A discourse OF THE original AND fundamental Cause of natural, Customary, Arbitrary, Voluntary and Necessary war.  
With the MYSTERY of Invasive war.  
That ecclesiastical Prelates, have always been subject to temporal Princes. And that the Pope had never any lawful power in England, either in civil, or ecclesiastical business, after such time, as Britain was won from the Roman Empire.  
By Sir Walter Raleigh Knight.  
LONDON, Printed by T. W. for Humphrey Moseley and are to be Sold at the Prince's arms in St. Paul's churchyard. 1650.   

A Discourse of the original and fundamental cause of natural, Customary, Arbitrary, Voluntary, and necessary war, with the misery of invasive war. That ecclesiastical Prelates, have always been subject to temporal Princes, and that the Pope had never any lawful power in England, either in civil, or ecclesiastical, business, after such time, as Britain was won from the Roman Empire.  
THe ordinary Theme and Argument of History is War, which may be defined the exercise of violence under sovereign Command, against withstanders force, Authority and resistance, being the essential parts thereof, violence limited by authority is sufficiently distinguished from Robbery and the like outrages: yet consisting in relation towards others, It necessarily requires a supposition of resistance, whereby the force of War becomes different from the violence inflicted upon Slaves, or yielding Malefactors; as for arms, Discipline, and whatsoever else belongeth to the making of War prosperous, they are only considerable in degree of perfection, since naked savages fighting disorderly with stones, by appointment of their Commanders, may truly and absolutely be said to War.  
Nevertheless, it is true, that as the Beasts are armed with fierce teeth, paws, horns, and other bodily instruments of much advantage against unweaponed men, so hath reason taught man to strengthen his hand with such offensive arms, as no creature else can well avoid or possibly resist. And it might seem happy, if the sword, the Arrow, the Gun, with many terrible Engines of death, could be wholly employed in the exercise of that Lordly rule, which the Lord of all hath given to mankind over the rest of living things. But since in human reason there hath no means been found of holding all mankind at peace within itself: It is needful that against the wit and subtlety of man, we oppose not only the bruit force of our bodies, (wherein many Beasts exceed us,) but helping our strength with art and wisdom, strive to excel our enemies in those points wherein man is excellent over other Creatures.  
The necessity of War, which among human Actions is the most lawless, hath some kind of affinity, and near resemblances with the necessity of Law. For there were no use at all, either of War or of Law; If every man had prudence to conceive how much of right were due both to and from himself, and were withal so punctually just, as to perform what he knew requisite, and to rest contented with his own. But seeing that no conveyance of Land can be made so strong, by any skill of Lawyers, with multiplicity of clauses, and provisoes, That it may be secure from contentious Avarice, and the malice of false seeming Justice: It is not to be wondered, that the great Charter, 
Gen. Cap. 1. ver. 28.  whereby God bestowed the whole earth upon Adam, And confirmed it unto the Sons of Noah, being as brief in word, as large in effect, hath bred much quarrel of interpretation.  
Surely howsoever the Letter of that Donation, may be unregarded by the most of men, yet the sense thereof is so imprinted in their hearts, And so passionately embraced by their greedy desires, As if every one laid claim for himself unto that, which was conferred upon all.  
This appeared in the Gauls, who falling upon Italy under their captain Brennus, told the Roman ambassadors plainly that prevalent arms were as good as any title, and that valiant men might account to be their own as much as they could get; That they wanting Land therewith to sustain their people, And the Tuscans, having more then enough, It was their meaning to take what they needed by strong hand, if it were not yielded quietly. Now if it be well affirmed by Lawyers, that there is no taking of possession more just, then In vacuum venire, to enter upon Land habited, As our Countrymen have lately done in the Summer Islands: Then may it be inferred, that this demand of the Gauls, held more of reason than could be discerned at the first view.  
For if the title of occupiers be good in a Land unpeopled, why should it be bad accounted in a Country Peopled over thinly? should one family or one thousand hold possession of all the Southern, undiscovered continent, because they had seated themselves in Nova Guiana, or about the Straits of Magalane? why might not the like be done in afric, in Europe, or in Asia? If this were most absurd to imagine, Let then any man's wisdom determine by lessening the Territory, and increasing the number of Inhabitants, what proportion is requisite to the peopling of a Region in such manner, That the Land shall be neither too narrow for those whom it feedeth, nor capable of a greater multitude; until this can be concluded and agreed upon, one main and fundamental cause of the most grievous war that can be imagined, is not like to be taken from the Earth. It were perhaps enough in reason to succour with victuals and other helps, a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seek a new seat, or to direct them unto a Country able to receive them: But what shall persuade a mighty Nation to travail so far by Land, or Sea, over mountains, Deserts, And great Rivers, with their Wives and Children, when they are, or think themselves powerful enough to serve themselves nearer hand, and enforce others into the Labour of such a Journey? I have briefly showed in an other work, 
general History Lib. 2. Cap. 2. 28. S. 4. T. 3.  that the miseries accompanying this kind of War, are most extreme. For as much as the Invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied then by rooting out or expelling the Nation upon which they fall.  
And although the uncertainty of tenure, by which all worldly things are held, minister very unpleasant meditation; yet is it most certain that within 1200. years' last past, all or the most of kingdoms to us known, have throughly felt the calamities of such forcible trasplantations, being either over whelmed by new colonies that fell upon them, or driven, as one wave is driven by an other, to seek new seats, having lost their own.  
Our Western parts of Europe indeed have cause to rejoice, and give praise to God, for that we have been free about 600 years, from such Inundations, As were those of the Goths, Humes, and Vandals, yea from such as were those of our own Ancestors, the Saxons, Danes, and Normans, But howsoever we have together with the feeling, lost the very memory of such wretchedness, as our forefathers endured by those Wars, of all other the most cruel. Yet are there few kingdoms in all Asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multitudes within the same space of these last six hundred years.  
It were an endless labour to tell how the Turks, and Tartars falling like Locusts upon that quarter of the world, having spoiled everywhere, and in most places Eaten up all, as it were by the roots, Consuming together with the Princes formerly Reigning and a world of people, the very names, language and memory of former times. Suffice it that when any Country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it, there is a natural necessity compelling it to disburden itself and lay the Load upon others, by right or wrong. For (to omit the danger of Pestilence often visitting those which live in a throng) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto desperate courses, and contempt of death, as the Torments or Threats of famine: whereof the war that is grounded upon this general remediless necessity, may be termed the general, the remediless, or the necessary War. 
First war.  Against which that our Country is better provided (as may be showed hereafter) Then any civil Nation to us known, we ought to hold it a great blessing of God, And carefully retain the advantages which he hath given us now.  
Besides this remediless or necessary war, 
Second war.  which is frequent, There is a war voluntary, and Customeable, unto which the offering party is not compelled. And this Customary war, which troubleth all the world, giveth little respite or breathing time of peace, doth usually borrow pretence from the necessary to make itself appear more honest. For Covetous Ambition thinking all too little which presently it hath, supposeth itself to stand in need of all which it hath not.  
Wherefore if two bordering Princes have their Territory meeting on an open champagne, the more mighty will continually seek occasion, to extend his limits unto the further border thereof.  
If they be divided by mountains they will fight for the mastery of the passages of the Tops, And finally for the Towns that stand upon the roots.  
If Rivers run between them, they contend for the Bridges, And think themselves not well assured until they have fortified the further bank.  
Yea the Sea itself must be very broad, barren of fish, and void of little Islands interjacent, else will it yield plentiful argument of quarrel to the kingdoms which it severeth.  
All this proceeds from desire of having, and such desire from fear of want.  
Hereunto may be added, That in these Arbitrary Wars, there is commonly to be found, some small measure of necessity, though it seldom be observed, perhaps, because it extendeth not so far, as to become public. For where many younger sons of younger Brothers, have neither Lands nor means to uphold themselves, and where many men of Trade or useful possessions, know not how to bestow themselves for lack of employments, there can it not be avoided that the whole body of the State (howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed) should suffer anguish by the grievance of those ill affected Members.  
It sufficeth not that the Country hath wherewith to sustain even more than live upon it, if means be wanting, whereby to drive convenient participation of the general store unto a great number of well deservers.  
In such cases there will be complaining, Commiseration, and finally murmur (as men are apt to lay the blame of those evils whereof they know the ground upon public misgovernment) unless order be taken for some redress by the sword of Injury, supposed to be done by foreigners, whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing ear. And in this case I think it was, that the great Cardinal Francis de Amiens who governed Spain in the minority of Charles the fift, hearing tell that 8000. Spaniards were lost in the enterprise of Algiers, under Don Diego de Vera, made light of the matter: Affirming, that Spain stood in need of such evacuation, foreign war serving (as King Fardinard had been wont to say) like a potion of rhubarb, to wash away Choler from the body of the realm.  
Certainly among all kingdoms of the earth, we shall scarce find any that stands in less need than Spain, of having the veins opened by an enemy's sword: The many Colonies which it sends abroad so well preserving it from swelling humours.  
Yet is not that Country thereby dispeopled, but maintaineth still growing upon it (like a tree, from whose plants to fill a whole Orchard,) have been taken as many, as it can well nourish.  
And to say what I think, if our King Edward the third, had prospered in his French Wars and peopled with English the Towns which he won, As he began at Calais driving out the French, the Kings his Successors, holding the same course would by this time have filled all France, with our Nation, without any notable emptying of this Island.  
The like may be affirmed upon like suspicion of the French in Italy, or almost of any others, as having been verified by the Saxons in England, and Arabians in Barbary; What is then become of so huge a multitude as would have over spread a great part of the Continent? surely they died not of old age, nor went out of the world by the ordinary ways of nature. But famine and contagious diseases, the sword, the halter, and a thousand mischiefs have Consumed them.  
Yea many of them perhaps were never borne: for they that want means to nourish Children will abstain from marriage, or (which is all one) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women: or otherwise make unequal or unhealthy Matches for gain, or because of poverty they think it a blessing, which in nature is a curse, to have their wives barren.  
Were it not thus, arithmetical progression might easily demonstrate, how fast mankind would increase in multitude, overpassing as miraculous (though indeed natural) that example of the Israelites, who were multiplied in 215. years, from seventy unto 600000. able men. Hence we may observe, that the very propagation of our kind, hath with it a strong insensive, even of those daily Wars, which afflict the earth. And that Princes excusing their drawing the sword by devised pretences of necessity, speak often more truly than they are aware, there being indeed a great necessity, though not apparent, as not extending to the generality, but resting upon private heads.  
Wherefore other cause of war merely natural there is none, then want of room upon the earth, which pinching a whole nation, begets the remediless war, vexing only some number of particulars, It draws on the Arbitrary: But unto the kindling of Arbitrary war, there are many other motives. The most honest of these is, fear of harm and prevention of danger. This is just and taught by nature, which labours more strongly in removing evil, then in pursuit of what is requisite unto her good. Nevertheless, because war cannot be without mutual violence: It is manifest, that allegation of danger and fear serves only to excuse the suffering part, the wrong doer being carried by his own will. So the war thus caused proceeds from nature, not altogether but in part.  
A second motive is, Revenge of injury sustained; This might be avoided if all men could be honest; otherwise not. For Princes must give protection to their Subjects and adherents, when worthy occasion shall require it, else will they be held unworthy, and unsufficient: than which there can be to them no greater peril.  
Wherefore Caesar in all deliberations where difficulties and dangers threatened on the one side, and the opinion that there should be in him Parum Praesidii little safeguard, for his friends, was doubted on the other side, always chose rather to venture upon extremities then to have it thought that he was a weak protector. Yea by such maintenance of their dependants, Many Noblemen in all forms of Government, and in every man's memory have kept themselves in greatness with little help of any other virtue. Neither have mere Tyrants been altogether careless to maintain free from oppression of strangers, those Subjects of theirs, whom themselves have most basely esteemed and used, as no better than slaves. For there is no master that can expect good service from his bondslaves, if he suffer them to be beaten and daily ill entreated by other men: To remedy this, it were needful that Justice should everywhere be duly ministered as well to strangers as to denizens. But contrariwise we find, that in many countries (as Muscovie and the like) the Laws or the Administration of them are so far from giving satisfaction, as they fill the general voice with complaint and exclamation.  
Sir Thomas Moor said, (whether more pleasantly or truly I know not) that a trick of Law had no less power than the wheel of fortune, to lift men up, or cast them down.  
Certainly with more patience men are wont to endure the losses that befell them by mere casualty, than the damages which they sustain by means of injustice, Because these are accompanied with sense of indignity, whereof the other are free: when Robbers break open a man's house and spoil it, they tell the owner plainly that money they want, and money they must have: But when a Judge corrupted by reward, hatred, favour, or any other passion, takes both house and Land from the rightful owner, And bestows them upon some friend of his own, or of his favourite, He says, that the rules of Justice will have it so, that it is the voice of the Law, the Ordinance of God himself. And what else doth he herein, then by a kind of Circumlocution tell his humble suppliants that he holds themselves Idiots or base wretches not able to get relief; must it not astonish and vex withal, any man of a free spirit when he sees none other difference between the Judge and the thief, then in the manner of performing their exploits? as if the whole being of Justice consisted in point of formality. In such case an honest Subject will either seek remedy by ordinary courses, or await his time until God shall place better men in office, and call the oppressors to account. But a stranger will not so, he hath nothing to do with the affairs of Barbary, neither concerns it him what officer be placed or displaced in Taradante, or whether Mulisidian himself can contemn the kingdom, his Ship and goods are unjustly taken from him, and therefore he will seek leave to right himself if he can, and return the injury ten fold, upon the whole Nation from which he received it. Truth it is, that men are sooner weary to dance attendance at the Gates of foreign Lords, then to tarry the good leisure of their own Magistrates; Nor do they bear so quietly the loss of some parcel confiscated abroad, as the greater detriment which they suffer by some prowling vice-admiral, Customer, or public minister at their return.  
Whether this proceed from the Reverence which men yield unto their proper governor, I will not here define, or whether excess of trouble in following their causes far from home, or whether from despair of such redress, as may be expected in their own Country, in the hoped reformations of disorders, or whether from their more unwillingness to disturb the domestical than the foreign quiet by loud exclamations, or whether perhaps their not daring to mutter against the Injustice of their own Rulers, though it were shameful, for fear of faring worse, and of being punished for Scandalum Magnatum: As slanderers of men in authority, wheresoever it comes; As there can be but one allegiance, so men are apt to serve no more than they needs must. According to that of the Slave in an old comedy: Non sum servus publicus, my Master bought me for himself, and I am not every man's man.  
And this opinion, there is no Prince unwilling to maintain in his own Subjects. Yea such as are most Rigorous to their own, do never find it safe to be better unto strangers, because it were a matter of dangerous Consequence, that the People should think all other Nations to be in better case than themselves. The brief is, Oppression in many places wears the Robes of Justice, which Domineering over the naturals, may not spare strangers, And strangers will not endure it, but cry out unto their own Lords for relief by the Sword. Wherefore the Motive of Revenging Injuries is very strong, though it merely consist in the will of man, without any enforcement of nature.  
Yet the more to quicken it, there is usually concurrent therewith, A hopeful expectation of gain. For of the amends recovered, Little or nothing returns to those that had suffered the wrong, but commonly all runs into the Prince's Coffers. Such examples as was that of our late Queen Elizabeth of most famous memory, are very rare. Her majesty when the goods of our English Merchants were attached by the Duke of Alva, 
Anno Domini 1569.  in the Netherlands, And by King Philip in Spain, arrested, Likewise the goods of the Low dutch here in England, that amounted unto a greater value: Neither was she contented that her Subjects should right themselves as well as they could, upon the Spaniards by Sea, But having brought King Philip within four or five years, 
Anno. 1573.  to better reason, though not so far as to Restitution; She satisfied her own Merchants to the full, for all their losses out of the Dutchmen's goods, and gave back to the Duke what was remaining. This among many thousand of her royal Actions, that made her glorious in all Nations, though it caused even strangers in their speech and writing to extol her Princely Justice, to the skies: yet served it not as a precedent for others of less virtue to follow.  
It were more costly to take pattern from those Acts, which gave immortal renown to that great Queen, then to imitate the thirsty dealing of that Spanish Duke, in the self same business, who kept all to his own use, or his Masters, Restoring to the poor Dutch Merchants not one penny. It falls out many times indeed, that a Prince is driven to spend far more of his treasure in punishing by War the wrongers of his people, Then the loss of his People did amount unto. In such cases it is reason, that he satisfy himself, and let the people (whereto commonly they are apt) rest contented with the sweetness of revenge.  
But when victory makes large amends for all, it Royally becomes a Prince, to satisfy those for whose satisfaction he undertook the war. For besides the purpose it were now, to teach how victory should be used, or the gains thereof Communicated to the general content. This being only brought into show, that the profit thereby gotten, is a stirring provocation to the redress of Injuries by the sword. As for the redress of Injuries done unto Princes themselves, it may conveniently (though not always, for it were miserable injustice to deny leave to Princes of mainetaining their own honour, be referred unto the third motive of Arbitrary wars, which is mere Ambition.  
This is and ever hath been that true cause of more Wars, then have troubled the world upon all other occasions whatsoever, though it lest partake of nature, or urgent necessity of State. I call not here alone by the name of Ambition, that vain glorious humour, which openly professeth to be none other, and vaunts itself as an imperial virtue (for the examples are not many of that kind:) But where occasion of war is greedily sought, or being very slight is gladly entertained, for that increase of Dominion is hoped thereby, we should rather impute the war to the scope at which it aimeth: then to any idle cause pretended.  
The Romans feared lest they of of Carthage by winning Messana should soon get the mastery over all Sicily, And have a fair entrance at pleasure into Italy: Which to prevent they made a war upon the Carthaginians; this fear I call Ambition, Had they not trusted in their own arms, hoping thereby to enlarge their empire, but being weaker, and more afraid indeed, they would have feared less.  
For Colour of this war they took the Mamertines, A crew of thieves, and cut throats into their protection; Whom being their associates they must needs defend. But had not their Ambition been mightier than their Justice, they would have endeavoured to punish these Mamertines, and not to protect them. Innumerable are the like examples: Know ye not (said Ahab) that Ramoth Gilead is ours? He knew this before, and was quiet enough, till opinion of his forces, made him look into his right. And of this nature (though some worse than other in degree) are claims of old forgotten tribute or of some acknowledgements due perhaps to the Ancestors of a vanquished King, And long after challenged by the Heirs of the Conqueror, broken titles to kingdoms or Provinces, Mainetenance of friends, and partisans, pretenced wrongs, and indeed, whatsoever it pleased him to allege that thinketh his own sword sharpest: But of old time (perhaps before Helen of Greece, was borne) Women have been the common Argument of these Tragedies. As of late Ages in our parts of the world, since the names of Guelf, and Ghibeline, were heard, The right of St. Peter, that is the Pope's revenues and Authority.  
This last and other of the same kind I know not, how patiently they will endure to be ranged among ambition's quarrels: For the war that hath such foundation, will not only be reputed, free from worldly Ambition, Just, and honourable, But holy, and meritorious: having thereto belonging Pardon of Sins, Release from Purgatory, And the promises of the life to come, As may be seen in the Popes Crociata.  
The truth is, that the Saracenes, affirm no less of the wars, which either they make against Christians, or which arise between themselves from difference of Sect. And if every man had his due, I think the honour of devising first this Doctrine: That Religion ought to be enforced upon men by the sword, would be found appertaining to Mahomet the false Prophet, sure, it is, that he and the Caliphes' following him obtained thereby in a short space a mighty Empire, which was in fair way to have enlarged, until they fell out among themselves. Not for the kingdom of Heaven, But for Dominion upon Earth. And against these did the Popes, when their authority grew powerful in the West incite the Princes of Germany, England, France, and Italy. Their chief enterprise was the Recovery of the Holy Land. In which worthy, but extremely difficult action, it is lamentable to Remember, what abundance of noble Blood hath been shed, with very small benefit unto the Christian State.  
The Recovery of Spain (whereof the better part was then in Bondage of the Saracens,) had been a work more available to the men of Europe, more easily mainetained with supply, more aptly serving to advance any following enterprise upon kingdoms further removed, more free from hazard, and Requiring less expense of Blood. But the honourable piety of the undertakers could not be terrified by the face of danger, nor diverted from this to a more commodious business, by any motives of profit or facility for the Pulpits did sound in every Parish Church with the praises of that voyage, as if it were a matter, otherwise far less highly pleasing unto God, to bear arms for defence of his truth against prosecutors, or for the Deliverance of poor Christians oppressed with slavery, then to fight for that self same Land, wherein our Blessed Saviour was borne and died: By such persuasions a marvellous number were excited to the Conquest of Palestina which with singular virtue they performed (though not without exceeding great loss of men) and held that kingdom some few generations.  
But the Climate of Syria, the far distance from the strength of Christendom, And the near Neighbourhood of those that were most puissant among the Mahometans, caused that famous enterprise, after a long continuance of terrible War, to be quite abandoned.  
The care of Jerusalem being laid aside, it was many times thought needful to repress the growing power of the Turk by the joint forces of all Christian Kings and commonwealths, And hereto the Popes have used much persuasion and often published their Crociata with pardon of sins to all that would adventure in a work so Religious. Yet have they effected little or nothing, and less perhaps are ever like to do. For it hath been their custom so shamefully to misuse the fervent zeal of men to Religious arms by converting the moneys, that have been Leavyed for such Wars, to their own services, and by stirring up Christians one against an other, yea against their own natural Princes, under the like pretences of serving God and the Church, that finally men waxed weary of their turbulent spirits, And would not believe that God was careful to maintain the Pope in his quarrels, or that Remission of sins past, was to be obtained by Committing more and more grievous, at the instigation of his suspected holiness.  
questionless there was great reason, why all discreet Princes should beware of yielding hasty belief to the Robes of sanctimony.  
It was the Rule of our Blessed Saviour, By their works you shall know them, what the works of those that occupied the papacy, have been since the days of Pepin and Charlemagne who first enabled them with temporal donation, The Italian writers have testified at large. Yet were it needless to Cite Machiavelli, who hath Recorded their doings, and is therefore the more hateful, or Guicciardine, whose works they have gelded, as not enduring to hear all that he hath written, though he spoke enough in that which remains. What History shall we Read (excepting the annals of Caesar Baronius, And some books of friars, or Fryarly Parasites) which mentioning their annals do not leave witness of their ungodly dealing in all quarters.  
How few kingdoms are there (if any) wherein by dispensing with others, transferring the right of Crowns, Absolving Subjects from allegiance, and cursing or threatening to curse as long as their curses were regarded, they have not wrought unprobable mischiefs?  
The shameless denial hereof by some of their friends, And the more shameless justification by their flatterers, makes it needful to exemplify, which I had rather forbear, as not loving to deal in such contentious arguments, were it not folly to be modest in uttering what is known to all the world. Pity it is, that by such demeanour they have caused the Church (as Jerome Savanarola, and before him Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln prophesied) to be reformed by the sword. But God would have it so. How far the Pope's blessing therefore did sanctify the enterprise upon Jerusalem it rests in every man's discretion to Judge.  
As for the honourable Christians which undertook that conquest to justify their war, they had not only the redress of injuries and protection of their oppressed Brethren, But the repelling of danger from their own Land, threatened by those misbeleivers when they invaded.  
If the Pope's extortions (which were not more forcible than those of Peter's the Hermits) added spirit unto the action: yet altered they not the grounds of the war, nor made it the more holy. Let the Indulgences of Pope Leo, the tenth, bear witness of this, who out of politic fear of the Turks violence urged a Religious contribution towards a war to be made upon them. The necessity of that which he propounded was greater doubtless than any that had persuaded the Conquest of Palestina.  
But too foul and manifest was the unholiness of obtruding upon men Remission of sins for money, That the Sums which Pope Leo thereby raised and converted to his own uses, have made his Successers losers by the bargain even to this day.  
Pius the Second, formerly well known by the name of Aeneas Silvius, was discernedly reckoned among the few good Popes of latter ages, who nevertheless in a war of the same Religious nature, discovered the like (though not the same) imperfection.  
His purpose was to set upon Mahomet the great, who had newly won the Empire of Constantinople and by carrying the war over into Greece, to prevent the danger, threatening Italy.  
In this action highly Commendable, he intended to hazard his own person, that so the more easily he might win adventurers, who else were like to be less forward, as not unacquainted with such Romish tricks; Yet was not his own devotion, so zealous in pursuit of this holy business, but that he could stay a while, and convert his forces, against Malatesti Lord of Rimini, letting, Scanderbag wait his Leisure, who had already set the war on foot in Greece. For (said he) we first subdue the little Turk, before we meddle with the great, He spoke reason if we regard policy. But attending one to Religion find we not, that he held the Chastisement of one which molested the Sea of Rome, a like pleasing to God, as would have been the holy war, against the Common Enemy of our Christian Faith? So thought all the rest of those Bishops. And so much more (upon their several occasions) declared themselves to think it, by how much they were commonly worse men than this Aeneas Silvius. And good reason was there that they should be of such belief, or Endeavour to make the Christian world believe none otherwise. For the natural Constitution of their estate (I mean since the age of Pepin and Charlmaine, or the times not long foregoing, hath urged them all hereto; though peradventure some few Popes may have been overlewd, by their own private natures, and thereby have swarved from the rule of policy. To speak in general, whosoever hath dominion absolute, over some, and authority less absolute over many more, will seek to draw those that are not wholly his own into entire subjection.  
It fares with politic bodies as with the physical; each would convert all into their own proper substance, and cast forth as Excrement what will not so be changed.  
We need not Cite Philip the Father of Alexander, nor Philip the Father of Perseus, Kings of Macedon for examples. Of which the former brought the Thessalians, the latter would have brought the Acheans and many estates in Greece from the condition of followers and dependants unto mere vassalage.  
Philip the second of Spain is yet fresh in mind, who attempted the self same upon the Netherlands.  
Exceptions may be framed here against one, of the honest, quiet, or timorous disposition of some Princes, yet that all, or the most are thus inclined, both reason and experience teach: yea even our Cities and Corporations here in England, such as need the protection of great Men, complain otherwhiles of their patrons overmuch diligence, either in searching into their private estates, or behaving themselves master-like in point of government, But never hath authority better means to enlarge itself, than when it is founded upon devotion. And yet never doth authority of this kind, work to raise itself unto mere dominion, until it fall into the hands of those whose piety is more in seeming, than indeed.  
The levitical Priests, in the old Law never arrogated unto themselves, any temporal or Coactive power Nor advanced their mitres against the crown of Israel. They well understood what authority God had committed unto them and rested therewithal content. Some wrangling hereabout hath been of late; The Pope's flatterers labouring to prove, That the high Priests of old were not merely Subject unto the Kings of Juda, and men of better spirit and learning having showed the contrary.  
But whatsoever befell in those days, when there was no King in Israel, that is, before the reign of Saul, or after the Captivity of Babel, sure it is that the sons of Aaron were always obedient unto the sons of David, And acknowledged them their Lords. As for the race of the Maccabees, that held both the kingdom and the Priesthood at once, It falls not within this Consideration; the first thereof (of whom I read) that used the advantage of honour given to him in matter of Religion towards the getting of Temporal possession, was (if not Mahomet himself) Abubaechar the Successor unto Mahomet, This man having obtained by help of his friends, the miserable happiness of being chosen heir unto that fool Impostor in his dignity of a Prophet, made it one of his first works to despoil poor Aliffe the Nephew of Mahomet, and heir of his great riches, taking all from him by this pretence, That unto whom belonged the Succession in wisdom, unto him also belonged the Succession in wealth. And this grew presently to be a famous question among the Doctors of the Saracen Law. But howsoever it were then decided, we see now the Muphtis or high Prelate, who is the only Oracle among the Turks in spiritual matters, lives and holds all that he hath at the discretion of the great Sultan.  
Nevertheless it should seem that the doctrine of Abubachar, hath not lost all force, for the examples are many in all Saracen Lands, of Prophets or deceivers which got that name, that never rested until they became Kings.  
The Seriph in Barbary, was one of the last: who having once acquired the opinion of an holy Man, afterward found means to become a Captain, and Lord of a small Territory; And finally increased his followers, and withal his bounds so fast and so far, as having made himself King of Morocca, he had the grace to tell the King of Fessy, (lately his sovereign) that both Fez and all kingdoms in those parts were belonging to his own holiness; and this he made good by winning all sooner after.  
Whether the claim which the Popes laid to a supremacy over all kingdoms and estates, had not affinity with the principle of Abubachar, Let other men Judge that their practices to maintain it, have been suitable to those of Seriffo, all Historians do testify.  
For when Pope Gregory the second, procured the city of Rome, and some other places in Italy to rebel against the Emperor Leo, the third, what other colour used he, then that himself had Excommunicated Leo, as an ungodly Prince, for breaking down Images, that were worshipped in Churches, when for this treason Paul the Exarch, lieutenant unto the Emperor, besieged Rome with the assistance of Lueitpraud King of the Lombards, by what other art did the Pope remove the siege, then by persuading the Lombard with a Tale of Peter, and Paul, that had consecrated the city of Rome with their precious blood. Thus was devotion made the cloak for treason? And thus did the Pope's first slip their necks out of the Emperor's collar. Within very few years after this, by the like Religious pretext were those Princes of France, Charles Martell, Pepine, and Charlemagne, won to assist the papacy, against the Lombards, yea, to give unto St. Peter, the most of those Lands which the Pope now holds in Italy, And not restore them to the Emperor, from whom the Lombards had gotten them. And thereunto Pepine, was persuaded for his soul's health.  
Yet had Pope Zachary through the opinion that went of his holiness, done a notable good office for Pepine before, when he Released the Frenchmen of their Oath to King Chilperick, And was the cause that Pepine was chosen in his stead, by saying, That rather he should be King who did the King's duty, than he that did it not.  
In like manner did Pope Leo recompense the benefits of Charlemagne, by setting him up as Emperor in the West against those of Constantinople: But in these mutual offices, the Popes did only help with graceful words to adorn that might which Pepine and Charlemagne had before acquired. Whereas these Kings used force of arms to erect the papacy in principality; That was held yet in vassalage unto themselves. Now this could not satisfy the ambition of that See, which gloried falsely to be the only See Apostolic.  
For as the Reputation of the Roman prelates grew up in those blind ages under the Western Emperors, much faster than true piety could raise it, in former times when better Learning had flourished; So grew up in them withal a desire, of amplifying their power, that they might be as great in temporal forces as men's opinion have formed them in spiritual matters. Immediately therefore upon the death of Charlemagne, they began to neglect the Emperor's consent in their Elections. And finding in them that afterwards reigned of the house of France, either too much patience or too much weakness, they were bold, within seaventy years to decree, That in the Creation of Popes, the Emperor should have nothing at all to do. Having obtained this, It followed that they should make themselves Lord over the whole clergy in all kingdoms.  
But the work was great, and could not be accomplished in haste, for they were much disturbed at home by the People of Rome; who seeing about Fifty Popes or rather (as mainetainers of the papacy, would now have them called) Monsters to succeed one another, and attain by the faction of cutthroats, and Strumpets, St. Peter's chair, despised that hypocrisy, which the world abroad did Reverence as holiness.  
Likewise the Empire falling from the line of Charles, to the mighty house of Saxony, was so strongly upheld by the first Princes of that race, as it greatly curbed the ambition of those aspiring prelates.  
Yet no impediment could always be of force to withstand the violence of seeming sanctity.  
The Polonians, Hungarians, and some other far removed Nations, had yielded themselves in subjection more than merely spiritual, even to those Popes whom Italy knew to be detestable men.  
As for the Roman Citizens they were chastised by the sword, and taught to acknowledge the Pope their Lord, though they knew not by what right. Long it was indeed ere they could with much ado be throughly tamed, Because they knowing the lewdness of their Prelate and his Court, their devotion, unto him (the trade by which now they live) was very small. Because also they were the Pope's domestical forces, against which no Prince doth happily contend. But finally the Pope's arms prevailed, or when his own were too weak, the Emperors and other friends were helping. Contrariwise against Emperors and other Princes, the sword of the people even of their own Subjects hath been used by teaching all Christians in our Western world a false Lesson. That it is lawful and meritorious to rebel against Kings excommunicated and deposed by the Pope. This curse was first laid upon the Emperor, Henry the fourth by Pope Hildebrand or Gregory the seventh. It is true (as I said before) that Leo of Constantinople had felt the same though not in the same sort. For Leo being excommunicated was not withal deposed; only he suffered a revolt of some Italian Subjects. And one may say, That the German Empire deserved this plague, Since the founder thereof had given countenance to the Popes Rebelling against their sovereigns the Emperors of Constantinople. Howsoever it were when Hildebrand had accursed and cast down from his throne Henry the fourth, there were none so hardy as to defend their Injured Lord, against the Counterfeited name of St. Peter; Wherefore he was fain to humble himself before Hildebrand, upon whom he waited three days bear footed in the Winter ere he could be admitted into his presence, Neither yet could he otherwise get absolution, then by submitting his estate unto the Pope's good pleasure, what was his fault? He had refused to yield up to the Pope, the investiture of Bishops, and Collation of ecclesiastical dignities within his dominions, a right that had always belonged to Princes until that day.  
It were superfluous to tell how grievously he was afflicted all his life after; Notwithstanding this submission. In brief the unappeasable rage of Hildebrand and his Successors, never left persecuting him, by raising one Rebellion after an other; yea his own Children against him, till despoiled of his crown, he was fain to beg food of the Bishop of Spyers, promising to earn it in a Church of his own building, by doing there a Clarks duty, for he could serve the choir, And not obtaining this, he pined away and died.  
That Bishop of Spyers dealt herein perhaps rather fearfully, then cruelly, For he had to terrify him, the example of Vteilo Archhishop of Mentz chief Prelate among the Germans. Who was condemned of heresy, for having denied that the Emperor might be deprived of his crown by the Pope's authority.  
If Princes therefore be careful to exclude the doctrine of Hildebrand out of their dominions, who can blame them of rigour?  
This example of Henry though it would not be forgotten, might have been omitted, had it not been seconded with many of the same nature.  
But this was neither one Popes fault, nor one princes' destiny; He must write a story of the Empire, that means to tell of all their dealings in this kind, As how they wrought upon Henry the fifth, whom they had set up against his Father, what horrible effusion of Blood they caused, by their often thundering upon Frederick, And how they rested not until they had made the Empire stand headless about seventeen years.  
These things moved Rodolph Earl of Habspurgh who was chosen Emperor after that long vacation to refuse the Ceremony of being Crowned at Rome, though he were thereto urged by the Electors. For (said he) our Caesars, have gone to Rome, As the foolish Beasts in Aesop's Fables went, to the lion's Den leaving very goodly footsteps of their journey thitherward, but not the like of their return.  
The same opinion have most of the succeeding Emperors held, all of them, or almost all neglecting that Coronation. Good cause why; Since the Popes (besides many Extortions which they practised about that Ceremony) Arrogated thence unto themselves, that the Empire was held of them in Homage, And dealt they not after the same fashion with other kingdoms?  
What right had St. Peter to the crown of Sicily, and of Naples? The Roman Princes won those Lands from the Saracens, who had formerly taken them from the Empire of Constantinople; The same Romans had also been mighty defenders of the Papacy in many dangers, yet when time served, the Pope took upon him, as Lord Paramount of those countries, to drive out one King, and set up another, with a Bloody confusion of all Italy; retaining the sovereignty to himself.  
In France, he had the daring to pronounce himself superior unto the King in all matters both spiritual and temporal.  
The crown of Poland he forced to hold of his mitre by imposing a subjection in way of penance. For that the Polish King had caused one St. Stanislaus to be slain.  
For the death of St. Thomas Beckett and (more strangely) for a refusal of an Archbishop of Canterbury whom his holiness had appointed, he imposed the like penance upon England.  
Also when our King Edward the First, made war upon the Scots, word came from Rome that he should surcease: for that the kingdom of Scotland belonged unto the Pope's chapel.  
A great oversight it was of St. Peter, that he did not accurse Nero, and all heathen Princes, whereby the Pope's chapel might have gotten all that the devil offered, and our Saviour refused. Yet what need was there of such a ban: Since friar Vincent of Valnarda could tell Atatalipa King of Peru: That all the kingdoms of the Earth were the Popes, who had bestowed more than half thereof upon the King of Spain. If the Pope will have it so, it must be so; otherwise I should have interpreted that place in Genesis, Increase and multiply and fill the Earth, As spoken to Noah, and his Children, not as directed only to Tubal, Homer, and Phatto, the supposed Fathers of the old Iberians, Goths, and moors, of whom the Spanish blood is compounded. But of such impudent presumption in disposing of countries far remote, And whereto the sword must acquire a better title, the mischief is not presently discerned.  
It were well if his holiness had not loved to set the world in an uproar by nourishing of War, among those that respected him as a Common Father.  
His dispensing with oaths taken for agreement between one King and another, or between Kings and Subjects, do speak no better of him. For by what right was it, That Fardinand of Arragon won the kingdom of Navarre? why did not the confederacy, that was between Lewis the Twelfth of France, and the Venetians hinder that King from warring upon Venice? why did not the like between England, and France, hinder our King Henry the eighth for warring upon the same King Lewis?  
Was it not the Pope who did set on the French, to the end that himself might get Ravenna from the Venetians? Why was it not the same Pope, who afterwards (upon desire to drive the French out of Italy) excommunicated Lewis, and his adherents? By virtue of which Excommunication Fardinand of Arragon seized upon Navarre.  
And served not the same Warrant to set our Henry upon the back of France? But this was not our King's fault more than all the peoples. We might with shame confess it, (if other Countries had not been as blindly superstitious as our Fathers) That a bark of Apples blessed by the Pope, and sent hither for presents unto those that would be forward in the War upon France, made all our English hasty to take arms, in such sort as the Italians wondered, and laughed to see our men, no less greedy of those Apples (Than Eve, was of the forbidden fruit) for which they were to hazard their lives in an unjust War. Few ages have wanted such and more grievous examples of the Pope's tumultuous disposition, but these were amongst the last that fell out before his unholiness was detected. Now for his dispensing between Kings and their Subjects, we need not seek instances far from home.  
He absolved our King John of an oath, given to his Barons and people. The Barons and people he afterwards discharged of their allegiance to King John.  
King Henry the third, had appeased this Land (how wisely I say not) by taking such an oath, as his Father had done; swearing as he was a Knight, A Christian, and a King. But in a Sermon at Paul's, People were taught how little was to be reposed on such assurance, the Pope's dispensation being there openly read, which pronounced that Oath void. Good cause why. For that King had the patience to live, like neither Knight, nor King, But as the Pope's Tenant, and Rent-gatherer of England. But when the same King adventured to murmur, the Pope could threaten to teach him his duty with a vengeance. And make him know, what it was to winch and play the Frederick.  
Thus we see what hath been his custom to oppress Kings by their people, And the people by their Kings, yet this was for serving his own turn.  
Wherein had our King Henry the sixt offended him (which King Pope Julius would after for a little money have made a Saint) nevertheless, the Popes absolving of Rich: Duke of York from that honest oath, which he had given by mediation of all the Land to that good King occasioned both the Dukes and the King's ruin. And therewithal those long and cruel Wars between the Houses of Lancaster, and York, and brought all England into an horrible Combustion. What he meant by this, I know not, unless to verify the proverb; Omnia Romae venalia, I will not urge the dispensation, whereby the Pope released King Philip, the second of Spain, from the solemn Oath by which he was bound to maintain the privileges of the Netherlands, though this papal indulgence, hath scarce as yet left working, And been the cause of so many hundred thousands slain, for this last forty years in the Netherlands.  
Neither will I urge the Pope encouraging of Henry the second, and his sons, to the last of them against the French Protestants, the cause of the first three civil wars, And lastly of the Leavyings of Byron's, in which there hath perished no less number, then in the Low-countries.  
For our Country it affords an example of fresh memory, since we should have had as furious war, as ever both upon us, and amongst us, in the days of our late famous sovereign Queen Elizabeth, if Pope Pius his Bull, Could have gored, as well as it could Bellow.  
Therefore it were not amiss to answer by a Herald, the next pontifical attempt of like nature, rather sending defiance (as to an enemy) then publishing answers as to one that had here to do, though indeed he had never here to do (by any lawful power) either in civil or ecclesiastical business, after such time as Britain was won from the Roman Empire.  
For howsoever it were ordered in some of the first holy general councils, that the Bishop of Rome, should be Patriarch over these quarters, yea; or it were supposed that the forged Canons, by which he now challengeth more than precedency, and primacy, had also been made indeed: yet could this little help his claim in kingdoms, that hold not of the Empire. For those right holy Fathers, as in matters of Faith, they did not make truth, But religiously expounded it: so in matters of ecclesiastical Government, they did not create provinces for themselves; But ordered the Countries which they then had.  
They were assemblies of all the Bishops in the Roman world, and with the Roman dominion only they meddled. Requisite it is that the faith which they taught should be embraced in all countries, As it ought likewise to be entertained, if the same had been in like sort illustrated, not by them, but by a general council of all Bishops in the great kingdom of the Abyssines, which is thought to have been Christian even in those days.  
But it was not requisite, nor is, that the Bishops of Abyssines, or of India, should live under direction of the Patriarch of Alexandria, and Antioch.  
questionless, those godly Fathers of the Nicene, And of the Calcedonian council so thought. For they took not upon them to order the Church Government in India, where St. Thomas had preached, nor to range the Subjects of Prester John (as we call him) under any of themselves; much less to frame an hierarchy upon earth, whereto men of all Nations whatsoever should be subject in spiritual obedience.  
If Constantine or his Successors the Roman Emperors could have won all Asia: like it is that in Councils following more Patriarchs would have been ordained for the ecclesiastical Government of that large continent, and not all those vast countries have been left unto him of Antioch or Constantinople. But since contrariwise, the Empire became looser, the Patriarchs whose Jurisdiction depended upon the Empire, become losers also.  
We grant, that even in the times of persecution, before Christian Bishops durst hold open assemblies, there was given especial honour to the Bishops that were over the chief Cities; That unity might the better be preserved and heresy kept out of the Church; But this honour was no more, than a precedence, a dignity without Coactive power, extending no further than to matter of Religion, And not having to do, save in the general way of Christian love with any strangers.  
We therefore, that are no dependants of the Empire, ought not to be troubled with the authority (be it what it may be) with any assemblies of godly Fathers (yet all Subjects of that Empire, ordained for their own better Government) But rather should regard the Bishop of Rome, As the Islanders of Jersey, and Garnsey, do him of Constance in Normandy, that is nothing at all: since by that French Bishops refusal to swear unto our King, those Isles were annexed to the diocese of Winchester.  
FINIS.