Tam-Marti, Quam Mercurio. The Ho.ble and learned Knight S. Walter Raleigh. Ro: Vaughan Sculp SIR WALTER RALEIGH'S sceptic, OR SPECULATIONS. And OBSERVATIONS of the Magnificency and Opulency of CITIES. His SEAT of GOVERNMENT. And LETTERS to the King's majesty, and others of quality. Also his demeanour before his EXECUTION. LONDON, Printed by W. Bentley, and are to be sold by W. Shears, at the sign of the Bible, over against the North door of S. Paul's. 1651. Sir Walter Raleigh's sceptic. The sceptic doth neither affirm, neither deny any Position: but doubteth of it, and opposeth his Reasons against that which is affirmed, or denied, to justify his not Consenting. HIs first Reason ariseth, from the consideration of the great difference amongst living Creatures, both in the matter and manner of their Generations, and the several Constitutions of their bodies. Some living Creatures are by copulation, and some without it, and that either by Fire as Crickets in fornaces; or corrupt water, as Gnats; or slime, as Frogs; or dirt, as Worms; or herbs, as Canker-worms: some of ashes, as Beetles; some of trees, as the Worms Psenas bred in the wild figtree; some of living creatures putrified, as Bees of Bulls, and Wasps of Horses. By Copulation many creatures are brought forth alive, as Man; some in the egg, as Birds; some in an unshapen piece of flesh, as Bears. These great differences cannot but cause a divers and contrary temperament, and quality in those creatures, and consequently, a great diversity in their fantasy and conceit; so that they apprehend one and the same object, yet they must do it after a divers manner; for is it not absurd to affirm, That creatures differ so much in temperature, and yet agree in conceit concerning one and the same object? But this will more plainly appear, Seeing if the instruments of sense in the body be observed: for we shall find, that as these instruments are affected and disposed, so doth the Imagination conceit that which by them is connexed unto it. That very object which seemeth unto us White, unto them which have the jaundice, seemeth Pale, and Red unto those whose Eyes are bloodshot. For so much then as living creatures have some white, some pale, some red eyes, why should not one and the same object seem to some white, some red, to some pale? If a man rub his eye, the figure of that which he beholdeth seemeth long, or narrow; is it than not likely, That those creatures which have a long and slanting Pupil of the eye, as Goats, Foxes, Cats, &c. do convey the fashion of that which they behold under another form to the imagination, than those that have round Pupils do do? Who knoweth not, that a Glass presenteth the outward object smother, or greater, according to the making of the glass? If it be hollow, the object seemeth smaller than it is, if the glass be crooked, than the object seemeth long and narrow. And glasses there be, which presenteth the head of him that looketh in them, downwards, & the heels upwards. Now then, seeing the eye which is the instrument of Sight, in some living creatures is more outward, in some more hollow, in some plain, in some greater, in some less; it is very probable, that Fishes, Men, Lions, and Dogs, whose eyes so much differ, do not conceive the self same object after the same manner, but diversely, according to the diversity of the eye; which offereth it unto the fantasy. The same reason holdeth in Touching; Touching. for seemeth it not absurd to think, that those creatures, which are covered with shells, those which are covered with Scales, those which are covered with Hairs, and those which are Smooth, should all be alike sensible in Touching? and every one of them convey the image, or quality of the same object which they touch, in the very same degree of heat or cold, of dryness or moisture, roughness or smoothness unto the imagination? So might it be showed in Hearing, Hearing. for how can we think that the Ear, which hath a narrow passage, and the Ear, which hath an open & wide passage, do receive the same sound in the same degree? or that the Ear; whose inside is full of hair, doth hear in the same just measure, that the Ear doth whose inside is smooth? Since experience showeth, that if we stop, or half stop our Ears, the sound cometh not to us in the same manner and degree, that it doth if our ears be open? The like may be thought of Smelling, Smelling. for man himself abounding with phlegm, is otherwise affected in smelling, than he is, if the parts about the head be full of blood; and many things afford a delightful smell to some living creatures, which smell to other living creatures seemeth not to be so. In the Taste the same reason appeareth; Tasting. for to a rough and dry tongue, that very thing seemeth bitter (as in an Ague) which to the moister tongue seemeth not to be so. Divers creatures then having tongues drier, or moister according to their several temperatures, when they taste the same thing, must needs conceit it to be according as the instrument of their taste is affected, either bitter, or sweet, &c. For even as the hand in the striking of the Harp, though the stroke be one, yet causeth a sound, sometimes high, sometimes base, according to the quality of the string that is strucken. Even so one and the same outward object is diversely judged of, and conceited, according to the several and divers qualities of the instrument of sense, which conveieth it to the imagination. Ointment is pleasing to Man; but Beetles and Bees cannot abide it. Oil to man is profitable; but it killeth Bees and Wasps. Cicuta feedeth Quails, and Henbane Sows; but both of these hurt Man. If a Man eat Ants he is sick; but the Bear being sick, recovereth by eating them. If then one and the very same thing to the red eye seem red, to another pale, and white to another: If one and the same thing, seem not hot or cold, dry or moist, in the same degree to the several creatures which touch it: If one and the self same sound seem more shrill to that creature which hath a narrow ear, and more base to him that hath an open ear: If the same thing, at the same time, seem to afford a pleasant and displeasant Smell to divers and several creatures: If that seem bitter in taste to one, which to another seemeth sweet, that to one hurtful, which to another seemeth healthful, I may report how these things appear divers to several creatures, and seem to produce divers effects. but what they are in their own nature, whether red or white, bitter or sweet, healthful or hurtful, I cannot tell. For why should I presume to proffer my conceit and imagination, in affirming that a thing is thus, or thus, in its own nature, because it seemeth to me to be so, before the conceit of other living creatures, who may as well think it to be otherwise in each one nature, because it appeareth otherwise to them than it doth to me? They are living creatures as well as I, why then should I condemn their conceit and fantasy, concerning any thing, more than they may mine? They may be in the truth and I in error, as well as I in truth, and they err. If my conceit must be believed before theirs, great reason that it be proved to be truer than theirs. And this proof must be either by demonstration, or without it; without it none will believe; Certainly, if by demonstration, than this demonstration must seem to be true, or not seem to be true; if it seem to be true, then will it be a question, whether it be so indeed as it seemeth to be; and to allege that for a certain proof, which is uncertain and questionable, seemeth absurd. If it be said, that the imagination of Man judgeth truer of the outward object, than the imagination of other living creatures doth, & therefore to be credited above others, (besides that which is already said) this is easily refuted by comparing of Man with other creatures. It is confessed, the Dog excelleth Man in smell, and in hearing, and whereas there is said to be a twofold discourse, one of the mind, another of the tongue, and that of the mind is said to be exercised in choosing that which is convenient, and refusing that which is hurtful in knowledge, justice, & thankfulness: This creature chooseth his food, refuseth the whip, fawneth on his Master, defendeth his house, revengeth himself of those strangers that hurt him. And Homer mentioneth Argus, the dog of Ulysses, who knew his master having been from home so many years, that at his return, all the people of his house had forgot him. This creature, saith Chrysippus, is not void of logic; for when in following any beast, he cometh to three several ways, he smelleth to the one, & then to the second, and if he find that the beast which pursueth be not fled one of these 2 ways, he presently without smelling any further to it, taketh the third way, which, saith the same Philosopher, is as if he reasoned thus, the Beast must be gone either this, or this, or the other way; but neither this nor this, Ergò, the third: and so away he runneth. If we consider his skill in physic, it is sufficient to help himself; if he be wounded with a dart, he useth the help of his Teeth to take it out, of his Tongue to cleanse the wound from corruption; he seemeth to be well acquainted with the Precept of Hippocrates, who saith, that the Rest of the Foot is the physic of the Foot, and therefore if his foot be hurt, he holdeth it up that it may rest; if he be sick, he giveth himself a Vomit by eating of Grass, and recovereth himself; the Dog than we see is plentifully furnished with inward discourse. Now outward speech is not needful to make a creature Reasonable, else a dumb Man were an unreasonable Creature. And do not Philosophers themselves reject this as an enemy to knowledge? & therefore they are Silea when they are instructed; and yet even as Barbarous ans strange people of speech, but we understand it not, neither do we perceive any great difference in their words: but a difference there seemeth to be, and they do express their thoughts and meanings one to another by those words. Even so those creatures, which are commonly called unreasonable, do seem to parley one with another; and by their speech to understand one the other. Do not Birds by one kind of speech call their young ones, and by another cause them to hide themselves? do they not by their several voices express their several passions of joy, of grief, of fear in such manner, that their fellows understand them? Do they not by their voice foreshow things to come? But we will return to that creature we first did instance in. The Dog delivereth one kind of voice when he hunteth, another when he howleth, another when he is beaten, and another when he is angry. These creatures than are not void of outward speech. If then these creatures excel Man in sense, & are equal to him inward & outward discourse, why should not their conceits & imaginations convey the outward object in as true a manner as ours? and if so, then seeing their imaginations are divers, and they conceit it diversely according to their divers temperaments, I may tell what the outward object seemeth to me; but what it seemeth to other creatures, or whether it be indeed that which it seemeth to me, or any other of them, I know not. But be it granted, that the Judgement of Man in this case, is to be preferred before the Judgement of Beasts; yet in Men there is great difference; both in respect of the outward shape, and also of the temperature of their bodies: For the body of the Scythian differeth in shape from the body of the Indian, the reason of it ariseth (saith the Dogmatiques) from a predominancy of humours in the one more than in the other; and as several humours are predominant, so are the fantasies and conceits severally framed and effected. So that our country men delight in one thing, the Indian not in that, but in another which we regard not. This would not be, if their conceits and ours were both alike, for than we should like that which they do, and they would dislike that which we would dislike. It is evident also, that men differ very much in the temperature of their bodies, else why should some more easily digest beef than shellfish? and other be mad for the time, if they drink wine? There was an old woman about Arbeus, which drunk three drams of Cicuta (every dram weighing sixty Barley corns, and eight drams to an ounce) without hurt. Lysis, without hurt, took four drams of poppy; and Demophon, which was Gentleman-Sewer to Alexander, was very cold when he stood in the sun, or in a hot bath; but very not when he stood in the shadow. Athenagoras felt no pain if a Scorpion stung him. And the Psilli (a people in Lybia, whose bodies are venom to serpents) if they be stung by serpents, or Asps, receive no hurt at all. The Ethiopians, which inhabit the river Hydaspis, do eat serpents and scorpions without danger. Lothericus a Chyr●●gian, at the smell of a Sturgeon, would be for the time mad. Andron of Argos, was so little thirsty, that without want of drink, he traveled through the hot and dry country of Lybia. Tiberius Cesar, would see very well in the dark. Aristotle, mentioneth of Thratius, who said, that the image of a Man went always before him. If then it be so, that there be such differences in Men, this must be by reason of the divers temperatures they have, and divers disposition of their conceit and imagination; for, if one hate, and another love the very same thing, it must be that their fantasies differ, else all would love it, or all would hate it. These Men then, may tell how these things seem to them good, or bad; but what they are in their own Nature they cannot tell. If we will harken to men's opinions, concerning one and the same matter, thinking thereby to come to the knowledge of it, we shall find this to be impossible; for, either we must believe what all men say of it, or what some men only say of it. To believe what all men say of one and the same thing, is not possible; for than we shall believe Contrarieties; for some men say, That that very thing is pleasant, which other say is displeasant. If it be said we must believe only some men, then let it be showed who those some men are; for the Platonists will believe Plato, but the Epicures Epicurus, the Pythagorians Pythagorus and other Philosophers, the masters of their own Sects: so that it is doubtful, to which of all these we shall give credit. If it be said, that we must credit the greatest number, this seemeth childish, for there may be amongst other Nations a greater number which deny that very point, which the greatest number with us do affirm: so that hereof nothing can certainly be affirmed. This Argument seemeth to be further confirmed, if the differences of the senses of Hearing, Seeing, Smelling, Touching, and Tasting be considered; for that the senses differ, it seemeth plain. Painted Tables (in which the art of Slanting is used) appear to the Eye, as if the parts of them were some higher, and some lower than the other, but to the Touch they seem not to be so. Honey seemeth to the Tongue sweet, but unpleasant to the Eye: so ointment doth recreate the Smell, but it offendeth the Tast. Rain-water is profitable to the Eyes, but it hurteth the Lungs. We may tell then, how these things seem to our several senses, but what they are in their own nature we cannot tell: for why should not a man credit any one of his senses as well as the other? Every object seemeth to be presented diversely unto the several instruments of sense. An Apple to the Touch seemeth smooth, sweet to the Smell, and to the Eye yellow; but whether the Apple have one of these qualities only, or more than these qualities, who can tell? The Organ hath many Pipes, all which are filled with the same blast of wind, varied according to the capacity of the several Pipes which receive it: even so the quality of the Apple may be but one, and that this one quality may be varied, and seem yellow to the Eye, to the Touch smooth, and sweet to the Smell, by reason of the divers instruments of the sense, which apprehend this one quality diversely, It may be also, that an Apple hath many qualities besides, but we are not able to conceive them all; because we want fit means and instruments to apprehend them: for suppose that some Man is born blind, and deaf, and yet can touch, smell, and taste; this man will not think that there is any thing, which may be seen or heard, because he wanteth the senses of hearing and seeing, he will only think there are those qualities in the object, which by reason of his three senses he conceiveth: Even so the Apple may have many more qualities; but we cannot come to know them, because we want fit instruments for that purpose. If it be replied, that Nature hath ordained as many instruments of sense, as there are sensible objects; I demand, What Natures? for there is a confused controversy about the very Essence of Nature. Some affirming it to be one thing, others another, few agreeing: so that what the quality of an Apple is, or whether it hath one quality or many I know not. Let a man also consider, how many things that are separated, and by themselves appear to differ from that which they seem to be, when they are in a mass or lump; the scrapings of the goat's horn seems white, but in the horn they seem black, but in the lump white. The stone Taenarus, being polished, seemeth white, but unpolished and rough, it seemeth yellow. Sands being separated, appear rough to the Touch, but a great heap, soft. I may then report, how these things appear, but whether they are so indeed, I know not. Sir Walter Raleigh's OBSERVATIONS Concerning the Causes of the magnificency and opulency of CITIES. THAT the only way to civilize and reform the savage and barbarous Lives, and corrupt Manners of such people, is, 1 To be dealt withal by gentle and loving Conversation among them, to attain to the knowledge of their Language, and of the multitude of their special discommodities and inconveniences in their manner of living. 2 The next is to get an admired reputation amongst them, upon a solid and true foundation of piety, Justice, and wisdom, conjoined with fortitude and power. 3 The third is, discreetly to possess them with a knowledge of the condition of their own estate. Thus Orpheus and Amphion, were said to draw after them the beasts of the field, &c. And this must be first wrought by a visible representation, of the certainty, truth, and sincerity of these, together with the felicity of a reformed estate. All which is but to give foundation, bottom, and firm footing unto action, and to prepare them to receive wholesome and good advice, for the future profit and felicity of themselves and their posterity. For the more commodious effecting of this Reformation in a rude and barbarous people, they are to be persuaded to withdraw and unite themselves into several Colonies; that by an interchangeable communication, and commerce of all things may more commodiously be had, and that they may so live together in civility, for the better succour and welfare of one another: And thereby they may more easily be instructed in the Christian Faith, and governed under the Magistrates and ministers of the King, or other superior power, under whom this Reformation is sought; which course the Stoic tells, that Theseus' took, after he had taken upon him the Government of the Athenians, whereby he united all the people into one city, that before lived dispersedly in many Villages. The like is put in practice at this day by the Portugals, and Jesuits, that they may with less difficulty and hindrance reform the rough behaviour, and savage life of the people of BraZeel, who dwell scattered & dispersed in caves and cottages made of boughs and leaves of the Palm-trees. Alexander the Great, built more than seventy Cities; Seleucus built three Cities, called Appanice, to the honour of his wife; and five called Laodicea, in memory of his mother; and five called Seleuciae, to the honour of himself. Safety for Defence of the People and their goods, in and near the Town. situation for Safety, and Plenty. IN the situation of Cities, there is to be required a place of safety, by some natural strength, commodiousness for Navigation, and Conduct, for the attaining of plenty of all good things, for the sustenance and comfort of man's life, and to draw trade and intercourse of other Nations, as if the same be situate in such sort, as many people have need to repair thither for some natural commodity, or other of the country, which by traffic and transportation of commodities, whereof they have more plenty than will supply their own necessity, or for receiving of things whereof they have scarcity. And much better will it be, if the place afford some notable commodity of itself, from whence other Nations may more readily, and at better rate attain the same. Likewise, and withal, be so fertile, pleasant, and healthful of itself, that it may afford plenty of good things, for the delight and comfort of the inhabitants. Multitude of Inhabitants. In former times, great Nations, Kings and Potentates have endured sharp conflicts, and held it high policy, by all means to increase their Cities, with multitudes of inhabitants. And to this end the Romans ever furnished themselves with strength and power, to make their neighbour-People, of necessity, willing to draw themselves to Rome to dwell, and overthrow their Towns and Villages of mean strength, down to the ground. So did they for this cause utterly destroy many Cities, bringing always the vanquished Captives to Rome, for the augmentation of that city. Romulus, after a mighty fight with the Sabines condescended to Peace, upon condition, that Tacius their King should come with all their people to dwell at Rome: Tacius did accept and made choice of the Capitol, and the Mount Quirinalis for his seat and palace. The same course held Tamburlaine the Great, whereby he enlarged the great Sarmacauda, still bringing unto it, the richest and wealthiest Citizens he had subdued. And the Ottomans, to make the city Constantinople rich and great, brought to it many thousand Families, especially Artificers out of the subdued Cities, as Mahomet the Great from Trabizond, Selim the First from Caïro, and Soliman from Tauris. Authority and necessity, without the consideration of the conveniencies, and commodiousness of situation above mentioned, are of small moment in the foundation of a city, thereby only it would be unlikely, either to grow or continue in magnificency or opulency: for if Profit, Height, and Delight, go not companions therewith, no authority or necessity, can retain much People or Wealth. But if the place whereupon a city is to be founded, be commodious for the aforesaid conveniences, which help greatly for the felicity of this life; then, no doubt, the same is likely to draw much abundance of people and riches unto the same, whereby it may, by the help of Arts & industry in time, become magnificent and glorious. Unto the good estate, greatness, and glory of a city, those things hereafter mentioned do greatly avail, and are of much importance, viz. Religion, Religion. which is of such force and might, to amplify Cities and Dominions, and of such attractive virtue to replenish the same with people and wealth, and to hold them in due obedience, as none can be more; for without adoration of some deity, no commonwealth can subsist. Witness Jerusalem, Rome Constantinople, and all other cities that have been famous for the profession of Religion, or Divine worship. And no marvel, for there is not any thing in this world of more efficacy and force to allure and draw to it the hearts of Men, than God, which is the summum bonum. He is carefully desired, and continually sought for of all creatures; for all regard Him as their last end and refuge. Light things apply themselves upwards, heavy things downwards; the Heavens to Revolution, the Herbs to flowers, Trees to bear fruit, Beasts to present their kind, and Man in seeking his tranquillity and everlasting glory. But forasmuch as God is of so high a nature, as the sense and understanding of Man cannot conceive it, every man directly turns himself to that place where he leaves some print of his power, or declares some sign of his assistance. And to such persons whom he seemeth more especially to have revealed himself. Academies, Academies. and Schools of Learning, with convenient immunities and privileges for Scholars, and means for Recreation for Delight, are of great importance to enlarge and enrich a city: forasmuch as men long for honour and profit, and of Arts and liberal sciences some bring certain wealth to men, and some promotions and preferments to honourable functions: for by this means, not only young men, and those that are desirous of Learning and Virtue in the same commonwealth, will be retained in their own country; but also strangers will be drawn home to them. And the more will this be available if occasion be given to Scholars and students, to rise to degrees of Honour and preferment by their learned exercises, and that by the policy of the same city, good Wits be accounted of, and rewarded well: and that the same Academies & Schools be stored with plenty of doctors and learned men, of great fame and reputation. Courts of Justice, Courts of Justice. with due execution of the same in a city, do much enable, enlarge, and enrich it; for it fasteneth a great liking in a city to virtuous men, and such as be wealthy, that therein they may be free, and in safety from the violence of the oppressions of covetous and wicked men: and there will be rather resort thither to inhabit, or traffic there as occasions may minister unto them. And many others that have cause of suit will repair thither, whereas they may be sure to find Judgement and Justice duly executed, whereby the city must needs be enlarged and enriched: for our lives, and a 〈…〉 ever we have are in 〈…〉ds of Justice: so that if Justice be not administered amongst men, in vain is there any society and commerce, or any other thing can be profitable or safe; so much is love and charity failed, and iniquity increased upon the face of the earth. The excellency and multitude likewise of Artificers exercising their manual arts and trades, Artificers. do marvellously increase and enrich a State, whereof some are necessary, some commodious for a civil life, other some are of pomp and ornament, and other some of delicacy and curiosity 〈…〉 reof doth follow co 〈…〉 se of people that labour and work, and current money which doth enrich & supply of Materials for labourers, & workmen, buying & selling, transportation from place to place, which doth employ and increase the artificious and cunning parts of the wit of Man; and this art and exquisitness of work-manship and skill is so powerful herein, that it far excels the simple commodities and materials that Nature produceth; and is alone sufficient of itself to make a city or State, both magnificent and glorious: and the daily experience we have in these our days, and in former times, doth manifestly approve the same, and make evident without all contradiction. Some natural benefits that a city also may have for the excellency of Art, or work-manship of some special commodities above any other place, either through the quality of the Water, or other matter whatsoever, or some hidden mystery of the inhabitants in working thereof, may be a great help for the enlargement and enriching of a city. The command of a country that affordeth some proper commodity, is of itself sufficient mightily to bring a city to great wealth, and to advance it to great power, and draweth thereby dependency and concourse, much advantageous also, as well for the public weal, as the private person. A city also may be Lord of much merchandise and traffic, by means of the commodious situation to many Nations, to whom it serveth and hath relation to, as warehouses, Roomth and storehouses, by reason whereof, the nations adjoining do use to resort thereunto to make their provisions of such things. And this consisteth in the largeness of the Ports, the fitness of the gulfs and creeks of the seas, in the Navigable rivers and channels, and the plain and safe ways that leadeth to the city, or that come, or turn by or near it. Privilege and freedom from Customs and exactions, Priledg doth greatly increase the Trade, and draw inhabitants to a city, whereby the same may become both rich and powerful; whereof the Marts and Fairs, and Markets bear good witness, which are frequented with great concourse of people, Tradesmen and Merchants, for no other respect, but that they are there free and frank from Customs and exactions. And the cities in Flanders are lively testimonies hereof, where the Customs are very small. By reason whereof, all such as have erected new Cities in times past to draw concourse of people unto it, have granted large immunities, and privileges at the least, to the first inhabitants thereof. The like have they done that have restored Cities emptied with Plague, consumed with Wars, or afflicted with famine or some other scourge of God. In respect whereof, Freedom of Cities hath been often granted to such as would, with their families, inhabit there, or would bring Corn and other necessaries for provision of victual. The Romans, to increase their Cities, made the Towns that well deserved of them (which they after called Municipia) to be partakers of their franchises and privileges. The first means the Romans used to allure people to make their habitations rather in Rome than else where, The first 〈…〉 of Rome to allure stranges, was sanctuary. was the opening the sanctuary, and giving liberty and freedom to all that would come unto them. In respect whereof, there flocked thither, with their goods, numbers of people that were either racked with exactions, thrust out of their habitations, or unsafe, or unsure for their lives in their own countries for Religion sake. The very same reason in a manner hath increased so much the city of Geneva: forasmuch as it hath offered entertainment to all comers out of France and Italy, that have either forsaken, or been exiled their countries for Religious sake. Likewise, triumphs, triumphs. goodly buildings, battles on the water, fights of sword-players, hunting of wild beasts, public shows and sights, plays solemnised with great pomp and preparation, and many other such things do draw the curious people to a city inspeakably, which leaves behind them much treasure, and for such cause will rather settle themselves to inhabit there, than in other places. This was also the device of Rome in her infancy to enlarge herself. The Causes that Concern the magnificency of a city. TO confirm a city in her Greatness, justice, Peace, and plenty are the undoubted means: for justice assureth every man his own. Peace causeth all Arts and negotiations whatsoever to flourish: and plenty of food and victual, that sustaineth the life of Man with ease and much contentment. To conclude, All those things that cause the Greatness of a city, are also fit to conserve the same. Sir Walter Raleigh's Seat of GOVERNMENT. That the Seat of Government is upheld by the two great pillars thereof, viz. Civil Justice, and Martial policy; which are framed out of husbandry, merchandise, and gentry of this Kingdom. THey say, that the goodliest CEDARS which grow on the high mountains of Libanus, thrust their roots between the cliffs of hard Rocks, the better to bear themselves against the strong storms that blow there. As Nature hath instructed those kings of Trees, so hath Reason taught the Kings of Men, to root themselves in the hardy Hearts of their faithful Subjects. And as those kings of Trees have large Tops, so have the Kings of Men large Crowns; whereof as the first would soon be broken from their bodies, were they not underborn by many branches; so would the other easily tytter, were they not fastened on their heads, with the strong chains of Civil justice, and Martial Discipline. 1. For the administration of the first, even God himself hath given direction, Judges and Officers shalt thou make, which shall judge the People with righteous judgement. 2. The second is grounded on the first Laws of the world and nature, that Force is to be repelled by Force. Yea Moses in the 20 of Exodus, and else where, hath delivered us many Laws and Policies of War. But as we have heard of the neglect and abuse in both, so have we heard of the decline and ruin of many Kingdoms and States long before our days: for that policy hath never yet prevailed (though it hath served for a short season) where the counterfeit hath been sold for the natural, and the outward show and formality for the substance. Of the Emperor Charles the Fourth, the writers of that age witness, that he used but the name of justice and good order, being more learned in the Law than in doing right, and that he had by far, more knowledge than conscience. Certainly the unjust Magistrate that fancieth to himself a solid and untrasparable body of Gold, every ordinary wit can vitrify, and make trasparant pierce, and discern their corruptions; howsoever, because not daring, they cover their knowledge, but in the mean while it is also true, That constrained dissimulation, either in the proud heart, or in the oppressed, either in public estates, or in private persons, where the fear of God is not prevalent, doth in all the leisure of her lurking, but sharpen her teeth, the voluntary being no less base, than the forced malicious. Thus it fared between the Barons of England and their Kings, between the Lords of Switzerland & their people, between the Sicilians and the French, between the dolphin and John of Burgoign, between Charles the Ninth and the French Protestants, and between Henry the third, his successor, and the Lords of Guise, and hereof in place of more particulars, the whole world may serve for examples. It is a difficult piece of geography, to delineate and lay out the bounds of Authority; but it is easy enough to conceive the best use of it, and by which it hath maintained itself in lasting happiness, it hath ever acquired more honour by persuading, than by beating; for as the bonds of Reason and Love are immortal, so do all other chains or cords, both rusty and rot Noble parts of their own Royal and politic bodies. But we will forbear for a while to stretch this first string of Civil justice; Husbandmen. for in respect of the first sort of Men, to wit, of those that live by their own labour, they have never been displeased where they have been suffered to enjoy the fruit of their own travels, Meum & Tuum, Mine and Thine is all wherein they seek the certainty and protection. True it is, that they are the Fruit-Trees of the Land, which God in Deuteronomy commanded to be spared, they gather honey, and hardly enjoy the wax, and break the ground with great labour, giving the best of their grain to the easeful and idle. For the second sort, which are the Merchants, Merchant. as the first feed the Kingdom, so do these enrich it, yea their trades, especially those which are forcible, are not the least part of our Martial policy, as hereafter proved; and to do them right, they have in all ages and times assisted the Kings of this Land, not only with great sums of money, but with great Fleets of Ships in all their enterprises beyond the seas. The second have seldom or never offended their Princes, to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditions, hath ever contented them for the injuries received from other Nations, give them but the Commission of Reprisal, they will either Right themselves, or sit down with their own loss without complaint. 3. The third sort, which are the gentry of England, Gentry these being neither seated in the lowest grounds, & thereby subject to the biting of every beast, nor in the highest Mountains, and thereby in danger to be torn with tempest; but the Valleys between both, have their parts in the inferior Justice, and being spread over all, are the Garrisons of good order throughout the Realm. Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S LETTERS. Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood, before his journey to Guiana. Honourable SIR, I Was lately persuaded, by two Gentlemen, my ancient Friends, to acquaint your Honour with some offers of mine, made heretofore for a Journey to Guiana, who were of opinion, That it would be better understood now, than when it was first propounded, which advice having surmounted my despair, I have presumed to send unto your Honour the Copies of those Letters which I then wrote, both to his majesty, and to the Treasurer Cecil, wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered, as the objections by him made, are briefly answered. What I know of the riches of that place, not by hearsay, but what mine eyes hath seen, I have said it often but it was then to no end: Because those that had the greatest trust, were resolved not to believe it, not because they doubted the Truth, but because they doubted my Disposition towards themselves; where (if God had blessed me in the enterprise) I had recovered his majesty's favour and good opinion. Other cause than this, or other suspicion they never had any. Our late worthy Prince of Wales was extreme curious in searching out the Nature of my offences, The Queen's majesty hath informed herself from the beginning, The King of Denmark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my innocency, they would otherwise never have moved his majesty on my behalf. The Wife, the Brother, and the Son of a King, do not use to sue for men suspect; but Sir, since they all have done it out of their charity, and but with references to me alone. Your Honour (whose respect hath only relation to his majesty's service) strengthened by the example of those Princes, may with the more hardness do the like, being Princes to whom his majesty's good estate is no less dear, and all men that shall oppugn it, no less hateful, than to the King himself. It is true Sir, That his majesty hath sometimes answered, That his council knew me better than he did; meaning some two or three of them. And it was indeed my infelicity; for had his majesty known me, I had never been here where I now am: or had I known his majesty, they had never been so long there where they now are. His majesty not knowing of me hath been my ruin, and his majesty's misknowing of them, hath been the ruin of a goodly part of his estate: but they are all of them now, some living and some dying, come to his majesty's knowledge. But Sir, how little soever his majesty knew me, and how much soever he believed them, yet have I been bound to his majesty both for my Life, and all that remains, of which, but for his majesty, nor Life, nor ought else had remained. In this respect Sir, I am bound to yield up the same life, and all I have for his majesty's service; to die for the King, and not by the King, is all the ambition I have in the world. Walter Raleigh. Sir Walter Raleighs' Letter to his Wife, from Guiana. Sweet Heart, I Can yet write unto you but with a weak hand, for I have suffered the most violent Calenture for fifteen days, that ever man did, and lived: but God that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities, hath also now strengthened it in the hellfire of heat. We have had two most grievous sicknesses in our Ship, of which forty two have died, and there are yet many sick, but having recovered the land of Guiana, this 12 of November, I hope we shall recover them. We are yet two hundred men, and the rest of our Fleet are reasonable strong, strong enough I hope to perform what we have undertaken, if the diligent care at London, to make our strength known to the Spanish King, by his ambassador, have not taught the Spanish King to fortify all the entrances against us; howsoever we must make the Adventure, and if we perish, it shall be no honour for England, nor gain for his majesty to lose among many other an, hundred as valiant Gentlemen as England hath in it. Of Captain Baylies base coming from us at the Canaries, see a Letter of Kemish's to Mr Skory, & of the unnatural weather, storms and reins, and winds. He hath in the same letter, given a touch of the way that hath ever been sailed in fourteen days, now hardly performed in forty days; God I trust, will give us comfort in that which is to come. In passage to the Canaries, I stayed at Gomerah, where I took water in peace, because the country durst not deny it me; I received there of an English race, a Present of Oranges, Lemons, Quinces, and Pome-granates, without which I could not have lived; those I preserved in fresh sands, and I have of them yet to my great refreshing. Your son had never so good health, having no distemper in all the heat under the Line. All my servants have escaped but Crab and my Cook, yet all have had the sickness. Crofts and March, and the rest are all well. Remember my service to my Lord Carew, and Mr secretary Winwood. I write not to them, for I can write of nought but miseries: yet of men of sort, we have lost our sergeant Major, Captain Pigott, and his lieutenant, Captain Edward Hastings, who would have died at home, for both his liver, spleen, and brains were rotten. My son's lieutenant Payton, and my x Mr. Hews, Mr. Mordant, Mr. Gardner, Mr. Haward, Captain jenning's the Merchant, Kemish of London, and the Master chirurgeon, Mr. Refiner, Mr. Moor the governor of the Barmoudas, our Provost Marsh. W. Steed, lieutenant Vescie, but to mine inestimable grief, Hamon and Talbot. By the next I trust you shall hear better of us, in God's hands we were, and in him we trust. This bearer, Captain Alley, for his infirmity of his head I have sent back, an honest valiant man, he can deliver you all that is past. Commend me to my worthy friends at Loathbury, Sr. John Leigh and Mr. Bower, whose Nephew Knevit is well, and to my x Blundell, and my most devoted and humble service to her majesty. To tell you that I might be here King of the Indians, were a vanity, but my name hath still lived among them; here they feed me with fresh meat, and all that the country yields, all offer to obey me. Commend me to poo●Carew my son. From Galliana in Guiana the 14 of November. Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Sir Ralph Winwood. SIR, AS I have not hitherto given you any Account of our proceedings and passages towards the Indies, so have I no other subject to write of, than of the greatest misfortunes that ever befell any man: for whereas, for the first, All those that Navigate between Cape de Verd & America, to pass between fifteen or twenty days at most, we found the wind so contrary, and which are also contrary to nature, so many storms and reins, as we spent six weeks in the passage, by reason whereof, and that in so great heat we wanted water: for at the Isle Prano of Cape de verd, we lost our Anchors and Cables, and our water Casks, being driven from the Island with a Hurlicano, and were like all to have perished. Great sickness fell amongst us, and carried away great numbers of our ablest men both for sea and land. The 17 of November, we had sight of Guiana, and soon after came to Anchor in five degrees at the River Galliano, here we stayed till the fourth of December, landed our sick men, set up the Barges and Shallops, which were brought out of England in quarters, washed our Ships, and took in fresh water, being fed and cherished by the Indians of my old acquaintance, with a great deal of love & respect, myself being in the hands of death these 6 weeks, & was not able otherwise to move than as I was carried in a chair, gave order to 5 small Ships, to sail into Orinoque, having Captain Kemis for their Conductor towards the mines, and in those five Ships five Companies of 50 under the command of Captain Parker, and Captain North, brethren to the Lord Mounteagle and the Lord North, valiant Gentlemen, and of infinite patience for the labour, hunger, and heat which they have endured, my son had the third Company, Captain Thornix of Kent the fourth Company, Captain Chidley, by his Lieutenant, the fifth: but as my Sergeant Major Captain Piggot of the Low countries died in the former miserable passage, so my lieutenant Sir Warham S. leaguer lay sick without hope of life, and the charge conferred on my Nephew George Raleigh, who had also served long with infinite commendations; but by reason of my absence, and of Sir Warham's was not so well obeyed as the enterprise required. As they passed up the River, the Spaniard began the War, and shot at us both with their Ordinance & Muskets, whereupon the Companies were forced to charge them, and soon after beat them out of the Town. In the assault, my son (more desirous of honour than safety) was slain, with whom (to say truth) all the respects of this world have taken end in me. And although these five Captains had as weak Companies as ever followed valiant Leaders, yet were there amongst them some twenty or thirty valiant adventurous Gentlemen, and of singular courage, as of my son's Company, Mr. Knivet, Mr. Hammon, Mr. Langworth, Mr. John Pleasington; his Officers, Sir John Hamden, Mr. Simon Leak Corporal of the Field, Mr. Hammon the elder Brother, Mr. Nicholas of Buckingham, Mr. Roberts of Kent, Mr. Perin, Mr. Tresham, Mr. Mullinax, Mr. Winter and his brother, Mr. Wray, Mr. Miles Herbart, Mr. Bradshaw, Capt. Hall, & others. Sir, I have set down the names of these Gentlemen, to the end, that if his majesty shall have cause to use their service, it may please you to take notice of them for very sufficient Gentlemen. The other five Ships stayed at Trinidado, having no other Port capable for them near Guiana. The second Ship was commanded by my Vice-Admiral Capt. John Pennington, of whom (to do him right) he is one of the sufficientest Gentlemen for the Sea that England hath. The third by Sir Warham S. leaguer, an exceeding valiant & worthy Gentleman. The fourth by Sir John Fern. The fifth by Captain Chidley of Devon. With these five Ships I daily attended their Armando of Spain, which had they set upon us, our force divided, the one half in Orinoque, an hundred and fifty miles from us, we had not only been torn in pieces, but all those in the River had also perished, being of no force at all for the Sea-fight; for we had resolved to have been burnt by their sides, had the Armando arrived: but belike, they stayed for us at Margarita, by which they knew we must pass towards the Indies: for it pleased his majesty to value us at so little, as to command me upon my allegiance, to set down under my hand the country, and the River by which I was to enter it, to set down the number of my men, and burden of my Ships, and what Ordinance every Ship carried, which being known to the Spanish Ambassador, and by him to the King of Spain, a dispatch was made, and letters sent from Madrid, before my departure out of the Thames; for his first letter sent by a bark of advice, was dated the 19 of March 1617. at Madrid, which letter I have here enclosed sent to your Honour, the rest I reserve, not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not. The second by the King, dated the second of May, sent also by a colonel of Diego de Polonieque, governor of Guiana, Elderedo, and Trinidado. The third by the Bishop of Porericho, and delivered to Polonieque the 15 of July, at Trinidado. And the fourth was sent from the Farmer and secretary of his Customs in the Indies. At the same time, by that of the King's hand, sent by the Bishop, there was also a Commission for the speedy levying of three hundred soldiers, and ten pieces of Ordinance to be sent from Portricho, for the defence of Guiana, an hundred and fifty from Nuevo Remo de Grando, under the command of Captain Anthony Musica, and the other hundred and fifty from Portricho, to be conducted by C. Franc. Laudio. Now Sir, if all that have traded to the Indies since his majesty's time knew that the Spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken, being but Merchant men, what death and cruel torment shall we expect if they conquer us? certainly they have hitherto failed grossly, being set out thence as we were, both for number, time, and place. Lastly, to make an apology for not working the mine, (although I know his majesty expects) whom I am to satisfy so much, as myself, having lost my son, and my estate in the Enterprise, yet it is true, that the Spaniards took more care to defend the passage leading unto it, than they did the Town, which by the King's instructions they might easily do, the countries being Aspera & Nemosa. But it is true, that when Capt. Kemish found the River low, and that he could not approach the Banks in most places near the mine by a Mile, and where he found a descent, a volley of Muskets came from the woods upon the Boat, and slew two Rowers, and hurt six others, and shot a valiant Gentleman of Captain Thornix, of which wound he languisheth to this day. He, to wit, Kemish, following his own advice, thought that it was in vain to discover the mine; for he gave me this for an excuse at his return, that the Companies of English in the Town of S. Thome were not able to defend it, against the daily and nightly assaults of the Spaniards, that the passages to the mines, were thick and unpassable woods, and that the mine being discovered, they had no men to work it, did not discover it at all: for it is true, the Spaniards having two gold mines near the Town, the one possessed by Pedro Rodrigo de Paran, the second by Harmian Frotinio, the third of silver, by Captain Francisco, for the want of Negroes to work them: for as the Indians cannot be constrained by a Law of Charles the Fifth, so the Spaniards will not, nor can endure the labour of those mines, whatsoever the Bragadochio, the Spanish Ambassador saith. I shall prove under the proprietor's hand, by the Custom-Book, and the Kings Quinto, of which I recovered an Ingot or two: I shall also make it appear to any Prince or State that will undertake it, how easily those mines, and five or six more of them may be possessed, and the most of them in those parts, which never have as yet been attempted by any, nor by any passage to them, nor ever discovered by the English, French, or Dutch. But at Kemish his return from Orinoque, when I rejected his counsel and his course, and told him that he had undone me, and wounded my credit with the King past recovery, he slew himself; for I told him, that seeing my son was slain, I cared not if I had lost an hundred more in opening of the mine, so my credit had been saved: for I protest before God, had not Capt. Whitney (to whom I gave more countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet) run from me at the Granadoes, and carried another ship with him of Captain Wollestons'. I would have left my body at S. Thomes by my sons, or have brought with me out of that or other mines, so much Gold-oar, as should have satisfied the King. I propounded no vain thing; what shall become of me I know not, I am unpardoned in England, and my poor estate consumed, and whether any Prince will give me bread or no I know not. I desire your Honour to hold me in your good opinion, to remember my service to my Lord of Arrundel and Pembroke, to take some pity on my pour Wife, to whom I dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son; and beseech you to give a copy of this to my Lord Carew: for to a broken mind, a sick body, and weak eyes, it is a torment to write many Letters. I have found many things of importance for discovering the state and weakness of the Indies, which if I live, I shall hereafter impart unto your Honour, to whom I shall remain a faithful servant. Walter Raleigh. Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter sent to his Wife, Copied out of his own hand-writing. I Was loath to write, because I know not how to comfort you, and God knows, I never knew what sorrow meant till now. All that I can say to you is, that you must obey the will and providence of God, and remember, that the Queen's majesty bare the loss of Prince Henry with a magnanimous heart, and the Lady Harrington of her son. Comfort your heart (dearest Bess) I shall sorrow for us both, I shall sorrow the less, because I have not long to sorrow, because not long to live. I refer you to Mr. Secretary Winwoods' Letter, who will give you a copy of it, if you send for it, therein you shall know what hath passed; I have written that Letter, for my brains are broken, and it is a torment for me to write, and especially of misery. I have desired Mr. Secretary to give my Lord Carew a copy of his Letter. I have cleansed my ship of sick men, and sent them home; I hope God will send us somewhat before we return. You shall hear from me if, I live, from the New-found land, where I mean to make clean my ships and revictual; for I have Tobacco enough to pay for it. The Lord bless and comfort you, that you may bear patiently the death of your valiant son. This 22. of March, from the Isle of Christopher's, yours Walter Raleigh. Postscript. I Protest before the majesty of God, That as Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Hawkins died heartbroken when they failed of their enterprise, I could willingly do the like, did I not contend against sorrow for your sake, in hope to provide somewhat for you and to comfort and relieve you. If I live to return, resolve yourself that it is the care for you that hath strengthened my heart. It is true that Kemish might have gone directly to the mine, & meant it, but after my son's death, he made them believe he knew not the way, and excused himself upon want of water in the River, and counterfeiting many impediments left it unfound. When he came back, I told him he had undone me, and that my credit was lost for ever; he answered. That when my son was lost, and that he left me so weak, that he resolved not to find me alive, he had no reason to enrich a company of Rascals, who after my son's death made no account of him. He further told me that the English sent up into Guiana, could hardly defend the Spanish town of S. Thome which they had taken, and therefore for them to pass through thick woods it was impossible, and more impossible to have victual brought them into the Mountains. And it is true, that the governor Diego Polenego, and other four Captains being slain, whereof Wats slew one, Plessington, Wat's servant, and John of Moroccoes, one of his men, slew other two. I say five of them slain in the entrance of the Town, the rest went off in a whole body, and took more care to defend the passages to their mines (of which they had three within a League of the Town, besides a mine that was about five miles off) than they did of the Town itself. Yet Kemish at the first was resolved to go to the mine; but when he came to the bank side to Land, and had two of his men slain outright from the bank, and six other hurt, and Captain Thornix shot in the head, of which wound, and the accident thereof, he hath pined away these twelve weeks. Now when Kemish came back and gave me the former Reasons which moved him not to open the mine, the one the death of my son, a second the weakness of the English, and their impossibilities to work and to be victualled; a third that it were a folly to discover it for the Spaniards; and lastly my weakness and being unpardoned; and that I rejected all these his Arguments, and told him, that I must leave him to himself to resolve it to the King and State, he shut up himself into his cabin, and shot himself with a pocket Pistol which broke one of his ribs, and finding that he had not prevailed, he thrust a long Knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died. Thus much I have written to M. secretary, to whose Letters I refer you to know the truth. I did after the sealing break open the Letter again, to let you know in brief the state of that business. which I pray you impart to my Lord of Northumberland, and Silvanus Scory. For the rest, there was never poor man so exposed to slaughter as I was; for being commanded upon mine allegiance to set down not only the country but the very River by which I was to enter it, to name my Ships number, men, and my artillery. This now was sent by the Spanish Ambassador to his Master the King of Spain, the King wrote his Letters to all parts of the Indies, especially to the governor Palamago of Guiana, Elderado, and Trinidado, of which the first Letter bore date 19 of March 1617., at Madrill, when I had not yet left the Thames, which Letter I have sent to Mr secretary. I have also other Letters of the Kings which I reserve, and one of the counsels. The King also sent a Commission to leavie three hundred soldiers out of his Garrisons of unie Regno de Granado è Portricho, with ten pieces of brass Ordinance to entertain us; he also prepared an Army by sea to set upon us. It were too long to tell you how we were preserved, if I live I shall make it known; my brains are broken, and I cannot write much, I live yet, and I told you why. Witney for whom I sold all my Plate my Plymouth, and to whom I gave more credit and countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet, ran from me at the Granadoes, and Wolleston with him, so as I have now but five Ships, and out of those I have sent some into my flyboat a rabble of idle Rascals, which I know will not spare to wound me, but I care not. I am sure there is never a base slave in all the Fleet hath taken the pain and care that I have done, that have slept so little, and traveled so much, my friends will not believe them, and for the rest I care not; God in heaven bless you and strengthen your heart. Yours Walter Raleigh. Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood. SIR, SInce the death of Kemish, it is confessed by the sergeant Major, and others of his inward friends, that he told them, that he could have brought them unto the mine within two hours March from the River side; but because my son was slain, myself unpardoned, and not like to live, he had no reason to open the mine either for the Spaniard or for the King; they answered, that the King (though I were not pardoned) had granted my heart under the Great Seal. He replied, that the grant to me was to no man, non Ens in the Law, and therefore of no force; this discourse they had, which I knew not of till after his death: but when I was resolved to write unto your Honour, he prayed me to join with him in excusing his not going to the mine, I answered him I would not do it; but if myself could satisfy the King and State, that he had reason not to open it, I should be glad of it: but for my part, I must avow that he knew it, and that he might with loss have done it; other excuses I would not frame: he told me that he would wait on me presently, and give me better satisfaction: but I was no sooner come from him into my cabin, but I heard a Pistol go over my head, and sending to know who shot it, word was brought me that Kemish shot it out of his cabin window to cleanse it; his boy going into his cabin, found him lying upon his bed with much blood by him, and looking in his face saw him dead; the Pistol being but little, did but crack his rib, but turning him over found a long Knife in his body, all but the handle. Sir, I have sent into England with my x Harbert (a very valiant honest Gentleman) divers unworthy persons, good for nothing neither by sea nor land, and though it was at their own suit, yet I know they will wrong me in all that they can. I beseech your Honour, that the scorn of men may not be believed of me, who have taken more pains, and suffered more than the meanest Rascal in the Ship; these being gone, I shall be able to keep the Sea until the end of August, with some four reasonable good ships. Sir, wheresoever God shall permit me to arrive in any part of Europe, I will not fail to let your Honour know what we have done, till then, and ever I rest Your honour's servant W. Raleigh. Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S Letter to King JAMES, at his return from GUIANA. May it please your most excellent majesty, IF in my Journey outward bound, I had my men murdered at the Islands, and yet spared to take revenge, if I did discharge some Spanish Barks taken without spoil, if I forbore all parts of the Spanish Indies, wherein I might have taken twenty of their Downs on the seacoasts, and did only follow the enterprise I undertook for Guiana, where without any directions from me, a Spanish Village was burnt, which was new set up within three miles of the mine. By your majesty's favour, I find no reason why the Spanish Ambassador should complain of me. If it were lawful for the Spaniards to murder twenty six English men, tying them back to back, and then cutting their throats, when they had traded with them a whole month, and came to them on the land without so much as one sword, and that it may not be lawful for your majesty's subjects, being charged first by them, to repel force by force, we may justly say, O miserable English! If Parker and Metham took Campeach and other places in the Honduraes', seated in the heart of the Spanish Indies, burnt Towns, and killed the Spaniards, and had nothing said unto them at their return, and myself forbore to look into the Indies; because I would not offend, I may as justly say, O miserable Sir Walter Raleigh! If I have spent my poor estate, lost my son, suffered by sickness and otherwise a world of miseries; if I have resisted with manifest hazard of my life, the Robberies & Spoils, with which my Companions would have made me rich, if when I was poor, I would have made myself rich, if when I have gotten my liberty, which all men and nature itself do much prize, I voluntarily lost it, if when I was sure of my life, I rendered it again, if I might elsewhere have sold my ship and goods, and put five or six thousand pounds in my purse and yet brought her into England, I beseech your majesty to believe, that all this I have done, because it should not be said to your majesty, that your majesty had given liberty and trust to a man whose end was but the recovery of his liberty, and who had betrayed your majesty's trust. My mutineers told me, that if I returned for England I should be undone, but I believed in your majesty's goodness more than in all their arguments. Sure, I am the first that being free and able to enrich myself, yet hath embraced poverty and peril. And as sure I am, that my example shall make me the last: but your majesty's wisdom and goodness I have made my judges, who have ever been, and shall ever be, Your majesty's most humble Vassal Walter Raleigh. Sir Walter Raleighs' Letter to his Wife, after his Condemnation. YOu shall receive (my dear Wife) my Last words in these my Last lines; my love I send you, that you may keep when I am dead, & my counsel, that you may remember it when I am no more. I would not with my will present you sorrows (dear Bess) let them go to the grave with me, and be buried in the dust. And seeing that it is not the will of God that I shall see you any more, bear my destruction patiently, and with an heart like yourself. First I send you all the thanks which my heart can conceive, or my words express, for your many travels and cares for me, which though they have not taken effect as you wished, yet my debt to you is not the less; but pay it I never shall in this world. Secondly, I beseech you, for the love you bare me living, that you do not hide yourself many days, but by your travels seek to help the miserable Fortunes, and the Right of your poor Child, your mourning cannot avail me that am but dust. Thirdly, you shall understand, that my Lands were conveyed (bona side) to my Child, the writings were drawn at Midsummer was twelve months, as divers can witness, and I trust my blood will quench their malice who desired my slaughter; that they will not seek also to kill you and yours with extreme poverty. To what friend to direct you I know not, for all mine have left me in the true time of trial. Most sorry am I, that being thus surprised by death, I can leave you no better Estate, God hath prevented all my determinations, that great God which worketh all in all, and if you can live free from want, care for no more, for the rest is but a vanity; Love God, and begin betimes, in him you shall find true, everlasting, and endless comfort, when you have traveled and wearied yourself with all sorts of worldly cogitations, you shall sit down by sorrow in the end. Teach your son also to serve and fear God whilst he is young, that the fear of God may grow up in him; then will God be an Husband to you, and a Father to him, an Husband and a Father, that can never be taken from you. Bailiff oweth me a thousand pounds, and Aryan six hundred; in Jernesey also I have much owing me. (Dear wife) I beseech you, for my soul's sake, pay all poor men. When I am dead, no doubt you shall be much sought unto, for the world thinks I was very rich; have a care to the fair pretences of men, for no greater misery can be fall you in this life, than to become a prey unto the world, and after to be despised. I speak (God knows) not to dissuade you from Marriage, for it will be best for you, both in respect of God and the world. As for me, I am no more yours, nor you mine, death hath cut us asunder, & God hath divided me from the world, & you from me. Remember your poor Child for his father's sake, who loved you in his happiest estate. I sued for my life, but (God knows) it was for you and yours that I desired it: for, know it, (my dear Wife) your Child is the Child of a true man, who in his own respect despiseth Death and his misshapen & ugly forms. I cannot write much, (God knows) how hardly I steal this time when all sleep, and it is also time for me to separate my thoughts from the world. Beg my dead body, which living was denied you, and either lay it in Sherborn or in Exeter Church by my father and mother. I can say no more, Time and Death calleth me away. The everlasting God, powerful, infinite, and inscrutable God almighty, who is goodness itself, the true Light and Life, keep you and yours, and have mercy upon me, and forgive my Persecutors and false accusers, and send us to meet in his glorious kingdom. My dear Wife farewell, Bless my Boy, Pray for me, and let my true God hold you both in his Arms. Yours that was, but now not mine own Walter Raleigh. Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Prince Henry, touching the model of a Ship. Most excellent Prince, IF the Ship your Highness intends to build, be bigger than the victory, than her beams, which are laid overthwart from side to side will not serve again, and many other of her timbers and other stuff, will not serve, whereas if she be a size less, the timber of the old Ship will serve well to the building of a new. If she be bigger she will be of less use, go very deep to water, and of mighty charge, our Channels decaying every year, less nimble, less mannyable, and seldom to be used Grande Navio, grande fatica, saith the Spaniard. A Ship of six hundred Tuns, will carry as good Ordinance as a Ship of twelve hundred Tuns, and where the greater hath double her Ordinance, the less will turn her broad side twice, before the great Ship can wind once, and so no advantage in that overplus of Guns. The lesser will go over clear where the greater shall stick and perish; the lesser will come and go, leave or take, and is yare, whereas the greater is flow, unmanyable, and ever full of encumber. In a well conditioned Ship, these things are chiefly required. 1. That she be strong built. 2. Swift it sail. 3. Stout-sided. 4. That her Ports be so laid, as that she may carry out her Guns all weathers. 5. That she hull and try well. 6. That she stay well, when boarding, or turning on a wind is required. To make her strong, consisteth in the care and truth of the workman; to make her swift, is to give her a large Run, or way forward, and so aftward, done by art and just proportion, and that in laying out of her bows before, and quarters behind, the shipwright be sure, that she neither sink nor hang into the water, but lie clear and above it, wherein shipwrights do often fail, and then is the speed in sailing utterly spoiled. That she be stout-sided, the same is provided by a long bearing floor, and by sharing off from above water to the lower edge of the Ports, which done, then will she carry out her Ordinance all weathers. To make her to hull and to try well, which is called a good sea-Ship, there are two things principally to be regarded the one that she have a good draught of water, the other that she be not overcharged: And this is seldom done in the King's Ships, and therefore we are forced to lie, or try in them with our main Course and mizzen, which with a deep keel and standing streak, she would perform. The extreme length of a Ship makes her unapt to stay, especially if she be floatie and want sharpness of way forward. And it is most true, that such overlong Ships, are fitter for the narrow Seas in summer, than for the Ocean, or long voyages and therefore an hundred foot by the Keel, and thirty five foot broad is a good proportion for a great Ship. It is to be noted, that all Ships sharp before, not having a long floor, will fall rough into the sea from a billow, and take in water over head and ears; and the same quality have all narrow-quartered ships to sink after the tail. The high carging of ships, is that that brings many ill qualities it makes them extreme Lee-ward, makes them sink deep into the seas, makes them labour sore in foul weather, and ofttimes overset. Safety is more to be respected than shows, or niceness for ease; in sea-journeys both cannot well stand together and therefore the most necessary is to be chosen. Two Decks and an half is enough, and no building at all above that, but a low Master's cabin, Our Masters and Mariners will say, that the ships will bear more well enough; and true it is, if none but ordinary Mariners served in them. But men of better sort, unused to such a life, cannot so well endure the rolling and tumbling from side to side, where the seas are never so little grown, which comes by high carging. Besides those high Cabbin-works aloft, are very dangerous in fight, to tear men with their splinters. Above all other things, have care that the great Guns be four foot clear above water when all lading is in, or else these best pieces are idle at sea; for if the Ports lie lower, and be open, it is dangerous; and by that default was a goodly Ship, and many gallant Gentlemen lost, in the days of Henry the eighth, before the Isle of Wight, in a Ship called by the name of Mary-Rose. Sir Walter Releigh's PILGRIMAGE. GIve me my Scallop shell of Quiet, My Staff of Faith to walk upon; My Scrip of Joy immortal Diet; My Bottle of Salvation. My Gown of glory (Hopes true gage) And thus I'll take my Pilgrimage. Blood must be my Bodies only Balmer, No other Balm will there be given Whilst my Soul, like a quiet Palmer, Traveleth towards the Land of Heaven. Over the silver Mountains Where springs the Nectar Fountains, There I will kiss the Bowl of Bliss, And drink mine everlasting fill Upon every Milken hill. My soul will be dry before, But after, it will thirst no more. I'll take them first, to quench my Thirst. And taste of nectar's suckets, At those clear Wells Where sweetness dwells, Drawn up by Saints in crystal Buckets. Then by that happy blestfull day, More peaceful pilgrims I shall see, That have cast off their rags of clay, And walk apparelled fresh like me. And when our Bottles and all we Are filled with immortality. Then the blessed Paths we'll travel, Strewed with Rubies thick as gravel, Sealings of Diamonds, sapphire flowers, High walls of Coral, and Pearly Bowers. From thence to Heavens bribeless Hall, Where no corrupted voices brawl, No Conscience molten into Gold, No forged Accuser bought or sold, No cause deferred, no vain-spent Journey, For there, CHRIST is the King's Attorney; Who pleads for all without degrees, And he hath Angels, but no Fees: And when the twelve Grand-million jury Of our Sins, will direful jury, 'Gainst our Souls black Verdicts give, Christ pleads his Death, and then we Live, Be thou my Speaker [taintless Pleader, Unblotted Lawyer, true Proceeder.] Thou wouldst Salvation even for Alms, Not with a bribed Lawyers Palms. And this is mine eternal Plea To him that made Heaven, Earth, and Sea, That since my Flesh must die so soon, And want a Head to dine next noon, Just at the stroke?, when my Veins start and spread, Set on my Soul an everlasting Head. Then am I ready, like a Palmer, fit To tread those blessed Paths which before I writ, Of Death and judgement, Heaven and Hell, Who oft doth think, must needs Die well, Sir Walter Raleigh's VERSES; Found in his Bible in the gatehouse at Westminster. EVen such is Time, which takes in trust Our Youth, our Joys, and all we have, And pays us nought but Age and Dust, When in the dark and silent Grave: When we have wandered all our ways, Shuts up the story of our days: And from which Grave, & Earth, & Dust, The Lord shall raise me up I trust. Sir W. RALEIGH, On the Snuff of a Candle the night before he died. Cowards fear to Die, but Courage stout, Rather than Live in Snuff, will be put out. Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S SPEECH Immediately before he was beheaded. UPon Simon and jude's day, the lieutenant of the Tower had a Warrant to bring his Prisoner to the Kings-Bench in Westminster-Hall, where the Attorney General demanded Execution, according to the Judgement pronounced against him at Winchester, the Lord Chief Justice caused the Indictment, Verdict, and Judgement to be read, and after asked him, what he could say, Why he should not die according to the Law; his answer was, That this fifteen years he had lived by the mere mercy of the King, and did now wonder how his Mercy was turned into Justice, he not knowing any thing wherein he had provoked his majesty's displeasure, and did hope, that he was clear from that Judgement by the King's Commission in making him General of the Voyage to Guiana, for (as he conceived) the words, To his trusty and well-beloved subject, &c. Did in themselves imply a Pardon. But Master Attorney told him, these words were not sufficient for that purpose. Whereupon he desired the opinion of the Court, to which the Lord Chief Justice replied, it was no Pardon in Law. Then began Sir Walter Raleigh to make a long description of the events and ends of his Voyage, but he was interrupted by the Chief Justice, who told him, that it was not for any offence committed there, but for his first fact that he was now called in question, and thereupon told him, That seeing he must prepare to die, he would not add affliction to affliction, nor aggravate his fault, knowing him to be a man full of misery; but with the good Samaritane administer oil and wine for the comfort of his distressed Soul. You have been a General, & a great Commander, imitate therefore that noble Captain, who thrusting himself into the midst of a battle, cried aloud, Mors me Expectat, & ego Mortem Expectabo, as you should not contemn so to do, nor should you fear death, the one showeth too much boldness, the other no less cowardice, so with some other few instructions the Court arose, and Sir Walter was committed into the hands of the Sheriff of Middlesex, who presently conveyed him to the gatehouse in Westminster. Upon Thursday morning this courageous, although Committed Knight, was brought before the Parliament-house, where there was a Scaffold erected for his Beheading, yet it was doubted overnight that he should be hanged, but it fell out otherwise. He had no sooner mounted the scaffold, but with a cheerful Countenance, and undaunted Look, he saluted the company. His Attire was a wrought nightcap, a Ruff band, a hair-coloured satin Doublet, with a black wrought waistcoat under it, a pair of black cut taffeta Breeches, a pair of ash-coloured Silk Stockings, & a wrought black Velvet nightgown; putting off his Hat, he directed his Speech to the Lords present, as followeth. My honourable Lords, and the rest of my good friends that come to see me die, Know, that I much rejoice that it hath pleased God to bring me from darkness to light, and in freeing me from the Tower, wherein I might have died in disgrace, by letting me live to come to this place, where though I lose my life, yet I shall clear some false accusations, unjustly laid to my charge, and leave behind me a testimony of a true heart, both to my King and country. Two things Sir W. Raleigh accused of. Two things there are which have exceedingly possessed and provoked his majesty's indignation against me, viz. A confederacy, or Combination with France, and disloyal and disobedient words of my Prince. For the first, his majesty had some cause, though grounded upon a weak foundation, to suspect mine inclination to the French faction, for not long before my departure from England, the French Agent took occasion, passing by my house, to visit me, had some conference, during the time of his abode, only concerning my voyage, and nothing else, I take God to witness. Another suspicion is had of me, because I did labour to make an escape from Plymouth to France; I cannot deny, but that willingly, when I heard a rumour, That there was no hope of my life, upon my return to London, I would have escaped for the fafeguard of my Life, and not for any ill intent or conspiracy against the State. The like reason of suspicion arose, in that I persuaded Sir Lewis Steukly, my Guardian, to flee with me from London to France, but my Answer to this is, as to the other, That only for my safeguard, and nought else, was my intent, as I shall answer before the almighty. It is alleged, That I feigned myself sick, and by art made my body full of blisters when I was at Salisbury. True it is, I did so; the reason was, because I hoped thereby to defer my coming before the King and council, and so by delaying, might have gained time to have got my Pardon. I have an Example out of Scripture for my warrant, that in case of necessity, and for the safeguard of life, David feigned himself foolish and mad, yet was it not imputed to him for sin. Concerning the second Imputation laid to my charge, that I should speak scandalous and reproachful words of my Prince, there is no witness against me but only one, and he a chemical Frenchman, whom I entertained, rather for his Jests than his judgement: this man to encroach himself into the favour of the Lords, and gaping after some great reward, hath falsely accused me of Seditious speeches against his majesty; against whom, if I did either speak, or think a thought hurtful or prejudicial, the Lord blot me out of the book of Life. It is not a time to flatter or fear Princes, for I am a subject to none but Death; therefore have a charitable conceit of me. That I know to swear is an offence, to swear falsely at any time is a great sin, but to swear false before the presence of almighty God, before whom I am forthwith to appear, were an offence unpardonable; therefore think me not now rashly, or untruly to confirm, or protest any thing. As for other objections, in that I was brought perforce into England, that I carried sixteen thousand pounds in money out of England with me, more than I made known; that I should receive Letters from the French King, and such like, with many Protestations he utterly denied. FINIS.