●am Marti, Quam Mercurio.  
The Ho. ble and learned Knight Sr. Walter Raleigh.  
Ro: Vaughan sculp.    

REMAINS of Sir Walter Raleigh; viz. Maxims of State. Advise to his Son: his Sons advise to his Father. His Sceptic. Observation concerning the causes of the magnificency and Opulency of Cities. His Letters to divers persons of quality.  
With The Prerogative of Parliaments, being a Dispute between a Counsellor of State and a Justice of Peace.  
LONDON, Printed for William Sheares junior, in Westminster Hall. 1657.   

MAXIMS OF STATE. With Instructions to his SON, and the SONS advice to his aged FATHER. Whereunto Is added Observations touching Trade and Commerce with the Hollander and other Nations, Proving that our Sea and Land Commodities enrich and strengthen other Countries against our own.  
By Sir WALTER RALEIGH.  
LONDON. Printed for Will. Shears Junior at the Blue Bible in Bedford Street in Covent-garden. 1656,   

The Contents.  

OF Government. Page 1  
Of Policy. 2  
Of Monarchy. 3  
Of Aristocracy, or Senatorie State. 5  
Of Free State, or Popular State. 6  
Of Tyranny. 7  
Of Olygarchie, or the Government of a few. ibid.  
Of a Commonwealth. 8  
Of causes of States, and Commonwealths in general. 10  
Of Founding a State. ibid.  
Of Causes preserving State or Commonwealth. 15  
Of Mysteries or Sophisms. ibid.  
Of Axioms or Rules of preserving a State. 1-9  
Rules for preserving of a Kingdom Hereditary 25  
Rules for preserving of a Kingdom Conquered 25  
Kingdoms hereditary are preserved at home by the ordering of a Prince. ibid.  
Kingdoms new gotten, or purchased by force, are preserved by Rules. 10 35  
Rules politic of Tyrants. 41  
Sophisms of a barbarous and professed tyranny. 42  
Sophisms of the sophistical, or subtle Tyrant, to hold up his State. 46  
Of preservation of an Aristocracy. 53  
Of preservation of an Olygarchie, by Sophisms ibid.  
Of preservation of an Olygarchie, by Rules. ibid.  
Of Conversion of States in general. 59  
Causes of conversions of States are of two sorts: General and Particular. ibid.  
Particular causes of Conversion of State, are of two sorts. 60  
Of sedition. 61  
Causes of sedition are of two sorts. ibid.  
Of Alteration without violence. 64  
A Method, how to make use of the Book before, in the reading of the story. 67  
Old age is not ever unfit for public Government, ibid.  
Example of the like practice in Charles the Fifth. 68  
Of observation for the Affirmative and the Negative. ibid.  
Of defence for David in marrying Abishag. 70   

Political Nobility.  
Of Ado●ijah aspiring to the Kingdom 71   

Observations.  
Of ways of such as aspire to the Kingdom, and marks to discern them. 73  
Political Prince. 75    

The TABLE of the Chapters contained in Sir WALTER RALEIGHS INSTRUCTIONS to his SON.  

CHAP. Page.  
VIrtuous persons to be made choice of Friends.  
Great care to be had in the choosing of a Wife.  
Wisest men have been abused by flatterers.  
Pr●v●●e Quarrels to be avoided.  
Three Rules to be observed for the preservation of a man's estate.  
What sort of servants are most fit to be entertained.  
Brave rags wear soon out of fashion.  
Riches not to be sought by evil means. ibid.  
What Inconveniences happen to such as delight in Wine.  
Let God be thy protector and director in all thy Actions.  
The Sceptic doth neither affirm, neither deny any Position but doubteth of it, and proposeth his Reason against that which is affirmed or denied, to justify his not Consenting.  
Observations concerning the causes of the magnificency and opulency of Cities.  
Safety for defence of the people and their goods in and near a Town.  
Causes that concern the magnificency of a City.  
That the Seat of Government is upheld by the two great Pillars thereof, viz. civil Justice, and Martial Policy, which are framed out of Husbandry, Merchandise, and Gentry of this Kingdom.  
Sir Walter Raleighs letter to Mr Secretary Winwood before his Journey to Guiana.  
To his Wife from Guiana.  
To Sir Ralph Winwood.  
To his Wife copied out of his own hand writing.  
To his Wife after Condemnation.  
To King James at his return from Guiana.  
His third Letter to Secretary Winwood.  
His Letter to Prince Henry touching the model of a Ship.  
His Speech immediately before he was beheaded.  
Sir Walter Raleigh Observations touching Trade and Commerce with the Hollander and other Nations, Proving that our Sea and Land Commodities enrich and strengthen other Countries against our own.   
FINIS.   

MAXIMS OF STATE.  

OF GOVERNMENT.  
GOVERNMENT is of two sorts. 1. P rivate, of himself. Sobriety. Of his Family; called Oeconomy.  
2. Public, of the Commonwealth, called Policy A man must first Govern himself, ere he be fit to Govern a Family: And his Family, ere he be fit to bear the Government in the Commonwealth.   

Of Policy.  
Policy is an Art of Government of a Commonwealth, and some part of it according to that State, o● form of Government, wherein it is settled for the public good.  
State, is the frame or set order of Commonwealth, or of the Governors that rule the same, especially o● the chief and Sovereign Governor that commandeth the rest.  
The State of Sovereignty consisteth in five points.  

1. Making or anulling of Laws.  
2. Creating and disposing of Magistrates.  
3. Power over life and death.  
4. Making of War, or Peace.  
5. Highest or last appeal.   
Where these five are, either in one or in more, there is the State.  
These five points of State, rest either in, 

1. One Monarchy or Kingdom.  
2. Some few chief men for virtue and wisdom, called an Aristocracy.  
3. Many, called a Free-State, or Popular State.    
These three sorts of Government have respect to the common good, and therefore are just, and Lawful States.  
These 3. degenerate into 3. other Governments viz. 

1. Monarchy into 1. tyranny.  
2. Aristocracy, into 2. oligarchy.  
3. Popular state, into 3. Commonwealth or Government of all the common and base sort, and therefore called a Commonwealth by an usurped Nickname.    
These all respect their own, and not the public good, and therefore are called Bastard Governments.   

I Monarchy.  
A Monarchy, or Kingdom, is the Government of a State by one head, or chief, tending to the common benefit of all.  
Monarchy, or Kingdoms, are of three sorts touching the right or possession of them, viz. 

1. Hereditary, by descent, as the English French, etc.  
2. Elective, by suffrage of the other Orders, of some of them, as the P●loni●●  
3. 〈◊〉, or of both kinds, viz. descent, yet not tied to the next blood, as the ancient Jewish State.    
Monarchies are of two sorts touching their power, or Authority, viz. 

1. Int●re. Where the whole power of ordering all State matters, both peace and war, doth by law & cust●● appertain to the Prince, as in the ●●●gest Kingdom, where the Prince hat● power to make Laws League, & Wa● To create Magistrates; to pardon life Of appeal, etc. Though to give a contentment to the other degrees, th●● have a suffrage in making Laws, y●● ever subject to the Prince's pleasure nor Negative will.  
2. 〈◊〉 or restrained, that ha●● no full power in all the points or matters of State, as the Military King that hath not the Sovereignty in time peace, as the making of Laws, & But in War only, as the P●loni●● Kings.     

II. Aristocracy, or Senatory State.  
AN Aristocracy is the Government of a Commonwealth by some competent number of the better sort, preferred for wisdom and other virtues ●f the public good.  
1. Aristocracy are of three sorts, viz. There the Senators are chosen, for Virtu, Riches, and the common good, as the Venetian.  
2. Virtue, and the public good without respect of wealth, as sometimes the Roman, when some of the senators were fetched from the ●ough, and some from the Schools  
3. Virtue and wealth more respecting their private, than their public good, which inclineth towards an oligarchy, or the Government of the Richer or Nobler sort, as in Rome towards the end.   

III. Free-State, or Popular State.  
THe Popular State is the Government of a State by the choicest sort of people, tending to the public good of all sorts, viz. with due respect of the better, Nobler, and Richer sort  
In every Just State, some part of the Government is, or aught to be imparted to the people; As in a Kingdom, a voice or suffrage in making Laws; and sometimes also, in levying of Arms (if the charge be great, and the Prince forced to borrow help of his Subjects) the matter rightly may be propounded to a Parliament, that the tax may seem to have proceeded from themselves. So consultations, and some proceedings in judicial matters, may in part be referred to them. The reason, least seeing themselves to be in no number, nor of reckoning, they mislike the state, or kind of Government: And where the multitude is discontented, there must needs be many Enemies to the present State. For which cause, Tyrants, which allow the people, no manner of ●ealing in State matters) are forced to bereave them of their wits and weapon's, and all other means whereby they may resist, or amend themselves, ●● in Rushland, Turkey, etc.   

IV. Tyranny.  
A Tyranny is the swerving, or distorting of a Monarchy, or the Government of one, tending not the public good, but the private benefit of himself, & his followers. As in the Russ & Turkish Government, where the State and Wealth of other orders, are employed only to the upholding of the greatness of the King or Emperor. This is the worst of all the ●astard States because it is the pervering of the best Regiment, to wit, of a Monarchy, which resembleth the Sovereign Government of God himself.   

V. oligarchy, or the Government of a few.  
AN oligarchy is the swerving, or the corruption of an Aristocracy; or the Government of some few, that are of the Wealthier or Nobler sort, without any respect of the public good. The chief end of these Governors, is their own greatness and enriching. And therefore their manner is, to prepare fit means to uphold their Estate. This State is not wholly so bad, as if the Tyranny, and yet worse than the Common wealth, because it respecteth the good of a few.   

VI Common wealth.  
A Commonwealth is the swerving of depravation of a Free, or popular State, or the Government of the whole multitude of the ba●e and poorer sort, without respect of the other Orders.  
These two States, to wit; The oligarchy, and Commonwealth, are very adverse the one to the other, and have many bicker between them. For that the Richer or Nobler sort, suppose a right or superiority to appertain unto them in every respect, because they are superior, but in some respects only to wit, in Riches, Birth, Parentage, etc. On the other side, the Common people suppose, there ought to be an equality in all other things, and some State matters; because they are equal with the Rich or Noble, touching their Liberty, whereas indeed neither the one nor the other are simply equal or superior, as touching Government and fitness thereunto, because they are such, to wit, because they are Rich, Noble, Free, etc. But because they are Wise, Virtuous, Va●ant, etc. and so have fit parts to Govern a State.  
The several States are sometimes mixed, and inter-wrought one with the other, yet ever so, as that the one hath the preheminent predomination over the other, as in the humours and complexions of the body. So in the Roman State, the people had their Plebescita, and gave the suffrage in the election of Magistrates: Yet the Senate (as the State stood) for the most part swayed the State, and bore the chief rule. So in the Venetian State, the Duke seemeth to represent a Monarch, and the Senate to be his Council: Yet the Duke hath no power in State matters, but is like a head set on by art, that beareth no brain. And so that State is Senatorica●l or Aristocratical.   

Causes of States and Commonwealths in general.  

Causes of States, or of Commonwealths are of 3. sorts, viz.  
1. Founding, or settling a State where to be considered. 

1. Measure.  
2. Parts, and their Qualities.    
2. Preserving a State.  
3. Changing, and altering a State.    

Founding a State.  

In founding a State are to be considered 2. things.  
1. Proportion.  
2. Parts.   
PRoportion, is a just measure or Mediocrity of the State, whereby it is framed & kept in that Order, as that neither it exceed nor be defective in his kind, to wit, so that a Monarch be not too Monarchical, nor strict, or absolute, as the Ruff Kings; nor Aristocratical, that is over●mated or eclipsed by the Nobility, as the Scottish Kingdom, but ever respective to the other degrees. That Aristocracy be not to magnificent nor entire to itself, but communicate with the people some commodities of State or Government, the Venetians and sometimes the Ro●● allowed the people to elect certain Magistrates out of themselves, to have a Tribune, to make Plebiscita, etc. So a Free State or Commonwealth that it is not over popular, viz. That it depress not too much the richer, wiser, nor leaneder sort; but admit them to offices with a Caution out of the rules and masteries of that State. That they seek no alteration of the present State. The reason, because the moderate States in their several kinds (as all other things that observe the mean) are best framed for their continuance, because they give less cause or grudge, envy, and affecting the Wealth, Honour, and 〈◊〉, which they see in others that 〈◊〉 the State; and so are less subject to stirs and commotions, and easiest kept in their present State wherein they are set.   

Parts.  
THe parts of the State, or those Magistrates that bear place or sway in the public Government.  
Parts or partakers of Public Government, are 

1. Council or Senate, which consulteth of all matters pertaining to War and Peace, Magistrates, etc. in admitting of whom there ought to be a mo●● special care, that they may be men expert in matter of Policy, because it i● their Trade and Vocation, as men use to choose Pilots, and Masters of Ships, such as know the Art of Navigation, and no● Husband men, etc. And so the contrary.  
2. Magistrates and Officers, which are to be executioners of that which consulted, and found to be expedient for the Commonwealth, wherein are to be observed, the kinds of Magistrate than they be such as fit that kind of Government; The time of their continuance, and the manner of their election or appointing, by whom, out t● whom, and in what manner they be chosen.  
3. Judges; To determine in Civil and Criminal matters, where are to be observed, out of whom they are to be chosen; what kinds are necessary, and the manner of Judgement and Judicial proceeding.    

In Magistrates are to be observed.  
1. Kind's of Magistrates. 

1. Civil. 
1. Superior, which are to be such & of that kind as agree with the State, as Consuls for a year, and not perpetual Dictatours in a Senatorie State. Praetors & Censors, that oversee manners & orders of the people.  
For a Kingdom Lieutenant of Shires, Marshals, Masters of Horse, Admirals, etc.  
Inferior, as conservators of Peace, Constables, etc.  
Overseers of youth that take care for their education for civil and warlike exercise.  
Clarks of the Market that provide for the quantity, and price of victual.  
Ed●●es for Buildings, Streets, Bounds.  
Questours, or Treasurers, to keep and dispense the public Treasury.  
A●u●●ies, or Recorders, which keep the public Record.  
Gaolers to keep prison and Prisoners.  
Surveyors of woods and fields, etc. 

1. As Bishops or Pastors, Elders, Wardens.  
2. Time of Magistrates, whereof some are perpetual, some for a time, viz. for more years, a year, half a year, according to the necessity of the Commonwealth, and not perpetual; or at least not Heredetary in a Kingdom. Yearly in an Aristocracy, or half yearly in a Free-State.  
3. Manner of choice, by whom and how to be chosen, where especially they are to be chosen by suffrage, and not by Lot.     
2. Eclesiastical.      

Causes preserving a State, or Commonwealth.  

In preserving of States a things required.  
1 Mysteries, or Sophisms 

1. General to all States.  
2. Particular for every several State.    
2. Rules, or Actions. 

1. General, for all States.  
2. Particular, for every State.      

Mysteries, or Sophisms.  
MYsteries, or Sophisms of State, are certain secret practices, either for the avoiding of danger, or averting such effects as tend to the preservation of the prefent State, as it is set or founded.  
State Mysteries are of two sorts.  

1. General: That pertain to all States; as first to provide by all means, that the same degree, or part of the Commonwealth, do not exceed both in Quantity and Quality. In Quantity, as that the number of the Nobility, or of great persons, be not more, than the State or Commonwealth can bear. In Quality, as that none grow in wealth, Liberty, Honours, etc. more than it is meet for that degree; For as in weights, the heavier weights bear down he Scale: So in Commonwealths, that part of degree that excelleth the rest in Quality and Quantity, overswayeth the rest after it, whereof follow alterations, and conversions of state. Secondly, to provide by all means, that the middle sort of people exceed both the extremes, (viz.) of Nobility and Gentry, and the base rascal, and beggarly sort. For this maketh the State constant and firm, when both the Extremes are tied together by a middle sort, as it were with a band, as for any conspiracy of the rich and beggarly sort together, it is not to be feared. To these two points, the Particular rules in Sophisms of every Commonwealth, are to be applied.  
2. Particular: That serve for preservation of every Common wealth, in that form of State wherein it is settled as in a Kingdom. That the Nobility may be accustomed to bear the Government of the Prince, especially such as have their dwelling in remote places from the Prince's eye, it is expedient to call them up at certain times to the Prince's Court, under presence of doing them honour, or being desirous to see, and enjoy their presence; and to have their children, especially their eldest, to be attendant upon the Prince, as of special favour towards them and theirs, that so they may be trained up in duty and obedience towards the Prince, and be as Hostages for the good hehaviour, and faithful dealing of their Parents, especially, if they be of any suspected note. To that end serves the Persian practice, in having a Band, or Train of the Satrapa's children, and other Nobles to attend the Court; which was well imitated by our Train of He●●●●●r, if they were of the Nobler sort. Again, sometimes to borrow small sums of his Subjects and to pay them again, that he may after borrow greater sums and never pay: So in an oligarchy, lest it decline to a Popular State, they deceive the people with this and the like Sophisms, (viz. They compel their own sort, to wit, the rich men, by great penalties, to frequent their Assembly, for choosing of Magistrates, for provision of Armour, warlike Exercises, making an Execution of Laws, &. By that means seemin; to bear a hard hand over the richer, but to suffer the poorer, and meaner sort to be absent, and to neglect those Assemblies under pretence, that they will not draw them from their business, and private earnings: Yet withal to cite thither some few of them, (viz.) so many as are easily over-matched by the richer sort, to make a show, that they would have the people or poorer sort, partakers likewise of those matters, yet terrifying those that come to their Assemblies, with the tendiousnesse of consultations, greatness of Fines, if they should mis-do, to the end, to make them unwilling to come again, or to have to do with those Consultations, by which means, the richer sort do still, govern the State, with the people's liking, and good contentment.    

Aixoms.  
Axioms or Rules of preserving the State are, 

1. General, that serve for all Commonwealths.  
2. Particular, that serve for every several State.     

General Rules.  
1. THe first and principal Rule of Policy to be observed in all States, is to profess, & practise, & maintain the true worship & Religio of Almighty God prescribed unto us in his word, which is the chief end of all Government. The Axiom, That God be obeyed simply without exception, though he command that which seemeth unreasonable, and absurb to Humane policy; as in the Jews Commonwealth: That all the men should repair yearly to one place to worship God four times, leaving none to defend their coast, though being beset with many Enemies. Not to sow the seventh year, but to suffer the ground to rest untilled without respect or fear of famine, etc.  
2. To avoid the causes of Conversion, whereby States are over thrown, that are set down in the Title of conversions; For that Common wealth (as natural bodies) are preserved by avoiding that which hurteth the health and State thereof, and are so cured by contrary medicines.  
3. To take heed, that no Magistrate be created or continued, contrary to the Laws and policy of that State. As that in a Se●at●, there be not created a perpetual Dictaetor, as Caesar in Rome. In a Kingdom, that there be no Senate, or Convention of equal power with the Prince in State matters, as in Poland.  
4. To create such Magistrates as love the State as it is settled, and take heed of the contrary practice, as to advance Popular persons in a Kingdom, or Aristocracy. And secondly, to advance such as have skill to discern what doth preserve, and what hurreth or altereth the present State.  
5. To that end to have certain Officers to pay abroad, and to observe such as do not live and behave themselves in fit sort, agreeable to the present State, but desire rather to be under some other form, or kind of Government.  
6. To take heed that Magistracies be not sold for money, nor bribe in their Offices, which especially to be observed in that Common wealth, which is governed by a few of the richer sort; For if the Magistrate gain nothing but his Common Fees, the common sort, and such as want honour, take in good part that they be not preferred, and are glad rather that themselves are suffered to intend private business. But if the Magistrate buy and sell matters, the common people are doubly grieved, both because they are debated of those preferments, and of that gain they see to grow by them, which is the cause that the Germane Oligarchies continue to firm for both they suffer the poorer sort to grow into wealth, and the richer sort are by that means freed, and secured from being under the poor.  
7. To take heed that the State, as it is settled and maintained, be not over-strict, nor exceed in his kind; (viz.) That a Kingdom be not too Monarchical, nor a P●●ul● State too P●●u●ar: For which cause it is good, that the Magistrates sometimes) yield of his right touching honour, and bahave themselves familiarly with those that are equal unto them in other parts, though inferior for place and office; And sometimes popularly with the common people, which is the cause that some Common wealths, though they be very simply, and un kilfully set, yet continue firm, because the Magistrates behave themselves wisely, and with due respect toward, the rest that are without honour; and therefore some kind of Moderate Popularity is to be used in every Commonwealth.  
8. To take heed of small beginnings, and to meet with them even at the first, as well touching the breaking and altering of Laws, as of other rules which concern the continuance of every several State. For the disease and a teration of a Commonwealth, doth not happen all at once, but grows by degrees, which every common wit cannot discern, but men expert in POLICY.  
9 To provide, that that part be ever the greater in number and power, which favours the State as now it stands. This is to be observed as a very Oracle in all Commonwealths.  
10. To observe a mean in all the degrees, and to suffer no part to exceed, or decay overmuch. As first for preferments, to provide that they be rather small and short, than great and long; and if any be grown to overmuch greatness, to withdraw or diminish some part of his honour. Where these Sophisms are to be practised (viz.) to do it by parts and degrees; to do it by occasion, or colour of law, and not all at once. And it that way serve not, to advance some other, of whose virtue and faithfulness, we are fully assigned, to as high a degree, or to a greater honour; and to be the friends and followers of him that excelleth, above that which is meet. As touching wealth, to provide, that those of the middle sort (as before was said) be more in number; and if any grow high, and over charged with wealth, to use the Sophisms of a Popular State, viz to send him on Embassages, and Foreign Negotiations, or employ him in some Office that hath great charges, and little honour, etc. To which end, the F●●●●ful served in some Commonwealths.  
11 To Suppress the Factions, and quarrels of the Nobles, and to keep other that are yet free from joining with them in their partake and Factions.  
12. To increase or remit the Common Taxes and Contributions; according to the wealth, or want of the People and Commonwealth. If the people be increased in Wealth, the Taxes and Subsidies may be increased. If they be poor, and their Wealth diminish, specially by dearth, want of Traffic, etc. to forbear Taxes and Impositions, or to take little. Otherwise grudge and discontentments must needs follow. The Sophisms that serve for impositions, are these, and other of like sort, To pretend business of great charge, as War, building of Ships making of Havens, Castles, Fortifications, etc. for the common defence; sometimes by Lotteries and like devises, wherein some part may be bestowed, the rest reserved for other expenses; but Princely dealings needs no pretences.  
13. To Provide that the Discipline & Training of youth of the better sort to such as agreeth with that Commonwealth: As that in a Kingdom, the sons of Noble men to be attendant at the Court, that they may be accustomed to obedience towards the Prince. In the Senatory State, that the son's o● the Senators be not idly, nor over daintily brought up, but well instructed and trained up in Learning, Langues, and nartiall exercise that they may be able to bear that place in the Commonwealth, which their Father held, and c●nt any wise, in a Popular State.  
14. To take heed, lest their Sophisms, or secret practices for the continuance and maintenance of that State, be not discovered; lest by that means they refuse and disappoint themselves, but wisely used, and be with great secrecy.   

Particular Rules.  
Rules and Axioms, for preserving of a Kingdom. 

Hereditary.  
Conquered.     

Kingdoms Hereditary, are preserved at home by the ordering.  
1. HImself, viz. By the tempering and moderation of the Prince's Answer and Prerogative. For the less and more Temperate their Power and State is the more firm, and stable is their Kingdom and Government; because they seem to be further off from a Master like, and Tyrannte all Empire; and less unequal in condition to the next degree, to wit, the Nobility, and so less subject to grudge and envy.  
2. Nobility, etc. By keeping that degree and due proportion, that neither they exceed in number more than the Realm, or State can bear, as the Scottish Kingdom, and sometime the English, when the Realm was overcharged with the number of Dukes, Earls, and other Noble; whereby the Authority of the Prince was eclipsed, and the Realm troubled with their Factions and Ambitions. Nor that any one excel in Honour, power, or wealth, as that he resemble another King within the Kingdom, as the house of Lancaster within this Realm. To that end, not to load any with too much Honour or preferment, because it is hard even for the best, and worthiest men, to bear their greatness, and high Fortune temperately, as appeareth by infinite examples in all States. The Sophisms for preventing, or reforming this inconvenience, are to be used with great caution and wisdom. If any great person be to be abated, not do real with him by calumniation or forged ●atter, and so to cut him off without desert, especially if he be gracious among the people, after the ●●chiav●an Place, which besides the injustice, an occasion many times of greater danger towards the Prince. Not to withdraw their Honour all at once, which maketh a desperate 〈◊〉 in the party, and a commiseration in the people, and so greater love, he be gracious for his virtue, and public service. Not to banish him into Foreign Countries, where he may have opportunity of practising with Foreign States, whereof great danger may ●n●e, as in the example of ●ortulanus, Henry the fourth, and such like. But to use these, and the like Sophisms, viz. To abate their greatness by degrees, as David Joabs', fa●●●●a Bellisarius, etc. To advance some other men to as great, or greater Honour, to shadow, ●● over-mate the greatness of the other. To draw from him by degrees his friends, and followers by ●●vefer●●●, rewards, and other good and lawful means; especially, to be provided that these great men be not employed in great or powerful affairs of the Common wealth, whereby they may have more opportunity to sway the State.  
3. People, viz. So to order and behave himself that he be loved, and reverenced of the People. For that the Prince need not greatly fear home conspiracies, or foreign Invation, she be firmly loved of this own people. That reason, for that the Rebel can neither hope for any forces for so great enterprise, not any refuge, being discovered & put to flight, ●t the multitude affect their Prince: But the common people being once offended, hath cause to fear every moving, both at home and abroad. This may be affected by the Prince, the use means and art of getting the favour of the people, and avoid those things that breed have and contempt; viz. if he seem as Tutor, or a Father to love the people and to protect them, if he maintain the peace of his Kingdom; For that nothing is more popular, nor more pleasing to the people than is peace.  
4. If he show himself oftentime graciously, yet with State and Majesty to his people, and receive complaint of his suppliants, and such like.  
5. If he sit himself sometimes in Open Courts, and place of ●ustice that he may seem to have a care of I●●stice among his people. If he bestow many benefits and graces upon that City, which he maketh the seat of his L●●●●, and to make it sure and faithful unto him, which is fit to be in the middle of his Kingdom, as the heart in the middle of the body, or the Sun in the middle of Heaven, both to divide himself more easily into all the parts of his Dominions; and lest the furthest parts at one end move, whilst the Prince is in the other. If he go in progress many times to see his Provinces, especially, those that are remite.  
6 If he gratify his Cou●tiers and ●●●●ians in that sort, and by such means, as that he may seem not to pleasure them with the hurt & injury of his people, as with Monopolies, and such like.  
7 If he commit the handling of such things as procure envy, or seem grievous to his Ministers, but reserve those things which are grateful, and well pleasing to himself, as the French Kings, who for that purpose, as may seem, have erected their Court at Paris, which acquitteth the Prince from grudge and envy, both with the Nobles and the scope.  
8. If he borrows sometimes sums of money of his people, though he have no need, and pay the same justly without defalcation of any part by his Exchequer, or other Officer.  
9 If he avoid all such things as may breed hatred or contempt of his person which may be done, if he show himself not too light, unconstant, hard, cruel, esteminate, fearful, and ●asterdly, etc. But chose Religious, Grave, Just Valiant, etc. Whereby appeareth the false doctrine of the Machiavilian Policy, with far the better means to keep the people in obedience, than love, and reverence of the people towards the Prince.  
10. If the Prince be well furnished with Warlike provision, which is to be rumoured, and made known abroad: if it be known, that he is reverenced, and obeyed by his peoples at home.  
11. If he provide so much as lieth in him, that his neighbour Kingdoms grow not over much in power and Dominior; which if it happen, he is to join speedily with other Princes, which are in like danger to abate that greatness, and to strengthen himself and the rest against it. An oversight of the Christian Princes towards the King of Spain.  
12 If he get him Intelligencers by reward, or other means, to detect or hinder the designs of that Prince, with whom he hath differences, if any thing be intended against his State. Or at least have some of his own Lydging abroad about that Prince's Court, under colour of Embassage, or some other pretence; which must be men of skill and Dexterity to serve for that turn.  
13. To observe the Laws of his Country, and not to encounter them with his Prerogate, nor to use it at all where there is a Law, for that it maketh a secret and just grudge in the people's hearts, especially if it tender to take from them their commodities, and to bestow them upon other of his COURTIERS and Ministers.  
14. To provide especially, That that part, which favoureth the State as it standeth, be more potent, than the other which favoureth it not or desireth a change.  
15. To make special choice of good and sound men to bear the place of Magistrates, especially of such as assist the Pr●●●●● on Cou●sels, and Policie●, and not to lean overmuch to his own advice, contrary to the rule of Ma●li●● who teacheth, That a Prince can have no good ●●●●sul, except it be in himself; his reason, ●● use if he use the 〈…〉 is in danger to be over w 〈…〉 d by him; and if he counsel with more, than he shall be 〈…〉 in opi●i●●s. As if a Prince of great, or mean wisdom, could not take the Judgement of all his c●nc●llours in any point of Po●●●●, or of so many as he himself think he good, and to take it either by word, or in writing; and himself then in private peruse them all, and so after good and mature deliberation, make choice of the best, without any distraction of binding himself to the direction of one. For the Proverb is true. that two eyes see more than one; and therefore the advices, and Consultations of a Senatory State is compared by some to a Feast, or dinner, where many contribute towards the ●●●t, by which means they have more variety of dishes, and so better fare: and yet every mean may make choice of that dish that serveth him best for his 〈…〉 e.  
16. The Prince himself is to sit sometimes in place of public justice, and to give an experiment of his wisdom and equity, whereby great reverence and estimation is gotten, as in the example of Sol●man, which may seem the reason, why our Kings of England had their King's Bench in Place of public justice, after the manner of the ancient Kings that sat in the Gate; where for better performing of this Princely duty, some special causes may be selected, which may throughly be debated and considered upon by the Prince in Private, with the help and advice o● his learned Council, and so be decided publicly, as before is said, by the Prince himself; At least, the Prince is to take account of every Minister of public Justice, that it may be known, that he hath a care of justice, and doing right to his people, which makes the justicers also to be more careful in performing of their duties.  
17. To be moderate in his Taxes, and in positions; and when need doth require to use the Subjects purse, to do it by Parliament, and with their consents, making the cause apparent unto them, and showing his unwillingness in charging them Finally, so to use it, that it may seem rather an offer from his Subjects, than an exaction by him.  
18. To stop small beginnings; unto this end to compound the dissensions that rise amongst the Nobles, with caution, that such as are free be not drawn into parts, whereby many times the Prince is endangered, and the whose Commonwealth set in a combustion; as in the example of the Barons, War, and the late Wars of France, which grew from a quarrel betwixt the ●●●●o● Faction, and the other Nobility.  
19 To stir up the people, if they grow secure, and negligent of Armour, and other provision for the Commonwealth, by some rumour or fear of danger at home, to make more ready when occasion requireth. But this seldom to be used, lest it be supposed a false Alarm, when there is need indeed.  
20 To have special care, that his children, especially, the heir apparent, have such bringing up as is meet for a King, viz. in learning, specially of matters pertaining to State, and in Martial exercise, contrary to the practice of many Princes, who suffer their children to be brought up in pleasure, and to spend their time in hunting, etc. which by reason of their defects, afterwards is a cause of misgovernment and alteration of State.   

II. Kingdoms new gotten, or purchased by force, are preserved by these means.  
FIrst, if they have been Subjects before to his Ancestors, or have the same tongue, manners, or fashions, as have his own Country, it is an easy matter to retain such Countries within their obedience, in case the Prince's blood of the said Country be wholly extinct. For men of the same quality, tongue, and condition, do easily s●ole, and combine themselves together, so much the rather, if the people of that Country have served before, and were not accustomed to their own Liberty, wherein especially is to be observed, that the Laws and customs of that purchased Country be not altered nor innovated, or at least it be done by little and little. So the B●rgundians and oquitans were annexed to France. The reason, because partlty they have been accustomed to serve, and partly, for that they will not easily agree about any other to be their Prince, if the Blood Royal be cas● extinguished. As for the invasion of a foreign Country, where into the Prince hath no right, or whereof the right heir is living: It is not the part of a just Civil Prince, much less a Christian Prince to enforce such a country: and therefore, the Machiavillian practices in this case, to make sure work by extiguishing wholly the Blood Royal, is lewd and impertinent: The like is to be said of murdering the Natives, or the greatest part of them, to the end he may hold the rest in sure possession. A thing not only against Christian Religion, but it is inhuman injustice, cruel, and barbarous.  
2. The safest way is, (supposing a right) that some good part of the Natives be transplanted into some other place, and our Colonies, consisting of so many as shall be thought meet, be planted there in some part of the Province, Castls, Forts, and Havens, seized upon, and more provided in fit places, as the manner was of the Babylonian Monarch, which Transplanted 10. Jews: And of the Romans in France, Tribes of the Germany, Britain, & other places. The reason: 

1. For that otherwise Forces of Horse and Foot, are to be maintained within the Provinces, which cannot be done without great charge.  
2. For that the whole Province is troubled and grieved with removing and supplying the Army with victual, carriages, etc.  
3. For that Colonies are more sure and faithful, than the rest.    
As for the Natives that are removed from their former seats, they have no means to hurt, and the rest of the Natives being free from the inconvenience, and fearing that themselves may be so served if they attempt any thing rashly, are content to be quiet.  
The Turks practise in Asia, where the chief grounds and dwellings are possessed by the Soldiers, whom they call Timari●tae.  
That the Prince have his seat and his residence, in his new purchase, especially, for a time, till things be well settled; especially if the Province be great and large, as the Turks in Greece: The reasons; 

1. Because the presence of the Prince availeth much to keep things in order, and get the good will of his new Subjects  
2. They conceive that they have refuge by the Prince's presence, if they be oppressed by the Lieutenants, and inferior Governors: Where it will be convenient for the winning the people's hearts, that some example be made of punishing of such as have committed any violence or oppression.  
3. Because being present, he seeth and heareth what is thought & attempted; and so may quickly give remedy to it, which being absent he cannot do, or not do in time.  
4. If the Prince himself cannot be present to reside, then, to take heed that the charge of Governing, or new purchases be committed to such as be sure men, and of other meet quality, that depend wholly upon the Prince's savour, and not to Natives, or other of their own Subjects, that are gracious for their Nobility, or Virtue; especially, if the Province be great, and somewhat far distant, which may soon seduce the unsettled affections of those new subjects, As for such Governors, as depend wholly upon the Prince's savour, being not born, but created Noble, they will not so easily suffer themselves to be won from their duty, and in case they would revolt, yet they are not able to make any great strength, for that the people obey them but as instruments and ministers, to keep them in Subjection, and not for any ill will  
5. To have the children of the chief Noble men, and of greatest Authority, Hostages with them in safe keeping, the more the better: For that no bond is stronger, than that of nature, to contain the Parents and Allies in obedience, and they the rest.  
6 To alter the laws but by degrees one after another, and to make other that are more behooveful for the establishing of the present Government.  
6. To keep the people quiet and peaceable, and well affected so much as may be, that they may seem by being conquered, to have gotten a protector, rather than a Tyrant; For the Common-People, if they enjoy peace, and be not distracted nor drawn from their business, nor exacted upon beyond measure, are easily contained under obedience; Yet notwithstanding, they are to be dis-used from the practice of Arms, and other Exercises which increase courage, and be weakened of Armour, that they have neither spirit, nor will to rebel.  
7. If there be any faction in the Country, to take to him the defence of the better and stronger part, and to combine with it, as Caesar in Fr●nce.  
8. To look well to the Borders, and confining Provinces, and if any rule there of great, or equal power to himself, to join league with some other Borde●●●, tho●gh of less strength, to hinder he attempts: if any should be) by such neighbour Prince. For it happeneth, often, that a Country infested by one neighbour Prince, calleth in another, of as great, or greater power, to assist and rescue it from the other that invadeth it; So the ●●●mans were call●d into G●●●, by the AEt●●ians; the ●●●●ns, by the Britai●s, the Danes, by the Saxon●.  
9 To leave their Titles and dignities to the Natives, but the command and Authority, wholly to his own.  
10. Not to put much trust, nor to practise too often the Sophism of Policy, especially those that appertain to a Tyrannical State, which are soon detected by men of judgement, and so being discredit to the Prince, and his Policy among the wiser, and better sort of his Subjects, whereof must needs follow very ill effects.    
The S●●●●● of Tyrants, are rather to be known, than practised, (which are for the supporting of their Tyrannical States,) by wise and good Princes, and are these, and such like as follow.   

Rules Politic of Tyrants.  
Rules practised by Tyrants are of 2. sorts, viz. 

1. Barbarous, and Professed, which is proper to those that have got head, and have power sufficient of themselves, without others help, as in the Turkish, and Russee Government.  
2. Sophistical, and Dissembled; As in some States that are reputed for good and lawful Monarchies, but inclining to Tyrannies, proper to those which are not yet settled, nor have power sufficient of themselves; but must use the power and help of others, and so are forced to be Politic Sophisters.     

I. Sophisms of a Barbarous and professed Tyranny.  
TO expel and banish out of his Country all honest means, where. by his people may attain to learning, wisdom, valour and other virtues, that they might be fit for that estate, and servile condition. For that these two, learning, and martial exercise, effect two things most dangerous to a Tyranny: viz Wisdom, and Valour. For that men of spirit and understanding, can hardly endure a Servile State. To this end, to forbid learning of liberal Arts, and Martial exercise; As in the Ruff Government so Julian the Apostata dealt with the Christians. chose, to use his people to base occupations, and Mechanical Arts, to keep them from idleness, and to put away from them all high thoughts, and manly conceits, and to give them a liberty of drinking drunk, and of other base and lewd conditions that they may be sorted, and so made unfit for great enterprises. So the Egyptian Kings dealt with the Hebrews; So the Russee Emperor with his Russee people: And Charles the fifth with the Netherlanders, when he purposed to enclose their privileges, and to bring them under his absolute Government.  
2. To make sure to him, and his State, his Military men by reward, liberty, and other means, especially. his Guard, or Praetorian Band; That being partakers of the spoil and benefit, they make like that State, And continue firm to it; as the Turk, his Janizarie; the Ruff, his Boyarens, etc.  
3. To unarm his people of weapons, money, and all means, whereby they may resist his power; And to that end, to have his set and ordinary exactions etc. Once in two, three, or four years, and sometimes yearly, as the ●●rk and Ruff; who is wont to say, that his people must 〈…〉ed as his flock of sheep, viz. Their people taken from them, lest it overlade ●, and grow too heavy; That they are like to his beard, that the more it was shaved the thicker it would grew. And if there be any of extraordinary wealth, to borrow of them in the mean while, till the Tax come about, or upon some devised matter, to confiscate their goods, as the common practice is of the ●uss● and Turk.  
4. To be still in Wars, to the end, his people may need a Captain; and that his Forces may be kept in practice, as the Ruff doth yearly against the Tartar, Polonian, and Sweden, etc.  
5. To cut off such as excel the rest in wealth, favour, or nobility; or be of a pregnant, or aspiring wit, and so are fearful to a Tyrant; and to suffer none to hold Office, or any Honour, but only of him; as the Turk his B●shae●; and the Ruff, his R●zzes.  
6. To forbid Guilds, Brotherhoods, Feast and other Assemblies among the people, that they have no means or opportunity to conspire, or confer together of public matters, or to maintain love amongst themselves, which is very dangerous to a Tyrant, the Russes practice.  
7. To have their Beagles, or listener in every corner, & parts of the Realm; especially, in places that are more suspect, to learn what every man saith, or thinketh, that they may prevent all attempts, and take away such ●s mislike their S●●●.  
8. To make Schism, and Division among his Subjects, viz. To set one Noble man against another, and one Richman against another, that through Fact on & disagreement among themselves they may be weakened, and attempt nothing against him, and by this means entertaining whispering, and complaints, he may know the secrets of both parts, and have matter against them both, when need requireth. So The Ruff made the Faction of the Zemsky, and the 〈◊〉.  
9 To have strangers for his Guard, and to entertain Parasites, and other base and servile fellows, not too wise, and yet subtle, that will be ready for reward to do and execute what he commandeth, though never so wicked and unjust. For that good men can not flatter, and wise men cannot serve a Tyrant.  
All these practices and such like, may be contracted into one or two, viz. To bereave his subjects of will and power to do him hurt, or to alter the present State The use is Caution, not Imitation.   

II. Sophisms of the Sophillicall, or subtle Tyrant, to hold up his State.  
1. TO make show of a good King, by observing a temper and mediocrity in his Government, and whole course of life; To which end, it is necessary, That this subtle Tyrant, be a cunning Politician, or a Machiavilian at the least, and that he be taken so to be, for that it maketh him more to be feared and regarded, and is thought thereby: not unworthy for to Govern others.  
2. To make show not of severity, but of gravity, by seeming reverend, and not terrible in his speech, and gesture, and habit, and other demeanour.  
3. To pretend care of the Commonwealth; And to that end, to seem loath to exact Tributes, and other charges; and yet to make necessity of it, where none is: To that end to procure such War as can bring no danger toward his State, and that might easily be compounded, or some other chargeable business; and to continue it on, that he may continue his exaction and contribution so long as he list. And thereof to employ some in his public service, the rest to hoard upon his Treasury, which is sometimes practised even by lawful Princes, as Edward the fourth in his Wars against France, when have levied a great sum of money throughout his Realm, especially of the Londoners, he went over Seas, and returned without any thing doing.  
4. Sometimes to give an account by open speech, and public writing, of the expense of such Taxes and Impositions, as he hath received of his subjects, that he may seem to be a good husband and frugal, and not a rob of the Commonwealth.  
5. To that end, to bestow some cost upon public buildings, or some other work for the Common good, especially upon the Ports, Forts, and chief Cities of his Realm, that so he may seem a benefactor, & have a delight in the adorning of his Country, or doing some good for it.  
6. To forbid feast, and other meetings, which increase love, and give opportunity to confer together of public matters, under pretence of sparing cost for better uses, To that end the Curficu Bell was first ordained by William the Conqueror, to give men warning to repair home at a certain hour.  
7. To take heed that no one grow to be overgreat, but rather, many equally great, that they may envy, and contend one with another; and if he resolve to weaken any of this sort, to do it warily and by degrees; If quite to wreck him, and to have his life, yet to give him a lawful trial, after the manner of his Country; And if he proceed so far with any or great power and estimation, as to do him contumely, or disgrace, not to suffer him to escape, because contumely and disgrace, are things contrary unto Hovour, which great spirits do most desire, and so are moved rather to a revenge for their disgrace, than to any thankfulness, or acknowledging the Prince's favour for their pardon or dismission: True in Atheists, but not in true Christian Nobility.  
8. To unarm his people, and store up their weapons, under pretence of keeping them safe, and having them ready when service requireth. and then to arm with them such, and so many as he shall think meet, and to commit them to such as are sure men.  
9 To make schism or division under hand among his Nobility, and betwixt the Nobility and the people, and to set one Rich man against another, that they combine not together, and that himself by hearing the griefs and complaints, may know the secrets of both parts, and so have matter against them both, when it listeth him to call them to an account.  
10. To offer no man any contumely or wrong, specially, about women's matters, by attempting the chastity of their Wives or Daughters, which hath been the ruin of many Tyrants, and conversion of their States. As of Tarqvinius, by Brutus, Appius, by Virginius, Pisistratus, by Harmodius, Alexander Medici's, Duke of Florence, Aloisus of Placen●●a, Rodericus, King of Spain, etc.  
11. To that end, to be moderate in his pleasures, or to use them closely that he be not seen; For that men sober, or watchful, or such as seem so, are not lightly subject to contempt, or conspiracies of their own.  
12. To reward such as achieve some great or commendable enterprise; or do any special action for the Commonwealth, in that manner as it may seem, they could not be better regarded, in case they lived in a Free-State.  
13. All rewards and things grateful, to come from himself, but all punishments, exactions, and things ungrateful, to come from his Officers, and public Ministers; And when he hath effected what he would by them, if he see his people discontented withal, to make them a Sacrifice to pacify his Subjects.  
14. To pretend great care of Religion, and of serving God, (which hath been the manner of the wickedest Tyrants) for that people do less fear any hurt from those, whom they do think Virtuous and Religious, nor attempt likely to do them hurt, for that they think that God protects them.  
15. To have a strong and sure Guard of foreign Soldiers, and to bind them by good turns, that they having at least profit, may depend upon him and the present State; As Caeligula, the Germane Guard, where the Nobility are many and mighty. The like is practised by Lawful Kings, as by the French King.  
16. To procure that other great persons be in the same fault, or case with them, that for that cause they be forced to defend the TYRANT, for their own safety.  
17. To take part, and to join himself with the stronger part; if the Common people, and mean degree be the stronger, to join with them; if the Rich and Noble, to join with them. For so that part with his own strength, will be ever able to overmatch the other.  
18. So to frame his manners and whole behaviour, as that he may seem, if not perfectly good, yet tolerably evil, or somewhat good, somewhat bad.  
These Rules of Hypocritical Tyrants are to be known, that they may be avoided, and met withal, and not drawn into imitation.   

Preservation of an Aristocracy.  
RUles to preserve a Senatory State, are partly taken from the common Axioms, and partly from those that preserve a Kingdom.   

Preservation of an oligarchy, by 

Sophisms.  
Rules.    
1. IN Consultations and Assemblies about public affairs, to order the matter, that all may have liberty to frequent their Common Assemblies, and Counsels; But to impose a Fine upon the richer sort, if they omit that duty. On the other side, to pardon the people, if they absent themselves, and to bear with them under pretence, that they may the better intent their Occupations, and not be hindered in their trades, and earnings.  
2. In election of Magistrates, and Officers: To suffer the poorer sort to vow, and abjure the bearing of Office, under colour of sparing them, or to enjoin some great charge, as incident to the Office, which the poor cannot bear. But to impose some great Fine upon those that be rich, if they refuse to bear Office, being Elect unto it.  
3. In judicial matters: In like manner to order, that the people may be absent from public Trials, under pretence of following their business. But the Richer to be present, and to compel them by Fines, to frequent the Court.  
4. In Warlike exercise and Arms: That the poor be not forced to have Armour, Horse, etc. under pretence of sparing their cost, nor to be drawn from their trades by Martial exercises; but to compel the Richer sort to keep their proportion of Armour, Horse, etc. by excessive Fines, and to exercise themselves in Warlike matters, etc.  
5. To have special care of instructing their children in liberal Arts, Policy, and warlike exercise, and to observe good order and discipline. For as Popular States are preserved by the frequency, and Liberty of the people, so this Government of the Richer, is preserved by discipline, and good order of Governors.  
6. To provide good store of warlike furniture, especially of Horse & Horsemen, and of Armed men, viz. Pike, etc. which are proper to the Gentry, as shot, and light furniture are for a Popular Company.  
7. To put in practise some points of a Popular State; viz. To lad no one man with too much preferment; To make yearly or half years' Magistrates, etc. For that the people are pleased with such things, and they are better secured by this means from the rule of one. And if any grow to too much greatness, to abate him by the Sophisms fit for this State.  
8. To commit the Offices and Magistracies, to those that are best able to bear the greatest charges for public matters, which both rendeth to the conservation of this State, and pleaseth the people, for that they reap some relief, and benefit by it.  
9 To the same end, To contract marriages among themselves; the rich with the rich, etc.  
10 In some things which concern not the P●i●ts, and matters of State, as Electing Magistrates, Making Laws, etc. to give an equality, or sometimes a preferment to the Common People, and not to do, as in some Oligarchies they were wont; viz. To swear against the People, to suppress and bridle them but rather contrary, To minister an Oath at their admission, That they shall do no wrong to any of the People; and if any of the richer offer wrong to any of the Commons, to show some example of severe punishment.  
For other Atioms that preserve this State, they are to be borrowed from those other rules that tend to the preserving of a Popular, and Tyrannical State; for the strict kind of oligarchy is kin to a Tyranny.  
Preservation of a popular State; 

Sophisms.  
Rules or Axiom.    
1. IN public Assemblies and Consultations about matters of State, creating of Magistrates, public justice, & Exercise of Arms, to practise the contrary to the former kind of Government, to wit, an oligarchy. For in Popular States, the Commons and meaner sort are to be drawn to those Assemblies, Magistrates, Offices, Warlike Exercise, etc. By mulcts and rewards, and the richer sort are to be spared, and not to be forced by fine, or otherwise, to frequent these Exercises.  
2. To make show of honouring and reverencing the richer men, and not to swear against them, as the manner hath been in some Popular State; but rather to prefer them in all other matters, that concern not the State and public Government.  
3. To elect Magistrates from among the Commons by Lot, or Ballading, and not to choose any for their wealth's sake.  
4. To take heed, that no man bear office twice, except it be Military, where the pay, & salary, etc. is to be reserved in their own hands, to be disposed of by a Common Council, etc. And to see that no man be too highly preferred.  
5. That no Magistracy be perpetual, but as short as may be, to wit, for a year, half a year, etc.  
6. To compel Magistrates, when their time expireth, to give an account of their behaviour and government, and that publicly before the Commons.  
7. To have public Salaries and allowance of their Magistrates, Judges, etc. And yearly dividents for the common people, and such as have most need among them.  
8. To make Judges of all matters out of all sorts, so they have some aptness to perform that duty.  
9 To provide that public judgements and Trials be not frequent; and to that end to inflict great Fines and other punishments upon Pettifoggers and Dilators, as the law of requital, etc. Because for the most part the richer and nobler, and not the Commons are indicted and accused in this Commonwealth, which causeth the rich to conspire against the State; whereby many times the popular State is turned into an oligarchy, or some other Government. Hereto tendeth that Art of Civil Law, made against Accusers and Calumniatours: Add Senatus-consultum Tarpthanum, l. 1. de Calumniatoribus.  
10. In such free States as are popular, and have no revenue, to provide that public Assemblies be not after: because they want salary for Pleaders and Orators; And if they be rich; yet to be wary, that all the revenue be not divided amongst the Commons. For, that this distributions of the Common revenue among the multitude, is like a purse or barrel without a bottom. But to provide, that a sufficient part of the revenue be stored up for the public affairs.  
11. If the number of the poor increase too much in this kind of State, to send some abroad out of the Cities into the next Country places, and to provide above all, that none do live idly, but be set to their trades. To this end, to provide that the richer men place in their Farms and Copy holds, such decayed Citizens.  
12. To be well advised what is good for this State, and not to suppose that to be fit for a popular State, that seemeth most popular; but that which is be for the continuance thereof: And to that end, not to lay into the Exchequer or Common Treasury, such goods as are confiscate, but to store them up as holy and consecrate things, which except it be practised, confiscations, & fines of the Common people would be frequent, and so this State would decay by weakening the people.   

Conversion of States in general.  
COnversation of a State, is the declining of the Common wealth either to some other form of Government, or to his full and last period appointed by God.   

Causes of conversions of States are of two sorts: General and Particular.  
GEneral, (viz.) 1. Want of Religion: viz. of the true knowledge and worship of God, prescribed in his word; and notable sins that proceed from thence in Prince and people, as in the examples of S●u●, ●lizz●ah, the jewish State; the four Monarchies, and all other.  
2. Want of wisdom and good Council to keep the State, the Prince, Nobles, and people in good temper, and due proportion, according to their several order and degrees.  
3. Want of justice either in administration (as ill Laws, or ill Magistrates) or in the execution, as rewards not given where they should be, or there bestowed where they should not be, or punishments not inflicted where they should be  
4. Want of power and sufficiency to maintain and defend itself, viz. Of provision, as Armour, Money, Captains, Soldiers, etc. Execution, when the means or provision is not used, of all used.  
5. Particular: To be noted and collected out of the contraries of those rules, that are prescribed for the preservation of the Commonwealth.   

Particular causes of Conversion of States, are of two sorts.  

1. Foreign: By the over greatness of invasion of some foreign Kingdom or other State of meaner power, having a part within our own, which are to be prevented by the providence of the chief, and rules of policy for the preserving of every State: This falleth out very seldom for the great difficulty to overthrow a foreign State.  
2. Domestic. 

Sedition or open violence by the stronger part.  
Alteration without violence.      

Sedition.  
SEdition is a power of inferiors opposing itself with force of Arms against the superior power, Quasi ditio secedens.   

Causes of Sedition are of two sorts.  

1. General  
Liberty.  
Riches. 
WHen they, that are of equal quality in a Commonwealth, or do take themselves so to be, are not regarded equally in all or in any of the these three. or, when they are so unequal in quality, or take themselves so to be, are regarded but equally, or with less respect than those that be of less defect in these three things, or in any of them.   
Honour.   

1. IN the Chief: Covetousness or oppression, by the Magistrate or higher Power, (viz.) when the Magistrates, especially the Chief, increaseth his substace & revenue beyond measure, either with the public or (private calamity, whereby the Governors grow to quarrel among themselves as in oligarchy) or the other degrees conspite together, and make quarrel against the Chief, as in Kingdoms: The examples of ●at Tyl●r, Jack Straw, etc.  
2. In the ●●●●f: Injury, when great Spirits, and of great power, are greatly wronged & dishonoured, or take themselves to be, as Coriolanus, Cyrus' minor, Earl of Warwick. In which cases the best way is to decide the wrong.  
3. Preferment, or want of preferment; wherein some have overmuch, and so wax proud and aspire higher or have more or less, than they deserve, as they suppose, and so in envy and disdain, seck Innovation on by open faction, so Caesar, etc.  
4. Some great necessity or calamity; So Xerxes after the foil of his great Army. And Senacherib after the loss of 185. in one night.   

2. Particular. 

1. ENvy, when the chief exceed the mediocrity before mentioned, and so provoketh the Nobility, and other degrees, to conspire against him; as Brutus Cassius, etc. against Caesar.  
2. Fear, viz. Of danger when one or more dispatch the Prince by secret practice or force, to prevent his own danger, as Artabanus did Xerxes.  
2. Lust or Lechery, as Tarqvinius, Superbus, by Brutus; Pisistrati●●ae, by Armoaius; Appiu● by Virginiu●.  

Chief.  4. Contempt, For vile quality & base behaviour, as Sardana●alus, by ●●aces, Dionysius the younger by Dion.  

Other degrees.  5. Contumely; when some great disgrace is done to some of great Spirit, who standeth upon his honour and reputation, as Caligula by Chaereas.  

Other degrees.  6. Hope of Advancement, or some great profit, as Mithridates, Anobar●anes      

Alteration without violence.  
Cause's of alteration without violence are; 1. Excess of the State; when by degrees the State groweth from that temper and mediocrity wherein it was, or should have been settled, and exceedeth in power, riches, and absoluteness in his kind, by the ambition & covetousness of the chief immoderate taxes, and impositions, &c applying all to his own benefit, without respect of other degrees & so in the end changeth itself into another State or form of Government, as a Kingdom into a Tyranny, an Oligarchy into an Aristocracy.  
2. Excess, of some one or more in the Commonwealth; viz. When some one or more in a Commonwealth grow to an excellency or excess above the rest, either in honour, wealth, or virtue; and so by permission and popular favour, are advanced to the Sovereignty: By which means, popular States grow into Oligarchies; and Oligarchies and Aristocracies into Monarchies. For which cause the Athenians and some other free States, made their Laws of Ostro●ismos, to banish any for a time that should excel, though it were in virtue, to prevent the alteration of their State; Which because it is an unjust Law, 'tis better to take heed as the beginning to prevent the means, that none should grow to that height and excellency, than to use so sharp and unjust a remedy.  
FINIS.    

A METHOD, How to make use of the Book before, in the reading of the Story.  
DAVID being seventy years of age, was of wisdom, Memory, etc. sufficient to govern his Kingdom; 1. Reg. Cap. 1.  

Old age is not ever unfit for public Government.  
DAVID being of great years, and so having a cold, dry, and impotent body, married with Abishag, a fair maid, of the best complexion through the whole Realm, to revive his body and prolong his life, 1. Reg. Chap. 1. vers. 3.   

Example of the like practice in Charles the Fifth.  
DAvid being old and impotent of body, by the advice of his Nobles and Physicians, married a young maid called Abishag, to warm and preserve his old body.   

Observation.  
WHether David did well in marrying a maid? and whether it be lawful for an old decayed and impotent man, to marry a young woman; or on the other side, for an old, worn, and decrepit woman, to marry a young and lusty man.   

For the Affirmative.  
ARG. The end of marriage is Society and mutual comfort; but there may be Society and mutual comfort in a marriage betwixt an old, and young party Ergo 'tis Lawful.  
Answ. Society and comfort is a cause & effect of marriage; but none of the principal ends of marriage: which are: 

1. Procreation of children, and so the continuance of mankind.  
2. The avoiding of Fornication.    
As for comfort and society they may be betwixt man and man, woman and woman, where no marriage is, and therefore no proper ends of marriage.   

The Negative,  
ARG 1. That conjunction, which hath no respect to the right and proper ends, for which marriage was ordained by God, is no lawful marriage. But the conjunction betwixt an old impotent, and young party hath no respect to the right end, for which marriage was ordained by God. Therefore it is no lawful marriage.  
2. No contract, wherein the party contracting, bindeth himself to an impossible condition, or to do that which he cannot do, is good or lawful. But the contract of marriage by an impotent person with a young party, bindeth him to an impossible condition to do that which he cannot do, viz. to perform the duties of Marriage; Therefore it is unlawful,  
For the same cause, the civil Law determineth a nullity in these marriages, except the woman know before the infirmity of the man, in which case she can have no wrong, being a thing done with her own knowledge and consent, because Volenti non fit injuria:— In legem Julian. de adulteriis leg. Si Uxor, etc.  
It provideth further, for the more certainty of the infirmatie, That three years be expired before the dissolution of the marriage, because that men that have been infirm at the first, by reason of sickness, or some other accident, afterwards proved to be sufficient: De repudiis leg, in causis.   

Defence for David, in marrying Abishag.  
IT was rather a Medicine, than a marriage, without any evil, or disordered affection.  
2. It was by the persuasion of his Nobles, and Physicians.  
3. It was for the public good, to prolong the life of a worthy Prince.  
4. It was with the knowledge and consent of the young maid, who was made acquainted with the King's infirmity, and to what end she was married unto him; who if she di● it for the common good, and for ●●●●tes sake, having withal the gift of continency, she is to be commended; if for ambition, or some vain respect, it is her own, and not David's fault.   

Political Nobility. Adonijah aspiring to the Kingdom.  
FIrst, took the advantage of David's affection and kindness towards him, and make him secure of any ill dealing.  
Secondly, of his age and infirmities, disabling his Father as unfit for Government.  
Thirdly, blazed his title, and Right to the Crown.  
Fourthly, got him Chariots, Horsemen, and Foot men, and a guard to make show of State.  
Fifthly, being a comely, and goodly Person, made a popular show of himself, and his qualities.  
Sixtly, joined to himself in Faction Joab, the General of the Army, who was in displeasure for murdering of Abner, and Amaza, and feared that David would supply B●najah in his place, and so was discontented. And Abiather the high Priest, that was likewise discontented with David, for the preferment of Zadok.  
Seventhly, bad meetings with them, and other his confederates under pretence of a vow, and offering at the Fountain of Raguel, in the confines of Judea.  
Eigthly, made a show of Religion by Sacrificing, etc.  
Ninthly, made himself familiar with the Nobles and people, and entertained them with feasting.  
Tenthly, drew into his part the chief Officers of the Court, and Servants to the King, by rewards, Familiarity, etc.  
Eleventhly, disgraced and abased the Competitour, and such as he knew would take part with him, and concealeth his ambition, and purpose from them.  
Twelfthly, had jonathan a Favourite of the Court, and near about the King to give him intelligent, if any thing were discovered, and moved at the Court, whilst himself was in hand about his practice.   

OBSERVATIONS. Ways of such as aspire to the Kingdom, and marks to discern them.  
FIrst, they wind into the Prince's favour by service, officiousness, flattery, etc. to ●lant him in a good o●●●●on of that loyalty and faithfulness, hereby to make him him secure of their practices.  
2. They take advantage of the Prince's infirmities, age, impotency, negligence, sex, etc. And work upon that be disabling the Prince, and secret detracting of his State, and Government.  
3. They blaz their Title, and claim to the Crown, (if they have any with their friends and favourites.  
4. They provide them in secret of extraordinary forces, and furniture for the wars, make much of god Soldiers and have a pretence (if it be espied) of some other end, as for the King's honour, or service, and to be in readiness against foreign enemies, etc.  
5 They make open show of their best qualities, and comeliness of their persons (which though it be vain as a dumb show, it is very effectual to win the liking of the popular sort, which according to the rule of the election of Kings, in the B●es Common wealth; think that Forma est digna imperare) Activity, Nobilaie, Ancestry, etc.  
6 To have their blazers abroad to see out their virtues, and to prepare their friends in every Province.  
7. To draw into their part, and make sure unto them of the chief Peers, and men of best quality, such as are mightiest and most gracious with the soldiers, and the Military men, and most subtle and politic, especially such as be ambitious and discontent with the State.  
8. To have meetings for conference under some pretence of some ordinary matter in some convenient place, not too near, nor too far off but where friends may best resort and assemble unto them without suspicion.  
9 To take up a show, and pretence of Religion more than before, and beyond the practice of their former life.  
10 They use popular courtesy (which in a great person is very effectual) feasting, liberality, gaming, etc.  
11. To be over liberal, & win to them by gifts familiarity, etc. the chief Officers of the Court, and Governors of State.  
12. To have some near about the Prince, to keep them in credit, and common suspicion, if any arise.  
13. To disgrace such as they know to be sure and faithful to the Prince, & present State, or to the competitour, and to bring them into contempt by slander, detraction, and all means they can, and to conceal the designs from them, left they be discovered before they be too ripe.  
14. To have some spy near about the Prince, to advertise them if any inkling suspicion arise, whilst themselves are practising.  
Note the practices of Absolom, 2 Sam. 16. And of Cyrus' minor in Xenophon; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. cap. 1.   

Political Prince.  
David being a most worthy and excellent Prince for wisdom, valour, religion, and justice, and so highly deserving of the Commonwealth, yet grown into age, grew withal into contempt, & had many both of his Nobles, & common people, that fell from him; first with Absolom, then with Adoniiab, who affected the Kingdom, and rebelled against him: For remedy whereof, he stirred up himself to public actions, which might show his vigour & sufficiency to manage the affairs of his Kingdom.  
1. AFter the victory against Absolom, he forced himself to forbes mourning, and showed himself to his discontented Army, when all were like to fall from him, for his unreasonable sorrow and lamentation for his Son.  
2. After the victory, he caused a general convention to be assembled of the whole Nation, to bring him home with honour to Jerusalem, which was a renowing, and re-establishing of him, 2 Sam. 19 12.  
3. He gave an experiment of his power and authority, by deposing a person of great author 〈…〉 estimation, to wit joab, General Captain of the Army, and advancing Amasa to his place.  
4 He sent kind pssages to jerusalem, and to other chief and head towns, and special men of judea, his contributes, putting them of their alliance with him with these word, That they were of his own flesh and blood, with protestarian of his special love and affection towards them, 〈…〉 them with the like kindness 〈…〉 towards him.  
5. He ●●mbled a Parliament of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and took occasion upon the ●●●●g●●ing of his successor, to commend into them he succession of his house, into the continuance and maintenance of God's ●●●mor in and ●●● good the established and gave a gr●ve and public charge to his Successor n●w designed, ●uc●ing the manner of his government, and maintaining of religion, 1. Chron. 12. 13.  
6. He feared his 〈…〉 and munificence in congesting matter for building of the Temple, as gold, silver, brass, etc. And caused it to be published and mad known to the Parliament and whole Nation, 1. Chron. 22. 13.  
7. He revived the Church Government, and set it in a right order, assigning to every Church Officer his place and function.  
8. He suppressed the faction of Adonijah, and ordained Solomon his Successor, 1 Kings 1. 21. By these means he retained his Majesty and Authority in his old age, as appeareth by the effect; for that being bed rid, he suppressed the faction of Adonijah, (which was grown mighty, and was set on foot) with his bare commandment, and signification of his pleasure, and so be died in peace.  
FINIS.    

SIR WALTER RALEIGHS INSTRUCTIONS to his SON: and to Posterity.  
Corrected, & enlarged according to the Authors own Copy.  
LONDON, Printed for W. Shears Junior, and are to be sold at the Blue Bible in Covent-Garden. 1656.   

SIR Walter Raleigh, To His SON.  

CHAP. I. Virtuous persons to be made choice of for friends.  
THere is nothing more becoming any wise man, than to make choice of friends, for by them thou shalt be judged what thou art: let them therefore be wise and virtuous, and none of those that follow thee for gain; but make election ra● the of thy betters, than thy Inferiors, shunning always such as are poor and reedy: for of thou givest twenty gifts, and refuse to do the like but once, all that thou hast done will be lost, and such men will become thy mortal enemies: Take also especial care, that thou never trust any friend or servant, with any matter that may endanget thme estate; for so shalt thou make thy felt a bondslave to him that thou t●●●●●● and leave thyself always, to his mercy: And be sure of this, thou shalt never find a friend in thy young years, whose conditions and qualities will please thee after thou comest to more discretion and judgement, and then all thou givest is lost, and all wherein thou shalt trust such a one, will be discovered. Such therefore as are thy inferiors, will follow thee but to eat thee out, and when thou leavest to seed them, they will hate thee; and such kind of men, if thou preserve thy estate, will always be had: And if thy friends be of better quality than thyself, thou mayest be sure of two things: the first, That they will be more careful to keep thy counsel, because they have more to loethens thou hast: the second, They will esteem thee for thyself, and not for that which thou dost possess; but if thou be subject to any great vanity or ill (from which I hope God will bless thee) then therein trust no man; for every man's folly ought to be his greatest secret And although I persuade thee to associate thyself with thy betters, or at least with thy Peers, yet remember always that thou venture not thy estate with any of those great ones, that shall attempt unlawful things, for such men labour for themselves, and not for thee; thou shalt be sure to part with them in the danger, but not in the honour; and to venture a sure estate in present, in hope of a better in future, is mere madness: And great men forget such as have done them service, when they have obtained what they would, and will rather hate thee for saying thou hast been a mean of their advancement, than acknowledge it.  
I could give thee a thousand examples, and I myself know it, and have tasted it in all the course of my life; when thou shalt read and observe the Stories of all Nations, thou shalt find innumerable examples of the like: Let thy love therefore be to the best, so long as they do well; but take heed that thou love God, thy Country, thy Prince, and thine own estate, before all others: for the fancies of men change, and he that loves to day, hateth to morrow; but let reason be thy Schoolmistresse, which shall ever guide thee aright.   

CHAP. II. Great care to be had in the choosing of a Wife.  
THe next and greatest care ought to be in the choice of a Wife, and the only danger therein, is beauty, by which all men in all ages, wise and foolish, have been betrayed. And though I know it vain to the reasons or arguments, to dissuade thee from being captivated therewith there being few or none, that ever resisted that Witchery; yet I cannot ●●me to warn thee, as of other things, which may be thy ruin and destruction. For the present time, it is true, that every 〈◊〉 prefers his fantasy in that 〈…〉 before all other worldly des 〈…〉 the care of honour, credit, and safety in respect thereof; But remember, that though these affections do not last, yet the bond of Marriage dureth to the end of thy life; and therefore better to be borne withal in a Mistress, than in a Wife, for when thy humour shall change, thou art yet free to choose again (if thou give thyself that vain liberty.) Remember secondly, that if thou marry for Beauty, thou bindest thyself for all thy life for that, which perchance will neither last nor please thee one year; and when thou hast it, it will be to thee of no price at all, for the degree dieth when it is attained, & the affection perisheth, when it is satisfied. Remember, when thou wert a sucking Child, that then thou didst love thy Nurse, and that thou wert fond of her, after a while thou didst love thy Drienurse, and didst forget the other, after that thou didst also despise her; so will it be with thee in thy liking in elder years; and therefore, though thou canst not forbear to love, yet forbear to link, and after a while thou shalt find an alteration in thyself, & see another far more pleasing than the first, second, or third Love: yet I wish thee above all the rest, have a care thou dost not marry an uncomely Woman for any respect; for comeliness in Children is riches, if nothing else be left them. And if thou have care for the races of horses, and other beasts, value the shape and comeliness of thy Children, before alliances or riches: have care therefore of both together, for if thou have a fair Wife, and a poor one, if thine own estate be not great, assure thyself that Love abideth not with want; for she is thy companion of plenty and honour, for I never yet knew a poor Woman exceeding fair, that was not made dishonest by one or other in the end. This B●●●sh●●● taught her Son S●lomon; Favour is de●●●tfull, and Beauty is ●●an t●●: she saith further, That a wise woman overseeth the ways of our Household, and cat●th use the bread of ●●lenesse  
Have therefore ever more care, that thou be beloved of thy wife, rather than thyself besotted on her; and thou shalt judge of her love by these two observations: first, If thou perceive she have care of thy estate, and exercise herself therein; the other, If she study to please thee, and be sweet unto thee in conversation, without thy instruction, for Love needs no teaching, nor precept. On the other side, be not sour or stern to thy wife, for cruelty engendereth no other thing than hatred: Let her have equal part of thy Estate whilst thou livest, it thou find her sparing and honest; but what thou givest after thy death, remember that thou givest it to a stranger, and most times to an enemy, for he that shall marry thy wife, will despise thee, thy memory, and thine, and shall possess the quiet of thy labours, the fruit which thou hast planted, enjoy thy love, and spend with joy and ease what thou hast spared, and gotten with care and travel: Yet always remember that thou leave not thy wife to be a shame unto thee after thou art dead, but that she may live according to thy estate; especially, if thou hast few Children, and them provided for. But howsoever it be, or whatsoever thou find, leave thy wife no more than of necessity thou must, but only during her widowhood; for if she love again, let her not enjoy her second love in the same bed wherein she loved thee, nor fl●e to future pleasures with those feathers which death hath pulled from thy wings; but leave thy estate to thy house and children, in which thou livest upon earth whilst it lasteth. To conclude, Wives were ordained to continue the generation of men, not to transfer them, and diminish them, either in continuance or ability; and therefore thy house and estate, which liveth in thy son, and not in thy wife, is to be preferred. Let thy time of marriage be in thy young and strong years; for believe it, ever the young wife betrayeth the old husband, and she that had thee not in thy flower, will despise thee in thy fall, and thou shalt be unto her but a captivity and sorrow. Thy best time will be towards thirty, for as the younger times are unfit, either to choose or to govern a wife and family; so if thou stay long, thou shalt hardly see the education of thy Children, which being left to strangers, are in effect lost, and better were it to be unborn, than ill bred; for thereby thy posterity shall either perish, or remain a shame to thy name and family. Furthermore, if it be late ere thou take a wife, thou shalt spend the prime and summer of thy life with Harlots, destroy thy health, impoverish thy estate, and endanger thy life; and be sure of this, that how many Mistresses soever thou hast, so many enemies thou shalt purchase to thyself; for there never was any such affection, which ended not in hatred or disdain. Remember the saying of Solomon, There is a way which seemeth right to a man, but the issues thereof are the wages of death; for howsoever a lewd woman please thee for a time, thou wilt hate her in the end, and she will study to destroy thee. If thou canst not abstain from them in thy vain and unbridled times, yet remember that thou sowest on the lands & dost mingle the vital blood with corruption, and purchasest diseases, repentance, and hatred only. Bestow therefore thy youth so, that thou mayest have comfort to remember it, when it hath forsaken thee and not sigh and grieve at the account thereof: whilst thou art young thou wile think it will never have an end; but behold, the longest day hath his evening, and that thou shalt enjoy it but once, that it never turns again, use it therefore as the Spring time, which soon departeth, and wherein thou oughtest to plant, and sow all provisions for a long and happy life.   

CHAP. III. Wisest men have been abused by flatterers.  
TAke care thou be not made a fool, by flatterers, for even the wisest men are abused by these. Know therefore, that flatterers are the worst kind of Traitors; for they will strengthen thy imperfections, encourage thee in all evil, correct thee in nothing, but so shadow and paint all thy vices, and follies, as thou shalt never, by their will, discern evil from good, or vice from virtue. And because all men are apt to flatter themselves, to entertain the additions of other men's praises is most perilous. Do not therefore praise thyself, except thou wile be counted a vain glorious fool, neither take delight in the praises of other men except thou deserve it, and receive it from such as are worthy and honest, and will withal warn thee of thy faults; for flatterers have never any virtue, they are ever base, creeping, cowardly persons. A flatterer is said to be a beast that biteth smiling, it is said by Isaiah in this manner: My people, they that praise thee seduce thee, and disorder th● paths of thy feet; and David desired God to cut out the tongue of a flatterer. But it is hard to know them from friends, so are they obsequious and full of protestations; for as a wolf resembles a dog, so doth a flatterer a friend. A flatterer is compared to an Ape, who because she cannot defend the house like a dog, labour as an ox, or bear burdens as a horse, doth therefore ye play tricks, and provoke laughter: Thou mayest be sure that he that will in private tell thee thy faults, is thy friend, for he adventures thy mislike, and doth hazard thy hatred; for there are few men that can endure it, every man for the most part delighting in self-praise, which is one of the most universal follies which bewitcheth mankind.   

CHAP. IU. Private quarrels to be avoided.  
BE careful to avoid public disputations at Feast, or at Tables, among choleric or quarrelsome persons; and eschew evermore to be acquainted or familiar with Ruffians, for thou shalt be in as much danger in contending with a brawler in a private quarrel, as in a battle, wherein thou mayest get honour to thyself and safety to thy Prince and Country; but if thou be once engaged, carry thyself bravely, that they may fear thee after. To shun therefore private fight, be well advised in thy words and behaviour, for honour and shame is in the talk, and the tongue of a man causeth him to fall.  
jest not openly at those that are simple, but remember how much thou art bound to God, who hath made thee wiser. Defame not any woman publicly, though thou know her to be evil; for those that are faulty cannot endure to be taxed but will seek to be avenged of thee, and those that are not guilty cannot endure unjust reproach. And as there is nothing more shameful and dishonest, than to do wrong, so truth itself cutteth his throat that carrieth her publicly in every place. Remember the divine, saying, He that keepeth his mouth, keepeth his life. Do therefore right to all men where it may profit them, and thou shalt thereby get much love, and forbear to speak evil things of men, though it be tru● (if thou be not constrained) and thereby thou shalt avoid malice and revenge.  
Do not accuse any man of any crime, if it be not to save thyself, thy Prince, or Country, for there is nothing more dishonourable (next to Treason itself) than to be an Accuser Notwithstanding I would not have thee for any respect lose thy reputation, or endure public disgrace, for better it were not to live, than to live a coward, if the offence proceed not from thyself; if it do, it shall be better to compound it upon good terms, than to hazard thyself; for if thou overcome, thou art under the cruelty of the Law, if thou art overcome, thou art dead or dishonoured. If thou therefore contend, or discourse in argument; let it be with wise and sober men, of whom thou mayest learn by reasoning, and not with ignorant persons, for thou shalt thereby in trust those that will not thank thee, and utter, what they have learned from thee, for their own. But if thou know more that other men, utter it when it may do thee honour, and not in assemblies of ignorant and common persons.  
Speaking much also, is a sign of vanity; for he that is lavish in words, is a niggard in deeds; and as Solomon saith, The mouth of a wise men is in his heart, the heart of a fool is in his mouth, because what he knoweth or thinketh, he uttereth: And by thy words and discourses, men will judge thee. For as Socrates saith, such as thy words are, such will thy affections be esteemed; and such will thy deeds as thy a●●ct●●●s, and such thy life as thy deeds. Therefore be advised what thou dost discourse of, what thou maintainest; whether touching Religion, State, or vanity; for it thou erre in the first, thou shalt be accounted profane; if in the second, dangerous; if in the third, indiscreet and foolish: He that cannot refrain from much speaking, is like a City without walls, and less pains in the world a man cannot take, than to hold his tongue; therefore, if thou observest this rule in all assemblies, thou shalt seldom err; restrain thy choler, harken much, and speak little; for the tongue is the instrument of the greatest good and greatest evil that is done in the world.  
According to Solomon, Life and death are in the power of the tongue: and as Euripide, truly affirmeth, Every unbrialed tongue, in the end shall find itself unfortunate; for in all that ever I observed in the course of worldly things, I ever found that men's fortunes are oftener made by their tongues than by their virtues, and more men's fortunes overthrown thereby also, than by their vices. And to conclude, all quarrels, mischief, hatred, and destruction, ariseth from unadvised speech, and in much speech there are many errors, out of which thy enemies shall ever take the most dangerous advantage. And as thou shalt be happy, if thou thyself observe these things, so shall it be most profitable for thee to avoid their companies that err in that kind, and not to hearken to Tale-bearers, to inquisitive persons, and such as busy themselves with other men's estates, that creep into houses as spies, to learn news which concerns them not; for assure thyself such persons are most base and unworthy, and I never knew any of them prosper, or respected amongst worthy or wise men.  
Take heed also that thou be not found a liar; for a lying spirit is hateful both to God and man. A liar is commonly a Coward; for he dares not avow truth. A liar is trusted of no man he can have no credit, neither in public nor private; and if there were no more arguments than thee, know that our Lord in S. John saith That it is a vice proper to Satan, lying being opposite to the nature of God, which consisteth in Truth; and the gain of lying is nothing else, but not to be trusted of any, nor to be believed when we say the truth. It is said in the Proverbs, That God hateth false lips; and he that speaketh lips, shall perish. Thus thou mayest see and find in all the Books of God, how odious and contrary to God a liar is; and for the world, believe it, that it never did any man good (except in the extremity of saving life;) for a liar is of a base, unworthy, and cowardly spirit.   

CHAP. V. Three Rules to be observed for the preservation of a man's estate.  
AMongst all other things of the World, take care of thy estate, which thou shalt ever preserve, if thou observe three things; First, that thou know what thou hast, what every thing is worth that thou hast, and to see that thou art not wasted by thy Servants and Officers. The second is, that thou never spend any thing before thou have it; for borrowing is the canker and death of every man's estate. The third is, that thou suffer not thyself to be wounded for other men's faults, and scourged for other men's offences; which is, to be surety for another; for thereby millions of men have been beggared and destroyed, paying the reckoning of other men's riot, and the charge of other men's folly and prodigality; if thou smart, smart for thine own sins, and above all things, be not made an Ass to carry the burdens of other men: If any friend desire thee to be his surety, give him a patt of what thou hast to spare, if he press thee farther, he is not thy friend at all, for friendship rather chooseth harm to itself, than offereth it: If thou be bound for a stranger, thou art a fool; if for a merchant, thou puttest thy estate to learn to swim: if for a Churchman, he hath no inheritance: if for a Lawyer, he will find an evasion by a syllable or word, to abuse thee: if for a poor man, thou must pay it thyself: if for a rich man, it need not: therefore from Suretyship, as from a Man slayer, or Enchanter, bless thyself; for the best profit and return will be this, that if thou force him for whom thou art bound, to pay it himself, he will become thy enemy, if thou use to pay it thyself, thou wilt be a beggar; and believe thy Father in this, and print it in thy thought, that what virtue soever thou hast be it never so manifold, if thou be poor withal, thou, and thy qualities shall be despised: Besides, poverty is oft times sent as a curse of God, it is a shame amongst men, an imprisonment of the mind, a vexation of every worthy spirit; thou shalt neither help thyself nor others, thou shalt drown thee in all thy virtues, having no means to show them, thou shalt be a burden, and an Eyesore to thy friends, every man will fear thy company, thou shalt be driven basely to beg, and depend on others, to flatter unworthy men, to make dishonest shifts; and to conclude, poverty provokes a man to do infamous and detested deeds: Let no vanity therefore, or persuasion draw thee to that worst of worldly miseries.  
If thou be rich, it will give thee pleasure in health, comfort in sickness, keep thy mind and body free, save thee from many perils, relieve thee in thy elder years, believe the poor, and thy honest Friends, and give means to thy posterity to live, and defend themselves, and thine own fame, where it is said in the Proverbs, That he shall be sore vexed that is surety for a stranger, and he that hateth suretyship is sure. It is further said, The poor is hated even of his own neighbour, but the rich have many friends. Lend not to him that is mightier than thyself, for if thou lendest him, count it but lost; be not surety above thy power, for if thou be surety, think to pay it.   

CHAP. VI What sort of Servants are fittest to be entertained.  
LEt thy servants be such as thou mayest command, and entertain none about thee but Yeomen, to whom thou givest wages; for those that will serve thee without thy hire, will cost thee treble as much as they that know thy fare: if thou trust any Servant with thy purse, be sure thou take his account ere thou sleep; for if thou put it off, thou wilt then afterwards, for tediousness, neglect it. I myself have thereby lost more than I am worth. And whatsoever thy servant gaineth thereby, he will never thank thee, but laugh thy simplicity to scorn; and besides, 'tis the way to make thy servants thiefs, which else would be honest.   

CHAP. VII. Brave Rags wear soon out of Fashion.  
EXceed not in the humour of rags and bravery; for these will soon wear out of Fashion: but money in thy Purse will ever be in Fashion; and no man is esteemed for gay Garments, but by Fools and Women.   

CHAP. VIII. Riches not to be sought by evil means.  
ON the other side, take heed that thou seek not Riches basely, nor attain them by evil means, destroy no man for his wealth, nor take any thing from the Poor; for the cry and complaint thereof will pierce the Heavens. And it is most detestable before God, and most dishonourable before worthy men, to wrest any thing from the needy and labouring Soul. God will never prosper thee in aught, if thou offend therein: But use thy poor neighbours and Tenants well, pine not them and their children, to add superfluity and needless expenses to thyself. He that hath pity on another man's sorrow, shall be free from it himself; and he that delighteth ●n, and scorneth the misery of another, shall one time or other fall into it himself. Remember this Precept, He that hath mercy on the poor, tenact unto the Lord, and the Lord will recom 〈…〉 wh●●● he h●●h given. I do not understand those for poor, which are vagabonds and beggars, but those that labour to live, such as are old and cannot travel, such poor widows and fatherless children as are ordered to be relieved, and the poor Tenants that travel to pay their Rents, and are driven to poverty by mischance, and not by riot or careless expenses; on such have thou compassion, and God will bless thee for it. Make not the hungry soul sorrowful, defer not thy gift to the needy, for if he curse thee in the bitterness of his soul, his prayer shall be heard of him that made him.   

CHAP. IX. What Inconveniences happen to such as delight in Wine.  
TAke especial care that thou delight not in Wine, for there never was any man that came to honour or preferment that loved it; for it transformeth a man into a beast, decayeth health, poisoneth the breath, destroyeth natural heat, brings a man's stomach to an artificial heat, deformeth the face, rotteth the teeth, and to conclude, maketh a man contemptible, soon old, and despised of all wise and worthy men; hated in thy servants, in thyself and companions; for it is a bewitching and infectious vice, And remember my words, that it were better for a man to be subject to any vice, than to it, for all other vanities and sins are recovered, but a Drunkard will never shake off the delight of beastliness; for the longer it possesseth a man, the more he will delight in it, and the elder he groweth, the more he shall be subject to it; for it dulleth the spirits, and destroyeth the body, as Ivy doth the old Tree; or as the worm that engendereth in the kernel of the Nut.  
Take heed therefore that such a cureless Canker possess not thy youth, nor such a beastly infection thy old age; for than shall all thy life be but as the life of a beast, and after thy death, thou shalt only leave a shameful infamy to thy posterity, who shall study to forget that such a one was their Father. Anacharsis saith, The first draught serveth for health, the second for pleasure, the third for shame, the sourth for madness; but in youth there is not so much as one draught permitted; for it putteth fire to fire; and wasteth the natural heat and seed of generation. And therefore, except thou desire to hasten thine end, take this for a general rule, That thou never add any artificial heat to thy body by Wine or Spice, until thou find that time hath decayed thy natural heat, and the sooner thou begin ● to help nature, the sooner she will forsake thee, and trust altogether to Art: Who have misfortune, saith Solomon who have sorrow and grief, who have trouble without fight, stripes without cause, and faintness of ey●●? even they that sit or wine, and drain themselves to empty Ca●s: Plines saith, wine maketh the hand quivering, the eyes watery, the night unquiet, lewd dreams, a stinking breath in the morning, and an utter forgetfulness of all things.  
Whosoever loveth Wine, shall not be trusted of any man; for he cannot keep a secret. Wine maketh a man not only a beast, but a mad man; and if thou love it, thy own Wife, thy Children, and thy friends will despise thee. In drink men care not what they say, what offence they give, they forget comeliness, commit disorders; and to conclude, offend all virtuous and honest company, and God most of all; to whom we daily pray for health, and a life free from pain: and yet by drunkenness, and gluttony, (which is the drunkenness of feeding) we draw on, saith Hesiod, a swift, hasty, untimely, cruel, and an infamous old age. And S. Augustine describeth Drunkenness in this manner: Ebrietas est blandus Doemon, dulce venenum suave peccatum; quam, qui habet, seipsum non habet; quam qui facit, peccatum non facit, sed ipsi est peccatum.  
Drunkenness is a flattering Devil, a sweet poison, a plea an't sin; which whosoever hath, hath not himself, which whosoever doth commit, doth not commit sin, but he himself is wholly sin.  
Innocentius saith, Quid turpius ebrioso cut sator in ore, tremor in corpore, qui promit stulta, promit occul●a, cui mens alienatur, facies transformatur, nullum secretum ubi regnat ebrie●as, & quid non aliud designat malum, foecundi calices quem non fecere disertum?  
What is filthier than a drunken man to whom there is stink in the mouth, trembling in the body; which uttereth foolish things, and revealeth secret things; whose mind is alienate, and face transformed? Whom have not plentiful cups made eloquent and talking?  
When DIOGENES saw a house to be sold, whereof the owner was given to drink, I thought at the last, quoth Diogenes, he would spew out a whole house; Sciebam inquit, quod domus tandem evomeret.   

CHAP. X. Let God be thy Protector and Director in all thy Actions.  
NOw for the World, I know it too well, to persuade thee to dive into the practices thereof, rather stand upon thine own guard against all that tempt thee thereunto, or may practise upon thee in thy conscience, thy reputation, or thy purse; resolve that no man is wise or safe, but he that is honest.  
Serve God, let him be the Author of all thy actions, commend all thy endeavours to him that must either wither or prosper them, please him with prayer, lest if he frown, ●e confound all thy fortunes and labours, like the drops of Rain on the sandy ground: let my experienced advice, and fatherly instructions, sink deep into thy heart. So God direct thee in all his ways, and fill thy heart with his grace.  
FINIS.    

The dutiful ADVICE OF A LOVING SON To his AGED FATHER.  
SIR,  
I Humbly beseech you, both in respect of the honour of God, your duty to his Church, and the comfort of your own soul, that you seriously consider in what terms you stand; and weigh yourself in a Christian balance; taking for your counterpoise the judgements of God: Take heed in time that the word TEKEL, written of old against Belshazzar, and interpreted by Daniel, be not verified in you, whose exposition was, You have been poized in the scale, and found of too light weight.  
Remember that you are now in the waning, and the date of your pilgrimage well nigh expired, and now that it behoveth you to look towards your Country, your forces languisheth, your senses impair, your body droops, and on every side the ruinous Cottage of your faint and feeble flesh, threateneth the fall: And having so many harbirgers of death to premonish you of your end, how can you but prepare for so dreadful a stranger. The young man may die quickly, but the old man cannot live long: the young man's life by casualty may be abridged, but the old man's by no physic can be long adjourned, and therefore if green years should sometimes think of the grave the thoughts of old age should continually dwell in the same.  
The prerogative of Infancy is innocency; of Childhood, reverence; of Manhood, maturity; and of old age, wisdom.  
And seeing then that the chiefest properties of wisdom, are to be mindful of things past, careful for things present, and provident for things to come: Use now the privilege of nature's talon, to the benefit of your own soul, and procure hereafter to be wise in well doing, and watchful in the foresight of future harms. To serve the world you are now unable, and though you were able, yet you have little cause to be willing, seeing that it never gave you but an unhappy welcome, a hurtful entertainment, and now doth abandon you with an unfortunate farewell.  
You have long sowed in a field of flint, which could bring nothing forth but a crop of cares, and afflictions of spirit, rewarding your labours with remorse, and affording for your gain, eternal danger.  
It is now more than a seasonable time to alter the course of so unthriving a husbandry, and to enter into the efild of God's Church, in which, sowing the seed of repentant sorrow, and watering them with the tears of humble contrition, you may hereafter reap a more beneficial harvest, and gather the fruits of everlasting comfort  
Remember, I pray you, that your spring is spent, your summer overpast, you are now arrived at the fall of the leaf; yea, and winter colours have long since stained your hoary head.  
Be not careless (saith Saint Augustine) though our loving Lord bear long with offenders; for the longer he stays, not finding amendment, the sorer he will scourge when be comes to judgement: And his patience in so long forbearing, is only to lend us respite to repent, and not any wise to enlarge us leisure to sin.  
He that is tossed with variety of storms, and cannot come to his desired Port, maketh not much way, but is much turmoiled. So, he that hath passed many years, and purchased little profit, hath a long being, but a short life: For, life is more to be measured by well doing, than by number of years; Seeing that most men by many days do but procure many deaths, and others in short space attain to the life of infinite ages; what is the body without the soul, but a corrupt carcase? And what is the soul without God, but a sepulchre of sin?  
If God be the Way, the Life, and the Truth, he that goeth without him, strayeth; and he that liveth without him, dieth; and he that is not taught by him, erreth.  
Well (saith Saint Augustine) God is our true and chiefest Life, from whom to revolt, is to fall; to whom to return, is to rise; and in whom to stay, is to stand sure.  
God is he, from whom to depart, is to die; to whom to repair, is to revive; and in whom to dwell, is life for ever. Be not then of the number of those that begin not to live, till they be ready to die: and then after a foes desert, come to crave of God a friend's entertainment.  
Some there be that think to snatch Heaven in a moment, which the best can scarce attain unto in the maintenance of many years; and when they have glutted themselves with worldly delights, would jump from Di●e Diet to Lazarus Crown, from the service of Satan, to the solace of a Saint.  
But be you well assured, that God is not so penurious of friends, as to hold himself and his Kingdom saleable for the refuse and reversions of their lives, who have sacrificed the principal thereof to his enemies, and their own brutish lust; then only ceasing to offend, when the ability of offending is taken from them.  
True it is, that a thief may be saved upon the cross and mercy found at the last gasp: But w●l (saith S. Augustine) though it be possible, yet it is scarce credible, that he in death should find favour, whose whole life deserved death; and that the repentance should be more excepted, that more for fear of hell, and love of himself, than for the love of God, and loathsomeness of sin, crieth for mercy.  
Wherefore, good SIR, make no longer delays; but being so near the breaking up of your mortal house, take time before extremity, to pacify God's anger.  
Though you suffer the bud to be blasted, though you permitted the fruits to be perished, and the leaves to dry up; yea, though you let the boughs to wither, and the body of your tree to grow to decay, yet (alas) keep life in the root, for fear left the whole tree become fuel for hell fire; For surely where the tree falleth, there it shall lie, whether towards the South or to the North, to heaven, or to hell; and such sap as it bringeth forth, such fruit shall it ever bear.  
Death hath already filled from you the better part of your natural forces, and left you now to be Lees, and remissalls of your wearyish and dying days.  
The remainder whereof, as it cannot be long, so doth it warn you speedily to ransom your former losses; for what is age, but the Calends of death? & what importeth your present weakness, but an earnest of your approaching dissolution? you are now embarked in your final voyage, and not far from the stint and period of your course.  
Be not therefore unprovided of such appurtenances as are behooveful in so perplexed and perilous a Journey; death itself is very fearful, but much more terrible in respect of the judgement it summoneth us unto.  
If you were now laid upon departing bed, burdened with the heavy load of your former trespasses, and gored with the sting and prick of a festered conscience; if you felt the cramp of death wresting your heartstrings, and ready to make the rueful divorce between body and soul: If you lay panting for breath, and swimming in a cold and pale sweat, wearied with struggling against your deadly pangs, O what would you give for an hours repentance; at what rate would you value a days contrition? Then worlds would be worth less in respect of a little respite, a short truce would seem more precious than the treasuries of an Empire, nothing would be so much esteemed as a short time of truce, which now by days, and months, and years, is most lavishly misspent.  
Oh how deeply would it wound your woeful heart when looking back into your former life, you considered many heinous and horrible offences committed, many pious works, and godly deeds omitted, and neither of both repent, your service to God promised, and not performed.  
Oh how unconsolably were your case, your friends being fled, your senses affrighted, your thoughts amazed, your memory decayed, and your whole mind aghast, and no part able to perform what it should; but only your guilty conscience pestered with sin, that would continually upbraid you with many bitter accusations.  
Oh what would you think then, being stopped out of this mortal weed, and turned out both of service and houseroom of this wicked world, you are forced to enter into uncouth and strange paths, and with unknown and ugly company, to be convented before a most severe judge, carrying in your conscience your Indictment, written in a perfect Register of all your misdeeds, when you shall fee him prepared to give sentence upon you, against whom you have so often transgressed, and the same to be your Umpire, whom by so many offences you have made your enemy, when not only the Devil, but even the Angels would plead against you and your own self, in despite of yourself, be your own most sharp appeacher.  
Oh what would you do in these dreadful exigents, when you saw the ghastly Dragon, and huge gulf of hell, breaking out with most fearful flames, when you heard the weeping, wailing, and gnashing of teeth; the rage of those hellish monsters, the horror of the place, the terr●●● of the company, and the eternity of all those torments.  
Would you then think them wise that mould delay into weighty matters, and idly play away the time allotted, to prevent these intolerable calamities? Would you then count it secure, to nurse ●n your own bosom so many Serpents as sins? and to foster in your soul so many malicious accusers, as mortal and horrible offences? Would you not think one life too little to repent in for so many, and so great iniquities, every one whereof were enough to throw you into those unspeakable and intolerable torments.  
And why then (alas!) do you not at the least devote that small remnant, and surplusage of those your later days, procuring to make an atonement with God, and to free your Soul and Conscience from that corruption, which by your fall hath crept into it.  
Those very eyes that behold, and read this discourse, those very ears that are attentive to hear it, and that very understanding that considereth and conceiveth it, shall be cited as certain witnesses of these rehearsed things. In your own body shall you experience these deadly Agonies, and in your Soul shall you feelingly find these terrible fears; yea, and your present estate, is in danger of the deepest harms, if you do not the sooner recover yourself into that fold and family of God's faithful servants.  
What have you gotten by being so long a customer to the World, but false ware, suitable to the shop of such a merchant, whose traffic is toil, whose wealth is trash, and whose gain is misery? What interest have you reaped, that might equal your detriment in grace and virtue? Or what could you find in the vale of tears, that was answerable to the favour of God, with loss whereof, you were contented to but it?  
You cannot now be inveigled with the passions of youth, which making a partiality of things, sets no distance between counterfeit and currant, for these are now worn out of force, by tract of time are fallen into reproof, by trial of their folly.  
Oh let not the crazy cowardness of flesh and blood, daunt the prowess of an intelligent person, who by his wisdom cannot but discern how much more cause there is, and how much more needful it is to serve God, than this wicked world.  
But if it be the ungrounded presumption of the mercy of God, and the hope of his assistance at the last plunge (which indeed is the ordinary lure of the devil) to reclaim sinners from the pursuit of Repentance. Alas, that is too palpable a collusion to misled a found and serviceable man, howsoever it may prevail with sick and illaffected judgements: who would rely upon eternal affairs, upon the gliding slipperiness, and running streams of our uncertain life? who, but one of distempered wits, would offer fraud to the Decipherer of all thoughts; with whom dissemble we may to our cost, but to deceive him, is impossible.  
Shall we esteem it cunning to rob the time from him, and bestow it on his enemies, who keepeth tale of the least minutes, and will examine in the end how every moment hath been employed. It is a preposterous kind of policy, in any wise conceit to fight against God, till our weapons be blunted, our forces consumed, our limbs impotent, and our best time spent; and then when we fall for faintness, and have fought ourselves almost dead, to presume on his mercy.  
Oh! no, no, the wounds of his most sacred body, so often rubbed, and renewed by our sins and every part and parcel of our bodies so divers, and sundry ways abused, will be then as so many whetstones and incentives, to edge and exasperate his most just revenge against us.  
It is a strange piece of Art, and a very exorb tant course, when the Ship is sound, the Pilot well, the Mariners strong, the Gale favourable, & the Sea calm; to lie idly at the road, burning so seasonable weather: And when the Ship leaketh, the Pilot sick, the Mariners faint, the Storms boisterous, and the Seas a turmoil of outrageous Surges, then to launch forth, (hoist up sail) and set out for a long voyage into a far Country.  
Yet such is the skill of these evening Repenters, who though in the soundness of their health, and perfect use of their reason, they cannot resolve to cut the Cables, and weigh the Anchor that withholds them from God.  
Nevertheless, they feed themselves with a strong persuasion, that when they are astonished, their wits distracted, the understanding dusked, and the bodies and souls wracked, and tormented with the throbs and gripes of a mortal sickness; then forsooth they will begin to think of their weightiest matters, and become sudden Saints, when they are scarce able to behave themselves like reasonable creatures.  
No, no, if neither the Canon, Civil, nor the Common Law will allow that man (perished in judgement) should make any Testament of his temporal substance; how can he that is animated with inward garboils of an unsettled conscience, distrained with the wring fits of his dying flesh, maimed in all his ability, and circled in on every side with many and strange incumberances, be thought of due discretion to dispose or his chiefest Jewel, which is his Soul? and to dispatch the whole manage of all eternity, and of the treasures of Heaven, in so short of spurt?  
No no, they that will loiter in seedtime, and begin to sow when others reap; they that will riot out their health, and beg●n to cast their accounts when they are scarce able to speak; they that will slumber out the day, and enter their journey when the light doth fail them; let them blame their own folly, if they die in debt, and be eternal beggars, and fall headlong into the lap of endless perdition.  
Let such listen to S. Cyprian's lesson; Let, saith he, the grievousness of our sore be the measure of our sorrow; let a deep wound hive a deep and diligent cure; Let no man's Contrition be less than his Crime.  
FINIS.   

Sir Walter Raleighs SCEPTIC.  
The SCEPTIC doth neither affirm, neither deny any Position: but doubteth of it, and opposeth his Reasons against that which is affirmed, or denied, to justify his not-consenting.  
HIs first Reason ariseth, from the consideration of the great difference amongst living Creatures, both in the matter and manner of their Generations, and the several Constitutions of their bodies.  
Some living Creatures are by copulation, and some without it: & that either by Fire, as Crickets in fornaces; or corrupt water, as Gnats; or slime, as Frogs; or dirt, as Worms; or herbs, as Canker-worms some of ashes, as Beetles; some of trees, as the Worms Psen●● bred in the wild Figtree; some of living creatures putrified, as Bees of Bulls, and Wasps of Horses. By Copulation many creatures are brought forth alive, as Man; some in the egg, as Birds some in an unshapen piece of flesh, as Bears. These great differences cannot but cause a divers and contrary temperament, and quality in those creatures, and consequently, a great diversity in their fantasy and conceit; so that they apprehend one and the same object, yet they must do it after a divers manner: for is it not absurd to affirm, That creatures differ so much in temperature, and yet agree in conceit concerning one and the same object?  

Seeing.  But this will more plainly appear, if the instruments of Sense in the body be observed: for we shall find, that as these Instruments are affected and disposed, so doth the Imagination conceit that which by them is connexed unto it. That very object which seemeth unto us White, unto them which have the jaundice seemeth Pale, and Red unto those whose Eyes are bloodshot. Forsomuch then as living creatures have some white, some pale, some red eyes why should not one and the same object seem to some white, to some red, to some pale? If a man rub his 〈◊〉, the figure of that which he beholdeth seemeth long or narrow; is it than not likely, that those creatures which have a long and slanting Pupil of the eye, as Goats, Foxes, Cats, etc. do convey the fashion of that which they behold under another form to the imagination, than those that have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pupils do?  
Who knoweth not, that a Glass presenteth the outward, 〈…〉, or greater according to the making of the glass? If it be hollow, the object seemeth smaller than it is, If the glass be crooked, than the object seemeth long and narrow. And glasses there be, which present the head of him that looketh in them, downwards, and the heels upwards. Now then, seeing the eye, which is the instrument of Sight, in some living creatures is more outward, in some more hollow, in some plain, in some greater, in some less; it is very probable, that Fish's Man, Lions, and Dogs, whose eyes so much differ, do not conceive the self same object after the same manner, but diversely, according to the diversity of the eye, which offereth it unto the fantasy.  

Touching.  The same reason holdeth in Touching; for seemeth it not absurd to think, that those creatures which are covered with Shells, those which are covered with Scales, those which are covered with Hairs, and those which are Smooth, should all be alike sensible in Touching? and every one of them convey the image, or q●ali●ie of the same object which they touch in the very same degree of heat or cold, of dryness or moisture, roughness or smoothness, unto the imagination?  

Hearing.  So might 't be showed in Hearing: for how can we think that the Ear which hath a narrow passage, & the Ear which hath an open & wide passage, do receive the same sound in the same degree? or that the Ear whose inside is full of hair, doth hear in the same just measure, that the Ear doth whose inside is smooth? Since experience showeth, that if we stop, or half stop our Ears, the sound cometh not to us in the same manner & degree, that it doth if our ears be open.  

Smelling.  The like may be thought of Smelling: for man himself abounding with Fleagm, is otherwise affected in smelling, than he is, if the pu●s about the head be f●ll of blood; and many things afford a delightful smell to some living creatures, which smell to other living creatures seemeth not to be so.  

Tasting.  In the Taste the same reason appeareth; for to a rough and dri-tongue, that everything seemeth bitter (as in an Aga) which to the moister tongue seemeth not to be so, ●ivers creatures then having tongues drier, or moister, according to their several temperatures, when they taste the same thing, must needs conceit it to be according as the instrument of their taste is affected, either bitter, or sweet, etc. For even as the hand in the striking of the Harp, though the stroke be one, yet causeth a found, sometimes high, sometimes base, according to the quality of the string that is strucken: Even so one and the same outward object is diversely judged of, and conceited, according to the several and divers qualities of the instrument of Sense, which conveieth it to the imagination. Ointment is pleasing to Man; but Beetles and Bees cannot abide t. Oil to man is profitable; but it killeth Bees and Wasps. Cicuta feedeth Quails, & Henbane Sows; but both of these hurt Man. If a Man eat Ants he is sick; but the Bear being sick, recovereth by eating them.  
If then one and the very same thing to the red eye seem red, to another pale, and white to another: If one and the same thing, seem not hot or cold, dry or moist, in the same degree to the several creatures which touch it: If one and the selfsame sound seem more thrill to that creature which hath a narrow ear, and more base to him that hath an open ear: If the same thing, at the same time, seem to afford a pleasant and displeasant Smell to divers and several creatures: If that seem bitter in taste to one, which to another seemeth sweet, that to one hurtful, which to another seemeth healthful: I may report how these things appear divers to several creatures, and seem to produce divers effects.  
But what they are in their own nature, whether red or white, bitter or sweet, healthful or hurtful, I cannot tell. For why should I presume to proffer my conceit and imagination, in affirming that a thing is thus, or thus, in its own nature, because it seemeth to me to be so, before the conceit of other living creatures, who may as well think it to be otherwise in each one nature, because it appeareth otherwise to them than it doth to me?  
They are living creatures as well as I: why then should I condemn their conceit and fantasy, concerning any thing, more than they may mine? They may be in the truth and I in error, as well as I in truth, and they err. If my conceit must be believed before theirs, great reason that it be proved to be truer than theirs. And this proof must be either by demonstration, or without it. Without it none will believe. Certainly, if by demonstration, than this demonstration must seem to be true, or not seem to be true. If it seem to be true, then will it be a question, whether it be so indeed as it seemeth to be; and to allege that for a certain proof, which is uncertain and questionable, seemeth absurd.  
If it be said, that the imagination of Man judgeth river of outward object, than the imagination of other living creatures doth, and therefore to be credited above others, (besides that which is already said,) this is easily refuted by comparing of Man with other creatures.  
It is confessed, the Dog excelleth Man in smell, and in hearing: and whereas there is said to be a twofold discourse, one of the mind, another of the tongue and that of the mind is said to be exercised in chase that which is convenient, and refusing that which is hurtful in knowledge, justice, and thankfulness: This creature chooseth his food, refuseth the whip, fawneth on his Master, defer doth his house, revengeth himself of these strangers that hurt him. And 〈◊〉 mentioneth Are●●, the dog of U●y●ses, who knew his master, having been from home so many years, that at his return, all the people of his house had forgot him. This creature, saith Chr●sipp●●, is not void of Logic: for when in following any beast, he cometh to three several ways, he smelleth to the one, and then to the second; and if he find that the beast which he pursueth he not fled one of these 2 ways, he presently without smelling any further to it, taketh the third way: which, saith the same Philosopher, is as it he reasoned thus, the Beast must be gone either this, or this, or the other way; but neither this nor this; Eage, the third: and so away he runneth.  
If we consider his skill in Physic, it is sufficient to help himself: if he be wounded with a dart, he useth the help of his Teeth to take it out, of his Tongue to cleanse the wound from corruption: he seemeth to be well acquainted with the Precept of Hipp●crates, who saith, that the Rest of the Foot is the Physic of the Foot, and therefore if his foot he hurt, he ho doth it up that it may rest: if he be sick, he giveth himself a Vomit by eating of Grass, and recovereth himself. The Dog than we see is plentifully furnished with inward discourse.  
Now outward speech is not needful to make a creature Reasonable, else a dumb Man were an unreasonable Creature.  
And do not Philosophers themselves reject this as an enemy to knowledge? and therefore they are silent when they are instructed; and yet even as Barbarous and strange people of speech, but we understand it not, neither do we perceive any great difference in their words: but a difference there seemeth to be, and they do express their thoughts and meanings one to another by those words. Even so those creatures, which are commonly called unreasonable, do seem to parley one with another; and by their speech to understand one the other. Do not Binds by one kind of speech call their young ones, and by another cause them to hide themselves? Do they not by their several voices express their several passions of joy, of grief, of fear in such manner, that their fellows understand them? Do they not by their voice foreshow things to come? But we will return to that creature we first did instance in. The Dog delivereth one kind of voice when he hunteth, another when he howleth, another when he is beaten, and another when he is angry. These creatures than are not void of outward speech.  
If then these creatures excel Man in sense, and are equal to him in inward and outward discourse, why should not their conceits and imaginations convey the outward object in as true a manner as ours? and if so, then seeing their imaginations are divers, and they conceit it diversely according to their divers temperaments, I may tell what the outward object seemeth to me; but what it seemeth to other creatures, or whether it be indeed that which it seemeth to me, or any other of them, I know not.  
But be it granted, that the judgement of Man in this case, is to be preferred before the judgement of Beasts; yet in Men there is great difference; both in respect of the outward shape, and also of the temperature of their bodies: For the body of the Such an differeth in shape from the body of the 〈◊〉: the reason of it ariseth (say the Dogmatics) from a predominan use of humours in the one more than in the other; and as several humours are predominant, so are the fantasies and conceits severally framed and effected. So that our countrymen delight in one thing, the Indian not in that, but in another which we regard not. This would not be, if their conceits and ours were both a like; for than we should like that which they do, and they would dislike that which we would dislike. It is evident also, that men differ very much in the temperature of their bodies, else why should some more easily digest Beef than Shellfish; and other be mad for the time, if they drink wine? There was an old woman about Arbeus, which drunk three drams of C●●u●● (every dream weighin, sixty Barley corns, and eight drams to an ounce) without hurt. ●●sis, without hurt, took four drams of Popple; and 〈◊〉, which was Gentleman-Sewer to Alexander, was very cold when he stood in the sun, or in a hot bath, but very hot when he stand in the shadow. All 〈…〉 felt no pain if a Scorpion stung him. And the Psill● (a people in Ly●●●, whole bodies are venom to serpents) if they be stung by serpents, or Asps, receive no hurt at all.  
The Ethiopians, which inhabit the river Hynaspis, do eat serpents and scorpions without danger. 〈◊〉 a Chirurgeon, at the smell of a Sturgeon, would be for the time mad. A●dron of Argos, was so little thirsty, that without want of drink, he traveled through the hot and dry country of Lybia. Tiberius Caesar would see very well in the dark. Aristotle mentioneth of Thratius, who said, that the image of a Man went always before him.  
If then it be so, that there be such differences in Men, this must be by reason of the divers temperatures they have, and divers disposition of their conceit and imagination; for, if one hate, and another love the very same thing, it must be that their fantasies differ, else all would love it, or all would hate it. These Men then, may tell how these things seem to them good, or bad; but what they are in their own Nature they cannot tell.  
If we will heathen to men's opinions, concerning one and the same matter, thinking thereby to come to the knowledge of it, we shall find this to be impossible; for, either we must believe what all men say of it, or what some men only say of it. To believe what all men say of one & the same thing, is not possible; for than we shall believe Contrarieties; for some men say, that that very thing is pleasant, which other say is displeasant. If it be said, we must believe only some men, then let it be showed who those some men are; for the Platonists will believe Plato, but the Epicures Epicurus, the Phytagorians Pythagoras, & other Philosophers the masters of their own Sects: so that it is doubtful, to which of all these we shall give credit. If it be said, that we must credit the greatest number; this seemeth childish: for there may be amongst other Nations a greater number which deny that very point, which the greatest number with us do affirm: so that hereof nothing can certainly be affirmed.  
This Argument seemeth to be further confirmed, if the differences of the Senses of Hearing, Seeing, Smelling, Touching, and Tasting be considered; for that the Senses differ, it seemeth plain.  
Painted Tables (in which the art of Slanting is used) appear to the Eye, as if the parts of them were some higher, and some lower than the other, but to the Touch they seem not to be so.  
Honey seemeth to the Tongue sweet, but unpleasant to the Eye: so Ointment doth recreate the Smell, but it offendeth the Tast. Rain-water is profitable to the Eyes, but it hurteth the Lungs. We may tell then, how these things seem to our several senses, but what they are in their own nature we cannot tell: for why should not a man credit any one of his senses as well as the other?  
Every object seemeth to be presented diversely unto the several instruments of Sense. An Apple to the Touch seemeth smooth, sweet to the Smell, and to the Eye yellow; but whether the Apple have one of these qualities only, or more than these qualities, who can tell? The Organ hath many Pipes, all which are filled with the same blast of wind, varied according to the capacity of the several Pipes which receive it: even so the quality of the Apple may be but one, and this one quality may be varied, & seem yellow to the Eye, to the Touch smooth, and sweet to the Smell, by reason of the divers instruments of the Sense, which apprehend this one quality diversely.  
It may be also, that an Apple hath many qualities besides; but we are not able to conceive them all, because we want fit means and instruments to apprehend them. For suppose that some Man is born blind, and deaf, and yet can touch, smell, and taste; this man will not think that there is any thing, which may be seen or heard, because he wanteth the Senses of hearing and seeing; he will only think there are those qualities in the object, which by reason of his three Senses he conceiveth: Even so the Apple may have many more qualities; but we cannot come to know them, because we want fit instruments for that purpose.  
If it be replied, that Nature hath ordained as many instruments of Sense, as there are sensible objects; I demand, What Nature? for there is a confused controversy about the very Essence of Nature. Some affirming it to be one thing, others another, few agreeing: so that what the quality of an Apple is, or whether it hath one quality or many, I know not.  
Let a man also consider, how many things that are separated, and by themselves, appear to differ from that which they seem to be, when they are in a mass or lump the scrape of the Goat's horn seems white, but in the horn they seem black, but in the lump white. The stone Toenaru, being polished, seemeth white, but unpolished & rough it seemeth yellow. Sands being separated, appear rough to the Touch, but a great heap, soft. I may then report, how these things appear, but whether they are so indeed, I know not.   

Sir Walter Raleighs OBSERVATIONS Concerning the Causes of the magnificency and opulency of CITIES.  
THAT the only way to civilize and reform the savage and barbarous Lives, and corrupt Manners of such people, is, 

1 To be dealt withal by gentle and loving Conversation among them, to attain to the knowledge of their Language, and of the multitude of their special discommodities and inconveniences in their manner of living  
2 The next is to get an admired reputation amongst them, upon a solid and true foundation of Piety, justice, and wisdom, conjoined with fortitude and power.  
3 The third is, discreetly to possess them with a knowledge of the condition of their own estate. Thus O●phe● and Amph●●, were said to draw after them the beast of the field, etc.    
And this must be first wrought by a visible representation, of the certainty, truth, and sincerity of these, together with the felicity of a reformed estate.  
All which is but to give foundation, bottom, and firm footing unto action, and to prepare them to receive wholesome and good advice, for the future profit and felicity of themselves and their posterity.  
For the more commodious effecting of this Reformation in a rude and barbarous people, they are to be persuaded to withdraw and unite themselves into several Colonies; that by it an interchangeable communication and commerce of all things may more commodiously be had, and that they may so live together in civility, for the better succour and welfare of one another: And thereby they may more easily be instructed in the Christian Faith, and governed under the Magistrates and ministers of the King, or other superior power, under whom this R●so that on is sought. Which course the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that 〈◊〉 took, after he had taken upon him the Government of the 〈…〉, whereby he united all the people into one City, that before lived dispersedly in many Villages. The like is put in practice at this day by the portugales and Jesuits, that they may with less difficulty and hindrance reform the rough behaviour, and savage life of the people of Brazile, who dwell scattered and dispersed in cave, and cottages made of boughs & leaves of the Palm-trees.  
Alexander the Great built more than seventy Cities: Selev●us built three Cities, called ●pame●, to the honour of his wife; and five called L●●●●ca, in memory of his mother; and fire called Seleac●, to the honour of himself.  

Safety for Defence of the People and their goods, in and near the Town.  

Situation for Safety & Plenty.  IN the Situation of Cities, there is to be required a place of Safety, by some natural strength, commod ousness for Navigation, and Conduct, for the attaining of plenty of all good things, for the sustenance & comfort of man's life, and to draw trade and intercourse of other Nations; as if the same be situate in such ●ort, as many people have need to repair thither for some natural commodity or other of the Country, which by traffic and transportation of commodities, whereof they have more plenty than will supply their own necessity, or for receiving of things whereof they have carcitie. And much better will it be, if the place afford some notable commodity of itself, from whence other Nations may more readily, and at better rate attain the same: Likewise, and withal, be so fertile, pleasant, and healthful of itself, that it may afford plenty of good things, for the delight and comfort of the inhabitants.  

Multitude of Inhabitants.  In former times great Nations, Kings and Potentates have endured sharp conflicts, and held it high Policy, by all means to increase then Cities, with multitudes of Inhabitants. And to this end the Romans ever furnished themselves with strength and power, to make their neighbour-People, of necessity, willing to draw themselves to Rome to dwell, and overthrow their Towns and Villages of mean strength, down to the ground.  
So did they for this cause utterly destroy many Cities, bringing always the vanquished Captives to Rome, for the augmentation of that City.  
Romulus, after a mighty fight with the Sabines, condescended to Peace, upon condition that ●●●●●s their King should come with all their people to dwell at Rome: ●at●●● did accept, and made choice of the Capitol, and the Mount Quirmalis for his seat and Palace.  
The same course h●ld Tamberlane the Great, whereby he enlarged the great Samar●anda, still bringing unto it, the richest and wealthiest Citizens he had subdued.  
And the Ottomans, to make the City Constantinople rich and great, brought to it many thousand Families, especially Artificers out of the subdued Cities; as Mahome● the great from Tr●bizond, Selim the First from Cairo, and Seliman from ●aurk.  
Authority and necessity, without the consideration of the conveniencies, and commodiousness of Situation above mentioned, are of small moment in the foundation of a City; thereby only it would be unlikely, either to grow or continue in magnificency or opulency: for it Profit, Height, and Delight go not companions therewith, no authority or necessity can retain much People or Wealth.  
But of the place whereupon a City is to be founded, be commodious for the aforesaid conveniences, which help greatly for the felicity of this life; then, no doubt, the same is likely to draw much abundance of people and riches unto the same, whereby it may, by the help of Arts and Industry, in time, become magnificent & glorious.  
Unto the good estate, greatness, and glory of a City, those things hereafter mentioned do greatly avail, and are of much importance, viz.  

Religigion.  Religion, which is of such force and might, to amplify Cities and Dominions, and of such attractive virtue to replenish the same with people and wealth, and to hold them in due obedience, as none can be more; for without adoration of some Deity, no common wealth can subsist.  
Witness, Jerusalem Rome, Constantinople and all other cities that have been famous for the procession of Religion, or Divine worship And no marvel, for there is not any thing in this world of more efficacy & force to allure and draw to it the hearts of Men, than God. which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He is carefully defined, and continually sought for of all creatures; for all regard Him as their last end and refuge.  
Light things apply themselves upwards, heavy things downwards; the Heavens to Revolution, the Herbs to flowers, Trees to bear fruit, Beasts to present their kind and Man in seeking his tranquillity and everlasting glory But forasmuch as God is of so high a nature as the sense and understanding of Man cannot conceive it, every man directly turns himself to that place where he leaves some print of his power, or declares some sign of his assistance. And to such persons whom he seemeth more especially to have revealed himself.  

Academies.  Academies, & Schools of Learning with convenient immunities and privileges for Scholars, and means for Recreation for Delight, are of great importance to enlarge and enrich a city: for as much as men long for honour and profit, and of Arts & liberal sciences some bring certain wealth to men, and some promotions & preterments to honourable functions: for by this means, not only young men, & those that are desirous of Learning and Virtue in the same Commonwealth, will be retained in their own Country, but also strangers will be drawn home to them. And the more will this be available if occasion be given to Scholars and students, to rise to degrees of Honour and preferment by their learned exercises, and that by the Policy of the same city, good Wits be accounted of, and rewarded well: that the same Academies and Schools be stored with plenty of Doctors and learned men, of great same and reputation.  

Courts of Justice.  Courts of justice, with due execution of the same in a city, do much enable, enlarge, & enrich it; for it fasteneth a great liking in a city to virtuous men, and such as be wealthy, that therein they may be free, and in safety from the violence of the oppressions of covetous and wicked men: and there will be rather resort thither to inhabit, or traffic there as occasions may minister unto them. And many others that have cause of suit will repair thither, whereas they may be sure to find judgement and justice duly executed, whereby the city must needs be enlarged and enriched: for our lives, and all that ever we have are in the hands of justice: so that if justice be not administered amongst men, in vain is there any society and commerce, or any other thing can be profitable or safe; so much is love and charity failed, and iniquity increased upon the face of the earth.  

Artificers.  The excellency and multitude likewise of Artificers exercising their manual arts and trades, do marvellously increase and enrich a State, whereof some are necessary, some commodious for a civil life, other some are of pomp and ornament, and other some of delicacy and curiosity, whereof doth follow con course of people that labour and work, and current money which doth enrich and supply Materials for labourers, and workmen, buying and selling, transportation from place to place, which doth employ and increase the artificious and cunning parts of the wit of Man; and this art and exquisiteness of work manship and skill is so powerful herein, that to far excels the simple commodities and materials that Nature produceth; and is alone sufficient of itself to make a City or State, both magnificient and glorious: and the daily experience we have in these our days, and in former times, doth manifestly approve the same, and make evident without all contradiction.  
Some natural benefits that a City also may have for the excellency of Art, or work manship of some special commodities above any other place, either through the quality of the Water, or other matter whatsoever, or some hidden mystery of the inhabitants in working thereof, may be a great help for the enlargement and enriching of a city.  
The command of a Country that affordeth some proper commodity, is of itself sufficient mightily to bring a City to great wealth, and to advance it to great power, and draweth thereby dependence and concourse, much advantageous also, as well for the public weal, as the private person.  
A City also may be Lord of much Merchandise and traffic, by means of the commodious situation to many Nations, to whom it serveth and hath relation to, as Beware houses, Roomth and Storehouses, by reason whereof, the nations adjoining do use to resort thereunto to make their provisions of such things. And this consisteth in the largeness of the Ports, the fitness of the gulfs and creeks of the seas, in the Navigable rivers and channels, and the plain and safe ways that leadeth to the City, or that come, our turn by or near it.  

Priuledge.  Privilege and freedom from Customs and exactions ', doth greatly increase the Trade, and draw inhabitants to a city, whereby the same may become both rich and powerful; whereof the Ma●ts and Fairs, and Markets bear good witness, which are frequented with great concourse of people, Tradesmen and Merchants, for no other respect, but that they are there free and frank from Customs and exactions. And the cities in Flanders are lively testimonies hereof, where the Customs are very small.  
By reason whereof, all such as have erected new Cities in times past to draw concourse of people unto it, have granted large immunities, and privileges at the least, to the first inhabitants thereof  
The like have they done that have restored Cities emptied with Plague, consumed with Wars, or afflicted with Famine, or some other scourge of God. In respect whereof, Freedom of Cities hath been often granted to such as would with their families, inhabit there, or would bring Corn and other necessaries for provision of victual.  
The Romans, to increase their Cities, made the Towns that well deserved of them (which they after called Municiple) to be partakers of their franchises and privileges.  

The first devises of Rome to allure strangers as is Sanctuary.  The first means the Romans used to allure people to make their habitations rather in Rome than else where, was the opening the Sanctuary, & giving liberty and freedom to all that would come unto them. In respect whereof, there flocked thither, with their goods, numbers of people that were either racked with exactions, thrust out of their habitations, or unsafe, or unsure for their lives in their own Countries for Religion sake.  
The very same reason in a manner hath increased so much the city of Geneva: for as much as it hath offered entertainment to all comers out of France and Italy, that have either forsaken, or been exiled their Countries for Religion's sake.  

Triumphs  Likewise, triumphs, goodly buildings, battles on the water fights of sword-players, hunting of wild beasts, public shows and sights, plays solemnised with great pomp and preparation, and many other such things do draw the curious people to a city inspeakably, which leaves behind them much treasure, and for such cause will rather settle themselves to inhabit there, than in other places. This was also the devise of Rome in her infancy to enlarge herself.   

The Causes that Concern the magnificency of a CITY.  
TO confirm a City in her Greatness, Justice, Peace, and Pleantie are the undoubted means: for Justice assureth every man his own Peace causeth all Arts and negotiation whatsoever to flourish: and Plenty of food and victual, that sustaineth the life of Man with ease and much contentment. To conclude, All those things that cause the Greatness of a City, are also fit to conserve the same.    

Sir Walter Raleighs Seat of GOVERNMENT.  
That the Seat of Government is up 〈…〉 y the two great pillars thereof, viz. civil justice, and Martial Policy, which are framed out of Husbandry, Merchandise, and Gentry of this Kingdom.  
THey say, that the goodliest CEDARS which grow on the high mountains of Liban●s, thrust their roots between the cliffs of hard Rocks, the better to bear themselves against the strong storms that blow there. As Nature hath instructed those kings of Trees, so hath Reason taught the Kings of Men, to ●oot themselves in the hardy Hearts of their faithful Subjects. And as those kings of Trees have large Tops, so have the Kings of Men large Crowns; whereof as the first would soon be broken from their bodies, were they not underborn by many branches; o would the other easily tytter, were they not fastened on their heads, with the strong chains of Civil Justice and Martial Discipline.  
1. For the administration of the first, even God himself hath given direction, Judge and Officers shalt thou make, which shall judge the People with righteous judgement.  
2 The second is grounded on the first Laws of the world and nature, that Force is to be repelled by Force. Yea Moses in the 10 of Exodus, and elsewhere, hath delivered us many Laws & Policies of War. But as we have heard of the neglect and abuse in both, so have we heatd of the decline and ruin of many Kingdoms & States long before our days: for that Policy hath never yet prevailed (though it hath served for a short season) where the counterfeit hath been sold for the natural, and the outward show and formality for the substance. Of the Emperor Charles the Fourth, the writers of that age witness, that he used but the name of Justice and good order, being more learned in the Law than in doing right, and that he had by far, more knowledge than conscience. Certainly the unjust Magistrate that fancieth to himself a solid and untransparable body of Gold, every ordinary wit can vitrify, and make transparent pierce, and discern their corruptions; howsoever, because not daring, they cover their knowledge, but in the mean while it is also true, That constrained dissimulation, either in the proud heart, or in the oppressed, either in public estates, or in private persons, where the fear of God is not prevalent, doth in all the leisure of her lurking, but sharpen her teeth, the voluntary being no less base, than the forced malicious. Thus it fared between the Barons of England and their Kings, between the Lords of Switzerland & their people, between the Sicilians and the French between the Dolphin and John of Burgoign, between Charl the Ninth and the French Protestants, and between Henry the third, his successor, and the Lords of Guise, hereof in place of more particulars, the whole world may serve for examples.  
It is a difficult piece of Geography to delinate and lay out the bounds of Authority; but it is easy enough conceive the best use of it, and by which it hath maintained itself in lasting happiness, 't hath ever acquired more honour by persuading, than by beating; for as the bonds of Reason and Love are immortal, so do all other chains or cords, both rustle & rot Noble parts of their own Royal and Politic bodies.  

Huband men.  But we will forbear for a while to stretch this first string of Civil Justice; for in respect of the first sort of Men, to wit, of those that live by their own labour, they have never been displeased where they have been suffered to enjoy the fruit of their own travels, Meum & Tuum, Mine & Thine is all wherein they seek their certainty & protection. True it is, that they are the Fruit-Trees of the Land, which God in Deuteronomie commanded to be spared, they gather honey, and hardly enjoy the wax, and break the ground with great labour, giving the best of their grain to the easeful & idle.  

Merchant.  For the second sort, which are the Merchants, as the first feed the Kingdom, so do these enrich it, yea their trades, especially those which are forcible, are not the least part of our Martial Policy, as hereafter proved; and to do them right, they have in all ages and times assisted the Kings of this Land, not only with great sums of money, but with great Fleets of Ships in all their enterprises beyond the seas. The second have seldom or never offended their Princes, to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditions, hath ever contented them for the injuries received from other Nations, give them but the Commission of Reprisal, they will either Right themselves, or sit down with their own loss without complaint.  

Gentry.  3. The third sort, which are the Gentry of England, these being neither seated in the lowest grounds, and thereby subject to the biting of every beast, nor in the highest Mountains, & thereby in danger to be torn with tempest; but the Valleys between both, have their parts in the inferior justice, & being spread over all, are the Garrisons of good order throughout the Realm.   

Sir WALTER RALEIGHS LETTERS.  

Sir Walter Raleighs Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood, before his journey to Guiana.  
Honourable SIR,  
I Was lately persuaded, by two Gentlemen, my ancient Friends, to acquaint your Honour with some offers of mine, made heretofore for a Journey to Guiana, who were of opinion, That it would be better understood now, than when it was first propounded, which advice having surmounted my despair, I have presumed to send unto your Honour the Copies of those Letters which I then wrote, both to his Majesty, and to the Treasurer Cevill, wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered, as the objections by him made are briefly answered.  
What I know of the riches of that place, not by hear say, but what mine eyes hath seen, I have said it often, but it was then to no end: Because those that had the greatest trust, were resolved not to believe it, not because they doubted the Truth, but because they doubted my Disposition towards themselves; where (if God had blessed me in the enterprise) I had recovered his Majesty's favour and good opinion. Other cause than this, or other suspicion they never had any. Our late worthy Prince of Wales was extreme curious in searching out the Nature of my offences, The Queen's Majesty hath informed herself from the beginning. The King of Denmark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my innocence, they would otherwise never have moved his Majesty on my behalf.  
The Wife, the Brother, and the Son of a King, do not use to sue for men suspect; but Sir, since they all have done it out of their charity, and but with references to me alone. Your Honour (whose respect hath only relation to his Majesty's service) strengthened by the example of those Princes, may with the more hardness do the like, being Princes to whom his Majesty's good estate is not less dear; and all men that shall oppugn it, no less hateful, then to the King himself.  
It is true Sir, That his Majesty hath sometimes answered, That his Council knew me better than he did; meaning some two or three of them, And it was indeed my infelicity; for had his Majesty known me, I had never been here where I now am: or had I known his Majesty, they had never been so long there where they now are. His Majesty not knowing of me hath been my ruin, and his Majesty misknowing of them, hath been the ruin of a goodly part of his estate: but they are all of them now, some living and some dying, come to his Majesty's knowledge. But Sir, how little soever his Majesty knew me, and how much soever he believed them, yet have I been bound to his Majesty both for my Life, and all that remains, of which, but for his Majesty, nor Life, nor ought else had remained. In this respect Sir, I am bound to yield up the same life, and all I have for his Majesty's service; to die for the King, and not by the King, is all the ambition I have in the world.  
Walter Raleigh.   

Sir Walter Raleighs Letter to his Wife, from Guiana.  
Sweet Heart,  
I Can yet write unto you but with a weak hand, for I have suffered the most violent Calenture for fifteen days, that ever man did, and lived: but God that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities, hath also now strengthened it in the hell fire of heat.  
We have had two most grievous sicknesses in our Ship, of which forty two have died, and there are yet many sick. but having recovered the land of Guiana, this 12 of November, I hope we shall recover them. We are yet two hundred men, and the rest of our Fleet are reasonable strong, strong enough I hope to perform what we have undertaken, if the diligent care at London, to make our strength known to the Spanish King by his Ambassador, have not taught the Spanish King to fortify all the entrances against us; howsoever we must make the adventure, and if we perish, it shall be no honour for England, nor gain for his Majesty to lose among many other, an hundred as valiant Gentlemen as England hath in it.  
Of Captain Bayl●●s base coming from us at the Canaries, see a Letter of Kemishes to Mr cory, & of the unnatural weather, storms & reins and winds, He hath in the same letter, given a touch of the way that hath ever been sailed in fourteen days, now hardly performed in forty days; God I trust, will give us comfort in that which is to come.  
In passage to the Canaries, I stayed at Gomerah, where I took water in peace, because the Country durst not deny it me; I received there of an English race, a Present of Oranges, Lemons, Quinces, & Pome-granates without which I could not have lived; those I preserved in fresh sands, and I have of them yet to my great refreshing. Your son had never so good health, having no distemper in all the heat under the Line. All my servants have escaped but Crab and my Cook, yet all have had the sickness. Crofts and March, and the rest are all well. Remember my service to my Lord Carew, and Mr Secretary Winwood.  
I write not to them, for I can write of nought but miseries: yet of men of sort, we have lost our Sergeant Major, Captain Pigott, and his Lieutenant, Captain Edward Hastings, who would have died at home, for both his liver, spleen and brains were rotten. My son's Lieutenant Payton and my cousin Mr. Hews, Mr. Mordant, Mr. Gardiner. Mr. Hayward, Captain Jennings the Merchant, Kemish of London, and the Master Chirurgeon, Mr. Refiner, Mr. Moor the Governor of the Barmoudas. our Provost Marsh. W. Steed, Lieutenant Vescie, but to mine inestimable grief, Hammon and Talb●t. By the next I trust you shall hear better of us, in God's hands we were, and in him we trust,  
This bearer, Captain Alley, for his infirmity of his head I have sent back, an honest valiant man, he can deliver you all that is past. Commend me to my worthy friends at Loathbury, Sir John Leigh and Mr. Bow●r, whose Nephew Knevil is well, and to my cousin blundel, and my most devoted and humble service to her Majesty.  
To tell you that I might be here King of the Indi●n, were a vanity, but my name hath still lived among them; here they feed me with fresh meat, and all that the Country yields, all offer to obey me. Commend me to poor Carew my son.  
From Galliana in Guiana, the 14 of November.   

Sir Walter Raleighs Letter to Sir Ralph Winwood.  
SIR,  
AS I have not hitherto given you any Account of our proceedings and passages towards the Indeses, so have I no other subject to write of, than of the greatest misfortunes that ever befell any man: for whereas, for the first, All those that Navigate between Cape de Vera and America, do pass between fifteen or twenty days at most, we found the wind so contrary, and which are also contrary to nature so many storms and reins, as we spent six weeks in the passage, by reason whereof, and that in so great heat we wanted water: for at the Isle Prano of Cape de vero, we lost our Anchours and Cables, and our water Casks, being driven from the Island with a Hu●●●icano, and were like all to have perished. Great sickness fell amongst us, and carried away great numbers of our ablest men both for sea and land. The 17 of November, we had sight of Guiana, and soon after came to Anchor in five degrees at the River Gallian●, here we stayed till the fourth of December, landed our sick men, set up the Barges and Shallops, which were brought out of England in quarters, washed our Ships, and took in fresh water, being said and cherished by the Indians of my old acquaintance, with a great deal of love and respect, myself being in the hands of death these 6 weeks, and was not able otherwise to move than as I was carried in a chair, gave order to 5 small Ships to sail into Orinoque, having Captain Kemts for their Conductor towards the Ours, and in those five Ships five Companies of 50 under the command of Captain Parker, and Captain North, brethren to the Lord Mounteagle and the Lord North, valiant Gentlemen, and of infinite patience for the labour, hunger, and heat which they have endured, my son had the third Company Captain Thornix of Kent the fourth Company, Captain Chidlez, by his Lieutenant, the fifth: but as my Sergeant Major Captain Peggot of the Low Country's died in the former miserable passage, so my Lieutenant Sir Warham S. Letter lay sick without hope of life, and the charge conferred on my Nephew George Raleigh, who had also served long with infinite commendations; but by reason of my absence, and of Sir Warhams was not so well obeyed as the Enterprise required. As they passed up the River, the Spaniard began the War, and shot at us both with their Ordinance and Muskets, whereupon the Companies were forced to charge them, and soon after beat them out of the Town. In the Assault, my son (more desirous of honour than safety) was slain, with whom (to say truth) all the respects of this world have taken end in me. And although these five Captains had as weak Companies as ever followed valiant Leaders, yet were there amongst them some twenty or thirty valiant adventurous Gentlemen, and of singular courage, as of my son's Company, Mr. Knivet, Mr. Hammon, Mr. Longwirth, Mr. john Pleasington; his Officers, Sir john Hamden; Mr. Simon Leak Corporall of the Field, Mr. Hammon the elder Brother, Mr. Nicholas of Buckingham, Mr. Roberts of Kent, Mr. Perin, Mr. Tresham, Mr. Mullinax, Mr. Winter and his brother, Mr. Wray, Mr. Miles Herbart, Mr. Bradshaw, Capt. Hill, and others.  
Sir, I have set down the names of these Gentlemen, to the end, that if his Majesty shall have cause to use their service, it may please you to take notice of them for very sufficient Gentlemen. The other five Ships stayed at Trinidads', having no other Port capable for them near Guiana. The second Ship was commanded by my Vice Admiral Capt. John Pennington, of whom (to do him right) he is one of the sufficientest Gentlemen for the Sea that England hath. The third by Sir Warham S. Leaguer, an exceeding valiant and worthy Gentleman. The fourth by Sir John Fern The fifth by Captain Chidley of Devon. With these five Ships I daily attended their Armado of Spain, which had they set upon us, our force divided, the one half in Orinoque, an hundred and fifty miles from us, we had not only been torn in pieces, but all those in the River had also perished, being of no force at all for the Sea fight; for we had resolved to have been burnt by their sides, had the Armado arrived: but belike, they stayed for us at Ma●g●●t, by which they knew we must pass towards the Indies: for it pleased his Majesty to value us at so little, as to command me upon my Allegiance, to set down under my hand the Country, and the River by which I was to enter it; to set down the number of my men, and burden of my Ships, and what Ordinance every Ship carried, which being known to the Spanish Ambassador, and by him to the King of Spain, a dispatch was made, and letters sent from Madrid, before my departure out of the Thames; for his first letter sent by a Bark of Advise, was dated the 19 of March 1617. at Madrid, which letter I have here enclosed sent to your Honour, the rest I reserve, not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not. The second by the King, dated the second of May, sent also by a Colonel of Diego de Polo●eque, Governor of Guiana, Elderedo and Trinidado. The third by the Bishop of Portricho, and delivered to Po●oni●que the 15 of July, at Trinidado. And the fourth was sent from the Farmer and Secretary of his Customs in the Indies. At the same time, by that of the King's hand, sent by the Bishop, there was also a Commission for the speedy levying of three hundred soldiers, and ten pieces of Ordinance to be sent from Portricho, for the defence of Guiana, an hundred & fifty from Nuevo Rémo de Grando, under the command of Captain Anthony Musica, and the other hundred and fifty from Portricho, to be conducted by C. Franc. Laudio.  
Now Sir, if all that have traded to the Indies since his Majesty's time knew that the Spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken, being but Merchant men, what death and cruel torment shall we expect if they conquer us? certainly they have hitherto failed grossly, being set out thence as we were, both for number, time, and place.  
Lastly, to make an Apology for not working the Mine, (although I know his Majesty expects) whom I am to satisfy so much, as myself, having lost my son, and my estate in the Enterprise, yet it is true, that the Spaniards took more care to defend the passage leading unto it, than they did the Town, which by the King's instructions they might easily do, the Country's being Aspera & Nemosa.  
But it is true, that when Capt. Kemish found the River low, and that he could not approach the Banks in most places near the Mine by a Mile, and where he found a descent, a volley of Muskets come from the woods upon the Boat, and slew two Rowers, and hurt fix others, and shot a valiant Gentleman of Captain Thornix, of which wound he languisheth to this day. He, to wit, Kemish, following his own advice, thought that it was in vain to discover the Mine; for he gave me this for an excuse at his return, that the Companies of English in the Town of S. Thome were not able to defend it, against the daily and nightly assaults of the Spaniards, that the passages to the Ours, were thick and unpassable woods, and that the Mine being discovered, they had no men to work it, did not discover it at all: for it is true, the Spaniards having two gold Ours near the Town, the one possessed by Pedro Rodrigo de Paran, the second by Harmian Frotinio, the third of silver, by Captain Francisco, for the want of Negroes to work them: for as the Indians cannot be constrained by a Law of Charles the Fifth, so the Spaniards will not, nor can endure the labour of those Ours, whatsoever the Bragadochio, the Spanish Ambassador saith. I shall prove under the Proprietors' hand, by the Custom-Book, and the Kings Quinto, of which I recovered an Ingot or two: I shall also make it appear to any Prince or State that will undertake it, how easily those Ours, and five or six more of them may be possessed, and the most of them in those parts, which never have as yet been attempted by any, nor by any passage to them, nor ever discovered by the English, French, or Dutch. But at Kemish his return from Orinoque, when I rejected his counsel and his course, and told him that he had undone me; and wounded my credit with the King past recovery, he slew himself: for I told him, that seeing my son was slain, I cared not if I had lost an hundred more in opening of the Mine, so my credit had been saved: for I protest before God, had not Capt. Whitney (to whom I gave more countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet) run from me at the Granades, and carried another ship with him of Captain Woldestons. I would have left my body at S. Thomes by my sons, or have brought with me out of that or other Ours, so much Gold oar, as should have satisfied the King. I propounded no vain thing; what shall become of me I know not, I am unpardoned in England, and my poor estate consumed, and whether any Prince will give me bread or no I know not. I desire your Honour to hold me in your good opinino, to remember my service to my Lord of Ar●undel and Pembroke, to take some pity on my poor Wife, to whom I dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son; and beseech you to give a copy of this to my Lord 〈◊〉: for to a broken mind, a sick body, and weak eyes, it is a torment to write many Letters. I have found many things of importance for discovering the state and weakness of the Indies, which if I live, I shall here after impart unto your Honour, to whom I shall remain a faithful servant.  
Walter Raleigh   

Sir Walter Raleighs Letter sent to his Wife, Copied out of his own hand writing.  
I Was loath to write, because I know not how to comfort you, and God knows, I never knew what sorrow meant till now. All that I can say to you is, that you must obey the will and providence of God, and remember, that the Queen's Majesty bore the loss of Prince Henry with a magnanimous heart, and the Lady Harrington of her son. Comfort your heart (dearest Bess) I shall sorrow for us both, I shall for now the less, because I have not long to sorrow, because not long to live. I refer you to Mr. Secretary Winwoods' Letter, who will give you a copy of it, if you send for it, therein you shall know what hath passed; I have written that Letter, for my brains are broken, and it is a torment for me to write, and especially of misery. I have desired Mr. Secretary to give my Lord Carew a copy of his Letter. I have cleansed my ship of sick men, and sent them home; I hope God will send us somewhat before we return. You shall hear from me if I live, from the New found land, where I mean to make clean my ships and revictual; for I have Tobacco enough to pay for it. The Lord bless and comfort you, that you may bear patiently the death of your valiant son  
This 22. of March, from the Isle of Christopher's, yours Walter Raleigh. Yours Walter Raleigh.  
Postscript.  
I Protest before the Majesty of God, That as Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Hawkins died heart broken when they failed of their enterprise, I could willingly do the like, did I not contend against sorrow for your sake, in hope to provide somewhat for you and to comfort and relieve you. If I live to return, resolve yourself that it is the care for you that hath strengthened my heart. It is true that Kemish might have gone directly to the Mine, and meant it, but after my son's death, he made them believe he knew not the way, and excused himself upon want of water in the River, and counter feiting many impediments left it unfound. When he came back, I told him he had undone me, and that my credit was lost for ever; he answered, That when any son was lost, and that he left me so weak, that he resolved not to find me alive, he had no reason to enrich a company of Rascals, who after my son's death made no account of him. He further told me that the English sent up into Guiana, could hardly defend the Spanish town of S. Thome which they had taken, and therefore for them to pass through thick woods it was impossible, and more impossible to have victual brought them into the Mountains And it is true, that the Governor Diego Polo●eqe, and other four Captains being slain, whereof Wat flew one, Plessington, Wa●s servant, and John of Moroc●urs, one of his men, slew other two. I say five of them slain in the entrance of the Town, the rest went off in a whole body, and took more care to defend the passages to their Ours (of which they had three within a League of the Town, besides a Mine that was about five miles off) than they did of the Town itself. Yet Kemish at the first was resolved to go to the Mine; but when he came to the bankside to Land, and had two of his men slain outright from the bank, and six other hurt, and Captain Thornix shot in the head, of which wound, and the accident thereof, he hath pined away those twelve weeks.  
Now when Kemish came back and gave me the former Reasons which moved him not to open the Mine, the one the death of my son, a second the weakness of the English, and their impossibilities to work and to be victualled; a third that it were a folly to discover it for the Spaniards; and lastly my weakness and being unpardoned; and that I rejected all these his Arguments, and told him, that I must leave him to himself to resolve it to the King and State, he shut up himself into his cabin, and shot himself with a pocket Pistol which broke one of, his ribs, and finding that he had not prevailed, he thrust a long Knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died. Thus much I have written to Mr Secretary, to whose Letters I refer you to know the truth. I did after the sealing break open the Letter again, to let you know in brief the state of that business, which I pray you impart to my Lord of Northumberland, and Silvanus Sco●y.  
For the rest, there was never poor man so exposed to slaughter as I was; for being commanded upon mine Allegiance to set down not only the Country but the very River by which I was to enter it, to name my Ships number, men, and my Artillery. This now was sent by the Spanish Ambassador to his Master the King of Spain, the King wrote his Letters to all parts of the Indies, especially to the Governor Palamago of Guiana, Elderado, and Trinidado, of which the first Letter bore date 19 of March 16●7, at Ma●rill, when I had not yet left the Thames, which Letter I have sent ot Mr Secretary. I have also other Letters of the Kings which I reserve, and one of the Counsels. The King also sent a Commission to leave three hundred soldiers out of his Garrisons of ●nie Regno de Granado è Portricho, with ten pieces of brasle Ordinance to entertain us; he also prepared an Army by sea to set upon us. If were too long to tell you how we were preserved, if I live I shall make it known; my brains are broken, and I cannot write much, I live yet, and I told you why. Witney for whom I sold all my Plate at Plymouth, and to whom I gave more credit and countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet, ran from me at the Granades, and Wolleston with him, so as I have now but five Ships, and out of those I have sent some into my Fly boat, a sabble of idle Rascals, which I know will not spare to wound me, but I care not. I am sure there is never a base slave in all the Fleet hath taken the pain and care that I have done, that have slept so little, and traveled so much, my friends will not believe them, and for the rest I care not; God in heaven bless you and strengthen your heart.   

Sir Walter Raleighs Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood.  
SIR,  
SInce the death of Kemish, it is contessed by the Sergeant Major, and others of his inward friends, that he told them that he could have brought them unto the Mine within two hours March from the Riverside; but because my son was slain myself unpardoned, and not like to live, he had no reason to open the Mine either for the Spaniard or for the King; they answered, that the King (though I were not pardoned) had granted my heart under the Great Sea. He replied, that the grant to me was to no man, non Ens in the Law, and therefore of no force; this discourse they had, which I knew not of till after his death: but when I was resolved to write unto your Honour, he prayed me to join with him in excusing his not going to the Mine, I answered him I would not do it; but if myself could satisfy the King and State, that he had reason not to open it, I should be glad of it: but for my part, I must avow that he knew it, and that he might with loss have done it; other excuses I would not frame: he told me that he would wait on me presently, and give me better satisfaction: but I was no sooner come from him into my cabin, but I heard a Pistol go over my head, and sending to know who shot it, word was brought me that Kemish shot it out of his cabin window to cleanse it; his boy going into his cabin, found him lying upon his bed with much blood by him, and looking in his face saw him dead; the Pistol being but little, did but crack his rib, but turning him over found a long Knife in his body, all but the handle. Sir I have sent into England with my cousin Harbert (a very valiant honest Gentleman) divers unworthy persons, good for nothing neither by sea nor land, and though it was at their own suit, yet I know they will wrong me in all that they can. I beseech your Honour, that the scorn of men may not be believed of me, who have taken more pains, and suffered more than the meanest Rascal in the Ship; these being gone, I shall be able to keep the Sea until the end of August, with some four reasonable good ships. Sir, wheresoever God shall permit me to arrive in any part of Europe, I will not fail to let your Honour know what we have done, till then, and ever I rest  
Your Honour's servant W. Raleigh.   

Sir WALTER RALEIGHS Letter to King JAMES, at his return from GVIANA.  
May it please your most excellent Majesty,  
IF in my Journey outward bound, I had my men murdered at the Islands, & yet spared to take revenge, if I did discharge some Spanish Barks taken without spoil, if I so bear all parts of the Spanish Indies, wherein I might have taken twenty of their Downs on the sea coasts, and did only follow the enterprise I undertook for Guiana, where without any directions from me, a Spanish Village was burnt, which was new set up within three miles of the Mine By your Majesty's favour. I find no reason why the Spanish Ambassador should complain of me. If it were lawful for the Spaniards to murder twenty six English men, tying them back to back, and then cutting their throats, when they had traded with them whole month, and came to them on the land without so much as one sword, and that it may not be lawful to your Majesty's subjects, being charged first by them, to repel force by force, we may justly say, O miserable English!  
If P●●●●● and ●●e●●●m took Campe●●● and other places in the Honduras, seated in the heart of the Spanish Indies burnt towns, and killed the Spaniards, and had nothing said unto them at this return, and myself forbore to look into the I●●●●as; because I would not offend, I may as justly say, O miserable Sir Walter Raleigh!  
If I have spent my poor estate, lost my son, suffered by sickness and otherwise a world of miseries; if I have resisted with manifest hazard of my life, the Robberies and Spoils, with which my Companions would have made me rich, if when I was poor, I would have made myself rich, if when I have gotten my liberty, which all men and nature itself do much prize, I voluntarily lost it, if when I was sure of my life, I rendered it again, if I might elsewhere where have sold my ship and goods, and put five or six thousand pounds in my purse, and yet brought her into England, I beseech your Majesty to believe, that all this I have done, because it should not be said to your Majesty, that your Majesty had given liberty and trust to a man whose end was but the recovery of his liberty, and who had betrayed your Majesty's trust.  
My Mutineers told me, that if I returned from England I should be undone, but I believed in your Majesty's goodness more than in all their being arguments. Sure, I am the first that being free and able to enrich myself; yet hath embraced poverty and peril. And as sure I am, that my example shall make me the last: but your Majesty's wisdom and goodness I have made my judges, who have ever been, and shall ever be,  
Your Majesty's most humble Vassal Walter Raleigh.   

Sir Walter Raleighs' Letter to his Wife, after his Condemnaetion.  
YOu shall receive (my dear Wife) my Last words in these my Last lines; my love I send you, that you may keep when I am dead, and my counsel, that you may remember it when I am no more. I would not with my will present you sorrows (dear Bess) let them go to the grave with me, and be buried in the dust. And seeing that it is not the will of God that I shall see you any more, bear my destruction patiently, and with an heart like yourself.  
First I send you all the thanks which my heart can conceive, or my words express, for your many travels and cares for me, which though they have not taken effect as you wished, yet my debt to you is not the less; but pay it I never shall in this world.  
Secondly, I beseech you, for the love you bore me living, that you do not hide yourself many days, but by your travels seek to help my miserable Fortunes, and the Right of your poor Child, your mourning cannot avail me that am but dust.  
Thirdly, you shall understand, that my Lands were conveyed (bona fide) to my Child, the writings were drawn at Midsummer was twelve months, as divers can witness, and I trust my blood will quench their malice who desired my slaughter, that they will not seek also to kill you and yours with extreme poverty. To what friend to direct you I know not, for all mine have left me in the true time of trial. Most sorry am I, that being thus surprised by death, I can leave you no better Estate, God hath prevented all my determinations, that great God which worketh all in all, and if you can live free from want, care for no more, for the rest is but a vanity: Love God and begin betimes, in him you shall find true, everlasting, and endless comfort, when you have traveled and wearied yourself with all sorts of worldly cogitations you shall sit down by sorrow in the end Teach your son also to serve and fear God whilst he is young, that the fear of God may grow up in him; then will God be an Husband to you, and a Father to him, an Husband and a Father, that can never be taken from you.  
Bailiff oweth me a thousand pounds, and Arvan six hundred; in J●rnesey also have much owing me. (Dear wife) I beseech you, for my Soul's sake, pay all poor men. When I am dead, no doubt you shall be much sought unto for the world thinks I was very rich; have a care to the fair pretences of men, for no greater misery can befall you in this life, than to become a prey unto the world, and after to be despised. I speak (God knows) not to dissuade you from Marriage, for it will be best for you, both in respect of God and the world. As for me, I am no more yours, nor you mine, death hath cut us asunder, and God hath divided me from the world, and you from me. Remember your poor Child for his Father's sake, who loved you in his happiest estate. I sued for my life, but (God knows) it was for you and yours that I desired it: for, know it, (my dear Wife) your Child is the Child of a true man, who in his own respect despiseth Death and his misshapen and ugly forms. I cannot write much, (God knows) how hardly I steal this time when all sleep, and it is also time for me to separate my thoughts from the world. Beg my dead body, which living was denied you, and either lay it in S●●●b●rn or in Exeter Church by my father and mother. I can say no more, Time and Death calleth me away. The everlasting God, powerful, infinite, and inscrutable God Almighty, who is goodness itself, the true Light and Life, keep you and yours, and have mercy upon me, and forgive my Persecutors and false accusers, and send us to meet in his glorious kingdom. My dear Wife farewell, Bless my Boy, Pray for me, and let my true God hold you both in his Arms.  
Yours that was, but now not mine own Walter Raleigh.   

Sir Walter Raleighs Letter to Prince Henry, touching the model of a Ship.  
Most excellent Prince,  
IF the Ship your Highness intends to build, be bigger than the Victory, than her beams, which are laid overthwart from side to side will not serve again, and many other of her timbers and other stuff, will not serve, whereas if she be a size less, the timber of the old Ship will serve well to the building of a new.  
If she be bigger she will be of less use, go very deep to water, and of mighty charge, our Channels decaying every year, less nimble, less mannyable, and seldom to be used Grandee Navio grande satica saith the Spaniard.  
A Ship of six hundred Tuns, will carry as good Ordinance as a Ship of twelve hundred Tuns, and where the greater hath double her Ordinance, the less will turn her broad side twice, before the great Ship can wind once, and so no advantage in that overplus of Guns. The lesser will go over clear where the greater shall stick and perish; the lesser will come and go, leave or take, and is you're, whereas the greater is slow, unmanyable, and ever full of encumber.  
In a well conditioned Ship, these things are chiefly required.  

1. That she be strong built.  
2. Swift in sail.  
3. Stout-sided.  
4. That her Ports be so laid, as that she may carry out her Guns all weathers.  
5. That she hull and try well.  
6. That she stay well, when boarding, or turning on a wind is required.   
To make her strong, consisteth in the care and truth of the workman; to make her swift, is to give her a large Run, or way forward, and so afterward, done by act and just proportion, and that in laying out of her bows before, and quarters behind; the Shipwright be sure, that she neither sink nor hang into the water, but lie clear and a●ove it, wherein Shipwrights do often fail, and then is the speed in sailing utterly spoiled.  
That she be stout-sided, the same is provided by a long bearing floar, and by sharing off from above waters to the low ●●edge of the Ports, which done, then will she carry out her Ordinance all wethers.  
To make her to hull and to try well, which i● called a good sea-Ship, there are two things principally to be regarded, the one that she have a good draught of water, the other that she be not overcharged: And this is seldom done in the King's Ships, and therefore we are forced to lie, or try in them with our main Course and mizzen, which with a deep keel and standing streak, she would perform.  
The extreme length of a Ship makes her unapt to stay, especially if she be floatie and want sharpness of way forward. And it is most true, that such overlong Ships, are fitter for the narrow Seas in summer, than for the Ocean, or long voyages: and therefore an hundred foot by the Keel, and thirty five foot broad is a good proportion for a great Ship.  
It is to be noted, that all Ships sharp before, not having a long floar, will fall rough into the sea from a billow, and take in water over head and ears; and the same quality have all narrow-quartered ships to sink after the tail. The high Charging of ships, is that that brings many ill qualities, it makes them extreme Lee-ward, makes them sink deep into the seas, makes them labour sore in foul weather, and ofttimes overset. Safety is more to be respected than shows, or niceness for ease; in sea journeys both cannot well stand together, and therefore the most necessary is to be chosen.  
Two Decks and an half is enough, and no building at all above that, but a low Master's cabin. Our Masters and Mariners will say, that the ships will bear more well enough; and true it is, if none but ordinary Mariners served in them. But men of better sort, unused to such a life, cannot so well endure the rolling and tumbling from side to side, where the seas are never so little grown, which comes by high Charging. Besides those high cabin works aloft, are very dangerous in sight, to tear men with their splinters.  
Above all other things, have care that the great Guns be four foot clear above water when all lading is in, or else these best pieces are idle sea: for if the Ports lie lower, and be open it is dangerous; and by that default was a goodly Ship, and many gallant Gentlemen lost, in the days of Henry the vl, before the Isle of Wight, in a Ship called by the name of Mary-Rose.    

Sir Walter Raleighs PILGRIMAGE.  
GIve me my Scallop shell of Quiet.  
My Staff of Faith to walk upon;  
My Scrip of Joy immortal Diet;  
My Bottle of Salvation.  
My Gown of Glory (Hopes true gage)  
And thus I'll take my Pilgrimage.  
Blood must be my Bodies only Balmer,  
No other Balm will there be given  
Whilst my Soul, like a quiet Palmer,  
Traveleth towards the Land of Heaven  
Over the silver Mountains  
Where springs the Nectar Fountains,  
There I will kiss the Bowl of Bliss,  
And drink mine everlasting fill  
Upon every Milken hill.  
My Soul will be a dry before,  
But after, it will thirst no more.  
I'll take them first to quench my Thirst,  
And taste of Nectar's suckets,  
At those clear Wells  
Where sweetness dwells,  
Drawn up by Saints in Crystal Buckets.  
Then by that happy blestfull day,  
More peaceful Pilgrims I shall see,  
That have cast off their rags of clay,  
And walk apparelled fresh like me,  
And when our Bo●les and all we  
Are filled with immortality,  
Then the blessed Parts we'll travel,  
Strowed with Rubies thick as gravel,  
Sealing of Diamonds, Saphire flowers,  
High walls of Coral, and Pearly Bowers.  
From thence to Heavens bribeless Hall,  
Where no corrupted voices brawl,  
No Conscience molten into Gold,  
No forged Accuser bought or sold,  
No cause deferred, no vain-spent journey,  
For there, CHRIST is the King's Attorney,  
Who pleads for all without degrees,  
And he hath Angels, but no Fees:  
And when the twelve Grand-million jury  
Of our Sins, with direful fury,  
Against our Souls black Verdicts give,  
Christ pleads his Death, & then we Live.  
Be thou my Speaker [taintless Pleader,  
Unblotted Lawyer, true Proceeder.]  
Thou wouldst Salvation even for Alms,  
Not with a bribed Lawyers Palms.  
And this is mine eternal Plea  
To him that made Heaven, Earth & Sea,  
That since my Flesh must die so soon,  
And want a Head to dine next noon,  
Just at the stroke, when my Veins start & spread,  
Set on my Soul an everlasting Head.  
Then am I ready, like a Palmer fit  
To tread those blessed Paths which before I writ.  
Of Death & judgement, Heaven & Hell,  
Who oft doth think, must needs Die well.   

Sir Walter Raleighs VERSES; Found in his Bible in the Gatehouse at Westminster.  
EVen such is Time, which takes in trust  
Our Youth, our joy, and all we have,  
And pays us nought but Age and Dust,  
When in the dark and silent Grave:  
When we have wandered all our ways,  
Shuts up the story o● our days:  
And from which Grave, & Earth, & Dust,  
The Lord shall raise me up I trust.   

Sir W. RALEIGH, On the Snuff of a Candle The night before he died.  
Cowards fear to Die, but Courage stout,  
Rather than Live in Snuff, will be put out.   

Sir WALTER RALEIGHS SPEECH Immediately before he was beheaded.  
UPon Simon and Judes day, the Lieutenant of the Tower had a Warrant to bring his Prisoner to the Kings-Bench. W 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where the Attorney General demanded Execution, according to the judgement pronounced against him at W 〈…〉, the Lord Chief justice caused the Indictment. Verdict and judgement to be read, and after asked him, what he could say, Why he should not die according to the Law; his answer was, That this fifteen years he had lived by the mere mercy of the King, and did now wonder how his Mercy was turned into justice, he not knowing any thing wherein he had provoked his Majesty's displeasure, and did hope, that he was clear from that judgement by the King's Commission in making him General of the Voyage to Guiana, for (as he conceived) the words, To his trusty and well beloved subject, etc. Did in themselves imply a Pardon. But Master Attorney told him, these words were not sufficient for that purpose. Whereupon he desired the opinion of the Court, to which the Lord Chief justice replied, it was no Pardon in Law.  
Then began Sir Walter Raleigh to make a long description of the events and ends of his Voyage, but he was interrupted by the Chief justice, who told him, that it was not for any offence committed there, but for his first fact that he was now called in question, and thereupon told him, That seeing he must prepare to die he would not add affliction to affliction, nor aggravate his fault, knowing him to be a man full of misery; but with the good Samaritan administer oil and wine for the comfort of his distressed Soul. You have been a General, and a great Commander, imitate therefore that noble Captain, who thrusting himself into the midst of a Battle, cried aloud, Mors me Expectest, & ego Mortem Expectabo, as you should not contemn so to do, nor should you fear death, the one showeth too much boldness, the other no less cowardice, so with some other few instructions the Court arose, and Sir Walter was committed into the hands of the Sheriff of Middlesex, who presently conveyed him to the Gate house in Westminster.  
Upon Thursday morning this Courageous, although Committed Knight, was brought before the Parliament-house, where there was a Scaffold erected for his Beheading: yet it was doubted overnight that he should be hanged, but it fell out otherwise. He had no sooner mounted the scaffold, but with a cheerful Countenance and andaunted Look, he saluted the Company. His Attire was a wrought Nightcap, a Ruff band, a hair-coloured Satin Doublet, with a black wrought Waistcoat under it, a pair of black cut Taffery Breeches, a pair of ash-coloured Silk Stockings & a wrought black Velvet Night gown; putting off his Hat, he directed his Speech to the Lords present, as followeth. 
My honourable Lords, and the rest of my good friends that come to see me die, Know, that I much rejoice that it hath pleased God to bring me from darkness to night, and in freeing me from the Tower, wherein I might have died in disgrace, by letting me love to come to this place, where though I lose my life, yet I shall clear some false accusations, unjustly laid to my charge, and leave behind me a testimony of a true heart, both to my King and Country.  

Two things S● W. Raleigh accused of.  Two things there are which have exceedingly possessed and provoked his Majesty's indignation against me, viz. A Confederacy, or Combination with France, and disloyal and disobedient words of my Prince. For the first, his Majesty had some cause, h●●●gh grounds upon a weak foundation, to suspect mine inclination to the French action, for not long before my departure from England, the French Agent took occasion, passing by my house, to visit me, had some conference, during the time of his abode, only concerning my voyage, and nothing else, I take God to witness.  
Another suspicion is had of me, because I did labour to make an escape from Plymouth to France, I cannot deny, but that willingly, when I heard a rumour, That there was no hope of my Life upon my return to London, I would have escaped so the safeguard of my Life, and not for any ill intent or conspiracy against the State.  
The like reason of suspicion arose, in that I persuaded Sir Lewis Steakly, my Guardian, to flee with me from London to France, but my answer to this is, as to the other, That only for my safeguard, and thought else, was my intent, as I shall answer before the Almighty.  
It is alleged, That I feigned myself sick and in art made my body full of blisters when I was at Salisbury. True it is, I did to; the reason was, because I hoped thereby to defer my coming before the King and Council, and so by delaying, might have gain time to have got my Pardon. I have an Example out of Scripture for my warrant, that in case of necessity, and for the safeguard of my life, David feigned himself foolish and mad, yet it was not imputed to him for sin.  
Concerning the second Imputation laid to my charge, that I should speak scandalous and reproachful words of my Prince, there is no witness against me but only one, and he a Chemical French man, whom I entertained, rather for his jests than his judgement: this man to encroach himself into the favour of the Lords, and gaping after some great reward, hath falsely accused me of Seditions speeches against his Majesty; against whom, if I did either speak, or think a thought hurtful or prejudicial, the Lord blot me out of the book of Life.  
It is not a time to flatter or fear Princes, for I am a subject to none but Death? therefore have a charitable conceit of me. That I know to swear is an offence, to swear falsely at any time is a great sin, but to swear false before the presence of Almighty God, before whom I am forthwith to appear, were an offence unpardonable; therefore think me not now rashly, or untruly to confirm, or protest any thing.  
As for other objections, in that I was brought perforce into England, that I carried sixteen thousand pounds in money out of England with me, more than I I made known; that I should receive Letters from the French King, and such like, with many Protestations he utterly denied.   
FINIS.   

The PREROGATIVE Of PARLIAMENTS In ENGLAND. Proved In a Dialogue between a Counsellor of State, and a justice of Peace.  
Written by the worthy Knight. Sir WALTER RALEIGH.  
Dedicated to that part of the Parliament now assembled. Preserved to be now happily (in these distracted Times) Published.  
LONDON, Printed for William Sheares junior, in Westminster Hall. 1657.   

To the KING.  
Most gracious Sovereign:  
THose that are suppressed and helpless are commonly silent, wishing that the common ill in all sort might be with their particular misfortunes: which disposition, as it is uncharitable in all men, so would it be in me more dogge-like then manlike, to bite the stone that struck me: (to wit) the borrowed authority of my Sovereign misinformed, seeing their arms and hounds that flung it, are most of them already rotten. For I must confess it ever, that they are debts, and not discontentments, that your Majesty hath laid upon me; the debts and obligation of a friendless adversity, far more payable in all Kind's, than those of the prosperous: All which, nor the least of them, though I cannot discharge, I may yet endeavour it.  
And notwithstanding my restraint hath retrenched all ways, as well the ways of labour and will, as of all other employments, yet hath it left with me my cogitations, than which I have nothing else to offer on the Altar of my Love.  
Of those (most gracious Sovereign) I have used some part in the following dispute, between a Counsellor of Estate, and a justice of Peace, the one dissuading, the other persuading the calling of a Parliament. In all which, since the Norman Conquest (at the least so many, as Histories have gathered) I have in some things in the following Dialogue presented your Majesty with the contentions and successes.  
Some things there are, and those of the greatest, which because they ought first to be resolved on, I thought fit to range them in the front of the rest, to the end your Majesty may be pleased to examine your own great and Princely hear of their acceptance, or refusal.  
The first is, that supposition, that your Majesty's Subjects give nothing but with adjuction of their own interest, interlacing in one, and the same act your Majesty's relief, and their own liberties; not that your Majesty's piety was ever suspected, but because the best Princes are ever the least jealous, your Majesty judging others by yourself, who have abused your Majesty's trust. The feared continuance of the like abuse may persuade the provision But this caution, how ever it seemeth at first sight, your Majesty shall perceive by many examples following but frivolous. The bonds of Subjects to their Kings should always be wrought out of Iron, the bonds of Kings unto Subjects but with Cobwebs.  
This it is (most renowned Sovereign) that this traffic of assurances hath been often urged, of which, if the Conditions had been easy, our Kings have as easily kept them; if hard and prejudicial, either to their honours or estates, the Creditors have been paid their debts which their own presumption.  
For all binding of a King by Law upon the advantage of his necessity, makes the breach itself lawful in a King, His Charters and all other instruments being no other than the surviving witnesses of unconstrained will: Princeps non subjicitur nifi sua voluntate libera, mero motu & certa Scientia: Necessary words in all the grants of a King witnessing that the same grants were given freely and knowingly.  
The second resolution will rest in your Majesty, leaving the new impositions, all Monopolies, and other grievances of the people to the consideration of the House, Provided, that your Majesty's revenue be not abated, which if your Majesty shall refuse, it is thought that the disputes will last long, and the issues will be doubtful: And on the contrary if your Majesty vouchsafe it, it may perchance be styled a yielding, which seemeth by the sound to brave the Regalty.  
But (mose excellent Prince) what other is it to th' ears of the Wise, but as the sound of a trumpet, having blasted forth a false Alarm, becomes but common air? Shall the head yield to the feet? certainly it ought, when they are grieved, for wisdom will rather regard the commodity, than object the disgrace, seeing if the feet lie in fetters, the head cannot be freed, and where the feet feel but their own pains, the head doth not only suffer by participiation, but withal by consideration of the evil.  
Certainly the point of honour well weighed hath nothing in it to even the balance, for by your Majesty's favour, your Majesty doth not yield either to any person, or to any power, but to a dispute only, in which the Proposition and Minor prove nothing without a conclusion, which no other person or power can make, but a Majesty: yea this in Henry the third his time was called a wisdom incomparable. For, the King raised again, recovery his authority: For, being in that extremity as he was driven with the Queen and his Children, Cum Abbatibus & Prioribus satis humilibus hospitia quaerere & prandia: For the rest, may it please your Majesty to consider that there can nothing befall your Majesty in matters of affairs more unfortunately, than the Commons of Parliament with ill success: A dishonour so persuasive and adventurous as it will not only find arguments; but it will take the leading of all enemies that shall offer themselves against your Majesty's estate.  
Le Tabourin de la paurete ne faict point de breuct: of which dangerous disease in Princes, the remedy doth chiefly consist in the love of the people, which how it may be had & held, no man knows better than your Majesty; how to lose it, all men know, and know that it is lost by nothing more than by the defence of others in wrong doing. The only motives of mischances that ever come to Kings of this Land since the Conquest.  
It is only love (most renowned Sovereign) must prepare the way for your Majesty's following desires. It is love which obeys, which suffers, which gives, which sticks at nothing; which Love, as well of your Majesty's people, as the love of God to your Majesty, that it may always hold shall be the continual prayers of your Majesty's most humble vassal,  
Walter Ralegh.   

A DIALOGUE Between a COUNSELLOR of STATE, And a JUSTICE of PEACE.  COUNSELLOR. 
NOW Sir, what think you of M. S. john's trial in Star-Chamber? I know that the bruit ran that he was hardly dealt withal, because he was imprisoned in the Tower, seeing his dissuasion from granting a Benevolence to the King was warranted by the Law.  JUSTICE. 
Surely Sir it was made manifest at the hearing, that M. S. john was rather in love with his own letter; he confessed he had seen your Lordship's letter, before he wrote his to the Major of Marleborough, and in your Lordship's letter, there was not a word whereto the Statutes by Mr. Sr. john alleged, had reference; for those Statutes did condemn the gathering of money from the subject, under title of a free gift; whereas a fifth, a sixth, a tenth, etc. was set down and required. But my good Lord, though divers Shires have given to his Majesty, some more, some less, what is this to the King's debt?  COUNS. 
We know it well enough, but we have many other projects.  JUST. 
It is true my good Lord: but your Lordship will find, that when by these you have drawn many petty sums from the subjects, and those sometimes spent as fast as they are gathered, his Majesty being nothing enabled thereby, when you shall be forced to demand your great aid, the the Country will excuse itself in regard of their former payments.  COUNS. 
What mean you by the great aid?  JUST. 
I mean the aid of Parliament.  COUNS. 
By Parliament, I would fain know the man that durst persuade the King unto it, for if it should succeed ill, in what case were he?  JUST. 
You say well for yourself my Lord, and perchance you that are lovers of yourselves (under pardon) do follow the advice of the late Duke of Alva, who was ever opposite to all resolutions in business of importance; for if the things enterprised succeeded well, the advice never came in question; if ill, (whereto great undertake are commonly subject) he then made his advantage by remembering his Country Council: But my good Lord, these reserved Politicians are not the best servants, for he that is bound to adventure his life for his Master, is also bound to adventure his advice, Keep not back Council (saith Ecclesiasticus) When it may do good.  COUNS. 
But Sir, I speak it not in other respect than I think it dangerous for the King to assemble the three estates, for thereby have our former Kings always lost somewhat of their prerogatives. And because that you shall not think that I speak it at random, I will begin with elder times, wherein the first contention began betwixt the Kings of this land and their subjects in Parliament.  JUST. 
Your Lordship shall do me a singular favour.  COUNS. 
You know that the Kings of England had no formal Parliament till about the 18. year of Hen. the first, for in his 17 year for the marriage of his Daughter, the King raised a tax upon every hide of land by the advice of his privy Council alone. But you may remember how the subjects soon after the establishment of this Parliament, began to stand upon terms with the King, and drew from him by strong hand and the sword the great Charter.  JUST. 
Your Lordship says well, they drew from the King the great Charter by the sword, and hereof the Parliament cannot be accused, but the Lords.  COUNS. 
You say well, but it was after the establishment of the Parliament, and by colour of it, that they had so great daring, for before that time they could not endure to hear of Sr. Edward's laws, but resisted the confirmation in all they could, although by those laws the Subjects of this Island were no less free than any of all Europe.  JUST. 
My good Lord, the reason is manifest; for while the Normans and other of the French that followed Conqueror made spoil of the English, they would not endure that any thing but the will of the Conqueror should stand for Law: but after a difcent or two when themselves were become English, and found themselves beaten with their own rods, they then began to favour the difference between subjection and slavery, and insist upon the Law, Meum & tuum, and to be able to say unto themselves, hoc sac & vives: yea that the conquering English in Ireland did the like, your Lordship knows it better than I  COUNS. 
I think you guess aright: And to the end the subject may know that being a faithful servant to his Prince he might enjoy his own life, and paying to his Prince what belongs to a Sovereign, the remainder was his own to dispose. Henry the first to content his Vassals gave them the great Charter, and the Charter of Forests.  JUST. 
What reason then had K. john to deny the confirmation.  COUNS. 
He did not, but he on the contrary confirmed both the Charters with additions, & required the Pope whom he had them made his superior to strengthen him with a golden Bul.  JUST. 
But your honour knows, that it was not long after, that he repented himself.  COUNS. 
It is rrue, and he had reason so to do for the Barons refused to follow him into France, as they ought to have done, and to say true, this great Charter upon which you insist so much, was not originally granted Regally and freely; for Henry the first did usurp the Kingdom, and therefore the better to assure himself against Robert his eldest Brother, he flattered the Nobility and people with those Charters. Yea King john that confirmed them, had the like respect for Arthur Duke of Britain, was the undoubted heir of the Crown, upon whom john usurped. And so to conclude, these Charters had their original from Kings de facto but not the jure.  JUST. 
But King john confirmed the Charter after the death of his Nephew Arthur, when he was then Rex de jure also.  COUNS. 
It is true, for he durst do no other, standing accursed, whereby few or none obeyed him, for his Nobility refused to follow him into Scotland, and he had so grieved the people by pulling down all the Park pales before harvest, to the end his Deer might spoil the corn; And by seizing the temporalities of so many Bishoprics into his hands, and chiefly for practising the death of the Duke of Britain his Nephew, as also having lost Normandy to the French, so as the hearts of all men were turned from him.  JUST. 
Nay by your favour my Lord, King john restored K. Edward's Laws after his absolution, and wrote his letters in the 15. of his reign to all Sheriffs countermanding all former oppressions, yea this he did notwithstanding the Lords refused to follow him into France.  COUNS. 
Pardon me, he did not restore King Edward's Laws then, nor yet confirmed the Charters, but he promised upon his absolution to do both: but after his return out of France, in his 16. year he denied it, because without such a promise he had not obtained restitution, his promise being constrained, and not voluntary.  JUST. 
But what think you? was he not bound in honour to perform it.  COUNS. 
Certainly no, for it was determined the case of King Francis the first of France, that all promises by him made, whilst he was in the hands of Charles the fifth his enemy, were void, by reason the Judge of honour, which tells us he durst do no other.  JUST. 
But King john was not in prison.  COUNS. 
Yet for all that, restraint is imprisonment, yea, fear itself is imprisonment, and the King was subject to both: I know there is nothing more Kingly in a King than the performance of his word; but yet of a word freely and voluntarily given. Neither was the Charter of Henry the first so published, that all men might plead it for their advantage but a Charter was left (in deposito) in the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time, and so to his successors. Stephen Langthon, who was ever a Traitor to the King, produced this Charter, and showed it to the Barons, thereby encouraging them to make war against the King. Neither was it the old Charter simply the Barons sought to have confirmed, but they presented unto the King other articles and orders, tending to the alteration of the whole commonwealth, which when the King refused to sign, the Barons presently put themselves into the field, and in rebellious and outrageous fashion sent the King word, except he confirmed them, they would not desist from making war against him, till he had satisfied them therein. And in conclusion, the King being betrayed of all his Nobility, in effect was forced to grant the Charter of Magna Charta, and Charta de Forestis, at such time as he was environed with an Army in the Meadows of Stains, which harters being procured by force, Pope Innocent afterward disavowed, and threatened to curse the Barons if they submitted not themselves as they ought to their Sovereign Lord, which when the Lords refused to obey, the King entertained an army of strangers for his own defence, wherewith having mastered and beaten the Barons, they called in Lewes of France (a most unnatural resolution) to be their King Neither was Magna Charta a Law in the 19 of Henry the 2d. but simply a Charter which he confirmed in the 21. of his reign, and made it a Law in the 25. according to Littleton's opinion. Thus much for the beginning of the Great Cbarter, which had first an obscure birth from usurpation, and was secondly fostered and showed to the world by rebellion.  JUST. 
I cannot deny but that all your Lordship hath said is true; but seeing the Charters were afterwards so many times confirmed by Parliament and made Laws, and that there is nothing in them unequal or prejudicial to the King, doth not your Honour think it reason they should be observed?  COUNS. 
Yes, and observed they are in all that the state of a King can permit, for no man is destroyed but by the Laws of the land, no man disseized of his inheritance but by the Laws of the land, imprisoned they are by the prerogative where the King hath cause to suspect their loyalty: for were it otherwise, the King should never come to the knowledge of any conspiracy or Treason against his Person or state, and being imprisoned, yet doth not any man suffer death but by the Law of the land.  JUST. 
But may it please your Lordship, were not Cornewallis, Sharpe, and Hoskins imprisoned, being no suspicion of Treason there?  COUNS. 
They were; but it cost them nothing.  JUST. 
And what got the King by it? for in the conclusion (besides the murmur of the people) Cornewallis, Sharpe, and Hoskins having greatly overshot themselves, and repented them, a fine of 5 or 600l. was laid on his Majesty for their offences, for so much their diet cost his Majesty.  COUNS. 
I know who gave the advice, sure I am that it was none of mine: But thus I say, if you consult your memory, you shall find that those Kings which did in their own times comfirme the Magna Charta, did not only imprison, but they caused of their Nobility and others to be slain without hearing or trial,  JUST. 
My good Lord, if you will give me leave to speak freely, I say, that they are not well advised that persuade the King not to admit the Magna Charta with the former reservations. For as the King can never lose a farthing by it as I shall prove anon: So except England were as Naples is, and kept by Garrisons of another Nation, it is impossible for a King of England to greaten and enrich himself by any way so assuredly, as by the love of his people: For by one rebellion the King hath more loss then by a hundred years' observance of Magna Charta, For therein have our Kings been forced to compound with Rogues and Rebels, and to pardon them, yea the state of the King, the Movarchie, the Nobility have been endangered by them.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, let that pass, why should not our Kings raise money as the Kings of France do by their letters and Edicts only? for since the time of Lewes the 11. of whom it is said, that he freed the French Kings of their wardship, the French Kings have seldom assembled the states for any contribution.  JUST. 
I will tell you why: the strength of England doth consist of the people and Yeomanry, the Pefants of France have no courage nor arms: In France every Village and Burrough hath a castle, which the French call Chasteau Villain, every good City hath a good Citadel, the King hath the Regiments of his guards and his men at arms always in pay; yea the Nobility of France in whom the strength of France consists, do always assist the King in those levies, because themselves being free, they made the same levies upon their Tenants. But my Lord, if you mark it, France was never free in effect from civil wars, and lately it was endangered either to be conquered by the Spaniard, or to be cantonized by the rebellious French themselves, since that freedom of Wardship. But my good Lord, to leave this digression, that wherein I would willingly satisfy your Lordship, is, that the Kings of England have never received loss by Parliament, or prejudice.  COUNS. 
No Sir, you shall find that the subjects in Parliament have decreed great things to the disadvantage and dishonour of our Kings in former times.  JUST. 
My good Lord, to avoid confusion, I will make a short repartition of them all, & then your Lordship may object where you see cause; And I doubt not but to give your Lordship satisfaction. In the sixth year of Henry the 3d there was no dispute, the house gave the King two shillings of every plough land within England, and in the end of the same year he had escuage paid him (to wit) for every Knight's fee two marks in silver. In the fifth year of that King, the Lords demanded the confirmation of the Great Charter which the King's Council for that time present excused, alleging that those privileges, were exhorted by force during the King's Minority, and yet the King was pleased to send forth his writ to the Sheriffs of every Country, requiring them to certify what those liberties were, and how used, and in exchange of the Lords demand, because they pressed him so violently, the King required all the castles and places which the Lords held of his, and had held in the time of his Father, with those Manors and Lordships which they had heretofore wrested from the Crown, which at that time (the King being provided of forces) they durst not deny, in the 14 year he had the 15. penny of all goods given him, upon condition to confirm the Great Charter: For by reason of the wars in France, and the loss of Rochett, he was them enforced to consent to the Lords in all they demanded, in the tenth of his reign he fined the City of London at 50000. marks, because they had received Lewis of France, in the 11. year in the Parliament at Oxford, he revoked the great Charter, being granted when he was under age, and governed by the Earl of Pembroke and the Bishop of Winchester, in this 11. year the Earls of Cornwall and Chester, Martial, Edward Earl of Pembroke, Gilbert Earl of Gloucester, Warren, Hereford, Ferrars, and Warwick, and others rebelled against the King, and constrained him to yield unto them in what they demanded for their particular interest, which rebellion being appeased, he sailed into France, and in his 15. year he had a 15th of the temporality, and a disme and a half of the spirituality, and withal escuage of every Knights fee.  COUNS. 
But what say you to the Parliament of Westminster in the 16th. of the King, where notwithstanding the wars of France and his great charge in repulsing the Welsh rebels, he was flatly denied the Subsidy demanded.  JUST. 
I confess, my Lord, that the house excused themselves by reason of their poverty, and the Lords taking of Arms; in the next year it was manifest that the house was practised against the King: And was it not so, my good Lord, think you in our two last Parliaments, for in the first even those whom his Majesty trusted most, betrayed him in the union, and in the second there were other of the great ones ran counter. But your Lordship spoke of dangers of Parliaments, in this, my Lord, there was a denial, but there was no danger at all: but to return where I left, what got the Lords by practising the house at that time? I say that those that broke this staff upon the King, were overturned with the counterbuff, for he resumed all those lands which he had given in his minority, he called all his exacting officers to account, he found them all faulty, he examined the corruption of other Magistrates, and from all these he drew sufficient money to satisfy his present necessity; whereby he not only spared his people, but highly contented them with an act of so great justice: Yea Hubert Earl of Kent, the chief justice whom he had most trusted, and most advanced, was found as false to the King as any one of the rest. And for conclusion in the end of that year at the assembly of the States at Lambeth, the King had the fortieth part of every man's goods given him freely toward his debts, for the people, who the same year had refused to give the King any thing, when they saw he had squeezed those sponges of the Commonwealth, they willingly yielded to give him satisfaction.  COUNS. 
But I pray you what became of this Hubert, whom the King had favoured above all men, betraying his Majesty as he did.  JUST. 
There were many that persuaded the King to put him to death, but he could not be drawn to consent, but the King seized upon his estate which was great; yet in the end he left him a sufficient portion, and gave him his life because he had done great service in former times: For this Majesty, though he took advantage of his vice, yet he forgot not to have consideration of his virtue. And upon this occasion it was that the King, betrayed by those whom he most trusted, entertained strangers, and gave them their offices and the charge of his Castles and strong places in England.  COUNS. 
But the drawing in of those strangers was the cause that Marshal Earl of Pembroke moved war against the King.  JUST. 
It is true, my good Lord, but he was soon after slain in Ireland, and his whole masculine race, ten years extinguished, though there were five Sons of them, and Marshal. being dead, who was the mover and ringleader of that war, the King pardoned the rest of the Lords that had assisted Marshal.  COUNS. 
What reason had the King so to do?  JUST. 
Because he was persuaded, that they loved his person, and only hated those corrupt Counsellors, that then bare the greatest sway under him, as also because they were the best men of war he had, whom if he destroyed, having war with the French, he had wanted Commanders to have served him.  COUNS. 
But what reason had the Lords to take arms?  JUST. 
Because the King entertained the Poictovins, were not they the King's vassals also? Should the Spaniard's rebel, because the Spanish King trusts to the Neapolitans, Fortagues, Millanoys, and other Nations his vassals, seeing those that are governed by the Viceroys and deputies, are in policy to be well entertained & to be employed, who would otherwise devise how to free themselves; whereas, being trusted and employed by their Prince, they entertain themselves with the hopes that other the King's vassals do, if the King had called in the Spaniards, or other Nations, not his Subjects, the Nobility of England had reason of grief.  COUNS. 
But what people did ever serve the King of England more faithfully than the Gascoynes did, even to the last of the conquest of that Duchy?  JUST. 
Your Lordship says well, and I am of that opinion, that if it had pleased the Queen of Eng. to have drawn some of the chief of the Irish Nobility into Eng. and by exchange to have made them good freeholders' in Eng. she had saved above 2. millions of pounds, which were consumed in times of those Rebellions. For what held the great Gascoigne firm to the Crown of England (of whom the Duke of Espernon married the Inheritrix) but his Earldom of Kendal in England, whereof the Duke of Espernon (in right of his Wife) bears the Title to this day? And to the same end I take it, hath james our Sovereign Lord given Lands to divers of the Nobility of Scotland. And if I were worthy to advise your Lordship, I should think that your Lordship should do the King great service, to put him in mind to prohibit all the Scottish Nation to alienate and sell away their inheritance here; for they selling, they not only give cause to the English to complain, that the Treasure of England is transported into Scotland, but his Majesty is thereby also frustrated of making both Nations one, and of assuring the service and obedience of the Scots in future.  COUNS. 
You say well for though those of Scotland that are advanced and enriched by the King's Majesties will, no doubt serve him faithfully, yet how their heirs and successors, having no inheritance to lose in England, may be seduced, is uncertain. But let us go on with our Parliament. And what say you to the denial, in the 26th. year of his reign, even when the King was invited to come into France by the Earl of March, who had married his Mother, and who promised to assist the King in the conquest of many places lost?  JUST. 
It is true my good Lord, that a subsidy was then denied, and the reasons are delivered in English Histories, and indeed the King not long before had spent much Treasure in aiding the Duke of Britain to no purpose; for he drew over the King but to draw on good conditions for himself, as the Earl of March his father in law now did: As the English Barons did invite Lewes of France not long before, as in elder times all the Kings and States had done, and in late years the Leaguers of France entertained the Spaniards, and the French Protestants and Netherlands, Queen Elizabeth, not with any purpose to greaten those that aid them, but to purchase to themselves an advantageous peace. But what say the Histories to this denial? They say, with a world of payments there mentioned, that the King had drawn the Nobility dry. And besides, that whereas not long before great sums of money were given, and the same appointed to be kept in four Castles, and not to be expended but by the advice of the Peers; it was believed, that the same Treasure was yet unspent.  COUNS. 
Good Sir you have said enough; judge you whether it were not a dishonour to the King to be so tied, as not to expend his Treasure but by other men's advice, as it were by their licence.  JUST. 
Surely, my Lord, the King was well advised to take the money upon any condition, and they were fools that propounded the restraint; for it doth not appear, that the King took any great heed to those overseers: Kings are bound by their piety, and by no other obligation. In Queen Mary's time, when it was thought that she was with Child, it was propounded in Parliament, that the rule of the Realm should be given to King Philip, during the minority of the hoped Prince or Princess; and the King offered his assurance in great sums of money, to relinquish the Government at such time as the Prince or Princess should be of age: At which motion, when all else were silent in the House, Lord Da●res (who was none of the wisest) asked who shall sue the King's Bonds? which ended the dispute, (for what other Bond is between a King and his vassals, than the Bond of the King's Faith?) But, my good Lord, the King, notwithstanding the denial at that time, was with gifts from particular persons, and otherwise, supplied for proceeding of his journey for that time into France; he took with him 30 Casks filled with Silver and Coin, which was a great Treasure in those days. And lastly, notwithstanding the first denial, in the King's absence he had Escuage granted him (to wit) 20s. of every Knights Fee.  COUNS. 
What say you then to the 28th year of that King, in which when the King demanded relief, the States would not consent, except the the same former order had been taken for the appointing of 4 overseers for the treasure: as also that the Lord chief justice and the L. Chancellor should be chosen by the States, with some Barons of the Exchequer and other officers.  JUST. 
My good Lord, admit the King had yielded their demands, than whatsoever had been ordained by those Magistrates to the dislike of the Commonwealth, the people had been without remedy, whereas while the King made them, they had their appeal and other remedies. But those demands vanished, and in the end the King had escuage given him, without any of their conditions. It is an excellent virtue in a King to have patience, and to give way to the fury of men's passions. The Whale when he is strucken by the fisherman, grows into that fury, that he cannot be resisted: but will overthrow all the Ships and Barks that come into his way; but when he hath tumbled a while, he is drawn to the shore with a twined thread.  COUNS. 
What say you then to the Parliament in the 29th. of that King?  JUST. 
I say, that the Commons being unable to pay, the King relieves himself upon the richer sort: and so it likewise happened in the 33. of that King, in which he was relieved chiefly by the City of London. But, my good Lord, in the Parliament in London in the 38th year, he had given him the tenth of all the revenues of the Church for 3 years, and three marks of every Knight's Fee throughout the Kingdom, upon his promise and oath upon the observing of Magna Charta, but in the end of the same year, the King being then in France, he was denied the aides which he required. What is this to the danger of a Parliament? especially at this time they had reason to refuse, they had given so great a sum in the beginning of the same year. And again; because it was known that the King had but pretended war with the King of Castille, with whom he had secretly contracted an alliance, and concluded a Marriage betwixt his Son Edward and the Lady Elenor. These false fires do but fright Children, and it commonly falls out, that when the cause given is known to be false, the necessity pretended is thought to be feigned. Royal dealing hath evermore Royal success: and as the King was denied in the eight and thirtieth year, so was he denied in the nine and thirtieth year, because the Nobility and the people saw it plainly, that the K. was abused by the Pope, who as well in despite to Manfred bastard Son to the Emperor Frederick the second: as to cozen the King and to waste him, would needs bestow on the King the Kingdom of Sicily; to recover which the King sent all the Treasure he could borrow or scrape to the Pope, and withal gave him letters of credence, for to take up what he could in Italy, the King binding himself for the payment. Now, my good Lord, the wisdom of Princes is seen in nothing more than in their enterprises. So how unpleasing it was to the State of England to consume the Treasure of the Land, and in the conquest of Sicily so far off, and otherwise, for that the English had lost Normandy under their noses, and so many goodly parts of France, of their own proper inheritances: the reason of the denial is as well to be considered as the denial.  COUNS. 
Was not the King also denied a Subsidy in the forty first of his reign?  JUST. 
No, my Lord: for although the King required money as before, for the impossible conquest of Sicily, yet the House offered to give 52000 marks, which whether he refused or accepted, is uncertain: and whilst the King dreamt of Sicily, the Welsh invaded and spoilt the borders of England; for in the Parliament of London, when the King urged the House for the prosecuting the conquest of Sicily, the Lords utterly disliking the attempt, urged the prosecuting of the Welshmen: which Parliament being prorogued did again assemble at Oxford, and was called the mad Parliament, which was no other than an assembly of rebels, for the royal assent of the King which gives life to all Laws, formed by the three estates, was not a royal assent, when both the King and the Prince were constrained to yield to the Lords. A contrained consent is the consent of a Captive and not of a King and therefore there was nothing done their either legally or royally. For if it be not properly a Parliament where the subject is not free, certainly it can be none where the King is bound, for all Kingly rule was taken from the King, and twelve Peers appointed, and as some Writers have it 24. Peers, to govern the Realm, and therefore the assembly made by jack Straw and other rebels may aswell be called a Parliament as that of Oxford. Principis nomen habere, non est esse princeps, for thereby was the K. driven not only to compound all quarrels with the French, but to have means to be revenged on the rebel Lords: but he quitted his right to Normandy, Anjou and maine.  COUNS. 
But Sir, what needed this extremity, seeing the Lords required but the confirmation of the former Charter, which was not prejudicial to the King to grant?  JUST. 
Yes my good Lord, but they insulted upon the King, and would not suffer him to enter into his own Castles, they put down the Purveyor of the meat for the maintenance of his house: as if the King had been a bankrupt, and gave order that without ready money he should not take up a Chicken. And though there is nothing against the royalty of a King in these Charters (the Kings of England being Kings of freemen and not of slaves) yet it is so contrary to the nature of a King to be forced even to those things which may be to his advantage, as the King had some reason to seek the dispensation of his oath from the Pope, and to draw in strangers for his own defence: yea jure salvo coronae nostrae is intended inclusively in all oaths and promises exacted from a Sovereign.  COUNS. 
But you cannot be ignorant how dangerous a thing it is to call in other Nations both for the spoil they make, as also, because they have often held the possession of the best places with which they have been trusted.  JUST. 
It is true my good Lord, that there is nothing so dangerous for a King as to be constrained and held as prisoner to his vassals, for by that, Edward the second, and Richard the second lost their Kingdoms and their lives. And for calling in of strangers, was not King Edward the sixth driven to call in strangers against the Rebels in Norfolk, Cornwall, Oxfordshire and elsewhere? Have not the Kings of Scotland been oftentimes constrained to entertain strangers against the Kings of England: And the King of England at this time had he not been divers times assisted by the Kings of Scotland & had been endangered to have been expelled for ever.  COUNS. 
But yet you know those Kings were deposed by Parliament.  JUST. 
Yea my good Lord being Prisoners, being out of possession, and being in their hands that were Princes of the blood and pretenders. It is an old Country Proverb, (that Might overcomes Right) a weak title that wears a strong sword, commonly prevails against a strong title that wears but a weak one, otherwise Philip the second had never been Duke of Portugal, nor Duke of milan, nor King of Naples & Sicily. But good Lord, Errores non sunt trahendi in exemplum. I speak of regal, peaceable, and lawful Parliaments. The King at this time was but a King is name, for Gloucester, Leicester and Chichester made choice of other Nine, to whom the rule of the Realm was committed, and the Prince was forced to purchase his liberty from the Earl of Leicester, by giving for his ransom the Country Palatine of Chester. But my Lord let us judge of those occasions by their events what became of this proud Earl? was he not soon after slain in Evesham? was he not left naked in the field, and left a shameful spectacle, his head being cut off from his shoulders, his privy parts from his body, and laid on each side of his nose? And did not God extinguish his race, after which in a lawful Parliament at Westminster (confirmed in a following Parliament of Westminster) were not all the Lords that followed Leycester disinheried? And when that fool Gloucester after the death of Leycester (whom he had formerly forsaken) made himself the head of a second Rebellion, and called in strangers, for which not long before he had cried out against the King, was not he in the end, after that he had seen the slaughter of so many of the Barons, the spoil of their Castles, and Lordships constrained to submit himself, as all the survivers did, of which they that sped best, paid their fines and ransoms, the King reserving his younger Son, the Earldoms of Leycester and Derby.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, we have disputed this King to the grave, though it be true, that he outlived all his enemies, and brought them to confusion, yet those examples did not terrify their successors, but the Earl Martial, and Hereford, threatened King Edward the first, with a new War.  JUST. 
They did so, but after the death of Hereford, the Earl Marshal repent himself, and to gain the King's favour, he made him heir of all his Lands. But what is this to the Parliament? for there was never King of this land had more given him for the time of his reign, than Edward the Son of Henry the third had.  COUNS. 
How doth that appear?  JUST. 
In this sort my good Lord, in this King's third year he had given him the fifteenth part of all goods. In his sixth year a twentyeth. In his twelfth year a twentyeth, in his fourteenth year he had escuage (to wit) forty shillings of every Knight's Fee, in this eighteenth year he had the eleventh part of all movable goods within the Kingdom, in his nineteenth year the tenth part of all Church livings in England, Scotland and Ireland; for six years, by agreement from the Pope, in his three and twentieth year he raised a tax upon Wool and fells, and on a day caused all the religious houses to be searched, and all the treasure in them to be seized and brought to his coffers, excusing himself by laying the fault upon his Treasurer, he had also in the end of the same year, of all goods of all Burgesses, and of the Commons the 10th part, in the 25th year of the Parliament of St. Edmundsbury, he had an 18th part of the goods of the Burgesses, and of the people in general, the tenth part. He had also the same year by putting the Clergy out of his protection a fifth part of their goods, and in the same year he set a great tax upon Wools, to wit, from half a mark to 40s. upon every sack, whereupon the Earl Martial, and the Earl of Hereford refusing to attend the King into Flanders, pretended the greevances of the people. Put in the end the King having pardoned them, and confirmed the great Charter, he had the ninth penny of all goods from the Lords and Commons of the Clergy, in the South he had the tenth penny, and in the North the fifth penny. In the two and thirtyeth year he had a subsidy freely granted. In the three and thirtyeth year he confirmed the great Charter of his own Royal disposition, and the states to show their thankfulness, gave the King for one year, the fifth part of all the revenues of the land, and of the Citizens the sixth part of their goods. And in the same year the King used the inquisition called Trai le Baston. By which all Justices and other Magistrates were grievously fined that had used extortion or bribery, or had otherwise misdemeaned themselves to the great contentation of the people. This Commission likewise did inquire of intruders, barators, and all other the like vermin, whereby the King gathered a great mass of treasure with a great deal of love. Now for the whole reign of this King, who governed England 35 years, there was not any Parliament to his prejudice.  COUNS. 
But there was taking of arms by Marshal and Hereford.  JUST. 
That's true, but why was that? because the King, notwithstanding all that was given him by Parliament, did lay the greatest taxes that ever King did without their consent. But what lost the King by those Lords? one of them gave the King all his lands, the other died in disgrace.  COUNS. 
But what say you to the Parliament in Edward the Seconds time his successor: did not the house of Parliament banish Peirce Gaveston whom the King favoured?  JUST. 
But what was this Gaveston but an Esquire of Gascoine, formerly banished the Realm by King Edward the first, for corrupting the Prince Edward, now reigning. And the whole Kingdom fearing and detesting his venomous disposition, they besought his Majesty to cast him off, which the King performed by an act of his own, and not by act of Parliament, yea Gavestones own father in Law, the Earl of Gloucester, was one of the chiefest of the Lords that procured it. And yet finding the King's affection to follow him so strongly, they all consented to have him recalled. After which when his credit so increased, that he despised and set at naught all the ancient Nobility, and not only persuaded the King to all manner of outrages and riots, but withal transported what he lifted of the King's Treasure, and jewels: the Lords urged his banishment the second time, but neither was the first nor second banishment forced by Act of Parliament, but by the forceable Lords his Enemies. Lastly he being recalled by the King, the Earl of Lancaster caused his head to be stricken off, when those of his party had taken him prisoner. By which presumptuous Act, the Earl and the rest of his company committed Treason and murder: Treason by raising an Army without warrant, murder by taking away the life of the King's Subject. After which Gaveston being dead, the Spencers got possession of the King's favour, though the younger of them was placed about the King, by the Lords themselves.  COUNS. 
What say you then to the Parliament held at London about the sixth year of that King.  JUST. 
I say that King was not bound to perform the acts of this Parliament, because the Lords being too strong for the King, enforced his consent, for these be the words of our own History. They wrested to much beyond the bounds of reason.  COUNS. 
What say you to the Parliaments of the White wands in the 13th of the King.  JUST. 
I say the Lords that were so moved, came with an Army, and by strong hand surprised the King, they constrained, (saith the story) the rest of the Lords and compelled many of the Bishops to consent unto them, yea it saith further, that the King durst not but grant to all that they required, (to wit) for the banishment of the Spencers. Yea they were so insolent that they refused to lodge the Queen coming through Kent in the Castle of Leedes, and sent her to provide her lodging where she could get it so late in the night, for which notwithstanding some that kept her out were soon after taken and hanged, and therefore your Lordship cannot call this a Parliament for the reasons before alleged. But my Lord what became of these Lawgivers to the King, even when they were greatest, a Knight of the North called Andrew Herkeley, assembled the Forces of the Country, overthrew them and their Army, slew the Earl of Hereford, and other Barons, took their general Thomas Earl of Lancaster, the Kings cousin german at that time possessed of five Earldoms, the Lords Clifford, Talbort, Mowbray, Maudiut, Willington, Warren, Lord Darcy, Withers, Knevill, Leybourne, Bekes, Lovel, Fitz williams, Watervild, and divers other Barons, Knights and Esquiers, and soon after the Lord Percy, and the Lord Warren took the Lords Baldsemere, and the Lord Audley, the Lord Teis, Gifford, Tucoet, and many others that fled from the battle, the most of which passed under the hands of the hangman, for constraining the King under colour and name of a Parliament. But this your good Lordship may judge, to whom, those tumultuous assemblies (which our Histories, falsely call Parliaments have been dangerous, the King in the end ever prevailed, and the Lords lost their lives, and estates. After which the Spencers in their banishment at York, in the 15th of the King, were restored to the honours and estates, and therein the King had a subsidy given him the sixth penny of goods throughout England, Ireland, and Wales.  COUNS. 
Yet you see the Spencers were soon after dissolved.  JUST. 
It is true my Lord, but that is nothing to our subject of Parliament, they may thank their own insolency, for they branded and despised the Queen, whom they ought to have honoured as the King's wife; they were also exceeding greedy, and built themselves upon other men's ruins, they were ambitious and exceeding malicious, whereupon that came, that when Chamberlain Spencer was hanged in Hereford, a part of the 24th Psalm was written over his head: Quid gloriaris in malitia potens?  COUNS. 
Well Sir, you have all this while excused yourself upon the strength and rebellions of the Lords, but what say you now to King Edward the third, in whose time (and during the time of this victorious King, no man durst take Arms or rebel) the three estates did him the greatest affront that ever King received or endured, therefore I conclude where I began, that these Parliaments are dangerous for a King,  JUST. 
To answer your Lordship in order, may it please you first to call to mind, what was given this great King by his subjects before the dispute betwixt him and the house happened, which was in his latter days, from his first year to his fifth year, there was nothing given the king by his Subjects, in his eight year at the Parliament at London a tenth and a fifteenth was granted, in his tenth year he ceased upon the Italians goods here in England to his own use, with all the goods of the Monks Cluniackes and others, of the order of the Cistertians. In the eleaventh year, he had given him by Parliament a notable relief, the one half of the Wools throughout England, and of the Clergy all their Wools, after which, in the end of the year he had granted in his Parliament at Westminster, forty shillings upon every sack of Wool, and for every 30 wool fells forty shillings, for every last of leathern, as much, and for all other merchandizes after the same rate. The King promising that this years gathering ended, he would thenceforth content himself with the old custom, he had over and above this great aid the eight part of all goods of all Citizens and Burgesses; and of other as of foreign Merchants, and such as lived not of the gain of breeding of sheep and cattle the fifteenth of their goods. Nay my Lord: this was not all, though more than ever was granted to any King, for the same Parliament bestowed on the King the ninth sheaf of all the corn within the Land, the ninth fleece, and the ninth lamb for two years' next following; now what think your Lordship of this Parliament.  COUNS. 
I say they were honest men.  JUST. 
And I say, the people are as loving to their King now, as ever they were, if they be honestly and wisely dealt withal, and so his Majesty hath found them in his last two Parliaments, if his Majesty had not been betrayed by those whom he most trusted.  COUNS. 
But I pray you Sir, who shall a King trust, if he may not rust those whom he hath so greatly advanced?  JUST. 
I will tell your Lordship whom the King may trust.  COUNS. 
Who are they?  JUST. 
His own reason, and his own excellent judgement which have not deceived him in any thing, wherein his Majesty hath been pleased to exercise them, Take Council of thine heart (saith the book of Wisdom) for there is none more faithful unto thee than it.  COUNS. 
It is true, but his Majesty found that those wanted no judgement whom he trusted, and how could his Majesty divine of their honesties?  JUST. 
Will you pardon me if I speak freely, for if I speak out of love, which (as Solomon saith) covereth all trespasses, The truth is, that his Majesty would never believe any man that spoke against them, and they knew it well enough, which gave them boldness to do what they did.  COUNS. 
What was that?  JUST. 
Even, my good Lord, to ruin the King's estate so far as the state of so great a King may be ruined by men ambitious and greedy without proportion. It had been a brave increase of revenue, my Lord, to have raised 50000l. land of the Kings to 20000l. revenue, and to raise the revenue of wards to 20000l. more 40000l. added to the rest of his Majesty's estate, had so enabled his Majesty, as he could never have wanted. And my good Lord, it had been an honest service to the King, to have added 7000l. lands of the Lord Cobham's, Woods and goods being worth 30000l. more.  COUNS. 
I know not the reason why it was not done.  JUST. 
Neither doth your Lordship, perchance know the reason why the 10000l. offered by Swinnerton for a fine of the French wines, was by the then Lord Treasurer conferred on Devonshire and his Mistress.  COUNS. 
What moved the Treasurer to reject and cross that raising of the King's lands?  JUST. 
The reason, my good Lord is manifest, for had the land been raised, then had the King known when he had given or exchanged land, what he had given or exchanged.  COUNS. 
What hurt had been to the Treasurer whose Office is truly to inform the King of the value of all that he giveth?  JUST. 
So he did when it did not concern himself nor his particular, for he could never admit any one piece of a good Manor to pass in my Lord Aubignes book of 1000ls. and, till he himself had bought, and then all the remaining flowers of the Crown were called out. Now had the Treasurer suffered the King's lands to have been raised, how could his Lordship have made choice of the old ●ents, as well in that book of my Lord Aubigne, as in exchange of Theobalds', or which he took Hatfield in it, which the greatest subject, or favourite Queen Elizabeth had never durst have named unto her by way of gift or exchange. Nay my Lord, so many other goodly Manors have passed from his Majesty, as the very heart of the Kingdom mourneth to remember it, and the eyes of the Kingdom shed tears continually at the beholding it: yea the soul of the Kingdom is heavy unto death with the consideration thereof, that so magnanimous a Prince, should suffer himself to be so abused.  COUNS. 
But Sir you know that Cobham's lands were entailed upon his Cofens.  JUST. 
Yea my Lord, but during the lives and races of George Prook his children, it had been the Kings, that is to say, for ever in effect, but to wrest the King, and to draw the inheritance upon himself, he persuaded his Majesty to relinquish his interest for a pretty sum of money; and that there might be no counterworking, he sent Prook 6000 l. to make friends whereof Lord Hume had 2000l. back again, Buckhurst and Barwick had the other 4000 l. and the Treasurer and his heirs the mass of land forever.  COUNS. 
What then I pray you came to the King by this great consiscation.  JUST. 
My Lord, the King's Majesty by all those goodly possessions, Woods and goods looseth 500l by the year which he giveth in pension to Cobham, to maintain him in prison.  COUNS. 
Certainly, even in conscience they should have reserved so much of the land in the Crown, as to have given Cobham meat and apparel, and not made themselves so great gainers, and the King 500l. (per annum) loser by the bargain, but it's passed: Consilium non est eorum quae fieri nequeunt.  JUST. 
Take the rest of the Sentence, my Lord: Sed consilium versatur in iis quae sunt in nostra potestate. It is yet, my good Lord, in potestate Regis, to right himself. But this is not all my Lord; And I fear me, knowing your Lordship's love to the King, it would put you in a fever to hear all, I will therefore go on with my Parliaments.  COUNS. 
I pray do so, and amongst the rest, I pray you what say you to the Parliament holden at jondon in the fifteenth year of King Edward the third?  JUSTINIANO 
I say there was nothing concluded therein to the prejudice of the king. It is true, that a little before the sitting of the house, the King displaced his Chancellor and his Treasurer, and most of all his judges and Officers of the Exchequer, and committed many of them to prison, because they did not supply him with money, being beyond the Seas, for the rest, the States assembled, besought the King that the Laws of the two Charters might be observed, and that the great Officers of the Crown might be chosen by Parliament.  COUNS 
But what success had these petitions.  JUST. 
The Charters were observed, as before, and so they will be ever, and the other petition was rejected, the King being pleased, notwithstanding, that the great Officers, should take an oath in Parliament to do justice.. Now for the Parliament of Westminster, in the 17th year of the King, the King had three marks and a half for every sack of Wool, transported; and in his 18th he had a 10th of the Clergy, and a 15th of the Laity for one year. His Majesty forbore after this to charge his Subjects with any more payments, until the 29th of his reign, when there was given the King by Parliament 50 for every sack of Wool transported for six years, by which grant, the King received a thousand marks a day, a greater matter than a thousand pounds in these days, and a 1000ls. a day amounts to 365000l. a year, which was one of the greatest presents that ever was given to a King of this land. For besides the cheapness of all things in that age, the King's soldiers had but 3d. a day wages, a man at arms 6d. a Knight but 2s. In the Parliament at Westminster, in the 33th year he had 26s. 8ds. for every sack of Wool transported, & in the 42th year 3 dimes and 3 fifteen. In his 45th year he had ●0000l of the Laity, and because the Spiritualty disputed it, and did not pay so much, the King changed his Chancellor, Treasurer, & Privy Seal being Bishops, and placed Lay men in their room.  COUNS. 
It seems that in those days the Kings were no longer in love with their great Chancellors, then when they deserved well of them.  JUST. 
No my Lord, they were not, and that was the reason they were well served, and it was the custom then, and in many ages after, to change the Treasurer & the Chancellor every 3 years, and withal to hear all men's complaints against them.  COUNS. 
But by this often change, the saying is verified, that there is no inheritance in the favour of Kings. He that keepeth the figtree (saith Solomon) shall eat the fruit thereof; for reason it is that the servant live by the Master.  JUST. 
My Lord, you say well in both, but had the subject an inheritance in the Prince's favour, where the Prince hath no inheritance in the Subjects fidelity, than were Kings in more unhappy estate then common persons, for the rest, Solomon meaneth not, that he that keepeth the fig tree should surfeit, though he meant he should eat, he meant not he should break the branches in gathering the figs, or eat the ripe; and leave the rotten for the owner of the tree; for what saith he in the following chapter, he saith that he that maketh haste to be ●ich, cannot be innocent. And before that, he saith, that the end of an inheritance hastily gotten, cannot be blessed. Your Lordship hath heard of few or none great with Kings, that have not used their power to oppress, that have not grown insolent and hateful to the people; yea, insolent towards those Princes that advanced them.  COUNS. 
Yet you see that Princes can change their fancies.  JUST. 
Yea my Lord, when favourites change their faith, when they forget that how familiar soever Kings make themselves with their Vassals, yet they are Kings: He that provoketh a King to anger (saith Solomon) sinneth against his own soul. And he further saith, that pride goeth before destruction, and a high mind before afall. I say therefore, that in discharging those Lucifers, how dear soever they have been, Kings make the world know that they have more of judgement then of passion, yea they thereby offer a satisfactory sacrifice to all their people, too great benefits of subjects to their king, where the mind is blown up with their own deservings, and to great benefits of Kings conferred upon their Subjects, where the mind is not qualified with a great deal of modesty are equally dangerous. Of this later and insolenter, had King Richard the second delivered up to justice but three or four, he had still held the love of the people, and thereby his life and estate.  COUNS. 
Well, I pray you go on with your Parliaments.  JUST. 
The life of this great King Edward draws to an end, so do the Parliaments of this time, wherein 50 years' reign, he never received any affront, for in his 49th year he had a disme and a fifteen granted him freely.  COUNS. 
But Sir it is an old saying, that all is well that ends well, judge you whether that in his 50th. year in Parliament at Westminster he received not an affront, when the house urged the King to remove and discharge from his presence the Duke of Lancaster, the Lord Latimer his Chamberlain, Sir Richard Sturry, and others whom the King favoured and trusted. Nay, they pressed the King to thrust a certain Lady out of Court, which at that time bore the greatest sway therein.  JUST. 
I will with patience answer your Lordship to the full, and first your Lordship may remember by that which I even now said, that never King had so many gifts as this King had from his subjects, and it hath never grieved the subjects of England to give to their King, but when they knew there was a devouring Lady, that had her share in all things that passed, and the Duke of Lancaster was as scraping as she, that the Chancellor did eat up the people as fast as either of them both. It grieved the subjects to feed these Cormorants. But my Lord there are two things by which the Kings of England have been pressed, (to wit) by their subjects, and by their own necessities. The Lords in former times were far stronger, more warlike, better followed, living in their Countries, than now they are. Your Lordship may remember in your reading, that there were many Earls could bring into the field a thousand Barbed horses, many a Baron 5. or 600. Barbed horses, whereas now very few of them can furnish twenty fit to serve the King. But to say the truth my Lord, the justices of peace in England, have opposed the injusticers of war in England, the King's writ runs over all, and the great Seal of England, with that of the next Constables will serve the turn to affront the greatest Lords in England, that shall move against the King. The force therefore by which our Kings in former times were troubled is vanished away. But the necessities remain. The people therefore in these later ages, are no less to be pleased then the Peers, for as the later are become less, so by reason of the training through England, the Commons have all the weapons in their hand.  COUNS. 
And was it not so ever?  JUST. 
No my good Lord; for the Noblemen had in their Armouries, to furnish some them a thousand, some two thousand, some three thousand men, whereas now there are not many that can arm fifty.  COUNS. 
Can you blame them? But I will only answer for myself, between you and me be it spoken, I hold it not safe to mantain so great an Armoury or Stable, it might cause me, or any other Nobleman to be suspected, as the preparing of some Innovation.  JUST. 
Why so my Lord, rather to be commended as preparing against all danger of Innovation.  COUNS. 
It should be so, but call your observation to account, and you shall find it as I say, for (indeed) such a jealousy hath been held ever since the time of the Civil wars, over the Military greatness of our Nobles, as made them have little will to bend their studies that ways: wherefore let every man provide according as he is rated in the Muster Book, you understand me.  JUST. 
Very well my Lord, as what might be replied in the perceiving so much; I have ever (to deal plainly and freely with your Lordship) more feared at home popular violence, than all the foreign that can be made, for it can never be in the power of any foreign Prince, without a Papistical party, rather to disorder or endanger his Majesty's Estate.  COUNS. 
By this it seems, it is no less dangerous for a King to leave the power in the people, then in the Nobility.  JUST. 
My good Lord, the wisdom of our own age, is the foolishness of another, the time present ought not to be preferred to the policy that was, but the policy that was, to the time present; so that the power of the Nobility being now withered, and the power of the people in the flower, the care to content them would not be neglected, the way to win them often practised, or at least to defend them from oppression. The motive of all dangers that ever this Monarchy hath undergone, should be carefully heeded, for this Maxim hath no postern, Potestas humana radicatur in voluntatibus hominum. And now my Lord, for King Edward, it is true, though he were not subject to force, yet was he subject to necessity, which because it was violent, he gave way unto it, Potestas (saith Pythagoras) juxta necessitatem habitat. And it is true, that at the request of the house he discharged and put from him those before named, which done, he had the greatest gift (but one) that ever he received in all his days (to wit) from every person, man and woman, above the age of fourteen years' 4ds. of old money, which made many Millions of Groats, worth 61. of our money. This he had in general, besides he had of every benificed Priest, 12d. And of the Nobility and Gentry. I know not how much, for it is not set down. Now my good Lord, what lost the King by satisfying the desires of the Parliament house, for assoon as he had the money in purse, he recalled the Lords, and restored them, and who durst call the King to account, when the Assembly were dissolved. Where the word of a King is, there is power (saith Ecclesiasticus) who shall say unto him, what dost thou! saith the same Author, for every purpose there is a time and judgement, the King gave way to the time, and his judgement persuaded him to yield to necessity, Consularius nemo melior est quam tempus.  COUNS. 
But yet you see the king was forced to yield to their demands.  JUST. 
Doth your Lordship remember the saying of monsieur de Lange, that he that hath the profit of the war, hath also the honour of the war, whether it be by battle or retreat, the King you see had the profit of the Parliament, and therefore the honour also, what other end had the King then to supply his wants. A wise man hath evermore respect unto his ends: and the King also knew that it was the love that the people bore him, that they urged the removing of those Lords, there was no man among them that sought himself in that desire, but they all sought the king, as by the success it appeared. My good Lord, hath it not been ordinary in England and in France to yield to the demands of rebels, did not King Richard the second grant pardon to the outrageous rogues and murderers that followed jack Straw, and Wat T●ler, after they had murdered his Chancellor, his Treasurer, Chief justice, and others, broke open his Exchequer, and committed all manner of outrages and villainies, and why did he do it, but to avoid a greater danger: I say the Kings have then yielded to those that hated them and their estates, (to wit) to pernicious rebels. And yet without dishonour, shall it be called dishonour for the King to yield to honest desires of his subjects. No my Lord, those that tell the King those tales, fear their own dishonour, and not the Kings; for the honour of the King is supreme, and being guarded by justice and piety, it cannot receive neither wound nor stain.  COUNS. 
But Sir, what cause have any about our King to fear a Parliament?  JUST. 
The same cause that the Earl of Suffolk had in Richard the seconds time, and the Treasurer Fartham, with others, for these great Officers being generally hated for abusing both the King and the Subject, at the request of the States were discharged, and others put in their rooms.  COUNT. 
And was not this a dishonour to the King?  JUST. 
Certainly no, for King Richard knew that his Grandfather had done the like, and though the King was in his heart utterly against it, yet had he the profit of this exchange; for Suffolk was fined at 20000 marks, and 1000ls. lands.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, we will speak of those that fear the Parliament some other time, but I pray you go on with that, that happened in the troublesome reign of Richard the second who succeeded, the Grandfather being dead.  JUST. 
That King my good Lord, was one of the most unfortunate Princes that ever England had, he was cruel, extreme prodigal, and wholly carried away with his two Minions, Suffolk, and the Duke of Ireland, by whose ill advice and others, he was in danger to have lost his estate; which in the end (being led by men of the like temper) he miserably lost. But for his subsedies he had given him in his first year being under age two tenths, and two fifteen: In which Parliament, Alice Peirce, who was removed in King Edward's time, with Lancaster, Latimer, and Sturry, were confiscate and banished in his second year at the Parliament at Gloucester, the King had a mark upon every sack of Wool, and 6d. the pound upon wards. In his third year at the Parliament at Winchester, the Commons were spared, and a subsidy given by the better sort, the Dukes gave 20 marks, and Earls 6 marks, Bishops and Abbots with mitres six marks, every mark 35. 4ds. and every Knight, justice, Esquire, Shrieve, Person, Vicar, & Chaplain, paid proportionably according to their estates.  COUNS. 
This me thinks was no great matter.  JUST. 
It is true my Lord, but a little money went far in those days: I myself once moved it in Parliament in the time of Queen Elizabeth, who desired much to spare the Common people, & I did it by her Commandment; but when we cast up the subsidy Books, we found the sum but small, when the 30l. men were left out. In the beginning of his fourth year, a tenth with a fifteen were granted upon condition, that for one whole year no subsedies should be demanded; but this promise was as suddenly forgotten as made, for in the end of that year, the great subsidy of Poll money was granted in the Parliament at Northampton.  COUNS. 
Yea but there followed the terrible Rebellion of Baker, Straw, and others, Leicester, Wrais, and others.  JUST. 
That was not the fault of the Parliament my Lord, it is manifest that the subsidy given was not the cause; for it is plain that the bondmen of England began it, because the were girevously pressed by their Lords in their tenure of Villeinage, as also for the hatred they bate to the Lawyers and Attorneys: for the story of those times say, that they destroyed the houses and Manors of men of Law, & such Lawyers as they caught, slew them, and beheaded the Lord chief justice, which commotion being once begun, the head money was by other Rebels pretended: A fire is often kindled with a little straw, which oftentimes takes hold of greater timber, & consumes the whole building: And that this Rebellion was begun by the discontented slaves (whereof there have been many in Elder times the like) is manifest by the Charter of Manumission, which the King granted in hec verba, Rich. Dei gratid etc. Sciatis quod de gratiâ nostrâ spirituali manumissimus, etc. to which seeing the King was constrained by force of arms, he revoked the letters Patents, and made them void, the same revocation being strengthened by the Parliament ensuing, in which the King had given him a subsidy upon Wools, called a Maletot: In the same fourth year was the Lord Treasurer discharged of his Office, and Hales Lord of St. john's chosen in his place, in his fifth year was the Treasurer again changed, and the Staff given to Segrave, and the Lord Chancellor was also changed, and the staff given to the Lord Scroop: Which Lord Scroop was again in the beginning of his sixth year turned off, and the King after that he had for a while kept the Seal in his own hand, gave it to the Bishop of London, from whom it was soon after taken and bestowed on the Earl of Suffolk, who they say had abused the King, and converted the King's Treasure to his own use. To this the King condescended, and though (saith Walsingham) he deserved to lose his life and goods, yet he had the favour to go at liberty upon good sureties, and because the King was but young, & that the relief granted was committed to the trust of the Earl of Arundel for the furnishing of the King's Navy against the French.  COUNS. 
Yet you see it was a dishonour to the King to have his beloved Chancellor removed.  JUST. 
Truly no, for the King had both his fine 1000ls. lands and asubsedy to boot. And though for the present it pleased the King to fancy a man all the world hated (the King's passion overcoming his judgement) yet it cannot be called a dishonour, for the King is to believe the general counsel of the Kingdom, and to preser it before his affection, especially when Suffolk was proved to be false even to the King; for were it otherwise love and affection might be called a frenzy and a madness, for it is the nature of humane passions, that the love bred by fidelity, doth change itself into hatred, when the fidelity is first changed into falsehood.  COUNS. 
But you see there were thirteen Lords chosen in the Parliament, to have the oversight of the government under the King.  JUST. 
No my Lord, it was to have the oversight of those Officers, which (saith the story) had imbezeled, lewdly wasted, and prodigally spent the King's Treasure, for to the Commission to those Lords, or to any six of them, joined with the King's Counsel, was one of the most royal and most profitable that ever he did, if he had been constant to himself. But my good Lord, man is the cause of his own misery, for I will repeat the substance of the commission granted by the King, and confirmed by Parliament, which, whether it had been profitable for the King to have prosecuted, your Lordship may judge. The preamble hath these words: Whereas our Sovereign Lord the King perceiveth by the grievous complaints of the Lords and Commons of this Realm, that the rents, profits, and revenues of this Realm, by the singular and insufficient Council and evil government, as well of some his late great Officers and others, etc. are so much withdrawn, wasted, given, granted, alienated, destroyed, and evil dispended, that he is so much impoverished and void of treasure and goods, and the substance of the Crown so much diminished and destroyed, that his estate may not honourably be sustained as appertaineth. The King of his free will at the request of the Lords and Commons, hath ordained William Archbishop of Canterbury and others with his Chancellor, Treasurer, keeper of his privy seal, to survey and examine as well the estate and governance of his house, etc. as of all the rents, and profits, and revenues that to him appertaineth, and to be due, or aught to appertain and be due, etc. And all manner of gifts, grants, alienations and confirmations made by him of lands, tenements, rents, etc. bargained and sold to the prejudice of him and his Crown, etc. And of his jewels & goods which were his Grandfathers at the time of his death, etc. and where they be become.  
This is in effect the substance of the commission, which your Lordship may read at large in the book of Statutes, this commission being enacted in the tenth year of the King's reign. Now if such a commission were in these days granted to the faithful men that have no interest in the sales, gifts nor purchases, nor in the keeping of the jewels at the Queen's death, nor in the obtaining, grants of the King's best lands, I cannot say what may be recovered, and justly recovered; and what say your Lordship, was not this a noble act for the King, if it had been followed to effect?  COUNS. 
I cannot tell whether it were or no, for it gave power to the Commissiovers to examine all the grants.  JUST. 
Why my Lord, doth the King grant any thing, that shames at the examination? are not the Kings grants on record?  COUNS. 
But by your leave, it is some dishonour to a King, to have his judgement called in question.  JUST. 
That is true my Lord, but in this, or whensoever the like shall be granted in the future, the King's judgement is not examined, but their knavery that abused the King. Nay by your favour, the contrary is true, that when a King will suffer himself to be eaten up by a company of petty fellows, by himself raised, therein both the judgement and courage is disputed, And if your Lordship will disdain it at your own servants hands, much more ought the great heart of a King to disdain it. And surely my Lord, it is a greater treason (though it undercreep the law) to tear from the Crown the ornaments thereof: And it is an infalliable maxim, that he that loves not his Majesty's estate, loves not his person.  COUNS. 
How came it then, that the act was not executed?  JUST. 
Because these, against whom it was granted, persuaded the King to the contrary: as the Duke of Ireland, Suffolk, the chief justice Tresilian, and others, yea, that which was lawfully done by the King, and the great Council of the kingdom, was (by the mastery which Ireland, Suffolk, and Tresilian had over the King's affections) broken and disavowed. Those that devised to relieve the King, not by any private invention, but by general Council, were by a private and partial assembly adjudged traitors, and the most honest judges of the land, enforced to subscribe to that judgement. In so much that judge Belknap plainly told the Duke of Ireland, and the Earl of Suffolk, when he was constrained to set his hand, plainly told these Lords, that he wanted but a rope, that he might therewith receive a reward for his subscription. And in this Council of Nottingham was hatched the ruin of those which governed the King, of the judges by them constrained, of the Lords that loved the King, and sought a reformation, and of the King himself; for though the King found by all the Shrieves of the shires, that the people would not fight against the Lords, whom they thought to be most faithful unto the King, when the Citizens of London made the same answer, being at that time able to arm 50000. men, and told the Major that they would never fight against the King's friends, and defenders of the Realm, when the Lord Ralph Passet, who was near the King, told the King boldly that he would not adventure to have his head broken for the Duke of Ireland's pleasure, when the Lord of London told the Earl of Suffolk in the King's presence, that he was not worthy to live, etc. yet would the King in the defence of the destroyers of his estate, lay ambushes to entrap the Lords, when they came upon his faith, yea when all was pacified, and that the King by his Proclamation had cleared the Lords, and promised to produce Ireland, Suffolk, and the Archbishop of York, Tresiltan, and Bramber, to answer at the next Parliament, these men confessed, that they durst not appear; and when Suffolk fled to Calais, and the Duke of Ireland to Chester, the King caused an army to be levied in Lancashire, for the safe conduct of the Duke of Ireland to his presence, when as the Duke being encountered by the Lords, ran like a coward from his company, and fled into Holland. After this was holden a Parliament, which was called that wrought wonders. In the Eleventh year of this King, wherein the fornamed Lords, the Duke of Ireland and the rest, were condemned and confiscate, the Chief justice hanged with many others, the rest of the judges condemned, and banished, and a 10. and a 15. given to the King,  COUNS. 
But good Sir: the King was first besieged in the Tower of London, and the Lords came to the Parliament, and no man durst contradict them.  JUST. 
Certainly in raising an army, they committed treason, and though it appear, that they all loved the King, (for they did him no harm, having him in their power) yet our law doth construe all levying of war without the King's commission, and all force raised to be intended for the death and destruction of the King, not attending the sequel. And it is so judged upon good reason, for every unlawful and ill action is supposed to be accompanied with an ill intent. And besides, those Lords used too great cruelty, in procuring the sentence of death against divers of the King's servants, who were bound to follow and obey their Master and Sovereign Lord, in that he commanded.  COUNS. 
It is true, and they were also greatly to blame to cause then so many seconds to be put to death, seeing the principals, Ireland, Suffolk, and York, had escaped them, And what reason had they to seek to inform the State by strong hand, was not the King's estate as dear to himself, as to them? He that maketh a King know his error mannerly and private, and gives him the best advice, he is discharged before God and his own conscience. The Lords might have ●●tired themselves, when they saw they could not prevail, and have left the King to his own ways, who had more to lose than they had.  JUST. 
My Lord, the taking of Arms cannot be excused in respect of the law, but this might be said for the Lords that the King being under years, and being wholly governed by their enemies, and the enemies of the kingdom, and because by those evil men's persuasions, it was advised, how the Lords should have been murdered at a feast in London, they were excusable during the king's minority to stand upon their guard against their particular enemies. But we will pass it over & go on with our parliaments that followed, whereof that of Cambridge in the King's 12th year was the next, therein the King had given him a 10th and a 15th, after which being 20. years of age rechanged (saith H. Kinghton) his Treasurer, his Chancellor, the justices of either bench, the Clerk of the privy seal and others, and took the government into his own hands. He also took the Admiral's place from the Earl of Arundel, and in his room he placed the Earl of Huntingdon in the year following, which was the 13th year of the K. in the Parliament at Westminster there was given to the King upon every sack of wool 14s. and 6d. in the ground upon other Merchandise,  COUNS. 
But by your leave, the King was restrained this parliament, that he might not dispose of, but a third part of the money gathered.  JUST. 
No my Lord, by your favour. But true it is that part of this money was by the Kings consent assigned towards the wars, but yet left in the Lord Treasurer's hands, and my Lord it would be a great ease, and a great saving to his Majesty our Lord and Master, if it pleased him to make his assignations upon some part of his revenues, by which he might have 1000ls. upon every 10000l. and save himself a great deal of clamour. For seeing of necessity the Navy must be maintained, and that those poor men as well Carpenters as shipkeepers must be paid, it were better for his Majesty to give an assignation to the Treasurer of his Navy for the receiving of so much as is called ordinary, then to discontent those poor men, who being made desperate beggars, may perchance be corrupted by them that lie in wait to destroy the King's estate. And if his Majesty did the like in all other payements, especially where the necessity of such as are to receive, cannot possible give days, his Majesty might then in a little roll behold his receipts and expenses, he might quiet his heart when all necessaries were provided for, and then dispose the rest at his pleasure. And my good Lord, how excellently and easily might this have been done, if the 400000l. had been raised as aforesaid upon the King's lands, and wards I say that his Majesty's House, his Navy, his guards, his pensioners, his munition, his Ambassadors and all else of ordinary charge might have been defrayed, and a great sum left for his Majesty's casual expenses and rewards, I will not say they were not in love with the King's estate, but I say they were unfortunately borne for the King that crossed it.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, I would it had been otherwise, But for the assignments, there are among us that will not willingly endure it. Charity begins with itself, shall we hinder ourselves of 50000l. per annum to save the King 20? No Sir, what will become of our New years gifts, our presents and gratuities? We can now say to those rhat have warrants for money, that there is not a penny in the Exchequer, but the King gives it away unto the Scots faster than it comes in.  JUST. 
My Lord you say well, at least you say the truth, that such are some of our answers, and hence comes that general murmur to all men that have money to receive, I say that there is not a penny given to that nation; be it for service or otherwise but is spread over all the kingdom: yea they gather notes, and take copies of all the privy seals and warrants that his Majesty hath given for the money for the Scots, that they may show them in Parliament. But of his Majesty's gifts to the English, there is no bruit though they may be ten times as much as the Scots. And yet my good Lord, howsoever they be thus answered that to them sue for money out of the Echequer, it is due to them for 10. or 12. or 20. in the hundred, abated according to their qualities that show, they are always furnished. For conclusion, if it would please God to put into the King's heart to make their assignations, it would save him many a pound, and gain him many a prayer, and a great deal of love, for it grieveth every honest man's heart to see the abundance which even the petty officers in the Exchequer, and others gather both from the king and subject, and to see a world of poor men run after the King for their ordinary wages.  COUNS. 
Well, well, did you never hear this old tale, that when there was a great contentation about the weather the Seamen complaining of contrary winds, when those of the high Country's desired rain, and those of the valleys sunshining days, jupiter sent them word by Mercury, then, when they had all done, the weather should be as it had been, And it shall ever fall out so with them that complain, the course of payments shall be as they have been, what care we what petty fellows say? or what care we for your papers? have not we the King's ears, who dares contest with us? though we cannot be revenged on such as you are for telling the truth, yet upon some other pretence, we'll clap you up, and you shall sue to us ere you get out. Nay we'll make you confess that you were deceived in your projects, and eat your own words: learn this of me Sir, that as a little good fortune is better than a great deal of virtue: so the least authority hath advantage over the greatest wit, was he not the wisest man that said the battle was not the strongest, nor yet bread for the wise, nor riches to men of understanding, nor favour to men of knowledge: but what time and chance came to them all.  JUST. 
It is well for your Lordship that it is so. But Qu: Elizabeth would set the reason of a mean man, before the authority of the greatest Councillor she had, and by her patience therein she raised upon the usual and ordinary customs of London without any new imposition above 50000l a year, for though the Treasurer Burleigh, and the Earl of Leicester and Secretary Walshingham, all three pensioners to Customer Smith, did set themselves against a poor waiter of the Customhouse called Carwarden, and commanded the grooms of the privy Chamber not to give him access, yet the Queen sent for him, and gave him countenance against them all. It would not serve the turn, my Lord, with her; when your Lordships would tell her, that the disgracing her great officers by hearing the complaints of busy heads, was a dishonour to herself, but she had always this answer, That if any men complain unjustly against a Magistrate, it were reason he should be severely punished, if justly, she was Queen of the small, as well as of the great, and would hear their complaints. For my good Lord, a Prince that suffereth himself to be besieged, forsaketh one of the greatest regalities belonging to a Monarchy, to wit, the last appeal, or as the Trench call it, le dernier resort.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, this from the matter, I pray you go on.  JUST. 
Then my Lord, in the Kings 15. year he had a tenth and a fifteen granted in Parliament of London. And that same year there was a great Council called at Stamford to which divers men were sent for, of divers counties besides the Nobility, of which the King took advice whether he should continue the war, or make a final end with the French.  COUNS. 
What needed the King to take the advice of any but of his own Council in matter of peace or war.  JUST. 
Yea my Lord, for it is said in the Proverbs, where are many counsellors, there is health. And if the King had made the war by a general consent, the Kingdom in general were bound to maintain the war, and they could not then say when the King required aid, that he undertook a needless war.  COUNS. 
You say well, but I pray you go on.  JUST. 
After the subsidy in the 15. year, the King desired to borrow 10000l. of the Londoners, which they refused to lend.  COUNS. 
And was not the King greatly troubled there with.  JUST. 
Yea but the King troubled the Londoners soon aftar, for the king took the advantage of a riot made upon the Bishop of Salisbury his men, sent for the Major, and other the ablest citizens, commited the Major to prison in the Castle of Windsor, and others to other castles, and made a Lord Warden of this city, till in the end what with 10000l. ready money, and other rich presents, instead of lending 10000l. it cost them 2000l. Between the fifteenth year and twentieth year, he had two aides given him in the Parliaments of Winchester and Westminster: and this later was given to furnish the King's journey into Ireland, to establish that estate which was greatly shaken since the death of the King's Grandfather, who received thence yearly 30000l. and during the Kings stay in Ireland he had a 10th and a 5th granted.  COUNS. 
And good reason, for the King had in his army 4000 horse and 30000. foot.  JUST. 
That by your favour, was the King's savity: for great armies do rather devour themselves then destroy enemies. Such an army, (whereof the fourth part would have conquered all Ireland) was in respect of Ireland such an army as Xerxes led into Greece in this twentieth year, wherein he had a tenth of the Clergy, was the great conspiracy of the King's uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, and of Moubrey, Arundel, Nottingham, and Warwick, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Abbbot of Westminster, and others who in the one and twentieth year of the King were all redeemed by Parliament, and what thinks your Lordship, was not this assemble of the 3. states for the king's estate, wherein he so prevailed, that he not only overthrew those popular Lords, but besides (the English Chronicle saith, the king so wrought and brought things about, that he obtained the power of both houses to be granted to certain persons, to 15. Noblemen and Gentlemen, or to seven of them.  COUNS. 
Sir, whether the King wrought well or il I cannot judge, but our Chronicles say, that many things were done in this Parliament, to the displeasure of no small number of people, to wit, for that divers rightful heirs were disinherited of their lands and livings, with which wrongful doings the people were much offended, so that the King with those that were about him, and chief in Counsel, came into great infamy & slander.  JUST. 
My good Lord, if your Lordship will pardon me, I am of opinion that those Parliaments wherein the Kings of this land have satisfied the people, as they have been ever prosperous, so where the King hath restrained the house, the contrary hath happened, for the King's achievements in this Parliament, were the ready preparations to his ruin.  COV. 
You mean by the general discontentment that followed, and because the King did not proceed legally with Gloucester and others. Why Sir, this was not the first time that the Kings of England have done things without the Counsel of the land: yea, contrary to the law.  JUST. 
It is true my Lord in some particulars, as even at this time the Duke of Gloucester was made away at Call●ce by strong hand, without any lawful trial: for he was a man so beloved of the people and so allied, having the Dukes of Lancaster, and York his brethren, the Duke of Aumarle, and the Duke of Hereford his Nephews, the great Earls of Arundel and Warwick, with divers other of his part in the conspiracy, as the King durst not try him according to the law: for at the trial of Arundel and Warwick, the King was forced to entertain a petty army about him. And though the Duke was greatly lamented, yet it cannot be denied but that he was then a traitor to the King And was it not so my Lord with the Duke of Guise: your Lordship doth remember the spur-galled proverb, that necessity hath no law: and my good Lord, it is the practice of doing wrong, and of general wrongs done, that brings danger, and not where Kings are pressed in this or that particular, for there is great difference between natural cruelty and accidental. And therefore it was Machiavels advice, that all that a King did in that kind, he shall do at once, and by his mercies afterwards make the world know that his cruelty was not affected. And my Lord take this for a general rule, that the immortal policy of a state cannot admit any law or privilege whatsoever, but in some particular or other, the same is necessarily broken, yea in an Aristocratia or popular estate, which vaunts so much of equality and common right, more outrage hath been committed then in any Christian Monarchy.  COUNS. 
But whence came this hatred between the Duke and the King his Nephew.  JUST. 
My Lord, the Duke's constraining the King, when he was young, stuck in the King's heart, and now the Duke's proud speech to the King when he had rendered Breast formerly engaged to the Duke Britain, kindled again these coals that were not altogether extinguished, for he used these words: Your grace ought to put your body in great pain to win a strong hold or town by feats of arms, ere you take upon you to sell or deliver any town gotten by the manhood and strong hand and policy of your noble progenitors. Whereat, saith the story, the King changed his countenance, etc. and to say truth, it was a proud and masterly speech of the Duke; besides that inclusively he taxed him of sloth and cowardice, as if he had never put himself to the adventure of winning such a place, undutiful words of a subject do often take deeper root than the memory of ill deeds do: The Duke of Byron found it when the King had him at advantage. Yea the late Earl of Essex told Queen Elizabeth that her conditions was as crooked as her carcase: but it cost him his head, which his insurrection had not cost him, but for that speech, who will say unto a King (saith job) thou art wicked. Certainly it is the same thing to say unto a Lady, thou art crooked (and perchance more) as to say unto a King that he is wicked, and to say that he is a coward, or to use any other words of disgrace, it is one and the same error.  COUNS. 
But what say you for Arundel, a brave and valiant man, who had the King's pardon of his contempt during his minority.  JUST. 
My good Lord, the Parliament which you say disputes the King's prerogative, did quite contrary, and destroyed the King's charter and pardon formerly given to Arundel. And my good Lord, do you remember, that at the Parliament that wrought wonders, when these Lords compounded that Parliament, as the King did this, they were so merciless towards all, that they thought their enemies, as the Earl of Arundel most insolently suffered the Qu: to kneel unto him three hours for the saving of one of her servants, and that scorn of his manebat alto ment repostum. And to say the truth, it is more barbarous & unpardonable than any act that ever he did to permit the wife of his Sovereign to kneel to him being the King's vassal. For if he had saved the Lords servant freely at her first request, as it is like enough that the Qu: would also have saved him, Miseris succurrens paria obtenibis aliquando: For your Lordship sees that the Earl of Warwick who was as far in the treason as any of the rest, was pardoned. It was also at this Parliament that the Duke of Hereford accused Mowbray Duke of Norfolk, and that the Duke of Hereford Son to the Duke of Lancaster, was banished to the King's confusion, as your Lordship well knows.  COUNS. 
I know it well and God knows that the King had then a silly and weak Council about him, that persuaded him to banish a Prince of the blood, a most valiant man, and the best beloved of the people, in general of any man living, especially considering that the King gave every day more than other offence to his subjects. For besides that he fined the inhabitants that assisted the Lords in his Minority (of the 17. shires) which offence he had long before pardoned, his blank Charters, and letting the Realm to farm to meon persons, by whom he was wholly advised, increased the people's hatred towards the present government.  JUST. 
You say well my L. Princes of an ill destiny do always follow the worst counsel, or at least embrace the best after opportunity is lost, Qui consilia non ex suo corde sed alienis viribus colligunt, non animo sed auribus cogillant. And this was not the least grief of the subject in general, that those men had the greatest part of the spoil of the commonwealth, which neither by virtue, valour or counsel could add any thing unto it: Nihil est sordidius, nihil crudelius (saith Anto: Pius) quamsi Remp. i● arrode, qui nihil in eam suo labore conferent.  COUNS. 
Indeed the letting to farm the Realm was very grievous to the subject.  JUST. 
Will your Lordship pardon me if I tell you that the letting to farm of his Majesty's Customs (the greatest revenue of the Realm) is not very pleasing.  COUNS. 
And why I pray you, doth not the King thereby raise his profits every third year, & one farmer outbids another to the King's advantage  JUST. 
It is true my Lord, but it grieves the subject to pay custom to the subject, for what mighty men are those Farmers become, and if those Farmers get many thousands every year, as the world knows they do, why should they not now (being men of infinite wealth) declare unto the King upon oath, what they have gained, and henceforth become the King's collectors of his Custom, did not Queen Elizabeth who was reputed both a wise and juft Princess, after she had brought Customer Smith from 14000l. a year to 42000l. a year, made him lay down a recompense for that which he had gotten? and if these Farmers do give no recompense, let them yet present the King with the truth of their receivings and profits. But my Lord for conclusion, after Bullingbrook arriving in England with a small troop: Notwithstanding the King at his Landing out of Ireland, had a sufficient and willing army: yet he wanting courage to defend his right gave leave to all his Soldiers to depart, and put himself into his hands that cast him into his grave.  COUNS. 
Yet you see he was deposed by Parliament.  JUST. 
Aswell may your Lordship say he was knocked in the head by Parliament, for your Lordship knows that if King Richard had ever escaped out of their fingers that deposed him, the next Parliament would have made all the deposers traitors and Rebels, and that justly. In which Parliament, or rather unlawful assembly, there appeared but one honest man, to wit, the B. of Carlisle, who scorned his life, and estate, in respect of right and his allegiance, and defended the right of his Sovereign Lord against the Kings elect and his partakers.  COUNS. 
Well I pray go on with the Parliaments held in the time of his successor Henry the fourth.  JUST. 
This King had in his third year a subsedv, and in his fifth a tenth of the Clergy without a Parllament; In his sixth year he had so great a subsicy, as the House required there might be no record thereof left to posterity, for the House gave him 20s. of every Knight's Fee, and of every 20l. land, 20d. and 12d. the proved of goods.  COUNS. 
Yea in the end of this year, the Parliament pressed the King to annex unto the Crown all temporal possessions belonging to Churchmen within the land, which at that time, was the third foot of all England. But the Bishops made friends, and in the end saved their estates.  JUST. 
By this you see, my Lord, that Cromwell was not the first that thought on such a business. And if King Henry the 8. had reserved the Abbeys, and other Church lands, which he had given at the time, the revenue of the Crown of England, had exceeded the revenue of the Crown of Spain, with both the Indies, whereas used as it was, (a little enriched the Crown) served but to make a number of pettifoggers, and other gentlemen.  COUNS. 
But what had the King in steed of this great revenue  JUST. 
He had a 15th of the Commons, and tenth, and a half of the Clergy, and withal, all pensions granted by King Edward, and King Richard were made void. It was also moved that all Crown lands formerly given (at least given by King Edw: and King Richard) should be taken back.  COUNS. 
What think you of that, Sir? would it not have been a dishonour to the King? and would not his Successors have done the like to those that the King had advanced?  JUST. 
I cannot answer your Lordship, but by distinguishing, for where the Kings had given land for services, and had not been over reached in his gifts, there it had been a dishonour to the King, to have made void the grants of his predecessors, or his grants, but all those grants of the Kings, wherein they were deceived, the very custom and policy of England makes them void at this day.  COUNS. 
How mean you that, for his Majesty hath given a great deal of Land among us since he came into England, and would it stand with the K. honour to take it from us again.  JUST. 
Yea my Lord, very well with the King's honour, if your Lordship, or any Lord else, have under the name of 100l. land a year, gotten 500l. land, and so after that rate.  COUNS. 
I will never believe that his Majesty will ever do any such thing.  JUST. 
And I believe as your Lordship doth, but we spoke e'er while of those that dissuaded the King from calling it a Parliament: And your Lordship asked me the reason, why any man should dissuade it, or fear it, to which, this place gives me an opportunity to make your Lordship answer, for though his Majesty will of himself never question those grants yet when the Commons shall make humble petition to the King in Parliament, that it will please his Majesty to assist them in his relief, with that which ought to be his own, which, if it will please his Majesty to yield unto the house will most willingly furnish & supply the rest, with what grace can his Majesty deny that honest suit of theirs, the like having been done in many King's times before? This proceeding may good Lord, my perchance prove all your phrases of the King's honour, false English.  COUNS. 
But this cannot concern many, and for myself, I am sure it concerns me little.  JUST. 
It is true my Lord, & there are not many that dissuade his Majesty from a Parliament.  CO. 
But they are great ones, a few of which will serve the turn well enough.  JUST. 
But my Lord, be they never so great (as great as Giants) yet if they dissuade the King from his ready and assured way of his subsistence, they must devise how the K. may be elsewhere supplied, for they otherwise ●●nne into a dangerous fortune.  COUNS. 
Hold you contented Sir, the King needs no great dissuasion.  JUST. 
My Lord, learn of me, that ●here is none of you all, than can ●erce the King. It is an essential property of a man truly wise, not to o●en all the boxes of his bosom, even ●o those that are nearest & dearest unto him, for when a man is discovered to the very bottom, he is after the less esteemed. I dare undertake, that when your Lordship hath served the King twice twelve years more, you will find, that his Majesty hath reserved somewhat beyond all your capacities, his Majesty hath great reason to put off the Parliament, at his last refuge, and in the mean time, to make trial of all your loves to serve him, for his Majesty hath had good experience, how well you can serve yourselves: But when the King finds, that the building of your own fortunes and factions, hath been the diligent studies, and the service of his Majesty, but the exercises of your leisures: He may then perchance cast himself upon the general love of his people, of which (I trust) he shall never be deceived, and leave as many of your Lordships as have pilfered from the Crown, to their examination.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, I take no great pleasure in this dispute, go on pray.  JUST. 
In that King's 5th year, he had also a subsidy, which is got by holding the house together from Easter to Christmas, and would not suffer them to depart. He had also a subsidy in his ninth year. In his eleventh year the commons did again press the King to take all the temporalities of the Church men into his hands, which they proved sufficient to maintain 150. Earls, 1500. Knights, and 6400. Esquiers, with a hundred hospitals, but they not prevailing, gave the king a subsidy.  
As for the notorious Prince, Henry the fifth, I find, that he had given him in his second year 300000. marks, and after that two other subsedies, one in his fifth year, another in his ninth, without any disputes.  
In the time of his successor Henry the sixth, there were not many subsedies. In this third year, he had a subsidy of a Tonnage and poundage. And here (saith john Stow) began those payements, which we call customs, because the payment was continued, whereas before that time it was granted but for a year two or three, according to the King's occasions. He had also an aid & gathering of money in his fourth year, and the like in his tenth year, and in his thirteenth year a 15th He had also a fifteenth for the conveying of the Queen out of France into England. In the twenty eight year of that King was the act of Resumption of all honours, towns, castles, Signeuries, villages, Manors, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, fees, etc. But because the wages of the King's servants, were by the strictness of the act also restrained, this act of Resumption was expounded in the Parliament at Reading the 31th year of the King's reign.  COUNS. 
I perceive that those 〈◊〉 of Resumption were ordinary in former times; for King Stephen resumed the lands, which in former times he had given to make friends during the Civil wars. And Henry the second resumed all (without exception) which King Stephen had not resumed; for although King Stephen took back a great deal, yet he suffered his trustiest servants to enjoy his gift.  JUST. 
Yes my Lord, and in after times also; for this was not the last, nor shall be the last, I hope. And judge you my Lord, whether the Parliaments do not only serve the King, whatsoever is said to the contrary; for as all King Henry the 6. gifts & grants were made void by the Duke of York when he was in possession of the Kingdom by Parliament. So in the time of K. H. when K. Edw. was beaten out again, the Parliament of Westminster made all his acts void, made him and all his followers traitors, and gave the King many of their heads & lands. The Parliaments of England do always serve the King in possession. It served Rich. the second to condemn the popular Lords. It served Bolingbroke to depose Rich. When Edw. the 4. had the Sceptre, it made them all beggars that had followed H. the 6. And it did the like for H. when Edw. was driven out. The Parliaments are as the friendship of this world is, which always followeth prosperity. For King Edw. the 4. after that he was possessed of the Crown, he had in his 13. year a subsidy freely given him: and in the year following he took a benevolence through England, which arbitrary taking from the people, served that ambitious traitor the Duke of Bucks. After the King's death was a plausible argument to persuade the multitude, that they should not permit (saith Sir Thomas Moor) his line to reign any longer upon them.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, what say you to the Parliament of Richard the third his time?  JUST. 
I find but one, and therein he made divers good Laws. For King Henry the seventh in the beginning of his third year he had by Parliament an aid granted unto him, towards the relief of the Duke of Britain, then assailed by the French King. And although the King did not enter into the war, but by the advice of the three estates, who did willingly contribute: Yet those Northern men which loved Richard the third, raised rebellion under colour of the money imposed, and murdered the Earl of Northumberland whom the King employed in that Collection. By which your Lordship sees, that it hath not been for taxes and impositions alone, that the ill disposed have taken Arms; but even for those payments which have been appointed by Parliament.  COUNS. 
And what became of these Rebels?  JUST. 
They were fairly hanged, & the money levied notwithstanding in the King's first year he gathered a marvelous great mass of money, by a benevolence, taking pattern by this kind of levy from Edw. 4th. But the King caused it first to be moved in Parliament where it was allowed, because the poorer sort were therein spared. Yet it is true that the King used some art, for in his Letters he declared that he would measure every man's affections by his gifts. In the thirteenth year he had also a subsidy, whereupon the Cornish men took Arms, as the Northern men of the Bishopric had done in the third year of the King,  COUNS. 
It is without example, that ever the people have rebelled for any thing granted by Parliament, save in this King's days.  JUST. 
Your Lordship must consider, that he was not over much beloved, for he took many advantages upon the people and the Nobility both.  COUNS. 
And I pray you what say they now of the new impositions lately laid by the King's Majesty? do they say that they are justly or unjustly laid?  JUST. 
To Impose upon all things brought into the Kingdom is very ancient: which imposing when it hath been continued a certain time, is then called Customs, because the subjects are accustomed to pay it, and yet the great tax upon wine is still called Impost, because it was imposed after the ordinary rate of payment, had lasted many years. But we do now a days understand those things to be impositions, which are raised by the command of Princes, without the advice of the Commonwealth, though (as I take it) much of that which is now called custom, was at the first imposed by Prerogative royal: Now whether it be time or consent that makes them just, I cannot define, were they just because new, and not justified yet by time, or unjust because they want a general consent: yet is this rule of Aristotle verified in respect of his Majesty: Minus timent homines in justum pati à principe quem cultorem Dei putant. Yea my Lord, they are also the more willingly borne, because all the world knows they are no new Invention of the Kings. And if those that advised his Majesty to impose them, had raised his lands (as it was offered them) to 20000l. more than it was, and his wards to as much as aforesaid, they had done him far more acceptable service. But they had their own ends in refusing the one, and accepting the other. If the land had been raised, they could not have selected the best of it for themselves: If the impositions had not been laid, some of them could not have their silks, other pieces in farm, which indeed grieved the subject ten times more than that which his Majesty enjoyeth. But certainly they made a great advantage that were the advisers, for if any tumult had followed his Majesty, ready way had been to have delivered them over to the people.  COUNS. 
But think you that the King would have delivered them if any troubles had followed?  JUST. 
I know not my Lord, it was Machiavels counsel to Caesar Borgia to do it, and King H the 8. delivered up Empson and Dudley: yea the same King, when the great Cardinal Woolsey, who governed the King and all his estate, had (by requiring the sixth part of every man's goods for the King) raised a rebellion, the King I say disavowed him absolutely, that had not the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk appeased the people, the Cardinal had sung no more Mass: for these are the words of our Story: The King then came to Westminster to the Cardinal's Palace, and assembled there a great Council, in which he protested, that his mind was never to ask any thing of his commons which might sound to the breach of his Laws. Wherefore he then willed them to know by whose means they were so strictly given forth. Now my Lord, how the Cardinal would have shifted himself, by saying, I had the opinion of the judges, had not the rebellion been appeased, I greatly doubt.  COUNS. 
But good Sir, you blanche my question, and answer me by examples. I ask you whether or no in any such tumult, the people pretending against any one or two great Officers, the King should deliver them, or defend them?  JUST. 
My good Lord, the people have not stayed for the King's delivery, neither in England, nor in France: Your Lordship knows how the Chancellor, Treasurer, and Chief justice, with many others at several times have been used by the Rebels: And the Marshals, Constables, and Treasurers in France, have been cut in pieces in Charles the sixth his time. Now to your Lordship's question, I say that where any man shall give a King perilous advice, as may either cause a Rebellion, or draw the people's love from the King, I say, that a King shall be advised to banish him: But if the King do absolutely command his servant to do any thing displeasing to the Commonwealth, and to his own peril, there is the King bond in honour to defend him. But my good Lord for conclusion, there is no man in England that will lay any invention either grievous or against law upon the King's Majesty: and therefore your Lordships must share it amongst you.  COUNS. 
For my part, I had no hand in it, (I think) Ingram was be that propounded it to the Treasurer.  JUST. 
Alas, my good Lord, every poor waiter in the Customhouse, or every promoter might have done it, there is no invention in these things, To lay impositions, and sell the King's lands, are poor and common devices. It is true that Ingram and his fellows are odious men, and therefore his Majesty pleased the people greatly to put him from the Coffership. It is better for a Prince to use such a kind of men, then to countenance them, hangmen are necessary in a common wealth: yet in the Netherlands, none but a hangman's son will marry a hangman's daughter. Now my Lord, the last gathering which Henry the seventh made, was in his twentieth year, wherein he had another benevolence both of the Clergy and Laity, a part of which taken of the poorer sort, he ordained by his testament that it should be restored. And for King Henry the eight, although he was left in a most plentiful estate, yet he wonderfully pressed his people with great payments, for in the beginning of his time it was infinite that he spent in Masking and Tilting, Banqueting, and other vanities, before he was entered into the most consuming expense of the most fond and fruitless war that ever King undertook. In his fourth year he had one of the greatest subsedies that ever was granted; for besides two fifteen and two dimes, he used David's Law of Capitation or head money, and had of every Duke ten marks, of every Earl five pounds, of every Lord four pounds, of every Knight four marks and every man rated at 8l. in goods, 4. marks, and so after the rate: yea every man that was valued but at 401 paid 12d, and every man and woman above 15. years' 4ds. He had also in his sixth year divers subsedies granted him. In his fourteenth their was a tenth demanded of every man's goods, but it was moderated. In the Parliament following, the Clergy gave the King the half of their spiritual livings for one year, and of the Laity there was demanded 800000l, which could not be levied in England, but it was a marvellous great gift that the king had given him at that time. In the King's seventeenth year was the Rebellion before spoken of, wherein the King disavowed the Cardinal: In his seventeenth year he had the tenth and fifteenth given by Parliament, which were before that time paid to the Pope. And before that also, the moneys that the King borrowed in his fifteenth year were forgiven him by Parliament in his seventeenth year. In his 35. year a subsidy was granted of 4ds. the pound of every man worth in goods from 20s. to 5l, from 5l. to 10l. and upwards of every pound 2s. And all strangers, denisens' and others doubled this sum strangers not being inhabitants above 16. years' 4ds. a head. All that had Lands, Fees, and Annuities, from 20. to 5. and so double as they did for goods: And the Clergy gave 6d. the pound. In the thirty seventh year, a Benevolence was taken not voluntary, but rated by Commissioners, which because one of the Aldermen refused to pay, he was sent for a soldier into Scotland. He had also another great subsidy of six shillings the pound of the Clergy, and two shillings eight pence of the goods of the Laity, and four shillings the pound upon Lands.  
In the second year of Edward the sixth, the Parliament gave the King an aid of twelve pence the pound of goods of his Natural subjects, and two shillings the pound of strangers, and this to continue for three years, and by the statute of the second and third of Edward the sixth, it may appear, the same Parliament did also give a second aid, as followeth, (to wit) of every Ewe kept in several pastures, 3d: of every weather kept as aforesaid 2d: of every sheep kept in the Common, 1d, ob. The House gave the King also 8ds. the pound of every woollen cloth made for the sale throughout England for three years. In the third and fourth, of the King, by reason of the troublesome gathering of the poly money upon sheep, and the tax upon cloth, this act of subsidy was repealed, and other relief given the King, and in the seventh year he had a subsidy and two fifteen.  
In the first year of Queen Mary, tonnage and poundage were granted. In the second year a subsidy was given to King Philip, and to the Queen, she had also a third subsidy in Annis 4. & 5.  
Eliz. Reg, Now my Lord, for the Parliaments of the late Queen's time, in which there was nothing new, neither head money, nor sheep money, nor escuage, nor any of these kinds of payments was required, but only the ordinary subsedies, and those as easily granted as demanded, I shall not need to trouble your Lordship with any of them, neither can I inform your Lordship of all the passages and acts which have passed, for they are not extant, nor printed.  COUNS. 
No, it were but time lost to speak of the latter, and by those that are already remembered, we may judge of the rest, for those of the greatest importance are public. But I pray you deal freely with me, what you think would be done for his Majesty, If he should call a Parliament at this time, or what would be required at his Majesty's hands?  JUST. 
The first thing that would be required, would be the same that was required by the Commons in the thirteenth year of Hen. the eight (to wit) that if any man of the commons house should speak more largely, then of duty he ought to do, all such offences to be pardoned, and that to be of record.  COUNS. 
So might every Companion speak of the King what they list.  JUST. 
No my Lord, the reverence which a Vassal oweth to his Sovereign, is always intended for every speech, howsoever it must import the good of the King, and his estate, and so long it may be easily pardoned, otherwise not; for in Queen Elizabeth's time, who gave freedom of speech in all Parliaments, when Wentworth made those motions, that were but supposed dangerous to the Queen's estate, he was imprisoned in the Tower, notwithstanding the privilege of the house, and there died.  COUNS. 
What say you to the Sicilian vespers remembered in the last Parliament?  JUST. 
I say, he repented him heartily that used that speech, and indeed besides that, it was seditious, this example held not: The French in Sicily usurped that Kingdom, they neither kept law nor faith, they took away the inheritance of the Inhabitants, they took from them their wives, and ravished their daughters, committing all other insolences that could be imagined. The King's Majesty is the Natural Lord of England, his Vassals of Scotland obey the English Laws, if they break them, they are punished without respect. Yea his Majesty put one of his Barons to a shameful death, for being consenting only to the death of a Common Fencer: And which of these ever did or durst commit any outrage in England, but to say the truth, the opinion of packing the last, was the cause of the contention and disorder that happened.  COUNS. 
Why sir? do you not think it best to compound a Parliament of the King's servants and others, that shall in all obey the King's desires?  JUST. 
Certainly no, for it hath never succeeded well, neither on the king's part, nor on the subjects, as by the Parliament before-remembred your Lordship may gather, for from such a composition do arise all jealousies, and all contentions. It was practised in elder times, to the great trouble of the kingdom, and to the loss and ruin of many. It was of latter time used by King Henry the eight, but every way to his disadvantage. When the King leaves himself to his people, they assure themselves that they are trusted and beloved of their king, and there was never any assembly so barborus, as not to answer the love and trust of their King. Henry the sixth when his estate was in effect utterly overthrown, and utterly impoverished at the humble request of his Treasurer made the same known to the House: Or other wise, using the Treasurers own words. He humbly desired the King to take his Staff, that he might save his wardship.  COUNS. 
But you know, they will presently be in hand with those impositions, which the King hath laid by his own Royal Prerogative.  JUST. 
Perchance not my Lord; but rather with those impositions that have been by some of your Lordships laid upon the King, which did not some of your Lordships fear more than you do the impositions laid upon the Subjects, you would never dissuade his Majesty from a Parliament: For no man doubted, but that his Majesty was advised to lay those impositions by his Council, and for particular things on which they were laid, the advice came from petty fellows (though now great ones) belonging to the Customhouse. Now my Lord, what prejudice hath his Majesty (his Revenue being kept up) if the impositions that were laid by the general Council of the Kingdom, which takes off all grudging and complaint.  COUNS. 
Yea Sir, but that which is done by the King, with the advice of his private or privy Council, is done by the King's absolute power.  JUST. 
And by whose power it is done in parliament, but by the King's absolute power? Mistake it not my Lord: The three Estates do but advise, as the privy Council doth, which advice if the King embrace, it becomes the Kings own Act in the one, and the King's Law in the other, for without the King's acceptation, both the public and private advices be but as empty Egg shells: and what doth his Majesty lose if some of those things, which concerns the poorer sort to be made free again, and the Revenue kept up upon that which is superfluous? Is it a loss to the King to be beloved of the Commons? If it be revenue which the King seeks, is it not better to take it of those that laugh, then of those that cry? Yea if all be conten to pay upon moderation & change of the Species: Is it not more honourable and more safe for the King, that the Subject pay by persuasion, then to have them constrained? If they be contented to whip themselves for the King, were it not better to give them the Rod into their hands, then to commit them to the Executioner? Certainly it is far more happy for a Sovereign Prince, that a Subject open his purse willingly, then that the same be opened by violence. Besides, that when impositions are laid by Parliament, they are gathered by the authority of the Law, which (as aforesaid) rejecteth all complaints, and stoppeth every mutinous mouth: It shall ever be my prayer that the King embrace the Council of Honour and safety, and let other Princes embrace that of force.  COUNS. 
But good Sir, it is his Prerogative which the King stands upon, & it is the Prerogative of the Kings, that the Parliaments do all diminish.  JUST. 
If your Lordship would pardon me, I would say then, that your Lordship's objection against Parliaments is ridiculous. In former Parliaments three things have been supposed dishonour of the King. The first, that the Subjects have conditioned with the King, when the King hath needed them, to have the great Charter confirmed: The second, that the Estates have made Treasurers for the necessary and profitable disbursing of those sums by them given, to the end, that the Kings, to whom they were given, should expend them for their own defence, & for the defence of the Commonwealth: The third, that these have pressed the King to discharge some great Officers of the Crown, and to elect others. As touching the first my Lord, I would fain learn what disadvantage the Kings of this Land have had by confirming the great Charter, the breach of which have served only men of your Lordship's rank, to assist their own passions, and to punish and imprison at their own discretion the King's poor Subjects. Concerning their private hatred, with the colour of the King's service, for the King's Majesty take no man's inheritance, (as I have said before) nor any man's life, but the Law of the Land, according to the Charter. Neither doth his Majesty imprison any man (matter of practice, which concerns, the preservation of his estate excepted) but by the law of the land. And yet he useth his prerogative as all the Kings of England have ever used to: for the supreme reason cause to practise many things without the advice of the law. As insurrections and rebellions, it useth the marshal, and not the common law, without any breach of the Charter, the intent of the Charter considered truly. Neither hath any Subject made complaint, or been grieved, in that the Kings of this land, for their own safeties, and preservation of their estates, have used their Prerogatives, the great Ensign, on which there is written soli Deo. And my good Lord, was not Buckingham in England, and Byron in France condemned, their Peers uncalled? And withal, was not Byron utterly (contrary to the custom & privileges of the French) denied an advocate to assist his defence? For where laws forecast cannot provide remedies for future dangers, Princes are forced to assist themselves by their Prerogatives. But that which hath been ever grievous, and the cause of many troubles, very dangerous is, that your Lordships abusing the reasons of state, do punish and imprison the K. Subjects at your pleasure. It is you my Lords, that when Subjects have sometimes need of the King's prerogative, do then use the strength of the Law, and when they require the law, you afflict them with the prerogative, and tread the great Charter (which hath been confirmed by 16 Acts of Parliament) under your feet, as a torn parchment or waste paper?.  COUNS. 
Good Sir, which of us do in this sort break the great Charter? perchance you mean, that we have advised the King to lay the new impositious.  JUST. 
No my Lord: there is nothing in the great Charter against impositions: and besides that, necessity doth persuade them. And if necessity do in somewhat excuse a private man à fortiori, it may then excuse a Prince. Again the King's Majesty hath profit and increase of revenue by the impositions. But there are of your Lordships (contrary to the direct Letter of the Charter) that imprison the King's Subjects and deny them the benefit of the Law, to the Kings disprofit. And what do you otherwise thereby (if the impositions be in any sort grievous) but Renovare dolores? And with all dig out of the dust the long buried memory of the Subjects former intentions with their Kings.  COUNS. 
What mean you by that?  JUST. 
I will tell your Lordship when I dare, in the mean time it is enough for me, to put your Lordship in mind, that all the Estates in the World, in the offence of the people, have either had profit or necessity to persuade them to adventure it, of which, if neither be urgent, and yet the Subject exceedingly grieved, your Lordship may conjecture, that the House will be humble suitors for a redress. And if it be a Maxim in policy to please the people in all things indifferent, and never suffer them to be beaten, but for the King's benefit (for there are no blows forgotten with the smart but those) than I say to make them Vassals to Vassals, is but to batter down those mastering buildings, erected by K Henry the 7. & fortified by his Son, by which the people the Gentry of England were brought to depend upon the King alone. Yea my good Lord, our late dear Sovereign Q. Eliz. kept them up, & to their advantage, as well repaired as ever Prince did Defend me, & spend me, faith the Irish Churl.  COUNS. 
Then you think that this violent breach of the Charter will be the cause of seeking the conformation of it in the next Parliament, which otherwise could never have been moved.  JUST. 
I know not my good Lord perchance not, for if the House press the King to grant unto them all that is theirs by the Law, they cannot (in justice) refuse the King all that is his by the Law. And where will be the issue of such a contention? I dare not divine, but sure I am that it will tend to the prejudice both of the King and Subject.  COUNS. 
If they dispute not their own liberties, why should they then the King's liberties, which we call his Prerogative.  JUST. 
Among so many and so divers Spirits, no man can foretell what may be propounded, but howsoever, if the matter be not slightly handled on the King's behalf, these disputes will soon dissolve for the King hath so little need of his Prerogative, & so great advantage by the Laws, as the fear of imparing the one, to wit, the Prerogative, is so impossible, and the burden of the other, to wit, the Law, so weighty, as but by a branch of the King's Prerogative, namely, of his remission and pardon, the Subject is no way able to undergo it. This my Lord is no matter of flourish that I have said, but it is the truth, and unanswerable.  COUNS. 
But to execute the Laws very severely, would be very grievous.  JUST. 
Why my Lord, are the Laws grievous which ourselves have required of our Kings? And are the Prerogatives also which our Kings have reserved to themselves also grievous? How can such a people then be well pleased? And if your Lordship confess that the Laws give too much, why does your Lordship urge the Prerogative that gives more? Nay I will be bold to say it, that except the Laws were better observed, the Prerogative of a Religious Prince hath manifold less perils than the Letter of the Law hath. Now my Lord, for the second & third, to wit, for the appointing of Treasures, and removing of Councillors, our Kings have evermore laughed them to scorn that have pressed either of these, & after the Parliament dissolved, took the money of the Treasurers of the Parliament and recalled & restored the Officers discharged, or else they have been contented, that some such persons should be removed at the request of the whole Kingdom, which they themselves out of their Noble natures, would not seem willing to remove.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, Would you notwithstanding all these arguments advise his Majesty to call a Parliament?  JUST. 
It belongs to your Lordships who enjoy the King's favour, & are chosen for your able wisdom to advise the K. It were a strange boldness in a poor and private person, to advise Kings, attended with so understanding a Council. But be like your Lorpships have conceived some other way, how money may be gotten otherwise. If any trouble should happen, your Lordship knows, that then there were nothing so dangerous for a K as to be without money: A Parliament cannot assemble in haste, but present dangers require hasty remedies. It will be no time then to discontent the subjects by using any unordinary ways.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, all this notwithstanding we dare not advise the King to call a Parliament, for if it should succeed ill, we that advise, should fall into the King's disgrace. And if the King be driven into any extremity, we can say to the King that because we found it extremely unpleasing to his Majesty to hear of a Parliament, we thought it no good manners to make such a Motion.  JUST. 
My Lord, to the first let me tell you, that there was never any just Prince that hath taken any advantage of the success of Counsels, which have been founded on reason, To fear that, were to fear the loss of the bell, more than the loss of the steeple, and were also the way to beat all men from the studies of the King's service. But for the second, where you say you can excuse yourselves upon the Kings own protesting against a Parliament, the King upon better consideration may encounter that fineness of yours.  COUNS. 
How I pray you?  JUST. 
Even by declaring himself to be indifferent, by calling your Lordships together, and by delivering unto you that he hears how his loving subjects in general are willing to supply him, if it please him to call a Parliament, for that was the common answer to all the Sheriffs in England, when the late benevolence was commanded. In which respect, and because you come short in all your projects, & because it is a thing most dangerous for a King to be without treasure, he requires such of you, as either mislike, or rather fear a Parliament, to set down your reasous in writing, which you either mislike, or feared it. And such as with and desire it, to set down answers to your objections: And so shall the King prevent the calling or not calling on his Majesty, as some of your great Councillors have done in many other things shrinking up their shoulders, and saying, the K. will have it so.  COUNS. 
Well Sir, it grows late, & I will bid you farewell, only you shall take well with you this advice of mine, that in all that you have said against our greatest, those men in the end shall be your judges in their own cause, you that trouble yourself with reformation; are like to be well rewarded hereof you may assure yourself, that we will never allow of any invention how profitable soever, unless it proceed, or seem to proceed from ourselves.  JUST. 
If then my Lord, we may presume to say that Princes may be unhappy in any thing, certainly they are unhappy in nothing more than in suffering themselves to be so enclosed. Again, if we may believe Pliny, who tells us, that 'tis an ill sign of prosperity in any kingdom or state, where such as deserve well, find no other recompense then the contentment of their own conseiences, a far worse sign is it where the justly accused shall take revenge of the just accuser. But my good Lord, there is this hope remaining, that seeing he hath been abused by them he trusted most, he will not for the future dishonour of his judgement (so well informed by his own experience) as to expose such of his vassals as have had no other motives to serve him, then simply the love of his person and his estate) to their revenge, who have only been moved by the love of their own fortunes, and their glory.  COUNS. 
But good Sir, the King hath not been deceived by all.  JUST. 
No my Lord, neither have all been trusted, neither doth the world accuse all, but believe, that there be among your Lordships very just and worthy men, aswell of the Nobility as others, but those though most honoured in the Commonwealth, yet have not been most employed: Your Lordship knows it well enough, that three or 4 of your Lordships have thought your hands strong enough to beat up alone the weightiest affairs in the Commonwealth, and strong enough, all the Land have found them to beat down whom they pleased.  COUNS. 
I understand you, but how shall it appear that they have only sought themselves.  JUST. 
There needs no perspective glass to discern it, for neither in the treaties of Peace and War, in matters of Revenue, and matters of Trade, any thing hath happened either of love or of judgement. No my Lord, there is not any one action of theirs eminent, great or small, the greatness of themselves only excepted.  CO. 
It is all one, your Papers can neither answer nor reply, we can. Besides you tell the King no news in delivering these Complaints, for he knows as much as can be told him.  JUST. 
For the first my Lord, whereas he hath once the reasons of things delivered him, your Lordships shall need to be well advised, in their answers there is no sophistry will serve the turn, where the judge, & the understanding are both supreme. For the second, to say that his Majesty knows, and cares not, that my Lord were but to despair all his faithful Subjects. But by your favour my Lord, we see it is contrary, we find now that there is no such singular power as there hath been, justice is described with a Balance in her Hand, holding it even, and it hangs as even now as ever it did in any King's days, for singular authority begets but general oppression.  COUNS. 
Howsoever it be, that's nothing to you, that gave no interest in the King's favour, nor perchance in his opinion, and concerning such a one, the misliking, or but misconceiving of any one hard word, phrase, or sentence, will give argument to the King either to condemn or reject the whole discourse. And howsoever his Majesty may neglect your informations, you may be sure that others (at whom you point will not neglect their revenges, you will therefore confess it (when it is too late) that you are exceeding sorry that you have not followed my advice. Remember Cardinal Woolsey, who lost all men for the King's service, & when their malice (whom he grieved) had outlived the King's affection, you know what became of him as well as I.  JUST. 
Yea, my Lord, I know it well, that malice hath a longer life, than either love or thankfulness hath, for as we always take more care to put off pain, than to enjoy pleasure, because the one hath no intermission, & with the other we are often satisfied, so it is in the smart of injury & the memory of good turns: Wrongs are written in marble: Benefits are (sometimes) acknowledged, rarely requited. But my Lord, we shall do the K. great wrong, to judge him by common rules, or ordinary examples, for seeing his Majesty hath greatly enriched and advanced those that have but pretended his service, no man needs to doubt of his goodness towards those that shall perform any thing worthy reward. Nay, the not taking knowledge of those of his own vassals that have done him wrong, is more to be lamented, than the relinquishing of those that do him right, is to be suspected. I am therefore, my good Lo: held to my resolution by these 2, besides the former. The 1, that God would never have blest him with so many years, and in so many actions, yea in all his actions, had he paid his honest servants with evil for good. The 2d. where your Lordship tells me, that I will be sorry for not following your advice, I pray your Lordship to believe, that I am no way subject to the common sorrowing of worldly men, this Maxim of Plato being true, Dolores omnes ex amore animi erga corpus nascuntur. But for my body, my mind values it at nothing.  COUNS. 
What is it then you hope for or seek?  JUST. 
Neither riches, nor honour, or thanks, but I only to seek to satisfy his Majesty (which I would have been glad to have done in matters of more importance that I have lived and will die an honest man.  
FINIS.   

The Author's Epitaph, made by himself.  
EVen such is Time, which takes in waste  
Our Youth, and joy's, and all we have,  
And pays us but with age and dust,  
Which be the dark and silent grave,  
When we have wandered all our ways,  
Struts up the story of our days:  
And from which Earth and Grave, & Dust,  
The Lord shall raise me up I trust.