Sir WALTER Raleigh's JUDICIOUS AND Select Essays AND OBSERVATIONS UPON 

The first Invention of Shipping.  
Invasive War.  
The Navy Royal and Sea-Service.   WITH HIS Apology for his voyage to Guiana.  
Virtus recludens immeritis mori  
Caelum, negatâ tentat iter viâ.  Hor. 
LONDON, Printed for A. M. and are to be sold by Robert Boulter at the Turks-head in Bishopsgate street, near the Great James. 1667.   

To the Reader.  
IT is apparent that nothing does more Eternize men upon Earth, than their Writings. The Statues of the Roman Emperor's time has moulderd to ashes, 
Juven.  quandoquidem data sunt ipsis quoque fata Sepulchris; and Tombs themselves the Fates obey. But Caesar's Commentaries, the Dictates of Marcus Aurelius, the Works and glories of those Men and Ages we see perpetuated to all posterity. It is truly said, that Books show in a little time what Experience teacheth not but with the expense of many years; and how miserable had we been, had not the industrious Pens of several Authors (famous in their times) buoyd up and left us Traces to follow them in the paths of Virtue. In every Generation there wanted not some, the flame of whose Torch is yet unextinguished: and I may with modesty appeal, whether the Century of years in which this worthy Author lived, may not equal (I would have said transcended) some Ages that wanted such a Person to transmit it to Posterity as renowned Raleigh was. It cannot be accounted either arrogancy or ostentation in Augustus Caesar who dying, desired of his friends that stood about his Bed, That when he expired they would give him a Plaudite, as if he were conscient to himself he had played his part well upon the Stage. Nor will it offend any I am sure to say, That this most worthy Hero truly deserved the Plaudites and Encomiums of the Amphitheatres of the whole Universe. 'twas well observed by him that writ the lives of so many Noble greeks and Romans, 
Pluta●●  They are wise that in Tragical Events do carry an invincible heart, reasonably obeying Necessity and a more high Providence then that of Man. And aswell by another, The greatness of the mind never showeth itself more clearly then amongst the wounds of Fortune. How fitly appropriate these sayings are to him, let them judge that knew his actions. But I come not here to give a Character of our Author; that were but to hold a Candle in the Sun, or by drawing shadows to hinder the clear beauty of the Picture. Reader, thou hast enough of him in his History of the World, which speaks him to Fame; only thou mayst herein truly lament, That Fortune was so bitter to him and us to deprive us of that happiness in snatching him hence before his perfecting that glorious work: However it may prompt thee to value at a higher rate this his Posthume Production. Now it is not unlikely, that Custom expects something should be said in Commendation of these following Discourses, that would wrong rather than add to their worth: No, Raleighs very Name is Proclamation enough for the Stationer's advantage who, prays thee to believe this to be (what the Work itself will assure thee) the legitimate issue of so excellent a Father. But to keep thee longer from the thing itself, were by detaining thee in the Porch to envy thee the delight of the Fabric.   

A Discourse of the invention of Ships, Anchors, Compass, etc. The first Natural war, the several, use, defects, and supplies of Shipping, the strength, and defects of the Sea forces of England, France, Spain, and Venice, Together with the five manifest causes of the sudden appearing of the Hollanders, Written by Sir WALTER RALEIGH.  
THat the Ark of Noah, was the first Ship, because the Invention of God himself, although some men have believed, yet it is certain, That the world, being planted before the Flood, the same could not be performed without some transporting vessels; It is true, & the success proves it, That there was not any so capacious nor so strong to defend itself against so violent, and so continued a pouring down of rain, as the Ark Noah, the Invention of God himself, or of what fashion or fabric soever, the rest withal mankind perished, according to the Ordnance of God. And probable it is that the Anchors, whereof Ovid made mention of, found on high Mountains: Et inventa est in montibus Anchora Summis; were remaining of Ships wracked at the general flood.  
After the Flood, it is said, that Minos, who lived two descents before the War of Troy, set out Ships to free the Grecians Seas of Pirates, which shows, that there had been either trade, or War, upon the Waters before his time also.  
The expedition of the Argavants was after Minos, 
Pindar.  And so was the plantation of Tyrene in Africa, by Battus, who was one of jasons' Companions, And that the Tyrians had Trade by Sea, before the War of Troy, Homer tells us.  
Others give the first Dominion upon the Waters to Neptune, 
D: Sic. Lib. 6.  who, for the great exploits he did in the service of Saburne, was, by after ages, called the God of the Seas. But the Corinthians ascribe the invention of Rowing vessels, to a Citizen of their own called Amaenocles, And that the first Naval War, was made between the Samiens and corcyrians. 
Lib Ger. 1. Cap. 1.   
Ithicus History changed into Latin by St. Hierome, affirms that Griphon the Scythian, was the inventor of long Boats, or Galleys, in the Northern Seas; And Strabo gives the advice of the Anchor, with two Hooks to the Scythian Anacharsis, but the Greeks to Eupolemus.  
It is also said, that Icarus invented the sail, and others other pieces, and parts of the ships and Boats, whereof the certain knowledge is of no great moment, This is certain, that the Sons, and Nephews of Noah, who peopled the Isles of the Gentiles, and gave their own names to many of them, had vessels to transport themselves, long before the days of Minos; And for my own opinion, I do not think that any one Nation (the Syrian excepted) to whom the knowledge of the Ark came, as the story of the creation did, soon after Moses, did find out at once, the device either of ship or Boat, in which they durst venture themselves upon the Seas: But being forced by necessity to pass over Rivers, or Lakes, they first bound together certain Reeds or Canes, by which they transported themselves: Calamorum falces (saith D: Siculus) admodum ingentes inter se conjungunt.  
Others made Raffes of Wood, and other devised the Boat of one tree called the Canoa, which the Gauls upon the River of Rouen, used in assisting the transportation of Hannibal's Army in his enterprise of Italy: Primum Galli inchoantes cavabant Arbores (saith Livy) But Polydore Virgil, 
Livy 1. Lib. Dec. Polidor Lib. 3.  gives the invention of those Canoas', to the Germans inhabiting about the River of Danubius, which kind of Hollow trees, Isidor calls Carabes.  
The Britain's had Boats made of Willow Twigs and covered on the out side with Bullock hides, and so had the Venetians; of which Lucan primum cana salix, etc. Malefacto, etc. And julius Solinus Navigant autem Vimineis alveis quos circundant ambitione tergorum Bubalorum: 
Isidor Orig. 9 de Navig. Cap: 1.  The same kind of Boats had the Germans (saith Isidor) who in his time committed many Robberies in them: But whosoever devised the Canoa among the Danubians, or among the Gauls, sure I am, that the Indians of America, never had any trade with either of these Nations, And yet from Fuobushers straits, to the straits of Magalaine, those Boats are found, and in some parts of that length, As I have seen them rowed with twenty Oars of a side.  
The truth is, that all Nations how remote soever, being all reasonable creatures, and enjoy one and the same Imagination and fantasy, having devised according to their means and materials the same things.  
The Eastern people, who have had from all Antiquity, the use of Iron, have found out the Saw, And with the Saw, they have sundered Trees, in Board's and Planks, And have joined them together with Nails, and so made Boats and Galleys safe and portable, So have they built Cities, and Towns of Timber and the like in all else.  
On the contrary, the West-Indies and many Nations of the Africans, wanting means and materials, have been taught by their own necessities to pass Rivers in a Boat of one Tree, and to tie unsquared Poles together, on the top for their houses, which they cover with large leaves, yea the same Boats, and the same buildings, are found in Countries, two thousand miles distant, debarred from all commerce, by unpassable Mountains, Lakes, and Deserts; Nature hath taught them all to choose Kings and Captains for their leaders, And Judges. They all have lighted on the invention of Bows and Arrows, All have Targets and wooden Swords: All have instruments to encourage them to fight: All that have Corn beat it in Mortars, and make Cakes, baking them upon Slatestones: All devised Laws without any grounds had from the Scriptures, or from Aristotle's Politics, whereby they are governed: All that dwell near enemies impale their villages to save themselves from surprise, yea besides the same inventions, All have the same natural impulsions, They follow nature in the choice of many wives, and there are every where among them, which out of a kind of wolvish ferocity, eat man's flesh; yea most of them believe in a second life, and they are all of them Idolaters in one kind or other.  
For the Northern parts of the world, It was long ere they grew to any perfection in Shipping, For we read that Hingest, and Horsa, Came over into this Land in long Boats, in which for the first being called in by the Britain's, they transported five thousand soldiers. And that after they came with a supply of ten thousand more Shipped in thirty vessels, which the Saxons call Keels, And our old Historians Cogiones, And in Caesar's time, the French Britain's who were then esteemed the best Britain Sea men, had very untoward Tubs in which they made War against him. For they took the winds in Sails of Leather, heavy and unplyable, And they fastened their ships to the ground, and rid at Anchor with Cables of Iron Chains, having neither Canvas, nor Cordage. In so much as the best of them which were of Vannes, are described with high heads raised up deformedly above the rest of the buildings, to which kind of form that they were constrained, the reason is manifest. For had their Cables of Iron chains held any great length, they had been unportable, And being short, the Ships must have sunk at an Anchor, in any stream of weather or Countertyde, And such was their simplicity in those days, As instead of accommodating their furniture to their Ships, they form their ships to their furniture; Not unlike the Courtiers of this age who fit their Bodies and their Feet to their Doublets and Shoes, and not their Doublets and Shoes to their Bodies, and Feet.  
The Pomerlanders inhabiting the South part of the Baltic, or Eastland Sea, used a kind of Boat, with the prow at both ends, so as they need not to wend or hold water, But went on and returned indifferently, of which: 
Tacitus de moribus German:  Tacitus Suionum hinc Civitates ipso in oreceano praeter viros armaque Classibus valent; forma navium, eo differt, quod utrinque prora paratam semper appulsui frontem agit: Nec velis ministrantur; nec remos in ordinem lateribus adiungant. Solutum ut in quibusdam fluminum & mutabile ut res possit hinc vel illinc remigium:  
Next are the Cities of the Suionum which are mighty at Sea, not only in men and arms, but in Fleet: The form of their vessels differ in this, That a Prow at each end enables them to row forward either way alike: Neither use they Sails, nor place their oars in order upon the sides, but carrying the oar loose, They shift it hither and thither at pleasure, as is the manner in some Rivers, Yea at this time both the Turks and Christians use these kind of Boats upon the River of Danubius, and call them Nacerne.  
True it is, that before Caesar's Invading of this Land, we do find that the Britain's had not any shipping at all, other than their Boats of Twigs covered with hides as aforesaid.  
The Saxons when they were drawn in by the Britain's, came hither by Sea. And after that time finding that without Shipping they could neither defend themselves nor exercise any Trade, They began to make some provision for a Navy, such as it was, which being first considered of by Egbert, Alfred, Edgar, and Etheldred, augmented it, and how true it is, I know not, but it is written of Edgar, that he increased the Fleet, he found, two thousand six hundred sail: After whom Etheldred made a Law, That whosoever was Lord of three hundred and ten hide Land, should build and furnish one ship for the defence of their Country.  
Notwithstanding all these provisions, the Danes invaded them, and having better ships than they had, made their way for a new conquest.  
The Normans grew better Shipwrights then either of both, and made the last conquest of this Land, a Land which can never be conquered, whilst the Kings thereof keep the Dominion of the Seas, which Dominion I do not find, that it was ever absolute, till the time of Henry the Eight, But that we fought sometime with good, sometime with ill success, as we shall show hereafter more particularly.  
But omitting the dispute of the first Navigators, Certain it is, that the Invention of the compass was had from our Northern Nations, were it from the Germans, Norvegians, Brittanes, or Danes, for even to this day, the old Northern words are used for the division of winds upon the quarter of the compass, not only by the Danes, Germans, Swedes, Brittanes, and all in the Ocean, that understand the terms and names of the winds in their own language: But the French and Spanish called the sun rising winds, East or East, and the sun setting winds West, the rest North and South, and so by the same terms, In all the Divisions of Southeast, North-east, Southwest, Northwest, and the rest.  
And if we compare the marvellous great transportations of people by the Saxons, Angles, Danes, Goths, Swedes, Norwegians, especially and other. And how many Fleets for supplies, have been set out by them, with the swarms of Danes aswell in our Seas, as when they invaded and conquered Sicily, together with the Colonies, planted by the Tyrians in Africa, as else where, and of the Carthaginians the Sons of the Tyrians in Spain.  
It's hard to judge which of these Nations have most commanded the Seas, though for priority Tribullus, and Ovid give it the Tyrians.  
Prima ratam Ventis credere docta Tyros, 
Tribull Eleg: Strab: Lib: 16.  And Ovid, Magna minorque fere quarum Regis altera Gratias; altera Sydonias uterque sicca rates.  
And it is true, that the first good Ships were among the Tyrians, and they good and great Ships, not long after the War of Troy, and in Solomon's time, they were of that account as Solomon invited Hiram King of Tyre, to join with him in his Journey into the East-Indies, for the Israelites till then, never traded by Sea, and seldom if ever after it, and that the Tyrians were the chief in that enterprise, It appears in that they were called Nautas peritos maris, in the Hebrew (saith junius) homines navium, 
Junius. 1. King. Cap. 9  And in our English Mariners.  
It is also written in the second of Chronicles the eight. That Hiram sent Solomon Ships, Et servos peritos maris, And servants skilful of the Sea, whereby it is probable, that the Tyrians had used the Trade of East-India before the days of Solomon, or before the Reign of David, when themselves commanded the Ports of the Red Sea, But the Edumaeans being beaten by David, and the Port of Ezion-Geber, now subject to Solomon, the Tyrians were forced to make Solomon the chief of that expedition, and to join with him in the enterprise. For the Tyrian had no pass to the Red Sea, but through the territory of Solomon, and by his sufferance.  
Whosoever were the inventors, we find that every age, had added somewhat to ships, and to all things else. And in my own time the shape of our English ships, hath been greatly bettered. It is not long since the striking of the Topmast (a wonderful great ease to great ships both at Sea and Harbour) hath been devised, together with the Chain pump, which takes up twice as much water as the ordinary did, we have lately added the Bonnett, and the Drabler. To the courses we have devised studding Sails, Top gallant Sails; Spirit stayles, Top stayles, The weighing of Anchors by the Capstone is also new. We have fallen into consideration of the length of Cables, and by it we resist the malice of the greatest winds that can blow, Witness our small Milbrooke men of Cornwall, that ride it out at Anchor, half Seas over between England and Ireland, all the winter quarter, And witness the Hollanders that were wont to ride before Dunkirk, with the wind at Northwest, making a Lee shore in all weathers: For true it is, that the length of the Cable, is the life of the Ship in all extremities, and the reason is, because it makes so many bend and waves, as the Ship riding at that length it is not able to stretch it, and nothing breaks that is not stretched. In extremity, we carry our Ordnance better than we were wont, Because our Netheroverloops are raised commonly from the water, to wit, between the lower part of the Port and the Sea.  
In King Henry the eights time, and in this present, at Portsmouth the Marie Rose, by a little sway of the Ship in casting about, her Ports being within sixteen Inches of the waters, was overset and lost, and in her that worthy Knight Sir George Carew, Cousin German to the Lord Carew, and with him (besides many other Gentlemen) the Father of the late renowned, Sir Richard Greenevile.  
We have also raised our second Decks and given more vent thereby to our Ordnance, tying on our Nether-overloope.  
We have added cross pillars in our Royal ships to strengthen them, which be fastened from the Kelson to the beams of the second Deck, keep them from settling or from giving way in all distresses.  
We have given longer Floares to our Ships, then in elder times, and better bearing under water, whereby they never fall into the Sea, after the head and shake the whole body, nor sink stern, nor stoop upon a wind, by which the breaking loose of our Ordnance or the not use of them, with many other discommodities are avoided.  
And to say the truth a miserable shame and dishonour it were for our Shipwrights, if they did not exceed all other, in the setting up of our Royal Ships, the Errors of other Nations being far more excusable than ours. For the Kings of England have for many years been at the charge to build and furnish a Navy of powerful Ships, for their own defence, and for the Wars only.  
Whereas the French, the Spaniards, the portugals, and the Hollanders (till of late) have had no proper Fleet belonging to their Princes or States.  
Only the Venetians for a long time have maintained their Arsenal of Galleys, & the Kings of Denmark, and Sweden, have had good Ships for these last Fifty years, I say that the forenamed Kings, especially the Spaniards and portugals, have ships of great bulk, but fitter for the Merchant then for the man of War, for burden then for Battle: But as Popelinire well observeth, the forces of Princes by Sea, are Marquis de Grandeux d' Estate, Are marks of the greatness of an Estate: For whosoever commands the Sea, Commands the Trade: whosoever Commands the Trade of the world: Commands the Riches of the world and consequently the world itself: yet can I not deny, but that the Spaniards being afraid of their Indian Fleets, have built some few very good ships, but he hath no ships in Garrison, as his Majesty hath, and to say the truth, no sure place to keep them in; But in all Invasions he is driven to take up of all Nations, which comes into his Ports for Trade.  
The Venetians while they attended their Fleets, and employed themselves in their Eastern Conquest, were great and powerful Princes, and Commanded the Maritimate parts of Croatia, Dalmatia, Albania, and Epirus, were Lords of Peloponesus, and the Islands adjoining, of Cyprus, Candia, and many other places, but after they sought to greaten themselves in Italy itself, using strangers for the Commanders of their armies; The Turks by degrees beat them out of all their goodly Countries, and have now confined them (Candia excepted) to a few small Grecian Islands, which with great difficulty they enjoy.  
The first honour they obtained, was by making War upon the Istrii by Sea, and had they been true to their spouse, to wit the Seas, which once a year they marry, the Turks had never prevailed against them, nor ever been able to be siege any place of theirs, to which he must have transported his armies by his Galleys.  
The Genoese were also exceeding powerful by Sea, and held many places in the East, and contended often with the Venetians for superiority, destroying each other in a long continued Sea War, Yea the Genoese were the most famous Mercenaries of all Europe, both by Sea and Land for many years.  
The French assisted themselves by Land with the Crosbowers of Genoa against the English, namely at the Battle of Cressie, The French had 12000 Crosbowers Genoese by Sea. With their great ships called the Carrecks of Genoa, they always strengthened their Fleets against the English, But after Mahomet the second had taken Constantinople, they lost Caffa, and all Taurica, Chersonesus with the whole Trade of the Euxine Sea, and although they sent many supplies by the Hellespont, yet having often felt the smart of the Turks Cannon, they began to slack their succours, and were soon after supplanted: yet do the Venetians to this day, well maintain their estate by their Sea forces, and a great loss it is to the Christian Commonweal in general, that they are less than they were, And a precipitate Counsel it was of those Christian Kings their Neighbours, when they joined in League against them, seeing they then were, and they yet are, the strongest Rampires of Europe against the Turks.  
But the Genoese have now but a few Galleys being altogether degenerate, and become Merchants of money, and the Spanish King's bankers.  
But all the States and Kingdoms of the world have changed form and policy.  
The Empire itself, which gave light to all principalities, like a Pharo's, or high Tower to Seamen, is now sunk down to the level of the soil. The greatness which it gave to the Church of Rome as before proved, was it which made itself little in haste, And therefore truly said; Imperium amore Religionis seipsum, Exhausisse, The Empire being also elective and not successive, The Emperors in being made profit of their own times, and sold from the Empire many Signiories depending on it, and at so easy a rate, as Lucca freed itself for ten thousand Crowns; and Florence for six thousand Crowns; The rest, the Popes; then the Hauses, and lastly the Turks have in effect ruined. And in which several Inundations many pieces have been recovered by other Princes and States. As Basill, Zurick, and Bearne, by the Swissers (omitting many others) Metz Tholouse, Verdum, by the French, Groigne Aix la Chapple, Zuphen, Deventer, Newengen, in Gilderland, Wesell, Antwerp, And many other places by the Spaniards; and by the States, Dantzick and other towns of importance by the Polack. Insomuch as it is now become, the most confused estate of the world, Consisting of an Empire in title with territory, who can ordain nothing of importance but by a diet or assembly of the Estates of many free Princes, Ecclesiastical and Temporal; in effect of equal force, divers in Religion and faction, and of free Cities and Hanstownes, whom the Princes do not more desire to Command, than they scorn to obey, Notwithstanding being by far less than they were in number and less in force and Reputation, as they are not greatly able to offend others, so have they enough to do (being seated far asunder) to defend themselves, of whom hereafter more particularly.  
The Cassilians, in the mean while are grown great, and by mistaking esteemed the greatest, Having by Marriage, Conquest, practice, and purchase, devowred all Kingdoms within Spain, with Naples, Sicily, Milan, and the Netherlands, And many places belonging to the Empire and the Princes thereof. Besides the Indies East and West, The Islands of the West Ocean, and many places in Barbary Guiena, Congo and else where.  
France hath also enlarged itself by the one half, and reduced Normandy, Britain, and Aquitaine, withal that the English had on that side the Sea, together with Languedocke Foix, Armignac, Beerne, and Dolphin.  
For this Kingdom of great Britain: it hath had by his Majesty a strong addition, The postern by which we were so often heretofore entered and surprised, is now made up; and we shall not hereafter need the double face of janus to look North and South at once.  
But there is no stare grown in haste, but that of the united provinces, and especially in their Sea forces, and by a contrary way to that of France, or Spain, the latter by Invasion, the former by oppression; For I myself may remember when one ship of her Majesties, would have made forty Hollanders strike sail, and to come to Anchor. They did not then dispute De mari libero, but readily acknowledged the English to be Domini maris Brittanici: That we are less powerful than we were, I do hardly believe it, For although we have not at this time 135 ships, belonging to the subjects, of 500 tuns each ship, as it is said we had in the 24. year of Queen Elizabeth, at which time also upon a general view and muster, there were found in England of all men, fit to bear arms, eleven hundred and seaventy two thousand, yet are our Merchant's ships, now far more warlike and better appointed than they were, and the Navy Royal double as strong as then it was, For these were the ships of her Majesty's Navy at that time.  

1. The Triumph.  
2. The Eliz: jonas.  
3. The white Bear.  
4. The Phill: and Mary.  
5. The Bonaventure.  
6. The Golden Lion.  
7. The Victory.  
8. The Revenge.  
9 The Hope.  
10. The Marry Rose.  
11. The Dreadnaught.  
12. The Minion.  
13. The Swiftsure.   

To which there hath been added.  
14. The Antelope.  
15. The Foresight.  
16. The Swallow.  
17. The Handmaid.  
18. The Gennett.  
19 The Bark of Bullen  
20. The Aid.  
21. The Achates.  
22. The Falcon.  
23. The Tiger.  
24. The Bull.   
We have not therefore less force than we had, the fashion and furnishing of our Ships Considered: For there are in England at this time 400. sail of Merchants fit for the Wars, which the Spaniards would call Galleons; to which we may add 200 sail of Crumsters, or hoys of Newcastle, which each of them will bear six Demiculverins, and four Sakers, needing no other addition of building, than a slight spar Deck, fore and after as the Seamen call it, which is a slight Deck throughout, the 200, which may be chosen out of 400, by reason of their ready staying and turning, by reason of their windwardnesse, and by reason of their drawing of little water, And they are of extreme vantage near the shore, And in all Bays and Rivers to turn in and out: These, I say, alone, well manned, and well Conducted, would trouble the greatest Prince of Europe to encounter in our Seas, For they stay and turn so readily, As, ordering them into small squadrons, three of them at once, may give their broad sides, upon any one great ship, or upon any Angle or side of an enemy's Fleet, They shall be able to continue a perpetual volley of Demiculverins without intermission, And either sink or slaughter the men, or utterly disorder any Fleet of cross sails, with which they encounter.  
I say then if a Vanguard be ordained of these hoys, who will easily recover the wind of any other ships, with a Battle of 400 other warlike ships, and a Rear of thirty of his Majesty's ships to sustain, relieve and countenance the rest (if God beat them not) I know not what strength can be gathered in all Europe to beat them. And if it be objected, that the States can furnish a far greater number, I answer that his Majesties 40 ships, added to 600 before named, are of Incomparable greater force, than all that Holland and Zeeland, can furnish for the Wars. As also that a greater number would breed the same confusion, that was found in Zerxes Land Army of seventeen hundred thousand soldiers: For there is a certain proportion both by Sea and Land, beyond which, the excess brings nothing but disorders and amazement.  
Of those hoys, Carvills, or Crumsters, Call them what you will, there was a notable experience made in the year, 1574. in the River of Antwerp, near Rummerswaell, where the Admiral Boysett with his Crumsters overthrew the Spanish Fleet of great Ships Conducted by julian Romero, So contrary to the expectation of Don Lewis, the great Commander and Lieutenant of the Netherlands for the King of Spain, as he came to the banks of Bergen to behold the slaughter of the Zelanders. But contrary to his expectation, he beheld his Armado, some of them sunk, some of them thrust on the shore, and most of the rest mastered and possessed by his enemies. Insomuch, as his great Captain Romero, with great difficulty, some say in a skiff, some say by swimming, saved himself.  
The like success had Captain Wert of Zeeland, against the Fleet which transported the Duke of Medini Coeli, who was sent out of Spain by Sea, to govern the Netherlands, in place of the Duke of Alva, For with twelve Crumsters or Hoys of the first troop of 21. sail, he took all but three, and he forced the second (being twelve great ships filled with 2000 soldiers,) to run under the Ramakins, being then in the Spaniards possession.  
But whence comes this dispute? Not from the increase of numbers, Not because our Neighbours breed more Mariners than we do, Nor from the greatness of their Trade in all parts of the world, For the French creep into all corners of America, and Africa, as they do, and the Spaniards, and portugals, employ more ships by many (fishing trades excepted) then the Netherlands do. But it comes from the detestable covetousness of such particular persons as have gotten Licences, and given way to the transporting of the English Ordnance. Fuit haec Sapientia quondam, publica privatis secernere, Sacra profanis. And that in so great abundance, as that not only our good friends the Hollanders, and Zealanders, have furnished themselves, and have them lying on their Wharfes to sell to others; but all other Nations have had from us, not only to furnish their Fleets, but to Garnish all their Forts and other places, fortifying their Coasts; without which the Spanish King durst not have dismounted so many pieces of Brass in Naples and else where, therewith to Arm his great Fleet in 88 But it was directly proved in the Lower House of Parliament Anno of Queen Elizabeth. That there were landed in Naples above 140. Culverins English, since which time also, and not long since, It is lamentable that so many have been transported into Spain. But those that belike then determined it, and the transporters, have now forsaken the Country, and though the procurers remain, I am resolved that they also have forsaken the care of his Majesty's Estate, And the honour of this Nation. I urge not this point as thinking it unfit, to furnish his Majesty's good friends and Allies, who have had with us one common enemy for many years; But all politic Estates have well observed this precept: Ut sic tractarent amicum; tanquam inimicum futurum: For what are all the Ships in the world to be valued at, other than a company of floating tubs, were they not furnished with Ordnance, either to offend others, or defend themselves? If a Ship of a thousand runs had in her a thousand Muskateers, and never a great Gun; with one Crumster, carrying ten or thirteen Culverins, she may be beaten to pieces, and her men slaughtered. Certainly the advantage which the English had by their Bows and Arrows in former times, was never so great, as we might now have had by our Iron Ordnance, if we had either kept it within the Land, kept it from our enemies, or imparted it to our friends, moderately; For as by the former we obtained many notable victories, and made ourselves masters of many parts of France, so by the latter we might have Commanded the Seas, and thereby the Trade of the world itself. But we have now to our future prejudice, and how far to our prejudice I know not, forged Hammers and delivered them out of our hands, to break our own Bones withal.  
For the conclusion of this dispute, there are five manifest causes of the upgrowing of the Hollanders and Zelanders.  
1. The first is, the favour and assistance of Queen Elizabeth, and the King's Majesty, which the late worthy and famous Prince of Orange, did always acknowledge, and in the year 1582. when I took my leave of him at Antwerp, After the return of the Earl of Leicest: into England, And Monsieurs arrival there, when he delivered me his Letters to her Majesty; He prayed me to say to the Queen from him, Sub umbra alarum tuarum protegimur: for certainly they had withered in the Bud, and sunk in the beginning of their Navigation, had not her Majesty assisted them.  
2. The second cause was, The employing of their own people in their Trades and Fishings, and the entertaining of strangers, to serve them in their armies by Land.  
3. The third is, the fidelity of the house of Nassawe, and their services done them, especially of that Renowned Prince Maurice, now living.  
4. The fourth, the withdrawing of the Duke of Parma twice into France, while in his absence he recovered those strong places of Zealand, and Frizland, as Deventer Zuphen, etc.  
5. And the fifth, the imbarging and confiscating of their Ships in Spain, which constrained them and gave them courage to Trade by force into the East and West Indies, and in Africa, in which they employ 180 Ships, and 8700 Mariners.  
The success of a Counsel so contrary to their wisdom that gave it, as all the wit, and all the force the Spaniards have, will hardly (if ever) recover the damage thereby received.  
For to repair that ruin of the Hollanders trade into both Indies the Spaniards did not only labour the truce: But the King was content to quit the Sovereignty, of the united Provinces, and to acknowledge them for free States, neither holding nor depending on the Crown of Spain. But be their estates what it will, let not them deceive themselves in believing that they can make themselves masters of the Sea, For certainly the shipping of England, with the great squadron of his Majesty's Navy Royal, are able in despite of any Prince or State in Europe, to Command the great and large Field of the Ocean. But as I shall never think him a Lover of this Land, or of the King, that shall persuade his Majesty from embracing the amity of the States of the united Provinces: (For his Majesty is no less safe by them, than they invincible by him:) So I would wish them, (Because after my duty to mine own Sovereign, and the love of my Country, I honour them most) That they remember and consider it, that seeing their passage and Repassage, lies through the British Seas, that there is no Port in France, from Calais to Flushing, that can receive their ships, that many times outward by Westerly winds, and ordinarily homewards, not only from the East Indies, but from the Straits, and from Spain, all Southerly winds (the Brise's of our Climate) thrust them of necessity into the King's ports, how much his Majesty's favour doth concern them, for if (as themselves confess in their last treaty of Truce with the Spaniards) They subsist by their trades, the disturbance of their trades (which England can only disturb) will also disturb their subsistence. The rest I will omit, because I can never doubt, either their gratitudes or their wisdoms. For our Newcastle trade, (from which I have digressed) I refer the Reader to the Author of the trades increase, a Gentleman to me unknown, But so far as I can judge, he hath many things very considerable, in that short treaty of his; yea both considerable and praise worthy, and among the rest, the advice which he hath given for the maintenance of our Hoys, and Carvills of Newcastle, which may serve us, besides the breeding of Mariners for good ships of War, and of exceeding advantage, and certainly I cannot but admire, why the Impositions of five shillings should any way dishearten them, seeing there is but one Company in England, upon whose trade any new payment are laid, But that they on whom it is laid raise profit by it, The Silkemen, if they pay his Majesty twelve pence upon a yard of Satin, they not only raise that twelve pence, but they impose twelve pence or two shillings more upon the subject, so do they upon all they sell of what kind soever: as all other retailers do, of what quality or profession soever: And seeing all the Maritimate provinces of France, and Flanders, all Holland and Zealand, Embden and bream, etc. Cannot want our Newcastle, or our Welsh Coals, The Imposition cannot impoverish the transporter; but that the buyer must make payment accordingly; And if the Impositions laid on these things, whereof this Kingdom hath no necessary use, as upon Silks, Velvets, Gold and Silver Lace, and clothes of Gold, and Silver, Cut works, Cambrics, and a world of other trumperyes, doth in nothing hinder their vent here: But that they are more used, then ever they were, to the utter impoverishing of the Land in general, and of those Poppinjayes that value themselves by their out sides, and by their Player's coats, Certainly the imposing upon Coals, which other Nations cannot want, can be no hindrance at all to the Newcastlemen, but that they may raise it again upon the French and other Nations, as those Nations themselves do, which fetch them from us with their own shipping.  
For conclusion of this Chapter, I say that it is exceeding lamentable, that for any respect in the world, seeing the preservation of the State and Monarchy, doth surmount all other respects, that strangers should be permitted to eat us out, by exporting and importing both our own Commodities, and those of Foreign Nations: For it is no wonder we are overtopped in all the trades we have abroad and far off, Seeing we have the grass cut from under our feet in our fields and pastures.  
FINIS.   

A Discourse of the Original and fundamental cause of Natural, Customary, Arbitrary, Voluntary, and necessary War, with the misery of invasive War. That Ecclesiastical Prelates, have always been subject to Temporal Princes, and that the Pope had never any lawful power in England, either in Civil, or Ecclesiastical, business, after such time, as Britain was won from the Roman Empire.  
THe ordinary Theme and Argument of History is War, which may be defined the exercise of violence under Sovereign Command, against withstanders force, Authority and resistance, being the essential parts thereof, violence limited by authority is sufficiently distinguished from Robbery and the like outrages: yet consisting in relation towards others, It necessarily requires a supposition of resistance, whereby the force of War becomes different from the violence inflicted upon Slaves, or yielding Malefactors; as for Arms, Discipline, and whatsoever else belongeth to the making of War prosperous, they are only considerable in degree of perfection, since naked savages fight disorderly with stones, by appointment of their Commanders, may truly and absolutely be said to War.  
Nevertheless, it is true, that as the Beasts are armed with fierce teeth, paws, horns, and other bodily instruments of much advantage against unweaponed men, so hath reason taught man to strengthen his hand with such offensive Arms, as no creature else can well avoid or possibly resist. And it might seem happy, if the sword, the Arrow, the Gun, with many terrible Engines of death, could be wholly employed in the exercise of that Lordly rule, which the Lord of all hath given to mankind over the rest of living things. But since in humane reason there hath no means been found of holding all mankind at peace within itself: It is needful that against the wit and subtlety of man, we oppose not only the bruit force of our bodies, (wherein many Beasts exceed us,) but helping our strength with art and wisdom, strive to excel our enemies in those points wherein man is excellent over other Creatures.  
The necessity of War, which among humane Actions is the most lawless, hath some kind of affinity, and near resemblances with the necessity of Law. For there were no use at all, either of War or of Law; If every man had prudence to conceive how much of right were due both to and from himself, and were withal so punctually just, as to perform what he knew requisite, and to rest contented with his own. But seeing that no conveyance of Land can be made so strong, by any skill of Lawyers, with multiplicity of clauses, and provisoes, That it may be secure from contentious Avarice, and the malice of false seeming Justice: It is not to be wondered, that the great Charter, 
Gen. Cap. 1. ver. 28.  whereby God bestowed the whole earth upon Adam, And confirmed it unto the Sons of Noah, being as brief in word, as large in effect, hath bred much quarrel of interpretation.  
Surely howsoever the Letter of that Donation, may be unregarded by the most of men, yet the sense thereof is so imprinted in their hearts, And so passionately embraced by their greedy desires, As if every one laid claim for himself unto that, which was conferred upon all.  
This appeared in the Gauls, who falling upon Italy under their Captain Brennus, told the Roman Ambassadors plainly that prevalent arms were as good as any title, and that valiant men might account to be their own as much as they could get; That they wanting Land therewith to sustain their people, And the Tuscans, having more then enough, It was their meaning to take what they needed by strong hand, if it were not yielded quietly. Now if it be well affirmed by Lawyers, that there is no taking of possession more just, then In vacuum venire, to enter upon Land habited, As our Countrymen have lately done in the Summer Islands: Then may it be inferred, that this demand of the Gauls, held more of reason than could be discerned at the first view.  
For if the title of occupiers be good in a Land unpeopled, why should it be bad accounted in a Country Peopled over thinly? should one family or one thousand hold possession of all the Southern, undiscovered continent, because they had seated themselves in Nova Guiana, or about the Straits of Magalane? why might not the like be done in afric, in Europe, or in Asia? If this were most absurd to imagine, Let then any man's wisdom determine by lessening the Territory, and increasing the number of Inhabitants, what proportion is requisite to the peopling of a Region in such manner, That the Land shall be neither too narrow for those whom it feedeth, nor capable of a greater multitude; Until this can be concluded and agreed upon, one main and fundamental cause of the most grievous War that can be imagined, is not like to be taken from the Earth. It were perhaps enough in reason to succour with victuals and other helps, a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seek a new fear, or to direct them unto a Country able to receive them: But what shall persuade a mighty Nation to travail so far by Land, or Sea, over Mountains, Deserts, And great Rivers, with their Wives and Children, when they are, or think themselves, powerful enough to serve themselves nearer hand, and enforce others into the Labour of such a Journey? I have briefly showed in an other work, 
General History Lib 2. Cap. 2.28. S. 4. T 3.  that the miseries accompanying this kind of War, are most extreme. For as much as the Invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied then by rooting out or expelling the Nation upon which they fall.  
And although the uncertainty of tenure, by which all worldly things are held, minister very unpleasant meditation; yet is it most certain that within 1200. years' last passed, all or the most of Kingdoms to us known, have throughly felt the calamities of such forcible trasplantations, being either over whelmed by new Colonies that fell upon them, or driven, as one wave is driven by an other, to seek new seats, having lost their own.  
Our Western parts of Europe indeed have cause to rejoice, and give praise to God, for that we have been free about 600 years, from such Inundations, As were those of the Goths, Humes, and Vandals, yea from such as were those of our own Ancestors, the Saxons, Danes, and Normans, But howsoever we have together with the feeling, lost the very memory of such wretchedness, as our Forefathers endured by those Wars, of all other the most cruel. Yet are there few Kingdoms in all Asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multitudes within the same space of these last six hundred years.  
It were an endless labour to tell how the Turks, and Tartars falling like Locusts upon that quarter of the world, having spoiled every where, and in most places Eaten up all, as it were by the roots, Consuming together with the Princes formerly Reigning and a world of people, the very names, language and memory of former times. Suffice it that when any Country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it, there is a natural necessity compelling it to disburden itself and lay the Load upon others, by right or wrong. For (to omit the danger of Pestilence often visitting those which live in a throng) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto desperate courses, and contempt of death, as the Torments or Threats of famine whereof the War that is grounded upon this general remediless necessity, may be termed the general, the Remediless, or the necessary War. 
First War.  Against which that our Country is better provided (as may be showed hereafter) Then any civil Nation to us known, we ought to hold it a great blessing of God, And carefully retain the advantages which he hath given us now.  
Besides this remediless or necessary War, which is frequent, There is a War voluntary, 
Second War.  and Customeable, unto which the offering party is not compelled. And this Customary War, which troubleth all the world, giveth little respite or breathing time of peace, doth usually borrow pretence from the necessary to make itself appear more honest. For Covetous Ambition thinking all too little which presently it hath, supposeth itself to stand in need of all which it hath not.  
Wherefore if two bordering Princes have their Territory meeting on an open Champagne, the more mighty will continually seek occasion, to extend his limits unto the further border thereof.  
If they be divided by Mountains they will fight for the mastery of the passages of the Tops, And finally for the Towns that stand upon the roots.  
If Rivers run between them, they contend for the Bridges, And think themselves not well assured until they have fortified the further bank.  
Yea the Sea itself must be very broad, barren of fish, and void of little Islands interjacent, else will it yield plentiful argument of quarrel to the Kingdoms which it severeth.  
All this proceeds from desire of having, and such desire from fear of want.  
Hereunto may be added, That in these Arbitrary Wars, there is commonly to be found, some small measure of necessity, though it seldom be observed, perhaps, because it extendeth not so far, as to become public. For where many younger sons of younger Brothers, have neither Lands nor means to uphold themselves, and where many men of Trade or useful possessions, know not how to bestow themselves for lack of Employments, there can it not be avoided that the whole body of the State (howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed) should suffer anguish by the grievance of those ill affected Members.  
It sufficeth not that the Country hath wherewith to sustain even more than live upon it, if means be wanting, whereby to drive convenient participation of the general store unto a great number of well deservers.  
In such cases there will be complaining, Commiseration, and finally murmur (as men are apt to lay the blame of those evils whereof they know the ground upon public misgovernment) unless order be taken for some redress by the sword of Injury, supposed to be done by Foreigners, whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing ear. And in this case I think it was, that the great Cardinal Francis de Amiens who governed Spain in the minority of Charles the fifth, hearing tell that 8000. Spaniard's were lost in the enterprise of Algiers, under Don Diego de Vera, made light of the matter: Affirming, that Spain stood in need of such evacuation, foreign War serving (as King Fardinard had been wont to say) like a potion of Rhubarb, to wash away Choler from the body of the Realm.  
Certainly among all Kingdoms of the earth, we shall scarce find any that stands in less need than Spain, of having the veins opened by an enemy's sword: The many Colonies which it sends abroad so well preserving it from swelling humours.  
Yet is not that Country thereby dispeopled, but maintaineth still growing upon it (like a tree, from whose plants to fill a whole Orchard,) have been taken as many, as it can well nourish.  
And to say what I think, if our King Edward the third, had prospered in his French Wars and peopled with English the Towns which he won, As he began at Calais driving out the French, the Kings his Successors, holding the same course would by this time have filled all France, with our Nation, without any notable emptying of this Island.  
The like may be affirmed upon like suspicion of the French in Italy, or almost of any others, as having been verified by the Saxons in England, and Arabians in Barbary; What is then become of so huge a multitude as would have over spread a great part of the Continent? surely they died not of old age, nor went out of the world by the ordinary ways of nature. But famine and contagious diseases, the sword, the halter, and a thousand mischiefs have Consumed them.  
Yea many of them perhaps were never borne: for they that want means to nourish Children will abstain from marriage, or (which is all one) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women: or otherwise make unequal or unhealthy Matches for gain, or because of poverty they think it a blessing, which in nature is a curse, to have their wives barren.  
Were it not thus, Arithmetical progression might easily demonstrate, how fast mankind would increase in multitude, overpassing as miraculous (though indeed natural) that example of the Israelites, who were multiplied in 215. years, from seventy unto 600000. able men. Hence we may observe, that the very propagation of our kind, hath with it a strong insensive, even of those daily Wars, which afflict the earth. And that Princes excusing their drawing the sword by devised pretences of necessity, speak often more truly than they are aware, there being indeed a great necessity, though not apparent, as not extending to the generality, but resting upon private heads.  
Wherefore other cause of War merely natural there is none, then want of room upon the earth, which pinching a whole nation, begets the remediless War, vexing only some number of particulars, It draws on the Arbitrary: But unto the kindling of Arbitrary War, there are many other motives. The most honest of these is, fear of harm and prevention of danger. This is just and taught by nature, which labours more strongly in removing evil, then in pursuit of what is requisite unto her good. Nevertheless, because War cannot be without mutual violence: It is manifest, that allegation of danger and fear serv●s only to excuse the suffering part, the wrong doer being carried by his own will. So the War thus caused proceeds from nature, not altogether but in part.  
A second motive is, Revenge of injury sustained; This might be avoided if all men could be honest; otherwise not. For Princes must give protection to their Subjects and adherents, when worthy occasion shall require it, else will they be held unworthy, and unsufficient: than which there can be to them no greater peril.  
Wherefore Caesar in all deliberations where difficulties and dangers threatened on the one side, and the opinion that there should be in him Parum Praesidii little safeguard, for his friends, was doubted on the other side, always chose rather to venture u●on extremities then to have it thought that he was a weak protector. Yea by such maintenance of their dependants, Many Noblemen in all forms of Government, and in every man's memory have kept themselves in greatness with little help of any other virtue. Neither have mere Tyrants been altogether careless to maintain free from oppression of strangers, those Subjects of theirs, whom themselves have most basely esteemed and used, as no better than slaves. For there is no master that can expect good service from his bondslaves, if he suffer them to be beaten and daily ill entreated by other men: To remedy this, it were needful that Justice should every where be duly ministered aswell to strangers as to Denizens. But contrariwise we find, that in many Countries (as Muscovie and the like) the Laws or the Administration of them are so far from giving satisfaction, as they fill the general voice with complaint and exclamation.  
Sir Thomas Moor said, (whether more pleasantly or truly I know not) that a trick of Law had no less power than the wheel of fortune, to lift men up, or cast them down.  
Certainly with more patience men are wont to endure the losses that befell them by mere casualty, than the damages which they sustain by means of injustice, Because these are accompanied with sense of indignity, whereof the other are free: when Robbers break open a man's house and spoil it, they tell the owner plainly that money they want, and money they must have: But when a Judge corrupted by reward, hatred, favour, or any other passion, takes both house and Land from the rightful owner, And bestows them upon some friend of his own, or of his favourite, He says, that the rules of Justice will have it so, that it is the voice of the Law, the Ordinance of God himself. And what else doth he herein, then by a kind of Circumlocution tell his humble suppliants that he holds themselves Idiots or base wretches not able to get relief; must it not astonish and vex withal, any man of a free spirit when he sees none other difference between the Judge and the Thief, then in the manner of performing their exploits? as if the whole being of Justice consisted in point of formality. In such case an honest Subject will either seek remedy by ordinary courses, or await his time until God shall place better men in office, and call the oppressors to account. But a stranger will not so, he hath nothing to do with the affairs of Barbary, neither concerns it him what officer be placed or displaced in Taradante, or whether Mulisidian himself can contemn the Kingdom, his Ship and goods are unjustly taken from him, and therefore he will seek leave to right himself if he can, and return the injury ten fold, upon the whole Nation from which he received it. Truth it is, that men are sooner weary to dance attendance at the Gates of foreign Lords, then to tarry the good leisure of their own Magistrates; Nor do they bear so quietly the loss of some parcel confiscated abroad, as the greater detriment which they suffer by some prowling Vice- Admiral, Customer, or public minister at their return.  
Whether this proceed from the Reverence which men yield unto their proper Governor, I will not here define, or whether excess of trouble in following their causes far from home, or whether from despair of such redress, as may be expected in their own Country, in the hoped reformations of disorders, or whether from their more unwillingness to disturb the Domestical than the foreign quiet by loud exclamations, or whether perhaps their not daring to mutter against the Injustice of their own Rulers, though it were shameful, for fear of faring worse, and of being punished for Scandalum Magnatum: As slanderers of men in authority, wheresoever it comes; As there can be but one Allegiance, so men are apt to serve no more than they needs must. According to that of the Slave in an old Comedy: Non sum servus publicus, my Master bought me for himself, and I am not every man's man.  
And this opinion, there is no Prince unwilling to maintain in his own Subjects. Yea such as are most Rigorous to their own, Do never find it safe to be better unto strangers, because it were a matter of dangerous Consequence, that the People should think all other Nations to be in better case than themselves. The brief is, Oppression in many places wears the Robes of Justice, which Domineering over the naturals, may not spare strangers, And strangers will not endure it, but cry out unto their own Lords for relief by the Sword. Wherefore the Motive of Revenging Injuries is very strong, though it merely consist in the will of man, without any enforcement of nature.  
Yet the more to quicken it, there is usually concurrent therewith, A hopeful expectation of gain. For of the amends recovered, Little or nothing returns to those that had suffered the wrong, but commonly all runs into the Prince's Coffers. Such examples as was that of our late Queen Elizabeth of most famous memory, are very rare. Her Majesty when the goods of our English Merchants were attached by the Duke of Alva, 
Anno Domini 1569.  in the Netherlands, And by King Philip in Spain, arrested, Likewise the goods of the Low dutch here in England, that amounted unto a greater value: Neither was she contented that her Subjects should right themselves as well as they could, upon the Spaniards by Sea, 
Anno. 1573.  But having brought King Philip within four or five years, to better reason, though not so far as to Restitution; She satisfied her own Merchants to the full, for all their losses out of the Dutchman's goods, and gave back to the Duke what was remaining. This among many thousand of her Royal Actions, that made her glorious in all Nations, though it caused even strangers in their speech and writing to extol her Princely Justice, to the skies: yet served it not as a Precedent for others of less virtue to follow.  
It were more costly to take pattern from those Acts, which gave Immortal renown to that great Queen, then to imitate the thirsty dealing of that Spanish Duke, in the self same business, who kept all to his own use, or his Masters, Restoring to the poor Dutch Merchants not one penny. It falls out many times indeed, that a Prince is driven to spend far more of his treasure in punishing by War the wronger's of his people, Then the loss of his People did amount unto. In such cases it is reason, that he satisfy himself, and let the people (whereto commonly they are apt) rest contented with the sweetness of revenge.  
But when victory makes large amends for all, it Royally becomes a Prince, to satisfy those for whose satisfaction he undertook the War. For besides the purpose it were now, to teach how victory should be used, or the gains thereof Communicated to the general content. This being only brought into show, that the profit thereby gotten, is a stirring provocation to the redress of Injuries by the sword. As for the redress of Injuries done unto Princes themselves, it may conveniently (though not always, for it were miserable injustice to deny leave to Princes of mainetaining their own honour) be referred unto the third motive of Arbitrary Wars, which is mere Ambition.  
This is and ever hath been that true cause of more Wars, then have troubled the world upon all other occasions whatsoever, though it least partake of nature, or urgent necessity of State. I call not here alone by the name of Ambition, that vain glorious humour which openly professeth to be none other, and vaunts itself as an imperial virtue (for the examples are not many of that kind:) But where occasion of War is greedily sought, or being very slight is gladly entertained, for that increase of Dominion is hoped thereby, we should rather impute the War to the scope at which it aimeth: then to any idle cause pretended.  
The Romans feared lest they of of Carthage by winning Messana should soon get the mastery over all Sicily, And have a fair entrance at pleasure into Italy: Which to prevent they made a War upon the Carthaginians; this fear I call Ambition, Had they not trusted in their own Arms, hoping thereby to enlarge their empire, but being weaker, and more afraid indeed, they would have feared less.  
For Colour of this War they took the Mamertines, A Crew of Thiefs, and cut throats into their protection; Whom being their associates they must needs defend. But had not their Ambition been mightier than their Justice, they would have endeavoured to punish these Mamertines, and not to protect them. Innumerable are the like examples: Know ye not (said Ahab) that Ramoth Gilead is ours? He knew this before, and was quiet enough, till opinion of his forces, made him look into his right. And of this nature (though some worse than other in degree) are claims of old forgotten tribute or of some acknowledgements due perhaps to the Ancestors of a vanquished King, And long after challenged by the Heirs of the Conqueror, broken titles to Kingdoms or Provinces, Mainetenance of friends, and Partisans, pretenced wrongs, and indeed, whatsoever it pleased him to allege that thinketh his own sword sharpest: But of old time (perhaps before Helen of Greece, was borne) Women have been the common Argument of these Tragedies. As of late Ages in our parts of the world, since the names of Guelf, and Ghibeline, were heard, The right of St. Peter, that is the Pope's Revenues and Authority.  
This last and other of the same kind I know not, how patiently they will endure to be ranged among Ambition's quarrels: For the War that hath such foundation, will not only be reputed, free from worldly Ambition, Just, and honourable, But holy, and meritorious: having thereto belonging Pardon of Sins, Release from Purgatory, And the promises of the life to come, As may be seen in the Pope's Crociata.  
The truth is, that the Saracenes, affirm no less of the Wars, which either they make against Christians, or which arise between themselves from difference of Sect. And if every man had his due, I think the honour of devising first this Doctrine: That Religion ought to be enforced upon men by the sword, would be found appertaining to Mahomet the false Prophet, sure, it is, that he and the Caliphes following him obtained thereby in a short space a mighty Empire, which was in fair way to have enlarged, until they fell out among themselves. Not for the Kingdom of Heaven, But for Dominion upon Earth. And against these did the Popes, when their authority grew powerful in the West, incite the Princes of Germany, England, France, and Italy. Their chief enterprise was the Recovery of the Holy Land. In which worthy, but extremely difficult action, it is lamentable to Remember, what abundance of noble Blood hath been shed, with very small benefit unto the Christian State.  
The Recovery of Spain (whereof the better part was then in Bondage of the Saracens,) had been a work more available to the men of Europe, more easily mainetained with supply, more aptly serving to advance any following enterprise upon Kingdoms further removed, more free from hazard, and Requiring less expense of Blood. But the honourable piety of the undertakers could not be terrified by the face of danger, nor diverted from this to a more commodious business, by any motives of profit or facility, for the Pulpits did sound in every Parish Church with the praises of that voyage, as if it were a matter, otherwise far less highly pleasing unto God, to bear Arms for defence of his truth against prosecutors, or for the Deliverance of poor Christians oppressed with slavery, then to fight for that self same Land, wherein our Blessed Saviour was borne and Died: By such persuasions a marvellous number were excited to the Conquest of Palestina which with singular virtue they performed (though not without exceeding great loss of men) and held that Kingdom some few generations.  
But the Climate of Syria, the far distance from the strength of Christendom, And the near Neighbourhood of those that were most puissant among the Mahometans, caused that famous enterprise, after a long continuance of terrible War, to be quite abandoned.  
The care of jerusalem being laid aside, it was many times thought needful to repress the growing power of the Turk by the joint forces of all Christian Kings and Commonwealths, And hereto the Popes have used much persuasion and often published their Crociata with pardon of sins to all that would adventure in a work so Religious. Yet have they effected little or nothing, and less perhaps are ever like to do. For it hath been their Custom so shamefully to misuse the fervent zeal of men to Religious Arms by converting the moneys, that have been Leavyed for such Wars, to their own services, and by stirring up Christians one against an other, yea against their own natural Princes, under the like pretences of serving God and the Church, that finally men waxed weary of their turbulent spirits, And would not believe that God was careful to maintain the Pope in his quarrels, or that Remission of sins past, was to be obtained by Committing more and more grievous, at the instigation of his suspected holiness.  
Questionless there was great reason, why all discreet Princes should beware of yielding hasty belief to the Robes of Sanctimony.  
It was the Rule of our Blessed Saviour, By their works you shall know them, what the works of those that occupied the Papacy, have been since the days of Pepin and Charlemagne who first enabled them with Temporal donation, The Italian writers have testified at large. Yet were it needless to Cite Machiavelli, who hath Recorded their doings, and is therefore the more hateful, or Guicciardine, whose works they have gelded, as not enduring to hear all that he hath written, though he spoke enough in that which remains. What History shall we Read (excepting the Annals of Caesar Baronius, And some books of Friars, or Fryarly Parasites) which mentioning their Acts do not leave witness of their ungodly dealing in all quarters.  
How few Kingdoms are there (if any) wherein by dispensing with others, transferring the right of Crowns, Absolving Subjects from allegiance, and cursing or threatening to curse as long as their curses were regarded, they have not wrought unprobable mischiefs?  
The shameless denial hereof by some of their friends, And the more shameless justification by their flatterers, makes it needful to exemplify, which I had rather forbear, as not loving to deal in such contentious arguments, were it not folly to be modest in uttering what is known to all the world. Pity it is, that by such demeanour they have caused the Church (as Hierome Savanarola, and before him Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln prophesied) to be reform by the sword. But God would have it so. How far the Pope's blessing therefore did sanctify the enterprise upon jerusalem it rests in every man's discretion to Judge.  
As for the honourable Christians which undertook that conquest to justify their War, they had not only the redress of injuries and protection of their oppressed Brethren, But the repelling of danger from their own Land, threatened by those misbeleivers when they invaded.  
If the Pope's extortions (which were not more forcible than those of Peter's the Hermits) added spirit unto the action: yet altered they not the grounds of the War, nor made it the more holy. Let the Indulgences of Pope Leo, the tenth, bear witness of this, who out of politic fear of the Turks violence urged a Religious contribution towards a War to be made upon them. The necessity of that which he propounded was greater doubtless than any that had persuaded the Conquest of Palestina.  
But too foul and manifest was the unholiness of obtruding upon men Remission of sins for money, That the Sums which Pope Leo thereby raised and converted to his own uses, have made his Successers loser's by the bargain even to this day.  
Pius the Second, formerly well known by the name of Aeneas Silvius, was discernedly reckoned among the few good Popes of latter ages, who nevertheless in a War of the same Religious nature, discovered the like (though not the same) imperfection.  
His purpose was to set upon Mahomet the great, who had newly won the Empire of Constantinople and by carrying the War over into Greece, to prevent the danger, threatening Italy.  
In this action highly Commendable, he intended to hazard his own person, that so the more easily he might win adventurers, who else were like to be less forward, as not unacquainted with such Romish tricks; Yet was not his own devotion, so zealous in pursuit of this holy business, but that he could stay a while, and convert his forces, against Malatesti Lord of Rimini, letting, Scanderbag wait his Leisure, who had already set the War on foot in Greece. For (said he) we first subdue the little Turk, before we meddle with the great, He spoke reason if we regard policy. But attending one to Religion find we not, that he held the Chastisement of one which molested the Sea of Rome, a like pleasing to God, as would have been the holy War, against the Common Enemy of our Christian Faith? So thought all the rest of those Bishops. And so much more (upon their several occasions) declared themselves to think it, by how much they were commonly worse men than this Aeneas Silvius. And good reason was there that they should be of such belief, or Endeavour to make the Christian world believe none otherwise. For the natural Constitution of their estate (I mean since the age of Pepin and Charlmaine, or the times not long foregoing, hath urged them all hereto; though peradventure some few Popes may have been overlewd, by their own private natures, and thereby have swa●●ved from the rule of policy. To speak in general, whosoever hath dominion absolute, over some, and authority less absolute over many more, will seek to draw those that are not whol●y his own into entire subjection.  
It fares with politic bodies as with the physical; each would convert all into their own proper substance, and cast forth as Excrement what will not so be changed.  
We need not Cite Philip the Father of Alexander, nor Philip the Father of Perseus, Kings of Macedon for examples. Of which the former brought the Thessalians, the latter would have brought the Acheans and many estates in Greece from the condition of followers and dependants unto mere vassalage.  
Philip the second of Spain is yet fresh in mind, who attempted the self same upon the Netherlands.  
Exceptions may be framed here against one, of the honest, quiet, or timorous disposition of some Princes, yet that all, or the most are thus inclined, both reason and experience teach: yea even our Cities and Corporations here in England, such as need the protection of great Men, Complain otherwhiles of their patrons overmuch diligence, either in searching into their private estates, or behaving themselves master-like in point of government, But never hath authority better means to enlarge itself, then when it is founded upon devotion. And yet never doth authority of this kind, work to raise itself unto mere dominion, until it fall into the hands of those whose piety is more in seeming, then indeed.  
The levitical Priests, in the old Law never arrogated unto themselves, any Temporal or Coactive power Nor advanced their Mitres against the Crown of Israel. They well understood what authority God had committed unto them and rested therewithal content. Some wrangling hereabout hath been of late; The Pope's flatterers labouring to prove, That the high Priests of old were not merely Subject unto the Kings of juda, and men of better spirit and learning having showed the contrary.  
But whatsoever befell in those days, when there was no King in Israel, that is, before the Reign of Saul, or after the Captivity of Babel, sure it is that the sons of Aaron were always obedient unto the sons of David, And acknowledged them their Lords. As for the race of the Maccabees, that held both the Kingdom and the Priesthood at once, It falls not within this Consideration; the first thereof (of whom I read) that used the advantage of honour given to him in matter of Religion towards the getting of Temporal possession, was (if nor Mahomet himself) Abubachar the Successor unto Mahomet, This man having obtained by help of his friends, the miserable happiness of being chosen heir unto that fool Impostor in his dignity of a Prophet, made it one of his first works to despoil poor Aliffe the Nephew of Mahomet, and heir of his great riches, taking all from him by this pretence, That unto whom belonged the Succession in wisdom, unto him also belonged the Succession in wealth. And this grew presently to be a famous question among the Doctors of the Saracen Law. But howsoever it were then decided, we see now the Muphti of high Prelate, who is the only Oracle among the Turks in Spiritual matters, lives and holds all that he hath at the discretion of the great Sultan.  
Nevertheless it should seem that the doctrine of Abubachar, hath not lost all force, for the examples are many in all Saracen Lands, of Prophets or deceivers which got that name, that never rested until they became Kings.  
The Seriph in Barbary, was one of the last: who having once acquired the opinion of an holy Man, afterward found means to become a Captain, and Lord of a small Territory; And finally increased his followers, and withal his bounds so fast and so far, as having made himself King of Morocca, he had the grace to tell the King of Fessy, (lately his Sovereign) that both Fez and all Kingdoms in those parts were belonging to his own holiness; and this he made good by winning all sooner after.  
Whether the claim which the Popes laid to a Supremacy over all Kingdoms and estates, had not affinity with the principle of Abubachar, Let other men Judge that their practices to maintain it, have been suitable to those of Seriffo, all Historians do testify.  
For when Pope Gregory the second, procured the City of Rome, and some other places in Italy to Rebel against the Emperor Leo, the third, what other colour used he, then that himself had Excommunicated Leo, as an ungodly Prince, for breaking down Images, that were worshipped in Churches, when for this treason Paul the Exarch, Leiutenant unto the Emperor, besieged Rome with the assistance of Lueitpraud King of the Lumbards', by what other art did the Pope remove the siege, then by persuading the Lombard with a Tale of Peter, and Paul, that had consecrated the City of Rome with their precious blood. Thus was devotion made the Cloak for treason? And thus did the Pope's first slip their necks out of the Emperor's collar. Within very few years after this, by the like Religious pretext were those Princes of France, Charles Martell, Pepine, and Charlemagne, won to assist the Papacy, against the Lumbards', yea, to give unto St. Peter, the most of those Lands which the Pope now holds in Italy, And not restore them to the Emperor, from whom the Lumbards' had gotten them. And thereunto Pepine, was persuaded for his Soul's health.  
Yet had Pope Zachary through the opinion that went of his holiness, done a notable good office for Pepine before, when he Released the Frenchmen of their Oath to King Chilperick, And was the cause that Pepine was chosen in his stead, by saying, That rather he should be King who did the King's duty, than he that did it not.  
In like manner did Pope Leo recompense the benefits of Charlemagne, by setting him up as Emperor in the West against those of Constantinople: But in these mutual offices, the Popes did only help with graceful words to adorn that might which Pepine and Charlemagne had before acquired. Whereas these Kings used force of arms to erect the papacy in principality; That was held yet in vassalage unto themselves. Now this could not satisfy the ambition of that See, which gloried falsely to be the only See Apostolic.  
For as the Reputation of the Roman Prelates grew up in those blind ages under the Western Emperors, much faster than true piety could raise it, in former times when better Learning had flourished; So grew up in them withal a desire, of amplifying their power, that they might be as great in temporal forces as men's opinion have form them in spiritual matters. Immediately therefore upon the death of Charlemagne, they began to neglect the Emperor's consent in their Elections. And finding in them that afterwards reigned of the house of France, either too much patience or too much weakness, they were bold, within seaventy years to decree, That in the Creation of Popes, the Emperor should have nothing at all to do. Having obtained this, It followed that they should make themselves Lord over the whole Clergy in all Kingdoms.  
But the work was great, and could not be accomplished in haste, for they were much disturbed at home by the People of Rome; who seeing about Fifty Popes or rather (as mainetainers of the Papacy, would now have them called) Monsters to succeed one another, and attain by the faction of Cutthroats, and Strumpets, St. Peter's Chair, despised that hypocrisy, which the world abroad did Reverence as holiness.  
Likewise the Empire falling from the line of Charles, to the mighty house of Saxony, was so strongly upheld by the first Princes of that race, as it greatly kerbed the ambition of those aspiring Prelates.  
Yet no impediment could always be of force to withstand the violence of seeming sanctity.  
The Polonians, Hungarians, and some other far removed Nations, had yielded themselves in subjection more than merely spiritual, even to those Popes whom Italy knew to be detestable men.  
As for the Roman Citizens they were chastised by the sword, and taught to acknowledge the Pope their Lord, though they knew not by what right. Long it was indeed ere they could with much ado be throughly tamed, Because they knowing the Lewdness of their Prelate and his Court, their devotion, unto him (the trade by which now they live) was very small. Because also they were the Pope's domestical forces, against which no Prince doth happily contend. But finally the Pope's Arms prevailed, or when his own were too weak, the Emperors and other friends were helping. chose against Emperors and other Princes, the sword of the people even of their own Subjects hath been used by teaching all Christians in our Western world a false Lesson. That it is lawful and meritorious to rebel against Kings excommunicated and deposed by the Pope. This curse was first laid upon the Emperor, Henry the fourth by Pope Hildebrand or Gregory the seaventh. It is true (as I said before) that Leo of Constantinople had felt the same though not in the same sort. For Leo being excommunicated was not withal deposed; only he suffered a revolt of some Italian Subjects. And one may say, That the German Empire deserved this plague, Since the founder thereof had given countenance to the Pope's Rebelling against their Sovereigns the Emperors of Constantinople. Howsoever it were when Hildebrand had accursed and cast down from his throne Henry the fourth, there were none so hardy as to defend their Injured Lord, against the Counterfeited name of St. Peter; Wherefore he was fain to humble himself before Hildebrand, upon whom he waited three days bear footed in the Winter ere he could be admitted into his presence, Neither yet could he otherwise get absolution, then by submitting his estate unto the Pope's good pleasure, what was his fault? He had refused to yield up to the Pope, the investiture of Bishops, and Collation of Ecclesiastical dignities within his dominions, a right that had always belonged to Princes until that day.  
It were superfluous to tell how grievously he was afflicted all his life after; Notwithstanding this submission. In brief the unappeasable rage of Hildebrand and his Successors, never left persecuting him, by raising one Rebellion after an other; yea his own Children against him, till despoiled of his Crown, he was fain to beg food of the Bishop of Spyers, promising to earn it in a Church of his own building, by doing there a Clarks duty, for he could serve the Choir, And not obtaining this, he pined away and died.  
That Bishop of Spyers dealt herein perhaps rather fearfully, then cruelly, For he had to terrify him, the example of Vteilo Archhishop of Mentz chief Prelate among the Germans. Who was condemned of heresy, for having denied that the Emperor might be deprived of his Crown by the Pope's authority.  
If Princes therefore be careful to exclude the doctrine of Hildebrand out of their dominions, who can blame them of rigour?  
This example of Henry though it would not be forgotten, might have been omitted, had it not been seconded with many of the same nature.  
But this was neither one Pope's fault, nor one Prince's destiny; He must write a story of the Empire, that means to tell of all their dealings in this kind, As how they wrought upon Henry the fifth, whom they had set up against his Father, what horrible effusion of Blood they caused, by their often thundering upon Frederick, And how they rested not until they had made the Empire stand headless about seventeen years.  
These things moved Rodolph Earl of Habspurgh who was chosen Emperor after that long vacation to refuse the Ceremony of being Crowned at Rome, though he were therero urged by the Electors. For (said he) our Caesars, have gone to Rome, As the foolish Beasts in Aesop's Fables went, to the Lion's Den leaving very goodly footsteps of their journey thitherward, but not the like of their return.  
The same opinion have most of the succeeding Emperors held, all of them, or almost all neglecting that Coronation. Good cause why; Since the Popes (besides many Extortions which they practised about that Ceremony) Arrogated thence unto themselves, that the Empire was held of them in Homage, And dealt they not after the same fashion with other Kingdoms?  
What right had St. Peter to the Crown of Sicily, and of Naples? The Roman Princes won those Lands from the Saracens, who had formerly taken them from the Empire of Constantinople; The same Romans had also been mighty defenders of the Papacy in many dangers, yet when time served, the Pope took upon him, as Lord Paramount of those Countries, to drive out one King, and set up another, with a Bloody confusion of all Italy; retaining the Sovereignty to himself.  
In France, he had the daring to pronounce himself superior unto the King in all matters both Spiritual and Temporal.  
The Crown of Poland he forced to hold of his Mitre by imposing a subjection in way of penance. For that the Polish King had caused one St. Stanislaus to be slain.  
For the death of St. Thomas Beckett and (more strangely) for a Refusal of an Archbishop of Canterbury whom his Holiness had appointed, he imposed the like penance upon England.  
Also when our King Edward the First, made War upon the Scots, word came from Rome that he should surcease: for that the Kingdom of Scotland belonged unto the Pope's Chapel.  
A great oversight it was of St. Peter, that he did not accurse Nero, and all heathen Princes, whereby the Pope's Chapel might have gotten all that the Devil offered, and our Saviour refused. Yet what need was there of such a ban: Since Friar Vincent of Valnarda could tell Atatalipa King of Peru: That all the Kingdoms of the Earth were the Popes, who had bestowed more than half thereof upon the King of Spain. If the Pope will have it so, it must be so; otherwise I should have interpreted that place in Genesis, Increase and multiply and fill the Earth, As spoken to Noah, and his Children, not as directed only to Tubal, Homer, and Phatto, the supposed Fathers of the old Iberians, Goths, and Moors, of whom the Spanish blood is compounded. But of such impudent presumption in disposing of countries far remote, And whereto the sword must acquire a better title, the mischief is not presently discerned.  
It were well if his Holiness had not loved to set the world in an uproar by nourishing of War, among those that respected him as a Common Father.  
His dispensing with oaths taken for agreement between one King and another, or between Kings and Subjects, do speak no better of him. For by what right was it, That Fardinand of Arragon won the Kingdom of Navarre? why did not the Confederacy, that was between Lewis the Twelfth of France, and the Venetians hinder that King from warring upon Venice? why did not the like between England, and France, hinder our King Henry the eighth for warring upon the same King Lewis?  
Was it not the Pope who did set on the French, to the end that himself might get Ravenna from the Venetians? Why was it not the same Pope, who afterwards (upon desire to drive the French out of Italy) excommunicated Lewis, and his adherents? By virtue of which Excommunication Fardinand of Arragon seized upon Navarr.  
And served not the same Warrant to set our Henry upon the back of France? But this was not our King's fault more than all the peoples. We might with shame confess it, (if other Countries had not been as blindly superstitious as our Fathers) That a Bark of Apples blessed by the Pope, and sent hither for presents unto those that would be forward in the War upon France, made all our English hasty to take Arms, in such sort as the Italians wondered, and laughed to see our men, no less greedy of those Apples (than Eve, was of the forbidden fruit) for which they were to hazard their lives in an unjust War. Few ages have wanted such and more grievous examples of the Pope's tumultuous disposition, but these were amongst the last that fell out before his unholiness was detected. Now for his dispensing between Kings and their Subjects, we need not seek instances far from home.  
He absolved our King john of an oath, given to his Barons and people. The Barons and people he afterwards discharged of their allegiance to King john.  
King Henry the third, had appeased this Land (how wisely I say not) by taking such an oath, as his Father had done; swearing as he was a Knight, A Christian, and a King. But in a Sermon at Paul's, People were taught how little was to be reposed on such assurance, the Pope's dispensation being there openly read, which pronounced that Oath void. Good cause why. For that King had the patience to live, like neither Knight, nor King, But as the Pope's Tenant, and Rent-gatherer of England. But when the same King adventured to murmur, the Pope could threaten to teach him his duty with a vengeance. And make him know, what it was to winch and play the Frederick.  
Thus we see what hath been his Custom to oppress Kings by their people, And the people by their Kings, yet this was for serving his own turn.  
Wherein had our King Henry the sixth offended him (which King Pope julius would after for a little money have made a Saint) Nevertheless, the Pope's absolving of Rich: Duke of York from that honest oath, which he had given by mediation of all the Land to that good King occasioned both the Dukes and the King's ruin. And therewithal those long and cruel Wars between the Houses of Lancaster, and York, and brought all England into an horrible Combustion. What he meant by this, I know not, unless to verify the Proverb; Omnia Romae venalia, I will not urge the dispensation, whereby the Pope released King Philip, the second of Spain, from the solemn Oath by which he was bound to maintain the privileges of the Netherlands, though this Papal indulgence, hath scarce as yet left working, And been the cause of so many hundred thousands slain, for this last forty years in the Netherlands.  
Neither will I urge the Pope encouraging of Henry the second, and his sons, to the last of them against the French Protestants, the cause of the first three Civil Wars, And lastly of the Leavying of Byron's, in which there hath perished no less number, then in the Low-Countryes.  
For our Country it affords an example of fresh memory, since we should have had as furious War, as ever both upon us, and amongst us, in the days of our late famous Sovereign Queen Elizabeth, if Pope Pius his Bull, Could have gored, as well as it could Bellow.  
Therefore it were not amiss to answer by a Herald, the next Pontifical attempt of like nature, rather sending defiance (as to an enemy) then publishing answers as to one that had here to do, though in deed he had never here to do (by any lawful power) either in Civil or Ecclesiastical business, after such time as Britain was won from the Roman Empire.  
For howsoever it were ordered in some of the first holy general Councils, that the Bishop of Rome, should be Patriarch over these quarters, yea; or it were supposed that the forged Canons, by which he now challengeth more than precedency, and primacy, had also been made indeed: yet could this little help his claim in Kingdoms, that hold not of the Empire. For those right holy Fathers, as in matters of Faith, they did not make truth, But religiously expounded it: so in matters of Ecclesiastical Government, they did not create provinces for themselves; But ordered the Countries which they then had.  
They were assemblies of all the Bishops in the Roman world, and with the Roman dominion only they meddled. Requisite it is that the faith which they taught should be embraced in all Countries, As it ought likewise to be entertained, if the same had been in like sort illustrated, not by them, but by a general Council of all Bishops in the great Kingdom of the Abyssines, which is thought to have been Christian even in those days.  
But it was not requisite, nor is, that the Bishops of Abyssines, or of India, should live under direction of the Patriarch of Alexandria, and Antioch.  
Questionless, those godly Fathers of the Nicene, And of the Calcedonian Council so thought. For they took not upon them to order the Church Government in India, where St. Thomas had preached, nor to range the Subjects of Prester john (as we call him) under any of themselves; much less to frame an Hierarchy upon earth, whereto men of all Nations whatsoever should be subject in Spiritual obedience.  
If Constantine or his Successors the Roman Emperors could have won all Asia: like it is that in Councils following more Patriarches would have been ordained for the Ecclesiastical Government of that large continent, and not all those vast Countries have been left unto him of Antioch or Constantinople. But since chose, the Empire became loser, the Patriarches whose Jurisdiction depended upon the Empire, become loser's also.  
We grant, that even in the times of persecution, before Christian Bishops durst hold open assemblies, there was given especial honour to the Bishops that were over the chief Cities; That unity might the better be preserved and heresy kept out of the Church; But this honour was no more, than a● precedence, a dignity without Coactive power, extending no further than to matter of Religion, And not having to do, save in the general way of Christian love with any strangers.  
We therefore, that are no dependants of the Empire, ought not to be troubled with the authority (be in what it may be) with any assemblies of godly Fathers (yet all Subject's o● that Empire, ordained for their own better Government) But rather should regard the Bishop of Rome, As the Islanders of jersey, and Garnsey, do him of Constance in Normandy, that is nothing at all: since by that French Bishops refusal to swear unto our King, those Isles were annexed to the Diocese of Winchester.  
FINIS.   

Excellent Observations and Notes, concerning the Royal Navy and Sea-service.  
HAving formerly (most excellent Prince) discoursed of a Maritimal voyage, and the passages and incidents therein, I think it not impertinent nor differing from my purpose, to second the same with some necessary relations concerning the Royal Navy, with the Services and Offices thereto belonging. For, as the perfection and excellency of our Shipping is great and remarkable, so the imperfections and defects of the same by use and experience of late years, have been found to be divers and inconvenient, as it falls out many times in the circumstances of Land-service by the change of Arms, diversities of Fortifications, and alteration of Discipline. And therefore for the due reformation, many things are necessarily and particularly to be spoken and considered of in their Order. In regard whereof, I will first begin with the Officers, and therein crave pardon (if in speaking plainly and truly in a matter of so great importance) I do set aside all private respects and partiality. For in that which concerns the service and benefit of my Prince and Country, I will say with Cicero, Nil mihi melius, nil mihi Charius. And therefore not justly to be taxed with any presumption for meddling with matters wherein I have no dealings nor charge. For that in the affairs of this nature, every good Subject is deeply interessed, and bound in Conscience and duty both to say and do his best.  

Of the Officers of the Navy.  
FIrst therefore, it were to be wished, that the Chief Officers under the Lord Admiral (as Vice-admiral, 
Officers under the Lo: Admiral to be men of the best experience in Sea-service.  Treasurer, Controller, Surveyor; and the rest) should be men of the best experience in Sea-service, aswell as of judgement and practice in the utensils and necessaries belonging to shipping, even from the Bats end to the very Kilson of a Ship. And that no kind of people should be preferred to any of these offices, but such as have been throughly practised, and be very judicial in either kind of the above named services; but we see it oftentimes to fall out otherwise. For sometimes by the special favour of Princes, and many times by the mediation of great men for the preferment of their servants, and now and then by virtue of the purse, and such like means, some people very raw and ignorant, are very unworthily and unfitly nominated to those places, when men of desert and ability are held back and unpreferred, to the great hindrance of his Majesty's service, to the prejudice of the Navy, and to the no little discouragement of ancient and noble able servitors, when favour or partiality shall eat out knowledge and sufficiency, in matters so nearly concerning the service and safety of the Kingdom, wherein all private respects should be laid apart, and virtue truly regarded for itself.   

Of the building of Ships.  
SEcondly, it were no less behooveful for his Majesty's service, and for the strength of the Navy, 
No Ships to be builded by the great.  that no Ships should be builded by the great, as divers of them have been; For by daily experience they are found be the most weak, imperfect, and unserviceable Ships of all the rest. And it is not otherwise to be presumed, But as the Officers would be thought to be very frugal for his Majesty in driving a bargain by the great at a near rate with the Shipwright, So likewise the Shipwright on his part will be as careful to gain by his labour, or at least to save himself harmless, and therefore suit his work slightly according to a slight price. Out of the which present sparing and untimely thrift, there grows many future inconveniences and continual Charge in repairing and re-edifying such imperfect slight built Vessels. The proof and experience whereof hath been often found in new Ships built at those rates, but so weakly, as that in their voyages, they have been ready to founder in the Seas with every Extraordinary storm, and at their return been enforced to be new built. But seeing the Officers of the Admiralty do hold (by the grace of his Majesty) places of so good Credit and benefit, it is their parts therefore (being well waged and rewarded for the same) exactly to look into the sound building of Ships, 
Officer of the Admiralty exactly look into the so●● building of Ship etc.  and to employ their care and travel aswell in the oversight thereof, as to provide that all things else belonging to the Navy be good and well conditioned: For the strong and true building of a Ship is not to be left barely to the fidelity of a Marchantical Artificer (the chief end of whose work in his own Account is his profit and gain) but some Superior Officer ought to have a further regard in that business, if he be such a one as hath more judgement in the building and conditioning of a Ship, than devotion to his own ease and profit.  
Moreover if any decayed Ship be intended to be new made, it is more fit and profitable to make her a size less than she was, than bigger; For than her beams which were laid overthwart from side to side, will serve again, and most of her Tymbers and other parts will say well to the building of a new ship. But if she should be made a size bigger, the Timber of the old will be unprofitable for that purpose; we find by experience, that the greatest ships are least serviceable, 
The greatest Ships least serviceable.  go very deep to water and of marvellous Charge and fearful Cumber, our Channels decaying every year. Besides, they are less nimble, less maineable, and very seldom employed. Grande Navio grande fatica, 
The Spaniards phrase.  saith the Spaniard, a ship of 600 Tuns will carry as good Ordnance, as a ship of 1200. Tuns, and though the greater have double her number, the lesser will turn her broad sides twice, before the greater can wend once, and so no advantage in that overplus of Ordnance. And in the building of all ships, these six things are principally required.  

1. First, that she be strong built.  
2. Secondly, that she be swift.  
3. Thirdly, that she be stout sided.  
4. Fourthly, that she carry out her Guns all weather.  
5. Fifthly, that she hull and try well, which we call a good Sea-ship.  
6. Sixthly, that she stay well, when boarding and turning on a wind is required.   
1. To make her strong consisteth in the truth of the Workman, and the care of the Officers.  
2. To make her sail well is to give a long run forward, and so afterward done by Art and just proportion. For as in laying out of her bows before and quarters behind, she neither sink into, nor hang in the water, but lie clear off and above it, 
〈◊〉 Shipwrights.  And that the Shipwrights be not deceived herein (as for the most part they have ever been) they must be sure, that the Ship sink no deeper into the water, than they promise, for otherwise the bow and quarter will utterly spoil her sailing.  
3. That she be stout, the same is provided and performed by a long bearing Floor, and by sharing off above water even from the lower edge of the Ports.  
4. To carry out her Ordnance all weather, This long bearing Floor, and sharing off from above the Ports is a chief Cause, Provided always, that your lowest Tire of Ordnance must lie four foot clear above water when all loading is in, or else those your best pieces will be of small use at the Sea in any grown weather that makes the Billow to rise, for than you shall be enforced to take in all your lower Ports, or else hazard the Ship. 
Marry 〈◊〉 in H. ●. time.  As befell to the Mary Rose (a goodly vessel) which in the days of King Hen. 8. being before the Isle of Wight with the rest of the Royal Navy, to encounter the French Fleet, with a sudden puff of wind stooped her side, and took in water at her Ports in such abundance, as that she instantly sunk downright and many gallant men in her. The Captain of her was Sir George Carew Knight, who also perished among the rest.  
5. To make her a good Sea-ship, that is to hull and try well, there are two things specially to be observed, the one that she have a good draught of water, the other that she be not overcharged, which commonly the King's Ships are, and therefore in them we are forced to lie at try with our main Course and Missen, which with a deep keel and standing streak she will perform.  
6. The hindrance to stay well is the extreme length of a Ship, especially if she be floaty and want sharpness of way forwards, and it is most true, that those over long Ships are fitter for our Seas, then for the Ocean, but one hundred Foot long and five and thirty Foot broad, is a good proportion for a great ship.  
It is a special Observation, 
Special observation.  that all ships sharp before, that want a long Floor, will fall roughly into the Sea and take in water over head and Ears. 
The high charging of Ships a principal cause that brings them all ill qualities.   
So will all narrow quartered ships sink after the Tail. The high charging of ships is it that brings them all ill qualities, makes them extreme Leeward makes them sink deep into the water, makes them labour and makes them overset.  
Men may not expect the ease of many Cabins and safety at once in Sea-Service. 
Ease of many Cabins and safety at once in Sea-service not 〈◊〉 be expected.  Two Decks and a half is sufficient to yield shelter and lodging for men and Mariners and no more charging at all higher, but only one low cabin for the Master. But our Mariners will say, that a Ship will bear more charging aloft for Cabins, and that is true, if none but ordinary Mariners were to serve in them, who are able to endure, and are used to the tumbling and rolling of ships from side to side when the Sea is never so little grown. But men of better sort and better breeding would be glad to find more steadiness and less tottering Cadge work. And albeit the Mariners do covet store of Cabins, yet indeed they are but sluttish Dens that breed sickness in peace, serving to cover stealths, and in Fight are dangerous to tear men with their splinters.   

Of harbouring and placing the Navy.  
THere are also many and great reasons why all his Majesty's Navy should not in such sort be penned up as they are in Rochester-water, 
His Majesty's Navy (in such sort as they are) not to be penned up in Rochester-water, etc.  but only in respect of the ease and commodity of the Officers, which is encountered with sundry Inconveniences for the Sea-service, the difficulty being very great to bring them in or out at times of need through so many Flats and sands, if wind and weather be not very favourable. Besides, they must have sundry winds to bring them to the Lands end, and to put them to the Seas, which oftentimes fails, and causeth delay when haste is most needful. For if any service be to be done upon the South parts of England, 
Wight, Portsmouth, Garnsey and jersey, Devonshire Cornwall, Wales, or Ireland.  as the Wight, Portsmouth, the Islands of Garnsey and jersey, or Westward towards Devon-shire or Cornwall, or towards Wales or Ireland, It is so long ere his Majesty's shipping can be brought about to recover any of these places, as that much mischief may be done the while. For the same winds that bring in the Enemy, binds in our shipping in such sort, as that oftentimes in a month's space they are not able to recover the nearest of any of these above named Coasts. But how perilous a course it is, is easily discerned, and as easily remedied, seeing there are besides so many safe and good harbours to disperse and bestow some of the Navy in, where they may ever lie fit for all services, As Portsmouth; 
Portsmouth, Dartmouth, Plymouth, Falmouth, Milford and divers others, Harbours very capable and convenient for Shipping.  Dartmouth, Plymouth, Falmouth, Milford and divers others, All of them being harbours very capable and convenient for shipping. But perhaps it will be alleged, that they cannot ride in any of these so safe from enemies as in Rochester-water, because it reacheth far within the Land, and is under the protection of some Blockhouses. To which I answer this, That with very easy care and provision, they may in most of these places ride sufficiently secure from any foreign practices. And I do not mean that all the whole Navy should be subdivided into all these Ports, but that some half dozen or eight of the middling ships, 
Half a dozen or eight of middling Ships and some Pinnaces to lie in the West, etc.  and some Pinnaces should lie in the West, and yet not in any Port so near the Sea, as that in a dark night they may be endangered by enemies with fire or otherwise, but in some such places as Ashwater is by Plymouth, 
Ash-water by Plymouth.  where an Enemy must run up a fresh River, a dozen miles after he hath passed the Forts of the Island, and the Alarm given, before he can come where they lie at Anchor. In which River the greatest Carack of Portugal may ride a Float ten miles within the Forts. But if regard be only had of their safe keeping, and not also of their readiness and fitness for service, then let them never be sent abroad to be hazarded against the Enemy's forces; for therein they shall be more subject to casuality and danger, then by lying in any of these harbours above specified. But certain it is, that these Ships are purposely to serve his Majesty, and to defend the Kingdom from danger, and not to so be penned up from Casuality, as that they should be the less able or serviceable in times of need. And therefore that objection favours not of good reason, but rather of self respect in the Officers, who are all for the most part well seated near about Rochester. But the service of his Majesty, and the safety of the Realm (in my poor opinion) ought to prevail beyond all other respects whatsoever: and to him that casts those needless doubts, it may well be said, pereat qui timet umbras.   

Of the needful expense in manning the Navy and other inconveniences by placing all the Fleet in Rochester-water.  

Nota.  IF the service of the Shipping lying for any of these places above named, or for Spain, or for the Islands, they are enforced of very necessity to press the best and greatest part of their men out of the West Countries, which is no small charge in bringing them so far as between that and Rochester, and then when they are embarked at Rochester, their charge is again redoubled in their pay and expense of victuals, before the Ships can recover so far as Plymouth, which many times is long a doing, for they do ever usually touch at Plymouth in all Southern voyages, for the furnishing many Sea-necessaries, which that Country doth afford. And therefore for so many Ships as should be there resident, the Charges of Conduct Money for Mariners, 
Charges of Conduct money for Mariners well saved, etc.  of wages and of victuals, would be well saved for all that time, which is spent betwixt Rochester and Plymouth. Besides, it were to be presumed, that Enemies would not be so troublesome to the Western Coasts, nor that Country itself would be so often dismayed with Alarms as they have of late years been, if some of his Majesty's good Ships were resident in those parts. If therefore in his Majesty's wisdom it should appear fit, to bestow some of his Shipping in any of these Harbour's aforenamed, it shall be very needful likewise that there be a Magazine of all manner of necessary provisions and Munitions in the same places, 
A Magazine of all manner of necessary provisions, etc.  according to the proportion of the Shipping that there shall be resident, whereby such defects as by accident may fall out, shall upon any occasion be readily supplied without delays or hindrance of service: And that withal in the same places, some Officers belonging to the Admiralty be there always attendant, otherwise it would be found very inconvenient to be enforced ever to attend such helps and supplies as must come so far off as London, when it may more easily and with less charge be effected in places where they ride.   

Of great Ordnance.  
IT was also very behooveful, 
His Majesty's ships not to be overcharged and pestered with great Ordnance as they are.  that his Majesty's Ships were not so overpestered and clogged with great Ordnance as they are, whereof there is such superfluity, as that much of it serves to no better use, but only to labour and overcharge the Ships sides in any grown Seas and foul weather. Besides many of the ships that are allowed but twenty Gunners, have forty piece of brass pieces, whereas every piece at least requires four Gunners to attend it, And so that proportion of Ordnance to so few Gunners, very preposterous: For when a Ship seels or rolls in foul weather, the breaking loose of Ordnance is a thing very dangerous, which the Gunners can hardly prevent or well look into, they being so few, the Guns so many; withal we do see, that twenty or thirty good brass pieces, as Cannon, Demi-canon, Culverin, and Demiculverin, is a Royal Battery for a Prince to bring before any Town or strong Fortress. 
Royal Battery for a Prince.  And why should not we as well think the same to be a very large proportion for one Ship to batter another withal? which if it be, then may his Majesty ratably save a great part of the Ordnance throughout every Ship, and make the Navy the more sufficient and serviceable, and thereby also save a great deal of needless expense in superfluous powder and shot, 
Needless expense of superfluous powder and shot, etc.  that is now pretended to be delivered out according to this huge and excessive proportion of Artillery, whereof if many had not been stricken down into Holt in many voyages and (especially in this last journey to the Islands) divers of the Ships, weight, Heaft, and Charge thereof, would have foundered in the Sea: wherein I report me to such as have served in them, and saw the proof thereof. For this journey to the Islands, 
The journey to the Islands.  did most of all others, discover unto us these experiences and trials in the Royal Navy, for that it was the longest Navigation that ever was made out of our Realm, with so many of the Prince's Ships, and tarrying out so late in the year, whereby both the winds and Seas had power and time throughly to search and examine them. Besides many times, there is no proportion of shot and powder allowed rateably by that quantity of the great Ordnance, as was seen in the Sea-battle with the Spaniards in the year 88 when it so nearly concerned the defence and preservation of the Kingdom. 
Spaniard's Armado in 88  So as then many of those great Guns wanting powder and shot, stood but as Ciphers and Scarecrows, not unlike to the Easterling hulks, 
Easterling Hulks.  who were wont to plant great red Portholes in their broad sides, where they carried no Ordnance at all.   

Of Calking and sheathing his Majesty's Ships.  
THere is a great error committed in the manner of Calking his Majesty's Ships, 
Great error committed in manner of Calking his Majesty's ships with rotten Ocum.  which being done with rotten Ocum, is the cause they are Leaky, and the reason is this, for that they make their Ocum wherewith they Calke the seams of the Ships, of old sere and weatherbeaten ropes, when they are overspent and grown so rotten, as they serve for no other use but to make rotten Ocum, which moulders and washes away with every Sea, as the Ships labour and are tossed, whereas indeed of all other things, the most special & best choice would be made of that stuff to have it both new and good, for that sparing to employ old rotten Ropes, is a great defect either in the building of new Ships, or in the repairing of old, and is the cause why after every journey they must be new Calked. And therefore it were much to be wished, as a thing fit for his Majesty's service, profitable for the Navy, and happy for those that shall serve in them, that the whole Navy throughout were all sheathed, as some of them are. The benefit and good whereof for Sea-service is manifold, and no less frugal for his Majesty in making his Ships as strong and lasting thereby, as they are otherwise good of sail. And then shall they never need (scarcely once in ten years) this new Calking and repairing which now almost every year they have. 
Censure taken of the best Seamen of England.  And hereof let the censure be taken of the best Seamen of England, and they will not vary from this opinion.   

Of Victualling.  
AS his Majesty's due allowance for Victualling of ships is very large and honourable, 
His Majesty's allowance for victualling Ships very large and honourable.  and would be greatly to the encouragement and strengthening of the Mariners and Soldiers that serve in them, if it were faithfully distributed, the Sea-service (indeed) being very miserable and painful, So again as it is abused and purloined, it is very scant and dishonourable to the great slander of the Navy, to the discouragement of all them that are pressed thereunto, and to the hindrance of his Majesty's service. For that many times they go with a great grudging to serve in his Majesty's Ships, as if it were to be slaves in the Galleys. So much do they stand in fear of penury and hunger; The case being clean contrary in all Merchant's ships, and therefore the Purveyors and Victuallers are much to be condemned, as not a little faulty in that behalf, who make no little profit of those polings which is cause very lamentable, that such as sit in ease at home, should so raise a benefit out of their hunger and thirst, that serve their Prince and Country painfully abroad, whereof there hath a long time been great complaining, but small reformation.   

Of Beer Casks.  
THere is also daily proof made, 
Great inconvenience by bad Cask used in his Majesty's ships  what great inconveniences grows by the bad Cask which is used in his Majesty's ships being commonly so ill seasoned and Conditioned, as that a great part of the Beer is ever lost and cast away, or (if for necessity it be used) it breeds Infection, and Corrupts all those that drink thereof. For the Victuallers for cheapness will buy stale Cask that hath been used for Herring, Train Oil, Fish, and other such unsavoury things, and thereinto fill the beer that is provided for the King's Ships. Besides the Cask is commonly so ill hooped, as that there is waste and leaking made of the fourth part of all the drink were it never so good, which is a great expense to his Majesty, a hindrance of service, and a hazard of men's lives, when the provision fails so much and answers not the Account. The which might easily be redressed, if the Cask for his Majesty's Shipping, were purposely hooped in such sort as Wine Cask is, or else hooped with Iron, which would ever serve and save that continual provision of new Cask, which now falls out every voyage. But this course were more profitable for his Majesty then for his Officers, and therefore unpleasing to be spoken of, But yet such as serve in the Ships have good cause to wish the reformation thereof.   

Of the Cockrooms in his Majesty's Ships.  
ANd whereas now the Cockrooms in all of his Majesty's Ships are made below in hold in the waist, 
The great Inconveniences of the Cook-rooms in all his Majesty's Ships made below in hold in the waist.  the inconveniences thereof are found many ways by daily use and experience. For first it is a great spoil and annoyance to all the drink and victuals which are bestowed in the hold, by the heat that comes from the Cookroom. Besides, it is very dangerous for fire, and very offensive with the smoke and unsavoury smells which it sends from thence. Moreover it is a great weakening to a ship to have so much weight and charge at both the ends, and nothing in the Mid-Ship, which causeth them to warp, and (in the Sea-phrase; 
Sea-phrase.  and with Mariners) is termed Camberkeeld: whereas if the Cockrooms were made in the Forecastle (as very fitly they might be) all those Inconveniences above specified, would be avoided, and then also would there be more room for stowage of victuals, or any other necessary provisions, whereof there is now daily found great want. And the Commodity of this new Cookroom the Merchants have found to be so great, as that in all their Ships (for the most part) the Cockrooms are built in their Fore-Castles, contrary to that which hath been anciently used. In which change notwithstanding, they have found no inconvenience to their dressing of meat in foul weather, but rather a great ease, howbeit their Ships go as long voyages as any, and are for their burdens aswell manned. For if any storms arise, or the Sea grow so high as that the Kettle cannot Boil in the Forecastles, yet having with their Beer and Biscuit, Butter and Cheese, and with their pickled Herrings, Oil, Vinegar and Onions, or with their red Herrings and dry Sprats, Oil and Mustard, and other like provisions that needs no fire, these supply and varieties of victuals, will very sufficiently content and nourish men for a time, until the storm be over blown that kept the Kettle from boiling.   

Of Mustering and pressing able Mariners.  

Musters and Presses for sufficient mariners to serve in his Majesty's Ships the care therein very little, or the bribery very great.  AS concerning the Musters and Presses for sufficient Mariners to serve in his Majesty's Ships, either the care therein is very little, or the bribery very great, so that of all other shipping, his Majesties are ever the worst manned, and at such times as the Commissioners Commissions come out for the pressing of Mariners, the Officers do set out the most needy and unable men, and (for Considerations to themselves best known) do discharge the better sort, a matter so commonly used, as that it is grown into a Proverb amongst the Sailors, That the Mustermasters do carry the best and ablest men in their Pockets, 
The Sailor's Proverb.  a Custom very evil and dangerous, where the service and use of men should come in trial. For many of those poor Fishermen and Idlers, that are commonly presented to his Majesty's Ships, are so ignorant in Sea-service, as that they know not the name of a Rope, and therefore insufficient for such labour. The which might easily be redressed; if the Vice-admiral of the Shire where men are mustered, and two Justices had directions given, to join with the Muster-masters for the pressing of the best men whom they well know, and would not suffer the service of their Prince and Country to be bought and sold, as a private Muster-master would do. Besides, the Captains themselves of the Ships, if they be bare and needy (though pity it were that men of such condition should have such charge committed unto them) will oftentimes for Commodity Chop and change away their good men, and therefore it were fitly provided to bridle such odd Captains, that neither they themselves, nor any of their men, should receive his Majesties pay but by the pole, and according as they were set down in the Officers books when they were delivered without changing of any names, except to supply such men as are wanting by death or sickness, upon good testimony under the hands of the Master, the Boat swain, the Master Gunner, the Purser and other Officers of the ship. For it nearly concerns them to look well thereunto, having daily use of them.   

Of Arms and Munition.  
IT were a course very Comfortable, defensive and honourable, that there were for all his Majesty's ships a proportion of Swords, 
A proportion of Swords Targets of proof and the like allowed; and set down for every Ship according to his burden, etc.  Targets of proof, Moryons, and Curatts of proof, allowed and set down for every ship according to his burden, as a thing both Warlike, and used in the King of Spain's ships, the want whereof as it is a great discouragement to men if they come to any near fight or landing, so would the use thereof be a great annoyance and terrifying to the enemy. And herein should his Majesty need to be at no extra-ordinary expense: For the abating of the superfluous great pieces in every Ship, with their allowance for Powder, Match and Shot, would supply the cost of this provision in very ample manner.   

Of Captains to serve in his Majesty's Ships.  
AT all such times as his Majest. ships are employed in service, it were very convenient that such Gentlemen as are his Majesties own sworn servants, 
His Majesties own sworn Servants to be preferred to the charge of his Majesty's Ships.  should be preferred to the charge of his Majesty's Ships, Choice being made of men of valour, and Capacity; rather then to employ other men's men, And that other of his Majesty's servants should be dispersed privately in those services to gain experience, and to make themselves able to take charge. By the which means his Majesty should ever have Gentlemen of good account his own servants, Captains of his own Ships, instead of petty Companions and other men's servants, who are often employed, being (indeed) a great indignity to his Majesty, to his shipping and to his own Gentlemen. For that in times past, it hath been reputed a great grace to any man of the best sort, to have the Charge of the Prince's ship committed unto him, and by this means there would ever be true report made unto the Pr. what proceedings are used in the service, which these meaner sort of Captains dare not do, for fear of displeasing the Lords their Masters, by whom they are preferred, or being of an inferior quality, have no good access to the Presence of the Prince, whereby to have fit opportunity to make relation accordingly.  
But now forasmuch as I doubt not, 
Objection.  but that some contrary spirits may or will object this as a sufficient reason to infirm all those points that I have have formerly spoken of, and say unto me, why should his Majesty and the State be troubled with this needless Charge of keeping and maintaining so great a Navy in such exquisite perfection, and readiness? the times being now peaceable, and little use of Arms or Ships of War, either at home or abroad, but all safe and secure, aswell by the uniting of the two Nations, as by the peace which we hold with Spain, and all other Christian Princes. To this I answer, that this (indeed) may stand (at the first sight) for a pretty superficial argument to blear our eyes, and lull us asleep in security, and make us negligent and careless of those causes from whence the effects of peace grows, and by the virtue whereof it must be maintained. But we must not flatter and deceive ourselves, to think that this Calm and Concord proceeds either from a settled immutable tranquillity in the world (which is full of alterations and various humours) or from the good affections of our late enemies, who have tasted too many disgraces, repulses, and losses, by our forces and shipping, to wish our State so much felicity as a happy and peaceable government, if otherwise they had power to hinder it. And therefore though the sword be put into the Sheath, we must not suffer it there to rust, or stick so fast, as that we shall not be able to draw it readily when need requires. For albeit our enemies have of late years sought peace with us, yet yet hath it proceeded out of the former trial of our forces in times of war and Enmity. And therefore we may well say of them as Anneus (Praetor of the Latins) said of the Roman Ambassadors, who seemed curious and careful to have the League maintained between them (which the Roman estate was not accustomed to seek at their neighbour's hands) and thereupon saith this Anneus, unde haec illis tanta modestia nisi ex cognitione virium & nostrarum & suarum. For with the like consideration and respect have our late enemies sought to renew the ancient friendship and peace with us. And well we may be assured, that if those powerful means whereby we reduced them to that modesty and courtesy as to seek us, were utterly laid aside and neglected, so as we could not again upon occasion readily assume the use and benefit of them, as we have done, those proud mastering spirits, finding us at such advantage, would be more ready and willing to shake us by the ears as enemies, then to take us by the hands as friends. And therefore far be it from our hearts to trust more to that friendship of strangers, that is but dissembled upon policy and necessity, then to the strength of our own forces, which hath been experienced with so happy success. I confess that peace is a great blessing of God, and blessed are the Peacemakers, and therefore doubtless blessed are those means whereby peace is gained and maintained. For well we know that God worketh all things here amongst us mediately by a secondary means, The which means of our defence and safety being shipping, and Sea-Forces, are to be esteemed as his gifts, and then only available and beneficial, when he withal vouchsafeth his grace to use them aright.   
FINIS.   

Sir Walter Raleigh his Apology.  
IF ill success of this Enterprise of mine had been without Example, I should have needed a large discourse and many arguments for my Justification, But if the attempts of the greatest Princes of Europe, both among themselves and against the great Turk, are in all modern Histories left to every eye to peruse. It is not so strange that myself being but a private man, and drawing after me the chains and Fetters whereunto I have been thirteen years tied in the Tower, being unpardoned and in disgrace with my Sovereign Lord, have by other men's errors failed in the attempt I undertook.  
For if that Charles the Fifth returned with unexampled loss, I will not say dishonour, from Algire in Africa: If King Sebastian lost himself and his Army in Barbary: If the invincible Fleet and forces of Spain in Eighty Eight were beaten home by the Lord Charles Howard Admiral of England: If Mr. Strozzi the Count Brizack the Count of Vinnnoso and others, with the Fleet of fifty eight sail and six thousand Soldiers, encountered with far less numbers could not defend the Terceres. Leaving to speak of a world of other attempts furnished by Kings and Princes. If Sir Francis Drake, Sir john Hawkins and Sir Thomas Baskervile men for their experience and valour as Eminent as England had any, strengthened with divers of her Majesty's ships, and filled with Soldiers at will, could not possess themselves of the Treasure they sought for, which in their view was embarked in certain Frigotts at Puerto Rico, yet afterward they were repulsed with fifty Negroes upon the Mountains of Vasques Numius, or Sierra de Capira in their passage towards Panania: If Sir john Norris (though not by any fault of his) failed in the attempts of Lysbone and returned with the loss, by sickness and otherwise, of eight thousand men. What wonder is it, but that mine (which is the last) being followed with a company of Volunteers who for the most part had neither seen the Sea nor the Wars, who, some forty Gentlemen excepted, had we the very scum of the World: Drunkards, Blasphemers and such others as their Father's Brothers and friends thought it an exceeding good gain to be discharged of them with the hazard of some thirty forty or fifty pounds, knowing they could not have lived a whole year so cheap at home: I say what wonder is it, if I have failed, where I could neither be present myself, nor had any of the Commanders (whom I most trusted) living, or in state to supply my place?  
Now, where it was bruited, both before my departure out of England and by the most men believed, that I meant nothing less than to go to Guiana: but that being once at liberty and in mine own power, having made my way with some Foreign Prince I would turn Pyratt and utterly forsake my Country. My being at Guiana, my returning into England unpardoned, and my not takeing the spoil of the Subj. of any Christian Prince, hath (I doubt not) detroyed that Opinion.  
But this is not all: for it hath been given out by an hypocritticall Thief who was the first Master of my ship: And by an ungrateful Youth which waited upon me in my cabin, though of honourable worthy Parents: and by others: That I carried with me out of England twenty two thousand pieces of twenty two shillings the piece, and thererefore needed not, or cared not to discover any Mine in Guiana, nor make any other attempt elsewhere: Which Report being carried secretly from one to an other in my ship, and so spread through all the ships in the Fleet which stayed with me at Trenidado while our Land-Forces were in Guiana, had like to have been my utter overthrow in a most miserable fashion; For it was consulted when I had taken my Barge and gone a shore (either to discover or otherwise as I often did) That my ship should have set sail and left me there, where either I must have suffered Famine, been eaten with wild beasts, or have fallen into the hands of the Spaniards and been flayed alive as others of the English, which came thither but to trade only, had formerly been.  
To this Report of Riches, I make this Protestation, That if it can be proved, either now or hereafter, that I had in the world, either in my keeping or in my power, either directly or indirectly in trust or otherwise, above one hundred pieces when I departed London, of which I had left forty five pieces with my wife, and fifty five I carried with me: I acknowledge myself for a Reprobate, a Villain, a Traitor to the King, and the most unworthy man that doth live, or ever hath lived upon the earth.  
Now where the Captains that left me in the Indies, and Captain Baily, that ran away from me at Cancerota, have, to excuse themselves, objected for the first, That I lingered at Plymouth when I might have gone thence, and lost a fair Wind and time of the year, or to that effect. It is strange that men of fashion and Gentlemen should so grossly belly their own knowledge: And that had not I lived nor returned to have made answer to this Faction, yet all that know us in Plymouth and all that we had to deal withal knew the contrary. For after I had stayed at the Isle of Wight divers days; the Thunder, Commanded by Sir Warram St. Leger by the negligence of her Master, was at Lee in the Thames; and after I arrived at Plymouth, Captain Pennington was not come then to the Isle of Wight, and being arrived there, and not able to redeem his Bread from the Bakers, he road back to LONDON to entreat help from my wife to pay for it, who having not so much money to serve his turn, she wrote to Mr. Wood of Portsmouth and gave him her word for thirty pounds, which she soon after paid him, without which (as Pennington himself protested to my wife) he had not been able to have gone the journey: Sir john Ferne I found there without all hope of being able to proceed, having nor men nor money▪ and in great want of other provision, insomuch as I furnished him by my Cousin Herbert with a hundred pounds, having supplied himself in Wales with a hundred pounds before his coming to Plymouth: and procured him a third hundred pound from the worthy and honest Dean of Exeter Doctor Sutcliffe. Captain Whitney, whom I also stayed for, had a third part of his victuals to provide, insomuch as having no money to help him withal I sold my Plate in Plymouth to supply him. Baily I left at the Isle of Wight, whose arrival I also attended here some ten or twelve days as I remember, and what should move Baily only to leave me as he did at the Canaries, from whence he might have departed with my love and leave, and at his return to do me all the wrong he could devise, I cannot conceive; he seemed to me from the beginning not to want any thing, he only desired of me some Ordnance and some iron-bound Cask, and I gave it him; I never gave him ill language nor offered him the least unkindness to my knowledge: It is true, that I refused him a French Shallop which he took in the Bay of Portugal outward bound, and yet after I had bought her of the French, and paid fifty Crowns ready money for her if Baily had then desired her he might have had her; But to take any thing from the French, or from any other nation, I meant it not.  
True it is, that as many things succeeded both against Reason and our best endeavours; So it is most commonly true, that men are the cause of their own misery, as I was of mine, when I undertook my late enterprise without a pardon for all my Company, having heard it avowed in England before they went, that the Commission I had, was granted to a man who was Non Ens in law, so hath the want thereof taken from me both Arms and Actions: Which gives boldness to every petty Companion to spread Rumours to my Defamation and the wounding of my Reputation, in all places where I cannot be present to make them Knaves and Liars.  
It hath been secondly objected, That I put into Ireland and spent much time there, taking care to revictual myself and none of the rest.  
Certainly I had no purpose to see Ireland when I left Plymouth, but being encountered with a strong Storm some eight Leagues to the Westward of Scilly, in which Captain Chudleyes Pinnace was sunk, and Captain King thrust into Bristol: I held it the Office of a Commander of many ships, and those of divers Sayling and conditions, of which some could Hull and Try, and some of them beat it up upon a Tack, and others neither able to do the one nor the other, rather to take a Port and keep his Fleet together, then either to endanger the loss of Masts and Yard's; or to have it severed far asunder, and to be thrust into divers places. For the attendance of meeting them again at the next Randezvous, would consume more Time and Victual, and perchance the weak ships might be set upon, taken, or disordered, then could be spent by recovering a Harbour, and attending the next change of wind.  
That the dissevering of Fleets hath been the overthrow of many Actions, I could give many Examples, were it not in every man's Knowledge. In the last Enterprise of worth, undertaken by our English Nation with three Squadrons of ships, Commanded by the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Suffolk and myself, where was also present the Earl of Southampton, If we being storme-beaten in the Bay of Alcashar or biscay had had a Port under our Lee, that we might have kept our Transporting ships with our men of War, we had in all likelihood both taken the Indian Fleet and the Asores.  
That we stayed long in Ireland it is true, but they must accuse the Clouds and not me, for our stay there; for I lost not a day of a good Wind: and there was not any Captain of the Fleet but had Credit or might have had for a great deal of more victuals than we spent there, and yet they had of me fifty Beefs among them and somewhat else.  
For the third Accusation, That I landed in Hostile manner at Lancerota; Certainly Captain Baily had great want of matter when he gave that for an excuse of his turning back, for I refer myself to Mr. Barney, who I know will ever justify a truth, to whom (when he came to me from Captain Baily to know whether he should land his men with the rest) I made this answer, that he might land them if it pleased him, or otherwise keep them aboard, for I had agreed with the Governor for a proportion of victual which I hourly expected: And it is true, that the Governor being desirous for to speak with me with one Gentleman with him with their Rapiers only, which I accepting, and taking with me Lieutenant Bradshaw, we agreed: that I should send up an English Factor (whose ship did then ride in the Road) and that whatsoever the Island could yield should be delivered at a reasonable rate; I sent the English Factor according to our agreement, but the Governor put it off from one morning to an other, and in the end sent me word, that except I would embark my men which lay on the Sea side, Slanders were so jealous as they durst not sever themselves to make our Provisions: I did so, but when the one half were gotten aboard two of our Sentinels forced, one slain and the English Factor sent to tell me that he had nothing for us, whom he still believed to be a Fleet of the Turks, who had lately taken and destroyed Puerto Sancto. Hereupon all the Companies would have marched toward the Town and have sacked it, but I knew it would not only dislike His Majesty, But that our Merchants having a continual trade with those Islands, that their Goods would have been stayed, and amongst the rest, the poor English man riding in the Road having all that he brought thither ashore, would have been utterly undone.  
Hereof I complained to the Governor of the Grand Canaries, whom I also desired that we might take water without any disturbance, but instead of answer, when we landed some hundred men, far from any habitation, and in a Desert place of the Island, where we found some fresh water, there Ambush was laid, and one Fisher of Sir john Fernes ship wounded to death, and more had been slain had not Captain Thornburst and Master Robert Hayman my son's Lieutenant, two exceeding valiant Gentlemen, who first made head against them, seconded by Sir Warham Sentleger and my Son with half a dozen more, made forty of them run away. From hence because there was scarcity of water, we sailed to Gomarrah, one of the strongest and well defenced places of all the Islands and the best Port: The Town being seated upon the very Wash of the Sea, at the first entrance of our ships, they shot at us, and ours at them, but as soon as I myself recovered the Harbour, and had commanded that there should be no more shooting, I sent a Spaniard a shore (taken in a Bark which came from Cape Blank) to tell the Governor that I had no purpose to make war with any of the Spanish King's Subjects, and if any harm were done by our great Ordnance to the Town, it was his fault, which by shooting first gave the occasion. He sent me for answer that he thought we had been the Turkish Fleet, which destroyed Puerto Sancto, but being resolved by the Messenger that we were Christians and English, and sought nothing but water, he would willingly afford us as much as we pleased to take, if he might be assured that we would not attempt his Towne-Houses, nor destroy the Gardens and fruits; I returned him answer that I would give him my Faith, and the word of the King of Great Brittaigne my Sovereign Lord, that the People of the Town and Island should not lose so much as one Orange or a Grape without paying for it, I would hang him up in the Market-street. Now that I kept my Faith with him, and how much he held himself bound unto me: I have divers of his Letters to show, for he wrote unto me every day And the Countess being of an english Race a Stafford by Mother, and of the house of Horn by the Father, sent me divers presents of fruits, Sugar, and Ruske: to whom I returned because I would not depart in her debt) things of greater value; The old Earl at my departure wrote a Letter to the Spanish Ambassador here in England how I had behaved myself in those Islands. There I discharged a Bark of the grand Canaries taken by one of my Pinnaces coming from Cape-Blank in Africa, and demanding of him what prejudice he had received by being taken, he told me that my men had eaten of his fish to the value of six Ducats, for which I gave him eight.  
From the Canaries, it is said That I sailed to Cape de Verte knowing it to be an infectious place, by reason whereof I lost so many of my men ere I recovered the Indies; The truth is that I came no nearer to Cape de Vert then Bravo, which is one hundred and sixty Leagues off; But had I taken it in my way, falling upon the Coast or any other part of Guiana, after the Rains, there is as little danger of infection as in any other part of the World, as our English that trade in those parts every year do well know; There are few places in England or in the world near great Rivers which run through low grounds or near Moorish or Marsh grounds, but the People inhabiting near, are at some time of the year subject to Fevers, witness Woollwich in Kent and all down the Rivers on both sides, other Infection there is not found either in the Indies or in Africa, Except it be when the Easterly wind or Breefes are kept off by some High Mountains from the Valleys, whereby the air wanting motion doth become exceeding unhealthful as at Number de Dios and elsewhere. But as good success admits no Examination, so the contrary allows of no excuse, how reasonable or just soever. Sir Francis Drake, Mr. john Winter and john Tomas, when they passed the straits of Malegan, meeting with a storm which drove Winter back, which thrust john Thomas upon the Islands to the South where he was cast away, and Sir Francis near a small Island upon which the Spaniards landed their cheins & murderers, from Baldivia, and he found there Philip an Indian who told him where he was and conducted him to Baldivia, where he took his first prize of Treasure, and in that ship he found a Pilot called John Grege who guided him all that Coast, in which he possessed himself of the rest, which Pilot because he should not rob him of his Reputation and knowledge in those parts (desisting the entreaties and tears of all his Company) he set him a shore upon the Island of Altegulors to be by them devoured. After which passing by the East-Indies, he returned into England, and notwithstanding the peace between Us and Spain, he enjoyed the Riches he brought, and was never so much as called to account for cutting off Douly his head at Porte St. julian having neither Marshal Law nor other Commission available. Mr. Candish having past all the Coasts of Chyle and Peru, and not gotten a farthing, when he was without hope, and ready to shape his course by the East homewards, met a ship which came from the Phillippines at Calestorvia, a thousand pounds to a Nutshell. These two in these two Voyages were the Children of Fortune, and much honoured; But when Sir Francis Drake in his last attempt might have landed at Cruces, by the river of Chyagre within eight miles of Panama, he notwithstanding set the Troops on land at Number de Dios and received the repulse aforesaid, he died for sorrow. The same success had Candish in his last Passage towards the straits. I say that one and the same end they both had, to wit Drake and Candish, when Chance had left them to the trial of their own Virtues.  
For the rest I leave to all worthy and indifferent men to judge, by what neglect or error of mine, the Gold Mine in Guiana which I had formerly discovered was not found and enjoyed, for after we had refreshed ourselves in Galleana, otherwise in the first discovery called Poet Howard, where we tarried Captain Hastins, Captain Pigott, and Captain Snedall, and there recovered the most part of our sick men. I did Embark six Companies of fifty to each Company in five ships, to wit, the Encounter, Commanded by Captain Whitney, in the Confidence by Captain Woollastone, into two Flyboats of my own, Commanded by Captain Samuel King, and Captain Robert Smith, In a carvil which Companies had for their Leaders Captain Charles Parker, Captain North, My Son, Captain Thornhurst, Captain Penjuglous Lieutenant, and Captain Chudlyes' Lieutenant Prideux.  
At the Tryangle Islands I embarked the companies for Orrenoque between which and Calliana I lay a ground twenty four hours, and if it had not been fair weather we had never come off the Coast, having not above two Fathom and a half of water: Eight Leagues off from whence, I directed them for the River of Surniama, the best part of all that Tract of land between the river amazons and Orrenoque, there I gave them order to trim their Boats and Barges; and by the Indians of that place to understand the state of the Spaniards in Orrenoque, and whither they had replanted or strengthened themselves upon the entrances or elsewhere; and if they found any Indians there, to send in the little flyboate or the carvil into the river of Dissebecke, where they should not fail to find Pilots for Orrenoque, for with our great ships we durst not approach the Coast we having been all of us a ground, and in danger of leaving our Bands upon the shoules before we recovered the Tryangle Islands as aforesaid; The Biggest Ship that could Enter the River was the Encounter, who might be brought to eleven foot water upon the Bar, we could never understand neither by Keymis, who was the first of any Nation that had entered the main mouth of Orrenoque nor by any of the Masters or Mariners of our Fleet, which had traded there ten or twelve years for Tobacco: For the Chudley when she came ne'er the Entrance, drawing but twelve foot, found herself in danger and bore up for Trinidado.  
Now whereas some of my friends have been unsatifised why I myself had not gone up with the Companies I sent, I desire hereby to give them satisfaction, that besides my want of health and strength, and having not recovered my long and dangerous sickness, but was again fallen into a Relapse, my ship Stoalde and laid a ground at seventeen foot water, 7 Leagues of the shore, so as the Mr. nor any of my company durst adventure to come near it, much less to fall between the shoules on the south side of the River's side, and sands on the North side called Puncto Anegado, one of the most dangerous places in all the Indies: It was therefore resolved by us all, that the five greater ships should ride at Puncto Gallo in Trinidado, and the five lesser should enter the River, For if Whitney and Woollaston at eleven foot lay a ground three days in passing up, in what case had I been which drew seventeen foot, a heavier ship and charged with forty pieces of Ordnance, besides this impossibility, neither would my son nor the rest of the Captains and Gentlemen have adventured themselves the River (having but one month's Victuals and being thrust together a hundred of them in a small Flyboate) had not I assured them that I would stay for them at Trinidado, and that no Force should drive me thence, except I were sunk in the Sea or set on Fire by the Spanish Galleons, for that they would have adventured themselves upon any other man's word or resolution, it were ridiculous to believe.  
Having in this sort resolved upon our enterprise, and having given instructions, how they should proceed before and after their entrance into Orrenoque, Keymis having undertaken to discover the Mine with six or eight persons in Sir john Fernes Shallop, I better bethinking myself and misliking his determination gave him this order, viz.  
Keymis, whereas you were resolved after your arrival into Orrenoque to pass to the Mine with my Cousin Harbert and six musketeers, and to that end you desired to have Sir john Fernes shallop, I do not allow of that course, because you cannot Land so secretly but that some Indians on the River side may discover you, who giving knowledge of your passage to the Spaniards you may be cut off before you can recover your Boat, I do therefore advise you to suffer the Captains and the Companies of the English ●o pass up to the Westwards of the mountain Aio, from whence you have no less than three miles to the Mine, and to lodge and encamp between the Spanish Town and you, if there be any Town near it, that being so secured you may make trial what depth and breadth the Mine holds, and whether or no it answer our hopes. And if you find it Royal, and the Spaniards begin to War upon you, then let the Sergeant Major repel them if it be in his power, and drive them as far as he can.  
But if you find that the Mine be not so rich as it may persuade the holding of it, and draw on a second supply, then shall you bring but a basket or two to satisfy his Majesty, that my design was not Imaginatory but true, though not answerable to his Majesty's expectation, for the quantity of which I never gave assurance, nor could.  
On the other side, if you shall find that any great number of Soldiers be newly sent into Orrenoque, as the Cassique of Caliana told us that there were, and that the Passages be already Forced so that without manifest Peril of my son, yourself, and other Captains, you cannot pass toward the Mine, then be well advised how you land, for I know (that a few Gentlemen excepted) what a Scum of men you have, and I would not for all the world receive a blow from the Spaniards to the dishonour of our Nation; I myself for my weakness cannot be present, neither will the Company land, except I stay with the ships, the Gallioones of Spain being daily expected. Pigott the Sergeant-Major is dead. Sir Warrham my Lieutenant, without hope of life, and my Nephew your Sergeant-Major now but a young man: It is therefore no your judgement that I Rely whom I trust God will direct for the best.  
Let me hear from you as soon as you can, you shall find me at Puncto Gallo dead or alive, and if you find not my ships there, yet you shall find their Ashes; For I will fire with the Gallioones if it come to extremity, But run away I will never.  
That these my Instructions were not followed, was not my fault, But it seems that the Sergeant-Major, Keymis and the rest were by accident forced to change their first resolution, and that finding a Spanish town or rather a village, set up twenty mile distant from the place where Antonio Berro the first Governor by me taken in my first discovery who had attépted to plant to meet some two Leagues to the Westward of the Mine: They agreed to land and encamp between the Mine and the Town, which they did not suspect to be so near them as it was, and meaning to rest themselves on the River's side till the next day, they were in the night set upon and charged by the Spaniards, which being unlooked for, the Common sort of them were so amazed, as had not the Captains and some other valiant Gentlemen made a Head and encouraged the rest, they had all been broken and cut in pieces. To repel this force putting themselves in order, they charged the Spaniards, and following them upon their retreat they were ready to enter the Town, ere they knew where they were, and being then charged again by the Governor, and four or five Captains which lead their Companies; May Son not tarrying for my Musketeers run up in the head of a company of Pikes, where he was first shot, and pressing upon a Spanish Captain called Erinetta with his sword; Erinetta taking the small end of his Musket in his hand struck him on the head with the stock and field him, whom again john Plesington, my Son's Sergeant, thrust through with his Halberd, at which time also the Governor Diego Palmeque and the rest of the Spanish Captains being slain, and their Companies divided, they betook themselves into a house, or hold adjoining to the market place, where they slew and wounded the English at their pleasure, so as we had no way to save ourselves; but by firing those houses adjoining, which done all the Spaniards ran into the bordering Woods, and Hills, keeping the English still waking with perpetual Alarms.  
The town such as it was being in this sort possessed. Keymis prepared to discover the Mine, which at this time he was resolved to do, as appeareth by his Letter to me of his own hand writing hereafter inserted; he took with him Captain Thornhurst, Master William Herbert, Sir john Hambden, and others, but at his first approach near the bank where he meant to Land, he received from the wood a vollew of shot which slew two of his Company, hurt six others, and wounded Captain Thornhurst in the head, of the which he languished three months after.  
Keymis his LETTER Dated the eight of january from Orrenoque.  
ALL things that appertain to humane condition in that proper nature and sense, that of fate and necessity belongeth unto them, maketh me choose rather with grief to let you know from me this certain truth then uncertainties from others; which is, viz. That had not this extraordinary valour and forwardness, which with the constant vigour of mind being in the hands of death his last breath expressed these words. (Lord have mercy upon me and prosper your enterprise) lead them all on, when some began to pause and recoil shamefully: this action had neither been attempted as it was, nor performed as it is with his surviving honour.  
This Indian Pilot whom I have sent, if there be occasion to use his service in any thing will prove sufficient and trusty: Peter Andrew's whom I have sent with him can better certify your Lordship of the state of the town, the plenty, the condition of our men, etc. then I can write the same.  
We have the Governors' servant Prisoner that waited on him in his Bedchamber, and knows all things that concerned his Master. We find there are four Refiners Houses in the town; the best Houses of the town. I have not seen one piece of Coin, or Bullion, neither Gold or Silver; a small deal of Plate only excepted.  
Captain Whitney and Woollastone are but now come to us, and now I purpose (God willing) without delay to visit the Mine, which is not eight miles from the town, sooner I could not go by reason of the murmurings, the discords and vexations, wherewith the Sergeant Major is perpetually tormented and tired, having no man to assist him but myself only, things are now in some reasonable order, and so soon as I have made trial of the Mine, I will seek to come to your Lordship, by the way of the River. To go and to search the Channels (that if it be possible) our Ships may shorten their course for Trinidado, when time serves, by those passages; I have sent your Lordship a parcel of scattered papers. (I reserve a Cart Load) one roll of Tobacco, one Tortoise, and some Oranges and Limmons, praying God to give you strength and health of body, and a mind armed against all extremities. I rest ever to be commanded this 8. of January, 1617.  
Your Lordships KEYMIS.  
Now it seems that the death of my Son, fearing also (as he told me when he came to Trinidado) that I was either dead of my first sickness, or that the news of my Son's death would have hastened my end, made him resolve not to open the Mine, to the which he added for excuse, and I think it was true, that the Spaniards being gone off in a whole body, lay in the Woods between the Mine and their passage, that it was impossible, except they had been beaten out of the Country, to pass up the Woody and Craggy Hills without the loss of those Commanders which should have lead them, who had they been slain, the rest, would easily enough have been cut in pieces in their retreat; for being in possession of the town, which they guarded with the greatest part of three Companies, they had yet their handful to defend themselves from firing, and the daily and nightly Alarms, wherewith they were vexed. He also gave forth the excuse that it was impossible to lodge any Companies at the Mine, for want of Victual, which from the town they were not able to carry up the mountain their Companies being divided; He therefore as he told me thought it a greater error to discover it to the Spaniards, themselves neither being able to work it, nor possess it then to excuse himself to the Company, said that he could not find it; all which his fancies when I received, and before divers of the Gentlemen disavowed his ignorance, for I told him That a blind man might find it, by the marks which himself had set down under his hand, and that I told him that his care of losing so many men in passing through the Woods, was but feigned, for after my Son was slain, I knew that he had no care at all of any man surviving, and therefore had he brought to the King but one hundred weight of the oar though with the loss of one hundred men, He had given his Majesty satisfaction, preserved my reputation, and given our Nation encouragement to have returned this next year, with greater force and to have held the Country for his Majesty to whom it belonged, and of which himself had given the testimony, that besides the excellent air, pleasantness, healthfulness, and riches: it hath plenty of Corn, Fruits, Fish, Fowle, wild and tame, Beefs, Horses, Sheep, Hogs, Deeres, Coneys, Hares, Tortoises, Armadiles, Wanaes', Oils, Honey, Wax, Potatoes, Sugar Canes, Medicaments, Balsamum, Simples, Gums, and what not; but seeing he had followed his own advice, and not mine, I should be forced to leave him arguments with the which if he could satisfy his Majesty, and the State, I should be glad of it, though for my part he must excuse me to justify it, that he, if it had pleased him, though with some loss of men might have gone d●●ectly to the place: with that he seemed greatly discontent, and so he continued divers days; afterward he came to me in my cabin, and showed me a Letter which he had written to the Earl of Arundel, to whom he excused himself, for not discovering of the Mine: using the same arguments, and many others which he had done before, and prayed me to allow of his Apology; but I told him that he had undone me by his obstinacy, and that I would not favour or colour in any sort his former folly. He then asked me, whether that were my resolution, I answered, that it was: he than replied in these words, I know not then Sir what course to take; and went out of my cabin into his own, in which he was no sooner entered, but I heard a Pistol go off. I sent up (not suspecting any such thing as the kill of himself) to know who shot a Pistol, Keymis himself made answer lying on his Bed, that he had shot it off, because it had been long charged, with which I was satisfied; some half hour after this, the Boy going into his cabin, found him dead, having a long knife thrust under his left pap through his heart, and his Pistol lying by him, with which it appeared that he had shot himself, but the Bullet lighting upon a rib, had but broken the rib and went no further. Now he that knew Keymis, did also know that he was of that obstinate resolution, and a man so far from caring to please or satisfy any man but myself, as no man's opinion from the greatest to the least could have persuaded him to have laid violent hands on himself, neither would he have done it, when he did it, could he have said unto me, that he was ignorant of the Place, and knew no such Mine; for what cause had I then to to have rejected his excuses, or to have laid his obstinacy to his charge; thus much I have added, because there are some Puppies which have given it out, that Keymis slew himself because he had seduced so many Gentlemen and others with an imaginary Mine; but as his Letter to me the 8. of january proves that he was then resolved to open it, and to take off all these kinds of objections; Let Captain Charles Parker, Captain George Ralegh and Captain King all living and in England; be put to their oaths whether or no Keymis did not confess to them coming down the River, at a place where they cast anchor, that he could from that place have gone to the Mine in two hours, I say then that if the opening of the Mine had been at that time to any purpose; or had they had had any victuals left then, to bring them away, or had they not been hastened by seeing the King of Spain's Letters before they came to my hands, which I am assured Keymis had seen who delivered them to me, whereof one of them was dated at Madrill the 17 of March before I left the River of Thames, and with it, three other dispatches with a Commission for the strengthening of Orrenoque with 150 Soldiers, which should have come down the River from the new Kingdom of Granada; and one other 150 from Puerto Rico with ten pieces of Ordnance which should have come up the River from the entrance, by which two Troops they might have been enclosed, I say had not the rest seen those dispatches; and that having stayed in the River above two months, they feared the hourly arrival of those forces, why had they not constrained Keymis to have brought them to the Mine, being as himself confesses within two hours' march. Again, had the Companies Commanders but pinched the Governors' man whom they had in their possession, he could have told them of two or three Gold Ours and a Silver Mine not above four miles from the Town, and given them the names of their possessors; with the reason why they forbore to work them at that time, and when they left off from working them, which they did aswell because they wanted Negroes, as because they feared least the English, French, or Dutch would have forced them from those being once thoroughly opened, having not sufficient strength to defend themselves; But to this, I have heard it said since my return, that the Governors' man was by me persuaded, being in my power, to say that such Ours there were, when indeed there was no such thing, Certainly they were but silly fools, that discovered this subtlety of Mine, who having not yet by the long Calenture that weakened me, lost all my wits which I must have done, if I had left my reputation in trust with a Malato, who for a pot or two of Wine, for a dozen of Hatchets, or a gay suit of apparel would have confessed, that I had taught him to speak of Ours, that were not in Rerum natura, No I protest before the Majesty of God, that without any other agreements or promises of mine, than well usage, he hath discovered to me, the way to five or six of the richest Ours which the Spaniards have, and from whence, all the Mass of Gold that comes into Spain in effect is drawn.  
Lastly, when the Ships were come down the River as far as Carapana's Country (who was one of the natural Lords) and one that reserved that part of Guiana to her Maje. hearing that the English had abandoned St. Thome, and left no force in the Country, which he hoped they would have done, he sent a great Canooe with store of fruits and Provisions to the Captains, and by one of his men which spoke Spanish, having as it seemed been long in their hands; he offered them a rich Gold Mine in his own Country, knowing it to be the best argument to persuade their stay, and if it please them to send up any one of the English to view it, he would leave sufficient pledges for his safe return. Master Leake, Master Moleneux and others offering themselves, which when the greater part refused (I know nor by what reason lead) he sent again, leaving one of his men still aboard to entreat them to carry but two days, and he himself would come to them, and bring them a sample of the oar: for he was an exceeding old man, when I was first in the Country some twenty four years since, which being also neglected, and the Ships under sail; he notwithstanding sent a Boat after them to the very mouth of the River in hope to persuade them: that this is true, witness Captain Parker, Captain Leake, Master Stresham, Master Maudict, Master Moleneux, Master Robert Hamon, Master Nicholes, Captain King, Peter Andrews, and I know not how many others; but besides his offer also, there hath not been wanting an argument though a foolish one; which was that the Spaniards, had employed the Indians with a purpose to betray our men, but this treason had been easily prevented, if they had stayed the old man's coming; who would have brought them the Gold oar aboarde their Ships, and what purpose could there be of treason when the Guianians offered to leave pledges six for one, yea one of the Indians which the English had aboard them, whom they found in fetters when they took the town of St. Thome could have told them, that the Cassique which sent unto them to show them the Gold Mine in his Country, was unconquered; and are enemies to the Spaniard, and could also have assured them, that this Cassique had Gold Mynes in his Country.  
I say then, that if they would neither force Keymis to go to the Mine, when he was by his own confession, within two hours march of it; to examine from whence these two Ingots of Gold which they brought me, were taken, which they found laid by for King's quinto or fifth part; or those small pieces of Silver, which had the same marks and stamps; if they refused to send any one of the Fleet into the Country to see the Ours which the Cassique Carapana offered them; if they would not vouchsafe to stay two days for the coming of Carapana himself, who would have brought them a sample of the Gold oar, I say, that, there is no reason to lay it to my charge, that I carried them with a pretence of Gold, when neither Keymis nor myself knew of any in those parts: if it had been to have gotten my liberty, why did I not keep my liberty when I had it, Nay why did I put my life in manifest peril to forgo it? if I had had a purpose to have turned Pirate, why did I oppose myself against the greatest number of my Company, and was there by in danger to be slain or cast into the Sea because I refused it?  
A strange fancy had it been in me to have persuaded my Son whom I have lost, and to have persuaded my Wife to have adventured the 8000.l. which his Majesty gave them for Sherbone, and when that was spent, to persuade my Wife to sell her house at Micham, in hope of enriching them by the Ours of Guiana; if I myself had not seen them with my own eyes; for being old and weakly, thirty years in prison, and not used to the air to travel and to watching, it being ten to one that I should ever have returned, and to which by reason of my violent sickness, and the long continuance thereof, no man had any hope, what madness could have made me undertake this journey but the assurance of the Mine, thereby to have done his Majesty service, to have bettered my Country by the trade, and to have restored my Wife and Children their Srates; they had lost for that, I have refused all other ways or means, for ●hat I had a purpose to have changed my Master, and my Country, my return in the state I did return may satisfy every honest and indifferent man.  
An unfortunate man I am, and it is to me a greater loss than all I have lost, that it pleaseth his Majesty to be offended for the burning of a Spanish town in Guiana; of which these parts bordering the River Orrenoque, and to the South as far as the Amazons doth by the Law of Narions belong to the Crown of England, as his Majesty was well resolved when I prepared to go thither, otherwise his Majesty would not have given once leave to have landed there; for I set it down under my hand that I intended that enterprise and nothing else, and that I meant to enter the Country by the River of Orrenoque; It was not held to be a breach of peace neither by the State here nor the Spanish Ambassador who knew it aswell as I, that I pretended the journey of Guiana which he always held to be a pretence; for he said it to Master Secretary Windode and to others of my Lords; that if I meant to sail to Guiana, and had no intent to invade any part of his Majesty's West Indieses nor his Fleets, I should not need to strengthen myself as I did, for I should work any Mine there, without any disturbance and in peace, to which I made answer, that I had set it under my hand to his Majest. that I had no other purpose, nor meant to undertake any thing else; but for the rest, that Sir john Haukins in his journey, to St. john de Loa, notwithstanding that he had leave of the Spanish King to trade in all parts of the West Indies, and having the Plate Fleet in his power, did not take out of it one ounce of Silver, but kept his faith and promise in all places, was set upon by Don Henrico de Martin's whom he suffered (to save him from perishing) to enter the Porte; upon Martin's faith, and interchanged pledges delivered, he had jesus of Lubeck a Ship of her Majesties of a 1000 tun burnt; had his men slain which he left on the Land; lost his Ordnance, and all the treasure which he had got by Trade; what reason had I to go unarmed upon the Ambassador's promises, whose words and thoughts that they were one, it hath well appeared since then, aswell by the forces which he persuaded his Master to send to Guiana to encounter me, and cut me off there; as by his persecuting of me since my return; who have neither invaded his Master's Indieses, nor his Fleet, whereof he stood in doubt.  
True it is, that the Spaniards cannot endure that the English Nation should look upon any part of America, being above a fourth part of the whole known world; and the hundred part neither possessed by the Spaniards, nor to them known, as Acosta the Jesuit in his description of the West Indies doth confess, and well know to be true: No though the King of Spain can pretend no other title to all that he hath not conquered, than the Pope's donation; for from the straits of Megellan to the river of Plate, being a greater territory than all that the Spaniards possess in Peru or Chile, and from Cape St. Augustine's to Trinidado being a greater extent of Land then all which he possesses in Nova Spain, or elsewhere, they have not one foot of ground in their possession, neither for the greatest part of it so much as in their own knowledge.  
In Orrenoque they have lately set up a Wooden Town, and made a kind of a Fort, but they have never been able either to Conquer the Guianians; nor to reconcile them, but the Guianians before their planting, they did willingly resign all that territory to her Majesty, who by me promised to receive them, and defend them against the Spaniards; and though I were a Prisoner for this last fourteen years, yet I was at the charge every year, or every second year, to send unto them to keep them in hope of being relieved. And as I have said before the greatest of the natural Lords, did offer us a rich Mine of Gold in his own Country in hope to hold us there; And if this usurped possession of the Spaniards be a sufficient bar to his Majesty's right; and that thereby the King of Spain calls himself King of Guiana, why might he not aswell call himself Duke of Britain, because he took possession of Blewett, and built a Fort there; and calls himself King of Ireland; because he took possession at Smerike and built a Fort there.  
If the Ambassador had protested to his Majesty that my going to Guiana before I went would be a breach to the peace, I am persuaded that his Majesty if he had not been resolved that Guiana had been his would have stayed me, but if it be not thought to be a breach of Peace not for the going thither (for that cannot be) because I had no other intent, and went with leave; but for taking and burning of a Spanish town in the Country, certainly, if the Country be the King of Spain's, it had been no less a breach of Peace to have wrought any Mine of his, and to have robbed him of his Gold; than it is now called a breach of peace to take a town of his in Guiana and burn it, and with as good reason might I have been called a thief and a robber of the King of Spain, if the Country be not his Majesties, as I am now pursued for the Invasion; for either the Country is the King of Spain's or not the Kings; if it be the Kings, I have not then offended; if it be not the Kings, I must have perished, if I had but taken Gold out of the Ours there, though I had found no Spaniards in the Country.  
For conclusion, if we had had any peace with the Spaniards in those parts of the world; why did even those Spaniards, which were now encountered in Guiana, tie six and thirty English men out of Master Walls Ship of London and mine back to back, and cut their throats, after they had traded with them a whole month, and came to them a shore; having not so much as a sword, or any other weapon, among them all, and if the Spaniards to our complaints made answer, that there was nothing in the treat against our trading in the Indies, but that we might trade at our peril; I trust in God that the word peril shall ever be construed to be indifferent to both Nations; otherwise we must for ever abandon the Indies, and lose all our knowledge, and our Pylotage of that part of the world: if we have no other peace than this; how can there be a breach of peace, which ere the Spaniards will all Nations, and all Nations with them may trade upon their guard?  
The readiest way that the Spaniards Ambassador could have taken, to have stayed me from going to Guiana; had been to have discovered the great practices which I had with his Master against the King my Sovereign Lord in the first year of his Majesty's Reign of Great Britain, for which I lost my estate and lay thirteen years in the Tower of London, and not to urge my offences in Guiana; to which his Master hath no title other than his sword, is with which to this day, he hath not conquered the least of these Nations, and against whom contrary to the Catholic profession, his Captains have entertained, and do entertain whole Nations of Cannibals; for in a Letter of the Governors to the King of Spain of the eighth of july: he not only complaineth that the Guianians are in Arms against him, but that ever those Indians which under their noses live, do in despite of all the King's edicts trade with Los Flamnicos & Engleses, enemicos, With the Flemish, and English enemies, never once naming the English Nations but with the Epitheton of an enemy.  
But in truth the Spanish Ambassador hath complained against me to no other end, then to prevent my complaints against the Spaniards. Who landing my men in a territory appertaining to the Crown of England; they were invaded and slain before any violence offered to the Spaniards; and I hope that the Ambassador doth not esteem us for so wretched and miserable a people, as to offer our throats to their swords without any manner of resistance; howsoever, I have said it already, and I will say it again; that if Guiana be not his Majesties, the working of a Mine there; and the taking of a town there; had been equally perilous, for by doing the one, I had robbed the King of Spain and been a thief; and by the other a disturber or breaker of the peace.  

A Letter of Sir WALTER RALEIGH to my Lord Carew touching Guiana.  
BEcause I know not whether I shall live, to come before the Lords, I have for his Majesty's satisfaction here set down as much as I can say, either for mine own defence, or against myself, as things are now construed.  
It is true, that though I acquainted his Majesty with my intent to Land in Guiana, yet I never made it known to his Majesty that the Spaniards had any footing there; neither had I any authority by Patent, to remove them from thence, and therefore his Majesty had no interest in the attempt of Saint Thome by any foreknowledge in his Majesty.  
But knowing his Majesty's title to the Country to be best, and most Christian, because the natural Lords did most willingly acknowledge Queen Elizabeth to be their Sovereign, who by me promised to defend them from the Spanish cruelty, I made no doubt but I might enter the Land by force, seeing the Spaniards had no other title but force, (the Pope's donation excepted) considering also that they had got a possession there divers years since my possession for the Crown of England, for were not Guiana his Majesties, than might I aswell have been questioned for a thief, for taking the Gold out of the King of Spain's Ours, as the Spaniards do now call me a peace breaker; for, from any territory that belongs to the King of Spain, it is no more lawful to take Gold, then lawful for the Spaniards to take Tin out of Cornwall, were this possession of theirs a sufficient Bar to his Majesties Right, the Kings of Spain may as well call themselves Dukes of Britain, because they held Blewet, and fortified there; and Kings of Ireland because they possessed Smereck and fortified there, and so in other places.  
That his Majesty was well resolved of his right there, I make no kind of doubt, because the English both under Master Charles Leigh and Master Harecourt had leave to plant and inhabit the Country.  
The Orrenoque itself, had long ere this had 5000. English in it, I assure myself, had not my employment at Cales, the next year after my return from Guiana, and after that our journey to the Islands hindered me, for those two years after with Tirones Rebellion, made her Majesty unwilling that any great number of Ships or men should be taken out of England, till that rebellion were ended, and lastly, her Majesty's death, my long imprisonment gave time to the Spaniards to set up a town of sticks covered with leaves of trees upon the bank of Orronoque, which they call St. Thome, but they have neither reconciled nor Conquered any of the Cassiques or natural Lords of the Country, which Cassiques are still in arms against them, as by the Governors' Letter to the King of Spain, may appear: That by landing in Guiana there can be any breach of peace, I think it (under favour) impossible, for to break peace where there is no peace, it cannot be; that the Spaniards give us no peace there, it doth appear by the King's Letters to the Governor, that they should put to death all those Spaniards and Indians that trade, Con los Engleses Enemigos with English enemies: yea those very Spaniards which we encountered at St. Thome, did of late years murder six and thirty of Master Hales men of London, and mine, who landed without weapon, upon the Spaniards faith to trade with them, Master thorn also in Tower-street in London besides many other English were in like sort murdered in Orrenoque, the year before my delivery out of the Tower.  
Now if this kind of trade be peaceable, there is then a peaceable trade in the Indies, between us and the Spaniards, but if this be cruel War and hatred, and no peace, than there is no peace broken by our attempt; Again, how doth it stand with the greatness of the King of Spain, first to call us enemies, when he did hope to cut us in pieces, and then having failed, to call us peace breakers: for to be an enemy and a peace breaker in one and the same action is impossible.  
But the King of Spain in his Letters to the Governor of Guiana, dated at Madrill the 29 of March, before we left the Thames, calls us Engleses enemigos, English enemies.  
If it had pleased the King of Spain to have written to his Majest. in seven months' time, for we were so long in preparing, and have made his Majesty know, that our landing in Guiana would draw after it a breach of peace, I presume to think, that his Majesty would have stayed our enterprise for the present.  
This he might have done with less charge, then to levy three hundred soldiers and transport ten pieces of Ordnance from Portarico, which soldiers added to the Garrison of St. Thome: had they arrived before our coming, had overthrown all our raw companies, and there would have followed no complaints.  
For the main point of landing near St. Thome, it is true, that we were of opinion, that we must have driven the Spaniards out of the town, before we could pass the thick woods upon the mountains of the Mine, which I confess I did first resolve upon, but better bethinking myself, I reserved the taking of the town, to the goodness of the Mine, which if they found to be so rich, as it might persuade the leaving of the Garrison, then to drive the Spaniards thence, but to have burnt was never my intent, neither could they give me any reason why they did it, upon their return I examined the Serjeant-Major and Keymis why they followed not my last directions for the trial of the Mine before the taking of the town, and they answered me, that although they durst hardly, go to the Mine leaving a Garrison of Spaniards, between them and their Boats, yet they offended their latter directions, and did Land, between the town and the Mine.  
And that the Spaniards without any manner of parley set upon them unawares, and charged them, call them Perros Ingleses, & by Skirmishing with them, they drew them on to the very entrance of the town before they knew where they were, so that if any peace had been in those parts, the Spaniards first broke the peace, and made the first slaughter, for as the English could not but Land to seek the Mine, being come thither to that end, so being first reviled, and charged by the Spaniards, they could do no less then repel force by force, lastly it is a matter of no small consequence to acknowledge that we have offended the King of Spain by landing in Guiana.  
For first it weakens his Majesty's title to the Country or quits it; Secondly, there is no King that hath ever given the least way to any other King or State in the traffic of the lives or goods of his Subjects, to wit in our case, that it shall be lawful for the Spaniards to murder us, either by force or treason, and unlawful for us to defend ourselves and pay them with their own Coin, for this superiority and inferiority is a thing which no absolute Monarch ever yielded to, or ever will.  
Thirdly, it shows the English bears greater respect to the Spaniard, and is more doubtful of his forces, then either the French or Dutch is, who daily invade all parts of the Indies with not being questioned at their return, yea at my own being at Plymouth, a French Gentleman called Flory went thence with four sail, and three hundred Land men, with Commission to land and burn, and to sack all places in the Indies that he could master, and yet the French King hath married the daughter of Spain.  
This is all that I can say, other then that I have spent my poor estate, lost my son, and my health, and endured as many sorts of miseries, as ever man did, in hope to do his Majesty acceptable service; And have not to my understanding committed any hostile act, other than entrance upon a territory belonging rightly to the Crown of England, where the English were first set upon and slain by the usurping Spaniards, I invaded no other parts of the Indies, pretended by the Spaniards.  
I returned into England with manifest peril of my life, with a purpose not to hold my life, with any other than his Majesty's grace, and from which no man, nor any peril could dissuade me; To that grace, and goodness, and Kinglynesse I refer myself, which if it shall find that I have not yet suffered enough▪ it yet may please to add more affliction to the remainder of a wretched life.   

Sir Walter Raleigh his Answer to some things at his Death.  
I Did never receive any direction from my Lord Carew to make any escape, nor did I ever tell Stukely any such thing. I did never name my Lord Hay and my Lord Carew to Stukley in other words or sense, then to my honoùrable friends, among other Lords. I did never show unto Stukely any Letter, wherein there was 10000 named or any one pound, only I told him, that I hoped to procure the payment of his debts in his absence. I never had Commission from the French King, I never saw the French Kings hand or seal in my life. I never had any plot or practise with the French directly or indirectly, nor with any other Prince or State unknown to the King. My true intent was to go to a Mine of Gold in Guiana, it was not feigned, but it is true, that such a Mine there is within three miles of St. Thome, I never had in my thought to go from Trinidado, and leave my Companies to come after to the savage Island, as Hatby Fearne hath falsely reported. I did not carry with me an hundred pieces, I had with me sixty, and brought back near the said number, I never spoke to the French Manering any one disloyal word, or dishonourable speech of the King; nay if I had not loved the King truly, and trusted in his goodness somewhat too much, I know that I had not now suffered death.  
These things are most true as there is a God, and as I am now to appear before his tribunal seat, where I renounce all mercy, and salvation, if this be not the truth. At my death  
W.R.   
FINIS.