England's SAFETY, IN TRADES increase.  
Most humbly Presented to the High Court of PARLIAMENT.  
Mercaturasi tenuis, sordida; si magna, splendida.  
— Quaerenda pecunia primum.  
BY HENRY ROBINSON. Gent.  
LONDON, Printed by E. P. for Nicholas Bourne, at the South Entrance of the royal Exchange. 1641.   

To the Courteous Reader.  
MY first aim and pretence of penning this discourse, as you will find perusing it, was, chiefly through brevity to allure some one to cast an eye on't, who duly considering of what consequence the subject is, might in his own ripe judgement digest fully, and prevail for the home prosecution of it, in this honourable Court of Parliament; but perceiving it does extend itself both beyond my expectation and the leisure most men have at present from each days weighty employment, it fears me, I may need some Prospective, or specious prologue to invite my Readers, and therefore to whet thy appetite I will be bold to promise, no more than I'll perform, that Nunc tua res agitur, if wealth or security of the State concern thee, and reading of this out thou mayst not only find made good the Title, that England's trade is England's safety, but means suddenly to encsease the kingdom's stock as much again, for what concerns trafficking therewith, besides the saving of his majesty and subjects in their several affairs no small sums yearly, and some other advantages not a little considerable; the platform of all which if thou see not herein delineated, the Author will be bound to show it thee, or make amends in reading twice as much of thine to as little purpose. Farewell.   

A Table of all the chief heads and passages.  


A  ASsignation or turning over bills of debt increases the kingdom's stock so much as all such bills amount to. 
Pag. 37.    


B  bank or Grand cash increases the kingdones stock so m●ch as the capital consists of. 
Pag. 34.35.36.  bank or Mount of charity to lend poor people upon p●●nes. 
Pag. 43.44.    


C  Ca●els, and Cordage to be made, and hemp seed to be sowed in England. 
●. 20.  Chari●y misled to give to beggars able to work, P. 13.43. public H●uses as Bridewell in London to ●et poor people a work▪ 
Pag. 13.43.  Companies and Corporations of Mar●hants, the benefit thereof. 
Pag. 45.46.  customs with what consideration and choi●e to be imposed. 
P. 9.10.11.20.21.    


D  Divines desired to consider the lawfulness of interest or usury. 
Pag. 41.42.    


E  England's advantage over other Nations for increase of ●rade. 
P. 2.3.8.11.21.  Exchanges with foreign Parts: Marchandizing Exchange: fairs and money Marts. 
Pag. 38.39.40.41.42.52.54 55.56.57. &c.    


F  Fishing employment, the consequence of it, maintaining the Sov●raignetie of the Sea, and keeping us predominant over other Nations. P. 1 13.14 15 16.17. England able to prosecute better than other Nations, keeping Lent and two fish days a week would exceedingly promote it. 
P. 16.  Forces by Sea of greatest power and advantage, 
P. 2.16.    


G  Grand Duke of Florence most absolute Prince in Christendom, 
P. 35.36.    


H  Hollanders their strength in Sea-forces. P. 1.2. Their cruelties towards our merchants at A●boin●. 
P. 22.  husbandry little improved in England in respect of other Count●eies as barren. 
Pag. 44.45.    


I  Insurance differences to be decided by the law-merchant, 
Pag. 33.34.    


L  Law-suites their expense and hazard: law-merchant or Court of Mar●ha●ts to decide all Marchantlike causes, 
P. 25.26.33.  London's populousness, inconveniencies thereof, &c. 
P. 5.    


M  Manufactures and new fabrics to be increased, 
Pag. 3.10.18.19.  moneys of England und●rvallewed, exported by Ambassadors, Travellers, and merchant strangers, how prevented, 
P. 51.52.53.54.55.56.57.58. 59.60.61.  All silver and gold which comes from the West Indies goes into the East, 
P. 62.  Br●sse moneys, the miserable effects thereof, 
P. 61.  Marchandizing the sutlest mystery, P. 25.26. wh●t commodities to be exported, what imported. 
P. 12.23.  merchant's advantage over other men; deal more upon credit than ready money; commonly of good families, 
P. 46.47.48.    


O  Overballancing of trade, the contrary opinion held, 
P. 49.50.    


P  Plantations enlarge both our traffic and Dominions, 
P. 13.  Prince's affairs advanced by Ministers that are punctual, 
P. 37.    


S  Salt, the making and multiplying how necessary, 
P. 19.20.  Shipping how increased, the consequence of it, 
P. 1.2.15.    


To  Trade of England how increased, by 17. means, 
P. 2.3.4.6.9.21.  Trade the measure of wealth and rich●s of this kingdom, P. 10.24.49. East India trade, the consequence of it, traffic cannot be enlarged without this be followed &c. 
P. 21.22.23.24.25.62.  Inland trade and Navigation, P. 42. A Commission or standing Magistrate to consult the enlargement of it, &c. 
P. 47.48.  Transpo●tation and serving oth●r Nations with foreign Commodities, the benefit thereof, making us the Emporum or Magazine of other Nations, how attained to, 
pa. 8.20.21.24.    


Ulysses'  use or interest money, n●cessity of bringiug it down to 6. per 100 at least p. 6.7. Good if strangers had no money at interest in London. 
P. 7.  usury, d●fference about the definition, condemned by the Roman Church, not allowed by any good Authors in Print, and yet practised by whole Countries. P. 8 38 40.41. Divines desired to cons●der and resolve of it. 
P. 41.42.  Venice advantaged by our Friendship. 
Pa. 11.    


W.  Woollen goods, especially cloth▪ &c. to be freed from customs, woollen Staple decreases, where, and why, increases where, and how to be enlarged 
P. 10 11.14.17.18.23.     

England's SAFETY IN TRADES increase.  
THe principal advantage we have over all the world besides is thought to be our shipping, which with our own materials as yet we build at home: but if Timber continue still to decrease, we must not only be beholding to others for it, but have no more ships than they will give us leave; And yet the Hollanders who have no Timber at their own growth, do far surpass us in number of ships, so that were it not for the courage of our Nation, under God, and our expertness in Sea-fights, other Nations perhaps upon trial might at least be troublesome to us, and that the Hollanders have some hopes thereof may be well conjectured by the great difficulty we find in prevailing with them upon all occasions of their profit; as particularly in the fishing business, the East India trade, and daily diminishing the merchant Adventurers ancient privileges in their jurisdiction to the great prejudice of this State: And if the Hollanders eve● in our memory thus sprung up not without our assistance and welwishes, and the French of la●e so strong, both in the Ocean and Mediterranean Sea, as that w●e can scarce set out such fleets as either, how much more dangerous will their puissance be to our posterity? certainly it is considerable for both of them, especially the Hollander is more likely, and hath better means still to advance himself continually more and more hereafter, than he had at first to get to what he is at present: for it is not the large territories in the Low countries, but their traffic which doth enrich them, the first ground of all their strength and greatness; and yet their trade consists only in fishing on our Coast, manufactures and trafficking foreign commodities to and fro, which so much the more is by them still pursued, as they daily increase in shipping and riches.  
Thus doth it too too well appear how other States and Princes will daily grow more and more rich and powerful, and consequently after the same rate in a short time of four sufficient to give Chackmate unto us: The only means I find able to prevent this shame and misery are two.  
One by endeavouring what is possible that our trade may be enlarged wherein we have advantage over all the world, as I will show hereafter, and particularly by setting ourselves close to the fish employment.  
The other, in procuring that other States and Princes rest contented to keep only such a number of men of war as may not make us with just cause suspect their strength and force; neither is this course dissonant to reason, or without precedent or present practice, for if the levying an army of men by a neighbouring Prince give just jealousy, how much more may a Fleet of ships which cannot be without men enough to make an army of at pleasure besides the capacity of conducing an other where they please? And even in this matter of shipping & maritime forces, the States of Italy are so precise and strict, as that the Pope himself, kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, Grand Duke, State of Genua and Grand Master of Malta keep only so many galleys as are limited to each by general consent amongst themselves.  
But in regard the Hollanders may allege it necessary for them to have continual fleets at Sea to defend themselves against the Spaniards, it may be as necessary for us to importun● the King of Spain to make an honourable peace with them; or, if he refuse, to join with the Hollanders and share with them in the booty, for if we sit still, and they go on conquering as is like enough, the more they get, the less able (if they please) shall we be to keep ourselves from being conquered too at last, and living at others' mercy, would at best bee but dishonourable, when if we fare well, we must con them thanks and not ourselves: Let us not then run a farther hazard subjecting ourselves to remain betrayed in the end by our own flattery: did we but consider the odds we had of other States in Sea-forces but half an age ago; and now reflect upon the great fleets they make both in the Ocean and Mediterranean Sea, we may find their power such at Present, as may render them justly to be suspected of us hereafter, and unless we show ourselves sole sovereign of the Sea, and with our Trident sceptre give laws (whilst we may) to all Nations there, we must receive them from others, when we cannot help it: foreign Nations teach us the truth hereof already by fishing in our Seas whether we will or no, and the French in disturbing our trade the last year in the Mediterranean Sea, and enacting laws prejudicial both to it and our Navigation, which of themselves are able to beat us out of trade in time, and so much more, when Christendom shall be at peace, by which means the trade of Spain will be free for other Nations which at present as it were we monopolise to ourselves, and our clothiers and other Manufactors in swarms flocking over into Holland to enjoy their liberties, (which God knows how justly) but whether it be true and due liberty, or only so suggested, it is equally damageable to this State, since it causes their departure, and the ill consequences ensuing thereupon; it concerns us therefore (and that suddenly) to prevent others by good usage, get those back again that are gone, or hinder the progress of their art and manufacture, which else both may, and justly too, be countermined.  
And whereas it may be inferred by what I said before, that the enlarging of our trade would keep us still predominant over all other States and Princes, I will set down some few indigested Notions towards the producing and continuing a flourishing State of commerce, which if we do not seriously apply ourselves unto, other States will questionless be too hard for us, and whatsoever trade they beat us out of and engross into their own hands, will feed us with a bit and a blow, making us pay for it what they please, which will not only impoverish us, but ruin our Navigation, and subject us to become a prey at pleasure.  
Briefly then the traffic of England may be divided into Inland, and Maritime.  
Inland is that which is practised from one town or place unto an other within the country, and by  
Maritime I mean such as is used from any part of England beyond the Seas, which later is chiefly to be enlarged three manner of ways, by Exportation, Importation, and Transportation.  

1. By Exportation and venting our Native Commodities, as Lead, Tin, wax, or such others, as have little or no workmanship, but chiefly those that require and set a work our Manufactures, as died and dressed Cloth, Perpetuana's, says, Serges, and the like.  
2. By importation of foreign commodities which we any wise stand in need of, as Wines, Sugars, linens, wrought silks, but especially such as employ the poor in manufactures, as Cotton Wools, raw silk, and all such sundry materials as advance our Navigation, Provisions of all sorts, and Ammunition.  
3. By Transporting foreign commodities, either directly from one foreign country to another, or bringing them first for any part of England, and afterwards carrying them out again for such countries, and at such times as occasion shall require.   
In all which respects England may have advantage of all the World besides, by reason of her situation surrounded by the Sea, her Inhabitants populous for Manufactures, skilful in Navigation, and unparalleled for safeties, her superfluity of sundry commodities to furnish most Nations that stand in need of them, and lastly her Fishing, than which nothing is so peculiar to her, a treasure equal to that of both Indies in the richness, consequence and circumstances of it, in so much that if we be but sure to practise this, all other trades will follow, as I may say, of their own accord, one, as it were, begetting another; for our Fish, Cloth, and other Woollen goods, Tin, Lead, Calfe-skins, wax, &c. do not only furnish us with such foreign commodities as we ourselves want, but besides large returns in money, may store us with quantities of all sorts to supply other Nations; And though as I said, if our fishing and clothing be but looked to, our trading both Inland and Maritime will continually increase, yet it may likely be much furnished, and brought sooner to perfection, if all these seventeen particulars be observed.  

1. By granting privileges to sundry towns and places, especially sea-towns most commodiously situated for fishing traffic and Navigation.  
2. By bringing interest down to 6. per 100 at most.  
3. By lighting of the customs especially of goods exported.  
4. By cherishing and furthering our several Plantations in Virginia, Bermudus, Saint Lawrence, Saint Christopher's and elsewhere, especially persuading to inhabit and fortify, so far as may be requisite, the bank of New-found Land where we catch that fish.  
5. By using all possible means for prosecuting and advancing the Fishing employment in general.  
6. By settling stricter orders for overseeing and sealing cloth, and all sorts of Woollen goods.  
7. By encouraging new manufactures with immunities and privileges.  
8. By free exporting of foreign commodities with little or no custom, which will make England the Emporium of all other countries:  
9 By his majesty's protecting the East India company, whereby they may regain that trade, and settle another in Persia if possible.  
10. By constituting a Court of merchants, where all merchants, and Marchantlike causes and differences may be summarily dispeeded without appeal unless by his majesty's especial grace in case of palpable injustice.  
11. By erecting of a bank where payments may be made by assignation.  
12. That a course be taken for secure turning over bills of debts from one man to another.  
13. That a fair or money Mart be settled like that of Placentia in Italy or lions in France, where moneys are drawn as by exchange and returned back again every three months.  
14. That Inland trade and Navigation which is carriage of goods and merchandise within the country be facilitated and promoted.  
15. That all merchants trading for one place and Province be contracted into a Corporation.  
16. That there be Commissioners as a peculiar and select Magistrate of so many as shall be thought fitting to sit weekly advising and consulting for the advancement of trade and Commerce.  
17. And lastly that all merchants have certain immunities from being called to inferior offices and services where they live, and other privileges of due respect, whereby they may be encouraged to continue, and others to betake themselves to so honourable a calling.   
1. To the first then, which is the granting privileges to sundry towns and places, especially Sea towns most commodiously situated for Fishing, traffic and Navigation, since London is not only populous enough, but likely still to be much more even till its own greatness prove a burden to it, for we see both house rent, provisions for victualling of all sorts, firing and other grow continually excessive dear, the consumption whereof being so great, in so little a circuit, causes them to be fetched so far off, as the very portage of some of them exceeds the first cost, whereas if such others as are likely still to flock to London if not prevented, were won to settle themselves about Marchandizing in some other place or Port, these provisions would be near hand to them, and consequently better cheap: Besides it is no policy for a Prince or kingdom to have so great a multitude, or proportion of their wealth and strength in one place, how strong soever, because if pestilence come amongst them they infect one another; if dearth or scarcity of any thing necessary, they are apt to mutiny; if wars they may be besieged, and then so far from helping, as they help only to starve one another, and what is no less considerable, their overballancing number and riches, were it not secured by the untainted loyalty of those citizens, and as well ordered by their good government (whereof we have often seen experience) might be a temptation of ill consequence; Wherefore to prevent this, as also not to venture all we have, or so great a part of it at one st●ke, and disperse and multiply trade throughout the whole kingdom, it may be requisite to endow some Sea towns, especially with sundry privileges, and immunities; but first they must be si●uate where they may have all provisions cheap, and advance somewhat thereby of what they would have spent in London; then they should be such as have secure Ports and roads capable to receive and harbour ships of all burdens; next it is necessary they be fortified with strong walls and ditches, if a Castle be not thought sufficient to protect the Inhabitants, and people of all sorts encouraged to dwell there by such means as may ●est prevail with them: as first by a free trade to pay little or no custom, especially for goods outward, or such inward as are to be again exported; then if need require they may be furnished with house-rent free for some years, and hopeful men of good report, who living there so far off, will perhaps find no credit, with moneyed men in London should be accommodated with competent sums at a low interest of about 4. per 100 for where men have moneys, they will continually be plodding how to employ them ●e●t, and so make new discoveries in trade to the future enriching of Prince and country together with themselves. And whereas at present all England, at lest Scotland and Ireland for the most part are furnished with foreign commodities brought first to London, than wi●l these sundry new towns and Staples of trade as they increase, not only be able to provide themselves, but the Country also that lies near them with the same at better rates, and yet prejudice London very little, because, as I conceive, the greatest part of that country, and such as come to inhabit there, made shift before to live without them, most whereof were more superfluous than necessary; and were it only to make these new towns of Staple Magazines and Warehouses of corn, Wine, Salt, Fish, flax, Cotton wool, Tobacco and other foreign commodities, to furnish our Northerly neighbouring Nations, we may compass it with the same advantage which others do and better, if we use but the same policy, following our fishing, and providing for our shipping.  
2. The second way to enlarge trade is by bringing down interest to 6. per 100 at least, for Interest is the rule by which we buy, sell, and govern ourselves when we are to employ our moneys both in building, planting, trading, &c. as thus: A merchant buying a commodity to send abroad or bring for England, calculates what it costs, and what it is likely afterwards to sell for, & finding it may produce 8. or 10 per 100 concludes this is more profitable than interest, and therefore resolves not to put out his money at use, but employ it in trade, & having no money of his own, is contented to borrow, because he perceives he may likely advance by this employment to pay the use, and reserve a convenient profit for his pains, which certainly would not succeed so often if Interest ran higher, for if that be a more profitable and secure way of thriving, such as have moneys will decline trade, and put it out to use, and those that have none, either quite forbear to borrow, or undo themselves with interest at so high a rate: Neither can any thing materially be objected against this bringing down of interest, save that strangers will not send their moneys hither to be put out at so low a rate and so abridge the trade, but to this may well be answered, it were good they brought none at all, being better to have a little trade with a greater profit to be divided amongst ourselves, than a larger trade with less benefit on it, and that chiefly to go to strangers.  
But for our own usurers, whereas it is ordinarily alleged how this course would make them call in their moneys and buy lands, it is as easily answered, how all the land in England is bought already, and if any one that hath bought resolve to sell again, surely it is not with intention to keep the money by him in a chest without fructifying, so that let whose will buy or sell land, be the interest brought down to what rate soever, our moneyed men will not long be ●ullen, but so much money as is in England will be traded with by those that owe it, or put out at interest at five or six per 100 when men must give no more for it, since dulcis odor lu●ri, something hath some savour.  
But true it is that land will be the de●rer for it, and perhaps at first corn, Wools and all kind of victualling and manufactures the like, which if it be granted, I hope we should in conclusion find no worse effect than that Husb●ndmen would hereby be brought to a frugal diet, or stirred up to become more industrious setting their wits and hands a work for improving of the soil, wherein questionless they come short of other Nations, and might thereby well advance in the great increase of yearly fruits whensoever their farms come to be enhanced; And yet methinks in saying if lands be improved to thirty years' purchase, corn, Wools, &c. will rise accordingly, there is a fallacy which captivates many men's understanding, for surely he cannot be justly said to buy land at thirty years' purchase, who racking the rent of what it was before squeezes his Farmers after the rate of twenty years, which if the landlord do not, the Tenant will have no cause to demand de●rer for his corn, wool &c. and impossible it is that Land should rise unless interest money fall; for whereas it may be objected the scarcity or store of money will raise or bring down Land, it is by no other means than raising, or bringing down interest first: and besides the Farmers upon all occasion are likelier to discharge a rackrent by multiplying the fruits thereof through industry, tha● raising of the price, for that would only teach us to be furnished from abroad, which if we cannot do as well as other Nations it were pity but we wanted; Spain, Portugal and Holland, have very little corn of their own sowing, and yet eat as much bread as we do; the Hollander hath no sheep to shear, and yet makes cloth as good cheap as England, so that if we cannot enjoy the advantages we have above them, let us at least be contented to far as they do, and bring down interest to the same terms, whereby trade may flourish as it doth with them. And if trade be but encouraged by giving privileges to our decayed fishing towns, and practising what is proposed here following, I suppose it may appear there will not only be suddenly found money enough to d●ive the present trade, but that we are farther capable to become the wealthiest Nation in all the World. And whereas I made transportation, which is the furnishing of other Nations with foreign commodities, the third means of enlarging maritime trade, unless we can have moneys here at interest as cheap as foreign Nations, or else advance some other way what we pay more than they do for use money, they will keep us from that trade and the benefit of it, for if they can undersell us three or four per 100 which is a competent gain for a half years employment, we may be sure not to thrive amongst them, but desert a project so advantageous as the Hollanders have not such another to live upon; and to conclude this point, since the lawfulness of putting money out at interest is so much controverted, it might be no small motive to us at least to put the use of it at a lower rate.  
3. The third consideration was lightning of our customs, in imposing whereof heretofore perhaps the chief aim and intention sometimes was to increase his majesty's revenues, but special care ought to be had therein by lightning our native commodities which will cause a greater exportation of them, and charging it on the foreign which will hinder their importation, and yet they too selectively not all alike; and here it is worth remembrance that a great part of foreign commodities brought for England are taken in barter of ours, and we should not have vented ours in so great quantity without taking theirs, for we must not expect to bring away all their moneys, and our commodities not much more necessary to them than theirs to us: but Cotton wools, Grograine yarn, Gold and silver-thread or Wire, raw silk and such others which with us are employed in sundry fabrics and Manufactures setting our poor people a work should be lightly charged, especially for such a quantity of those manufactures as are again exported: But satins, taffetas, Velvets and such others as have their full workmanship abroad should be well charged, which hindering them to be brought in in such abundance, would employ our own people in making the same sorts at home, but this must be done with caution, and by degrees insensibly, lest it become countermined: And though this may seem, or do lessen the King's customs for the present, it will after be recovered again infallibly increasing trade, and a little custom upon a great trade is equivalent to a great custom on a little trade, and the people employed and multiplied to boot which are both the strength and riches of a kingdom, and yet other means (if need be) may be thought upon to countervail this lessening the King's revenues in the interim. Provisions of victuals, especially corn, Butter, Cheese, which are the poor man's food, who hardly advances more than will clothe and feed him at ordinary rates, should be free of all such charges; Wine perhaps may deservedly pay good custom, since we may be without it, at least the abuse is great in so great consumption of it, and a heavy custom may hinder the importation thereof in part, but the Subject will still be the more deceived in it, unless it be severely prohibited for Vintners or others to mingle and sophisticate it, or sell one sort for another, by which mea●es notwithstanding the greater customs, they may put a lower price on it to entice their Customers.  
To charge jewels as Diamonds, pearls, Rubies and such like superfluous ornaments with great customs, would scarce hinder the importation, for since the custom may be stolen with so much ease, many would be tempted thereunto, desiring to advance no more than the stolen custom, and to search men's pockets and their breeches exactly (for otherwise as good no search at all) may perhaps be thought against the liberties of this Nation, I am sure much contrary to their humour. Besides jewels are wealth and riches in a kingdom and consequently good credit to it, which though, if they were so much money, might be employed better and improved, yet certainly they are a treasure, and in case of necessity may stead a kingdom, and will only abound after that a kingdom aboundeth with wealth and money, the superfluity whereof is only converted into jewels, and such other riotous expenses.  
And whereas sundry Statutes have formerly been alleged for rating both native and foreign commodities, now that we are in time of Parliament which hath power to make new or repeal the old, methinks we need not so much oblige ourselves to what passed heretofore in this behalf, as to examine whether there be the same reason for rating this or that commodity, and increase or pull down: the customs accordingly: wherein two things may well be aimed at; first the raising a revenue to the King, and secondly to produce a flourishing state of traffic to the kingdom, and as the former must not be forgot, so may the latter be found of such necessity as that without it both King and kingdom ere long will come far short of the revenues and abundance which hitherto they enjoyed; wherefore our dri●t must primarily be to enlarge trade.  
Since than two Nations carrying cloth or any other wares unto a market, the best cheap will out of doubt sell soonest an thereby eat the other out of trade; and in regard a necessity lies upon us to find out vent and issue for our several manufactures and commodities whereby the poor people may continually be kept a work, if this be not to be compassed by selling cheaper than hitherto we have done, & that merchants cannot possibly sell cheaper unless they be eased in the customs, certainly there may arise not only a conveniency, but a peremptory necessity that it be so for preventing greater mischief.  
Wherefore when settling the book of rates be seriously considered of and weighed, it may in all likelihood appear that some native commodities and manufactures will justly require the freedom of all customs and such like charges, and others especially foreign for as good reason to be charged double, whereof if one balance the other, the revenue will be the same as formerly, besides the increase in general which will undoubtedly attend a well ordered State and government of trade; but if by this means the wonted revenue should for the present be impaired, that may be raised by multiplicity of other, means, each whereof would be less burdensome or damageable to the Body politic, than any course how plausible soever, which proves an obstacle to trades enlargement: wherefore I must crave leave to press this farther, and say I suppose there will be found upon due inquiry, necessity of freeing broad cloth and some other Woollen manufactures from all or the greatest part of customs unless we can keep other Nations from making the same sorts, or be contented the vent of ours should continually decrease, until we be quite beaten out of it by foreign Nations, who could not thrive so well therein, unless they had been able to undersell us, I wish therefore it may be throughly thought on and in due time prevented.  
Yet for the decay of our Woollen Staple in some countries we cannot remedy it by withdrawing our customs and other charges, unless we prevail with those states that they not only not impose new duties, but pull off such as are of latter times imposed contrary to our ancient privileges in their jurisdiction, and the royal treaties and capitulations on Our state's behalf with Theirs respectively, wherein if I should particularize, it would appear very notorious how in some countries our cloth and other commodities have exceedingly been burdened, purposely to keep us from bringing them thither, and increasing the manufacture thereof amongst themselves, which succeeds so well with them, as if we be but a little longer contented with it, for what concerns redress, we may for ever after hold our peace.  
Yet if such advantages may be laid hold of between States and Princes in amity and alliance, and we as ready to practise them as they, perhaps others might be glad to begin a Palinodia.  
Would the Hollanders take it kindly that we forbid them fishing on our Coast and drying their nets on our shore? would those of Brabant, Flanders, &c. to whom reciprocal trade and intercourse is of greater consequence like well it were withdrawn? can France drink all the wine she makes, or hear willingly a bill of banishment against her babies and such like toys for exporting no little sums of gold and silver yearly? If we prohibit the importation of currants but a year only which costs us 70 m. pounds Starling ready money, would not the State of Venice see we can better live without them, that their subjects of Zante and Zafalonia without bread, or eat currance in lieu of bread? and yet, poor people! they have no other shift; surely then if we knew our own strength, they might well be induced to let us have them upon moderate conditions without multiplying the custom and other duties in such prodigious manner as now they come to exceed the very cost and principal itself: We have not five thousand pounds worth of trade with them in a year besides these currance so damageable to ourselves, and for our friendship, however they regard it, it is of good consequence to them▪ in that the greatest part of their wools from Spain, and the rest from Constantinople is most commonly brought in English shipping, which if they come short of, our own cloth may find so much more vent in Barbary and Turkey; I purposely forbear to enter upon others, these few will evidently demonstrate our abilities to play with other Nations at their own weapons, if we be provoked thereto.  
But some commodities there are which should not be reported neither with, nor without customs saving upon mature deliberation, as Ammunition of all sorts, Timber, cordage, Pitch, and all other materials of shipping and Navigation, which may in time offend ourselves; yet when we have advance, and it is probable our Neighbours, (nay very enemies) will have them from other parts, than had we best serve them, and get the benefit thereof, whereas otherwise they will through necessity seek out and be able to provide themselves elsewhere, we losing what we might securely have advanced, and perhaps be farther prejudiced in the consequences thereof: As in the transportation of Iron Ordnance whereof we might have furnished all the world, but holding them at so high a rate taught the Germans, Danes, and Swedes, to find means and make them better cheap at home to this kingdom's damage above 20 m. l' per annum besides the employment of so many people. And certainly there are Offices which in Christianity we owe to our very enemies, much more our Christian neighbours, and Protestants most of all (which makes me wish even with zeal and fervency the Hollanders proceedings and carriage towards us were such as might not make them jealous of us in this or any other respect) the omission whereof in us God Almighty knows how to punish even with Lex talionis if he please; yet I think we are not the only sinners in this kind conceaving that Nation uses their utmost art against us and all the world besides in this respect, the French having likewise of late years much encroached herein: And it is remarkable how our Tin not long since being raised from ducats 16. to ducats 26. in Legorne, and other foreign parts proportionably, a mine of Tin is lately found in Barbary from whence quantity being brought for Italy hath pulled the price of ours back-again to about ducats 16. as it was heretofore, and may perhaps find the way to France, Turkey, and other countries too, hereafter.  
And in furnishing our enemies with provisions and ammunition defensive or offensive methinks there is a policy not a little considerable, in that they being fitted from time to time by us at a moderate price makes them live securely and seek no farther, expecting to have it brought unto them according to their custom, in which case if for our advantage at any time we have just cause to deny it them, it is very likely we may surprise them on a sudden before others not being used thereto can bring it them▪ or they perhaps be able to provide themselves elsewhere.  
4 The fourth means is by increasing and improving our new Plantations in the Western lands and encouraging to others; this is a matter of exceeding great moment enlarging both our Dominions and our traffic; if people of good report and rank could be prevailed upon by immunities and privileges to be the first Inhabitants in any new discovery, certainly the business through their orderly and good government might succeed more prosperously, but for want of such it were far better there were power and authority given to take up all beggars both men and women throughout these kingdoms and send them for some of the new Plantations, all delinquents for matters which deserve not hanging, might be served so too without sparing one of them, and all such persons in the mean time be kept in houses for the same purpose, and forced to work or starve, until the time of the year and ships were ready to carry them away; and as these might likely do better there, betaking themselves to get a living, so should we not only free the streets and country of such rascals and vagrant people that swarm up and down at present; but prevent many others, some, whereof are successively borne and bred so, the rest brought to the same begging lazy life by their ill example, and a great sum of money saved, which uses yearly to be given to such vagabonds to no purpose but to make them worse through the encouragement they have to continue so by our misled charity and daily alms.  
But of all other Plantations that of New found Land may deserve to be furthered, not only in regard of the fertility of the island reported to be great, but also for the more secure and commodious prosecution of our fishing trade on those banks, in which employment a dozen of men only in a few month's time are able to improve their labour to far greater advantage, than by a whole years' toil in tilling of the ground or any handicrafts mystery whatsoever: and this leads me to  
5. The Fishing trade upon our own Coasts the fifth means of enlarging commerce, and of such great importance as that upon due consideration it may chance be found not only the Grand, but 〈◊〉 means of our future commerce and propriety: for however of late ages, and even at present, we are of considerable strength and credit to all the world for clothing so many of them with our woollen commodities, yet if we consider seriously thereof, and see we cannot at present vent in Germany and the Low countries, one third part of what we used in former times, being beaten out of it by their subtlety and industry in making the same themselves, we may perhaps deservedly have cause to fear that our Woollen Staple, and Manufacture especially, will by degrees wheel away from us in that vicissitude whereto we find all other sublunary States and things obnoxious: And though as it were to recompense those losses and encourage our farther endeavours, Divine Providence hath discovered us how to utter a considerable quantity of cloth (though not answerable to the decay in Germany and the Low countries) for Turkey and Muscovia, yet for the latter we are scarce likely to enjoy it long, the Hollanders serving the same market with our own Cloth carried thither from Hambrough upon better terms than we can, which might perhaps be prevented by putting a greater charge and custom on such sorts of Cloth sent for those parts, which are not spent there, but carried for Muscovia or Barbary, were it not that hereafter they will likely be able to make the Cloth themselves, and so debar us totally; But for Turkey, whereas some few latter years we have sent above 20 m. Clothes died and dressed, it is certain we cannot continue the trade in the future with any profit for above half that quantity, especially since we must likely forbear those country Cotton-Woolls which used to furnish us for returns, being now served with better cheap of our own plantation in the Western lands.  
But for my part, I shall not think ourselves secure of any trade or ought we have, which the craft or power of Neighbouring Nations shall any ways be able to beguile us of, and therefore most earnestly do wish, we may, whilst that we may, endeavour to establish our security and trade upon our own foundation, and that must be our fish employment, able to beget and draw after it all trade besides, being the school and nursery of mariners and Navigation, and briefly a Treasure more rich, and in sundry respects to be preferred before the Spaniards in the West Indies, whose store with God's blessing will continually increase as often as the moon, whose influence so much predominates those Creatures, and though another kingdom of fish should be discovered, such Nations as are situated near us, will be necessitated to feed on ours: What pity is it then that so many fishing towns alongst our Coast should be decayed, nay what ignominy and bad government to pay and maintain Strangers for taking of our own fish? Certainly if ever wilfulness or negligence of not improving a talon in this World be punished hereafter, ours will be inexcusable; My purpose is not to enlarge since others are better able, and I cannot so much as think seriously thereof without a profound disturbance and vexation to myself, whilst I revolve in my mind the greatest carelessness that ever men committed, saving that some of our predecessors did the like, and our successors will do no less, for all that I can do; and therefore had best desist to torment myself in raising spirits, unless I could again allay them.  
Wherefore I will only say, if we do not get into our own managing the greatest proportion of the fishing trade, our traffic will not only decline, because it cannot otherwise be the greatest, and that (as the greater fish the lesser) hath capacity to eat out and devour the rest, but the very sinews and strength of the whole kingdom, the only ground work whereof is trade and commerce, will be shaken and quite ruined in the end, at lest whatsoever State else shall enjoy it, will keep us at their mercy; and therefore if we either want moneys, men, knowledge to catch and cure the fish, or ought else to establish this only Pillar of our future wealth and safety, let us either prevail with other Nations by waiges and fair means for their assistants, or not suffer any of them to fish on our Coast, save such as will come and inhabit in our sea-towns with their wives and families, making themselves free Denizens and depositing such a portion of each voyages profit in a secure bank for that purpose which shall punctually pay them and their children if need be the interest, and restore the principal unto their grandchildren, who may then be thought quite naturalised and not likely to depart the kingdom, or else such boats whose men unwilling to dwell amongst us may be permitted to fish, so they take half English mariners and Adventurers in the voyage of whose return for England we are also to be secured.  
And since our Soveraingnty on the Seas is so evident, and the policy of State for our security permits us not longer to neglect it, methinks our neighbouring States and Princes should not interpret amiss, if they refusing these or the like offers (without which hereafter we shall not possibly be able to continue and maintain our jurisdiction) we do with utmost rigour totally forbid them fishing; for even in this extremity it will most evidently appear unto an equal Judge, that what we do is only to secure ourselves and kingdoms; For as upon the Continent the army that commands the Field rove● where it pleases forcing the whole country to contributions; so doth a Fleet at Sea and sea-coast much more speedily & powerfully offending and commanding those kingdoms by Sea in one month, which the most puissant army is not able to march through in a whole year: & that the fishing trade (since it increases shipping mariners & brings home in return to them that follow it, money and all sort of wares for a greater valley than all the trade of England does besides) will estate whosoever follows it in this Prerogative, is undeniable amongst such as know the wealth and consequents of it: Besides although both French and Hollanders so long as they are countenanced by us, may in likelihood prevail against the Spaniard, his forces being so much dispersed amongst his other enemies, yet what they get is so much advantage as may be used against ourselves in time, and if the latter chance but to lose an army and we either unprepared or unwilling to assist them, then is their whole country endangered, which being narrow will be run over and plundered whilst they stand amazed at their Armies overthrow, and their multitude of people increasing only so much more one another's distraction, will but further their own confusion, which in their shipping will afterwards be brought home to us, unless we do prevent it by enabling ourselves to contrast with all the world besides at Sea, in which sovereignty the fishing of Herrings King of (men as well as) fish, is only powerful to maintain us.  
And yet before I leave this point I will be bold to add there is no course so easily to be taken without offending of our Neighbours that will infallibly in some proportion secure us of the fishing as by exactly requiring (not by halves as hitherto) the strict keeping Lent and two fish days a week at least throughout all three kingdoms, and besides increase our cattle no little policy, especially at present to be practised, for multiplying (Fishermen I would willingly) as the case stands, receive this penance from Popery, and think to merit more of the whole state, than by all their works of supererogation.  
And for such as object the unwholesomness of a fish diet, if this were the greatest disorder they committed, I believe they would have more health and Physicians fewer fees, there being (although more delicacy yet) less gluttony and surfeiting in fish than flesh, and I hope it will not be found injustice in the State upon occasion of such consequence to regulate our appetites, which we ourselves neglect to the prejudice of our health in particular, and endamaging the commonwealth in general.  
The decay of trade is in every mouth from the sheep-shearer to the merchant, and even a weak Statist, without Gallileoes prospective glass, may see both our wealth and safety therewith declining, and if this greatest mischief no less than the ruin of a kingdom may as easily be prevented, 
2 Kin. 5.11, 12, 13.  shall we with Naaman overslip the benefit because the means are facile? And not regard one crying out to Englang, Fish and be rich and powerful, because fishing is so frequent a recreation? I know full well this fishing employment hath sundry times been attempted not without great loss, and yet am altogether as confident the ill success succeeded from the managing and bad government thereof to be made appear upon due inquiry: First, because our men are as good mariners, altogether as well able to brook the Sea, endure the toil, fare as hardly, and capable of attaining to the knowledge as any Nation whatsoever: Secondly, We may have boats and all sorts of vessels, Nets and other instruments as cheap and fit for the purpose as any can be made: Thirdly, our sea-towns are situated more commodious and near unto the places where the fish is taken, so that whereas other Nations spend time and charge to go towards the fry, that may be said to come to us; for all which respects, or some of them we may infallibly be enabled after a while to take and sell fish better cheap than other Nations, and if all ways else do fail to prosecute this design, I shall be ready (when commanded) to propound one that will not.  
6. The sixt is the restoring of our Woollen Staple, and this must be by seeking to export the greatest quantity we can of Woollen goods died and dressed in their full manufacture, as also by settling such a course as the Officers who are only to seal the cloth if it hold in length, breadth, good spinning &c. may not pass it over so carelessly more regarding their fees than the care belonging to their Office.  
For the first, I know the enterprise was made many years since in seeking to send nothing but died and dressed Cloth into Germany and the Low-countries, and how prejudicial it proved to us in teaching them to make cloth of their own, rather than be so stinted by us, and since chiefly in Holland by imposing daily new taxes and customs upon all our Cloth spent there both white and culloured, but if at that time in a quiet way we had only taken the custom and charge off from the culloured and by degrees put it upon the white still raising it insensibly, it might in all probability have done the feat, the cheap coloured beating the dear white Cloth quite out of service, and for present we can only make this use of it, that unless we give our Cloth both white and coloured at cheaper rates than they make theirs of the same goodness, we must look quite to lose the trade.  
But for the searchers of the cloth that it be complete in all the perquisites, methinks it might well be compassed; and it is of great consequence, for the merchants here in England who deal for great sums and quantities cannot look so precisely on every Cloth, examining of it end for end, and when it comes beyond sea he that buys it can only see the muster and the outside, receiving the greatest part of it upon trust and public faith which merchants deal more in than for ready money, and afterwards perhaps it may be sent hundreds of miles farther before it be opened, or the defects known until it come to be measured out; Wherefore this charge and care of searching and sealing all Woollen goods may very well be entrusted to the next town where the cloth is made, and they employing whom they please to receive the benefit, for their behoose, may be obliged to utmost damages and penalties upon every oversight therein committed.  
And for Fullers-earth, wools or any other materials which conduce to clothing we must not only forbear to carry them ourselves, but hinder others what we can from doing so.  
7. The seventh is the encouragement of all manufactures at present practised in England, and bringing in of new, which is of wonderful consequence and benefit especially to a populous commonwealth, in regard it sets multitudes of poor people a work, who thereby maintain their wives and families in good order, which otherwise might be burdensome, and perhaps starve. These manufactures are one main cause hath made the Hollanders so numerous and brought them to this greatness, wherefore in imitation of them we● ought to cherish all those that are already settled, as Weavers of Woollen and silk stuffs, Weavers and Knitters of silk and Woollen stockings, with which latter a pretty trade hath formerly been driven but almost quite declined since our last war with Spain, during which time through want of ours, they began to make them in the country improving it ever since and thereby with the great customs upon ours at home bereaved us of that trade; so as when we lose one, if we be not ingenious to get another instead thereof, we shall be stripped of all at last: The very varying and new fangling of manufactures is considerable, causing them to find vent both at home & abroad as they happen to please the fancy of those Nations to which we send them; and if such as set their wits a work herein were taken notice of, and rewarded by such a commission or peculiar standing Magistrate who should have the superintendency over all trade and traffic many would likely be encouraged by the credit of it, but gain would provoke all; And the same Magistrate to punish all abuses in manufactures of what sort soever either in personal or penal mulcts ⅓ whereof to go unto the King▪ ⅓ unto the Magistrate and ⅓ to the Informer, who if he so desire, is to be concealed.  
Weavers then of all sorts of linen both fine and course are to be invited out of France, and the Low-countries, and walloons and other French, both for making of lighter and finer sorts of woollen stuffs, and are generally far more ingenious for inventing of Laces, Buttons, and what else is deemed requisite to the accomplished apparelling (so thought at present) à la mode, wherein all Europe speak true French though not the same Dialect, for where all use not the self same fashion, yet they vary theirs as much as French: but these Laces and Buttons may perhaps only help to increase our own expenses at home, and are scarce likely to grow exportable into foreign countries, where out Woollen commodities are chiefe●y requested because good cheap.  
The multiplying of salt, but chiefly making it with salt water deserves likewise particularly to be continued and cherished, not so much for employing many people, but that we cannot well pass without it, being as necessary to us in a manner as is our meat; Our fish employment cannot subsist without it, and the preserving both of fish and flesh the chief sustenance of our long voyages and Navigation, so that if possibly it may be compassed, and made in England to be afforded hereafter when brought to full perfection at the same or somewhat a higher price, than we used to be served at from abroad, questionless it will be good policy rather than expect it from others who will deny it us in greatest need, and we found both unskilful and unprovided of most of the materials to furnish us therewith; yet somewhat we may pay more for this, since as it is said the flesh and fish cured with this salt eats more pleasant, and besides making it ourselves we shall not only have it at a constant price which before did much vary, rising and falling exorbitantly as more or less store came from abroad, which was so much the more hazardous, in regard many ships brought it only when they could get no other employment, thereby telling us there was no gain in it, and we cannot expect men will bring it us to loss: But the importation thereof being continually prohibited, and freedom for all to make it in the kingdom, where and when it may be most for their advantage, I conceive they may have warehouses and magazines up and down the country, to conserve it in, and afford it all year long at such a rate as may be for our common good and benefit. And surely it may serve us for a maxim of direction in all such like cases, that whatsoever is necessary or so useful, as probably we cannot be well without it, we should by all means possible seek to secure ourselves of it within our own jurisdiction without being subject to the mercy and relief of others in our greatest misery and distress & thus standing upon our own foundation what ere befall other parts o● countries of the world, we may not only still remain the same amongst ourselves, but be Arbitrators of their welfare also.  
The making of Cabells and all manner of cordage is likewise considerable, for which cause the groweth of hemp in our kingdoms might be encouraged and may well hereafter be more practised because it sets many a work, and being so inseparable to navigation with many others, which are all to be furthered by privileges and immunities to the workmen, especially the new Inventors and Promotors, and the materials which are thus employed in manufactures to be imported with little charge and custom, to the end the merchants and Manufactors may find a competent gain and make a trade of it.  
By this means the Hollanders who have little of their own growth to feed upon, cloth, or promote Navigation save butter and cheese, have yet such store and provision of corn, wine, fish, shipping, ammunition, and all other things necessary and delicious, as their own natural wants are not only abundantly supplied, but several other Provinces of larger circuit than their own replenished with their store to the great wonder of the world, in that they having no materials conducible to shipping can build, sell ships, and let them out to freight, cheaper than any other Nation.  
8. The eight is making England the Emporium or Warehouse from whence other Nations may be furnished with foreign commodities of all sorts, and this may likely have effect, if such foreign wares be not only exported free of charge, but most of the duties which were paid at their importation be restored again, especially if a Denizen brought them in, and carries them out again, wherein the chief rule to govern ourselves must be by ordering it in such manner as that we may furnish other Nations with them full as cheap as they can have them el●ewhere, for this is a main engine wherewith some people advance themselves and hinder others.  
This transportation and serving other Nations with foreign commodities is of greater benefit and cons●quence to some States than the exportation of their own, and yet in this we are equally with them capable of the same employment by reason of our situation, nay some of our sea-towns where these Magazines may be raised, and merchants invited to inhabit, lie more near several Neighbouring Provinces than they, and whereas some countries during the Winter season have their ships often kept in by ice some months together, we may from hence put out all winds and weather, and a ship at Sea seldom but advances somewhat towards her Port: Besides the Hollanders having no native commodities to follow the Turkey trade, and by reason of the Algiers pirates so much infesting, and the Spaniards no little awing them at entering in and out the straits, they are quite driven out of it, so that were it well ordered we might serve them, and the French too (bought out of the turkey trade by us in cheape-selling of our cloth to our own loss) with all manner of Turkey commodities, Cotton-Wools and such others as come from our Western Plantations, and upon dearth of corn, or scarcity of any other thing, we providing to furnish other Nations, and keeping their warehouses as I may say in our kingdom, shall not only not want ourselves, but be furnished far better cheap than they and necessitate them to have continual dependency upon us.  
9 The ninth is the promoting of the East India Trade, which however hitherto damageable to those that followed it in particular, yet upon due search and estimation will be found wonderfully considerable, the rather because those Territories being so vast, farther discoveries of new trades might be expected daily, as well for venting of our own commodities as importing others at cheaper rates, if that society were better countenanced at home and not so grievously disturbed abroad, the Hollanders in policy of State have reason to desire nothing so much as to weary out and constrain them to abandon it, which unless it be prevented, we may justly fear will take effect, being to be observed and collected by the proceeding of the Amboina business that nothing will be left unattempted, for full accomplishing whatsoever may farther advance their strength and profit.  
And although at present the Flemings carry little of their spices into the straits, because they sell them better nearer hand, as also in regard the pirates of Algiers do oftentimes make prey of them, & so much raise the insurance as they thrive not in the trade, yet if we suffer them to beat us quite out of the East Indies, we must not only lose the trade we drive in other parts with the advance of India Commodities, and pay dear for what we spend ourselves, but when e'er this come to pass, being then stored with spices, calicoes, and other East India wares, enough to serve all Italy, Turkey, and Barbary, which so soon as they begin to practise, the rest of our trade in the Mediterranean Sea will then as fast decline, the Hollanders cheap freight being able of itself to eat us out in time without any other Stratagem or plot.  
Wherefore there is no longer time for dallying, we must whilst we are able make our own laws and conditions, still keeping ourselves so mucst more stronger, as no Nation may ever have power or ability to spurn against us: and for to warrant and encourage us in executing of it, we have not only the main ground and policy of the State to keep Neighbouring Nations from growing over powerful, especially such as above others are more subtle and forward to offend us, when craftily and securely to be compassed; but too too just cause of revenge have we against the Hollanders for their unheard of cruelties and injuries done us in the Indies, whereof we have required justice and restitution in so mild a manner, as taught them hitherto only to slight and put us off, by which proceedings though the East india company being wearied out for want of the state's protection and assistance should be prevailed upon to receive an inconsiderable despicable allowance holding no proportion with their wrongs, because they can get no more at present, yet I hope his majesty will never pass it over in such manner, as may enbolden them to attempt the like again: None admires their industry more than may self, or desires their good success, but with the same charity reflecting on ourselves at some, desire withal we may rather be always able and willing to aid them, than ever need, or have necessity to be aided by them.  
But vain it is for us to think or study the enlarging trade, unless we prosecute the East Indian with all might and main; for if trade must chiefly be advanced by Exportation, Importation, and Transportion as I said at first; That of Importation we generally exclaim against ourselves, and justly too for being so great and overballancing our Exportation as is objected that brings us so far in debt, as nothing but our moneys the blood of traffic will satisfy; and of Exportation what can we farther hope from it hereafter? hath not all the Cloth we vented from North to East of late years been sold to loss? Certainly our merchants will make it plainly appear they cannot live by the trade at present, nor yet hope to sell at better rates in the future, unless we send out less; so that both Exportation and Importation must be lessened that trade may be enlarged, although it seem a Paradox: This you'll say is a deplorable Estate and yet it is ours, and we must make the best of it, or fare the worse ourselves.  
We must not only be contented but really lessen our Importation and consumption of foreign goods at home, nor rest there neither, but resolve to do the like for Exportation sending out loss Cloth hereafter, and this is not all neither, but we must lade it as little as may be with customs and other charges, else all other Nations almost who have already begun to make Cloth, will be able to undersell and beat us quite out, so that a masterpiece it would be, it possible, to give them so good cheap abroad, as others might not make to live by it, and then both our Wollen-Weavers and other manufactors that so unkindly left us, may happily return again, and such as have been taught by them do the like, through discontinuance become unapt, or at least in time both one and other spin out their own third too; when, and not sooner, may we expect to sell more quantities of cloth at better prices, which then, and not till then, may safely be enhanced, nor without due policy and discretion to prevent the like several disasters into which through our inconsiderate proceedings we find ourselves plunged at present: But if I (like a hard-hearted Chi●urgion that unmercifully torments a Patient in searching and lancing of his wound, and afterwards uncharitably leaves him without applying a sovereign balsam for to cure it) do here conclude, I should not only fail of my intention and pretention in this foregoing discourse, which was both to demonstrate a possibility and means of trades enlargement, but be justly censurable for anticipating our miseries, representing them all at once to the public view in their most direful and malign aspect, whereas their natural motion will only overtake us by degrees.  
Since therefore the exportation of Cloth our most staple commodity, and importation and consumption of foreign wares must be diminished, to make good what I intended towards the enlarging our traffic notwithstanding, the remainder of our stock, People, and Labours, which of late have been employed in making more Cloth, and bringing in more superfluities than we could well digest, must necessarily be set a work some other way, and this may not only have effect by practising new manufactures, fabrics, and the fishing employment, but also by transportation to our far greater benefit and advantage: Now nothing can be imagined so much to further transportation as the prosperity of the East India trade, wherefore as it is not safe for us to part with any country trade how small soever, because the wealth and welfare of this Kingdom may justly be measured by the kingdom's traffic, so least of all may we forgo this of the East Indies, which though at present in vents not our native commodities in such quantities as Germany and Turkey, yet the money we save by furnishing ourselves with Spices, calicoes and other India wares at moderate rates in great abundance, and yet send larger store out again to other Nations, and the good hopes and likelihood we have to multiply this trade in all dimensions, may render it so considerable, as that if merchants by their former ill success, through the Hollanders unbrotherly proceedings, should not be found to prosecute it, his majesty and whole State have just cause to keep it up though it were to loss at first, and if all means else fail, moneys levied for maintaining it, cannot be so grievous and prejudicial to these kingdoms, as the loss of it would likely bring poverty and ruin on them in the end.  
For though the pres●nt company being dissolved, it is like enough that many particular merchants will adventure by themselves, for what will they not adventure? yet if the Hollanders can counterminde a whole society, that had so great a stock, so well settled, so well governed abroad, & full likely to be countenanced at home, what may then be expected from ordinary private merchants who have no succession, perishing one by one in their Individuals? but that the Hollanders will have so much more advantage over them, and they not being otherwise able to make a voyage, at length turn pirates and prey upon one another: A Corporation it must be and a powerful one too, that follows this trade, able to plant Colonies by degrees and make head in the Indies if need be against the Hollanders encroaching & proving there too weak may here be righted by his majesty than which, nothing certainly will more keep the Hollanders from attempting their utter extirpation; they must have factories established up and down where their ships may be sure of victuals and relief in their distress; they must be such as have stock enough to contract and deal with States and Princes for great matters as well as small, which though a private man do undertake for, yet shall be not be credited: These few amongst infinite other reasons may necessarily infer that none can manage this weighty business to the just improvement save a joint and well governed stock and company which will yet afford another notable advantage, that now presents itself to my memory, for the future benefit and safety of this State, in that (With yet will be much more when they begin to flourish as is expected) being accustomed to have sundry Warehouses and magazines full of biscuit, Fish, Flesh, Butter, Cheese, Wine and vinegar to make beverage of, cask, Anchores, Sal●s, all provisions of Navigation bought by them at times and seasons to most advantage, & Mariners that tarry at home expecting their employment, when e'er the King or Sta●e should have occasion of a sudden expedition, this provident society without damage to their peculiar affairs, might lend or sell them of all sorts to the great advancement of the interprize, which sometimes not only delay makes hazardous, but utterly disapoints, as at present, is thought, about a Fleet of twenty ships only to be sent against the pirates of Algiers at Sea, and cannot be got soon enough in readiness for want of mariners and provisions.  
10. The tenth is the erecting of a new Court, or Magistrate consisting of merchants where all March●nts and Marchantlike causes and differences should be summarily decided without appeal, saving through his majesty's special grace in case of palpable injustice, and this Court to condemn in principal, Interest, charges, damages, and fines too, if the cause in their judgements might have seemed plain to most men of ordinary apprehension, to the end that knaves and litigious persons may be deterred from moving suits without good ground, or withholding any thing, that belongs unto another.  
These Courts are settled in Italy, France, and many other countries with good success, being grounded upon reason, and practise of merchants dispersed throughout the world, for most part, without respect to the municipal laws and privileges of any particular place or kingdom, for if it should not be one and the same, but vary according to several Dominions and Jurisdiction, a merchant adventuring himself, or his Estate abroad, in a case of one and the same nature might be cast both ways in several countries without a possibility of relief.  
This Court than ought for very good reason to consist of merchants, in regard a merchant of good natural endowments bread at least a competent grammar scholar, having lived abroad, experienced in customs and affairs of sundry countries, may questionless be a generally more knowing man than any other of what profession soever, and so better qualified for decyphring the intr●ca●e and various difficulties (which seem to many as dark obscure Hi●roglyphicks) arising from this profession: For, as the mystery of merchants is more subtle and active suddenly multiplying contracts infinitely beyond all others; so do spring from thence more knotty and abstruse differences and disputes, far better understood, and consequently to be judged and en●ed by understan●ing M●rch●nts, yet happily the assistance of a skilful Civilian with name of chancellor or such like, I conceive, may not do amiss to be subordinate to the merchants, for otherwise he may likely too much sway, and with his more volubil tongue overtalke the merchants and run away with the cause according to his singular opinion: yet must he not be meal mouthed neither, for then will he be overawed much more by the merchants who have such odds in number.  
But a special care this Court must have to dispatch each cause with all possible expedition● for these of all other can worst admit demurers; because either the commodities which merchants strive about are perishable, or ships must go on their voyages, mariners may not tarry behind and lose their service, and the very time eats out eight in the hundred from him that suffers on whatsoever sums in controversy; and though (as I conceive) next to unhealthines, law suits may justly be thought the greatest misery in this world to all in general, yet merchants of all others are less able to attend them; for law suits, as the case stood, were grown as hazardous as playing at dice, and reckoning the butler's box too boot, the lawyer's fees and charges have much the odds, only in this the gamester has advantage, that though he lose, each cast still puts him out of pain: whereas sometimes a man's suit at Law outlives himself, and perhaps the cause lost afterwards because, he could live no longer to defend it; and yet if he had not died, should never have been ended: but my meaning is this, that whosoever goes to Law, must hoc agere; and a merchant's affairs require totum virum; now since a Merchant ought only, and can be all but in one of these, this Court will be the more bound in equity and justice to free him from the other.  
And since this Law is so troublesome, and chargeable to all sorts of people and conditions, if in a particular office so appointed, all judgements, mortgages, contracts, and bargains, and encumbrances whatsoever, of Lands, Houses, Offices, &c. (the just Title whereof we cannot, by looking in his face, know to whom belongs) were necessarily to be registered, and the party that owes them in a book compendiously to be made Creditor and Debtor when he sells them, his title only being to be preferred in case of controversy, who had his contract registered in this Office, and Credit in the said Book, unless omitted through default of the said Office, which in such case must appear by copy of the Contract underwit by this Officer, remaining with the true proprietor of those Lands, houses, &c. it would certainly prevent the greatest part of lawsuits in England, since going to that office, a man intending to make a purchase, and paying a small matter for the search, as he may see (and have copy of it if he please) to whom the goods belonged, were mortgaged, or interiorly engaged, and so be sure the Title's good.  
The same Court of Merchants, if thought requisite, may likewise end all differences about insurance, obliging the insurer to run all hazard imaginable or not imaginable, or that may, and do happen to fall out of all kinds and natures, and to pay whatsoever loss that happens on goods assured in such words: for the intention of the insured being to secure themselves from all casualties that possibly could happen in this world, ought therefore to have each sinister, though difficult accident interpreted in their favour: In case of loss, the Insurers should be constrained to pay without the least abatement, and be paid the Praemium when they subscribe the policies, whereby the insured would have better opportunity to pick and chose the rarest men to underwrite his policy, and the Insurer to be freed from all losses: the news whereof was heard before the Praemum was paid, which must appear in writing by a particular receipt, besides that of the policy, where they say to have received it at that instant of subscribing; and sometimes cannot get it notwithstanding in many years after: the Insured likewise might be bound to run adventure of 1/● part himself on every ship, which will not only hinder much deceit, that might be practised, but cause him to endeavour the safety of all the rest: much more may likely appear justly to be reformed in due place and season.  
The tenth is the erecting of a bank or Grand Cash on such foundation and security, as all men may think their moneys more sure there, than in their houses, whereby they may be induced to bring them in, and receive a certain moderate interest of about 5. per 100 or keep them there, till they shall have occasion to dispose of them, or pay them to another: and these payments, when the Bank hath once got credit, may be done by assignation, or turning them over from one man to another, without any real assuring of moneys: which besides saving trouble to tell so much money, becomes exceeding beneficial to a commonwealth, increasing the trade and traffic so much more as all the moneys this Bank hath gained credit for doth import: as for example thus;  
Suppose I be cashkeeper to ten wealthy men, that amongst them all for the most part have 10000 li. still lying dead, expecting a good opportunity and advantage to purchase Land, or otherwise: I that am cashkeeper, knowing there can be no occasion of these ten thousand pounds till such a time; or if there should be sooner, know where to have as much to put i'th' place of it, and withal having the owner's consent, do put these ten thousand pounds out at interest, or employ it in one commodity or other for my own account and benefit, to the increase of Trade, which is equally done as well with credit as ready money.  
Thus a bank is no more than a Grand cashkeeper of this whole kingdom, or so many as do bring in their moneys, whereof few or none will make any scruple, when cue security be given, and this security at present perhaps will be desired, no less than the High Court of Parliament; which, if they please out of their deep wisdoms to resolve upon, and the moneys which shall lie idle to be made use of, for their benefit and behoof, to take account thereof in their triennial Parliament, and dispose it to the good of the commonwealth, with their gracious permittance, I should in all humility be bold to say, there never passed Act of Parliament so capable to advance the trade and welfare of this kingdom, with such facility and speed as this, as I doubt not but to make better apparent when ere I be commanded.  
And whereas it may be thought, that few will bring their moneys into this bank, conceiving it not so safe for them to lie thu● deposited in a monarchy, as if it were a free state, especially since the moneys in the Tower were so lately seized upon without regard of violating the public faith, which in States and Prince's affairs ought to be kept so much more sacred, as Princes are exalted above Subjects and termed Gods. I will crave leave to present unto their consideration the state of Tuscanie, well known to have continually flourished in peace and plenty, ever since the politic and sage family of Medici had rule and government thereof, and it may justly have been observed unto this day, that no Prince makes use of a larger prerogative, and proceeds in some cases more arbitrarily than these who yet end and sentence according to the laws in full force of equity and justice.  
This Prince in what part of his state so ever he be, gives audience twice a week to all that come, though very beggars, (O that our gracious sovereign's more large affairs could but permit him to grant his loving and loyal Subjects the like but once a month, whereby we might not only have been sooner eased of many just grievances, but his majesty perhaps both tiver and speedier informed of the causes, & so better enabled through his profound judgement to prevent these great distractions, which have and do still at present so much perplex these Kingdoms) and no man delivereth a Petition, but within three days at farthest, shall be certain of a reference, so that his prerogative and arbitrary proceedings are so far from being injust, as they serve only in casualties, which the laws have not provided for, certain conjunctions which may not expect, or thou regard, the Ceremonial Rites, and slow or overhasty footsteps of a Court of justice (may it upon this occasion be so termed without offence) and to prevent the summum jus, which even by Proverb we have learned to term but Summa injuria: In this state I say, whose Prince is so absolute and sovereign as none in Christendom so much (notwithstanding the Pope's supremacy, which in his own understanding is of unlimited extent) there is such course took for due administratiou of justice, distinguishing betwixt meum and tuum, and preserving each man's propriety in his goods, as not only those Natives, but others, strangers, think not their estates securer, then depositing them in the Floreutine bank, which is by them called Monte di Pieta, where they have five per 100 interest per annum, and may receive out the principal at pleasure: In the same bank are infinite sums left by particulars for the like interest, entailed upon their posterity, which cannot be removed, or all enated: And that you may guess how vast a capital this Mount or bank consists of, it lends likewise upon pawns at 5 ⅔ per 100, and to a landed man upon security of such another, which is equal to a mortgage, because their Lands being registered in an office for that purpose, the true title thereof is seen in an instant, and as his majesty here in England, so the bank there is to be first satisfied in case of Bankrupt, and what is thus lent, by the best information I could get, was thought to be above a million sterling. Besides, there is another kind of Bank in Florence, which is called Il giro; as thus, Every three months the Merchants of Florence choose one amongst themselves of best credit, who is to be (as it were) the general cashkeeper of all moneys delivered, or taken by exchange, for that present fair; the manner whereof you will find explained at large hereafter, so that what moneys be delivered, or drawn by any man during this fair, the said general cashkeeper makes him debtor or creditor, turning the slyd sums over from one to the other, provided he be such a man as hath money in his Cash, and at three months' end he makes up his Cash, pays every man his own, and the Merchants choose another for the next fair, or three months following.  
Now if the benefit and conveniency of these Banks are thus enjoyed in Tuscany, where the Prince is so absolute; but withal, his Treasurer and other Ministers so punctual in payments and other dealings for the Princes peculiar service, as no Merchant can be more; for which cause Merchants hold it more secure, and seek rather to deal with them, than with the best mere Merchants like themselves: Why may not we, under so pious and gracious a sovereign, in a kingdom founded and established upon such wholesome laws, expect the like good success from a bank in England? For being so exceedingly beneficial both to King and country, as would daily still more and more appear, we may easily believe it should be furthered and cherished by both; the rather since it may be settled and credited by Act of Parliament, with command that neither principal nor profit shall be stirred or employed, save for their account, according to express order & direction of the triennial Parliament, whereto only such as oversee and manage it, may be made accountable, if so thought fitting.  
And as it may be observed amongst Merchants and prodigal spendthrifts, that such as are bad paymasters, or of little credit, can neither buy, sell, or be entrusted to such advantage as others are: So is it doubtless with Princes and their Ministers that are not punctual in their dealings; for in delaying payments, the very time unto a Merchant eats out eight per centum in a year, besides the inconveniencies which may befall him by being disappointed, and this very justly too, is so fearful unto most Merchants, that those few as are more adventurous, will not deal with such Ministers of Princes as are bad paymasters, but upon such odds as must needs be an excessive damage to the affairs of those Princes; and yet this cannot well be remedied, until the cause be first removed; for since gain is that which all, especeally Merchants, do chiefly aim at, it might be justly thought indiscretion for any one in buying, selling, or any business of like nature, to refuse the more punctual paymaster, and take the less at the same price: and how much his majesty's affairs have suffered in this kind, such as were employed in them do best know. But for my part, I may be bold to wish they be managed hereafter with such credit and punctuality, that which formerly was lost for want thereof, may be hereby regained: more may, though net well so publicly, be said on this subject, and the consequence of it, both for the private benefit and public welfare of his majesty and kingdoms; and part thereof will be obvious to such as have the managing of it, as will infallibly appear when it once comes to be put in practice.  
The twelfth is the secure turning over bills of debt from one to another, against moneys or wares, as thus: A Merchant sells an hundred pounds worth of silks unto a Mercer, to pay at 12 months, and desirous to buy an hundred pounds worth of Perpetuana's; but having neither ready money to disburse for the present, nor credit to be trusted at time gives this mercer's bond of an hundred pounds unto whom he sold his silks, in payment of the Perpetuana's, and so is still doing something, whereas otherwise having no other estate but this hundred pounds, he could not have traded again, until those twelve months, were expired, and the Mercer paid him his 100 pounds: but if this course be once made secure and currant, it will in the same manner as the Bank before spoken of, add livelihood unto Trade, and increase the stock of the kingdom▪ for what concerns traffiquing with it, so much as these bills turned over amount to: when a man that hath neither money, nor credit to be trusted at time, may yet follow trading with the debts that others owe him: In this case a b●ll of debt (which likewise may be in print) must be made by every one that buys commodities payable to such a one, or his assigns, or Bearer thereof, & so often as bills happen to be turned over unto others; to prevent differences it may not be amiss to have some notice taken of them, and registered, the parties being present before the chancellor in the forementioned Court of Merchants, paying a small consideration for the officers, making record of them in a public Book for such purpose; and these Bills being once due, to carry present execution with them.  
The thirteenth, that some course be agreed upon in the nature of a fair, or money Mart practised much in France, as that of Lions, and Placentia in Italy; by which means a man of credit may be furnished with what sums of money he pleases at an instant, and pay them in again the week following, or when he will; which accommodation costs such as make use of it in those parts where 'tis ordinary somewhat more than down-right interest.  
The original of these fairs, as also the unnatural use of Exchanges grew thus: Divines in former times continually exclaiming against usury, which those of the Roman Church do still to this day, voting it a mortal sin, to take whatsoever the least benefit or increase, by express agreement for the use of money, pressing it uncessantly upon the consciences of their Penitentiaries, such as having store of moneys, though they found no more beneficial, certain, and easy way of employing them than down-right interest, which they could not get absolution for from their Ghostly Fathers, were forced to set their heads a work, and so invented, or rather adulterated the true and most laudable use of royal Exchanges in two respects: one was, that usurers observing how in all Exchanges, as namely betwixt London and Venice, & vice versâ, he that was the deliver had most commonly the advantage, which was caused in regard, that (as in all things else so) a sum of present money (may justly be, and) is thought something better worth than the like sum or quantity being absent, and not to be received till after a term expired, be it more or less; in which interim the taker may make use of the said sum of money, employing it in merchandise or otherwise, as he please to his best advantage: whereupon the usurers of Venice, although they h●d no occasion or just need to have▪ their estates in London, on which was first grounded the truly genuine and legitimate use of money-Exchanges, to prevent the inconvenience, trouble, change, and cumbrance of transporting moneys in specie from one Country to another▪ understanding of Merchants, that desired to take up moneys in Venice, and pay the value of them in London, told them they had occasion to deliver moneys in Venice, and so agreed with them; as for example: A. B. a usurer delivers in Venice a Ducat to C. D. a Merchant, taking his Bill of Exchange upon E. F. to pay unto A. B. or his assigns, fifty pence a piece sterling in London, three months after Date. A. B. makes the same party E. F. assigns, to get acceptance of the Bill, and payment of the fifty pence in due time, and having received it to return it him back again by Exchange to his most advantage. At three months' end, E. F. delivers in London this fifty pence unto G. H. and takes his Bill of Exchange upon L. M. to pay unto A. B. the usurer in Venice, or his assigns, the value of it three months after Date, which is by them agreed to be after the rate of four pence sterling for a Ducat: So that A. B. the usurer for delivering a Ducat by Exchange in Venice, after six months is possessed of his Ducat returned back again, with the value of three pence sterling more, which after the same rate is 12. per 100 on whatsoever sum or sums he had thus delivered by Exchange,  
The second way which the usurers found out, not so much to salve their tender Consciences, as to benefit themselves more by than down right Interest, was, by framing an imaginary Exchange between two places, as florence and Placentia in Italy, betwixt with there is no just cause of correspondence, Exchanging, traffic, or sending moneys from either place unto the other, and agreed amongst themselves in florence, that whosoever (to be understood of good credit and repute) would take moneys by Exchange, for Placentia might do it in this manner: that is, whosoever will take up money from the beginning of June at such rates as shall be agreed on, may, but that unless he give order for the payment of it in the mean time in Placentia, by a correspondent of his own, or another with this usurer, will help him to (who draws provision of ⅓ per 100 on all sums charged upon him, or returned by him) it must be recharged and necessarily satisfied in Florens the beginning of September following, and this is by them called La fiera di san Gio. Baptista. The second, (for they have four of these fairs, or Money-Marts in a year) is called La fiera di san Carlo, from the beginning of September to the beginning of December. The third, La fiera di Purificatione, from the beginning of December to the beginning of March. The fourth, La fiera di san Marco, from the beginning of March to the beginning of June: in all which three last, what moneys are drawn in the beginning must be extinguished in Placentia in the interim, or will return necessarily to be satisfied in Florence, at end of the third month currant following, as in the first fair is declared: And this is the state of their Money-Faires, or Marts before mentioned; whereby, although it be usura palliata, those indulgent and overcharitable Romanists suffer themselves to be led blindfold, for saving both souls and purses of their Clients: For though they put a difference betwixt it and plain Interest, or Usury, because in the former there is not only no certain gain agreed on, but a possibility of loss, yet the loss to him that makes use of money thus by exchange, is so far certain, as he had better be content to pay eight per centum, sure all year long, than run the hazard of this uncertainty: But that which undeniably concludes this course to be altogether as bad as usury is, that these Usurers deliver moneys in Flo●e●ce by exchange, to receive the value in Placentia, and having received the val●e of it in Placentia, have no use for it there, nor know what to do with it, but return it back again for Florence, which no man in his perfect senses would trouble himself about, and run the hazard of bad debts, were it not for great hopes and probability of gain to countervail the whole. Whereas the command or precept at last was, Luke 6.35. Date mutuum, nihil inde speran●es; So that these money-Faires, and taking up moneys by exchange, to enjoy the time and use of money only, is just the same with taking up at interest or usury, neither better nor worse, and how lawful usury is I will not take upon me to determine, the rather, because that only Protestant and Papists, Doctors, Divines and Lawyers, do disagree about the definition of Usury; but both one and other have fur●ished us with sundry definitions of it, much varying amongst themselves; but that on both sides nearest agreed on is this, Vsura est lucrum receptum à Creditore pro usu rei mutuò datae: and yet this only reaches to actual usury, and not mutual also and intentional, which rests equally condemned in foro conscientiae: neither does this hold in every actual receipt of profit, benefit, or advantage, in consideration of what is lent; for we may take for lending of an house, and then it is house-rent; for lending of an Horse, and th●n it is hire; for lending a Slave, or an Apprentice to work for others, and then it is wag●s; with sundry others which might be alleged, and neither of them thought unlawful, or sceneratitious: But if instead of rei there were put pecuniae into the definition, as thus, Vsura est lucrum receptum à Creditore pro usu rei mutuò datae: And this agreed upon to be the true definition: for my part, I should think the taking of one, or ten, per cent. were both equally usury, and not in our power to qualify one more than the other, and of this opinion are all Roman Divines and Lawyers.  
But certainly, if it be but free to argue it, the precept or command of Date mutuum nihil inde sperantes, being interpreted according to the aforesaid definition might not only seem somewhat repugnant unto reason, but unto Scripture itself Deut. 23.20. (extraneo isti dabis in usuram, fratri autem tuo ne; for if usury were absolutely unlawful, as murder, adultery, &c. God would not have permitted it to Wards, Aliens, or Strangers, then in regard there may be an occasion of borrowing, as in a rich man that cannot be sa●d to do it for need: for which cause I am not bound to lend him, but because he sees certainty of profit, and rather than I will be his hindrance of such a profit, methinks I find myself in a manner obliged to lend him what I could, and intended otherwise to employ myself not without good hopes of benefit: and may not I in this care of certain profit to my neighbour in borrowing, and certain damage, (for the employing it is always valued at somewhat) to myself by lending, take interest for my money, and so he get more by borrowing, and I by lending? (such a certainty, which though less I wa● contented with, than to run hazard of a greater) which if it be granted, I only infer, that we know not the precise adequate definition of usury, and so believe the rather, in that the most common received one cuts not off all lending, only even upon hopes of profit, if for missing of our hopes we do forbear to lend, but would be found to vitiate most contracts, bargains, and sales, so commonly practised by all nations to the multiplying of trade, and relief of whole kingdoms, and can●ot be reformed without the ruin of ⅔ of all commerce throughout the universe.  
But, as I said, presumption 'twould be in me to determine a matter of such great controversy, yet I am so tender of it, as that I do most earnestly desire and pray it were by our Divines taken into serious consideration, and by them declared how far our interest money, and sundry so much practised contracts were obnoxious to it: the rather in regard, though I never met with Author that did positively declare, the taking 8. or 10. per 100 not to be usury, or lawful, yet whole country's practice it with little or no scruple; so sweetly and powerfully doth gain and lucre benumb the conscience, which many notwithstanding have sought to awake by writing and loud preaching, terming it to be flat usury, forbid throughout the Scripture, and utterly si●full and unlawful; but at this study and consultation of our Divines I crave leave to be bold, and entreat them not to disdain that light which expert Merchants might give them in this point, or otherwise conceive I shall always be able to furnish them with new cases, which they before never thought on, and acknowledge to need new decisions: But if lending money at a moderate interest be as lawful as politicly useful to the commonweal, the● is it likewise much more commodi●us to take up moneys by Exchange to trade withal, and most of all in the manner of a money Mart, or fair, as above declared (provided it m●y be ordered in such sort, as the interest or usance import no more than what is allowed by statute in downright intere●t) because in this fair a Merchant may take up money at ●n instant to furnish his occasions more speedily, and if he please extingu●sh or pay it the week following; By this means may men be punctual in their paymen●s, and having no moneys in Cash, supply themselves by this fair for payment of their debts, until their own come in, and this punctuality will be so much more requisite and necessary, when turning over of Bills comes in request, and those Bills have present execution, all which will add incredible activity and livelihood unto our trade which otherwise might languish.  
The fourteenth is that inland Trad and Navigation, which is the carriage of goods within the Land be facilitated and promoted, and this done by making Rivers Navigable, cutting artificial ditches of such depth as that the water may stand still in a level, or be kept in by sluices or floodgates, and boats laden with all commodities drawn by man or beast: highways should likewise be kept clean of robbers, in good order and repatation; and if conveniently, be graveled, which would render them more passable. So great care hereof is had in Germany, Italy, and some other Christian Countries, nay by those Barbarous people of the great Turks Dominions, as most part of their goods are carried to and fro twenty or forty days' journey out right, and at present besides many others, the chief Trade betwixt Venice and Constantinople is drove by Land; I mean from Spalleto to Constantinople; and many not over-fine, but bulky goods, as Venetian Cloth, Turkey Grograines, mohairs, Cordovan, wax and others are thus conducted at easier rates. 'Tis likewise much conducing to increase of trade, to have posts settled in such other parts of England where they are wanting, and the portage of inland Letters to be lessened about one half: for the Inland trade being yet but young in the infancy, cannot well be at so great a charge for Letter carrying, which in Italy, France, Germany, Holland, and other Countries stands not in half of what we pay: and although 'tis certain, that Merchants and others omitting to write weekly Letters unto their correspondents, doth much prejudice their business, and consequently the general trade and benefit: yet I verily believe, and not altogether without experience, that many a man ●oth run the hazard of his business, rather than write, and pay six pence to read his Letter: 'tis true that the schoolmasters of England, being paid their standing and extraordinary wages ●ut of this office do cause postage of Letters to be so high: but far better would it be, that they were satisfied some other way less hurtful unto trade, whose hindrance brings the greatest hurt of all.  
And whereas before I have given my consent for all vagabonds, beggars, and delinquents, not bad enough for hanging, to be sent for the new Plantations, yet if that be not approved, or besides that course, it may be very requisite that public houses were built, where such as are willing to take pains, but find no employment, may be set a work to beat hemp, or other toil learned at first sight for a moderate hire, until they have earned somewhat towards employing them in their own callings; and the same houses to keep at work those other v●grant and idle people, until it be thought fitter to ship them quite away: The building and stocking of these houses, especially in London, and other great Cities, would be a matter of no great charge, but certainly of wonderful charity, and a means to reclaim many ill disposed wretches, and make them, will they nile they, in some sort become serviceable to the commonweal.  
There is also another work of chariti●, which I am very zealous to make mention of, in hopes this city so famous for deeds of mercy, or some well disposed person will soon put in practice, which is the erecting of a Mount of charity, and lending it such moneys, (no great sum 'twould be) as might furnish all comers as far as forty shillings a piece, at ten per cent. upon pawn's worth ¼ or ⅓ more than is borrowed for twelve months; which being expired, the pawn unredeemed to be sold at out cry: This may well seem a secure and gainsome business to be embraced by a particular rich man for profits sake, and like enough to prove so: but sure I am, it would be an exceeding great relief to many hundred poor people about the City of London only, that are glad to pay, because they can have't no cheaper above thirty per centum, nay after the rate of double the Money for a years interest, and leave a pawn to boot sometimes.  
Did I not conceive these works of darkness to be kept from ears and eyes of th●se whose au●hority might hinder such extortions in pu●ishing them, or their purses and alms prevent th●m by erecting a Mount of charity to prevent them, I should be fearful they had much to answer for: Believe me there are thousands in this City whose faces are thus g●inded, yet live, whose succour would be of so much greater consequence to the whole mass of Inland commerce, being stirring people, whom need hath made industrious, and taught to ●urne their penny as you hear, or else could never live under such extortion, which notwi●hstanding at last must grind them quite to powder before their time, for scarce being able in their youth, by reason of these bloodsuckers, heavy burdens to sav● so much for ●hemselves as will keep life and soul together, age coming on though few of them do live so long, when they cannot tindge up and down so fast, shift so well for themselves, nor fare so har●ly, must quickly break both back and heart: wherefore if private bount●e provide not for their redemption, the public cannot be better employed.  
The improvement of our Lands and hu●bandrie my justly here be thought upon, the rather because I fear me we come short herein of most Christian Nations: for in what country so populous lies there so much ground wast? or being manured to produce so small a crop? 'tis certain, that both in hot and cold Countries, more marshy Lands, more dry, more sandy, more clayie are tilled and improved to far greater advantage, and yet have not such a store of Dung, chalk, Marle, and others to qualify their great defects, so that it may appear, ●ur laziness and want of industry to be the only cause of barrenness.  
But I have known a policy practised elsewhere amongst people over-slothful, that would not work above half the week, if they could get money enough to feed them for the whole, and that was by clapping excises and taxes upon what they eat and drank, so that a weeks labour with this sauce, whet their stomachs, as they were well able to eat out what they earned afterwards in a whole week by Sunday night. A very fit salve for such a sore, for cure whereof all experiments are few enough to put in practice; yet I wish we may begin with more mild at first, and consider what means, and encouraging the Husband man to be more industrious, might present themselves; for certainly he is too dull and careless of his own profit in particular, which is a parcel of the general, in that it may be observed, how many of them have not so much as a fruit-tree, or pot-herb about their houses or cottages: the barrenness of the soil cannot excuse this totally, there being none found so cursed by nature; but if the time they beak in the Sun, and liquour themselves at alehouse in the shade, were spent about improving it, would by degrees compel it to produce some sort of roots, herbs, and fruit, as are both profitable, pleasant, and wholesome for their nourishment, far more sometimes, than solid massy food of flesh, cheese, and pudding, by reason of their practice, being where e'er they come, or what ere they eat▪ to cram themselves to the throat, which since they will, is yet less dangerous in diet of light digestion than the other, that nothing but a whole days ploughing or delving can put over, and clear their brains from fumes.  
The fourteenth is▪ that all Merchants trading into one place and Province be contracte● into a Corporation, the want whereof, or the nonobservance of their Charters and privileges, both at home and abroad, hath no little prejudiced the trade of all parts in general; for by this means they could not agree, nor keep themselves from underselling one another in our native commodities, nor overvaluing of the foreign. both which we have just cause to complain of, could we as easily find a remedy to redress them.  
Besides, if they were so many Corporations, they would be better respected and regarded by Princes and States, where it conc●rnes them to reside, and might better, and with more credit and advantage, capitulate with them for divers privileges and immunities.  
I know there are many that cry out, to have merchandizing left open and free for any one to trade, where, when, and how he will; which I may confess would much increase it for the present, not without advantage perhaps of some particular men, and this, may be, might last some years too, this kingdom being so populous, and altogether as adventurous, though one half were undone, the rest, too greedy of g●ine, would scarce believe them, but make trial al●o, and so run on headlong unto our utter ruin, which must needs be the conclusion of all affairs managed by such as observe no good order, no● un●erstand well what they go about.  
For preventing whereof, the first and best step may be by this Honourable Parliaments confirmation of their several Charters, or if need be, by granting new, with larger privileges and power, in force whereof such several Societies understanding their own mysteries best, may have full authority to order and govern them accordingly. What was before said concerning the necessity of a Corporation, for the better managing of the East India trade, though in that especially most necessary, yet it is in all others of exceeding great importance for the very self s●me respects, though not in so large a manner; for where no government is, disorders must ne●ds spring up, and no possibility of a redress, but from experience of such as brought them in, which they only measure and attain to by their own ruin: yet one Item, and that no slight one, I will give more, which is, that of all other Nations, the English have most need of this superintendency and government, because no Merchants so young as they, neither at home nor abroad, are entrusted by others, nor deal for themselves in such great sums of money as English do.  
The sixteenth, that there be a Commission, or a peculiar and select Magistrate of so many as shall be thought fitting, to sit weekly, advising and consulting all advantages of commerce, amongst which some understanding Merchants will be necessary, and the same Merchants to be as often, and as much as possible, of the Court of Merchants before mentioned, where hearing the state and decision of a●l differe●ces betwixt Merchants, would be much for their own information, and instructing their Associates of this other Magistrate which now I speak of, and not only enable them with some course to remedy and prevent them for the future, but thereby also to advance traffic.  
The seventeenth and last means is, that Merchants have certain immunities from being called to inferior offices and services where they live, and other privileges of due respect and repute given them, whereby they may be encouraged to continue, and others to betake themselves to so worthy and honourable a calling.  
Of Merchants breeding, abilities, and advantage they have above all others, if they but employ it well, and that Merchandise is the grand colu●ne and foundation of this kingdom's wealth and safety, I have given a touch before, knowing withal full well the saying of, Faber quisque fortunae suae: And that a man, what ere he be by inward worth and value, shall only be to others what he can make himself known to be▪ yet something every Merchant should fare the better, in being so necessary an Instrument of the weals welfare; and although it may chance be truly observed, how such Merchants for the most part thrive best, that regard not the superficial compliment and ceremonies of gentility, more attending their business at Exchange than Court; yet it might be no ill policy to cherish and respect them▪ bearing with such of them as do less regard the quainter and more courtly proceedings of the times, the rather in that slighting and despising them, as some great Courtiers have been thought to do, was but a means to thrust them into a sinister conceit of Court, teaching them to avoid and shun all kinds of appearance, negotiation and treaty, (even when it concerned themselves and publ●que good sometimes) with such as perhaps in Merchant-like affairs are well near, not seldom as far from understanding them▪ as to be understood by them in others. And whereas I have heard it objected by some of good rank too, that it was not so necessary such great respect were given to Merchants, in regard they sought only their own benefit and profit, and that if one were discouraged from trading, another would be encouraged to follow it; with their leave I should be bold to answer, that this argument holds not, for that all encouragement is little enough, because the more the better for the State in general, and one Merchant to be valued as hundreds of ordinary men, because many hundreds of men are employed and maintained by one Merchant. And if some of their weaknesses were not taken notice of with such Emphasis, and they (which in all other Mysteries and Sciences is approved requisite) were but patiently permitted to speak, using their own language and terms of Art, (wherein his majesty's superabounding graciousness towards them on all occasions was President sufficient) they would be found well able to express themselves, and justify their proceedings, and King and Court keeping touch in contracts and agreements, not only be willing to deal with them for their own just gains sake, but as they might likely, learn somewhat a more courtly manner and behaviour (Less necessary in them) from Courtiers; so could Merchants advise them much more for the good government and husbanding their estates, a thing not dishonourable for any to be well versed in his own business, which caused the Italian proverb, Mais' imbratta le mani confari fatti sua, A man never fowls h●s hands with doing his own business: and every one, whether he will or no, is a Merchant for what he buys or sells, be it lands houses, or whatsoever else, and more gentile it is to sell Cloth, Silk, satins, jewels, &c. as mere Merchants do, than cattle, Hay, Hides, wool, Butter, C●eese, as country Gentlemen, and others of best note and worth.  
And besides it may be observed, that Merchants for most part are of the same stock and family for Gentry, though the younger branch, and many perhaps wanti●g means to blazon it in due equipage and colours to the world became in a short time very unable to give any account of it at all, which disasters many younger brothers of England have been subject to, till advancing by Merchandizing their estate and fortunes above the elder brothers the H●raids made them beholding to them for their own birthright, & if as in Italy especially the States of Florence, Sienna, Pisa, Genua, and Lucca, where they continue Merchants from one generation to an other, we should do the like in England, the greatest part of the whole kingdom and riches would quickly belong to Merchants; and although by this course the feat of Merchandizing would questionless be much improved by long experimented observations conve●d unto posterity from Father to Son successively, which would not only enable them to deal and better countermine the craft and subtleties of foreign Nations, but hinder in a great part such often failings and bankrupts; yet since as I conceive the greatest cause which makes many noble families in Italy so to continue Merch●nts, is, that countries being so populous abounding with moneys & little land to purchase, near one half of the whole Territory belonging to Monasteries, Covents, and other ecclesiastical Fraternities, which may in no wise be alienated; so I conceive it more laudable and agreeing to make a flourishing kingdom and commonwealth, for a Merchant being blessed with a competent estate to retire himself from the cares and troubles of the world (which certainly a Merchant of great dealings is of all others most subject to) the better to spend the remainder of his days in thankfulness to that God who even then had an eye over him, when perhaps little thought on, undoubtedly not so much as should have been, as also that young Merchants, I mean younger brothers or such as have little or no means may come forward, which cannot possibly be, if the whole trade be engrossed only by men of wealth and their posterity.  
And now having run over these particulars, which prove more than I expected, and somewhat further prosecuted than I at first intended, though not well to be omitted, in regard they may for this cause oppress the memory, give me leave to add those few words as it were for burden of the whole.  That unless the fishing employment and East India traffic be followed and enlarged, other Nations will gain upon us, our trade infallibly decline daily, and the whole State with the same speed and paces post on to poverty and utter ruin. 
Thus than though I knew well, sundry had writ more largely and worthily of this subject, yet was I moved to give a touch in brief, as you have se●ne, persuading myself though there were nothing new herein (which yet cannot be justly said by what I ever met with either in manuscript or Print,) some few might turn it over being short, that could, nor would not be troubled with a volume, and hereby be prevailed upon to move this High Assembly for employing some du● proportion of their grave wisdom in consultation, establishing, and enlarging trade, which next to the business of Religion and our laws well hoped to be by them both religiously & legally provided for, may perh●ps justly claim the third place, whereby not only the King's revenues will be increased, but in time his majesty come to need no other revenues, nor the kingdom other security or bulwark.  
Here I would have put a period, but perceiving there are many well acquainted with these affairs who attribute the decay of trade to the overballancing of it, and the Merchandizing exchange, give me leave to pass a word thereon.  
By overballancing of trade is meant, that we bring into, and consume in England foreign commodities for a greater valow, than we send and sell of our Native Commodities abroad, by which means we come indebted to foreign Nations, and have no other way to pay or exting●ish it, but by transporting of our moneys, which will utterly ruin a trade and kingdom in the end;  
For answer whereunto it may be said, that though greater quantities of foreign wares toe be brought in, than we send out of Native, yet it doth not follow necessari●y that our gold and silver must go to pay for them, in regard that Italian, Spania●d, French, and Dutch do many times fraught English ships, whereby good sums of money are yearly raised by our Nation abroad, and may serve to pay for the advance of foreign commodities that we● bring in, at least for such a proportion as this freight money impo●ts, which is to a consisiderable value.  
But for my part, though in this point I have not declared myself throughout this short d●scourse, my opinion is, that our trade of Native commodities is not overballanced by the foreign, nor gold and silver conveyed out, (unless first b●ought in,) in so large manner as is supposed, for there being no Mines in England that produce any store, and we having likely at present though concealed as much ready money as ever, at lest before our intestine broils dispersed th●m, and never more riches in plate, if a●y coin, either gold or silver hath been carried out, as questionless there hath, being to be seen apparently both in France and the Low Countries, yet that silver and gold was first brought into England, for it grows not here, and then though some proportion be exported: yet if a greater bee first imported (which hath certtainly been so, for otherwise we should have none at all left by this time) the ri●hes of the commonwealth will not decline, though they might flou●ish more if the exportation could totally be hindered; and howsoever this will be found a task most difficult, yet it is the course which we are likeliest to prevail with.  
For since the Chaos and whole body of trade is not managed jointly, but by the particular Merchants and members of it, one whereof sends out native Commodities, and brings his returns home in Bullion, or by Exchange; another brings in foreign commodities, making over moneys by Exchange to pay for them; and a third exports native commodities, and imports foreign too; if when there should be a balance made hereof, and our importation of wares found to exceed our exportation, which in such case must needs be paid for, one way or other, and so invite our moneys over, what remedy can be taken without disturbance of the whole trade? If flatly you prohibit the bringing in of foreign goods, foreign Nations will do the like with ours, and at last both be reduced to receive from one another such only as are necessary, or most useful: wherefore a better course to moderate this balance, would be with dexterity to lighten or lade either scale in the custom and other charges, which may insensibly make one dear, and the other cheap, as is afore declared, with sundry such other means, all tending to enlarge traffic. And although other Princes might likewise do the same in their dominions; yet many of them are so necessitous at present as will perhaps rather suffer some inconvenience, and run the hazard of a greater, but absent, and fu●ure damage, than lessen their revenues.  
For if the trade were balanced, we are less able to reduce that first, and therein prevent the exportation of moneys, than first by hindering moneys through strictest diligence, and severe penalties, from being exported, and so in consequence secure the overbalancing of trade; for to use this diligence rests in ourselves, and being independent we may practise it without exceptions to other Nations; and if onc● effected, though no more Bullion should be brought in, which yet will always come more or less, nothing could prejudice us, or breed scarcity her●after.  
But before the exportation of moneys can be prevented throughly, 'tis necessary we know who are those that may likely transport them, and the causes that move, and enable them so to do.  
Such then as transport moneys are either Merchants or Travellers, and both moved thereunto, either because there is more to be gotten by transporting them in specie, than delivering by Exchange, or else because they have no experience or acquaintance with Merchants here or abroad, or desire not to trust them, but think it securest to adventure their moneys with their persons, which in such case they have always ready about them where e'er they go; but delivering by Exchange cannot many times receive the value where they will, if they resolve to go any other way, but where their Merchants hath credit, and promised to pay them: and these later are chiefly either such as go away to enjoy the liberty of Amsterdam; and for most part they go privately, and will not be known by delivering their moneys by Exchange; and therefore carry them in specie, or else are Ambassadors, or private Gentlemen that go abroad to travel, but in such number, and each carrying with him for the most part fifty or one hundred pound: nay many times double as much, which at years' end drains the kingdom of a very considerable sum; and therefore perhaps it might not be found amiss, that a Banker or Exchanger were established at Dov●r, rye, or some other Port (where all Travellers especially should be obliged to imbanke) that of himself were enabled with credit, and obliged to give Bills of Exchange, and Letters of credit for most places of France, Holland, Italy, Germany, and Spain, unto all Travellers, they delivering him first such moneys as they had there present to carry along with them, or afterwards to deliver other Bills for other moneys, brought and delivered them in like manner, and all at the true and just value of the Exchange; for herein travellers to my k●owledge have suffered much; which being prevented by settling the course afo●esaid, every Passenger, mariner, or other of what sort soever may well ●ee prohibited upon strictest penalties of life and goods, to carry aboard either Boat or Ship above twenty shillings ste●ling at the most.  
And for Merchants, (Unless some podling French Merchants) they commonly understand themselves, and seeking their own advantage, may either deliver their moneys by Exchange, or send or carry them over in specie, according as one or other seems most beneficial to them.  
Now it may not be amiss to take notice, that it hath never or very seldom been observed, more advantageous to carry moneys over in specie for what foreign parts soever▪ than deliver them by Exchange, and therefore probable that Merchants who understand their profit, and so much aim at it, have delivered their moneys by Exchange from time to time, and not sent them over in specie, as is supposed: yet I must tell you, there was perhaps a time (which I well believe) and may too often be so again hereafter, that strangers shall have so great quantities of moneys by them; all which if they should resolve to deliver by Exchange, the Exchange would fall so low in their own disadvantage, (for more or less deliverers or takers raise or bring down the Exchange, which will more plainly appear hereafter) as it might cause the transportation in specie to be more beneficial than the Exchange, and certainly we had need provide for such a time; for if Merchants have exceeding great sums to deliver, and find no Takers save at extravagant low rates, nor Wares to employ them in, to profit, they will run the hazard of conveying them away privately in specie, to prevent a greater damage and loss of time, by keeping them dead in England.  
And these Merchants questionless for most part are strangers, and furnished with these moneys three manner of ways.  
First, by great sums of moneys made over to them by Exchange from foreign parts, in regard the Exchange of London hath used to be so advantageous to the deliverer abroad, through the under-valu●ng of our moneys in respect of other Countries, occasioned, because there are, or would be, more deliverers of them than takers.  
Secondly, by sale, and proceed of goods that strangers bring in, which they do in great quantity, because they pay bu● little customs, only 2 ½ per cent. more than Dennizens, and export none of our Native commodities, because they pay greater customs, on some I think as much again as we do; and that which is the greatest shame, the Herring, and other sorts of fish taken by them in our Seas nay very Ports, and sold to us for a very round sum yearly; a great part whereof received in the Port Towns where we buy the fish, cannot easily be prevented without stricter diligence, a●d execution is carried away, never to return again.  
Thirdly, by their infallible half years' incomes, and revenues of such vast sums of money as they keep continually at interest in London; and if you demand the summa totalis, which all these make, I can only answer you, Pauperis est numerare pecus: but howsoever indefinite, that it is immense, will hereby appear.  
Consider the great quantities of goods of all sorts we export hence for foreign parts, the greatest part whereof is sold for money, and many hundred thousand pounds sterling thereof made over hither by Exchange; and yet strangers have more moneys to send out of England, than we have to bring into England, which is most evident in that the Exchange from foreign parts (according to the intrinsical value of the several species respectively) to England is more advantageous, than to England from foreign parts; for even as the scarcity of any commodity makes it to be more valued, and held at a dearer price; so there being few deliverers abroad of moneys for London which are English, in respect of the Takers, which are strangers, and many Deliverers in London, which are strangers in comparison of the Takers which are English, the few English Deliverers abroad, and Takers at home stand upon their terms, bringing the Exchange in their favour, and this is called the Merchandizing Exchange, because quite opposite to the nature of Exchange, which was found out to prevent carriage of moneys up and down: this invites the exportation of them in specie, and therefore a table of Rates is propounded which should stint the Exchanging our several coins with those of other Nations, according to the parity and purity both in weight and goodness of allay, and so settle the price of Exchanges for all Countries, which Merchants might not exceed in delivering or taking moneys by Exchange.  
For answer hereto, I con●eive it may be granted, that in delivering moneys by Exchange in England for foreign parts we receive not the true value or par according to the intrinsical goodness of the coin; but this is our advantage, and only damageable to strangers, because they (and not English) are the Deliverers in England; neither will this Merchandizing Exchange likely carry away our moneys, so long as the Exchange produces as good profit, as the money itself, if it were transported, would yield in specie, which for the most part may hitherto have been observed; but hereon, as also about the said Table of Rates, I hope it may give a little light to enlarge somewhat more, though not altogether so Methodically.  
Granted it is then (by me at least) that our moneys are undervalued by Exchange with strangers, and that though we may commonly make as much of them by Exchange, as carrying them in Specie, to spend in ordinary payments, yet the Mint in foreign Countries may give more for them, (otherwise they are not undervalued) and this profit from the Mint may doubtless entice them over: but whether a Table of Rates can prevent this or no; or if it could, whether such a Table might not prove more prejudicial in another respect, will be the question.  
For though our moneys be undervalued, it is our advantage, in regard we English do buy our own moneys thus undervalued, so often as we take moneys by exchange in England, or deliver them by Exchange abroad, and strangers are they that sell us our own moneys thus cheap, or undervalued, so that this is but buying and selling good cheap, whilst strangers sell good cheap, and we buy it: and this profit we have questionless upon all our moneys delivered for England, out of the proceed and sale of our goods abroad. Neither is this all, for since we advance in delivering our moneys abroad by exchange for England, we are enabled to sell our cloth and other commodities the cheaper; for if for 35 shillings Flemish delivered abroad, I can have 20 shillings sterling in England, I may sell my cloth for one eighth part less in Flemish money, than if I were to give 40 shillings Flemish to have 20 shillings sterling in England, being all one to a Merchant that sells for money, and delivers it afterwards by exchange, to sell his wares at a bad price, and have a good exchange for his moneys, or sell his wares at a good price, and have a bad exchange for his moneys.  
This stinting then, as it will bring the Exchange in favour of the English coin, and consequently beat down the price of what commodities foreigners sell in England, thereby increasing the vent of them; so will it raise the price of our commodities sold abroad, and diminish their vent, which being well considered, may perhaps prove a damage to us, at least for such a portion as is sold for money to be made over hither by exchange, for though we seem to get so much the more as we sell our commodities the dearer, yet when we remit the provenue by exchange, by re●son of this stint, we lose by exchange a part of what we advanced on our commodities; and what we lose by exchange, only a few merchant's strangers make benefit of; and what we get more in the price of our cloth, comes out of all their purses that wear our cloth, which proving dear to them, will make them leave wearing it, and hinder so large a vent as formerly.  
And I believe it will be thought more beneficial for a commonwealth to vent store of their native commodities, at such lower, but moderate rates, as both Manufactors and Merchants may live thereby, though with less profit, than to sell a less quantity at greater rates, the profit of the greater parcel in the whole exceeding that of the lesser, especially so many men more being set a work until we have other employment for them; and the rather it concerns us to sell good cheap, in that all other Nations now almost make cloth of their own, or other clothing▪ which may serve near as well: So though it be granted that our moneys being undervalued by exchange hinders importation and invites exportation, which notwithstanding through severity may be in part prevented; yet since under-v●luing our coin, we get in making our money's home by exchange, and by that means can afford our cloth the cheaper, and so vent greater quantity, the most beneficial state is to be wi●hed for, which perhaps upon due scrutiny, may appear to be this low exchange, in respect of the intrinsical value of our moneys, the rather for that though they were raised but to the pretended just parity and pur●tie; yet that would likely bring in very little Bullion more, which besides the loss of time in expecting a ship to bring it hither, carries the charge of Insurance with it, and when it is here, I can have but the just value at the Mint, and so much I should have had for it by exchange, according to the table of rates, besides usance which is use or interest from the date of the bill of exchange, till it be paid in England; so than the benefit which I might have made by exchange, being taken from me through this table of rates, and no profit to be got by Bullion, the money which would otherwise have been made hither by exchange, will likely be employed in foreign commodities, whereof there comes too great quantity already.  
Besides stinting the Exchange may seem less need full through this following consideration, which is, that as there was anciently no exchange at all by bills, so may we presuppose the like case at present, & find that an English Merchant abroad may buy foreign commodities for money, or take them in barter agai●st English commodities, without so much as a thought or consideration of the exchange; as thu●:  
An English Merchant carries abroad with him an hundreed pieces of yard-broad Perpetuana's, which cost with all charges forty shillings per piece, is 200 pound starling: At Leghorn he sells these hundred pieces of Perpetuana's at dollars 11 Spanish Reals of ●/8 per piece, which make dollars 1100 in all▪ and knowing that Florence black satins are a vendible commodity in England, and may likely yield him about 11 shillings per yard, buys of a Florentine Merchants 183. li. ⅓ of Florence black Satins (for plain satins are sold in Florence per pound) at ●ollers 6, of 8/8 per pound, which amounts to dollars 1100. the full provenue of his 100 pieces perpetuanas, and the 183 li. ⅓ contain about braces 5 ½ per pound, which is braces 1008 ⅓, whereof braces 4. make yards 2 ½ are in all years 630. which sold at 11— s. per yard, as was supposed, yields 346. li.— 10 s.— 0 sterling; out of which he knew likewise the custom and charges of the satins were to be deducted: And in like manner he might have put off his 100 pieces of yard broad perpetuanas at dollars 11. per piece in Barter or Truck to be paid in Florence black satins at dollars 6. per pound, which will produce the same reckoning about 300. li. for his 200. li. carried out in perpetuanas, so that it appears a Merchant may buy or sell▪ and bartar for foreign commodities to this benefit, and be altogether ignorant of the Exchange; which ignorance 'tis true might have prejudiced him, as also his not knowing the intrinsical value of those dollars 1100 of 8/8, and so have brought them for England in specie in case of gain, or that the Exchange would have produced better profit than the Satins: But thus much I conceive may follow hereupon▪ that we need not stand so peremptorily upon rating or stinting the Exchange, for what concerns all foreign commodities to be bought or bartered for by us abroad, and for what moneys we make home from thence hither by Exchange, 'tis our advantage that the Exchange be low, and the kingdom advances more upon the whole proportion of moneys made home now, the Exchange being low, than it would get by a part of it, being brought home in Bullion or specie, if the Exchange were higher: And we cannot expect that all should come home in Bullion: for that (presupposing the possibility) would utterly impoverish other countries, and cause those Princes, to prohibit the exportation of it, and the very scarcity itself, through our exporting it, would make it in a short time so hard to come by, and our commodities for the same cause so much beaten down in price, as the trade without doubt would be quite abandoned at last; for it is our benefit that moneys be plentiful also in such Countries where we carry our commodities to sell; and shall otherwise have little encouragement to continue it, so that a moderation is to be desired, and must be observed in all proceedings, lest we fare as Alexander the great, who having near conquered the whole world, wept bec●use there was no more left for him to conquer.  
And yet I will farther add in favour of this Table of rates for stinting the Exchange, that since the statute permits us not to take above eight per cent. for use or interest money, which is hoped (for the further quieting of Consciences and public good) may yet be brought to 6 per 100 in regard as we sell our commodities cheaper or dearer, according to the long or short time we give with them, or the party to whom we sell, being of great or less credit and esteem, and many desiring to put their money out at interest, somewhat under the statute, to a surer man, than at a higher rate, to one whose credit or estate is not thought so good; evenn so is it in Exchanges, and I know not well how it can be helped, yet as the rate of intere●t is stinted to all alike, in such manner as none may take above the statute; so were it to be wished, that for usance single, double, or treble, they should not require of any above the rate of statute interest, which the Bankers or Exchangers will yet be able to counterminde by putting the price of the Exchange so much more in their favour, unless that be stinted too: And this might seem very facile, if there were nothing in it save the prevention of transportating moneys to and fro, and just as many Takers as deliverers; for than he that desires nothing but his moneys in another place, if he can have as is likely, the just value according to the intrinsical worth by Exchange receives a great accommudation, and the price being once settled to remain constant, needs only look after the surest men to Exchange withal; and a Merchant may likewise for same reason know sooner what he gets or loses by sale of his commodities, whereas now he cannot until his money be likewise made over through the uncertainty of the Exchhange, which falling or rising still varies somewhat. But put the case I had urgent occasion to use 100 l. in Paris, and find nobody that will take it by Exchange, if it be free for one to export it, or prohibited, but the danger or penalty not answerable to my expected profit, no doubt I may likely be moved to export it in specie: but if there be another who has the value of 100 l. in Paris, and equally desires his 100 l. pound here as I do mine in Paris, both of us alike understanding the true intrinsical value of the several species, it is probable we two shall quickly agree to exchange with one another, according to the real par: But if there be sundry Takers and Deliverers, though equal on both sides, some whereof being overhasty either in deliveting or taking, out of fear their turns would not otherwise be served; this may cause the Exchange to rise or fall above or beneath the par on one side or other. But if there be more Deliverers than Takers; that is, more moneys to be delivered by Exchange from London, then returned by Exchange to London, and that all year long, and for many years together, as hath been most certain in respect of England, with foreign parts, doubtless the few Takers will have more opportunity to stand upon their terms, in bringing the Exchange down in their advantage by so much undervalutng of our moneys: And though this be very obvious to any man's apprehension, yet it may be made further appear so; thus:  
'Tis then first presupposed upon good ground as you have heard, that the undervalving of our moneys by Exchange is prejudicial to such as are deliverers of money by Exchange in London, and takes by Exchange abroad.  
Secondly, that these Takets abroad, and Deliverers here at home are strangers, is likewise presumed; and  
Thirdly, that out of the sale and provenue of our goods exported there are great sums of mocey returned hither weekly from abroad will as easily be granted.  
Now since this undervalwing our moneys by Exchange is only dammagable to the Deliverers at home, and Takers abroad, and both these are strangers, why do strangers deliver here in England, and take abroad by exchange thus to their loss? certainly nothing but necessity can force them to contiwe losers all year long for sundry years together: nor can there be any necessity, had they not such store of moneys, which they must necessarily deliver here, and that in far greater quantity than we have returned us from abroad by sale of our goods exported.  
So than if it be granted, as well it may, that strangers have more moneys to send away, than we have to bring into the kingdom, though a Table of Rates were established as is propounded, yet strangers would have the same or greater encouragement some times to export moneys in specie; for whereas at present the Exchange being favourable to the Takers at home, and Deliverers abroad which are English, the English are moved through gain to take a good proportion of those mo●ies which the strangers must necessarily make over by Exchange, or send away in specie, for they have occasion to use them in other Countries: But this Table being settled in damage and prejudice of the Takers at home, and Deliverers abroad being English, the English will forbear to take at home, or deliver by Exchange abroad, so that whereas strangers did form●rly export only a part of their moneys, they will now be constrained to convey away the whole: wherefore I will only add, that though this Table be settled for Exchanging, yet since there may, and that likely enough, as great necessity befall strangers to export moneys notwithstanding, it will be altogether as requisite to practise exactest diligence alongst the Coast, and strictest penalties for preventing exportation of them; and if it prove by this means to be secured, then may this stinting Table be very well forborn, in that the sting lies in the exportation of our moneys, and the undervaluing them is the benefit of the English, who are the Takers at home, and Deliverers abroad, and by the low Exchange at home, and high Exchange abroad enabled to sell their Cloth so much better cheap, and consequently, venting the greater quantity, at last win the whole trade from other Nations.  
Since then as the scarcity of every commodity makes it more to be esteemed, and yet money through want or plenty raises or diminishes the price of all things; in same manner doth it predominate the Exchange; for as the Takers and Deliverers of money by Exchange do overbalance one another, so doth the Exchange rise or fall accordingly, as is demo●strated by daily exp●rience; and strangers being found thus replenished with moneys to cause the undervaluing of our species by Exchange, if to ripe judgements and understandings it appear so prejudicial to the State o● is alleged, which for my part I do not as yet apprehend, (though I confess it invite the exporthtion of our moneys, since diligence may reclaim it in the greatest part) certa●nly the only remedy must be to take away the cause, which furnishes them with such store of moneys, and that is by preventing the great Revenues they make of interest moneys in England, which continually they draw from hence to furnish their occasions, no otherwise than every man doth for receiving of his Rents in one country which he intendeth to spend in another: and secondly, by raising the customs of stranger's goods, especially innards, both Spaniards, Germans, Italians, and those of the Low Countries, all so much as may keep the● from bringing in such quantities as formerly.  
Others are of opinion, the exportation of our moneys might be hindered by raising them in Denomination, or embasing the allay; but if other Princes do the like, we are still where we were: besides, this would encourage many private Mint-Masters in England, and Strangers to bring it from abroad, though not altogether so much as brass money, yet poverty and ruin would be the end of it; but had this latter motion taken effect, and greater Species been once made currant, what through counterfeiting at home, and importing from abroad, it would in probability so exorbitantly have increased, until brass kettles had been more worth than brass money, by how much the workmanship of kettles is more costly.  
Then would a full period have been put to trading, and no dealing or exchanging heard of, save barely to suffice nature, and so remained until the brass money had ceene called in again, which then must needs be gr●wne so common, as not esteemed or accounted a reward worth working for.  
But if this overbalancing of trade were granted, and merchandiz●ng exchange found to be so damageable to the commonwealth as is alleged▪ since certainly they cannot be well prevented otherwise, it will serve exceeding appositely to enforce the burden of this discourse, which is: That unless the fishing employment and East India traffic be followed and enlarged, other Nations will gain upon us, our trade infallibly decline daily, and the whole State with the same speed and paces post on to poverty and utter ruin.  
What greater encouragement can possibly be expected? The treasure of the fish employment is known to yield millions yearly (by our permission) unto others; and from the East Indies, besides the venting of our own commodities, bringing in their Spices and others hither, and the trading up and down in the country, to exceeding great benefit, we may in time hope for all silver and gold that ever came out of the West, or any other parts; for into Turkey we have seen it carried daily, thence for Persia, and other Eastern Quarters, but never return back again. And for my part, however they are said to esteem these of Europe one eyed, and all other Nations else quite blind, in comparison of themselves, I cannot think them so beatified in this world, but that we might through industry find out somewhat which they want, and so be able to furnish them; or that they be only covetous, and so reprobately admirers of the God Mammon, as they might not in time be prevailed upon to exchange him for the only deity.  
All these particulars, some whereof deserve large tracts & volumes of Encmiums & encouragements, I have only pointed at, though longer than I intended, to the end this supreme Assembly might reflect thereon, and informing themselves more at large, from such as can exactly give directions, in due time provide for all, to the honour of his majesty, wealth and safety of these kingdoms, and perpetual renown of their deep wisdoms, to which posterity will attribute so flourishing an estate, next unto God almighty, whose infinite goodness I shall continually implore for their prosperous proceedings, until He please to bless them with a thrice happy conclusion to King and State, and Both in One, Amen.  
FINIS.   

Errata.  
PAg. 1. line but two, for four▪ read force, for Chackmate, read Checkmate▪ p, 4. l. 2. f. safeties, r. sea-fights. p 4. l. 14 f. furnished, r. furthered. p. 10. l. 21. f. compassed by selling, r. compassed but by selling. p. 12. l. 7. f. reported, r. exported. p 14. l. 1. f. propriety, r. prosperity. p. 16. l 8. f. valley, r. value▪ p. 19 l. 15. f. whac, r. what. p. 22. l. 23. f. mucst, r. much. l. 26. f. of the state, r. of state. p. 24. l. 8. f. have. r. have. p. 33. l. 36 f. rarest, r. surest. p. 34. l. 13. f. assuring, r. issuing. p. 35. l. 27. f. thou, r. then. p. 36. l. 18. f. slid, r. said. p. 37. l. 17. f. which, r. what. p. 39 l. 4. f. pence a piece, r. pence. p ib. l. 12. f. four, r. forty seven. p. ib. l. 30. f. with, r. which. p. 20. l. 25. f. that only, r. that not only. p. ib. l. 40. f. rei, r. pecwiae, p 41. l. 10. f. to Wards, r. towards. p. ib. l. 17. f. care, r. case. p. ib. l. 29. f. than▪ r. rather than. p. 43. l. 12. f. read, r. send. p. ib. l. 13. f. schoolmasters, r. postmasters. p. 44. l. 12. f. prevent, r. redeem, p. 50. l. 9 f. that, r. the. p. 51. l. 17. f. balanced, r. overbalanced.