, and meagerness of their childish collections, have been fully displayed? Will they make any haste, or dare they to offer disputation, if such conditions, assistants, and indifferent and learned Judges as are fit, shall be set down and appointed? and (being beaten from their ordinary means) have not these Conspirators, and such as have animated them, betaken themselves unto pretended extraordinary Callings, ravish in Spirit, carryings into Heaven, Revelations, Dreams and Visions? Have they not seditiously filled out Streets with their like hypocritical Outcries of Repent, Repent, etc. and by gathering of Routs, tending to Uproar and popular Tumult? If their purposes had succeeded, and their Prophecies of killing and massacring men (like Swine) in London Streets, had come to pass, would the Outrages, in heinousness, have come any whit behind those of Munster?  
If this sort of Persons have been gratified with any indifferent Toleration, could their restless busy Heads (though they have promised otherwise) cease to hammer, by long hand, and secretly, the bringing to full effect of their designments, viz. That they might govern in the Church with Christ's Sceptre, and administer his Kingdom? For so they (blasphemously) term the Discipline, which they have forged. Was not the displacing of her Majesty's Council plotted by the Confederates, and had they not assigned other Counsellors in their rooms? Should those whom themselves had thus chosen and assigned, have remained long in place, if their K. Hacket had been once invested as fully and royally as John of Leiden was in Munster? Would they not quickly have brought them down, as Knipperdoling was, from being Consul, to the basest room of account that might be? Would these (if they had prevailed) have spared (think ye) either Place, Age, or Sex; or should Banishment only have served? No: Viscera impiorum crudelia. And did not Hacket take upon him to be as great a Prophet as John Matthew, or John of Leyden, his Successor? And Coppinger the Prophet of God's Mercy, as high as Knipperdoling? And Arthington the Prophet of Judgement, and Pen of a ready Writer, as refined and excellent as Crecliting the Goldsmith? Had not these also appointed out Wigginton and Lancaster to be their Assistants for a time, as it were their petty Prophets? Did they not pretend the Will of the Heavenly Father for every most ungodly and absurd Motion, Speech, or Action, as namely, for the defacing of her Majesty's Arms; and that she should not be prayed for? Did not these pretend and seign to be in high favour with God, and that they could tell secrets, and things to come, merely contingent, and to be able to cast out Devils, and to obtain Rain at pleasure? Matters of as great difficulty and unlikelihood, as soothsaying and bewraying of things concealed. Did they not inveigh against the human Wisdom (of divers of their own Judgement) whom they supposed not to be forward enough? And do not many of the Disciplinarian Vein despise and condemn all helps of good Arts and Learning, as little less than impious, but specially in Sermons? Was not Matthew the chief Prophet of Munster his Fancy stronger and his Resolution greater than these Conspirators showed in any part of their action; when he thought himself alone able to repel an whole Host? And yet he was not therefore accounted srious, mad, or distracted of his Wits. Was not Coppinger likewise as deeply bewitched as the people of Munster, when he could not perceive that Hacket did but dally with him about particular Intelligence of some Treasons, supposed to be plotted by some Great Persons? Had not these three, and this sort of Humourists, as great Envy at old and Cathedral Churches and others, whenas they seek to procure their Overthrow? Did not Coppinger fancy to have had his extraordinary Callings and enlightenings by Dreams in his Sleep? Had they not likewise appointed their Governors for matters of Counsel, and for other Civil Administration? Do not this kind of persons also make show of desire to have all questions decided only by Scriptures? Doth not the Discipline give the chief and sovereign allowance or disallowance of all Ecclesiastical determinations, unto the whole Congregation? Did not these Conspirators use (as means to be trusted, that God had revealed such things unto them) Oaths and Execrations of Damnation and Confusion to themselves, as deeply as John of Leyden did, when he did swear by his Coat, and by the New Testament, touching the like Revelation? Did not Hacket their great Prophet, thirst after, and threaten Revenge against some Great Persons, who he thought did stand in his way? Did not Coppinger and Arthington proclaim in the Marketplace of Cheap, and afterward defend, That Hacket was King and Emperor of all Europe, and that God had so appointed it? Did they not hold, That he, together with themselves, should go forth, and take Possession of all his Kingdoms here and abroad; and subdue all Kings that would not hold their Sceptres of him, and be governed by such Laws and Orders as he should appoint; and that he should sever with his Fan the good from the bad, so that they should not trouble and afflict the Godly any more? Had not Hacket also his said Prophets to proclaim him publicly King of Europe, as John of Leyden had the Goldsmith? Did not Coppinger (upon Arthington's Advertisement) with three most lowly Obeisances, and with great Gravity, take upon him, and was ready to anoint and sanctify Hacket with the Holy Ghost, but that (by a shift) he was put off? And as they of Munster had their profane and impious Celebration of the Communion, before they sent forth their Twenty eight Preachers; in like manner, Had not these their Hypocritical Fasts and Prayers, promulgated and made known unto sundry of their own disposition, that they might join (either in Body or Spirit) with them, afore they enterprised any matter, or entered Consultation of weight, or would assume their supposed extraordinary Callings? Do not these and all like affected to them, by their Teachers in every Corner, seek to win or persuade as many to the liking of their Opinions, as possibly they can any way compass and hem in? Have they not also their set, empty, thundering Words, and solemn Obtestations, to allure men to believe that which they teach? Did not the said two English Prophets offer by their Proclamation great Mercy and Joys to them that should believe or follow them; and infinite Woes and Damnation to those that should reject them? Did they not signify, That the time was come for the establishing the Gospel and Reformation by their King Hacket; and therefore willed all true Christians to be of good comfort, because the Wicked should be overthrown? Did they not engage their Lives, yea, and Souls, upon the Verity of the Messages that they published? And were they not a good while (after their Apprehension) very obstinate and resolute in their Fancies conceived? Was not Coppinger's Promises of speedy Deliverance unto Udall, as confident and resolute as John of Leyden's was unto the People of that City? Though the Event shown, that at last all did but come to the riding of a blind Ass? Did not Hacket likewise blasphemously affirm, That by the whipping which Pig bestowed on him, he did suffer for the sins of all Hypocrite Preachers, such as favoured the Discipline, but were not so forward as he thought they ought to be? Was not the resolution of one of these as lewd as Rotman's (who after all hope was past, ran amongst the armed Companies) if he also did (as was said) with like wilfulness refuse to take any Sustenance? Was not the desperateness of Hacket also most horrible and fearful, whenas (seeing no Remedy but Death) he opened his mouth blasphemously against Heaven, and against the Majesty of the Eternal God?  
And concerning certain opinions of the Anabaptists, do not many of the Disciplinarian humour, come far nearer unto them than were to be wished? for though they deny not the Civil Magistrates superiority altogether, yet in Causes Ecclesiastical, though they admit it (in words) they allow unto him nothing else but execution of their Orders, without attributing any superior pre-eminence of commandment in Church-causes, for retaining of good order, and of soundness of Doctrine in the Church. Likewise, though they take not the sovereignty from the chief Magistrate in causes of the Commonwealth, do they not so abridge and bond his Authority in causes Ecclesiastical, that the very Papists do attribute as much in this behalf unto him, as they do? And albeit they will not absolutely in judgement deny the lawfulness of an Oath before a Magistrate, yet if their sundry and variable Positions in this point be marked, they do (in effect wholly) repeal the use of it. For do not some of them plainly refuse to take an Oath, whereby they may be urged to discover any thing which may either be penal to themselves, or to their Christian Brother, and so in effect deny it altogether? Do not others of them refuse to tell any thing that is criminal concerning any other person, though perhaps they will do it against themselves, especially when they think it is afore discovered and known? Do not some of them refuse an Oath simply, yea, and to answer (without Oath) either affirmatively or negatively, but do will their accusers to stand forth. Do not others deny to take an Oath, except every particular question be afore made known unto them? a matter impossible, because sundry Questions that shall be asked, do arise forth of the matter of the Answer? And do not sundry of them (albeit they yield to detect by Oath both their own and others offences) yet deny to reveal any thing whereof they are asked, if themselves be persuaded the matter demanded of, be none offence? And so they do hang obedience to Laws, Allegiance and Duty of Subjects, upon every particular man's conceit, even as he by circumstances, or his own fond persuasion, shall list to measure matters. Do they not resolutely hold, that summa potestas, the Chief and Sovereign Power in all Church-causes, belongs to a Presbytery, who though they may consult, yet may not determine matter of any moment, without the allowance of the People? Had not these Conspirators a like opinion to those of Munster, that the principal spirit of Christ (being in Hacket) he was come with his Fan to sever and dispatch out of the way all the wicked and ungodly, from the good and godly? Hath it not been set down by an English subject, and twice printed with singular allowance of the English Arch-Prophet of discipline, for Sound and Holy Divinity, that it is God's ordinance, to have in every Kingdom certain chief Officers (like Ephori in Lacedoemon) who should have authority to depose Kings, though they come unto it by lawful Succession, if they shall judge them to be Tyrants? Did not Wigginton deliver for sound Doctrine, That if the Magistrates did not govern well, the people might draw themselves together, and to see a Reformation? Do not these kind of persons likewise slander the Prince and State, with persecution of the Saints, and of innocent men, because they are a little restrained from running on in their Seditious courses? Did not these Conspirators also hold, That now in these latter times, Christ by his principal spirit (imparted unto Hacket) should reign and erect an external kingdom on earth, and in the world? And did they not fancy, that even at that time the Gospel with their discipline, should be universally established, and all the ungodly abolished? Do not all of the Disciplinarian Sect hold, that to the very being of Baptism (and without which, it is of no more force in any case, than the Nurses washing) it is required, that it be administered by a lawful Minister? thereby derogating, not only from the true Baptism of Thousands, but also of all whomsoever that were Baptised by Popish Sacrificing Priests themselves, and from all that have received Baptism of such as were Baptised by them? whereupon must needs follow necessity of Rebaptisation, or else that it were lawful to neglect and contemn that Sacrament, and high Mystery of our Salvation. Lastly, Do they not make great shows, and many pretences, for all their unsound and absurd Opinions, that they are taken from the holy and sacred written word of God? which by this means they make to be of private interpretation, and do not reduce their senses unto it, when they read, but do wickedly captivate the Scripture unto their own senses and meanings? even as (in this behalf) Coppinger or Arthington did first take upon them an extraordinary calling, 
Scripturas ad suum non suum sensum ad Scripturas adducunt.  and were afterwards charged by Hacket to read over the whole Bible, there to find an approbation of it.  
God of his infinite mercy forgive, and turn the hearts of all that trouble his Church, fromrunning well, or that impugn his Ordinance, and such as are set over them: and restrain, or root out all Fantastical Errors and Fanatical spirits, which the envious man (from time to time) doth sow among the good Wheat: that holding the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, we may all meet together (in the unity of faith, and knowledge of the Son of God) unto a perfect man, and unto the measure of the age of the fullness of Christ, and so speedily and joyfully meet him our Bridegroom in the Clouds, with our heads lifted up, and full of Comfort, and so reign with him for ever, through the same Jesus Christ our Lord; To whom with the Father and the Holy Ghost, one Eternal, Immortal, Invisible, and only wise God, be all Honour, Praise, Glory, and Dominion, now and for ever. Amen.   
FINIS.   

Books Sold by R. Chiswell.  
DAngerous Positions and Proceed, published and Practised within this Island of Britain, under pretence of Reformation; and for the Presbyterial Discipline. Written in 1593. by Dr. Riohard Bancrofe, afterwards Lord Archbishop of Canterbury 4ᵒ.  
His Survey of the pretended Holy Discipline, Containing an Historical Narration of the Beginnings, Success, Parts, Proceed, Authority and Doctrine of it; with some of the Manifold and Material Repugnancies, Varieties and Uncertainties in that behalf: Faithfully gathered out of the Writings of the Principal Favourers of that Platform. Written 1593. 4ᵒ.  
An Apology for Sundry Proceed, by Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical, in 3 Parts. Written 1593. By Richard Cousin L. L. D. Dean of the Arches, and Official-Principal to Archbishop Whitgift. 4ᵒ.  
The Sum of a Conference held by King James the First, at Hampton-Court. 1603. with the Bishops and Clergy, and some Chief of the Puritan Ministers, about sundry Church-Matters. 4ᵒ.  
Mr. Richard hooker's Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity in 8 Books. Fol.