Some ANIMADVERSIONS AND OBSERVATIONS UPON Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S history of the WORLD. Wherein his mistakes are noted, and some doubtful passages cleared. By Alexander Ross. LONDON, Printed by William Du-gard for Richard Royston, and are to be sold at the Angel in Ivy-lane. TO THE READER. IN my navigation through the large sea of Sir Walter Raleigh's history, I lighted, now and then, upon some shelus and quicksands, which made me strike sail ever and anon, and cast anchor, and with the plummet of observation to sound the depth of those places; a few of which I here present to thy view, that thou Mayest see wherein he was either defective, or mistaken. There are divers other passages in his book, which deserve Animadversion, if I had time or leisure from my other Studies; only take notice of this one, which now comes in my memory. He undertakes to prove by three reasons that the Flood did not utterly deface the marks of Paradise. [1. Because Moses, who lived long after, make's a particular Lib. 1. cap. 3.§ 5. description of Paradise. 2. Because one of Seth's pillars was exstant long after the Flood. 3 because the trees were not rooted up by it, as appears by the Olive branch brought by Noah's Dove] How feeble these reasons are, any man, though weak-sighted, may see. For 1. Moses his particular description of Paradise was from Tradition or Revelation, as all his otherrelations of Genesis were, both before, and after the Flood; and not from any visible marks of Paradise after the Flood. He describes particularly the Tree of Life in the midst of the Garden, with the Tree of knowledge; will any hence infer that these trees were exstant after the Flood? 2. To prove that Paradise was not quite defaced, because one of Seth's pillars was exstant after the Flood, is a weaker reason than the former: for these pillars were not set up in Paradise, nor by Adam, nor before the Fall; but without the Garden by Seth's posterity about 900 years after the Fall. His third reason, That the trees were not rooted up because of the Olive branch, is weakest of all; for were the trees nowhere in the World, but in Paradise? or was the Olive peculiar only to that Garden? Surely these three Reasons are of less validity than that of Irenaeus, Justin Martyr, and Tertullian, who would have Paradise exstant because Enoch and Elias were there. But indeed Paradise was utterly defaced with the Flood, which rose fifteen cubits higher than the mountains. It's true that the place was not removed by the Flood, yet the beauty, delights, and form of it was utterly abolished, as a punishment of Adam's sin. I could touch divers other passages in his Book, but that I am employed in a greater voyage through the vast Ocean of history from the Second Macedonian War, to these our Modern times; containing all remarkable passages of these last two thousand years of the World; which voyage I hope to end in a shorter time than Drake did his, being almost within four hundred leagues of our own shore: in the interim make use of these Observations, which I have caused to be printed in the same volume with the Epitome, that they may be bound together. God grant that the end of all our labours may be to glorify Him, and to find out the Truth, without which our knowledge is but ignorance, our light, darkness, and all our meditations, vexations of mind. Farewell. A. R. A short Alphabetical Table of the chief matters here touched. A A egypt why called Mezre. pag. 21. 22 Amazon's who, and where. 49. 50 Amraphel who. p. 21 Angels predestinated. 3 Antigonia. 56 Antiochus Epiphanes in Daniel. 59 Ararat where. 8. 9 Ark, where it rested. 8 Armenian hills how called. 9 artillery when invented. 50 Assyria where. 13 B Balsamum not Opobalsamum. 35 Belus & Nimrod the same 16. 17 C Chalybs what. 45 Carthage built by Dido. 33 Crenides. 84 D Daniel how much canonical. 44 Datu'. 48 Delubrum what. 7 Demosthenes a coward. 46 Diomedes his horses. 37 E EAST inferior to the WEST. 12 Empyrean heaven. 1 Erythreus who so called. 24 F Fortune ancient. 4 Fortune what. 59 40 G Greek- numerical letters, 24 Greek threefold computation. 51. 52 Giants. 53 H Horeb what. 26 I Iberia what. 19 Jerusalem when so called 35. 36 Jethro who. 27 Israelites dominion how great. 31. 32 Italy commended. 11 Ituraei who. 54 justice of divers sorts. 23 L Lex, jus, aequum, fas, 28 Light what. 2 M Macedon whence derived, 45 First matter. 3 Mercurius why Trismegistus. 31 The mind in sleep. 5 money in Greece when. 36 how called. 37 Moses why so called. 23. 24. his excellency and sepulchre. 29 N Nebuchadnezar truly transformed. 40 Ninive where. 19 20 Noah why Prometheus. 6 where he planted his vineyard. 10 O Olympian games whence called. 40 Olympias what space of time. 41 P Paganus what. 31 Parthians good archers. 32 subjects to whom. 56. 57 Periander who. 43 Philippi where. 48 Pison why called Basilius. 6 Prometheus who and why so called. 25 R Rains in Egypt. 45 Red sea why so called. 29 Rings how and when used. 54. 55 Romans valour and commendations. 50. 51 defended. 53. 54. their triumphs moderate. 55 56 they justly pursued Annibal. 56. 57 and fought with Antiochus. 57 S Salem what. 36 Sangus who. 58 self-murder cowardice. 47 Sibyl's prophecies. Selnecia built by whom. 55. 56. true. 57 58 Septuagints how much they translated. 43 Sicily whence. 52. 53 Simon Magus his altar. 58 Sinai and Horeb one hill. 26 Soul actually in every part. 4 Spain whence. 19 To Talents what. 38 Tharsis what, 18 Typhon and Typheus'. 22 V Victors their rewards. 41 Vicus what. 12 Virgil vindicated. 34 Urbs and oppidum whence. 15. 16 Vulcan why the god of mice. 41 Z Zoroaster not Cham. Some ANINADVERSIONS AND OBSERVATIONS Upon Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S history of the WORLD By ALEXANDER ROSS. Lib. 1. cap. 1. §. 4. SIR WALTER here speaks favourably of Eugubinus and Mercer's opinion, [That the Empyrean Heaven is an uncreated light]. A conceit derogatory to God's eternity, and infinity, as if something which is not God should be equal with him. Secondly it's repugnant to Scripture which affirms all things to be created by God. Thirdly it's against the nature of that light, which whether it be a corporeal or spiritual substance, cannot be eternal, except it be God, much less if it be an accident which is always posterior to the substance, but because at last Sir Walter retracts this opinion, I will say no more of it. Lib. 1. Cap. 1.§ 7. ARistotle calleth Light a quality inherent to a diaphanous body, but this, saith Sir Walter, should be rather a vouched of the heat]. Aristotle saith indeed sometimes that Light, or Lumen (for Lux is that which is in the lucid body itself) is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, sometimes an act, habit, or quality: {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, but still {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} of a diaphanous or transparent body. For Light is not the quality inherent in a solid, dens, or opac body; but in a diaphanous. And if there were not transparent bodies, there should be no light at all; for the light we see (or by which rather we see) here in the aër, is not that which is in the body of the Sun, but the intentional species of that light. Therefore Aristotle was not in an error, but Sir Walter; who will have heat to be the inherent quality of a diaphanous body; whereas solid and dens bodies are the proper subjects of heat intensive, and not diaphanous, which transmit it, except the diaphanous body be enclosed by solid bodies reverberating the heat. Lib. 1. cap. 1.§ 10. THe Peripatetic Doctrine of the first matter is misunderstood by Sir Walter and others, [When they suppose it to have no being at all, but potential, and that it is against reason to make form which is the cause, subsequent to the thing caused, and that all forms are in the first mover] had he well digested Aristotle and his Scholar's Writings, he might have found, that though the matter was not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, not the particular entity which it is to be, when, with the form it makes the compositum, yet it hath its entity before the form, for else how could it be principium, and a part of the compositum and basis of the Form, and subject of material substances, and cause of composition, (all which Aristotle acknowledgeth) if it had no entity. Shall we say there is no entity in the brass till it receive the form of a Statue? Sure the brass hath its entity before it receive Caesar's form: so hath the first matter its own being, before it receives the being of the form- that it hath actually; this, potentially, so that the form itself is but potentially, till it be united with the matter; and as the matter receiveth from the form that being which it had nor, so doth the form from the matter that substance or basis in the compound which it had nor. 2. Though the cause is not subsequent to the effect, yet the form is subsequent to the matter, for it is not the cause of, but a collateral cause with the matter of each compositum. 3 Though all Forms be in the first mover, as inthe efficient, yet they are not debarred from being in the first matter, as in their subjection. Lib. 1. cap. 1.§ 14. PRedestination is only of Men] then Angels were not Predestinate: But the * 1 Tin. 5. Apostle saith, That the good Angels were Elected, and consequently Predestinate: Election being a branch of Predestination; and doubtless Adam, if he had not fallen, had been Predestinate notwithstanding to a greater degree of happiness, as the Angels were to the grace of confirmation, and a higher degree of glory by CHRIST, and so saith a In Enchirid. cap. 100 & lib. retract. cap. 13. St Austin. The evil Angels also were Predestinate because they were Reprobated, Reprobation being the other species of Predestination. Lib. 1. cap. 1.§ 15. FOrtune is not ancient, for Homer maketh her the daughter of Oceanus] This is no argument, for by the same reason we may say the floods and rivers are not ancient, nor any thing else, seeing * Iliad. 1. 14. Homer makes these to be the children of Oceanus. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} And all things have their original from water, if you will believe Thales. This we know, that in the beginning the Spirit moved on the waters, that they might be fruitful in the generation of fishes, which are no less ancient than other creatures. But if by Fortune we mean God's Providence, we may affirm her to be as ancient as God himself. Lib. 1 cap. 1.§ 1. THe Soul is wholly in the whole body, and wholly in every part, which that it is otherwise then potentially true, all the Aristotelians in the world shall never prove] any Aristotelian will easily prove it; but prejudicate minds will not easily assent to it. For if the Soul be the form of every part, it must be actually in every part, or else every part is not informed, and consequently some parts are dead, as being without sens, life, and motion: for how can they have these qualities, without they have the form actually, from whence those flow? If the Soul be in the foot potentially only, it must follow that the foot is no essential but accidental part of the body, and that the matter of the foot is not the second, but the first matter; seeing the form is there only potentially: and that the heart is only and properly man, seeing there only the Soul is actually: It is the actual, not the potential presence of the form that makes the compositum, and gives to the matter being, and denomination. It is so in physical forms, much more in man's soul which is metaphysical. For in every coal of the fire, the whole form of the fire is actually, or else it could not actually be hot: neither can we say, that a part of the form is there, seeing forma consistit in indivisible. Lib. 1. cap. 2.§ 2. IN sleep the men's or mind resteth, and not theSoul: during which time it is but habitual, and in mad men this Mens is extinguished] In sleep, the mind is not only habitually, but also many times actually operative: for not only in human dreams, but in divine, chiefly the mind receiveth illumination from God and his Angels, and not the fantasy alone, and to say that the mind is extinguished in mad men is in a manner as much as to say, the soul is extinguished: for the mind and soul is one and the same in substance; and if we take the mind for the faculty of understanding; yet this is not extinguished in mad men, only the exercise, use or practice is hindered, because the fantasy is vitiated, from whence the mind receiyeth the species or phantasmata. Lib. 1. cap. 1.§ 13. TO this river of Pison Ptolemy gives the name of Basilius, or Regius] not to all the river of Euphrates, or Pison, but to the middle channel thereof, where it mingles itself with Tigris, close by the city Apamia, for the river had one channel by Babylon, the other by Seleucia, and the third or middle was called the King's River, because it was digged by the King's Command. * Ptol. lib. 5. cap. 18. ●●b lib. 5. cap. 18. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and so that river is called by the Chaldeans Naar Malcha, and near Apamia, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} saith Ptolemy, is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, the commixtion of the King's River with Tigris. Lib. 1. cap. 7.§ 7. NOah was called Prometheus, for stealing away Jupiter's fire. Fire being taken in that place for the knowledge of God] I think rather that he was called Prometheus from his wisdom and foresight, or because he was an Astronomer, or by reason of his skill and observation of fiery Meteors: and because he taught men the use of fire, he was said to steal away the fire of the gods. The Eagles eating of his heart may signify the many fears and cares he was subject to both before the Flood, and all the time he was in the Ark, and afterward: but of Prometheus I have spoken enough * In Mystagog. Poct. elsewhere. Lib. 1. cap. 7.§ 10.† 3. Lubra is a Synagogue, whence the Latin word delubrum may seem to he derived] Delubrum which we take for a Church, or Temple, is rather from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} to take, receive, or contain: for by reason of the Greeks inhabiting Italy, the Latins derived many words from them. But the ancient Latins having no commerce with the Egyptians, it's unlikely that delubrum should be from the Egyptian word lubra. Now delubrum properly is not the whole Church, but that part or chapel of it where the image of some god stood, called also penetrale; and because in that place the Priest used to wash himself, therefore from diluo it was called delubrum, as polubrum from polluo. From this ceremony then of washing, or from the image of the god which stood there, came the word delubrum, quasi dei labrum; as candelabrum. For labour or labrum is from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as a Poet. 3. c. 80. Scaliger showeth, and on Festival days they used in honour of their gods to crown those chapels or delubra, with garlands of flowers, but not the whole Church, as b Aen. lib. 2. Virgil showeth Nos delubra deûm miseri quibus ultimus esset Ille dies festâ velamus frond per urbem. So Silius Italicus. c Bell. punic. lib. 2. Inque vicem amplexi permixtâ voce triumphum Tarpei clamant Javis, & delubra coronant. Now that the image of a god or goddess stood in this part of the Temple may be seen in d Aen. lib. 2. Virgil, who speaking of Minerva's Temple in Troie, placeth the image in the delubrum, which he calleth arcem, because it was the highest and strongest part of the Temple, for which cause they kept their treasures in those places. At gemini lapsu delubra ad summa dracones Effugiunt, saevaeque petunt Tritonidis arcem, Sub pedibúsque deaeclipeique sub orbe teguntur. Lib. 1. cap. 7.§ 10.† 2, 3, 4. SIR Walter will not have the Ark to rest in Armenia, as the received opinion is, but in some part of the Indies; because (saith he) it's unlikely, that in a 100 years they would stay so long from Shinar, being not above twenty days' journey from the hills of Armenia. 2. Because the East was peopled before any other country. 3. Because Semiramis found great resistance by the Indians. 4. Because the Vine grew not naturally in Armenia, but in India where Noah planted his Vineyard] But these reasons are not of that validity, as to make us recede from the generally received opinion, which is, that the Ark rested on the hills of Ararat, which the Chaldee Paraphrase calls the hills Carduaeni. And so the Chaldees call Armenia Cardu, where ptolemy's Gordiaean or Cordiaean mountains are. This we know that in Isa. 37. and Jer. 51. Armenia is called the land of Ararat, and here the Ark rested, Gen. 8. and the place in Armenia where Noah came out of the Ark was called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as Josephus saith. Abidenus * In Chron. Graec, Euseb. & praepar.. Evan. 1. 9 c. 4, reports, that in his time some part of the Ark was extant in Armenia. So Nich. Damascenus lib. 96. that upon the great hill of Armenia called Baris a great part of the Ark was remaining. And Cartwright in his travels, that there are many ruins to be seen in the hilly countries of Armenia, which were thought to be the buildings of Noah's children, who durst not venture to come down into the lower Countries, fearing they might be surprised by another Deluge. This hill Baris on which the Ark rested may be so called, either because in the Armenian tongue it signifies a going out, for there Noah came out of the Ark, therefore the Greeks call it Apobaterion: or else from Berith in Hebrew, which signifieth a Covenant, because there God made a Covenant with Noah and his posterity. These hills also where the Ark rested were called Cordiaei or Carduthi, which are placed by Xenophon, Pliny and Strabo near Tigris in Armenia, Xenoph. lib. 4. Plin. lib. 6. cap. 13. which country in Jeremy is called Mini also, so that Armenia seems to be Strab. lib. 16. Jet. 51. 27. made up of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Har-mini, the Hill of Mini. In these hilly Countries both of Armenia and along towards the Indies, Noah's posterity contained themselves for about a 100 years: all which time they durst not venture to dwell in the low Countries, therefore fearing lest they might be surprised by another Flood, would not trust themselves to the low valleys of Shinar, though it was so near them. We read of divers Plantations near the Sea coast, where the Planters contained themselves, and durst not in many years adventure far into the land. We know how long is was before the Roman Colonies would venture over the River of Rhine, Danubius, and Euphrates: Therefore to say that the Ark rested not in Armenia (Because Shinar being so near Noah's children would not have been so long from it) is of no force: nor his other reasons taken from the populousness of the East, and resistance made to Semiramis. For I deny not but Noah's posterity might enlarge their Plantations towards the East, but yet still keeping the hilly Countries, yet it will not follow that the Ark rested there, or any where else then in Armenia; and as for Noah's planting of his Vineyard in India, not in Armenia because this country is too cold for Vines, is an opinion altogether groundless: For first, how knew he that there were not as well in Armenia, as in India wild Vines, for of those Noah made his Vineyard, by pruning, cultivating and dressing of them. 2. We know by relation of Travellers, Historians, and Geographers, that in Armenia are plenty of very good Wines, and contrary in India there are no wines, or very scarce, so that they supply the want of wine, with the liquour of the palmtree, and with a drink brewed of Rice and barley. 3. It is not altogether the coldness of the country that hinders the growing of Vines, but the nature of the Soil, and many times excessive heat is an impediment; so is the unseasonableness of the months of Julie and August by reason of too much rain that hinders the maturation of the grapes: for Spain and Italy, which are forty degrees in northerly Latitude from the Line, being forth excellent wines, and yet New Spain in America, which is nearer the Line by twenty degrees produceth no wine, as Jos. Acosta witnesseth. So Chile which is a cold country in comparison of those nearer the Line, yieldeth excellent wine, and abundance, being forty degrees off Southerly Latitude from the Equinoctial. Lib. 1. cap. 7,§ 10.† 4. IN Alexander's time Learning had not traveled so far to the West as Rome. Alexander esteeming of Italy but as a barbarous country] Pythagoras had planted his philosophy in Italy almost two hundred years before Alexander was born, therefore Italy at this time was neither ignorant nor barbarous: nor was Rome at this time a village, as Sir Walter will have Alexander to esteem of it, but a great and warlike city, being now above three hundred years old, and victorious over their neighbours, as the Roman stories can inform us: neither was it the meanness of Rome, nor barbarousness of Italy that kept off his conquering army from thence, but the hardiness of that people, the valour, prowess, and strength of that Nation, on whom Alexander durst not adventure; for if he had, he should have found other manner of men than his loose, effeminate, and unskilful asiatics; a people always more fit to serve, then to command; apter for Venus, than Mars; so that the Romans themselves never made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 state in Asia, but they still lost much of their Masculine virtues. That the ancient Italians were a hardy manlike people the King of poets tells us. Virgil Aen. lib. 9 Non hic Atrides nec fandi fictor Ulysses, Durum à stirpe genus, natos ad flumina primum Deferimur, saeuóque gelu duramus & undis, &c. Omne aevum ferro teritur versáque juvencûm Terga fatigamus haste â: nec tarda senectus Debilitat vires animi, mutátque vigorem. Caniciem gale â premimus, semperque recentes Convectare juvat praedas, & vivere rapto. Vob● picta croco & fulgenti murice vestis Desidiae cordi: juvat indulgere choraeis. &c. And so the same Poet elsewhere showeth what men. Italy brought forth. Virg. Geor. 1 Haec genus acre virûm Marsos pubemqueSabellam Assuetumque malo Ligurem Volcósque verutos Extulit; haec Decios, Marios, magnosqueCamillos, Scipiadas duros bello, & te maxime Caesar, &c. Such was the valour of the Italians, that the Romans spent as * In Proaem. Florus showeth above four hundred years in subduing them, whereas they brought in subjection all the rest of the World in the space of little more than two hundred years. Doubtless had Alexander encountered with the Gauls, Germans, and Britains as Cesar did, he had found more work for his Macedonians, than he did among the Perlians. Therefore however Sir Walter prefers the Eastern parts of the world, to the Western, in civility, arms, magnificence, learning, &c. yet we find the contrary, and so did Pompeie, whose vast Eastern army was forced to yield to Cesar's small Western Forces. And the Turks know whether the Asians or Europeans are fittest to make his janissaries, or to which he is most beholding for support of his monarchy. For civility and learning we find that the Western Greeks did civilize and instruct the Eastern asiatics. The Gauls were ever more civil than the Germans, though more Eastward: as for the stories of China I give little credit to them, nor do I believe that Printing and artillery, with other Arts, were so many years among them, before we knew the use of them, no more, then that the World was created so many thousand years before Moses his computation which is the belief of the Chinois. Lib. 1. cap. 9§ 2. THe joining of Cottages together in one common field or Village the Latins call Vicus] This word Vicus did not only signify a country Cottage, or Village, but also a Street, though in a city. So we read of Vicus sceleratus, Vicus Cyprius, and divers others in Rome and the word vicatim by Jullie is used for going from street to street. And Vicinus was he who dwelled in the same street, as Vicanus was used for a Farmer, or countryman: now pagus did signify a Village consisting of divers Cottages not only from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} a Well, which was in common to them all; but as I think from the old word page to bargain, or covenant, because they covenanted one with another to live justly and peaceably together or from pango to set, graft, or plant, the proper work of husbandmen; whence comes the word Paganus, which at first signified a countryman, than it was used for those in the city which were exempted from war, or had never used their Arms: hence among Christians paganus signified a Heathen, such as never fought under the Banner of Christ: or because Christianity was first professed in Cities, and late received by the country people: or because Christianity drove away Gentilism out of all civil and populous Cities into remote and obscure Villages. Lib. 1. cap. 8.§ 15.† 1. ASSUR, the second son of Sem, was father of the Assyrians] This country was so called, not only from Assur the first planter thereof, but also from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Ashur, that is, blessed, * 2 Kings. 18 ver. 10. for it was happy in bread wine, oil, and honey; it abounded also with excellent fruits, hence Assyrium amomum in Virgil; Assyrium gramen in Statius, and Assyrii odores often in the poets; and because of the abundance of silk there, Assyriae vestes are taken for silk garments, and Assyrius tapis is a kind of Jasper stone. This country also was called Atyria, from the Chaldee word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Atur, for the Chaldee useth to change the Hebrew {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} into {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, so they say Cuth for Cush: It was called Adiabene {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, as if the access to it were difficult, by reason of the many Rivers thereof; some of which are {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Impassible: yet this country was not impassible to Xenophon and Alexander in their expeditions. Lib. 1. cap. 8§ 15.† 1. Lud, the fourth son of Sem, gave name to the Lydians in Asia the less, is the common opinion, but I see not by what reason he was moved to straggle thither from his friends] The same reason might move him to plant in Asia the less, far from his friends, which hath moved many Europeans to plant in America, much farther from their friends; to wit, conveniency of habitation, sweetness of aër, fertility of soil, and such like motives. Now the Lydians which came of Lud were of old called by the Greeks Maeones, and Lydia Moenia, as a Lib. 1. Herodotus b Lib. 13. and Strabo show. And Claudian thinks they were so called from Maeon the ancient King of Phrygia, and Lydia. — dicti post Moeona regem Moeones. Afterwards they were called Lydians from Lydus the son of Atys, as c Lib. 1. Herodotus and d Lib. 1. Dionysius Alicarnassaeus affirm. Hence Attalyda, a town in Lydia, was so called from Atys and Lydus. But the Greeks are children in antiquity, and fabulous; therefore doubtless the name of Lydia was more ancient, and either planted by Lud, or by his Children, who from their Father's name might call it Lydia, which is ordinatie. Near, or through this country of Lydia did flow the winding River Maeander, as e Lib. 5. ●. 19. 29. Pliny showeth. Lydia persusa flexuosi amnis recursibus Maeandri: and perhaps the country might be called Lydia, or Ludia from Lud, which in the Phoenician tongue signifies Binding, Winding, or Turning; for divers Countries are named from their chief Rivers; and because the River was called Maeon, the country might be called Maeania. These Lydians were very ancient among the Greeks. Attys, Tantalus, Pelops, Niobe, Aracbne, were Lydians; and about the time of Jephthe 1200 years before Christ, the Lydians were masters of the Sea, and a war like people, as may be seen in Ezekiel 27. 10. These sent plantations into Caria, Peloponnesus, and Hetruria; and into Africa too: These are commended for their f Isa. 66. 9 Jer. 46. 9 Herod lib. 4 skill in archery, the Asiatic Lydians were good spear men, and excellent horsemen, as Herodotus showeth. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: but after Cyrus had disarmed them, they grew effeminate, and gave themselves to all luxury and delight. So that {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} was to play the wanton; and effeminate voluptuous men were called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: and he that sold or made sweet oils was called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: and because the Lydians were the Inventors of many games and sports, which the Romans made use of, they called all plays and games Ludos, and players Ludiones. Lib. 1. cap. 9 §. 2. Town's encompassed with Walls were called oppida, ab opponendo, or ab opibus] Not only from opes wealth which for safety they brought thither; and from oppono, because they were able to oppose their enemies, but also from open help, because they were able to help one another I ever being united in a Town, then dispersed, and living asunder: hence came the word opisices tradesmen, whose abode and use are most in populous Cities, as standing most in need of their help; and because Towns were secured and fenced by walls, trenches, or ditches; they called these fences muros, or moenia, à muniendo; and the Towns urbes, ab orbe, because they were encompassed with a plough, which by Varro is called urbare: and the furrow which the plough made, was the foundation of the wall to be made. — humili designat moenia fossâ, Virgil. lib. 3, & lib. 5. — urbem designat aratio. Lib. 1. cap. 10.§ 2. NImrod was the first King of Babel, and it agreeth with reason that Ninus should be the third] Sir Walter here would make Nimrod, Belus, and Ninus three distinct Kings of Babel, alleging no reason for his opinion, but contradicting Eusebius, Hierom, Austin, and the most approved writers upon no ground: whereas it is generally affirmed that the name Nimrod which signifies a Rebel, was changed by his son Ninus and his posterity into Baal, or Bel, or Belus, which signifies a Lord, this being a title of honour, that of ignominy: besides, the Scripture acknowledgeth no King of Babel before Ninus but Nimrod; nor do historians mention any before Ninus, but Belus, their manners, dispositions, and actions are the same: they are both said to live about two hundred years after the Flood, and to have reigned then in Babylon: both are said to be the Founders of that city: both the Inventors of Idol atry, for the names Beliel, Bielphegor, Beelzebub are from Bel, or Belus; both are described to be men of cruel, fierce, and warlike natures, and ambitious in propagating their Empite: And whereas Sir Walter saith, that if St Austin had thought Nimrod and Belus to be the same, he would have rather called him Nimrod with the Scripture, than Belus with the Gentiles: This is nothing, for St Austin direct's that work of The city of God to the Gentiles, and confuted them, therefore he had reason rather to use the name Belus, which was known to them, than the name of Nimrod which they knew not: and who knows not that Saint Austin, through all that Work, make's use of the Gentil-Stories, and therefore had reason to use their own names: It is true there was another Belus called Belus Tyrius, far later than Nimrod, famous among the Phoenicians, of whom the poet. Implevitque mero pateram quam Belus & omnes A Belo soliti, &c. Lib. 1. cap. 11.§ 1. ZOroaster, King of the Bactrians, Vincentius supposeth to be Cham the son of Noah] This cannot be, though both were wicked men; the one in mocking his father, the other in finding out Magical Arts. For Zoroaster was King of Bactria, as is supposed, but Cham's lot fell to be in Africa far from Bactria: therefore prophetically he was called Cham, from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Cham, that is, Heat; and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Chum, that is, Black, as being the father of those black people, who inhabit the hot country of Africa; this blackness, and heat, being a part of his Curs. Again, Zoroaster was the Inventor, as some think, of astrology, or at least a great lover of it; therefore they called him {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} a stargazer; or {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} because he honoured them, and sacrificed to them. But Cham, as the chemists will make us believe, was the Inventor of their Art called Alcbimia, from the Arabic article Al and Cham, as if it were Alchamia, but indeed it is from the Greek {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, because they are still pouring, infusing, distilling, and extracting: or from the Arabic word Chema, to Hide; hence Alchimia is a Hidden Art, and so it is, if either we look upon their doctrine, or practice, all is hid; and so was the knowledge, or use of it, till of later years, for the first that mention's it, is Julius Firmicus to the Emperor Constantine. Lib. 1. cap. 8.§ 9 Montanus' for Tharsis in Cilicia, understands Carthage in afric, but he was much mistaken in that conjecture] This town, which bears the name of Tharsis Javan's second son, is by some taken for the metropolis of Cilicia called Tharsis; which word also signisieth the Sea: some take it for Ophir, because Jehosophat's ships were appointed to go to Ophir. 2 King. 22. 48. and in Chron. 20. 36. 37. it is said, They were to go to Tharsis: The like is said of Solomon's ships, as we have showed upon Genesis. Now Ophir was in the East Indies, so than Tharsis must be there, which place is likely to be Tapiobona, or Sumatra, called Chersonesus, or aurea terra; and it is not unusual for one town to have two names, nor for two or three towns or places to have the same name; Ophir then, and Tharsis may be two names of one place. Others will have Tunis and Tharsis all one: but it is most likely that Carthage (not that of Africa, but that of Spain) was a colony of Tharsis, or Tyrus: for the Isle of Cales, or Cadiz, and country about Batis was called Tartessus from Tharsis: and we find that the Phoenicians had great commerce with Spain, because that country abounded in silver, iron, tin, and lead, which was the merchandise of the Tyrians, as may be seen in Ezech. 27. 12. besides the Temple called Gaditanum, near Hercules his pillars, as by divers authors thought to be built by the Phoenicians, and that country of Spain to be subdued and peopled by Hercules Tyrius, not Thebanus as the Greeks * Appian in Ibericis. Theophrast de vit. Apollonil lib. 2 cap. 14. Arrianes lib. 2. would have it: for the Temple that stood there, was built after the Phoenician manner, and after the same manner were the sacrifices, and solemnities performed. Lastly, the word Iberia, by which Spain was called, is a Phoenician word, from the Hebrew Eber, or the Childee Ebra, which signifieth a passage, or the bound and end of a thing, intimating that Spain is the bound or end of the Earth, beyond which these was no passage nor navigation; yea, the word Spain is Hebrew too as Bochartus a Geog. sac. lib. 1. observeth: for Saphan is a coney, and Spain was called the country of coneys, for it abounded with them: so that the Islands called Baleares, now Majorca and Minorca, were so infested with them, that they were not in a long time habitable. To conclude, I believe there was one Tharsis whither Salomon's ships went, in the East, another on the Mediterrane Sea, whither Ionas fled. Lib. 1. cap. 12§ 1. NInive was built in the plains of Assyria, on the banks of Tigris long before Ninus' time] Niniveh, or Ninus, for so this city was called, from Nimrod's son Ninus; though not he, but Nimrod built it; and the whole country of Assyria is called in Scripture. The land of Nimrod. Mich. 5. 6. Sometimes fathers called their Cities, not by their own, but by their son's names; so Cain called the town he built from his son's name Henoch: and in Hebrew Niniveh is as much as N●●●nave, the habitation of Ninus, as b Geog. sac. l. 4 cap. 20. Bochart observeth, but there is great diversity of opinions among writers concerning the siituation of Niniveh; some placing it near Euphrates, others near Tigris, but 'tis likely there were two towns of this name: one near Euphrates called old Niniveh, in Philost. lib. 1. cap. 13 & 14. where Apollonius traveleth from Antiochia to Mesopo●amia through old Niviveh: the other, which was the great Niniveh, of three days' journey (for the circuit of it was about threescore miles in compass) stood upon the West side of Tigris: or else Niniveh stood on Euphrates as Diodorus lib. 2. cap. 1. saith: because Euphrates and Tigris in one place are united, and so have but one name. It is now called Mosal, and is the chief seat of the Nestorian heretics. This city was famous, not only for the magnificence, riches, and greatness thereof, but also for antiquity, because it was extant in Abraham's time, as Eusebius witnesseth: here dwelled Phul, Tiglath. Pileser, Shalmaneser, Sennacherib, by whose arms Samaria was exhausted, and the Israelites translated into into Assyria, and Media, yet this vast city was at last so destroyed, as likewise * Isa. 47. 7. 8. Seleuc. Nicanor. Babylon, that thought herself eternal; and Seleucia, built by Seleucus Alexander's successor in Syria and Babylon, that as h Nrh. 1. 8. & 3. 17. Nahum the Prophet foretold, the place where it stood should not be known, and as Lucian saith, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, &c. there not any mark or footstep to be seen of it. Lib. 2. cap. 1.§ 10. THis Amraphel was not at this time the greatest Monarch, for the valley of Pentapolis was subject to Chedarlaomer King of Elam, or Persis] This contradict's Scripture, history, and reason, for Amraphel i, still first named by Moses, as being the greatest Prince. Histories do show us that the Kings of Shinar, or Babylon, were the greatest Monarchs of those parts, and that the Persians had no greatness till Cyrus, therefore Amraphel King of Shinar must be greater then Chedarlaomer King of Elam: And it is not unlikely but this might be Nimrod as the Jews think, for he might be yet alive; and it is usual for one man to have two or three names, though Elam here might signify Persia, as I do believe it doth not, but rather it was the name of a town in Assyria, as Saint Hierom thinks; or in Persia, as others; yet Persia at this time was of no great esteem: as for Sir Walter's reason that Chedarlaomer was the greatest King, because to him were subject these five petty Kings, or Majors of towns, it is very weak, for so he might as weil infer that Porus, was a greater King than Alexander, because he had divers petty Princes under him, not subject to Alexander; or that Herod, to whom this lake of Sodom, or country of Pentapolis was subject, was greater Prince than Augustus Cesar. Lib. 2. cap. 2.§ 4. EGypt is now called by the naturals in their own language Mezre] So the Arabians at this day call it Meser, and the Egyptian's first month of old was called Mesori; in Scripture it is called sometime Masor, as Isa. 19 6. The rivers of Masor shall be dried up. Kimchi explain's it the river of Mizraim, or Egypt. So * King's 19 24 Mich. 7. 12. in two other places; but we Translate the word Masor Forts, or sensed places, for so indeed the word signifieth, and Egypt was naturally fortified from the North by the sea, from the South by the cataracts of Nilus, and mountains of Ethiopia; from the East and West by deserts. Or Egypt may be called Masor from the narrowness thereof, for it is narrow and long from the sea to Syene; and because Egypt is divided into two parts, to wit the bigher, where Nilus hath but one channel, & the lower, where it is divided into divers channels, called by the Greeks Δ delta, from the triangular figure it makes, hence it is called Misrajim in the Dual Number. Lib. 2. cap. 2.§ 6. IN the reign of Hercules and Typhon seven years were spent] This was that Hercules who made an expedition into Spain, and erected those Pillars at Gades, called by his name, There a temple was built to him, and sacrifices offered, after the manner of the Phoenicians. Typhon, for his wickedness and cruelty, was called a giant by the Grecians. He made War against the gods: he traveled into Caucasus, and at last was struck down by Jupiter's thunder, and died near the lake Serbonis, as Apollonius witnesseth, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. Therefore Plutarch relate's, in Antonio, that the Egyptians called this lake {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Typhon's exhalations The giant also Typhaeus, who rebelled against Jupiter and is buried under Aetna in Sicily is called Typhon, and sometimes Briareus. For these three are taken promiscuously one for another. Typheus' is called by Pindarus c P ithia. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, hundreth headed: and by d Aen. 6. In vit. Apollonii l. 5. c. 6 Virgil, Centum g'minus Briareus. e Apollodorus makes Typhon to have {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the nature both of a man, and of a serpent: Hyginus makes him the child of earth and hell, having a hundred dragon' heads growing on his shoulders. e Philostratus makes Typhon and Enceladus all one, being fast bound under the hill Aetna, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. But of Typhon we have spoken more f elsewhere. f Mystagng. Poent. Lib. 2. cap. 3.§ 4. MOy is a voice expressing water, bices as much as drawn out thence] Philo Josephus, and Clemens Alexandrinus will have Moses to be made up of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} water, and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} preserved,: but indeed he was called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, because saith Pharaoh's daughter {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} I drew him out of the water; so that the name of Moses is made up of the Hebrew word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, which is never used but for drawings out of waters, as Exod. 16. 15. Psal. 18. 17. so Isa. 63. 11. Moscheh ammo, he drew out his people. But though this word be Hebrew, and retained in the Scriptures, yet it is not likely that this was the name which Pharaoh's daughter gave him, but rather, she being an Egyptian, would give him an Egyptian name, whereof Moses is the interpretation; which name, it's likely Moyses' parents gave him, when he was circumcised; that he might by this name be put in remembrance of God's mercy towards him who drew him out of waters, that he might afterward draw his people out of afflictions, which are called waters in Scripture: and of this history it seems the Greeks were not ignorant, for by them Moses is called g {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, that is, Aquigena, or Water-childet and indeed Scalig. de emend.. temp. what they write of Bacchus is meant of Moses: for they say that Bacchus was born in Egypt, enclosed in an Ask, or Chest, and exposed to the waters: so that Orpheus calls him {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} for Moses, and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} la lawgiver, and gives to him {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, intimating the two tables of the Law: he is called also {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and is commended for his beauty, and military valour; he is painted too as Moses, with two horns, and a dog was said to be his companion: for Caleb Moses companion in Hebrew signifies a dog. b Lib. 1. storm, Clemens Alexandrinus thinks that Moses was called by his parents Joachim, and that now in heaven he is called Melchi; but on what ground this conjectore is built I know not. They are also mistaken who think that Moses was the same Mneves in c Biblioth. l: 1, p. 59 Diodorus; for this Mneves is said by him to be the first lawgiver amongst the Egyptians, whereas he says that Moses received his Laws from Jao or God. Lib. 2. cap. 3.§ 8. THe Greeks write the Sea Erythraeum, from Erythras or Erythraeus a King] I think rather that this King was so called from the Sea, than the Sea from him; for princes and people are called from the places where they dwell, ordinarily: as Mithridates was called King of Pontus, not pontus the Sea, or country of Mithridates: though I deny not but sometimes Princes call seas and lands by their own names: as the mouth of the straits is called fretum Herculeum from Hercules. Now this Sea is so called in Greek from its red colour, and this King was named Erythraeus from it: and so perhaps might the Phoenicians and Edomites be thus called, not because they were redder than other people, but because they dwelled not far from the red sea, for Edom signifi th' red, (I know most derive this apellation from Esau's red pottage which he coveted so greedily) and so the Phoenicians are called from the red colour, saith Strabo, because the sea is red. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. Lib. 2. cap. 3.§ 8. FRom these apparences of redness by the shadows of those stones, sands, earth, and clefts, I suppose it first took the name of the red sea, because in many places it seemeth to be such] It is not called the red sea only from the appearance or similitude of redness, for so the whole Ocean sea is called red, because it appears so when the sky is red in the morning, or evening; hence the ●●d sea is called mare purpureum, and rubrum by the Virg. Geo. 4. Aen, 7. poets. In mare purpureum violentior in sluit undis. Jamque rub scebat radiis mare. So Euripides calls the sea {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} but the Persian Gulf is called the red sea, because the water in many places is indeed red, when in a storm the water is troubled, and mingled with that red earth, sand, & slime which is in the bottom thereof, and this is oftentimes, because that sea is shallower than other seas are. So I find that not only the Arabian Gulf is called the red sea, But also the Persian Gulf by e Act. 1. Scen. 1. Seneca. Et qui renatum prorsus excipiens diem Tepidum rubenti Tigrim immiscet freto. Now we know that Tigris and Euphrates run not into the Arabian, but the Persian sea. So Plin. lib 6. cap. 24. divides the red sea into two bays, the one called the Persian, which is in the East; the other the Arab●an: and if the red sea was so called from King Erythras, than the Persian should bear this name; for Curtius and others, place his tomb, not on the Arabian, but on the Persian gulf. I find also that the dead sea, or Asphaltites is by Hesychius call. led the red sea, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, because of the red bitumen which is found in and about that Lake. Lib. 2. cap. 4.§ 3. Eusebius thought Sinai or Horeb were distinct hills, Hierom to be but one] They were but one in bulk, but distinct in the tops, and names, the one being called Horeb, that is, Desert; the other Sinai, that is, a Bush: for it was not (it seems) at that time frequented, but a desert, because full of Bushes and trees, or because superstitious people held it formidable, supposing some deity had dwelled there, therefore durst not come near it; this kind of superstition was called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and it was ordinary among the Gentiles to believe that their gods dwelled on mountains; and in groves, so Virgil. Aen. 8, speaking of the Capitol. Hinc ad Tarpeiam sedem & Capitolia ducit, Aurea nunc olim sylvestribus horrida dumis Jam tum religio pavidos terrebat agrestes Dira loci: tum cùm sylvam saxumque tremebant Hoc nemus, hunc (inquit) frondoso vertice collem Quis deus, incertum est, habitat deus, &c. And perhaps for this cause Horeb was called the mountain of God, or else for the height thereof; so tall Cedars are called the Cedars of God, or rather by anticipation, because God was to reveal his will, and glory there to Moses: and it might well be called God's hill for this cause, as the place where Jacob wrestled with God called Peniel, and where he saw the vision of the Ladder, Bethel, God's house: for not only upon this hill did God appear to Moses at this time, when he kept sheep, but also when he gave the Law. Here it was where was that rock which represented Christ, which being struck by his father's rod yielded fountains of living waters. Here Moses by holding up his hands overcame Amalek: here Moses conversed with God without food or drink forty days together: here Moses broke he two Tables of the Law, and slew the Calf worshippers; and here did Elias enjoy the sight of God. Lib. 2. cap. 4.§ 2. WHen Moses married the daughter of Jethro, he would not (had he found them Idolaters) made her the mother of his children] he might have found her an Idolater, and afrerwards convert her, for doubtless Jethro could not have been Priest of Midian had he not been an Idolater, for they were such: yet afterward, by Moyses' means and miracles, he was converted to the true God, as appears by his own words, Exod. 18. Now (saith he) I know that the Lord is great above all gods gods, &c. Therefore Jethro offered sacrifices unto the Lord, and therefore, upon his conversion, he received a new name, and was called Hobee, that is, loving, because he testified by his conversion how much he loved God, and his Law. Now that Jethro was Priest of Midian is plain, both by the 70 Interpreters, and Latin Interpreters, by * Lib. 1, de vit: Moys. Lib. 2, Ant●●● Philo also and Josephus, though the Chaldee Paraphrase call him Prince of Midian; indeed he might be both, for Melchisedec was King and Priest, and among the Gentiles it was usual for the same man to be both. Rex Anius rex idem hominum Phoebique saccrdos. And so the Hebrew word Cohen signifies both: for David's sons were called a 2 Sam, 8. Cohavim, that is Princes, as the 70 interpret it; for the Priests were not of the tribe of Juda, but of the tribe of Levi. Lib. 2. cap. 4.§ 4. THe other etymology à ligando is no less agreeable to the nature of a Law] The etymology will not suffer that Lex should be à ligando, though metaphorically the Law binde's, and Laws are called bands. But Lex is rather à legendo, which signifies both to read, and to choose: for Laws were publicly read, proclaimed, and proposed for all men to be read: and because Law givers and people did choose what they would obey, what avoid, they were called Leges à legendo; Legis natura in delectu non jus, whether it be from jussum because commanded, or from Jovis, because all Laws are from God; hence jusjurandum, quasi Jovis jurandum. I say jus is the rigor of the Law, which the Greeks call {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: hence Acribodicaei were the rigid exactors, and interpreters of the Law; but aequum is the moderation of that rigor, or a correction, called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and such moderators were called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} to moderate the Law. As for Fas, it was so called of fando from speaking, whence comes the word fatum, which indeed is, whatsoëver God hath decreed and spoken concerning us. Quid aliud est fa 'em quàm quod de naoquoque nostrûm deus fatus est. Min. Faelix octav. Lib. 2. cap. 5.§ 9 NO man knoweth of Moyses' Sepulere to this day, which happened Anno mundi 2554] God would conceal Moyses' Sepulere, lest the Jews, who were prone to idolatry, might worship him for the true God: for if they stuck not to worship a Calf, they would have made no scruple to worship Moses his body; and this was the occasion of that Alrercation between Michaël and Satan, mentioned by Saint Jude, whether out of Tradition, or out of that Apocryphal book, called Asscensio Moysis, is uncertain. This is certain, that the Gentiles did usually deisie their Law givers, and such as had done any memorable acts amoug them; therefore doubtless the Jews would not have been backward to afford the same honour to him who had deserved it far better than they, if we consider the excellency of the man, and of his Laws, his miracles and familiarity with God: his own gravity, to whom in this regard, all the Heathen lawgivers come far short'n for he lived before their first Divines, Linus, Orpheus, and Musaeus, about four hundred years before the Trojane Wars; four hundred thirty three years before Homer; five hundred years before the Seven Wise-men of Greece, who flourished about the Fiftieth Olympiad above a thousand years: Pythagoras, and his succeeding Philosophers were much later than the Grecian Wise-men. The most ancient Historians of the Gentiles do make honourable mention of Moses; as Berosus the Chaldaean; Ptolemy, and Manetho, Egyptian writers; and among the Greeks Artapanus, Eupolemus, Trogus Pompeius, Diodorus, Morbus, Numenius, Pythagoricus, who called Plato the Africa Moses. Lib. 2. cap. 6.§ 4. Prometheus' was bound to the top of Caucasus, whose entrails being devoured by an Eagle, did signify his inward care he had to investigate the natures, motions, and influences of the heavenly bodies] Though this may be true, yet I think rather was meant by this fiction that he and his children seated themselves in the country about Caucasus, who were much troubled, both with the barrenness of the soil, and vexed with the multitudes and rapacity of Eagles who commonly frequent such hilly and rocky Countries: and it is more likely that Atlas, who Eupolemus in b Eusebius thinks to be the same with Enoch, was Lib, 9, praeparl Evang. the Astronomer, then Prometbeus, whom some think to be all one with Magog the son of Japhet: for to steal fire from heaven, and to animate stones, and metals, and clay, hath no relation to astronomy, but rather to Mechanical trades, many of which are helped & effected by fire, and metals are melted & made into Statues; his animating of clay, may also signify, that he infused knowledge and civility into men, without which they are little better than dead clay: but of Prometheus we have c In my Mystagogo poentito. spoken elsewhere. Now Atlas in supporting the heavens, in having daughters called by the names of constellations, Hyades, and Pleiades is more likely to be the Astronomer. Lib. 2. cap. 6.§ 6. MErcurius was called Trismegistus, or ter maximus, and of the Greeks Hermes] he was called ter maximus, as being the greatest King, the greatest Priest, and greatest Philosopher that ever was in Egypt. Also because of all the Heathens (if he was a Heathen, and not the same with Moses) he had the greatest knowledge of the trinity; for his excellency he was deified after his death, and a city erected to his memory called Hermopolis: he was called Hermes the interpreter, or messenger of the gods, because of his eloquence and excellent knowledge in divinity. It was he that first divided the day into twelve hours, by observing a certain beast which made water so often in a day. He was said to have wings, to show the fame of his worth, by which his name was carried every where: of his many arts which he found out e In Mystagog. I have showed elsewhere. Lib. 2. cap. 7.§ 2. BUt for the extent East and West, if Perah be taken for Eupbrates, than the land promised stretcheth itself both over Arabia Petraea, and the Desert, as far as the border of Babylon, which the Israëlites never possessed, nor at any time did so much as invade or attemt] In David's and Solomon's time, the Israëlites both attempted, invaded, and possessed these Countries, as the Scripture showeth. 2 Sam. 8. & 1 Chron. 18. For David went with his army to subdue all toward Euphrates, and then he subdued the Philistines, Idumeans, Moabites, Ammonites, Seba, and all Syria, as far as Euphrates. And so of Solomon, 1 King. 4. it is said, That all the nations and kingdoms, from the river to the confines of Egypt, were under his jurisdiction, and served him all the days of his life. And so much God promised to Abraham, G. n. 15. then to Moses, Exod. 23. and after him to Joshua, Josh. 1. therefore Vadianus was much mistaken, in thinking that by the river Perah was meant Jordan, seeing Perah is never used but for Euphrates, neither can be show that Jordan was called Perah. I confess the Israëlites did not possess any long time these countries, because of their disobedience, idolatry, and other impieties, but to say they never possessed them, is to nullify or deny God's promises, and to contradict the sacred story. Lib. 2. cap. 7.§ 4. THe people Ituraei were placed in the bounds of Cele-Syria, and Arabia deserta; they were valiant and warlike men, and excellent Archers, of whom Virgil. — Ituraeos taxi torquentur in arcus]. This passage, as many other, Sir Walter borrows from Vadianus, and he from Pliny, who placeth these Ituraei in Syria: but Probus in Scythia, and Servius in Parthia, which is most likely, for Ithura, or Ithyra was a city upon mount Taurus towards Parthia. Now the Parthians were famous among the Romans for their skill in Arching, and excellent bows and arrows: hence their best bows were called Parthici, and Ithyraei, and so were their arrows, as their best bowstrings were called Getici nervi, and their best quivers Sarmaticae Pharetrae: so Ituraeus arcus in this place of d Georg. 2. Eclog. 10. Virgil is the same with Parthum cornu in another place, for he speaks of no Archers so much as of the Parthian. e Geor. 4. Geor. 2. Aes, 12. Fidentemque sugâ Parthum versisque sagittis Et gens illa quidem sumtis non tar da pharetris Parthus seu Cydon telum immedicabile torsit. Of these Parthian or Ithurean arrows Lucan lib. 7. speaks. — Creta Cydonas Misit, Ituraeis cursus fuit indè sagittis. Vopiscus also g speaks of three hundred Ithyraean Archers, and h Tully In Anteliano. 2 Phil. Cur homines omnium gentium maximè barbaros eum sagittis deducis in forum: these cannot be understood of people in Palestina, though Antony had made War there, but of Parthia against whom he fought; which the Romans always accounted a most barbarous people. Lib. 2. cap. 8.§ 2. THat fiction by Virgil of Aeneas and Dido must be far out of square]. I do not see by what Justin, Orofius, Velleius, and others do write concerning the time of the building of Carthage, that Virgil is out of square, for that part of Carthage which was built by Dido was Byrsa, so called from the Ox hide with which she measured the ground, and by by him, as also by the inhabitants, the out-buildings were named Magalia, or Magaria rather, that is, Cottages, and this Byrsa was the cietadel, yet sometimes bearing the name of Carthage, by which the whole city was denominate; and which some derive from Charta: therefore though that Carthage mentioned by Justin and others was not built till 228 years after Aeneas, because Alba longa, built by Ascanius, stood 300 years, and Carthage was built 72 years before Rome, which being subtracted from the 300 there remains 228 from Aeneas to the building of Carthage: I say, though this be true, it will not therefore follow that Byrsa, which was also called Carthage, was not built by Dido 228 years before New Carthage, which was built 72 years before Rome: neither was Dido the first builder of Carthage, for * De Bellis P●●●●is Appian tell's us that the Phoenicians built it 50 years before the captivity of Troie, under the conduct of Xorus, and Carchedon; so that she found the Phoenicians there, and perhaps Cadmus was the first builder thereof; for in Silius the Carthaginians are called gens Cadmaea: but I find three Carthages, or three parts of one Carthage, the one called Cothon, or the harbour, for all plantations at first are built upon the shore, near harbours; and it's like that this part was built before Dido came; the other part was called Byrsa, built by Dido; at the third, which encompassed Byrsa, was named Magaria, and the whole city, Carthage, from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} or Carcabe, which in the Punic-tongue signifies a Head, because of the horse head found there, of which the learned poet (Aen. 1.) was not ignorant, when he writes, Effodêre loco signum quod regia Juno. Monstrârat, caput acris equi— Hence than it appears the Prince of poets was not mistaken when he makes Dido, who lived in the time of Aeneas as the builder of one part of Carthage, though the other part might be built long after by some other, whose founder, because Historians know not, they erroneously ascribe the work to Dido, who was dead long before. Lib. 2. Cap. 10.§ 3. — NEar to which are the gardens of Balsamum, the best that the world had, called Opobalsamum] The Balsamum is not called opobalsamum, for that is properly the tree, this is the liquour or juice which distills from the tree. Juvenal. Sat. 2. Hirsuto spirant opobalsama collo. The wood or bark of the Balsamum is called Tylobalsamum, the fruit Carpobalsamum, and the liquour Opobalsamum: and Balsamum is as much in Hebrew as the Lord, or Chief-Oil, for so is Baal-shemen. as exceeding all others in smell and virtue: the tree than is never called Opobalsamum, but the liquour is by Virgil as well as the tree, or shrub called balsamum. Quid tibi odorato referam sudantia ligno, Balsama— And though some take {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} to signify the fruit, or feed, yet {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is properly the hole which the husbandman cuts in the tree, to let out the liquour. Lib. 2. cap. 12.§ 2. Dauid changed the name from Jebusalem, the city of the Jebusites, to Jerusalem] This city was called Jerusalem long before David's time; for it was so called when Adoni-bezec was King thereof, Jos. 10. 1. & Jos. 18 28. Jebusi is there called Jerusalem. So Judg. 19 10. And I do not find that this city was ever called in Scripture Jebusalem, but either Jebus alone, or Salem, till it was called Jerusalem. And doubtless Salem and Jerusalem was one and the same city, as appears by Psal. 76. 2. In Salem is his tabernacle, and his dwelling place in Zion: for the Temple, and a part of Jerusalem stood upon Zion; therefore I make no question but that Salem whereof Melchisedec was King, was the very same with Jerusalem: for the Chaldee version calls him King of Jerusalem, and * Bell. Jud. lib. 7cap. 18. Josephus makes him to be the first builder of it. Therefore though S. Hierom, in his Epistle to Evagrius, by Salem understood Sichem in Samaria where Jacob dwelled, and John baptised; yet in his Hebrew questions he approu'es of the common opinion, to wit, that Salem Melchisedec's eity, was the same that Jerusalem was. Lib. 2. cap. 13.§ 7. IT is thought that the name of money was not-heard in Greece, when Homer did write, who measure's the value of gold and brass by the worth of cattle, saying, That the golden armour of Glaucus was worth a hundred beeves, &c.] It is unlikely that the name of money was not heard in Greece when Homer lived, whereas it was used in countries not far from Greece long before Homer: for Abimelech gave to Abraham a 1000 shekels as the Chaldee expresseth that place, or a 1000 didrachms, as the Greeks translateth it, Gen. 20. So we read that Abraham bought for money a Burial-place. It is not likely then that in Homer's time, Greece being so flourishing a country, and having commerce with neighbouring nations, should want the use of money, and although Homer speaks of a hundred beeves, and not of money, yet he may be understood to have spoken of money stamped with the image of an Ox: for at first the usual stamp upon money was Cattle, hence pecunia à pecus: So Jacob's hundred Lambs, with which he bought a plot of ground, Gen. 33. may be meant of so many pieces of silver, bearing the stamp of a Lamb; for money is named from its stamp. So a hundred Angels signify so many pieces of gold having their picture: therefore Bos doth not only signify an Ox, but also the coin that bears the picture of the ox: hence was the proverb, Bos in linguâ, for one that was tongue tied, being corrupted with money. And not only was pecunia called so from the picture, but also from the skins of cattle; for money anciently was made of leather: And so we may conceive that Queen Dido encompassed the ground on which Carthage was to be built, with an ox hide, that is with money made of the ox hide: this kind of money was cascalled nummus scorteus {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, for anciently they called all thing, made of skins scoxtea; hence scortum a where, in which there is nothing commendable but her skin. Lib. 2. cap. 16.§ 6. THe third was the overtaking of a swift hate. The sixth was the taking of Diomedes his Mares] I think this was the Printer's fault, not Sir Walter's; for it was a Hart, not a Hare that Hercules overtook. as for the mares of Diomedes, I find them only so called in Apollodorus, and Albericus, for in all others, both poets, Historians, and Mythologists that I have read they were horses, and not mares; whose names are set down by Hyginus, cap. 30. Thus Rodarius, Lampon, Xanthus: and Dinus: And for the Hart, I find in Virgil, Diodorus Siculus, and others, that it was a hind, commended not so much for ●●●●tnes, as for strength: therefore Virgil, in A. n. 6. calls her aerepidem cervam, the brazen footed hind, which some have taken for aêripedem aery footed, or swift-footed, but the Greeks call her {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, an epithet which Homer also gives to horses, and Pindarus gives to the Colchic Bulls {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} brazen. hooves. Lib. 2. cap. 7,§ 9 Dauid left to Solomon for the building of the Temple a hundred thousand talents of gold, & a 1000 thousand talents of silver: a matter, but for testimony of Scripture, exceeding all belief] Doubtless the word Checler which we translate talon, must sign fie some other piece of money, or else the Hebrew talon was less than we usually make it; for the greatness of the talon was according to the greatness of the mina, of which the talon was made up: and the mina was in greatness and smallness, according to the drachma, which in some places was more, in some less. Now every ordinary talon conceived six thousand drachmas, the great talon eight thousand, and the drachma was the eighth part of an Ounce, worth seven pence half penny of our money: the mina contained one hundred drachmas: but the talon seems to be of no great value of old by Homer, in Iliad. 23. who reckons it amongst those things which are of no great esteem, as a captive woman, a mare, a kettle, and in the fourth place two talents of gold: and perhaps the Hebrew talon was of the same value that the Sicilian was, to wit of six drachmas: or the Neapolitan, of three only. * De praep. lib. 3. cap. 14. Eupolemus in Eusebius makes the talents which are mentioned in the buildings of the Temple to be all one with the sickle, that is four drachmas, and so the Sum mentioned in Scripture is not so vast as many take it; nor is it likely that David, whose condition was mean when he came to the Kingdom, who succeeded Saul, an unforunate and poor King, who lived continually in Wars, and still had occasions of expending money, I say it is not likely that he should attain to greater treasures than ever any Prince had before or after. Lib. 2. cap. 22.§ 8. TO ascribe to Fortune the effects of another man's virtue, is an argument of malice] If by Fortune here is understood that blind Idol of the Gentiles, then to ascribe the effects of Virtue to Fortune, is not so much malice as madness: for such a Fortune is nothing. But if, with wise men, we mean by Fortune God's Providence, then to ascribe the effects of virtue to Fortune, is not malice but wisdom. For even the Gentiles did acknowledge (I mean the wiser sort) that Fortune ruled all things. * Sallust. in Cat●line. In omni re dominatur Fortuna. And though Tully in his Oration for Marcellus doth ascribe some of Cesar's successful actions to Fortune, some to his own Virtue, yet David asscribe's all his victories to God, not to his own hand, or strength, or policy, or sword,; for indeed of ourselves we can do nothing, not think a good thought; seeing it is in him we live, and move, and have our being: therefore let us not sacrifice to our own nets, or turn incens to our own arm, for what have we which we have not received: every good and perfect gift is from above: which the Heathen poet acknowledged. Lib. 4. cap. 2. Quicquid patimur mortale genus, quicquid facimus venit ab alto, But if it be malice to ascribe the effects of another man's virtue to Fortune, than is Sir Walter guilty of this malice, for he writes of Alexander, that Fortune and Destinies found out and prepared for him without any care of his own, both helps of men that willingly offered their necks to the yoke, and kingdoms that invited in their own conquerors. And when he writes for the Romans he asscribe's all their distasters to their carelessness and cowardice; but their Virtues to Fortune, more injurious to that noble people than a Cisero was to Cesar his enemy; who though 〈◊〉 Pro Marcel. he confesseth that Fortune claimed some share in his victories, yet in his virtues of mercy and clemency she had not any Interest. Illa ipsa rerum humanerum domina Fortuna inistiu se societatem gloriae non off●rt: tibi cedit, tuam esse totam & propriam fatetur; nunquam enim te merit as cum sapientiâ tommiscetur, nec ad confi ium casus admittitur. Lib. 2. cap. 23§ 5. THe Olympian games took name not from the hill Olympus, but from the city Olympia] But indeed these games were not called Olympian, either from the hill Olympus, or the city Olympia, but from Jupiter, to whose honour they were instituted by Hercules and his four Brothers: therefore these games were called Quinquennales. Now Jupiter's name was Olympus, as Virgil in Aen. 10. showeth. Panditur intere a domus omnipotentis Olympi. And by the Greek poets Olympius: So Sophocles in Elect. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. And so Homeria Iliad. 6. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: And Jupiter was so called from him that had the government and Education of him: and these that assisted him against the giants are called Olympii, from assisting Jupiter, or Olympus; and heaven is called Olympus from Jupiter, not Jupiter from it: for God is all light as the Word showeth, and that originally the heaven hath no light but from him, not he from it; and as heaven, so the city, was named from him, because there stood his Image and Temple. Lib. 2. cap. 23.§ 5. THe Rewards given to the Victors, were none other than Garlands of Palm and Olive] These were not the sole Rewards, for they had also Statues erected to them, which by Pausanias' lib. 5. are called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}; although he shows in lib. 6. that all the Victors had not Statues bestowed on them, except such as were eminent, divers of whose Statues he mentioneth, and it is recorded that the Olympian Grove was full of these Statues. The Victors also had this honour for a reward, that with great solemnity, their praises were publicly proclaimed three times, and they were carried home to their own cities by their fellow-citizens, not through the gates, but on a bridge made over the walls. Neither were their Garlands merely of Palm and Olive, but of Gold also interwoven between the leaves, or else all of Gold; therefore Pindarus calls these games {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: except by Golden Garlands he mean's comely and fair Garlands. Lib. 2. cap. 23. §. 5. THese games were exercised from every fourth year complete] They were exercised every fift year; therefore they were called Ludi Quinquennales, and so Olympias is taken for the space of five years. Ovid. de Pont. lib. 4. El 6. In Scythia nobis quinquennis Olympias act a est, jam tempus lustri transit in alterius. So the poets make Olympias and lustrum, which was the space of five years, to be all one. By the Greeks it is therefore called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: but yet in respect there are but four years complete, the same space of time is called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. Lib. 2. cap. 26.§ 7. I Think that this Image did represent Sennacherib, and that the mouse in his hand did signify, the shameful issue of his Expedition] I do not think that the Egyptian, would honour Sennacherib so far, as to place his Image in the temple of Vulcan, one of their chief gods, especially he being their immortal enemy; therefore it is more likely that this was the Image of Vulcan, who held a mouse in his hand, to show, that not only by his help these mice were sent to defeat Sennacherib, but also to let us see, that the main cause of generation and multiplication of Mice is heat, whereof Vulcan was the god: for which cause also, in Apollo's temple, tame mice were kept and fed, and he was called Sminthius, as Aelian de Animal. lib. 12 cap. 5. shows, which signifies' a mouse in the Aeolian and Trojan language, because he was held the god of Mice, for by his heat Mice do engender and multiply. Lib. 2. cap. 28.§ 5. PEriander was one of the seven Sages, but a cruel Tyrant] This Periander that was King of Corinth was not one of the seven Sages; for there were two of this name, the one was a Tyrant, the other one of the Sages, as Diogenes Laertius showeth out of Sotion, Heraclides, and Pamphila; but Neanthes saith that these two Periander's were cousin germans, and indeed it is unlikely that the Grecians, who hated tyranny as much as any other nation, should so far honour this cruel Tyrant, as to reckon him one of their so much renowned Wisemen. Lib. 3. cap. 1.§ 2. THe Septuagint, who translated the Old Testament, did also turn this book of Daniel] The Septuagint translated no more of the Old Testament but only the five books of Moses, commonly called the LAW: so saith Josephus in Prooem. Antiq. and the Talmudists affirm the same, and so doth Aristaeus de 70 Interpret. who was one of those ambassadors which Ptolemy the son of Lagus (as Irenaeus thinketh) or rather of Ptolemy Philadelphus his successor, (as most suppose) sent to Eleazar the High Priest about this Translation, some 290 years before Christ. Of this opinion is * Oz. de vita Moysis. Philo also, and so is Saint Hierom in his Hebrew Questions, and on Ezec. cap. 5. and cap. 2. Micheae: yet sometimes he nameth the Greek Translation of the Prophets, and calls it the Septuagints, because it then went under that name; and so may Justin, Irenaeus, and Epiphanius be understood, when they speak of the Septuagints Translation. Lib. 3. cap. 1.§ 2. THe Book of Daniel, so much I mean as is found in the Hebrew, is Canonical] But the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters of Daniel are not found in Hebrew, and yet they are Canonical, for they are in the Chaldee tongue, which is so far different from the Hebrew, that when Daniel came to Chaldea, he was fain to learn that tongue: and Jeremy, Chap. 5. tells the Jews that God would bring a Nation upon them, whose Language they did not understand. Therefore Rabsaces was desired by Ezecbia that he would no speak to the Jews in the Hebrew, but in the Chaldee, or Syriac tongue, because they understood it not: but after the captivity, the Jewish tongue was called the Syriac, as being made up of the Chaldee or Syriac, and Hebrew: So much then of Daniel as is not in Greek is Canonical. Lib. 3. cap. 1. §. 7. THe numeral notes {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 5 expressing 26, &c. and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} standing for 23] Here the numerical figure 5 is put for the greek letter 5: but this was doubtless the Printers ignorance: yet I do not find that the Greeks reckoned by their letters, as Sir Walter set's down here; for they do not write 26 by {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 5 but by {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, which among them hath the valuation of 20, and 5 which is 6, so {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is not 23 but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}; for {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is 2, and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 3, which joined together make but 5; but this kind of joining letters is not used among the Greeks. Lib. 3. cap. 10.§ 11. NEar the river Phasis the Chalybes were seated These were the Chalybes of Scythia, called by Pliny, Armenochalybes. sometimes (saith Strabo) they were called Chaldaei, and Halizones in Homer. Chalybes and Alibes are thought to be th'same. These were thought to be the first inventors or users of steel, or the hardening of iron into steel: but Gregory Nazianzen make the Cyclopes the first inv; but indeed Vulcan, or Tubal Cain rather was the first, before the Flood; perhaps after, these Chalytes (from whom steel is called Chalybs) were the first that made use of it. There were also in Spain a people called Chalybes, from a river of the same name; of these Justin speaks in his last book; Virgil and Mela in his first book. These Asian Chalybes are called by Atschylus {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, workers in Iron, because they prepare it for steel; and the country he calls {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. Lib. 3. cap. 1.§ 1. Macedon, so called of Macedon the son of Osiris] I think it was rather called Macedonia from Makos, or Mekos, that is, Long, and hedone, Pleasure, because of the long and continuing pleasures of Tempe in Thessaly, which was a part of Macedonia; hence Macedonia was called of old Edonia: it was called also Maketia, and the inhabitants Macetae, of whom Auson, declare urb cap. 2.— Maceturrque attollite nomen. And Philip in A. Gellius l. 9 cap. 3. is called Terrae Macetiae Rex, King of Macetia, that is Macedon perhaps, from the Hebrew Chittim; for Alexander of Macedonia is said in the first book of Macab. l. 1. c. 8. 5. to come out of the Land of Chittim: {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} And Persius, whom the Romans subdued, is called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} King of the Citei; and Isaiah tell's the Tyrians, chap. 22. ver. 1. that their destruction should break out Meeret Kithim from the land of Chittim, for Alexander overthrew Tyrus. I know also that It lie is called Chittim in Scripture, but of that I will not now say any thing. This region of Macedon had other names, to wit, Emathia, and Emonia, from Emus' King thereof, and husband of Rhodope, who both, for their pride, were converted into hills of their own name. Lib. 3. cap. 1.§ 11. NEbuchadnezzar lived, and fed himself after the same manner, and with the same food that beasts do; not that he was changed in figure external] If he was not changed in his outward shape, why should Daniel, writing his history, relate it so; it is more consistent with an historical phrase and description, to affirm he was truly metamorphosed in his external figure, than the other was: it agrees also more with the omnipotence of God, who when he is displeased with sinners can change them into beasts, and when he pleaseth, restore them again to their ancient shape: This also is consonant to other transformations in Scripture, as of Lot's wife into a Pillar of Salt: of Moses his rod into a Serpent: of water into wine: of dust into lice, &c. If we say that Nabuchadnezzar's change was not in external figure, so we may affirm that Lot's wife was not truly transformed in her outward shape. Lib. 4. cap. 3. THe last act of Demosthene's poisoning himself, argue's some valour in him] This last act argued no valour, but cowardice in him: for it is a cowardly trick for a soldier to fling down his Arms, and run away out of the Camp, without leave of his General. Every man is a soldier in this life, placed in his proper Station, by almighty God the great General; which station, if he forsake without leave, he is a coward. Such a coward was Demosthenes, who never more deserved the name of Ripsaspis then now. Such a coward was Cato uticensis, as Saint Austin de civit. Dei lib. 1. proves: Such was Brutus, and even Hannibal when he poisoned himself; for these out of pusillanimity, durst not look their enemies in the face, and rather than they would show any courage in enduring the disgraces or tortures that they might be put to, did cowardly run away out of their life. He is manly courageous that can endure miseries. Fortiter ille facit, qui miser esse potest. Such courageous champions was Christ, such were his Aposties and Martyrs. If we would behold a brave courageous Roman indeed, then look upon M. Attilius Regulus, who rather than he would kill himself, and die like a coward, did volentarily proffer himself to the Carthaginians to endure all tortures. This cowardly trick of self murder is more proper for women than men: and indeed we find in histories more women guilty of this vice than men, as Lucretia, Cleopatra, Dido, and her sister Anna, Phyllis Amata the wife of Latinus, Juturna the sister of Turnus; Sapph, the Lesbian; mad Jocasta, the daughter of Creon; Phaedra, the stepmother of Hippolytus; Dejanira, the wife of Hercules; Statyra, and Roxane, the sisters of Mithridates; the Lemnian Virgins who usually hanged themselves, and multitudes more. And when we read that some valiant men have killed themselves, we must know that they never did this, but when they had lost their masculine courage, and were become cowards, and effeminate, as Sardanapalus and Hercules, who sat spinning and carding among women. This cowardice of self-murder was so hated by the Athenians, that they did not bestow on such the honour of burial: and the Lemnians used to drag the naked bodies of self-murtherers up and down the streets. The Prince of Poets placeth them in Hell, bewailing their cowardice, and wishing they were again upon the earth, to endure all miseries. — lucemque perosi Projecere animas, quam vellent aethere in alto Nunc & pauperiem, & duros perferre labores, Fata obstent— Lib. 1 cap. 1.§ 3. He recovered the city Crenides (Sometimes Datus) and called it Philippi] Where this city of old stood, it is much controverted. Florus, Ovid, and Servius, place it in Thestalia; Pliny, and Mela in Thracia; but Ptolemy in Macedonia, and so doth Saint Luke, Act. 16. nor is it certain whether there were not two towns of that name in those countries. Near to Philippi were those spacious fields called Philippici, where Cassius and Brutus were overthrown by Octavius and Ant nius. But why the poets should call the Phaesalic field, where Pompeie was overthrown by Cesar, Philippici, I could never yet understand, seeing these fields are many miles distant from each other, except there were two towns of that name: Here at this town Paul and Silas were imprisoned and whipped: from hence he wrote his second Epistle to the Corinthians, and to the Philippians he wro●e one of his Epistles. This town was a colony of the Romans, and was called of old Crenides, from the many springs of water, or else veins of gold it had, which much enriched Philip, whose money, called Philippici, was coined here. It was called also Datus from the riches; of which town came the Greek proverb {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} when they meant plenty of all good things. Lib. 4. cap. 2.§ 7. ALl men that know Egypt, and write thereof, affirm that it never rains there] All men do not write so, Seneca indeed writes, Nat. quaest. l. 3. that it never or seldom rain's in that part of Egypt which is near Ethiopia, and that the rain which falls there doth the ground but little good, as being more accustomed to the waters of Nilus then to the rain water: And whereas all write that Egypt is subject to clouds, and that it thunders oftentimes there, it were miraculous if it should never rain, being there are the same causes of rain that are in the countries round about it; therefore to say it never rain's in Egypt, is as true as that of Pliny, who affirms that it never rain's in the court of Venu's temple in Paphos, nor near the image of Minerva by Troas. Lucan indeed writes, that Egypt doth not need rain so much rain as other places because of Nilus. — non indiga mercis, Aut Jovis, in solo tanta est fiducia Nilo. But Travellers, who have been there, find, that when it rain's there the people are subject to Catthars, and other infirmities, and likewise that the northerly wind which use to be dry in other places are always moist there: but Herodotus lib. 3. tells us of a shower of rain which fell at Thebes in Egypt in the days of Psammenitus which was held a wonder: But I hold it no wonder for him to credit this fable whose whole book is full of such stuff, for Pigafetta saith it raineth oftentimes in and about Alexandria. It seems most have been of opinion that it rain's not in Egypt, because Nilus overflows it, and supplies the defect of rain; but then by the same reason they may conclude, that it doth not rain in those countries of Africa, through which the river Niger floweth, nor in America, where the rivers of Amazons and Guiena run, which have their yearly overflowings as Nilus hath, and so hath Menan in Pegu, and Sian in Asia, and yet it raineth in all those places. Lib. 4. cap. 2.§ 15. We may give credit to Writers, making mention of such Amazons] I see no ground why we should give credit to those authors who write of the Amazons, seeing they never saw any, but only write upon hear-say: & we know how many fictions and fabulous stories are communicated by tradition from one to another. It is true, there have been in all ages warlike women; but that there should be a particular race of women, who domineered over their husbands, commanding them to spin and card, and look to household business, whilst they did wage watts abroad; that give themselves but once a year to copulation, that only educated their daughters in military emploiements, and either killed or maimed their ions, that cut off their right breast and such like stuff, is all ridiculous, and no more to be credited then the stories of tbe Gorgones, Harpies, and sirens: for to what end should they cut off a pap or breast, seeing the breast is no hindrance to shooting; for we read of women that have been excellent Archers, and yet have had both their breasts: neither do I think that they were called Amazons from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the pap, but from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and this from the Hebrew Mazzah, which is a cake, or loaf made of meal and water, or milk, which the Amazons never used, but contented themselves with Snails, Lisards, and such kind of food; therefore poor people that could not reach to eat bread, were called Amazons. And the less credit we are to give to them that write of those Amazons, because they cannot agree where they dwelled: for Diodorus placeth them in Lybia, and in the Atlantic Ocean; Trogus, and Justin make them Scythians; Ptolemy, and Curtius place them near the Caspian sea; others will have them to dwell near the river Thermodoon: Goropius will have them to be Cimbrians, or Sarmatians: Lopez will have them to be in Congo, and in America, where the river of Amazons is so called from this fiction: others again bestow upon them a great part of the Kingdom of Monomotapa: but the truth is, they were never any where; and of this mind is Strabo, lib. 11. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 2. cap. 11. and Palephatus, lib. 1. of whose opinion I am, That the Amazons were nothing else but Thiacian men close shaven, and wearing long garments like women, which gave the occasion to this Fiction. Lib. 4. cap. 2.§ 21. THe Thunder and Lightning with which Bacchus and Hercules were beaten back from the assault of the city of the Oxydracae, may well be understood of the great Ordnance that those people had then in use, for the Eastern people had the use of Canon long before Alexander's time] This is a mere fancy without any ground, for what ancient writer did ever understand by thunder and lightning our Ordnince: which was not the invention (as some think) of the Eastern people, but of the Western, who have been ever more ingenious, and have found out in a manner all Arts, Sciences, Laws and Religion. For is it like lie that before Alexander's time yet before Baechus and Hercules, the Indian should have Ordnance, and neither the Persians their neighbours, nor Alexander, who went so far into the Indies, and who was so curious and ambitious of all knowledge of arts, should be ignorant of this art of artillery, so useful for his victories; and that the Romans, who extended their trophies so far Eastward, should never mention this art, or know the use of it, who were so ingenious in all military engines. For what is spoken of Claudiana tonitrua, or Salmoneus his lightning and thundering, is nothing else but brandishing of torches in the dark, and rumbling with stones or iron upon brass, which will make a hideous noise. Therefore doubtless this invention, which was never mentioned by any ancient writer, is not yet 300 years old, found out, as some say, at Mentz, in Germany, others in Phrisia; but I rather think it was found out in Italy, the land of all inventions: for I find the Italians have been ever the most witty people for invention in the world; and that besides shooting with guns, they have invented divers other ways of using gunpowder. Again, the word Archibugio a harquebus, is Italian, made up perhaps of Arco a bow, and buso a hole, or hollowness, because it is as a hollow bow, or a bow with a hole, out of which bullets are discharged, as darts flung from a bow. It is then more probable that guns is a late European invention: not Asiatic; for the Turks, more Easter; then Germany, or Italy, knew not this art till they learned it of the Western Christians, and doubtless that Monk the chemist, who found it out first, was either a German or rather an Italian living in Germany, for the Germans are better for imitation then invention. Lib. 5. cap. 1.§ 1. I Think it was a great part of Rome's good fortune, that Alexander came not into Italy] I think it was rather Alexander's good fortune, for he would have found great odds between Italian and Persian Armies: as good soldiers as Alexander have come into Italy, but they had better stayed out of it. For neither Pyrrbus, nor Annibal got any thing by their coming thither, they both indeed got victories, but they had better been without them; for Pyrrbus in his last victory, having lost all the strength and flower of his army, cried out, That such another victory would be his undoing; so that he was fain to leave Italy with loss: and when he saw the valour and invincible courage of the Romans, whose dead carcases lay on the ground, retaining threatenings in their countenance, and their swords in their hands, none of them having wounds but in his breast, he cried out, O! how easy were it for me conquer the whole world if I had such soldiers: and so little did he trust to his own strength, when he saw those unconquered spirits of the Romans, that though he was victor, yet entreated for peace, which notwithstanding was denied him, & a peremptory command sent from the Senate, that he should depart with all speed out of Italy. And victorious Hannibal confessed that he had to do with soldiers (meaning the Romans) that were neither content with bad nor good fortune, for when they conquered, they prosecuted their victories; and when they were conquered, they renewed their forces: nay I may truly say, that though the Romans were many times beaten, yet they were never conquered, because like the giant Antaeus, the oftener they were flung to the ground, the greater strength they gathered. Alexander, who chased thousands of Persians like sheep before him, should have found one horative Cocles who would have resisted him, and given check to his victories; and I believe, had he seen Mutius Scaevola burn his own hand in the fire, he would have as much adm red him as Porsenna did, and would have been glad with him to have made peace with the Romans. I doubt me, if Alexander, for all his courage, would have rid into the fiery gulf, to save his country from ruin, as Marcus Curtius did; or would his Macedons have devoted themselves as the Fabii and Decii did. It is true that Sir Walter says, the Romans were beaten by the Samnites, but he should have remembered, that a Roman, taken from the plough, beat again the Samnites, and brought them into subjection. What undaunted spirits had these men, when having lost all, and Annibal ready to enter at one of their gates, they were then busy in sending an army away for Spain out of another gate. And when in the Punic War their Fleet was running away, they ran into the Sea, laid hold upon their ships, and brought them back: And who could have more courage than that Roman, who having received many wounds, and lost both his hands, yet with his teeth so set upon his enemy, that he bit off his nose, and both his ears. Or that Roman, who being left alone upon a rock in the British sea, and beset by many Britains, he killed and wounded many of them, and at last leapt into the sea in his Armour, having flung away his target, and swam safe to Cesar, craving pardon for the loss of his target. Innumerable examples might be brought of this sort, even of common soldiers, not to speak of their great commanders, the Fabii, Marcelli, Scipie's, Camilli, Caesar's, and many others, the meanest of which migbt be equalled to Alexander. Talibus viris, non labour insolitus, non locus ullus asper erat. Sallust. Such little regard did the Romans make of all Hannibal's victories, that when he was set down before the city with his army, they publicly sold that plot of ground, and a Roman bought it. I believe the Gauls were as stout soldiers as ever the Macedons were; but what they got by their coming into Italy their posterity will not brag of. Tu regere imperio populos Roman memento Hae tibi erunt arts, pacique imponere morem, Parcere subjectis, & debellare superbos. Lib. 4. cap. 5.§ 7. THese years of the Greeks were not reckoned in all countries from one beginning, as appears in the difference of one year that is found between actions related by the several authors of the two books of the Maccabees] I find the Greeks had three computations, the one was called AEra Seleuci Alexandrina, which began An. mundi 3638 Martii 15; and because the Jews used it, it was called AEra Seleuci Judaica. Their second Computation began An. mundi 3639, a year after the other, and was much used in Syria; it was called Antiochena. The third Computation called Chaldaica, because used by the Chaldeans, had the same beginning with that of Antioch, An. mundi 3639, save only that the Chaldeans began their reckoning from the Spring, the Antiocheans from the Autumn of the same year this Chaldaic reckoning, was called also AEra Macedonica, and AEra Graecorum, because used by these Nations. Now this word Aera is made up of the Capital letters of A. oer. A, that is Annus erat Augusti, for so they used for brevity to write only the Capital letters; but at last the Clerks, or Secretaries joined the letters leaving out the points, and so was made up the word Aira. Lib. 4. cap. 1.§ 4.† 1. SIcil was first inhabited by Giants; afterward the Sicani, a people of Spain, possessed it; then the Siculi, out of Latium, invaded them] I think the first inhabitants of Sicily, and other countries, were called Giants, not because of their huge stature and deformity, (though I deny not but some tall men have been in all ages) but because their original not being known, or whence they came, they were supposed to spring out of the earth, therefore called Gigantes, and Aborigines; the Greeks also called them {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: but that the Sicani came out of Spain I cannot admit: for Diodorus lib. 5. a Sicilian born, shows that these Sicani were natives of Sicily, which he proveth out of Timaeus Siculus, who lived under Agathocles and others: and these Sicani were said to descend from the Cyclopes, Lestrigones, who all affirm to be the first inhabitants of Sicily. Besides, there is no such river in Spain as Sicanus, of which they say the Sicanians had their name. There was indeed the river Sicoris, perhaps the same with Segre in Catalonia, but there was never any such river in Spain as Sicanus, neither could these Sicani come out of Spain, but either by shipping, which not was then known to them, or else through many warlike nations in Italy, which without subduing of them, they could not have free passage. As for the Siculi which passed thither out of Italy we find no certainty, but that rather they were the Ligurians, under a Commander whose name was Siculus, the son of Neptune, and brother of Italas, as we may see in Silius lib. 14. Mox Ligurum pubes Siculo ductore novavit Possessis bello mutata vocabula regnis. Therefore I think rather with * Geog. sac. par. ●● lib. 1. cap. 300 Bochartas, that the Sicani neither came, nor had their name from Siculi, but from the Hebrew Sekenim, that is neighbours, because these Sicani were next neighbours to the Poeni in Sicily. So from Siclut, that is perfection, is the name Sicily, because that I stand for perfection and excellency of all things was hold the chiefest: So Laestrigon is from Lais tircan, that is a biting Lion, because perhaps those people were fierce like Lions, and so they were called Leontini. And Cyclopes is from the Phoenician word Coek lub, or Lelub, that is the bay of Lybia. for the bay Lilybaeum, oppositeto Lybia, was first possessed by the Phoenicians and Lybians. Lib. 5. cap. 2.§ 4. THe Romans entertained the proffer of those Mercenaries that were fled out of Sardinia and they denounced War against Carthage, under a shameless pretence, that the preparations made for Sardinia, were made against Rome itself] Sir Walter is too peremptory in condemning this noble people of injustice: he should have remembered that all Justice, and all Laws are not alike, nor of the same kind; there are military laws (and yet just) repugnant to the civil law; there is a justice of dominion in Principalities and States, which among private men were injustice; it is an unjust thing to punish children for the father's offence, and yet it is justice in matter of treason: it is injustice for a private man to entertain another man's fugitive-servant, or a debtor, or a criminous person; & yet it was not unjust for the Hebrews and the Romans to have their Asyla, Sanctuaries, or places of Refuge for such. It is not lawful for private men to carry away maids violently and marry them; yet it was lawful in the Romans to do so to the Sabine Virgins, being necessitated thereto, for the uniting of these two nations, and the avoiding of bloodshed. A private widow may lawfully marry; but not always the widow of an Emperor or King, because by such marriages, the peace of the Kingdom or Empire may be endangered. That which in other governments is tolerable, was not tolerated in the Athenian democracy; among whom it was lawful, by their Ostracism, to banish any person more eminent than another in virtue or wealth; because the presence of such a man might endanger their peace, and form of government; neither should a wise man take it ill, to be banished even for his excellency, so long as his banishment tends to the common good, which he should prefer to his own private interest. The body natural is bettered sometime by phlebotomy, and the tree by the loss of some branches. It is certain that the safety of the people is the Supreme Law, and therefore it was no injustice in the Romans to accept of Sardinia, being invited thither both by the Carthaginian Mercenaries, and the natives. For it was lawful for them to undertake the protection of the miserable; but such were the Carthaginian subjects, who endured an insupportable stavery under their tyrannical yoke; whereas the Roman government was much more gentle and mild. Again, the Romans knew (notwithstanding there was a League between them and Carthage) how maliciously that city was bent against Rome, envying her rising glory, and labouring by all means to suppress it when any opportunity presented itself, though at this time she could not, being much weakened by her mercenaries, and rebellious subjects. It had been madness therefore in Rome to suffer so potent, so malicious, and so faithless a city as Carthage, to seat herself in Sardinia so near them; who, upon all occasions, would have been ready to cut the Roman's throats: therefore it was both prudence in them to prevent such a mischief, and justice towards their subjects to keep under their enemies, and to observe their old Rule, Nè quid Respublica detrimenti capiat. It's true that the wrong done by Carthage, upon the Roman Merchants, was satisfied in respect of their goods, but the Romans did not know that their Merchants were drowned by the Carthaginians, till after the peace was made; therefore in this regard they had reason to seize upon Sardinia. I know that the Romans did not always help those that implored their help after this manner, for when the Campanians sought their aid against the Samnites, they were refused, because the Samnites were their old and true friends, therefore the Romans would not force them by arms, but entreat them by their legates to abstain from wronging the Campanians. But the case was otherwise with Carthage, which never was a true friend to Rome, but still emulous of her greatness, and still labouring to bring her under, and her power was to be feared, whereas the Samnites had not that power to hurt the Romans, which Carthage had. Again, if the Romans had been base, as Sir Walter would have them, they would have accepted of the proffer of Sardinia, when Carthage was in so low a condition, that she was resdie to be delivered up to the Mercenaries, which they generously refused, and gave assistance to Carthage, prohibiting their Merchants to carry any he por provision to the Carthaginian rebels, as Polybius l. 1. shows. But Sir Walter saith that this courtesy of the Romans proceeded from hope they had that Carthage either would have submitted to them, or else to the rebels: but I wonder how he came to know the Roman's mind so well, seeing Polybius, out of whom he hath the history, speaks no such thing, nor doth he give them that ill language that St Walter doth, (which ill beseems an historian) but he still mention's them with great respect, which we ought all to do, seeing God used them as instruments to free us from barbatism, and to cultivate us with knowledge and civility: besides, Dio Diaconus, Orofius, and Victor witness that Satdinia was the Romans, not extorted by fraud, but yielded by the League made with Luctatius. Again, Florus tell's that serpent bello, during the war Sardinia was annexed to the Empire. Lastly the Carthaginian ambassadors confess to Scipio that they had unjustly broken the peace with Rome. Lib. 5. cap. 3.§ 10. THe greatness of the Roman calamity appeared, when the golden rings were poured out which were taken from the fingers of the Roman Knights, whereas the chief only of that order were accustomed to wear that Ornament] This was no mark to know the greatness of the Roman calamity; for though at first golden rings were permitted only to ambassadors to wear, and that only in public, not in private houses: and though afterward it was lawful only for the chief of the order of Knighthood, yet all Knights had this honour at last to wear rings, whereby they might be distinguished from the Plebeians. But in Hanaibal's time, even the Plebeians also wore them, as Pliny lib. 33. 1. showeth. Although I do not think that all promiscuously wore them, but such only as were ingenui: for servants wore iron rings, yet sometimes they were permitted to wear gold rings, when their masters pleased, as may be seen in Plaut. in Casinâ; for Stalino promiseth to his servant Perdalisca, Annulum in digito aureum, A gold ring on her finger, which was not ordinary, for servants might have and possess gold rings, but not wear them: yet the Libertines, or those that were manumitted, had leave to wear them in the Emperor's to me, as may be seen in Sueton. in Vitel. who shows that Vitellius bestowed gold rings upon his Libertine. And * Herod. in Sever. Severus permitted even the common soldier's {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} saith Herodian. The greatness then of the Roman calamity, could not be known by the rings, nor was it an argument of so many knight's stain, as there were rings taken: for 1. All used rings promiscuously. Then 2. One man might have many rings, for they used to have their summer, and their winter rings, of which Journal Sat. 1. — aectivum ventilat aurum. This he calls aurum semestre. 3. When Hannibal plundered towns, he found divers rings laid up in cabinets. 4. Livy, out of whom Sir Walter hath this history, make's mention indeed of bushels of rings, but he doth not say with Sir Walter, that they were taken from the fingers of the Roman Knights. Lib. 5. cap. 3.§ 21. IT was a barbarcus custom of the Romans, to insult over the calamity of mighty Princes, by leading them contumeliously in triumph] Sir Walter cannot look upon the Roman glory but with a squint eye; had he lived in the Roman's time, he would have been a fit man to have accompanied the triumphant Chariot, and to have abused the Emperors with uncivil language, as the custom was then, to abate their pride in the midst of their glory. But for the Romans to lead their captive Kings in triumph, was no barbarous custom, nor did they contumeliously insult over them: In this custom they showed both justice, mercy, and prudence: justice, in punishing them after this gentle manner, who had wronged them or their confederates; mercy, in that they spared their lives whom they might have slain by the law of Arms, being their captives; prudence, for by this custom they caused other Princes both to fear, and love them. For they did not contumeliously lead them as Sir Walter says, but honourably, permitting them to wear their Crowns on their heads, and to walk along in their princely robes; nay, the meanest of their Captives that were led in triumph, were bravely and richly attired, as Josephus tells us, de bell. Jud. l. 7. c. 24. What if they had used their captive Kings as Adonibezee did, who cut off the thumbs and great toes of so many Kings, causing them to gather up meat under his table: Or as Sapores the Persian King, who made Valerian the Roman Emperor, his footstool as often as he took horse, and at last stead him alive. Or as Tamerlain used Bajazet, who carried him about in an iron cage. Or as Selimus used Tomombeius, the last King of the Mamalucs in Egypt, who first tortured him, than carried him up and down the streets disgracefully, upon a poor base Jade; at last strangled him, and hanged up his body on an iron hook, in the very gates of the city, as a disgraceful spectacle. Or what if the Emperors had caused their Kings to draw their triumphant chariots, as Sesacus, or Sesostris did; * Tzetzes. Chil. J. cap. 69; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, &c. using his captive Kings instead of horses. Lucan. lib. 10. Et Pharios currus Regum cervicibus egit. If, I say, the Romans had used their Kings thus, Sir Walter might have justly complained of their barbarousness. What would he have said of Joshua, who hanged up the King of Ai upon a tree, and trod upon the necks of five Kings: and how would he have liked of that Scripture phrase, Of binding Kings in chains, and Nobles in links of iron. Though victory, as Tully pro Marcel. tells us, be of itself insolent and proud, year I dare say, that never people used their victories with so great moderation as the Romans did, whose glory it was Parcere subjectis, & debellare superbos Lib. 5. cap. 5.§ 2. THis was that Seleucia whereto Antigonus, who founded it, gave the name of Antigonia; but Seleucus, getting it shortly after, called it Seleucia] Here is a double mistake: for 1. Antigonus did not found Seleucia, but Seleucus, as all Historians affirm; who write, that he built one Seleucia in Syria, near the mouth of Orontes, which is largely described by Polybius: The other Seleucia he built not far from Babylon in Chaldea; which city was afterward called Babylonia, as being made up of the ruins of it; and robbing that ancient city both of its name, wealth, and inhabitants. The town that Antigonus built, was called by him, Antigonia, and it stood in Macedonia as Pliny showeth, Antigonus the son of Gonatus built it, Mantinaea also in Arcadia was called by Aratus, in honour of Antigonus, Antigonia. There was also in Syria, near Antioch, another Antigonia. I read also, that Troas was called Antigonia, and afterward Alexandria 2. The other mistake is, that Seleucus, getting the town of Antigonia, called it Seleucia: whereas as Diodorus lib. 20. showeth, Antigonia did not stand long, but was utterly destroyed by Seleucus, who carried away thence, the inhabitants to that city which he had built, and which by him was called Seleucia. Appian tell's us that Seleucus built nine cities, called from his own name Seleucia: The two chief were that of Syria upon the sea, and that of Chaldea upon Tigris. He built also sixteen antioches, called so from his father's name, and six Laodiceas, from his mother's name; four from his wive's, to wit three Apanea's, and one Stratonicea. Lib. 5. cap. 5.§ 2. THe Parthians were commonly subjects to those that ruled in Media] They were not so long subject to Media, as to Assyria, and Persia; for they were under the Assyrians above a thousand years, under the Medes they were only three hundred fifty years: For when Arbactus translated the Empire from the Assyrians to the Medes, than Parthia became subject to Media: but after Cyrus removed the Empire to Persia, the Parthians were subjected to the Persians for two hundred and fifty years. After them, they were subjected a while to the Macedonians, after Alexander had subdued the Persian monarchy: but shortly after his death, under Arsaces, they became a potent and free Kingdom; with whom, both Seleucus and Antiochus were glad to make peace. The Roman Armies under Crassus and M. Antony were defeated by them; but at last they were forced to submit to the Romans, and to send back to Augustus the Roman Ensigns taken from Crassus, and to receive what Kings the Romans did name them. About 226 years after Christ, they were subject to the Persians again, till the Saracens prevailed in those parts: And lastly they became subject again to the Persian, and so they remain to this day. Lib. 5. cap. 5.§ 4. THe Roman ambassadors discovered their intended mischief against Hannibal, and the malice of their Senate] Here again are the Romans bespattered with the name of malice against Hannibal, the firebrand both of his own country, and of Italy. It was no malice, but justice in the Romans, to have that incendiary cut off, who was not content with the mischief already done by him; but his restless spirit was working new plots, and because he could not prevail with Carthage, to involv her in a new war with Rome, he entertain's secret correspondency with Antiochus, which the Romans knew well enough, and therefore sent their ambassadors to Carthage, to have him punished, which his guilty conscience fearing, fled secretly to Antiochus, showing, that he meant to put in execution what he had long intended, to wit, the raising of an army both by sea and land, to invade Italy; by which he procured his own ruin, and destruction also, when he solicited. It had been happy both for Carthage, and Antiochus, that Annibal had never been born: or that he had been delivered up to the Romans, when he sat down before Saguntum; for so the vast expense, both of blood, and money, might have been saved. It hath been held ever better policy for one to perish, than unity, Pereat potiùs unus, quàm unitas: and therefore Hauno was doubtless a better Patriot than Hannibal; for the one endeavoured to preserve his country by Peace, the other ruined it by War. Lib. 5. cap. 5.§ 4. THe Romans were not bound in honour to make War with Antiochus, that sought their love, and never did them injury] he sought their love indeed, but it was to ruin their confederates; and did he never any injury to the Romans? was it not an injury to invade the towns of Ptolemy their confederate, after he had received warning from Rome, not to meddle with them. Was it not an injury to invade and take some towns of Philip, which belonged, by the right of conquest, to the Romans, who subdued Philip. There was no reason why the Romans should beat the bush, with such infinite cost, and trouble, and Antiochus catch the Hare. Was it not an injury to Rome, for Antiochus to keep secret correspondency with Hannibal, and to entertain him so royally, that was their mortal and sworn enemy? doubtless had Sir Walter been a Roman, or an impartial Historian, he would have acknowledged these to be great injuries, and that the Romans in point of honour, and justice, had reason to reject his friendship, which tended only to his own benefit, and their prejudice. Lib. 5. cap. 5.§ 9 NOt only the prophecies of Sibyl, wherein CHRIST was so plainly showed, but even the books of Hermes are no better than counterfeit pieces; entertained at first by the undiscreet zeal of such as delighted to see Christian Religion strengthened with foreign proofs] The first I find, who questioned these prophecies of Sibyl, concerning Christ, was Celsus the enemy of Christ. I find them here questioned by Sir Walter out of Casaubon; but why they should be questioned, I find no reason, but only because idolatry was advanced in Rome, by the books of Sibyl. This is a weak reason, for though the Sibyls had been Idolaters themselves, we have no more cause to suspect their prophecies of CHRIST, than the prophecy of Balaam who was an Idolater, and yet none of the true prophets did speak more clearly of Christ than he did: because Satan is the author of idolatry, shall we therefore reject his testimony of CHRIST, when he acknowledgeth him to be the Son of GOD; or question that piece of Scripture? But to me it seems strange, that men of judgement should think those Oracles of the Sibyls to be foisted in, or forged by Christians, seeing they are mentioned by Tully, and Varro, who were dead before Christ was born. Tully speaks of these Acrostics which contain the letters of our Saviour's name; and * Lib. 2. de divinats shows, that Sibyl was not out of her mind when she made them. He speaks of a certain King, mentioned in Sibyl's verses, by whom the Romans must be saved. Besides, how could any Christian insert these prophecies into the Sibyl's books, which as Suetonius in vitâ Octav. saith, were so carefully kept by Augustus, that he laid them up in two golden cabinets in Apollo's Temple. And what impudency had it been in Christians, to foist in such Oracles into Sibyl's books; for in the time of Justin Martyr, and Lactantius, who set down these Oracles, the books of Sibyl were generally known, and copies of them every where; so that such a forgery could not but be known, and it had been both a confirmation of Gentilism, and a weakening of the Christian Caus, when it should have been known that they supported their Religion with such forgeries: and it had been a vain thing for Christians to confute the Gentiles, who rejected our Scriptures by their own Oracles, if there had been none such to be found in their Sibyl's books. b See Just'n Mart. Origen; Lactan. Clem. Alex. Austin. &c. Again, the Emperor's finding that the Christians had made use of those books to confute their idolatry, and that divers Gentiles, by this means were convinced, they commanded that none should read those books under pain of death. And indeed we read that Secundianus, Vecianus, and Marcellinus the Orator were converted to Christianity, by reading the fourth Eclogue of Virgil, which he took out of the Sibyl's books: and therefore it stood with the wisdom of God, to use the testimony of Heathenish Oracles against themselves, and to beat them with their own weapons, to make them inexcusable. And no less vanity is it, to question the writings of Hermes, or Mercurius Trismegistus, so called for his great learning; or from the knowledge he had of the trinity; who for his admirable learning, was worshipped as a god among the Egyptians: I say, to question his writings, which have been received from age to age, and so often cited by ancient, and modern, Heathenish, and Christian writers, and give no reason why they should be questioned or suspected, argue's vanity and self conceit; for so we may question any thing that hath been written, and so all men must become doubtful academics. I know the age in which he lived may be questioned, some making him no older than Diogenes, others more ancient than Moses, which is likely, because he is by some said to be the son, by others the scribe of Saturn, and the first that taught the Egyptians knowledge by Writing; in all which learning of the Egyptians Moses was skilful: but to question his doctrine without any ground, is not allowable. Lib. 5. cap. 5.§ 9 I Am persuaded that this inscription Simoni de sancto, was by some bad Criticism taken amiss, in place of Semoni Sango] Here Sir Walter will not believe that there was ever at Rome any Altar erected to Simon Magus; because Suetonius, Tacitus, Dion, and Seneca make no mention of it. I would know whether these mention all the Altars, Temples, or honours that were given in Rome to each particular god, which almost were numberless. Shall we say, that there were no more gods, sacrifices altars, and temples then what they mention, we should find but very few in Rome; but what if these have not mentioned this honour, yet many grave and learned authors have for their sakes, than we may credit it, till we know the contrary. The Roman Histories make no mention of Simon Magus at all, nor of his Concubine Helena, or Selene, nor of his damnable doctrines; shall we therefore conclude there were no such persons or doctrines in those times. Yet Dio Chrys. orat. 21. speaks of one (whom he name's not) who was entertained by Nero, for promising he would fly in the aër. And Suetonius relate's of one, who like Icarus would needs fly, but he fell, and bespattered Nero's chamber, or his pavilion, or chair of state with his blood. Now that this was Simon Magus, all the Christian Historians do agree. And surely Irenaeus, and likewise Justin Martin in his Oration to Antonius the Emperor, and Tertullian in his second Apologetic had been ucrie impudent, to accuse the Romans of such gross idolatry, in erecting an Altar to Simon Magus if it had been no such thing: it had been easy for the Emperors to have refuted this lie. As for the conceit of Semani Sango it is vain, for Justin Martyr in Apol ad Anton. pium showeth, that he, to whom the Altar was erected on the bank of Tiber between the two bridges, was a Samaritan, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} born in a village called Gitton. But Sangus was a Sabean, and the first King of that Nation, as St Austin lib. 18. de Civit. showeth; from whom, or as others think, from his son Saba, the Cures were called Sabeans. And as Romulus, the first King of the Romans; so Sangus, the first King of the Sabeans, were honoured at Rome in the Palace: Sangus having his chapel over against the chapel of Quirinus, as Livy lib. 8. showeth: and it had been absurd to erect an Altar to Sangus, with this inscription Semoni Sango; for Semones were the pettle gods of Rome, called Dii minorum gentium à seminibus, because they had care of Seeds; as Priapus was one of their Semones: so that they had not merit enough to advance them to heaven. But Sangus, as well as Romulus, were gods of a higher degree; and if we will believe Festus, Sangus is all one with Hercules, who is called Sangus; Sancus, or Sanctus, à sanciendis foederibus; and so it seems by Propertius lib. 4 Eleg. 10. in these verses. Sancte pater salve, cui jam favet aspera Juno Sancte velis libro dexter in esse meo. Nunc quoniam manibus purgatum sanxerat orbem, Sic sanctum Tatii composuere, Cures. And whereas in Livy it is written Simonis Sangi, it should be read Sabinus Sangus; for his name was Sabus, or Sabinus, and from him the Sabines took their name, as Dempster showeth out of Silius Italicus, Punic. l. 8. Ibant & laeti pars Sanctum voce canebant Autorem gentis, pars laudes ore ferebant Sabe tuas, qui de proprio cognomine primus Dixisti populos magnâ ditione Sabinos. Some will have this Sangus to be Dius Fidius. But this conceit of Semoni Sango, Sir Walter borrows from Cerda upon Tertullian; yet Cerda leaveth it as a mere conjecture, without farther urging it. Lib. 5. cap. 5.§ 11. — OF him Daniel gave this judgement, In his place shall start up a vile person, unworthy the honour of a King, Dan. 11. ver. 2] Here again Sir Walter is mistaken, in saying that these words were spoken of Seleucus, the eldest son of Antiochus, whereas they are spoken of Antiochus Epiphanes, the younger brother of Seleucus; for he was a most vile man if we look upon his sacrileges, his injustice, and cruelty in murdering innocent persons; his levity, and seurril carriage, recorded by Historians; and therefore unworthy of a Kingdom, though his flatterers called him Epiphanes, that is Illustrious; whereas he was more justly styled Epimanes, a mad inconsiderate wretch: This is he that came in peaceably, and obtained the Kingdom by flatteries, Dan. 11. 21. for he cheated young Demetrius, his brother Seleucus' son, and deluded the people, making them believe that he aimed not at the Kingdom, but at the tuition of the young King. With the arms of a flood shall they be overthrown from before him, and they shall be broken, yea also the Prince of the Covenant. Dan. 11. 22. that is, they that opposed him shall be destroyed by the force of his arms, as with a flood, even his brother Seleucus, who made covenant with him to invade Egypt, upon pretence of assisting Pyscon against Ptolomes' Philometor. In the 23 vers his deceitful working with his brother is foretold, for he poisoned him; and hisgoing up into Syria; and this subduing of Syria is more fully expressed in the 24th vers: in the 25th verse is set down his going against the King of the South, that is Egypt; to wit, against Ptolemy Philometor, his Nephew by his sister Cleopatra: and in that same vers, and 26th is showed how Ptolemy was overthrown by Antiochus, and betrayed by his own friends and servants, that eat of his bread. In the 27th verse is set down the paccht peace, and dissembling love of these two Kingdoms to each other: in the verses following is expressed his Sacrilege in the Temple of Jerusalem, and his second invasion of Egypt: by all which it appears, that the King, described here in Daniel, is Antiochus Epiphanes, and not Seleucus; who is described in the 20 vers that he should be a raiser of Taxes, and in few days should be destroyed, neither in anger, nor in battle, for he was poisoned by Heliodorus, upon the advice of Epiphanes his brother: this Seleucus, raised heavier taxes, and reigned but a shorttime, not above seven years saith Josephus. FINIS.