ARCHAEOLOGIAE ATTICAE LIBRI SEPTEM. SEVEN BOOKS OF THE ATTIC Antiquities. CONTAINING, The description of the City's glory, Government, division of the People, and Towns within the Athenian Territories, their Religion, Superstition, Sacrifices, account of the Year, a full relation of their Judicatories. By FRANCIS ROUS Scholar of Merton College in Oxon. With an addition of their customs in Marriages, Burials, Feast, Divinations etc. in the four last books. By ZACHARY BOGAN Scholar of C.C.C. in Oxon. The fourth Edition corrected and enlarged with a twofold Index Rerum & Vocabulorum. Aristid: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. OXFORD, Printed by LEO. LICHFIELD, and HEN. HALL., for john adam's, and Ed. Forrest. 1654.. TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL Sir NATHANIEL BRENT Knight Vicar General, and the most vigilant Warden of Merton College in OXFORD, Health, etc. IT is the custom of most, to impose a patronage of their errors upon some eminent person. But it shall be my ambition in this my Dedication, to manifest my observancy. Others make their choice of potent men, thereby to shun the darts of envy. It shall be my glory to be thought worthy of invidency; whose ignorance is not so great but well knows that ever some will by't in secret; and scourge these errors of my youth with private reproaches. But such malignant tongues I will counterpoise with the wind▪ and set as lightly by as they are vain. And although I am confidently persuaded that the covert of your wings, be sufficiently able to shelter my faults, yet had I rather to express my duty toward you in these naked infirmities, whose goodness truly knows * Ausis literarum ignoscere Vegetius in Prologue. how to parden the bold adventures of learning. I present you therefore with Athens, whose deplorable raggedness my papers well resemble: which may challenge this excuse, that they assimilate themselves to the Treatise in them contained. Which of all men, I myself am conscious most unfitly to have handled. That City once the * Cic. Epist. nurse of reason; * Patercul in fine Lib. 1. which flourished in eloquence, & brave achievements more than all Greece, could not, unless in her miserable ruins, have without her disgrace been spoken of by me▪ That Athens Whence the learned Fathers of the Church sucked rare literature, Basil his eloquence, Nazianzen his strength, & others their flowing Oratory. That Athens which who had no● seen is by * Apud Dicaearchum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lypsius accounted a block. Accept, Honoured Sir, these Relics of that famous University, though by me offered, as Devotion paid to Antiquity, by you well esteemed of, though among most of these our days accounted dirt; whose labour it is to seek new fashions, and like nought but what may be accounted novelty. Resembling the brute, of which Cicero. Ad id solum quod adest, quodque praesens est se accommodat, paulum admodum sentiens praeteritum, etc. never caring for what is past. But you weigh well the excellency of talking with those Champions of Learning, hundreds of years since gathered to their former dust: By whose pencils we see drawn the lively Images of deceased Monarches, the forms of government, and very lives of states. Out of which patterns, if you please to deem the least part of this to have been taken, it shall heap to my joy that the following Tract will not seem a spurious and degenerate of spring. Upon presumption of which I fear not, as the Eagles do their young, to expose my brood to the rays of the open Sun. Thus with continual wishes for addition to your happiness, I take leave, From my Study in Merton College June 9 1637. Your worship's in all humility to be commanded F. ROUS. To the Reader. IT is not a thirst of empty glory that makes me run hazard of your censure, but a consideration of the weakness of Schoolmasters, who undertake to read the Greek Orators to raw Scholars, themselves being not ripe in the Attic custumes. I have therefore so fare endeavoured as you see. If any thing may afford a scruple to any, he shall engage me that will require satisfaction. If any thing seem amiss, it shall be taken by me as a favour to hear of it from any. For I am not of those whose ears are stopped, when their errors are told them. If this please it shall add spurs to the finishing of this course intended; and as occasion may give leave, you shall have the rest that may be spoken. Yours F. R. Index Vocabulorum. Lib. 1. Cap. 1. javan, jas, jaones, jonia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athenae in actà, Cecropiae, Cranaae, Atthis, Attica, Athenae sub Cecrope. Certamen Palladis & Neptuni, Plutarchi eâ de re sententia, Alii sub Erectheo volunt nominari, justinus sub Amphictyone, Salenos, Selines, Satinae, Sethina. 2 Athenarum situs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Herbae lucentes, Murus, Pelasgicus & Cimonicus, Propylaea circuitus veteris urbis, & novae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Piraeei brachia. Murus phalericus, Porta, Aer, Laus passim apud Scriptores, Cephissus fluvius. pag 6. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mores & ingenia. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quantum hodi●rni differunt à veteribus; & qual●m vita rationem modumque habent. pag. 14 4 De populi divisione, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quid Atheniensibus cum Aegyptiis common. p. 18 5 Tribus quatuor sub Cecrope, Mutata earum nomina, Augentur à Clisthene, duae addite. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tribulium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 20 6 Graecia vicatim habitata. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quid? Atheniensibus proprium habere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quot. Templa & sacra pagatim. pag. 23. 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Atheniensium status mutatio. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag 28 Lib. 2. Cap. 1. Duodecem Dii Atheniensium. Idolatria septifariam commissa. Dii ass●riptitii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 36. Cap 2 jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Modii salis edendi, Tesera hospitalis, seu symbolum. Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Paean & ejus verbi origo. Mercurius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 39 3 De Saturno, Neptuno, Vulcano, Marte, Hercule 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag▪ 42. 4 De Minerva, Cerere, & Proserpinâ, Baccho, Venere, Eumenidibus. Hecate, juvene, Prometheo &c p. 43. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Phaccasiani Dii pag. 45. 6 De superstitione Atheniensium & vaticiniis pag. 47. 7 De Templis & Asylis p. 52. Cap. 8. De Sacerdotiis pag. 55. 9 De Sacrificiis pag. 57 10 De Anno Attico pag. 60. 11 De Tragaedia, Satyrâ & Comaediâ pag. 80. LIB 3. Cap. 1. De Legum-latoribus Attici●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De Sanciendis Legibus pag. 94. 2 De Comitiis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. pag. 101. CAP. III. SECT. I. De Tribunalibus Atticis & primum de senatu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 104. CAP. III. SECT. II. De Areopago & ejus appellatione. Areopagitas pag. 122. CAP. III. SECT. III. De judicio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 129. CAp. III. SECT. 4. De judiciis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 133. CAP. III. SECT. V Ee Tribunalibus reliquis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 133. Cap 4 De nominibus judicialibus. pag. 136. LIB. 4 De ritibus Nuptialibus & amatoriis. Cap. 1 De venere & Cupidine 2 De Paederastiâ pag. 152. 3 De Amore mulierum. p. 154. 4 De Amoris Indiciis pag. 156. 5 De Philtris & incantamentis. pag. 158. Cap. 6 De usitato more significandi Amorem. pag. 163 7 De Nuptiis pap. 166 8 Quo tempore optime ducatur uxor pag. 185 9 Quae requirantur in Marito pag. 187 10 Quae requirantur in Vxore pag. 189 11 De divortiis pag. 192 12 De Mulierum Scleragogia & servilibus Ministeriis pag. 194. 13 De mulierum honestioribus opificiis pag. 196. 14 De Vxorum, & Filiarum Oecuriâ pag. 118. 15 De Adulterio pag. 201 LIB. V Cap. 1. De puerperarum religione etc. pag. 204 2 De Puerperio & foetu Masculo pag. 208 3 De infantibus lavandis & ungendis pag. 209 4 De cunabulis etc. pag 211 5 De infantis gestatione circaf●cum & de nominis impositione p. 214 7 De nutricibus pag. 216. 8 De expositione infantum p. 217. 9 De liberorum diversitate p. 221 10 Liberorum educatione p. 223 11 De puerorum castigatione etc. pag. 224. 12 De ascriptione in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 226 13. De ascriptione in Epheborum censum & in album Lexiarchicum. pag. 229 14 Alimenta parentibus Alumnis praebenda pag. 231 15 De Adoptione, Testaments & Hereditate pag. 232 16 De necessitate sepulturae pag. 234 17 De ter vocandâ animâ, & cenotaphiis pag. 236 18. De mortui mutilatione & iis quae in Homicidiis fleri solebant pag. 238 19 De claudendis oculis, pulsandis aeneis vasis, & amiciendo Corpore pag. 241 20 De offâ Cerberi, & Naulo Charontis pag. 242 21 De ablutione Mortuorum, Pollincturâ & amiculo ferali p. 244 22 De ablutione à mortuis, de coronis quibus corpora ornabantur, de Lecto & Collocatione; pag. 246 23 De ritu afferendi & Portandi Corporis 24 De Ministerio funerarum & siticinum pag 250 25 De capillis in Luctu tondendis pag. 251 26. De ritu lugendi in funere pag. 254 27 De viâ per quam efferebatur corpus & de loco Sepulturae pag. 257 28 De Corporis Crematione pag. 259 29 De ritu cremandi sive comburendi Corporis. De loculis & reliquiis pag. 262 30 De Tumulis pag. 264 31 De Inferiis pag. 265 32 De coronandis Tumulis & de Phylloboliâ pag 268 33 De Columnis, de oratione, & ludis Funebribus & de Aquilis pag. 269 34 De Lustratione domus Funestae, & de parentalibus pag. 271 LIB. VI SECT. I. De supplicationibus & juramentis Cap. 1 De supplicibus Sacris, & de asylis & aris pag. 274 2 De tangendis genis, manibus, genibus pag 277 3 De generibus & locis sacrificiorum pag 280 4 De generibus & formulis jurandi pag 282 5 De ritibus in juramento Magno p. 284 6 De juramento parve & ejus ritibus pag. 286 7 De perjurii religione Sect. 2 de ritu convivandi. Cap. 1 De Leschis & de tempore victus capiendi pag. 291 2 De ritibus & variis modis convivandi pag. 275 3 De more salutandi, Symposiarcho Coronis, Vnguentis, modo accumbendi, & de mensis pag. 295 4 De cibo & potu pag. 299 5 De iis quae à discumbembus fieri solebant pag. 303 De cantu convivali & Scoliis pag. 64 Cap. 7 De peregrinis excipiendis. pag. 308 8 De Hospitibus excipiendis pag. 210 9 De pauperibus subl●vandis pag. 315 Sect 3. De ritibus Bellicis. Cap. De militibus pag. 315 2 De armis quibus vim propulsabant pag. 319 3 De armis quibus vim inferebant pag. 323 4 De ritu excipiendi legatos, indicendi bellum▪ Consulendi Deos, observandi dies, & trajiciendi Fluvios pag. 324 5 De ●itu committendi praelium & de usu Tubarum pag. 326 6 De Scytale, de Militum poenis, Praemiis & Sepultura pag. 328 7 De Trophaeis pag. 331 Lib. 7. Sect. 1. De ritu divinandi per motum furentem & Somniantem pag. 334 Cap. 1 De Oraculo Pythio p. 336 2 De Templo Delphico, de Theoris & Oraculi cessatione pag. 241 3 De Divinatione per somnium, super Melotas, in Templis cum observatione diaetae pag. 347 4 De duabus portissomniorum p. 350 5 De Somni●rum variis generibus & de earum lustratione. Sect. 2 De Divinatione Artificiosâ & primò de Ornithomantiâ pag. 356 Cap. 1 De Extispicinâ & quibusdam aliis pag. 360 2 De ritu divinandi ex vocibus & rebus ●minatis pag. 365 3 De Sortibus etc. pag 371 ARCHAEOLOGIAE ATTICAE LIB. I. CAP. I. javan, jas, jaones, jonia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athenae in actâ, Cecropiae, Cranaae, Atthis, Attica, Athenae sub Cecrope. Certamen Palladis & Neptuni, Plutarchi ea de re sententia, alii sub Erectheo volunt nominari, justinus sub Amphictyone. Salenos. Selines. Satinae. Sethina. BY the sons of Noah a Gen. 10.5. were the Isles of the Gentiles divided in their lands, every one after his tongue; when by their audacious folly they would have mounted up to heaven, thinking to leave a name to posterity, by building Castles in the air. From which attempt proceeded that which before they were jealous of, namely, a scattering abroad upon the face of the earth; he having so spoken it, whose breath alone affords a fair wind. Hoyst then their sails they must, and, bidding adieu to the plain in the land of Shenar, seek out some new habitation. Travellers they were of yore, & yet still must journey: Each one in as different a course, as of a divers language: The sons of Shem their way: the sons of japhet, theirs; Gomer, and Magog, and Madai, and javan; with whom I purpose one furlong to keep company, leaving the rest on one side or other, or behind, looking only to my proposed scope. b Joseph. Antiq. l. 1. c. 7. p. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From javan came jonia and all the Greeks'. And in Scripture we have javan put for Greece; in Daniel twice, c Dan. 10.20. And when I am gone forth, lo the Prince of Grecia shall come. And again, d Cap. 11.2. He shall stir up all against the Realm of Grecia. Where although the old translation renders it not javan, yet it is so found in the original. He then coming into the country called afterwards Attica, left unto it his own name, whence it was termed jonia and jas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. e Strabo l. 9 p. 392. For Attica was anciently called jonia and jas. In which words we still retain some relics of the radix, notwithstanding the small difference of the termination. But if we please to view after what title the sons of javan were styled jaones, we shall come nearer home. Strabo in the above quoted place, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer when he says, There the Boeotians and jaones, speaks of the Athenians. The Scholiast of Aeschylus on these words, f In Persis p. 133. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is to be understood, quoth he, that the Athenians are termed jaones, from one jaon (he means javan) that was their King. Neither is it strange that the vau or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is left out; for though it be not written, yet persuaded I am that it was as much pronounced, as other au Dipthongs were. For the g Donat. in Ter. p. 130. antique Latins and the Greeks' spoke it as broad a, as if it had been thesaros, not thesauros. Sr Walter Raleigh is of opinion, That Asia the less had people before Greece had any, and that javan did not fly from Babylonia into Greece, but took Asia the less in his passage, and from thence past over the nearest way, leaving his own name to some maritimate province on that side, as he did to that part so called. In which, although the authority of so worthy and judicious a man might move much, yet it shall be sufficient for me, only to go so fare, as antiquity will bear me out. a Lib. 1. p. 2. Thucydides reports, that it is manifest that all Greece was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, firmly inhabited, but that there were continual pilgrimages, or remove of the inhabitants, forsaking their former places, being driven out by a stronger and greater number. Wherefore when there was no safe traffic or commerce by sea or land, each manured his grounds for to have provent, alone to serve for present necessity, desiring no more than from hand to mouth; it being uncertain, how soon they might be compelled to get them thence. Whereupon they did more willingly change their seats; not taking grievous that sharp charge, veteres migrate coloni, Be gone you ancient Boores. But the more fertile soil had hard bicker. Thessaly, Boeotia, and a great part of Peloponnesus, except Arcadia, was often invaded, and the old Lords expelled. b Thucyd. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But Attica, by reason of the thinness or barrenness of the ground, was always inhabited by the same men (none it seems being willing to leave his better, for a worse) not affording fuel to contention. Out of which peace sprung up so great a multitude, that Attica, even now swarming, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not able to contain and feed so many, is constrained to send forth Colonies into jonia, a region of Asia the less, which is reported by the Greeks' to borrow denomination from jon the son of Xuthus, or, as the Poets say, Apollo and Creusa, who in the words of Euripides is thought to be c In jone. T. 2. p. 619. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the maker or founder of Asia. The mother jonia (for so I please to say) kept not still her former name. For in process of time she owned Actaea; from Actaeon, as d Li. 9 p. 397. Strabo says, or from Actaeus, according to e In Att. p. 2. Pausanias, who was the first king thereof, by f Pag. 23. Tzetzes on Lycophron called Acteus. But g Orat. 6. Dion Chrysostom brings a more natural reason then this, why it was Actaea. Acta signifies a shore, both in the Greek and * Virg. Aen. 5. p. 214. Latin speech. Now because all of it, within a little, was washed with the sea, and h Strabo l. 9 p. 391. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it might challenge unto itself Actaea. Dion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Aenegmeticall Poet in his i Pag. 22. Cassandra is put for this country. Tzetzes. Because it is (Acta) a cliff, that is cast forth and lying in the sea. And Athens herself by Plautus is said Athenae in acta, pro Athenis Atticis, as k In Spicilegiis. Palmerius hath noted. But this grew old after a season, & Cecrops, having married the daughter of Actaeus, glories in his Cecropia, and Athens was called Cecropiae, & Cecropis civitas; and after that Cranaae, from Cranaus the king that succeeded him. This Cranaus among other of his daughters had one l Strabo & Paus. locis praed. Atthis, from whom also was derived Atthis and Attica; next Posidonia and Minervia, from Neptune and Pallas. In this region stood Athens, Queen of Greece, so called, from that victory which Minerva got over Neptune, when Cecrops, moved with a prodigy of a sudden shooting up of an Olive, a Varro apud August. l. 18. c. 9 de civet. Dei. and bubbling forth of a salt spring in the Acropolis, consulted the Oracle of Apollo, who taught them that the one did signify Neptune, the other Minerva, taking therefore the men into suffrages for Neptune, and the women for Minerva, who had most voices should carry it. The females being more, the Goddess bore away the bell. Lo here a witty Devil to bring in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Gods of his own making, to enfold the superstitious in an ignorant zeal. However let us leave the shadow of poëticall fictions, and take the true draught out of Mythology. Plutarch is of opinion; that the ancient kings striving to draw away their subjects from seafaring negotiations, and a desire to live by sailing, unto tillage and manuring of ground, gave occasion of the speech that Neptune and Minerva did altercate about the city. b In them. p. 87. l. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Neptune is put for the Sea and businesses thereof. Minerva for Arts and ingenuous kinds of life: nay says Ovid in his Calendar, Mille Dea est operum, she is a Goddess of a thousand trades. Others say that the City was consecrated to her by Amphictyon, & nomen civitati Athenas dedit. c Lib. 2. justine. Others in the time of Erectheus, among which is Herodotus, will have this name given. Which Author d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marcianus Heracleota doth follow, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This was that Erectheus, who in a time of drought over all the world, except Egypt, brought corn to Athens, and taught the Eleusinian mysteries. Beholding this City hath been to Egypt for other kings; to wit, e Aristoph. sch. pag. 79. Tzetz. in Lycoph. p. 23. Cecrops and Menestheus, for his father Petes was an Egyptian. In the time of Diodorus Siculus, and before him, it was a received opinion, that Athens was peopled by the Egyptians, Sais in that tongue answering to Athene in Greek, as Tzetzes out of Carax. Nay that they should be of the inhabitants of Sais, they argue from this. Because that the Saitae and Athenians have divers customs alike. Witness Diodorus Siculus. But it pleases not me. I conjecture that first it was called Athens, when the people began more seriously to addict themselves to civil government, and study of good literature; knowledge and art being ascribed to Minerva. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says f Polit. l. 8. c. 9 Aristotle. Nay her name being derived from thence, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thena in the Chaldy tongue signifying to study or learn: from which come thenaa, and with an article Hatthenaa, as g In Aristar. Sac. Synt. 1. c. 1. p. 27. Heinsius the most learned. As for the conceit of Goropius Becan, from ana the number of three, which notes eternity; and so from hat-het-ana. Athena. But because wisdom doth contain eternity, let ut send it back into Germany. Lo now Athens named from learning, which was once the h Isidor. shop of letters and the Muses, whereof it is now deplorably destitute, having lost the glory of former Athens, nay the name itself. For if we believe some they tell us, that now it is Salenos or Selines. To whom I accord not. Because that I have read Selines for Megara called Nisaea, which is not many miles from Athens. Furthermore in discourse with a native of Peloponnesus, who lived many years in that City, I had no other appellation from him then Ateene, which others write Satina, corrupted, as Portus & Meursius truly think, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nay a In Hodoep. Byz. l. 3. Hugo Favolius who was there himself even to the same purpose names it Sethina. Vndique sic miserae nobis spectantur Athenae, Dedala quas Pallas seize coluisse negaret, Quas, Neptune pater, nunquam tua maenia dicas, Indigenae Sethina vocant.— We wretched Athens round do view, which now, Though once ingenious Pallas love, 's her shame, And t'have been thine, Neptune, wouldst disavow, To which the Homebred give Sethina name. CAP. II. Athenarum situs. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herbae lucentes, Murus, Pelasgicus & Cimonius, Propylaea. Circuitus veteris urbis, & novae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Piraeei brachia. Murus Phalericus. Portae. Aer. Laus passim apud scriptores. Cephissus Fl●●ius. GReece, says b In Panath. p. 171, 172. Aristides, is placed in the midst of the whole earth, and in the midst of it stands Attica; the navel whereof is Athens, by which all Greece, closeted in the womb of time, received nourishment, before an happy birth had brought her forth into the light. She is seated upon a very high rock, which habitations do encompass, as c Lib. 9 pag. 396. Strabo: on the top of which stands that renowned fabric even to this day, which Cecrops from himself names * Plin. Nat. hist. l. 7. c. 56. Cecropia; of old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the City, by a kind of excellence, in a bravado of their antiquity, concerning which they were in perpetual contention with the Argivi. Witness d In Att. pag. 13. l. 16. Pausanias. e Eunuch. act. 5. sc. 6. Terent, An in astu venit? Donat. Sic Athenienses urbem suam vocabant, unde ipsi incolae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocantur. So, saith he, the Athenians called their City, whence the Citizens themselves are called astoi. After that they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f Attic. p. 24. l. 43. Pausanias'. Which in his time was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the high City, although it be often interpreted Arx a Castle; which ever were sacred to Minerva, as g Orat. in Minerv. Tom. 1. p. 21. Aristides. Who therefore is by Catullus in his Argonauticks named Diva retinens in summis urbibus arces. The Goddess that keeps the Turrets of Cities. This only now remains, the succour and shelter of the barbarous Athenians, being strongly furnished with men and arms, in which alone dwell Janissaries, to the number of seven hundred thousand, as Christopher Angelo told me, and avouched it, I fearing lest he had mistaken the number. As for the forces thereof a Hodoep. Byz. l. 3. Hugo Favolius shall thus instruct you, A●x tantum celebris hoc tempore montis eodem Quaeque impôsta jugo est, vastas prospectat in undas Aequoris, & circum dispersa mapalia, & omnes Externo indigenas nocuo● tutatur ab host, Nobilis arx, toto qua non est altera Graïo Nota magis regno, validisque instructior armis, Ignivomóque magis tormentorum impere tuta. A Castle only famous at this day, Set on an hill, below which views the sea. The scattered thatched sheds, that stand it about, The fort defends, and keeps invasion out, And natives safe. A fort; none noted more In Greece, which hath a better warlike store, Or it for fiery Canons goes before. Upon the top of this Turret stand the fashions of Half Moons most rarely gilded, after the manner of the Ishmaelites, who have the Moon in no small honour, as my much honoured Mr b De Diis Syris, Syn. 2. cap. 2. p. 288. Selden hath observed. Of which Lunulets thus speaks Favolius, Cujus inauratis longe rutilantia Lunis Ardua coelivagas feriunt fastigia nubes. Whose tops with gilded Moons aspiring high, Do knock the Clouds the pilgrims of the sky. Neither may it pass obscurely which I have taken up, being let fall from the mouth of an eye witness; namely, on the side of this hill, on which the Acropolis is built, grows a certain kind of herb, that fare off, in the night season, gives a most shining and glittering light, to which when a man shall approach, he shall discern nothing but the herb itself. Of which matter I seriously wish that I could testify the truth. It was delivered to me, bona fide, with good credit. The walls that environ this, are none now, says Favolius, but in former time it hath been well fenced; some part thereof erected by those two Tuscan brothers, who leaving their country, lived here under the Acropolis, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pelargi, Storks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for their wand'ring: a Lib. 9 pag. 397. Strabo: b Nat. hist. l. 7. c. 56. Pliny says their names were Euryalus and Hyperbius: the two that first built houses of brick at Athens, when formerly they had Caves for dwelling places. But by the authority of Pausanias, though the Printers and Scribes have done both that Author, and the persons wrong, in putting a false name upon one of them, I will do them none. Read then Laterarias domus constituerunt primi Agrolas & Hyperbius fratres Athenis, etc. c In Attic. p. 36. l. 34. Pausanias. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From these was that part which they edified called Pelargicum. Aristophanes in Avibus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The other part of the Acropolis which was left naked, Cimon the son of Miltiades clothed. Pausanias' in the fore quoted place. These walls admitted no gate but one, so rarely beautified with that costly Propylaeum or porch, on which Pericles is discommended by d Tull. Off. l. 2. Demetrius Phalareus for disbursing so great a sum of money. e Val. Max. lib. 3. ●. 1. For which he was not smally troubled how he might give up his accounts to the people; His Nephew Alcibiades therefore seeing him somewhat sad, and demanding the cause, to whom when his uncle replied, that it was about giving his accounts, seek rather, quoth he, how you may not give them. By which counsel the Athenians were entangled with that neighbour war against the Lacedæmonians, in which they found not vacancy for an audit. By the way it shall be fit to acquaint you with thus much, that it was not permitted to a dog to enter into the Acropolis, as f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 175. Plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it may be, for his heat in Venery and ill savour. Goat's likewise, says g De re Rust. Varro, came not thither, unless for a necessary sacrifice once, lest they should hurt the Olive which is said first to have sprung up there. The circuit of this Acropolis is said to be threescore stadia. Now a Stadium is about some * Fine feet make a pace, and a thousand paces a mile. I●idor. Orig. lib. 15. c. 16. six hundred & twenty five feet, eight of which make a mile, it being the custom of the ancient Greeks, so to measure the length or distance of grounds, or Cities, by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first City than is contained in seven miles and an half. But at this were added more houses able to make a City of themselves. And so indeed were they distinguished by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The upper and lower City. h In Phoc. p. 549. l. 47. Plutarch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Note here moreover, in the reading of your Greek Authors, that when you meet with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the description of a Country, you presently must conceive the higher part, if it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Lib. 1. p. 6. a Thucydides. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And they preyed upon each other, and among the rest who were not addicted to the sea, yet lived below, understand near the sea, Scholar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 knit together made but one joint corporation; both as it were uniting Piraeum unto themselves, took up, as b Orat. 6. Dion chrysostom writes, two hundred Stadia, which is about five and twenty miles. Upon which place, Morellus produces a Scholiast testifying that the walls were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fifteen miles save one furlong. Where I wonder that the learned man had not eftsoon perceived the number to have been corrupt, and written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, twenty five for fifteen. For so it ought to be. Neither is it strange that it had so large bounds. For consider that from Piraeum to Athens were reckoned five miles, as you may see in c Nat. hist. l. 2 c. 85. Pliny, from Athens to Phalerum, and so to the other side of Piraeum four miles and a quarter: The utmost wall of which Thucydides speaks in his second book consisted of five miles a quarter & half. The girdle of Piraeum and Munychia had seven miles and an half more. All which being put together make up but twenty two miles one quarter and one furlong. But Dion Chrysostom must be here understood; and it behoves us to conceive that he spoke not barely of the naked walls, for than it cannot hold; but I suppose some houses to have been without d Loco citato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as he says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In which I appeal to more judicious heads. Neither can I silently pass by the opinion of john Meursius, who reading in e In Archad. p. 244. l. 37. Pausanias, these words, f Att. Lect. l. 3. c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, should presently obtrude to us, that Pausanias teaches, that the f Att. Lect. l. 3. c. 4. wall called Phalericus is but twenty stadia or two mile and an half. When indeed he meant nothing less. For speaking of salt Springs, which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he seems to involve a reason drawn from the nearness of the sea. For when he writes of this brackish well. Among the Athenians, the Sea which comes up near Phalerus, is distant from the City but twenty Stadia at the most, quoth he. Where Amasaeus had thus strangely doted. Athenae à Phalero ab●unt stadia haud amplius XX. And that ●his was the meaning of the Author, proves that which follows. He might have likewise considered that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a Dative case signifies not only juxta ●nd propè as I have translated it; but supra sometimes, which will now serve better. And Meursius indeed blames the number; but sees not into the words. Now it is not needless that the two walls, which joins Pyreum and Athens at so long a distance, be somewhat spoken of, seeing they are reckoned by a Lib. 31. Livy among the multa visenda, Many things worthy of sight at Athens. These are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in b Lib. 3. Eleg. 19 p. 192. Propertius, — Theseae brachia longa viae. c In bello Mith. p. 125. l. 9 Appian of Alexandria, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and d Pag. 355. l. 10. Plutarch in Cimone. One lying towards the North, of which e In Pedicle. p. 115. l. 20. Plutarch. The other toward the South, in height about forty Cubits, as f In Mith. p. 124. l. ult. Appian testifies. These are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by g Orat. 6. Dion Chrysostom, because Athens being at one end, and Piraeum at the other, these were drawn forth between. And when writers speak of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it may be conjectured that it is for distinction of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Acropolis which Cimon built, h In Attic. p. 19 l. 8. witness Pausanias Aristophanes seems to bring authority for an opinion that Themistocles built these. In i P. 337. Equitibus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which his k P. 338. A. co. 2. Scholiast affirms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Themistocles added Piraeum to the City. we read in l In Them. p. 27. Probus that he was the only agent in walling the City, & that he so hastened the accomplishing, that they were feign to be as it were sacrilegious, and make use of materials formerly consecrated to the edifying of Temples, and Monuments of the dead. But m In Them▪ p. 87. l. 25. Plutarch gaine-saies this, and that he did only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, conjoin the City & Piraeum, and put the land to take acquaintance with the Sea. It seems somewhat forward before. However, so fenny was the ground it was founded upon, that the work soon came to great reparation, which n Plut. in Cim. p. 355. l. 14. Cimon the son of Miltiades undertook. For which stones of an huge weight and lime, he made the earth so firm that it could not give. Nay he was so liberal, that he did out of his own expenses so great favours, to a people that some years after gratified him with exile. Neither did he only mend the breaches; but in after time o Plut. p. 355. l. 12. unless 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may have respect to Conon who after the victory at Cnidus erected these walls as Pausan. in Atticis p. 2. l. 14. I would neither deceive myself or the Reader. finished the whole work, so that he may truly be said to be the founder of them. Let us now come to the Gates of the City. * Attic. Lect. initio. Meursius hath observed ten, but I fear they will scarce suffice to such a vast City. Take then these. Dipylon or Thriasia the fairest of all, velut in ore urbis posi●a, placed as it were in the front of the City, says Livy, major aliquanto patentiorque quam caeterae est, greater somewhat and wider than the rest. p Dec. 4. l. 1. p. 11. A. Hence I suppose named Dipylon as if it were as big as two Gates. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Piraicae. near the Temple of Chalcodoon. Here were buried some of those that died in fight with the Amazons in the time of Theseus. q In Theseo. p. 9 l. 20. Plutarch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hippades. Where the bones of Hyperides the famous Orator rest with his progenitors, who being racked under Antipater, chose rather to by't off his tongue, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 456. then to divulge the secrets of his Country. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sacrae. The sacred gate. We read of this in b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 45. Theophrastus' Characters but to my great admiration, that the Eagle-sighted Casaubon had not espied a fault For though it be true that there were such gates at Athens as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yet is there any that ever read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the dead to have been carried out to burial through the sacred gate? It makes not any thing that it was spoken to a stupid fellow, for they spoke not as our vulgar do, such as, When Christmas comes out of Wales. Writ then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the gates at which they went forth with their corpse at the solemnisations of their obsequies, the reason of which shall be spoken hereafter. c Pag. 715. num. 95. Demosthenes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The gate of Aegeus. It seems to have been in Delphinium where he dwelled; whence the Hermes or Image towards the East end of the Temple was called d Plut. Thes. p. 4. l. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The statue at the gates of Aegeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Melitides. Where lies Thucydides the son of Olorus that wrote the Peloponnesian War, who after his return into his Country from banishment, was treacherously murdered, his Sepulchre stands near these gates. e Atticis p. 21. l. 41. Pausanias. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ceramicae. These are called by Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Gates in Ceramicus, where many of the Lacedæmonians were buried, which died in the seditious war that Thrasybulus made against the Thirty Tyrants. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 279. l. 43. Xenophon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Gates of Diochares. Of whom I have nought to speak. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Acharnan Gates. I suppose they were called so from that Town or Village near, named Acharnia, to which it is probable it looked. For so did the ancients dame their Gates from the Town to which they were near. The Romans their Porta Collatina from Collatia, Meursius hath added two l. toneae, & Scaae. in Atticis which I never s●w until I had written this place as God and man is my witness I speak lest any should think ●hat I have stolen out of him because we meet, a Burge not fare off. And happily it is so here, as also in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diomaea; for Dionus is a people of Athens not any great matter distant from the City. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thracia These are all that I ever met with named: others there are obscurely pointed at by g Atticis p. 14. l. 1. Pausanias, as that near the Gallery which from its various draughts they call Paecile, where is the effigies of Mercury Ago●aeus in brass. And others about the beginning of his Attica, of which I had better hold my peace then speak as good as nothing. Thus have we found twelve Gates; which being opened enter; suck that sweet air, whose excellent purity brought forth such acute wits, a Cassiod. Var. l. 12. & prepared with a most happy bounty understanding judgements for contemplation. Whence b Med●a p. 460.461. Euripides may well strain to this note, that Venus sitting near, and adorning herself, sends forth continually Cupid's of Learning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Well may he bless that clime styling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which hath been the Mother of the Muses (by the leave of Mnemosyne) or at least the Nurse to them, for there are they said to have traveled with Harmonia; as if there were no such melodious consent, c Med. p. 459 as in the Sciences. Let not d In Praf. ad Charact. Theophrastus assert all Greece to lie under the same temperature and disposition of the heavens, when at this day it may be spoken, as once Aristides did of it. e Tom. 1. p. 173. No coast so truly void of all earthly dregs, and participating more of the celestial and defecated air. Not unworthily hath Sophocles been lavish in expressions. f Aia. p. 57 Famous, g Oed. Col p. 258. The most Renowned, h Oed. Col. p. 264. Happy▪ i Aia p. 71. Sacred Athens. Pindarus. k p. 361. Wonderful, l p. 361. Much spoken of. m p. 361. Nea●, etc. To the making up of her delight comes to all the river Cephissus, which is able to bear vessels of a good burden, as I have been informed, but the Turks fearing lest it might be advantageous to any enemy that might invade them, have cut it into many & sundry little streams, damning up with an innumerable quantity of stones the mouth of the river for a mile in length. Thinking they have sufficiently prevented, which they did but suppose could happen. CAP. III. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Moors, & Ingenia. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quantum hod●erni differunt à veteribus; & qualem vitae rationem modumque habent. THE Athenians by l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 196 Dicaearchus are divided into two sorts, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Atticos, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of which though there were no difference in latter times, yet certainly of old there was. Insomuch as one of the punishments, which the Athenians are said to inflict upon their women (for the appeasing of Neptune, bringing in an inundation upon their fields to their great damage, in anger conceived for loss of the Title of the City) was this, m Varro apud Aug. de Civ. Dei l. 18. c. 9, That none should after call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Athenians, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atticas. A revenge I suppose opprobrious enough. For thus writes my Author. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Curious Babblers, Deceitful, Calumniators, Observers of the lives of strangers. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A sufficient witness of this is a Act. 17. St Luke, that says, they did regard nothing more than to hear and speak novelty. To which end they often met in Barber's shops, where all the news, that was going in those days, was currant. Hence say we verba in Tonstrinis proculcata: and in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, b In Pluto p. 38. Aristophanes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They that sat in the Barber's shops did talk much that he was suddenly grown rich The Scholiast seems to take the meaning as if the Comedian had quipped them for resorting to Barbers and neglecting Barber Surgeons of better credit·s But I see no reason. They met in both to prattle. c Var. hist. l. 3. c. 7. Aelian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sitting in a Surgeon's shop, scandalous, & thirsty to speak ill by all means. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men Italianated, who can smile, Cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. even when they cut your throat. Such as Theophrastus hath in his Characters drawn out, who can be affable to their enemies, and disguise their hatred in commendation, while they privily lay their snares; that salute with mortal embracements, and clasp you in those arms, which they mean to imbrue in your dearest blood. In sum, fair without, but rotten within, like a wound which is healed above and seems sound, but putrifies under the skin. And so much the word doth import. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Given to false accusations. The e In Plut. p. 5. Scholiast of Aristophanes writes, that it being forbidden to carry Figgs out of Athens, and some nevertheless the decree being absolute against it, presuming so to do, they set rogues in the gates that did appeach them, (as f In Solone p. 65. Plutarch likewise) Hence came this word to be used for any crafty knave that gets his living by promoting, g Xenophon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 271. l. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One that meddles in every man's affairs, and therefore h Pluto p. 90. c. p. 91. b. Aristophanes hath fitly brought one upon the scene terming himself an Overseer both of private and public matters. If then such a person had espied any tripping, and gotten him on the hip, he would as sure have fetched him over for his coin, as any Summoner doth a person delinquent towards the flesh, or any Lawyer a credulous client, & having well plumed him, afterwards gives him a dimissory▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Sycophants) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Xenophon. Such were many in Athens, insomuch that Aristotle being asked what Athens was, i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 272. l. 19 answered, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, All beautiful, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ in a verse of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer in the description of Alcinous garden, but pears grew ripe after pears, & figs after figs, meaning a continual succession of Sycophants. This made Isocrates the Orator to compare the City to a Courtesan, with whom few there were but would have to do, yet none dare take to wife; affirming it to be the best place to sojourn in, but the worst to inhabit: By reason of their Sycophants & treacheries of nimble tongued Orators▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I was once half in an opinion that these words were to have been, put to the former thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, And I think the sense will run well, Malicious observers of the lives of strangers. The Athenians were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and held hospitality sacred, and I doubt not but they had that Law. That Foreigners should receive no wrong, b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 428. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Socrates in Xenophon. Now he discommends the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as ready to trouble and vex strangers in Law, duly marking & bearing an eye unto them to take them at an advantage: As for the Athenienses they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Brave spirited, single dealing, and faithful friends. But as the words were at length confounded, so did their manners degenerate, growing into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Irregularity of nature. As c Lib. 6. Polybius. No 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 afterwards, but haughtiness of spirit, magnanimity now fallen. And wh●n d Dec. 4. p. 7. l. 1. Livy says ex vetere fortuna nihil praeter animos servare, he means, they had nothing left but those proud spirits; which their ancient flourishing fortune had puffed up. No 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or simplicity, no e Aristoph. p. 694. Lamb like innocency, or mildness, but as f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 387. Plutarch speaks, People rashly angry, soon pitiful, rather inclined sharply to take opinion, then quietly to be informed. And as they are ready to help base and abject Peasants, so friendly do they entertain childish and ridiculous ●oyes, rejoy●ing in their own praises, and nothing moved with scurrility, Fearful and terrible even to their Governors, humane towards their enemies. Not unfitly then g Lib. 5. c. 3. p. 207. Valerius Maximus, Quantam ergo reprehensionem merentur, etc. How deserve they to be blamed, who though they had just Laws, y●t had they most wicked disposition, and chose rather to take their own courses, then put in practise their statues? As for their impudence, so great was it, that to express a countenance void of shame, the Comedian hath put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Athenian look▪ in h Pag. 189. g. Nubibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so accounted in the time of a Lib. 2. p. 47. Paterculus, that what was done in sincerity culus, that what was done in sincerity and faithful trust, the Romans would say, it was performed fide Attica, with an Athenian loyalty. Fear and power might make them trusty, but how they broke their leagues, took part with other Islanders against confederates, and violated the laws of arms, Historians are not dumb. As for their wrath, it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ever mindful, as b Aeneid. 1. Virgil. memor ira. And the hatred they prosecuted the Barbarians withal was so unquenchable, that it burned against c Isocrat. in Pa●. p. 109. all Barbarians for the Persians sake; and they forbade them their sacrifices, as they used to do murderers among them. Where you must note, that all that were not Grecians were called of them Barbarians. But lo! How are they now become all Barbarous! whether or no people of Africa, or some of the Catelani, I cannot justly tell; Mahumedans all, poor and miserable, living by rapine, or fishing, or tilling the earth: d Hod●ep. Byz. l. 3. Favolius, Duraque coacti paupery assuerunt vitam tolerare rapina. Aut passim infestant furto, raptoque propinqua Aequora piratae, sed quae pars aequior, hamis Fallit inescatos ●ereti sub arundine pisces. Aut desolatas exercet vomere terras, Semper inops, misera, infelix, rerum omnium egena. Oppressed with need they do their life sustain By rapine, and annoy the neighbour main By pillaging. Who are most just and good With angling do the silly fish delude; Or plough the grounds made desolate before, Unhappy, wretched, mis'rable, still poor. CAP. IU. De populi divisione, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quid Atheniensibus cum Aegyptiis common. THere were at first but two kinds of people in Athens, e So doth Dionysius Halicarnasseus divide them into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 2. n. 2. two orders quibus inter gradus dignitatis fortunaeque aliquid interlucebat, in which there was a difference of dignity and fortune: such as at this day are in France, either Peers or Peasants; or as in Venice, Patricians and Plebeians. And although Pollux call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, three sorts, yet I make but two, because the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were not any way more gentile for blood, surpassing for riches, or happy for life. But because he hath so set them, take them thus, as he speaks. a Pollux l. 8. c. 9 p. 404. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eupatridae, were such as were descended from the loins of those Heroes famous in the Greek history, whose families were ever renowned, and posterity propagated to many generations; such as Praxiergidae, Eteobutadae, Al●moeonidae, Cynidae, Ceryces, etc. whom we may term Nobles, or men of good birth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Geomori, may not seem unlike our Yeomen, who had lands of their own, and sustained themselves with the fruit and commodities of these their possessions. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Demiurgi, were men of some handi-craft, Tradesmen, such as Tentmakers, Shoemakers, Carpenters, Masons, and the like. But Solon made another division. For when the Diacrii, which were those that lived in the upper part of the City, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says b In Solone. Diogenes Laertius; & the Pediaei, which likewise are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as lived in the middle of the City, or the plain; and the Paralii who lived near the sea, were at contention about government: The Diacrii leaning to a Democracy, as c Pag. 61. in Solonem. Plutarch writes; the Pediaei to an Oligarchy, and the Paralii between both, and had chosen Solon to arbitrate and determine the matter; he made these four ranks. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pentacosiomedimnos, Equites, Zeugitas, Thetas. d Plut. p. 65. Pentacosiomedimni were those who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, could make five hundred measures in wet and dry commodities alike▪ What Possardus then brings out of Varro concerning modium, hath no place here; for he supposes that Pentacosiomedimnus was he that had as much ground as fifty Medimni could suffice to sow: but here I will confute him with a wet finger. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For he seems to sow upon the waters. This is he whom the Elzevirii printed at Leyden Anno 1635, under the name of Postellus, who was sometime a Professor of Tongues in France, and Author of the Treatise De Magistratibus Atheniensium▪ Equites were such as were of ability to keep an horse, or had the quantity of three hundred measures in dry, and as many in wet: called likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Zeugitae were such as could of wet and dry in all make but three hundred. Any of these three could bear office in the Commonwealth. A fourth rank which he called e Plutarch. loco praedicto. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Thetas, a name from servility, which had no power in the rule of the weal public. But it had not been amiss if I had shown how the Egyptians had divided their people into three classes, as the Athenians did, as I have spoken above. For the first degree, or Eupatridae, addicted to learning and study, who were had in greater honour, answer to the Egyptian Priests. f Plut. Thes. p. 8. l. 18. Nay those great houses in Athens had Priesthood by succession, as Eumolpidae, Ceryces, Cynidae: for out of the stock were chosen Priests; hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in g Pag. 741. num. 164. Demosthenes. The Geomori who had lands assigned to them for the maintenance of the war, are not dislike them in Egypt, who hold possessions on these terms, namely, to provide soldiers when need shall require to fight. The Demiurgi resemble those Plebeians, who skilful in some art, did set out their labour to daily hire: as Diodorus Siculus can testify. CAP. V Tribus quatuor sub Cecrope. Mutata earum nomina. Augentur à Clisthene: duae additae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tribulum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. IN Athens there were but four tribes under the rule of Cecrops. Cecropis, Autocthon, Actaea, Paralia; which had other names put to them, Cranais, Atthis, Mesogaea, Diacris. I suppose from the parts of Attica, it lying partly near the sea, thence Actaea; partly hilly, thence Diacris; partly Mediterrane, thence Mesogaea; the other name from the King that was then: Whether the King would honour the Tribe so much, or the Tribe glory in the name of the King, I know not: it is probable that it was an honour to their governor; for as Cecrops gave the first names, Cranaus the second, each assuming a title to himself, Ericthonius called them after the name of jupiter, Pallas, Neptune, Vulcan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But when jon came to rule, they were named after his four sons, Geleontes, Aegicorcis▪ Argades▪ Hopletes, as a In Terpsic. p. 137. Herodotus and b In jone versus finem. Euripides; though Plutarch says that they were so called c In Solon. p. 65. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the courses of life which they first took. But Clisthenes, a man factious and wealthy, is said by the Council of d Aristides T. 1. p. 336. A. T. 3. p. 352. Apollo, Al●maeon being Archon, to make ten of them, changing the ancient titles, and taking new from some Demigods or Heroes born in that land, all except Ajax, whom, though a stranger, he puts to the rest, as a neighbour and companion e In Terpsic. p. 137. Herodotus. These than were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as you would say, giving names; the word so signifies sometimes; as Minerva is said by Dion Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who gave the name to Athens. To these were erected Statues near the Council place of the Senat. Their names are these as f In At. p. 4.5 Pausanias hath them, Hippothoon, Antiochus, Ajax Telamonius, Leo, Erectheus that slew Immaradus the son of Eumolpus in the Eleusinian war, Aegeus, Oeneus, Acamas, Cecrops, Pandion. From these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To which they put two more, one called after Antigonus, the other after Demetrius his name, in gratuity to them for the favours received; which in process of time they changed into Attalis, and Ptolemais, as Stephanus writes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having been courteously entreated by the * These are reckoned among the Eponymos in Paus. p. 5. who had Statues likewise. Kings bearing that name. Which being so, let us take heed that Livy deceive us not, who at the time when Attalus did succour the Athenians against Philip, says they first thought of adding that Tribe to the ten, in thanksgiving that the Rhodii rescued four fight ships of the Athenians taken by the Macedonians, and sent them home, a Decad. 4. l. 1. p. 6. Tum primum mentio illata de tribu quam Attalida appellarent, ad decem veteres tribus addenda. Thus have we seen that there were twelve Tribes in all: Let us look back to the first institution. I suppose they were first ordained for the better administration of civil government. b In Il. b. pag. 181. Eustathius writes, that they were divided in imitation of the year; the four Tribes according to the four quarters; each Tribe into three Fraternities, which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, answerable to the twelve Months; each 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, into thirty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or kindreds, equalizing the days. For so many only had the year of old. Witness the Riddle of c Laertius p. 63. l. 1. Cleobulus concerning the year, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One Father had twelve Sons, and each son thirty daughters, and every daughter black and white, meaning days and nights. Over these were governor's, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Kings of the Tribes, who sat upon controversies between party and party of their own Tribes. Each Tertian also had his overseer, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Ruler of the Trittys or Phratria. The word may seem to signify a Society, Fellowship, or company. It skils not whether you derive it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Eustath, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Suidas, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as others, which is a Well, because they drew water from the same well. For the place being scanty of springs where Athens was founded, there being but one wellspring in Athens, they were constrained to use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, digged wells, as d In Solone p. 65. l. 33. Plutarch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the men of that society, called by Tully, Curiales, of the same Ward, speaking of Cimon, who gave command that his servants should afford what they had if any Laciades should come into his Farm. In description of which thing Plutarch uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which then we are not to interpret Curialis, (For this is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) but popularis. These at festival days in Athens met in a place called Phratrion, as a Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 181. & Il. ●. pag. 629. Eustathius observes, and b Lib. 3. c. 4. Pollux (where they brought their children to be engrossed in their books, as shall be hereafter spoken with the reasons thereof) from hence comes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Phratrizein, which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to meet, for so Eustathius in another place, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. As for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or kindreds, we must not think that they were of one blood, but from that near conjunction which they had each with other, being admitted into this society. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or kindred consisting of thirty, whence they were named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Not of affinity so called, but for their Synod; which the Grammarians call, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Communicative familiarity, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being a participating in one thing, or having an equal share in the same privileges. Great was their care of each other; great was their mutual love; which that it might continue, Solon their Lawgiver ordained certain feasts to be provided, wherein they should kindly entertain each other. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. b Dipnosoph. l. 5. p. 185. d. Athenaeus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Of feasts celebrated at this day the Lawmakers have appointed Phyletica for Tribes, Demotica for the people or popular. Moreover, Thiasos for Colleges (as Philosophers for the death of their Grand Masters) and Phratrica for the same Ward. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of which in due time. The reason of this the Dipnosophist gives, saying, that wine hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an attractive and persuading force to procure love, and friendship. CAP. VI Graecia vicatim habitata. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quid? Atheniensibus proprium habere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quot? Templa & sacra pagatim. ALL Greece was inhabited 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as c Lib. 1. Thucydides speaks, by Villages, before there were any Towns; from whence comes the word Comedy. d Donat. in Praef. in Ter. At verò nondum coactis in urbem Atheniensibus, cum Apollini Nomio, id est, Pastorum vicinorúmque praesidi Deo, constructis aris in honorem divinae r●i circum Atticae vicos, villas, & compita festum carmen solenniter cantarent: orta est Comoedia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod est, commessatum ire cantantes. The Athenians being as yet not gathered into Corporations, when they sung sacred hymns to Apollo Nomius, that is, the Precedent of the shepherds and neighbours, about the villages, houses and cross ways of Attica, altars being built in honour of the celebrity, sprung up a Comedy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from revelling and singing. Others will have it derived from an ancient custom they had, when any were injured, among them, for the party wronged to come to the street where the offender lived, and in the night time to cry aloud, a Thomas Magister. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Such a one doth wrong, and commits such and such outrages, although there be Gods and Laws, by which these abuses were reform. But the Anonymus in a preface to Aristophanes says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that they were not called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or villages by the Athenians, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which they slate Populos, better in my mind oppida or Townes. Cicero ad b Lib. 7. Ep. 3. Atticum. Venio ad Piraeea in quo magis reprehendus sum, quod homo Romanus Piraeea scripserim, non Piraeeum (sic enim omnes nostri locuti sunt) quàm quod M addiderim. Non enim hoc ut oppido praeposui, sed ut loco: & tamen Dionysius noster, qui est nobiscum, & Nicias Cous, non rebatur oppidum esse Piraeea, sed de eo videro. Nostrum quidem si est peccatum, in eo est, quod non ut de oppido locutus sum, sed ut de loco▪ secutusque sum non dico Caecilium, Mane ut ex portu in Piraeeum (malus enim auctor Latinitatis est) sed Terentium cujus fabellae propter elegantiam sermonis putabantur à Caio Laelio scribi. Heri aliquot adolescentuli coimus in Piraeeum, & idem, Mercator hoc add●bat captam de Sunio. Quod si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oppida volumus esse, tam est oppidum Sunium quam Piraeeus. If so be we will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be Towns, Sunium as well as Piraeeus is a Town. These were formerly Kingdoms as c Atticis. p. 33. l. 42. Pausanias testifies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Moreover, I have written, that some of the towns were governed by a King before the reign of Cecrops: And no marvel, for some of them fare surpassed other Cities, as d In Panath. T. 1. p. 326. Aristides affirmeth. These were most peculiar to the Athenians, anciently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as e Nub. pag. 225. e. Aristoph. Scholar or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as f L. 8. p. 430. Pollux, twelve belonging to every Tribe. But Clisthenes changed them into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as out of Aristotle the Scholar of Aristoph. The number of them is, as g In Il. b. pag. 215. Eustathius out of Strabo, and h In Athenaeum l. 6. ●. 9 Casaubon, an hundred seventy four. Some whereof having the same name, are distinguished according to their situations, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we may say the upper and the lower Wakefield, etc. All of them divided into Greater and Lesser. The i Pausan. Att. pag. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or less, are these, Alimusii, Zoster, Prospaltii, Anagyrasii, Cephale, Prasieis, Lampreis, Phlyeis, Myrrinusii, Athmoneis, Acharnae, Marathon, Brauron, Rhamnus. The rest were greater. Take them promiscuous according to their Tribes. ΚΕΚΟΠΙΣ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aexone. Dadalidae, Epiecidae, Xypete, Pithus, Sypalettus, Trinemei, Athmonon or Athmonia. Alae Aexonides. Phlya. ΕΡΕΧΘΗΙΣ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Agraule or Agryle. Euonymia or Euonymus. Themaci or Themacus. Cephisia. The upper Lampra. The lower Lampra, in which Sigonius errs calling one the Maritimate, the other the inferior, which to be one and the same I have shown above. Pamb●tadae. Pergase. Sybridae, Phegus· Anagyrus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Angelo, Cydathenaeum. Cytharum. Oa or Oeis. The upper Paeania, the under Paeania. Probalinthus, Stiria. Phegaea. Myrrhinus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Alae Araphenides. Araphen. Bate. Gargettus. Dionea. Erecthia. Ericria. Echria. Icaria or Icarius. Ion●●ae. Colyttus. Cydantidae. Plothea. Tithras. Phegaea. Philaede. Chollidae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Agnus. Erisidae. Hermus or Hermi. Hephestiadae. Thoricus. Idea. Cicyana, Sphettus. Cholargus Cholargi Cholargia. Cophale. Prospalta. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aethalidae Aethalia. Aphid●a. Dir●des. Hecale. Sypyradae. Cetti. Cropia. Leuconium. Oeum▪ Ceramicum. Paeonidae. Peleces. Potamus. Scambonidae. Sunium. Hyba Hybadae. Phrearri. Marathon. Alimus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Azenia. Amaxantea. Anacaea▪ Acherdus. Decelia. Eleaeus. Eleusis. Eraeadae. Thymaetadae. Ceriadae. Corydallus. Oeum Deceli●um. Oeum ad Eleutheras. Sphendale. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aegilia or Aegilus. Alopece or Alopecae. Amphitrope. Anaphlystus. A●ene or Atenia. Bessa. Thorae. Criôa. Leucopyra. Melaeneis or Melaenae. Pallene. Pentele. Semachidae· Phalerum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Oenoe at Macathon. Titacedae. Tricorythus. Rhamnus. Of this Tribe were some towns taken away and put to other, Aphyna, Persidae, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Butea, Butadae. Epicephisia. Thria or Thrio. Hippotomadae. Lacia, Laciadae. Lusia· Melit●. Oe or Aea. Perithaedae. Ptelea. Phyle. Acharna. Tyrmidae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Berenicidae. Thyrgonidae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Conthyle. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apollonienses. These are all which Authors make mention of according to their Tribes, others there are, which I know not how to distribute, none of the ancients either directing or furnishing me. But these are they. Agra. Anchesmus. Amphiade. Archilia, Astipalaea. Atalanta. A●●r●dus. Belbina. Bra●●on Brilessus. Enna. Echelidae. Zoster. Thrion. Cale. Cedae. Cothocidae. Coele. Cynosarges. Ceramicus without the City the same with Academia. Laurium. Lenaeum. Limnae. Munychia. Parnes. Pnyx. Pa●ocl●s his ditch or trench. Scirum. Sporgilus. Hydrusa Hymettus. Hysiae. Phaura. Phormisii. Phritij. Phoron. Chitone. O●opus. To which are put the Islands, called Pharmacusae, two in number, and Psytallia. The Scholast of a In Ranis p. 235. Aristophanes speaks as if Io were a Demus, but I say not with him. The greatest use we have of these among authors, is in their form of Law, matters of contracts, and the like, that there might be no fraud or deceit; that none either unjustly be taxed for any thing, or tax an other. Hence read we such punctual clauses in their writs. N. the son of N. dwelling at Alopeca, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of Caele. of Melite of Cerameis. In these villages were Temples of the Gods▪ b Dec. 4. l. 1. p. 12.13. Live. Templa pagatim sacrata. And again Delubra sibi ●uisse, quae quondam pagatim habitantes in parvis illis castellis viisque consecrata, ne in unam quidem urbem contributi majores sui deserta relinquerint. So much witnesseth c In Atticis p. 77. l. 40. Pausanias; who tells us that they worshipped some peculiar Deity, and yet nevertheless did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, honour▪ Minerva. Some of them had peculiar festivals, as Brauron the solemnities Brauronia, to Diana Diomea to jupiter Diomeus. Chitonia etc. CAP. VIII. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Atheniensium status mutation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. THe ancients had but three sorts of government▪ Tyrannis, Democratia, Oligarchia, as d In C●esiphontem p. 4 Aeschines, which Polybius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. where although the one names it a Tyrannis or Tyranny, the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rule of a King, yet must we understand the same. For in old time all Kings were called Tyrants, as Servius on Virgil hath observed. A word taken up by the Grecians about the time of Archilocus, which neither Homer nor Hesiod knew; and therefore are the Poets noted, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for calling the Kings, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before the Trojan wars, Tyrants or Tyrannos. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a Kingdom, is where obeisance is free, yielded rather out of a good advice, then for fear or might. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an aristocraty, when most wise and just men are fitly chosen to sit at the Helm of the Weal public. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Democraty, when the Laws and customs of the Country, in matters belonging both to Gods and men, are truly observed; and that rules the roast, which shall be approved of by the greater part, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says, Polybius; as that may be said at a banquet to please all, which doth relish well with the most. But the grave Historian hath odserved changes in such government, as they use to be inclining to the worst Mornachies being turned into Tyrannies; as when the people are led away by the persuasions of some pleasing a Aristot· l. Pol. l. 5. c. 4. popular man, & are as it were, willingly constrained to take the yoke that his usurping authority shall lay on them; b Probus in Militide. a Tyrant indeed said, Viconsecutus, who gets it by violence, c Probus ibid. p. 17. Omnis autem & habentur & dicuntur Tiranni, qui potestate sunt perpetua in ea civitate, quae libertate usa est. But all are accounted and called Tyrants, who have perpetual authority in that City, which formerly hath enjoyed liberty. The deprivation of which causing murmuring and rebellion, brings forth an aristocraty, or government of the best men, such as are well brought up, & exercised in virtue▪ The end of an aristocraty being, as d Pol. l. 4. c. 9 Aristotle hath it, Virtue, which of no long continuance doth soon degenerate, e Polyb· l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, naturally inclining to an oligarchy, or rule of few. These few being chosen according to their riches. And because that many in a state cannot be wealthy, therefore the number of them cannot be great. These are great Lords & little Kings, whose power sways all, and not the Laws; who unjustly favour those that are pertially theirs, and oppress them that would defend their liberty against them. All things being administered f Aeschines in ●●s. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by their precedents. Such dominion is taken away by the people set on a rage, & not bearing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the injuries of their rulers. Hence comes in a Democraty, which Sophocles calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the power of a multitude; whose end is freedom; when all can epually partake of the same privileges & immunities, who are true citizens: whence Terence styles it aequam libertatem; for which the Greek Orators have properly used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as g In Demosth. p. 59 Ulpian observeth. But the vulgar for the most part strangely insolent, prone to wrong, and ready to trespass against the Laws bring in by a miserable proceeding, the worst kind of government an ochlocraty, the rule of Rascality. All these in their times did Athens feel, for they were governed by Kings four hundred eighty seven years: the last of which was Codrus, who in a fight between the Dorienses and Athenians offered himself willingly to be slain, it being foretold by the Oracle of Apollo that the Dorienses should be conquerors unless the Athenian King were killed; he therefore clothing himself familiari veste ne posset agnos●i, says a Tusc. Q. l. 11 Cicero, with a servants habit lest he should be known, put himself among the enemies, by one of which in a brawl he was murdered. After whom none enjoyed the name of King, b justin. l. 2. quod memoriae nominis ejus tribulum est, which was done in memory to his name. For after that, Archontes or judges ruled; in the Title, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Archontes, but in power Kings, whese authority was for term of life. These continued three hundred and fifteen years. These being ended, it pleased the State to choose a man, whose office should continue but ten years; seven succeeded each other, & made up the number of seventy years; who, because they abused their power, were made but for one year, called therefore c justin. l. 2. annui Magistratus, yearly Magistrates. These continued until Pisistratus, for a feigned fear of the seditious, begged a guard of the people for his safety, For when the faction sprung up. Of which I have spoken in the fourth Chapter, he cutting himself with lashes, and the Mules which drew his Charot, went into the place of meeting, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and beseeching the people to afford him some defence against their violence, who did (but did not) assault him, procured a company of chosen Citizens who armed with clubs, not weapons, possessed the Castle, and so Tyranny came in, which Pisistratus enjoyed d Heraclides in Pol. thirty years, and deceased leaving behind him two sons, Hipparchus, and Hippias, whom Heracledus calls Thessalus. Hipparchus was slain by Aristogiton, after whose death the Athenians lived under a tyranny e Herodotus l. 5. p. 135. four years, from which they were delivered by the help of the Lacedæmonians, the offspring of Al●maeon corrupting the Oracle, to the end that whensoever they came for council he should wish them to free the Athenians of that servitude. The Democraty came in eight hundred sixty eight years after Cecrops, established by Solon, who excluded the fift rank of plebeitie from office or honour by a law, afterwards abrogated by Aristides. After this Pericles brought in an ochlocraty by weaking the power of the Areopagites. Then after the overthrow in Sicily the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or four hudred took upon them state, deceiving the people, as f Ptol. l. c. 57 Aristotle and g Lib. 8. Thucydides affirm. For persuading them that they should reconcile Tissaphernes and Alcibiades unto themselves by that means, and that the Persian Monarch would afford supply for the war, they most willingly condescended to this motion in the one & twenty year of the Peloponensian war. These Princes were called a Plat. in Alcyb. p. 148. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Five thousand, though not exceedeng four hundred. The reason is, because they boasted that none should be rewarded, but who bear arms; nor any admitted to public power but five thousand, such as with person and estate could be beneficial to the Republic. Their authority was granted by an b Xen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 274. l. 38. Act of the people, to which Theramenes was very forward, but after they were inducted, none more ready to drive out; whereupon they termed him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cothurnum, from a kind of startup which did fit both feet. c Xen. p. 275. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The word may suit with a Jack of both sides. These 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were constrained for fear of d justin. l. 5. Alcibiades to resign the right unto the people, and to go into wilful banishment. But when Lysander had overcome Athens (the e Arist. Pol. l. 5. c. 7. Lacedæmonians ever affecting an oligarchy, as the Athenians a Democracie) he ordained these thirty to be chief. f Xen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 270. Polyarches, Critias, Melobius, Hippolochus, Euclides, Hiero, Mnesilochus, Chremo, Theramenes, Aresias, Diocles, Phaedrias, Chaerileos', Anaetius; Piso, Sophocles, Eratosthenes, Charicles, Onomocles, Theognis, Aeschines, Theogenes, Clomedes, Erasistratus, Phido, Dracontides, Eumathes, Aristoteles, Hippomachus, Mnesithides. These began at first to put to death the worst and most abhorred, says g In Catil. Consp. Sallust, without trial of law; but afterwards the good and bad alike; h Xen. p. 272. some for envy, others for riches. These to make their party firm chose about three thousand to whom alone they permitted to have weapons, disarming all the rest, to the end they might easily command their lives. But by their Laws (for they made some, styled i Xen. p. 275. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were nullified by a decree, as we shall speak hereafter) none was to suffer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who was registered in the list of three thousand. So cruel were they, that the people fled into k Dem. p. 467 Phyle a castle in the Athenean borders; and making an head under the conduct of Thrasybulus, at last shaken off this yoke, and remained free until the death of Alexander even fourscore years, whom Antipater succeeded; who in battle at the City Lamia gave the Athenians an overthrow; and gave them quarters on these terms that they should submit to a few Peers, whose revenues amounted to two thousand Drachm'es at least, the chief of whom was Demetrius Phalerius; that they should likewise receive a garrison into Munichia for the asswaging of riots and uproars. But four years after, Antipater dying, the City fell into the power of Cassander, of whom they often strove to acquit themselves; but in vain. For he brought them to such an exigency, that they were glad to come to composition. And indeed he dealt fairly with them, giving them their City, Territories, Tributes, and all other things, so that they would be confederates to him, that none whose revenues come not to ten minae or pounds, should undergo any function in the Commonweal; and he should be their overseer whom he would be pleased to nominate. The man appointed was Demetrius Phalarius, a Vide Laert. in vita, & Strabonem. who made the City to shine in her full lustre, insomuch that they erected in honour of him three hundred Statues. He wrote a Treatise of the Athenian Republic, which, had not time devoured, would have given no small light to my poor endeavours. After he in trouble & vexation had spent fourteeene years he was put out by Demetrius the son of Antigonus surnamed Polioreetes, who restored the ancient customs to them again. To them they ascribed such worship, as also to his father, that they changed the name of their judge from Archon into b Plu. in Demerito. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Priest of the Gods that saved them, calling the year after his name, and adding * Pollux. l. 8. two Tribes to the Ten, whence the Senate consisted of six hundred, but five before, as c In Berenice, Stephanus, But when Cassander had overthrown the son and father, such was the ingratitude and levity of the Athenians, that they forbade Demetrius to approach near their City. After this Lacharis played the Tyrant, and was expelled by Demetreus; whom they utterly cast off, assuming again the title of Archon. Demetrius dying Antigonus Gonatas succeeded, who in the ninteenth year of his reign put in presidiary soldiers to the City, which ten years after he took out. The Macedonians still kept some of the Athenians forces in this space. Demetrius Antigoni Gon. F. & Antigonus Dosôn, out of whose hands d Plut. in vita Aratus the Sicyonian rescued the City, and made it stand by itself until Philip, the last king of the Macedonian Monarchy except one, did somewhat shake it, as you may read in e Decad. 4. l. 1 Livy But he was expelled by the Romans, who took the Athenians into league with a maintaining their ancient right. So they remained until the war between the Mithridates and the Romans. For by fear they were driven to receive f Vide Appianum Alex. in Methridatio, circa pag. 122 123. etc. Archestratus, Mithridates his General, within their walls; against which Sylla laid siege, and captivated the City, whence proceeded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a merciless slaughter, says Appian, that the g Plut. in vita p. 335. streets did run with blood. But the Laws were not much altered by this Conqueror; and therefore they lived in a near resemblance of their former state; in favour with the Roman Emperors, julius Caesar, Adrian, Antonius; Gallienus, in whose successors time, Claudius, the ●econd of the name, this City was ransacked by the Goths, who when they had heaped up ●nnumerable companies of books to burn, were dehorted by this reason, a Cedrenus Baptis●a ●gnatius. ●om. Prin. 1. that the Greeks', spencing their time in reading of them, might be made more un●it for war. Constantine the Great likewise had this City in high esteem, taking to himself the Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as b In Orati●ne Constantium julian says, which in the word, of Nicephorus Gregoras is c Hist. ●om. l. 7. p. 166. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the Grand Duke, whom simply afterwards they called the d Hist. Rom. l. 7. p. 16●. Duke of Athens, in that Historians time. Emperor's have taken them Wives Citizens of this place; and the e Nic. Greg. lib. cita. daughters of their Dukes have been desired by that eminent rank. And indeed no marvel. For they were potent. Rainerius Acciajolus is said to have taken the City from the Spaniards that inhabit Arragon, f Calcochon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; who having no Issue male of his wife Eubois but an illegitimate named Antonius, by an other woman, bequeathed by will Boeotia and Thebes to him, but Athens to the * In the time of Pietro Zany came Ambassadors from Athens to d●e hamage to the Venetian Senate. M▪ Leukenor in history and lives of the Venetian Princes. Venetians, from whom his son recovered it again. Nerius succeeded him in the Dukedom who thrust out Chalcocondilas his father. After him came in Antonius Nerius brother to the former Nereus. Now about this time we must know that Mahomet the son of Amurat the second got Athens, g Chalcocon. l. 9 p. 299. whose beauty and building he held in admiration; which when he had made his own, he continued the Title. For an other Nerius from those above named dying, leaving one son an Infant, his mother in the Child's Title exercised Tyranny. This woman loved a Venetian Noble man (son to Petrus Palmerius, to whose Government the City Nauplium was committed, he is called by Chalcocondilas Priamus) who came thither for merchandise. Him by discourse and flattery she enticed into her love, promising that she would take him to her husband, and give up the Princedom of Athens unto him. But upon condition, that he would devorce his own wife. Whereupon the young man going to Venice slew his wife, swelling with ambition and thirsty of honour. Which being done, he returns to Athens, marries this woman, enjoys the government of the City; who being hated of the Athenians, & complained of at the Court, to avoid envy termed himself the Child's Tutor And not long after taking the boy with him, went to the Court; where Francus Accia●olus, waited, expecting to be promoted to the Dukedom. When the Emperor therefore understood the folly of the woman, he gave the title to him. Who being installed, imprisoned the woman at Megara, and afterwards (by means not known to the a Chalcocon p. 300. Author slew her. This Francus in time was taken away from men by Zogan governor rf Peleponnesus, Mahomet having intelligence that the Athenians would have delivered the City to the Prince of Boeocia. He was the last Duke. LIBER SECUNDUS. CAP. I. Duodecem Dii Aih●niensium Idololatria septifariam commissa. Dii Adscriptitii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodotu in a Pag. 48. Terpsichore is of opinion that the Greeks' derived their religion from the Egyptians. But b In Tractu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 669. Plutarch doth stoutly deny it. And not without good testimony may I affirm that it seems to be a falsity. For Orpheus is thought to have brought the mysteries of piety into Greece; who was himself a Thracian, from whom the word c Sch. Eurip. in Alcestis. pag. 661. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is supposed to be drawn, which signifies devotion. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Stel. 1. Nonnus. They called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to worship God, etc. Appositely to which e Pag. 260. Aristophanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Orpheus shown us sacrifices and to abstain from slaughter. Neither is f Pag. 281. Euripides disagreeing in Rheso. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— O●pheus revealed the hidden mysteries. Herodotus names not the Gods, the worship of whom the Gseekes might borrow from the Egyptians; Twelve in number they were, quoth he, but these only are reckoned. jupiter, Bacchus, Hercules, Apollo, Mars, Pan, Diana, Isis or Ceres, Sais or Minerva, Latona, as I have gathered, which all at once to have been made known to the Greeks', and that by the Egyptians is too hard a task for me to prove. The Athenians I am sure had twelve Gods in especial honour, whose g Paus. Attic. p. 3. l 18. pictures they had drawn out in Gallery in C●ramicus; and had an Altar erected, called h Plut. in Nicia. pag. 387. l. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, on which a little before the Sicilian war, a man dismembered himself with a stone; which was accounted prodigious. By these twelve would they swear in common discourse. i Aristop. Equ. p. 300. A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The heathens thinking that they did honour those Gods, by whom they swore; as I have elsewhere spoken. But they were not confined to so small a number as twelve. For how could it be, when they ran through the seven sorts of Idolatry? First worshipping the Son, & punishing with death the neglect thereof; as you may read in k Vide Bodnum in Demonologia. Plutarch in the life of Pericles. Secondly defying the effects of God as Bread etc. For Clemens Alexandrinus interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ceres, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, corn or food. Thirdly the poetical Gods. Furies and revengers of wickedness, as Alastores, Palamnaei. Fourthly, the Passions, as Love, Pity, Injury likewise, and Impudence, to whom Epimenides built an Altar at Athens. Fiftly the accidents of growth and nourishment, hence Auxo, and Thallo two deities, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to increase, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to flourish; to which may be put Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos, the three fatal sisters, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Necessity, taken sometime for death itself. 6 lie, the theogony or pedigree of their Gods, able to make up the sum of which Homer speaks. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Three thousand. Seaventhly an ignorance of the providence & bounty of God towartd them, ●ained Hercules the repeller of evil, and Aesculapius the God of Physic. And if this serve not, I can add an eighth way, namely hospitality & good entertainment of strange Gods. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says a Pag. 471. Strabo. as the Athenians love foreigners, so foreign Gods. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. b In Panath. T. 1. p. 188. Aristides. For they serve not only the most ancient Deities in a peculiar manner above all their followers, but have assumed adventitious ones; such as c Strab. p. 587 Orthane, Conissalus, and Tychon. So prone were they to conceive superstition, that when d Act. Apost. c. 17. v. 18. Paul preached jesus and the Resurrection of the Dead; they forthwith deemed Anastasin, or resurrection to be a God And lest they should omit any, they erected Altars unto the unknown Gods, of which e In Att●. p. 1 l. 35. Pausanius. Neither may we doubt of it the Scripture bearing witness. The cause of this they say to be a fearful vision appearing to Philippides, sent Ambassador to the Lacedæmonians concerning aid against the Persians, and complaining that he ( f Vide Eurip. Sch. in Med. p. 482. Pan from whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à spectrum) was neglected and other Gods worshipped; promising likewise his help, they therefore being victorious, and fearing the like event, built a Temple, & Altar TO THE UNKNOWEN GOD. Another opinion is, that a plague being at Athens hot, and the people finding no help from the Gods they implored, surmising some other power to have sent the disease, whereupon they set up this Altar, on which was written ΘΕΟΙΣ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. TO THE GOD'S OF ASIA, EUROPE, AND AFRICA, TO THE UNKNOWN AND STRANGE GOD. As justin g Pag. 137. Martyr and Oecumenius. much may be said of their Tutelar Gods, both for their Cities and houses, much of their Heroes or Demigods. We will view them in order. CAP. II. jupitér 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Modii salis edendi, Tessera hospitalis seu Symbolum. Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Poean, & ejusdem verbi origo. Mercurius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ABove other of their Gods jupiter was had in high esteem. And that commanded by the Oracle. For when the Athenians were bidden to dissolve their kingdoms, they were charged to make choice of jupiter, a Sch. Aristop p. 122. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And so by b In Nubibus Aristophanes he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Him they worshipded as Precedent of Law and justice, under the name of jupiter c Dem. in Mid. p. 251. Nemius (different from that of Corin●h named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Him as God of supplicants, hence d Ulpian in Dem. p. 273. Paus. p. 18. l. 40. Who thinks Sylla to be eaten with louse by a judgement, that slew Aristion suppliantly flying to the Temple of Minerva. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Him as Protector of Cities, hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Him as Governor and director of their Counsels, hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Him as chief of their Societies, hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and of their friendship too, hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; & of kindred likewise, hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To him they ascribed Thunder, hence e Aristoph. Avib. p. 626, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as much as coming down in thuder. To him they thankfully acknowledged their delivery from the Persians, wrought by Themistocles, hence f Plut. & Paus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Him they confessed the greatest of all, hence g Pausan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Him the overseer of their buying and selling, hence * Aristoph. p. 917. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To him stood an Altar sacred in the courts of their houses, hence jupiter Her●êus, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a wall, as if he were the watch and defender of the house. Phavorius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There was also an Altar to him before the gates, of which h Metamorph Ovid.— Ante aedis stabat jovis Hospitis ara, hence jupiter Xenius, as if he were the God of strangers and hospitality So solemn were they in their entertainments, that they would not receive a stranger without great ceremonies such as giving the right hand each to other i Eustath. in Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a most certain sign of fidelity, and security; as also washing & cleansing with salt, or salt water, as k pag. 27. But Eustath says that they did set salt before any other meat to strangers. Tzetzes on Lycophron; whence it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Salt they highly esteemed of, ever upbrading violated hospitalty with l Demosth. p. 241. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. where is the salt? And yet it may be thought to be said of the community of the table m Tzetzes in Lycoph. p. 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, customs showing that fellow-commoners, and as feed of the same table must not injure one an other, to which the old saying may well agree n Cic. de Amicitia. Eustath says that it betokens love permanent. For salt preserves And as it is made of many let in of water, so they who come from divers places by hospitality are made one. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p100 multos modios salis simul edendos esse, ut Amicitiae munus expletum sit, Men must eat many bushels of salt together, before they can be perfect friends; meaning that friendship is not so soon established. But I take salt, of the lustration, to which also they added fire, as you may see in o In Acharn. p. 414. vide Sch. Aristophanes. Neither was this all, for they sacrificed moreover, calling jupiter to witness, and using these words in the time of sacrifice▪ p Eustath. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let my trespass be against jupiter Xenius, if I offend, contemn, or neglect strangers. And for the continuation of this even to their posterity they were wont to cut an hucle bone in two, the one party keeping one piece, the other party the other half, that when occasion or necessity should make either of them stand in need of other, q Eurip. Sch. pag. 446. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bringing with them their half huckle bone they might renew their hospitality. This they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Symbolum a token, which sometimes they would send to their acquaintance in others behalf, as jason in Euripides offers to Medea to do. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And to send a Symbolum or token to strangers that shall courteously entertain you. But of this enough, as also of Iupite●, whom celebrated in a As 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristophan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pausan. etc. other Epithits I know by the Athenians. Apollo was next in request to jupiter, invocated in danger or sudden events, hence b Aristophan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 86. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to turn away, as if he should deliver them from eminent evil, for which reason he is called Alexicacus. c Macrob. Sat. 1. p. 253. Apollinem aspellentem mala intelligas, quem Athenienses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellant. He was one of the first Gods they had, hence he is termed d Aristoph. Nub. p. 203. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but e Aristop. Sch. p. 611. g. others think because he was the father of jon. f Satur. 1. p. 257. Macrobius is of opinion, because the Sun the same with Apollo is the Author of progenerating all things quod sol humoribus exsiccatis progenerandis omnibus prebuit causam. To him stood Altars in their streets hence is he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if he were set over their ways g Macrob. Sat. 1. c. 9 Illi enim vias, quae intra pomaeria sunt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This Agyeus was a sharp pillar. h Scholar Eurip Phae. p. 322. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Although the Greeks', i Sat. 1. c. 9 as Macrobius says, did worship him as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, exitus & introitus potentem, one that kept the doors of their houses, yet I find no monument of that Title in Pausanias. famous he was for the name of Paean, of which though I have taken occasion to speak elsewhere, yet this is a most proper place. I will not trouble you with the trivial derivations of the Greeks', which you read in k In fin. lib. 14. Dip. Athenaeus When the Athenians asked help of the Oracle at Delphos against the Amazons, in the days of Theseus, The God bid them implore his succour in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l Macrob. Sat. l. 1. c. 17. pag. 253. Hanc vocem, id est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, confirmasse sertur Oraculum Delphicum Atheniensibus, petentibus opem Dei adversus Amazonas, Theseo regnante. Namque inituros bellum jussit his ipsis verbis semetipsum auxilliatorem invocari, hortarique. I doubt not but the words are changed somewhat, especially if we consider the ancient Io Paean. Paean, says the m In Plut. p. 68 Scholiast of Aristophanes is a song or hymn praying for the ceasing of a plague, or war nay for the preventing of apparent hurt. The original of Io n Graec. Trag. Scaliger hath already found, jao, & Io being contracted by the Greeks' for jehovah; Paean then comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to look, so that Io Paena is in force jehovah Penoh, LORD LOOK. UPON US, it being a craft of the Devil to come as near as possible he may to God, so to bereave him of his dear honour, if he could. The remnants of these words the o Vide Sir Fr. Drake. symeron's a people of the West-Indies use, who in their fight, dance, and leap and sing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peho, at this day. Mercury is hallowed by the name of p Aristophan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 120. Ach. p. 410. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, deemed to be the God whose favour could enrich Merchants and Tradesmen. He is the God of craft, so by consequence he that is cunning to cheat may soon grow rich, wherefore this God is termed q Aristophan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 266 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Very profitable, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an augmenting word, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to profit. He had a statue erected to him in the Market place called a Aristop. 304 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The entry of their houses was sacred to him; from which he is named b Paus. p. 20. l. 59 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to turn, because he was set up behind the door to keep away thiefs, that were wont to lurk thereabout, and then afterward commit their villainy. More of his names you may read in c Pag. 110. Aristoph. Scholar CAP. III. De Sa●●rno, Vulcano, Neptuno, Marte, Hercule. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. SAturne was worshipped by the Athenians, witness the feasts kept in honour to him called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: witness a d Paus. p. 16. l. 32. Temple which he had in Athens. Of his antiquity I cannot much affirm any thing, He seems to have been of old, as I conjecture out of e Aristophan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 61 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Saturninae animae, put for dotage proverbially. Vulcan likewise had his honour there, and a Temple, of which f P. 536. n 26 Demosthenes; where was one of the Athenian prisons some controversies in law in it decided, as I gather out of g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Demosthenes. Neptune was an ancient Patron of this City, which he loved even to strife. He was feared for security in navigation, hence h Aristop. p. 403. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mars also had his worship, i Paus. p. 7. l. 27. and Temple, and Hercules too, who in a dream appeared to Sophocles revealing unto him the sacrilege of one who had stolen a golden cup out of his Temple: called therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Index Hercules, as k De divinatione l. 1. Tully. Neither were they contented with such a quantity, but canonised more daily, as the sons of Tyndarus, Castor and Pollux, naming them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l Plut. The▪ p. 11. l. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For they who have a care & watch of any thing do diligently observe it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For which Kings perhaps are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as keepers of their people. m In Hipp ol. p. 507. The Scholast of Euripides teaches us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies a Saviour. So Pan is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Tutelar God of Cylene. And Apollo in n Illiad. a. Homer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The word is simply put for God in o In Avib. pag. 578. Aristophanes, p Eurip. Sch. p. 507. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To these may be put Harm●dius and Aristogiton. Lycus, Theseus, Alon, Hesychus, Aristomachus the Physician. Celeus and Metanira. And many more (of whom see q In Athen. Att. l. 3. c. 1. & 7. Meursius) made of Men, as Selanion and Paerrhasius that made the statue of r Plut. in Th· p. l. 14. Theseus. CAP. IU. De Minerva, ●erere & Proserpina, Baccho▪ Venere, Eumenidibus, Hecate junone, Prometheo, etc. MInerva the especial deity of the Athenians, had the Festivals called Panathenaea, of which you may fully read in s In Panath. Meursius. Next to her Ceres and Proserpina, whose rites long maximis & occultissimis ceremon●is continentur, a In Verum. 5 says Cicero, were greatest and most hidden: therefore called mysteria from b Nonnus ad Naz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to hid c Vide Plut. in Alcib. death and curse lying on him who should disclose those abominable secrets. See Meursius in his d Cap. 7. Eleusinia, of the initiation into these stews. They were of two sorts. e Aristop. Sch. p. 85. Greater to Ceres, less to Proserpina. Bacchus also the son of Ceres had his Temple allotted and a double tide holy to him. Dionysia f Arist. p. 222. parva and g Idem. p. 123 Magna Venus had her honour, and sacrifice in which they offered to her h Clem. Alex. p. 19 money the price of an whore i Vide Aesch. in Eumen. & Sch. Soph. in Oed. Col. Eumenides were first adored by Orestes after he escaped the judgement at Athens in Areopagus for killing his mother Clytaemnestra. These by k In Theogonia. Hesiod are called Erinnyes, by the Athenians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the venerable Goddesses. l Paus. p. 27. l. 3. To these they offered drink offerings, without wine though at midnight, a custom peculiar to them alone, as m In Eumen. p. 275. Aeschylus witnesseth, though I am Ignorant that n Aristoph. p. 228. Bacchus his feasts were kept in the night, whence he is called Nictelius. But the Tragoedian· o Loco citato. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scholiast: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By p In Oedipo. Col. p. 271. Sophocles the manner of oblation is set down. First having clean hands & pure, the worshipper ought to draw out of a running fountain water, and having filled three cups with water and honey (hence termed q Aeschylus loco praed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the mouths & ears of which are to be covered with the wool of a young sheep, turning himself towards the East, he poured out some of two of them, but the third wholly; then with both hands setting thrice nine branches of Olive on the place where he casts his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he uttered his conceived supplications. Other sacrifices they had as shall be shortly spoken. r Vide Interp. Hor. in illud Diva triformis. Hecate was worshipped by them in triviis, where three wayesmet, supposed to be the Moon in Heaven, Diana on earth, and Hecate below. s Aristop. Sch. p. 63. To her the richer sort every new Moon made a feast in the cross ways setting bread & other provision, which the poor greedily fed on, and were so ravenous after, that t Pag. 64. Penia in Aristophanes complains, that they snatched it, before it could be laid down. Reference to this hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to eat the cates of Hecate, in u In Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 693. n. 59 Demosthenes, which he seems to object, as a sordid or wicked thing, Indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies on that privily taketh away any of the sacrifices from the altar, imports sometimes impious, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scholar * In Nubes p. 176. Aristoph. And yet the same Scholiast tells us that the needy sustained themselves by the sacrifices. x In Plut. 63. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. juno's rites were performed in great pomp with hair over their shoulders & down the back, in a vesture that swept the ground, their arms bedecked with glorious bracelets, their paces so minced, that a Vide Schottum in Proverb. Isaa●um Casaub. in Athen. l. 12. c. 5. p. 388. p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, junonem incedere is to go stately. Prometheus was worshipped in a kind of Torch-dance, or running with likes or lamps, it may be in memorial of the fire, which superstitiosly they believed him to have stolen out of Heaven. To say more of their Gods were needless either for you to read or me to write. More they had, among whom Pan was of latter making, introducted by b Cl. Alex. 22. Philippides, and * Plut. Arist. p. 240. l. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sphragitides Nymphae after the Persian overthrow. CAP, V 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Phacasiani Dii. THE Athenians before their doors erected statues which they called c Vide Hesychium, & Dionysium Petavium in Themislium. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they were exposed to the Sun. Neither had they these alone, but certain others sacred to Mercury, named from Hermes Hermae Mercurialls. The fashion of them was divers. For first they were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, porrecto veretro, but made after to that form by the Athenians, who received it from the Palasgi, as d In Euterpe p. 48. Herodotus▪ Neither did they want legs, until the Athenians made them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to e In Atticis p. 22. l. 14. Pausanias. The manner was this, A face of Mercury set upon a pilar of four corners the head only and neck were shapen, and therefore it was called truncus Hermes, f Sat. v. 852. juvenal, Nil nisi Cecropides, truncoque simillimus Hermae. Nullo quip alio vincis discrimine, quam quod Illi marmoreum caput est, tua vivit imago. For which reason likewise the Greeks' name them g Vide Ulpian in Dem: p. 332. & G. Lang●aine in Notis ad Longinum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without limbs. On the lower pars of them were certain verses engraven, containing the praises of some well deserving men; but the Hermae on which they wrote the exploits of those that had merited, seem to me to have been set up in that gallery, which from the number of these images was commonly known by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gallery of Mercurials. At the consecration of these they used some ceremonies, and sacrificed a kind of gruel which was of no great preparation; Because they would not stand long about it. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be said to sacrifice with that which costs but little. h Pag. 693. Aristophanes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Scholar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Pace. Now to the erecting of their Images it will not be unseasonable to add something of the form of their Gods; whom they made standing with their hands upward as if they were more willing to receive then bestow any thing. To which a Contion. p. 747. Aristophanes alludes saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Even the Gods you shall know by their hands and statues. For when we pray them to give us some great thing they stand with their hands upward, as if they would send down nothing but rather take oblation. To tell you likewise that these Idols were clothed, is no news doubtless to on meanly versed in the Greek antiquities. To say that they werae shoes to is probable, whence they are named Dii Phaecasiani, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a kind of low shoes which the Athenians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dust, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the foot because they were ne'er the ground. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says b Paed. l. 2. c. 11. p. 152. Clemens Alexandrinus. But more sure I am rhat the were pictured with them on their feet. c Sat. 3. v. 217 juvenal. Hic aliquid praeclarum Euphranoris & Polyclesi Phaecasianorum vetera ornamenta Deorum. CAP. VI· De Superstioione Atheniensium, & vaticinis. LOng since were the Athenians taxed by the Apostle for superstition, which though it properly signifies d Donat. in Ter. p. 67. a worshipping of the Gods too much, yet under it these follies are comprehended. Purification after fearful dreams, in e Ranis p. 274 vide & Aesch. in Per●●s. Aristophanes' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In which sense some understand Persius. Noctem flumine purgare. Wearing of rings against witchcraft as a spell, called f Aristop. Pl. p. 88 f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. g Thoph. Ch. p. 49. Spitting into their bosoms thrice at the sight of a mad man, or one troubled with an Epilepsy. Of which also Theocritus▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I know not whether the custom of our silly people have reference to this foppery, who use to spit at the naming of the Devil. Certain it is that anciently they did spit in defiance, hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to contemn or set little by, as the h Antigonen. Scholiast of Sophocles on these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Washing with water the head as often as he shall go into the streets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; i Charact. Theophrastus. Anointing of stones, divers it seems from those heaps sacred to Mercury, termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This hath been of old. Done indeed as a token of thankfulness by k Gen. 28.18. jacob in bethel, where he took the stone that he put for his pillows, & set it up, & poured oil on the top of it, in his journey to Padan Aram. Hens crowing, the bold entrance of a black dog into their houses, Serpents seen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Theophratus, of which a In Phor. Ac. 4. Sc. 4. Terence Introit in aedes ater alienus canis. Anguis per impluvium decidit de tegulis. Gallina cecenit. Put to these a b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theop. Cat or Weasel (the word signefieth both) crossing his way, the Mouse eating his salt bag. Not unlike them now adays, whose clothes the Rats or Mice shall chance to eat, deemed not long after like to live by our ignorant, or that he shall have great ill betid him. Add the avoiding of obsequies for fear of pollution. Antiquity was of opinion that sacred persons were de●iled with the sight of the dead, as Chemnitius hath observed, and c In Hip. p. 603. vide etiam Eu●tath. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euripides brings in Diana speaking that it is not lawful for her to behold dying Hippolytus. Nay the standing upon a grave was a great religion▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Furthermore observing of days good & bad, of which d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hesiod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that one is a stepdame▪ another a mother. e Pl●t. Nici 2. p. 123. l. 35. Amazement at the Eclipse of the Sun, as also the f Plut. Nicia. p. 392. l. 21. Moon; not knowing the reason why she did lose her light, at that time, when she was in her full lustre. Buying of Medicines or enchanted stones for the quicker delivery in childbirth, in Aristophanes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of the virtue I speak nought. g Lib. 4. c. 11. Boemus relates that in Darien in America the women eat an herb when they are great with child which makes them to bring forth without pain. Join to this the sneezing over the right shoulder, or the right side, h Plu●. Them p. 85. l. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. observation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or sudden storms, as the i In Ach. p. 379. & p. 424 Sch. of Aristophanes interprets it, snow, hail, or the like. k Paus▪ Att. p. 35. l. 31. vide Eust. in Il. B. Cutting off their hair, and sacrificing it to rivers, as Cephissus. Marking the flight of the owl, whence came the proverb, l Aristop. Vespis. p. 508. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Owl hath fled. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for good luck▪ The Owl being a token of victory to the Athenians. m Zenobius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They ever accounting it so since the war at Salamis, where the Greeks' seeing an Owl took courage and beat the Barbarians. Appendix Vaticana. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Other madness of theirs was sleeping in the n Aristop. pp. 44, 66. T. 438 Temple of Aesculapius, who were ill at ease, supposing the deity to give, or show them a remedy, o Petronius. for which in gratulation they were wont to offer him a cock. If I mistake not. p Aelian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 5. c. 17. What shall I say of putting him to death who should cut down an Oak or an Holm (so Ilex which in Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken, I think it an Holm) in the Heroum; And punishing Atarbes capitally who being distracted had slain a sparrow sacred to Aesculapius? thus fare have we gone. Let us proceed to their vaticinations or prophesyings. Aeschylus brings Prometheus on the stage, vaunting how first he taught men * Vide Sch. pag. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. All which were practised among the Athenians, as you may read in a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. initio. Xenophon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the interpretation of dreams, is a resolution of those doubts, which we conceive of things offered to our fancy in sleep, as that of Hecuba dreaming that she should bring forth a firebrand; & that of Atossa before the fall of her son Xerxes, whom she saw striving to yoke the Barbarian and Greek Woman, one of which overthrew him. This the ancients termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Aeschylus, ascribing much to the truth of them, supposing them to be sent from a Deity— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. b Iliad. 1. Homer. The skill in them is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to truly tell the event. c Aeschy. Pro. p. 33. Which was no small art, certain Books written of that subject. d Eust. in Il. a. p. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Artemidorus his Onirocritica. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Soothsaying by birds when such or such fly either before or behind him, at the right or left hand, to show what it doth prognosticate. e Pag 33. Aeschylus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was formerly styled f Aristides T. 3. p. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the mind doth suggest to the opinion. It is put for any divination in Greek writers, but most properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which g Nonus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Telegonus is related to have found according to Nonnus, but according to h Nat. hist. l. 7 c. 56. Pliny, Car; whence it is called Caria: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, looking into the Liver or entrails, like the Latins extispicium, observing the colour of them. A●sch. loco citato. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as likewise the soundness, hence taken as a prodigy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in k Pag. 357. l. 31. Plutarch, the extremity of the liver (like the outmost parts of the vine leaf, says Isidor) not to be seen, or rather that which they call the head, Ovid, caesumque capút reperitur in extis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in marking the flame of the sacrifice burnt, l Aesch. loco. citato. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Tragedian calls them, by which they could foretell events. More doubtless had they ways of witchcraft, as the other Greeks'. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as when one shall meet you carrying such or such things, than this shall befall you. Aeschylus terms them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. See Scaliger in Tibullum, on these words Puer è triviis. The Scholiast of a In An. p. 574 Aristophanes on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, They made, quoth he, whom they met first as it were tokens of good hap. Whence it may be came up the salutation which b In Oed. Tyr. initio. Sophocles calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wishing luck, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Greeks', & the Latins c Ovid. Fast. Esto bonis avibus visus etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put likewise for sneesing, or the conjecturing at them. Sterm tamentum being accounted a Deity by the Romans, but sacred to d Sch. Aristop loco citato. Ceres, as the Greeks', whence proceeded that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we intimate in our God help you, as often as we see any man so purging his head. which not to have proceeded from any deadly disease, is sufficiently evinced by Casaubon on Athenaeus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at the sight of a Mouse. Serpent, Cat or the like in the house, or when the oil cruse is dry, honey, wine, water is spent, to guess at future things. On this e Nonnus in Naz. Xenocrates wrote. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Palmistry, when by the length of the hand, or lines of the table, they can judge of freeness in housekeeping, of marriage & posterity, of which f Nonnus. Helenus once left a monument. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, gathered out of the shaking of the parts of the body as the shoulder, thigh, or right eye, in which kind Posidonius was an author exposed to the world. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as that wherein the Witch of Endor was experienced, out of the lower parts of whose belly the Devil spoke. The first that practised this among the Athenians was Eurycles: hence they who are possessed with this spirit of prophesying, are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euriclitae, as the g In Vesp. pag. 503. Scholar of Aristoph. who calls this art h Ib. p. 502. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the divining of Eurycles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where after solemn sacrifices they were wont to call up the souls of the deceased, demanding of them what afterward should befall. As i De Magis Inf. l. 2. c. 11. Wierus. And no wonder, for they held the spirits of their parents and kindred for Gods, quibus sacrificabant (says Bodin) & ad quorum sepulchra comedebant, k Daemonomaniae l. 2. c. 3. in quos scriptura invebens ac detestans, inquit, & comederunt sacrificia mortuorum, to which they sacrificed, and at whose sepulehers they fed; against whom the Scripture inveighing and detesting speaketh, And they a●e the Oblations of the dead. Of this l In Avib. p. 613. a. Aristophanes makes mention, and Homer in his Odysseys. This is that which most properly is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lamentation, m Lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. by Wierus termed dirae execrationes, a Nonnus in Naz. for with great mourning they invocated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wicked Gods for the accomplishment of their devilish designs. It may most fitly have the name of Nigra Magia b Vide Bodin for so the Wizards divide them into the black and white Magic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from whence the word Magic is derived, seems to have been found by the Medes and Persians, whose Priests were called Magis great Philosophers, c Vide No●. as d In Pro●em. Nonnus. Laertius is witness. This is supposed to be the good Magic. ᵉ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a giving of philtrum, a medicine for the procurement of love, or rather enraging of lust, by bewitching something and giving it to be eaten; which to have power over swine is credibly reported. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tricks with a pair of shears and sieve, of which Theocritus. f Vide Odies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,. to take council of an hatchet, taking it & laying it on a piece of timber flatwaies, which did the feat by turning round. Like to which is that naughty use of a key ●●ible. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the casting of the dice to ask the number of wives, children, farms, etc. which answer to the quantity of a chance. g Vide Theocrit. in Phar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, done by corn. h Delrio Disqui. Mag. l. 4. c. 2. q. 5. sec. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by taking the letters of the name, as when two were to fight & by the value of them to judge the conquest: As they said of Hector's being overcome by Achilles. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, making a circle they divided it into four and twenty parts, and on each part made a letter, and putting wheat upon the letters they brought in a Cock, and observing from what letters he took up the grain, they at last joined them together, and so knew their successors, husbands, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, opening a book of Homer and by the first verse that they lighted upon, to divine, as that of the death of Socrates, who so foretold it, meeting with that verse of Homer, which speaks of the arrival of Achilles within three days at Thessaly▪ i Wie●. de Magis Inf. l. 2. c. 13. Et quoniam poemata pro vaticiniis, &c and because poems were accounted Prophecies, as Poet's Prophets, they were most busy in them. Hence in public causes had the Romans recourse to the Sibylline Oracles, & the private Grecians to the verses of Homer. And that Sors was put for the writing of Oracles, is manifest out of the words Sorts Delphicae, for foretelling or divination. a Vide Sch. Arist. in Plut. I know the she Priest of Apollo being inspired with a kind of holy fury spoke to those who asked counsel. Whence the word b Aristid. T. 3 pag. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at this time read for Soothsaying, was anciently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 madness. And yet that their cunning men had a kind of lottery, is as clear as day, the c In Hippol. p. 580. Scholiast of Euripides testifying▪ done it seems in matters of question, so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may intimate as much as to undergo trial. Predictions there were, d In Il. a. p. 36 saith Eustath, out of signs and wonders, as also of the noise that leaves make when they are burned. To which some add 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or divination by the air, quoting for it Aristophanes in Nubibus, which I now remember not. CAP. VII. De Templis & Asylis. THeir Churches were of two sorts; sacred to their Gods in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And sacred to their Demigods most properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But the word is promiscuously used by the Tragedians▪ Clemens Alexandrinus is of opinion that the first original of their Temples was the erecting of an edifice to the honour of the deceased. e Vide p. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cecr●ps buried in the Acropolis, Ericthonius in the Temple of Minerva Polias, the daughters of Celeus in El●usiis, etc. They were divided into two parts, the sacred and profane, this called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ f In Theop. Charact. Casaubon tells us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was that holy water set at the door of the Temple, with which every one that entered into the Temple besprinkled himself, or was besprinkled by those that sacrificed; of which in the next Chapter. But others have written that it stood at the entrance of the Adytum, into which i● was not lawful for any but the Priests to come. The g In Oed. Tyrannum. Scholar of Sophocles thus describes the Church. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quoth he, is the place where the Altar stands. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Altar on which they offered their oblations, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where they placed the Idol which they worshipped; in ancient time a rude table or stock, a Protreptic. p. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clemens Alexandrinus calls it, as that of juno Samia, afterward made in the magistracy of Procles to be a statue. At first named b Idem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the shaving of it; but when art began to be so expert, as to make it resemble a man, they termed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mortolis, whose shape it bare. At the setting up thereof they used these ceremonies: That a Woman neatly trimmed & decked in a purple vesture, should bring on her head a pot of sodden pulse, as beans, pease, and the like, which they sacrificed in thankfulness for their first food, c Scholar Arist. p. 115. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For as much as I conceive out of Pollux, they prayed not where this was consecrated, or did divine honours, but in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the body of the Church, framing, as may be gathered, their gesture towards it. d Lib. 1, c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Farthermore belonging to their Temples there was a kind of Vestry, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by some translated summum templum, as if it were at the upper end. This seems to have been a Treasure both for the Church, and any soever, who fearing the security of his wealth would commit it to the custody of the Priest, as e Laertius in vita. p. 122. vide ad eum locum Cas. Xenophon is reported to have done at the Temple of Diana in Ephesus. Martial points at this when he says, Templa vel arcano demens spoliaverat auro. So reverently did they esteem of these houses of their Gods, that to do those offices of nature, I mean venting of excrements, too shamlesly seen among us in the Churchyards, as I may call them, was an abomination; punished severely by Pisistratus. For when he had taken tribute of all that the Attic ground had brought forth, they so hated him for that taxation, as they made the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Temple of Apollo Pythius a Jakes; which although for bidden never was redressed. And yet so secretly was it done, that he could apprehend none, save at last one stranger whom he caused to be whipped, with this proclamation, THAT BECAUSE HE CONTEMNED THE EDICT HE SHOULD DIE. Hence to a man that sound smarted for his wickedness, they were wont proverbially to say, He had better have eased himself in the Pytheum, or if there were more, in the plural number. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nay so honourable held they these Churches, that to them they granted privilege of Sanctuary, to which who should fly, might not from thence be drawn out under a trespass upon religion. Of this kind was the Temple of Minerva, & Theseus, the altars of the Eumenideses, & Mercy, a Vid. Rosin. whose image they would not have erected any where in their City, although in the midst thereof she had a Grove. b Polyd. Virg. in Eurip. they are presented sitting near the Altar. T. ●. p. 472. The first Asylum among the Heathens is held to have been in Athens, built by the Heraclidae. CAP. VIII, De Sacerdotiis. OF holy orders among them I conceive to have been divers sorts, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Parasiti, a word had in later times in great derision, exagitated almost in every Comedy, put for a shark or smel-feast, c Terent. Edax Parasi●us. But held once in good esteem. For when they had set aside such a parcel of land as they thought the revenues thereof would suffice for the sacrifices of such & such Gods, they chose certain men who should receive or gather the harvest. d Secun. Att. Dialecti. apud Athen. p. 235 Crates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. With the incoms of this were the charges of those public sacrifices defrayed. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Introitus magni, great yearly substance, is used for great sacrifice in e Avib. p. 581. Aristophanes. Scholiast. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ‛ Ceryces, the same signifies a crier, but in sacred functions a Minister, who slew and offered the victim. f Apud Ath▪ l. 14. p. 661. Anthenio the Comedian ascribes much honour to them, as if they had first taught men to seethe victuals, the flesh of sheep and oxen, while before they devoured each other raw. They take their name from g Vide Salm. in Inscripti. Pollucem. l. 8 Ceryx the son of Mercury and Ponderous. But h In Athen. lib. 15. c. 23. Casaubon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apraestantiore parte muneris quod ●bi●ant, sic dicti. Idem namque & hostias mactabant, adolebantque etc. They in the time of divine rites craved the silence of the people in these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Be whist all ye people. Good words, for so i Casaub. in theophra. p. 321. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies, as well as to say nought, which Horace fitly interprets, when he says Malè ominatis Parcite verbis. When sacrifice was ended they dismissed the congregation with these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To which custom ●e unfitly looked, who derived the Mass from Missa est, ite, better fetched in my mind by a In lib. quem scripsit de Sacrament. Wechelius from Masath the Hebrew, which avails as much as to praise. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the same with b Meursius' Eleusin. in c. 13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who initiated them who desired to be admitted into the society of the superstitiously zealous (who after they were entered, were not under a year complete, permitted to see their Babble) c In Stel. 1. p. 63. Scholar Naz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hierophantae so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, opening the holy things. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. d L. Mountac. of Chichest. The learned Bishop upon that place of Nazianzen, notes that Moses among the Israelites was an Hierophanta, showing unto them what they were to do in those sacred businesses. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they who lighted the fire at the Altar, whose office made them safe in war & danger. Hence of bloody fight we say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ne ignifer quidem, there escaped not he that served at the Altar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Priests in the Great Mysteries, ten in number, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom e In Alexiph. p. 144. Nicander calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from f Arist. etc. p. 125. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be decent, because they kept the Temples clean, and swept them, as jon in g T. 2. p. 621. Euripides speaks. These were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose charge it was to preserve that which was found in the Church, and to see that repaired which went to ruin, says h In Politic. Aristotle. And yet we read that the Parasiti did sometime look to the mending of it. There being a Law enacted, that what they laid out should be restored again. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in i In Plut. p. 71 Aristophanes likewise termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. These are the Priests ever waiting on the Gods, k Casaub. in Theoph. whose prayers the ancient required at their sacrifices; out of which they had a fee, l Arist. p. 481. the trotters and skins, as the m Arist. p. 101 Ceryces the tongues. And indeed there was no necessity, For there being tables in their Temples, as Casaubon teaches us, whereon they might lay their oblations, (& perhaps sometimes departed) of which the Priest according to his stomach did share. Well known to n In Plut. p. 71 Aristop. who relates the like of the Priest of Aesculapius. It was requisite to this function, that they who undertook it, should be sound both wind and limb, they being asked 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before their Creation, whether they were whole in every member: which ceremony to have been used among holy orders of latter days is well known, their neighbour's wives bearing record, says a In Aristop. Christianus, that they have not taken into their societies quid mutilum. There were moreover she Priests as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Demosthenes, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom in all things b Antiq. l. 2. n. 3. Dionysius Halicarnasseus compared to the vestal Nuns. CAP, IX. De Sacrificiis. THE father of Philosophy is of opinion that Sacrifices first begun after the ancients had ended their harvest. For then being free from care, they found time for mirth & jollity. In which they offered their first fruits called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is read generally to do any sacrifice. Neither doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 import less. For c Vide Scholar Eur. in Phaen. p. 291. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the bend, or great chest of the garnet, wherein they laid up the harvest thresht & winnowed; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the first or beginning, as if when they began to treasure up their store, they first of all liberally paid some devotion to their Gods. The Attic oblations, even to Draco, were nothing else but the earth's beneficence, but before Solon's age, burned offering, who willed in his laws, d Plut. p. 65. l. 26. they called their lean sacrifices 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, horns & hair, as if naught else, Arist. p. 584. that they should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, chosen and selected sacrifices. The rites performed in them were not different from those in the days of Homer, but somewhat reform. It behoved them that would take in hand these holy things to purify themselves some certain days before, e Demosth. pp. 400.476. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the number of them is not set down. I take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here to abstain from carnal delights. Tibuli-Discedite ab aris Quos tulit hesterna gaudia nocte Venus) To which purpose Theano being asked when it might be lawful for a woman, from the company of a man to go to sacrifice; answered, from her own at any time, but a stranger never. Being thus prepared they came and stood round the Altar, having with them a basket in which was the knife hide (covered with flower and salt, in f In pace. p. 695. Aristophanes' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. with these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Greeks ever began sacrifice, the Romans Far. Dionys. Hal. l. 2. n. 4. Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) with which they cut the throat of the victim. Then they purified the Altar going about it with the right hand towards it. h Loco laud. Aristophanes▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This lustration was made with meal & holy-water sprinkled thereon. This water is called i Athen. l. 9 p. 409. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which they quenched a firebrand taken from the Altar; with which they bedewed the standers by, accounting it a kind of cleansing▪ (Hence a Sophocles Oed. Tyr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was forbidden him whom they took for a polluted and forlorn rogue) Then they cast some of the flower on them. And having thus expiated, they cried out b Aristoph. p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Who is here? to which they made reply, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Many and good. Then they prayed. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Among the latter they spoke with a loud voice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, before they began. Let us pray. Supplications ended they drew the victim so as (if it were to the Gods above) the head might look upwards, which d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eust. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If it were to the Heroes or Demigods, with his throat downwards. Then they slew him & skinned him, & cutting out the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. huck shinbones & haunch, they covered them with fat, which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (hence the Gods of the heathen are deciphered by e In Stel. Nazianzen, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rejoicing in the fat) to the end that they might burn all out in a great flame. f Eustath. p. 101. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Grecians accounted it unlucky if it did not so consume, and thought that it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they cast small pieces of flesh cut from every part of the beast, beginning with the shoulder (which is in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) hence this is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The reason Eustathius gives, g Loco laud. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that they might seem to consume all, which the Athenians did not, being commanded by law to carry some of the sacrifice home. By reason of which injunction, they did so strain courtesy of their Gods, that the illiberal or niggardly sort of people would sell that which was left, and so make gain of their devotion. h Th. Charac. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Theophrastus, Where i Pag. 336. Casaubon notes. Coxam ferè offerebant, aut intestina, aut aliud non magnae rei persaepe. They offered the haunch bone or the entrails, or somewhat of no great worth. Where by entrails, you are to understand the spleen, the liver, and the heart, which Homer calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for though the word be taken for the bowels, yet it signifies the heart too, in which sense we say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a pusillanimous man, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a courageous, as the a In Aiacem Lorarium. Scholiast of Sophocles teaches us, & so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bowels of compassion These the ancients did divide among them at sacrifice to feed on, and afterwards cut out the rest to roast▪ For when they had finished their devotions, they let the reins lose to all manner of voluptuousness, gluttony, and drunkenness. For oft times they left nothing of their sacrifice, especially when they offered to Vesta, whence the proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is to eat up all, like the Roman Lari sacrificare. To say that publicly they begun to Vesta were more than I could well prove; but that they did so is plain. In their houses they had Altars, & so I supposed once 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be taken, but this was done in Libaminibus, in their drink offerings, as he on b Vide p. 582 Aristophanes. As for their meat offerings it was required that they should be c Vide Pollucem. l. 1. sound and without blemish, whether it were an ox, sheep, goat, swine, calf: to sacrifice they simply termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which our Latins have interpreted fitly, Facere. d In Bucolicis Virgil, cum faciam vitula. Whose poverty was so great that he could not afford a sheep, or the like, they thought the Gods would be well pleased if he offered Molas, which the Greeks' call e Casaub. in Theop. p. 237. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meal, which by the richer was mingled with oil and wine, as the f Pag. 701. D. Scholiast of Aristoph. The more wealthy instead of this, did cast frank incense on the Altars. For the sacrifices of Pallas the tithes were set a part, as g Pag. 378. Demosthenes. In their oblations the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or cooks gave the h Scholar Arist. p. 204. 10 part to the Prytanes. So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where the Gods cannot have their allowance. Scho. Aristop. on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. CAP. X. De Anno Attico. THE ancient Greek year consisted of three hundred and sixty days, each month consisting of thirty▪ Rude antiquity ignorant of celestial contemplations, deeming the Moon to finish her course in that space. Which according to a De Doct. Tēp. l. 1. c. 1. Petavius seems false. Lunaris enim non fuit, sed ejus menses tricenis diebus constabant singuli. By which reckoning, had they not used intercalations, they had soon found a main difference in the times, when they ought to have celebrated their festivals. They made therefore a Tetraeteris, in which when they found seven days deficient, they supplied them by adding * Negat Petitus Miscel. l. 8 p. 192. Petau. assirmat. two to every end of the year, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, b M. Seldeu. in Apparat. ad Graeco Epoc. Chro. eò quod per illud biduum Athenae Magistratibus carebant, Because for those two days Athens was without Magistrates. But the last of these four had but 359 days, besides the two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in respect to the Olympic games, ever kept in the Olympic games, ever kept in the * id est, The fifteenth day. full moon, which could not have happened, had they not began the Tetraeteris with a new Moon. Nevertheless the Sun and Moon appearing 14 days odds in a Tetraeteris, they made every eighth year an interjection of one Month, c De D. Tem. T. 1. p. 4. that this time being ended, the course might still return the same. This all Greece observed, says Petavius, by the Athenians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the people of Etis an Olypiad. What kind of Lunary year was in use among the Grandfires of Greece, is not truly known; by d Eclog. Chr. p. 225. Petau. goes not so home. Lib. de doct. Temp. 1. c. 6. Petitus delivered to be of D. 347. every Month 29 D: except one, which like our February had but 28 D. Every two years one month was inserted, once of 29 D. another time of 28 D: But because in two years this * each of these two years severally taken was called ver●tens, joined annus magnus. magnus annus surpassed the Moon 15 D. itaque Tetra●teridae fecerunt. This consisted of 1445 D: 723. & 722. make 1445. So many days 354. four times doubled hath, e Loco laud. if you please to adjoin 29. Of this sort of calculation doth he understand f El●m. Astro. c. 8. p. 36. Geminus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That must be fitly understood, quoth he, for they did number the Months as if they were 30 D. when notwithstanding they had but 29. g In Auctario Petavius is otherwise conceited, who takes the Scholiast of Arist●phanes in that sense, as meaning 29 D: full ones, when indeed exactly taken according to h Loco citato Gemiws you may account 29. ½, 1/33. and i In Arg. Orat. contra. A●d p. 380. Ulpian, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29 ¼·S And yet are we not destitute of authority, that a Month was supputed 29 D: k In A●ati Diosem. p. 74. Thron. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But that the fragments were left out, the words are plain, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He means a day the space of a night and a day, for according to such Months did they administer iheir civil affairs. And now it is in request among many of the Greeks'. But of this enough. Soon was the Tetraeteris found faulty; therefore was made a Kalander of eight years, in which doubling eight times the difference of the Sun, to wit, 11 D: ¼. made up three Months, inserted every third, fift, and eight year. But the scruples coming short in sixteen years 3 D: they intercalated three. And seeing still they could not make it even. a Geminus p. 38. Wh●m I follow. Not ignorant that Meton was the first that made the Cycle of 19 years. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Metans year is put for a long time proverbially. Euctemon and Philippus made an Almanac for nineteen years, which by calippus was produced to 76 Months 940. of them 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Geminus. This was the progress of their reformation. But we must look back again & consider that they counted their year two ways. First of b Then were al● the months' of 30 D. as you may see in Scholar Aristop. Ach. p. 412. c. CCCLX, as hath been already spoken, next CCCLIIII, when they made the Months interchangeably 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, full and deficient, that is, one 29. the other 30 days, yet both Lunary. For that is proved even by the names of their days. The first, wherein the Moon appeared new, called by a Synalaepha or contraction of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The eight 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or half full: the full 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The last 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, c Gem. p. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because that in the days of Thales Milesius, d Laertius in vita. who was the author of that term, the Month had 30, & no more, but ended, whence I suppose e Pollux l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signify the dead, the period of whose life hath Been come to. Though Diogenian gives other reasons. And by the way we must not think, that they had no regard to the course of the Sun; f Petit. E●cl. Chro. p. 215. sed tamen ut annus fieret Solaris, etc. But nevertheless that the year might be correspondent to the Sun, they put five days, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epacted, to the last Month Scirrophorion, for the supplying of the defect. And so the year had 365 D. which was the true and just measure. But he might have added, sometimes 366, by reason of that ¼ which Geminus acknowledges the Greeks' to have reckoned, although they accounted their Months but 30 D. This is that annus implicitus, which a In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 78. Aratus styles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To this point the Greek Authors, telling the years by seed time. b In Antigon. p. 213. Sophocles— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ For the ancients, says c In Aratum p 78. Theon took the year three ways, either by the Sun; or seasons; as spring, summer, autumn, winter, d In Oedipo Tyrant. p. 183 (Sophocles. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—) or thirdly by the Moon: whose irregularity Solon is reported by e In vita pag. 66. l. 15. Plutarch first to have marked. Observing therefore that she on the same day overtook and surpassed the Sun, f Plutarch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he caused that to be called g Laert. in vit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the old and new, because that remnant, which was before the conjunction, he thought belonging to the precedent Month; & that remnant which was after the conjunction, appertaining to the subsequent. (These pieces h In Diosem. p. 125. Aratus calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in which matter he is thought to have had Homer in sight, who in his i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 164. Odysseys terms the thirtieth day, as Didymus expounds it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where we may note that then they had no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but counted from one to twelve in the ordinal numbers, used by k Contra Timocratem. p. 446. n. 39 Demosthenes in one Oration, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Then putting the lesser to the greater they said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the third above ten, the fourth upon ten, and so to twenty, * Vide Plutarch. loco nuper laud. But when at the one and twentieth day they perceived the wan● of the Moon to be great, & the light almost lost, they changed the order and used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. the tenth of the decrease, the ninth of the decrease, and so to the twenty nine, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the second of the decrease, or from the end, going lower in number still, as the splendour of the Moon was diminished, but the thirtieth they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the cause above. Here likewise they take the reason by the Month ending was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l Ulpian in Dem. p. 210. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Because the days and Moons do as it were die, according to that of Horace. Novaeque pergunt interire Lunae. m Macrobius Sat. l. 1. c. 16. Macrobius, quid aliud nisi illum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicit ●ujus pa●la●im deficien●is supputatio in nomen desinit secuturi: & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illum, qui praecedit numerum successurus priori in defectum meanti. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 standing to supply the place of the departing Month; fixed and still waiting until the Moon shall have journied to the completing & ending of the precedent time. Thus the last day of our lives is said to stand Virgil, n Aeneid. 10, p. 330. Stat sua cuique dies, as unto which we must pass through all the rest, and once approach. Thus squared they their times and state matters to the Moon. Hence read we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to count the Month as they do, who manage politic businesses, or belonging to government. In which course they made their year of CCCLIIII days, which divided into ten parts make ten times 35, which space each a Argum. Or. Dem. contra Androt. pag. 380. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ruled in its turn, the four that abounded were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in which they chose Magistrates, being for that time destitute of them. The year thus dsposed, the Months must of necessity be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cavi & pleni, as b Elemen. Astrono. p. 31. Geminus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If a month have 29 D: ½, two have 59 Because therefore the two halves might be made one whole, they so ordered it that now it should be 29 D. then 30 D. The Athenians counted their day from the setting of the sun on this day, c Macrob. l. 1. Sat. c. 3. Plin. nat. hist. l. 2. c. 77. until the going down of the next. In respect to which d In. Theriac. Nicander may be thought to say of noon sleep,— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To take rest at the beginning of the even. I know that the ancients wrought but six hours in the day. e Lib. 4. Ep. 8. Martial, sexta quies lassis septima finis erit. Which f In Ιλ: ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eustath affirms in his Commentary on Homer. And therefore Z. H. Θ. I. were the notes of the 7.8.9.10. hours, which joined make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if they should have said to the Labourers, Rest. The beginning of the year was g Casaub. in Athen. p. 921 Hecatombaeon, july, the eight, says b Chronol. Petitus. They ever accounting that to be the first Month. In which order I have found them set down in a i In 40 num. 24. p. 264. Manuscript in our public Library, only Maemacterion is to be put above Pyanepsion. Roman. Macedon. Hebrew. Egypt. Hellen. Athenian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In which table although Hecatombaeon be compared to the julian Month january, yet it appears not that Hecatombaeon was ever so removed out of his place, as a Eclog. Chr. p. 214. Petitus will have it, Epiphanius contradicting of which by & by. Indeed when the Christians in honour of their Easter, began the year in April, they called April Hecatombaeon, as b Loco laud. he himself testifies. But that Hecatombaeon was always the first Month, is not probable. For when the Athenians under the dominion of Alexander the Great's successors changed the head of the year from july to the seaventh of October it is like that they began at Maemacterion according to this c Ex MS. Biblioth. Bodleianae in 80 n. 8. rule. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. d Vide Petau. in Epiphan. p. 138. Certain it is that the same Attic Months are sometimes Lunary, and sometimes not, but of 30 D: or julian; When they are Lunary they have no sure seat, but are now at this time, then at another. And this hath been the reason why the same Months have not been suited to the julian, by writers. Ulpian on Demosthenes parallels Hecatombaeon to e Pag. 21. january, and in the Oration for Ctesiphon, to March, and again to f Pag. 163. April. g In Olymt. 3 March he calls Boedromion, which also he interprets h Pag. 148. june▪ Elaphebolon i Pag. 140. November, k Pag. 167. Sep●ember (in the margin February) and l Pag. 120. December. m Pag. 167. Thragelion●, April. Munychion january. Scirrophorion, March. Which errors are cursorily noted by n Eclog. chr. l. 1. c. 6. p. 213. Petit in part, to no great satisfaction. But when by the decree of Augustus Caesar they were charged to conform their year to the julian, they o Vide Petau. in Epiphan. pag. 139. thus numbered. Menses Attici. Menses juliani. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 March. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 April. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. May. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. june. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. july. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. August. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. September. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, October. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. November. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. December· 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. january. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. February. But of this, so much only. We must handle their Lunary year because according to them were their feasts kept. From whence sometimes they would count, as a Aristoph. p. 806. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ So much and as long since the Bac hanals; speaking of the age of a girl. For a more compendious way of comprehending their holy days view this Almanac. Hecatombaeon. july. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 7 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Kept in memory of the return of Theseus out of Cree●, after he had slain the Minotaur. b In vita p. 12 Plutarch. The solemnity c Metamorp. l. 7. Fab. 23. Vide illum diligenter. Nam erit operae pretium. Ovid seems to describe: Nullus Erecthidis fertur celebratior illo Illuxisse dies etc. the eight day of every Month was sacred to him. He had also a festival called Theseia, in ●honour of gathering together the dispersed people of Attica▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 11 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of these as also of the day, speaks d Pag. 446. contra Timocratem. Demosthenes. Then did the Masters wait on their servants, as in the Roman Saturnals. e In Annalib. vide Macrob. Satur. l. 1. c. 7 versus finem. L. Accius. Maxima pars Graium Saturno, & maxim Athenae Conficiunt sacra, quae Cronia esse iterantur ab illis, cumque diem celebrant, per agros, urbesque fere omnes Exercent epulis laeti, famulosque procurant Quisque suos. 13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 15 * Then were kept the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in memorial of their transmigration. Plut. p. 8. l. 9 By some it is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristop: pag: 700. Plut. initio Them. l. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hence was this this Month called by the ancient Athenians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; afterward Hecatombaeon, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sacrifices to jupiter or Apollo, as some think with the blood of an hundred beasts: For so were they profuse in their sacrifices. f Metamorp. Ovid. Taurorum sanguine centum. 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 27 * To Minerva the Protectress of their City, as hath been before said, instituted by Theseus, as h In vita p. 8. l. 8. Plutarch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. At first they had the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Ericthonius, or Orpheus. In the time of solemnisation there were rare shows exhibited to the people, such as horse races, wrestling, dancing in armour, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from Pyrrhus that invented it; Then carrying in procession the Peplus, or robe, in which was wrought the fight of the Giants. All which you may read in i In Panathenaeis. Meursius at large, and k Pag. 140.197.180.181 467.580.650 746. Aristophanes' his Scholiast. The second of this Month is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it hath but 29 days, and so always in cavis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. g In Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 6. The Scholiast of Homer says that Hecatomb may be used for five & twenty beasts, whose feet make up the number of an hundred, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Metagitnion. August. From the sacrifices of Apollo, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2 3 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5 6 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 27 28 29 30 * From this month came the feasts Boedromia, from Theseus everthrowing the Amazons. Plut. p. 9 or jon helping the Athenians against Eumolpus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to aid because in necespty they made a cry. Aristophan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lucian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Latini Quiritare. hence help came in. Boedromion September. 1 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When Pausanias and Aristides overthrew Mardonius, Xerxes his General near Plataeae, a City of Boeotia, b Tom. 1 p. 257. see Plut. in Aristid. p. 241. Herodotus, c Sch. Arist. pag. 247. justin. 3 4 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Miltiades leader of the Attic forces got the upper hand of the Persians. In which battle when Cynaegirus pursued the flying enemies to their ships, he caught hold of one with his right hand, which lost, he made use of his left; that cut off, he intoken of his prowess spared not his teeth, to the eternising of his name for valour against his enemies. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 7 8 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 10 11 * In thankfulness for the delivery of Greece; at what time Darius and his Fleet went homeward. a Calliope. p. 234. b. lib. 3. b Tom. 1 p. 257. see Plut. in Aristid. p. 241. Aristides describes the joy at full, and the erecting of an Altar to jupiter that freed them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 12 13 14 * The greater in which they were made c Sch. Arist. pag. 247. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or admitted to the sight of that they worshipped. The first day was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, perhaps from the conflux of the people. The second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because the Crier then warned them to go to sea. Here I look on Meursius for brevity's sake but if you please to read severally, see Aristop. Sch. p. 85.98.131 138.455.529.647.142 218.227.228 231.233.217 262.264.516 Aristid. T. 1. p. 323. Clem: Alex. in Protrep. p. 10. The third day they Sacrificed a Barble, because it devours a sea hare, an enemy to man. The fourth, two Oxen drew a basket representing Proserpina gathering flowers, which women following cried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hail Ceres. The fift they ran with torches: Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The sixth Bacchus was carried in pomp: Hence is it termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The seaventh day they exercised in feats of activity & he that overcame had wheat given him. The 8th was Epidauria from Aesculapius his coming from Epidaurus to Athens to be initiated. In the ninth they filled two measures of corn, and setting one at East and the other at West, they poured them out, one looking to heaven and crying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the other to the ground, saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Thus Meursius: That day was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The second of this Month was left out ever, says a Sympos. Q. l. 9 q. & in l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 331 Plutarch, instead of which some are persuaded, the name only was omitted, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was recompensed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in a defective Month 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the twenty: Of this judgement is the b Lib. de doct Temp. 1. c. 5. p. 11. D. worthy Petavius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 * Maemacterion. is to be inserted here. Pyanepsion. October. This Month took denomination from the feasts Pyanepsia: For mingling the remainder of their food after their arriving, they put it into one pot, and seething it, were jovial altogether at the same. 1 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3 4 5 6 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. After that Theseus had buried his Father, he paid the vow made at Del●s, to wit, if he returned safe from the death of the Minotaur, he would sacrifice unto him a pot of sodden beans. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it were, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For the antiques called beans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 8 9 10 11 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 13 14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c In Aulularia. Plautus calls the festival vigilias Cereris, which the Attic Dames kept most sober and chaste, strowing their beds with conyza for that purpose, it being an enemy to lust. They prepared themselves with fasting, but after that took their liquor freely. The number of days were three allotted, as some, or four, as others. When Castellanus says that Ovid makes them nine, is false; for that was the Mysteria, as we above have shown: They were done in honour to Ceres, that gave laws first, as she is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of these you may read d Pag. 611. 7●0.782.783.819.820.829. Aristophanes and his Scholiast. 15 16 17 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 19 20 21 22 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kept this Month. When the Parents brought their children to their Tribes, to be enroled, I suppose for fear of deceit in patrimonies▪ Then they made merry for four days. 23 24 25 26 27 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The fourth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In honour to Minerva. f Graecia Feria. l. 1. Meursius teaches us that they were celebrated the 17 of this Month, but Petitus hath thus placed them. 29 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Maemacterion. November. This Month is to be placed before Pyanepsion, as I have above given notice, but in this Almanac I follow Petitus, who so hath set it, though much against the opinion of other learned: as M. Selden, Petavius and others, whom I would have you Reader to accept as for most approved. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch in the Life of Aristides, says that the Baeotians, nay and Greeks' send yearly some to sacrifice to to the memory of those that died at Plataeae, & every five year they have great pastimes, which a Pag. 241. he sets down the manner of. 18 19 20 21 22 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Month is derived from jupiter Maemactes: for I suppose they first found Gods, afterward festivals to them. Not the Months first, and then named the Gods from them. 24 25 26 27 28 29 Posideon. December. Fron Neptune, who is Posidon. For the first day of this month was sacred to him, as b In Theoph. Char. ult. Casaubon. Hence he thinks it to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1 2 3 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionysia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Without the City, It seems when they had gathered in vintage and pressed their grapes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Torcular. Then were they most jocund, as may appear out of that. Like the voice of them that tread the Winepress, and in c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 127. Oppian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. On which words d Pag. 18. Conradus Rittarspusius takes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be january. 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 14 15 16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A feast to Ceres. The day doubtful. e Pag. 743. Demosth. 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 24 25 26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 27 28 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 30 Gamelion. January. 1 From the marriages first made by Cecrops, of whom before we have spoken, and more you may read in Tzetzes on Lycophron. That month wherein this people coupled, hence is called Gamelion, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nuptiae. It is sacred to juno, who by the Poets is called Pronuba and conjugalis, Pre●ident of weddings and the marriage bed. 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 29 Anthesterion. February. 1 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3 4 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 6 7 8 9 10 11 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Kept in great mirth for three days in the honour of Bacchus. Of this you may see Aristoph. p. 293.417.419.422.222. The first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the tubs, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to open, for at the broaching of their vessels they drunk stiffly. The second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Chus, a good capacious vessel. In this he that could drink down the rest of his companions had a golden crown. The day was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 likewise, but not in the sense spoken. The third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I suppose different from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From this Festival the month is named. The twelfth of which Dionysia in Lemnis were kept, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The 13th were acted Comedies, begun the 3d year of the 93 Olympiad, when Callias was Archon. But after they were taught as a In Terent. p. 289. Donat and b In Demost. p. 184. Ulpian witness, and c Pag. 143. Aristophanes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says one. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 12 13 14 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 Elaphobolion. March. 1 2 3 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5 6 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 8 9 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 11 12 13 14 15 16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of these c Contra C●esiphont. Aeschines makes mention, and you shall have them obvious every where in the Greek Authors. 17 18 19 20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Munychion. April. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 11 12 13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 14 15 16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Munychia were observed to Diana, who was so called, and had a Temple in Munychia, by Athens: The Month bears the name: In this Month were the causes of strangers judged. a Avib. p. 60. Arist: Sc: 17 18 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To jupiter Meilichius. The greatest day that the Attic rout was kept in: See of this b Pag. 150.174. Aristophanes and Eustathius. c Ismen. & Ism. l. 1. 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 27 28 29 30 Thargelion. May. 1 2 3 4 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To Apollo and Diana; holding it to be their nativity· On this day did they expiate for the sins of the people. For they were wont to nourish some base men, and of no account, at the public charge whom in time of pestilence, or the like they sacrificed for the sins of the City, Two in number, says the a In Equites pag. 353. Scholiast of Aristophanes, whence they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: but more properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, b In Ranis. Aristophanes. 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 16 17 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 19 20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To Diana, who by the Thracians is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Not much different from the greater. See Meursius. 22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 23 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Petitus places it on the 24 day, others will have it the 25. To Minerva, on which they take off the ornaments of her statue, and wash it I suppose, c Pag. 152. Plutarch, d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 257. Xenophon. 25 26 27 28 29 Scirrophorion. June. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To Minerva from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Canopy, under which her Priests did walk in pomp at that time: or from the statue of Minerva found in Scirus. c Pag. 497.725. Scol. Aristoph. 13 14 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was not lawful anciently to kill an Ox: wherefore when one had slain that beast eating the meal provided for the sacrifice, he slew him and fled, in memory of which this day was kept. Afterward they did mitigate the Law, and gave licence to butcher an Ox, so that he was not for the plough. To which d Satyr. 10. v. 268. juvenal may allude. Vt vetulus ●os Qui domini cultris tenue & miserabile collum Praebet, ab invito jam fastiditus aratro. 16 17 18 19 20 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 22 23 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 25 26 27 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 28 Where Petitus makes the four first Tribes to govern each his day, on those four that abounded above the year, * Athen Rep. l. 2. c. 3. Sigonius seems to agree, and * In notis ad Harpo●ra. Mausacus approoves it. Neither is it misliked by * D. Doct. Temp. l. 2. c. 1. Petavius * De emend. Tem. lib. 1. Scaliger hath falsely taught us otherwise, who makes each Prytaniea to rule 36 days, which none ever are to have done, except the first four. 29 30 CAP. XI. De Tragoedâ, Satyricâ, & Comoediâ. IT is taken for grant among the Ancients, that Homer who lived a Vid. Can. Chro. ad Gr. Epoch. Mar. Arund. p. 97. 907 years before Christ, was the first that taught b Hermog. de Eloq. Meth. p. 561. c. 33. Eustath. in Praef. ad Iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to speak in Tragedy; comprehending great and weighty matters in few words and very concisely, being more large & using circumlocution in matters of less consequence, which Hermogenes acknowledges to be the property of a Tragedian. This foundation being laid, following ages still built (though rudely) a structure to small perfection. Nam post illius tale tantumque documentum, etc. says c Tract. de Trag. & Comoed. praef. Terentio. Donat. For after that Homer by the Iliads had represented a Tragedy, by the Odysseys a Comedy, most ingenious imitators took those Poems and set them in order, & divided them, which at that time were inconsiderately, & without judgement written, impolish, & in the first rudiments not so neat and trim, as in process of time they were made. For Poesy was a great while in her minority, and very rude, after the first publishing of plays. For we see little or nothing of d Marmo. Arundel. & ad ea Seld. CL. Praefixa etiam Aristophan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Susarion, the first Comedian, worth our time: some few verses only, & so few, as may but witness such an Author. The original of the word Comedy is supposed to be taken from divers reasons: First, because in their revelling, kept in honour to Bacchus, they sung them, & so it may be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, commessatio; e Sch. in Naz. ●te●. b. p. 106. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to sing basely at the cup. Secondly from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sleep; because when any of the Attic husbandmen had been injured, it was the custom (as before hath been spoken) for the party abused, to come in the night season into the streets, and with a loud voice cry, such and such rejoice in wrong, and commit such outrages, though there be Gods & Laws. And after that, proclaimed the party's name, who on the morrow was sought out by the husbandmen & much shamed; by which these wrongs were redressed. Thirdly from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a street, because when the old Athenians would note a wicked man's life out to the world, meeting merrily in the streets & high ways, they laid open every man's life, and concealed not his name, f Donatus de Tra. & Com. In vicos & compita ex omnibus locis laeti, alacrefque veniebant: ibique cum nominibus singulorum vitam publicaban●. These verses were first sung g Idem ibid. in the green Meadows, h In Synopsi vitae Aristop. Th. Magister. about the beginning of the spring, When the husbandmen kept the festivals of Bacchus the God of Wine, to whom they sacrificed a Goat, because his biting is an enemy to the vine, the skin of which they took and sowed up close, filled with wine, and anointed it with oil to make it slippery, and so hopped with one leg upon it, making themselves laughter at the falls they often took. This sport they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a skin, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to leap, i Plut. p. 108. Aristophanes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. k Geor 2. p. 71. Virgil hath fitly set it out. Non aliam ob culpam Baccho caper omnibus aris Caeditur, & veteres ineunt proscennia ludi: Praemiaque l Isa. Tzetzes in Proleg. ad Poetas interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ingentes Pagos & compita circum Theseidae posuere: atque inter pocula laeti Mollibus in pratis unctos saliere per utres. After Susarion, sprang up Thespis, the first that made Tragoedies, which by Horace are termed Lachrymosa poemata, sad poems; because they represent humane miseries, the misfortunes of Kings and great men especially, there being no place for a poor man, but only to dance, as m In Epictes p. 95. Arrian hath observed. Which thing gave an occasion to n Aelian Var. l. 2. c. 11. Socrates, when he saw the most worthy & rich put to death under the thirty Tyrants to say to Antisthenes, doth it not repent thee that we in our lives never did some famous exploit? So in Tragoedies we mark that such as Atreus, Thyestes, and Agamemnon are slain; but what Poet was yet so impudent as to bring a base fellow on the stage sacrificed? Not supernumerary is that of Euripides for K: Archelaus, desiring that he would write a Tragedy of him, who prayed that nothing proper to a Tragedy might happen to him; meaning sorrow and lamentation. For so is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used, as o Athen. l. 3. p. 90. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for joy and mirth, and glee conceits. The first Tragedy that Thespis taught was that of Alcestis repriving her husband from death by her own, as p Ad Marm. Arund. Mr Selden hath conjectured: 'tis Thespis was forbidden by Solon to act his Tragoedies, as q Laert. in Solone. p. 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fruitless lying: Horace of him thus speaks: Ignotum Tragicae genus invenisse camaenae Dicitur, & plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis. Quae canerent agerentque peruncti foecibus ora. Upon which words some have written that his Poems were so voluminous, that he was constrained to bring them upon wanes: But alas a poor conceit! r In Horatij Poeticen. Franciscus Lusinius Vticensis is of opinion that Thespis carried his Scene upon cars: and Acron; That the Chorus carried about in wanes acted Tragoedies: Chori plaustris circumducti Tragoedias agebant▪ s Scholar Arist. p. 142. I avouch that at the first the Poets acted alone their own Fables; And to me it seems a ground for to stand on, the Greek Authors by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, intimating a Poet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The ancients, says t In Demost. p. 40. Ulpian, called the Poets Hypocritas actors, which we now term Tragoedi, such as Euripides, Aristophanes, &c: The place in which they sung their Poems, was a Scene upon a wain drawn in procession to the honour of their God Bacchus, as among the Greeks' the custom was, u Stel. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 107. says the Scholiast of Nazianzen: Of the manner in those ancient times, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 343. Plutarch shall thus inform you: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, &c: A pot of wine & a vine twig, than one drawing a Goat, next another with a basket of figs, and last of all the Phallus: In which solemnity the Poets in wanes following the pomp, might without control laugh, scorn, and deride any they met, says x Antiq. Rom: l▪ 7. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus; or were wont, as the y Loco la●d. Schol: of Nazianz: to rail upon each other, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is as much as to convitiate impudently, (though in a good sense sometimes z Hermog. Meth. de Eloquentta, c▪ 2. p. 519. to celebrate the pomp, or go in procession in honour to the festival) and a Dem. pro Coron. p. 134 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a scandal or reproach, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whence likewise came the Greek proverb, b Scholar Arist: p. 142. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tanquam ex plaustro loqui, and c Ulpian. in loc. cit: Dem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tanquam ex plaustro convitiari▪ to give reins to the tongue, to be free in abuse: Which that they might do the better without shame, or blushing, sometimes would they anoint their faces amurca, olei faece, with the dregs of oil, says Donat, or of wine (for so I interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) from which Poets by d Nubibus p▪ 141. Aristophanes are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Horace— P●runcti foecibus ora. Sometimes would they put on vizards, e Ulpian: in Dem: p▪ 254, which lest they should hurt the head, were defended from the skin with a woollen cap, named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: A word elegantly used by f De falsa Legatione. Demosthenes, in a Metaphor drawn from the liberty and impunity of the persons that wrote it: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Think not to escape scot-free for such villainy, though you get a pileum on your head. We may apply it in threatening to any slanderer, of whom we surely intent to be revenged. But I seem to forget the Poet, while I speak of the stage, I will therefore return to him. Thespis, as I said, was the first that invented Tragoedies; so called, as Donat tells, because (lest there should be rewards wanting, by which good wits might be stired up to write, and men encouraged to get them tuneable voices ad dulcedinem commendationis) they gave the Actors a Goat. Caper namque pro dono his dabatur. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Goat, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a song. Horace, Carmine qui Tragico vilem certavit ob hir●um. Before that time some say that Epigenes the Sicyonian made Tragoedies, but the most received opinion is this which Horace hath set down of Thespis. Before him there was no art of poesy Tragical, but at their festivals, when they ascribed all their mirth & delight to their Gods, they did it especially to Bacchus (and so afterward, when Actors are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simply by g Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 242. Demosthenes, by Donat Artifices. The word is used for Jugglers, and such as Hokus Pokus in h Charact. vi. Casaub. Theophrastus) they would feast, and afterward scoff and deride each other, which grew afterward a part of their solemnity. They would moreover dance at rude Music, and from thence suppose they the Chorus to have sprung up. They would likewise cast forth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as they term them, i Georg. 2. in Virgil's language, versus incomptos, k Casub. de Sat. Poesi. l. 1 Numeros innumeros eo tempore fundi solitos & sine arte. For they had of old but two sorts of verses, Heroics, in which they sung the praise of Gods & Noble men, and from this in a short time, with small care grew a Tragedy; the other sort was iambics as toying and lascivious as the Phallica, but biting too, & from hence came a Comedy. At first small was the difference between a Tragedy and Comedy, l Casaub. ib. constat sane, primis temporibus ignoratum fuisse discrimen inter Tragoediam & Comoediam, and the reason is, because even Tragoedies had their wantonness and petulancy. At first they sung in honour to Bacchus' Dithyrambicks, and afterwards neglecting him they praised their Demigods, which when the people saw they cried down, with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence our proverbial adverb is fitly used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for nothing to the purpose. But to give content to the people, the Satyrs did praeludere. But after that, when a Tragedy took state they excluded the Satyrs, and were only for sad and serious persons; by which mournful Poems the people were wont to be cast down, sympathising with the persons represented, therefore to cheer them a Chorus of wanton Satyrs were brought in by Thespis as m De arte Poet. Horace. Moxetiam agrestes Satyros nudavit, & asper Incolumi gravitate, jocum tentavit, eo quod Illecebris erat & grata novitate morandus Spectator, functusque sacris, & potus & exlex, In a Satiric play, Satyr's have a Chorus place, or else the persons are Satiric and ridiculous, and for the easing of the minds of the spectators, they would bring in Satyrs for sports sake; and many of their Tragoedies had some mixture of Satiric sport, says n P. 129. de Sat. Poesi. Casaubon. Fuisse aliquando pluribus Tragicis Dramatis interjectas Satyricas Fabulas. Of this I say Thespis was the first inventor, who likewise eo ease the Chorus ( o Laert. p. 220 for that acted only) brought one actor upon the stage, to whom Aeschylus added one, and Sophocles another, so the number was three, Aeschylus' is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sophocles his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a word put for an obscure and base fellow in p 184. Demosthenes, Vlpiau, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, speaking of Aeschines, if I remember, Tully calls them Actors secundarum & tertiarum partium. q In divina●. Vt in actoribus G●aecis fieri videmus, saepe illum qui secundarum & tertiarum partiam, cum possit al●q●anto clarius dicere, quam ipse primarum, multum summitt●re, ut ille princeps quam maxime excellat. But let me speak what I have to say of a Tragedy. a Plutarch in vita X Rhet. p. 452. B. None was permitted once to act Aeschylus, Euripides, or Sophocles his Tragoedies, but they were to be recited by the Scribe, that the Actors might (as I conceive) repeat them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And to this purpose by a law of Lycurgus the Orator were they commanded to be transcribed, and kept under custody 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Yet the b juxta finem. Author of the life of Aeschylus writes that the People made a decree, that he should receive such a sum of gold, that would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the places of Aeschylus after his death. I put the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, docere. Because Tragedians as well as the Comedians were said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to labour in teaching the people. And for this end did the Ancients say out so much money upon their theatres. c Heinsius' Poleg. ad Aristarchum Sacrum. Sed immane quos quantosque sumptus, in Theatra, in Comoediarum ac Tragoediarum repraesentationem fecerit antiquitas. Cum non mores tantum ab utrisque emendari, ac prudentiam conferri, sed & scripta antiquissim●, & formas Reipublicae, ac vitam Magistratuum, cum summo spectatorum fructu, in Comoedia examinari, factiones componi, ac gravissima subinde publico suppeditari crederent consilia. Not unfitly therefore did the Poet reply to the people that carped at him in the Theatre. I came hither to teach you, not to be taught by you. Hence of a Tragedy or Comedy the Greek writers say, d Athenaeus Dip. l: 6. pag: 268. vide Casaub. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, docetur fabula, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, docere, as sometime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as you may see in e Pag. 270. Atheneus. The following Poets did not always represent their own Fables, but ofttimes their predecessors; so says f Lib: 10. Quintilian, the people permitted the works of Aeschylus to be dealt with, because in many places his verses were not set in order. He brought great grace to the stage, & first taught 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the painting of the Scenes; which some think Horace to aim at, when he says, Modicis instravit pulpita cignis: Which because it was perfected by Sophocles, is thought (nay spoken affirmatively by some) to have been invented by him: Sophocles indeed did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bring in many new things: such as leaving out the action of the Poet (for before the Poet himself acted) by reason of the badness of his own voice; he found out white shoes, which the Actors and Dancers wore; he made the number of Dancers fifteen, before but twelve; he fitted likewise his Tragoedies to the natures of the Actors, &c: but that he invented 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I cannot find: Somewhat likewise was added by Euripides: g T: Magister: as to set out the Argument of the Fable in the beginning of the Tragedy, as you may observe, leading the Auditor, as it were, by the hand to the last and principal point of that one action which he would represent, which by the glory of our Nation, h In the defence of Poesy. Sr Philip Sidney, is not past by, as frivolous, without noting: These three were the Princes of Tragic stile, who exhibited ro the People every year at some certain solemnities their Poems, striving who should get the victory by the approbation of Judges, chosen for that purpose, called i Heinsius in Proleg: ad Aristarchum sacrum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & k Aeschines count: C●esip: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Ten in number, think some, at first, gathering out of Plutarch, in the life of Cimon, authority for it. Because when he had brought the Relics of Theseus out of Scyrus, Aphepsion the Archon, in gratulation to him, chose not the Judges as soon as the Theatre was filled, and spectators placed; but presently after Cimon entered the Theatre with nine more of his fellow Captains, of each Tribe one, after accustomed Sacrifice he swore them Judges, who gave the victory to Sophocles, but then young; for which Aeschylus grieving went into Sicily, where he died, and was buried near l Plut: Cimone p. 352. l. 39 Gelas. But out of this place we cannot prove that the number of these Critic Judges was always Ten. This we acknowledge done in testimony of high acceptation of Cimons' service. And yet in judgement upon Tragedians, the number might be so great. For there seems to be a difference between the Judges of Tragoedies and Comedies. The number of Tragic Judges, grant we haply to be such as we speak; the power incontrolable, as from whom there was no appeal to others. m Heinsius loco laudato. Cum neque provocatio ab iis esset, neque de quibus illi judicarent, magistra●us caeteri sententiam pronunciarent. The Comic Judges were in number but five, from whence came the Greek proverb, n Zenobius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. sub quinque judicibus lis est. The o Ad Aves p. 562. Scholiast of Aristophanes speaks somewhat uncertain. Judges, quoth he, pass censures upon the Comedians, & they who had five voices were happy. Those were all. For if there had been ten of them too, it would have made nothing to the Poet's felicity to have had equal voices: For the odd gave a great stroke. Hence wishes the Chorus in the behalf of the Poet— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be Victor by one voice only. Another difference is that, whereas the Tragic Judges had free liberty of suffrages beyond the power of the people, the Comic had not: For when Aristophanes taught his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they so much took the people, that they applauded the Poet, cried him up Conqueror, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says p Var. H: l: 2. Aelian, and commanded the Judges to write Aristophanes' uppermost (as the fashion was, which q Avib: p: 762 Aristophanes calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the most excellent first, the next to him second, and next to him third (which was no small praise, according to that of Quintilian, as I remember, Honestum est in secundis tertiisve consistere) and not other. For which cause I suppose the Poets before reciting, were wont to sacrifice, and pray for the favour of the Judges and spectators. r Loco laud. Aristophan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Where the Scholiast interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 truly as it is to be understood, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to supplicate. And good reason. For if they pleased not the people in reciting, they were overwhelmed with stones. To which use s ●anis p. 248 Aristophanes points, saying— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; nay sometime would they hisse them, which they term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometime stamp them out of the Theatre, which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by t Lib. 6. c. 19 p. 203. Pollux interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Another difference is that u Aeschines contra C●esiph. p. 98. the Comic Judges were punished if they judged not right, the Tragic not so And for these reasons have some conjectured, nay positively written, that their Judges were of two sorts, old and new, in which matter, if there be place for a conjecture, mine is, that they confounded both, making no odds between the Critic Judges of Tragoedies and Comedies But of this, Reader, you may determine as your Authors shall afford authority. Before Judges, as I said, the Poets in emulation presented their labours, and they who in their opinion lost the day, were said * Heintsius Prolegom· 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by x Sat. Poesi. Casaubon interpreted non stare. The time of exhibiting their Tragoedies, were the holy days of Bacchus called Dionysia in agris, or Lenaea, in the month Posideon, on the Anthesteria, or Dionysia in Lymnis, in the month Anthesterion, on Dionysia in urbe in the month Elaphebolion, to which I find added the Panathenaea by Thrasylus in y Platone p. 220. Laertius, which some deny, yet the same writ that when Sophocles exhibited but one, it was at this festival. I say but one, because it was a custom among the Poets of ancient days to entertain their people with more plays than one. Mos autem Tragicorum Graecorum fuit Athenis, ut modo singulas committerent fabulas, modo plures, says z De Satyrica Poesi p. 131. Casaubon: Sometime in the same year three, and then was it called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: sometime four, & then they styled it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Laertius loco citato. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ΤΕΤΡΑΛΟΓΙΑ. Whereof, says mine Author, the fourth was a Satirical play, the three other now treating of the fortunes of one and the same man, as those of Aeschylus, named therefore Orestia, to wit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which are all extant; the fourth was Proteus Satyricus. At other times they were not of the same subject, as that of Euripides. Medea. Philoctetes. Dictys. The fourth was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Author of the argument to Medea. Where the interpreter seems to me not to reach to the expression of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Messores, Satyros; he ought to have rendered it thus, Messores, Drama Satyricum. For that the word bears this sense is sufficiently delucidated by b Lib. laudat. Casaubon. That the greatest task of action lay on the Chorus, is as apparent as the Sun at noon. The number of them in Comedies were twenty four, and six juga (each jugum consisting of four; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 four, each 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 six men) in Tragoedies fifty, until the time of Aeschylus his Eumenideses, the number of which so terrified the People, c Author vitae Aeschyli. that the children and younger sort fainted, and the women suffered abortion; for which reason, says Pollux, the number was lessened (which some deny) by law. They were by the Act brought to fifteen, five juga: I say juga, because they were divided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was when the Chorus entered by three, & then it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by file 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they came on the stage in rank five at a time; & this they term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sometime one of them entered alone, which they say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of interlocutors the ancients for the most part never had above three; but if a fourth spoke, that they named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and if the Chorus supplied the part of a fourth actor, it was styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To speak of the several verses of Tragoedies, is actum agere; and I had rather speak of the action, than the art in composing & yet not much, only this of their motions, termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast of Pindar, is a turning from the right hand to the left, in analogy to the motion of the universe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the East to the West; because Homer calls the East the right hand, the West the left: Contrary to the Hebrews, who term the South jamin, which signifies the right hand, and the North they counted the left. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a turning from the West to the East, that is from the left hand to the right, as the Planets move▪ Another posture they had in their Epodes, for (if it be so in Tragoedies, as in Lyric Music, which I believe) to express the immobility of the earth they stood still. They used Epodes for the most part at the end of the Acts, when the Players avoided the stage. Thus much of Tragoedies; the authors of which were highly of old esteemed of; insomuch as after the dismal discomfeit of the d Plut. in fine vitae Niciae. Athenians in Sicily, they were relieved, who could repeat somewhat of Euripides. Nay, by a Law made by e Plut. in vit. x. Resp. Paus. Atticis. p. 18. Lycurgus, & established in Athens, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides had statues erected in brass for the continuation of their memory. After Tragoed●es had proceeded to perfection, Comedies were with great applause taught, as f De arte Poetica. Horace, Successit vetus his Comoedia, non sine multa Laude— He says, vetus Comoedia, because a Comedy was divided into three, or if you please so to speak, two sorts, the Old and New. I said three sorts, because * Grammat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the old was different f●om itself. The meaning is, that the old Comedy, of which Susarion (by some named Sannyrion,) was author, tended only to laughter, being without order and decency. For the Chorus now walking, now dancing about the smoking Altars, sung simplex carmen, some naked verse, says Donat. Which by Cratinus was redressed; for he ordained three Actors, and mingled with his sport, profit, I mean for instruction. For under the Democracy it was lawful to exagitate and propose for a laughing stock Captains & corrupt Judges, Citizens given to bribery, and such as lead a dissolute life, naming the men upon the stage, and fitting the Actors with vizards, bearing the shape of those whom they intended to deride. But as the state grew to an oligarchy, that licence was taken away, Eupolis being cast into the sea by those, against whom he wrote his Comedy Baptae, and so drowned▪ Nay, there was a law enacted not a Hermog. Partiti. p. 76. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to name any whom they wrote the Comedy of▪ Of which Horace, — Sed in vitium libertas excidit, & vim Dignam lege regi. Lex est accepta, Ch●rusque Turpiter obticuit sublato jure nocendi. But when Alexander of Ma●edon grew potent and a terror to Greece, the Poets fearing lest any of the abusive wit might displease the great Macedonian, they changed the Argument of their plays, & instead of abusing states & people, they fell upon ancient Poets, or some part of History not truly written, personating the Actors so as to be most ridiculous: b Donat. Generaliter ad omnes homines qui mediocrib. fortunis agunt, etc. sometimes scoffing on the stage at mean men, & this they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the new Comedy. But afterward it was a piece of the Athenian policy to forbid that the people should be tossed on the stage, unless they would themselves, says c Athen. Rep. Xenophon; knowing that none were wont to be brought thither but the wealthier sort, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Some are of opinion that no Player came on the stage until thirty or forty; I dispute not the matter; sure I am that Sophocles taught his fi●st Tragedy at twenty eight▪ in which doubtless himself came on the stage. It being among the Athenians no disgrace, as the Romans accounted it, to appear there. d Praesatione ad vitas p. 2. Aemilius Probus. In scenam verò prodire, & populo esse spectaculo nemini in eisdem gentibus (Graecis) fuisse turpitudini: quae omnia apud nos partim infamia, partim humilia, a●que ab honestate remota ponuntur. The place where the people beheld these plays and pastimes was in the market place, e Meurs. A●t. Lect. l. 4 c. ult where they nailed scaffolds to a black poplar tree. For in ancient time they had no Theatre of stone, only of wood, which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. f Thesmoph. p. 787. Aristophan. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— These were built by some, who upon some consideration of money admitted any to a seat, named therefore g Casaub. in Theoph. p. 245. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Once it seems places were not hired. But there grew great enormities and abuses. For striving to get places, there risen wrangling and brawls, and fights; wherefore the Attic Senate ordained that each place should be hired for two oboli: (in the Consulship of Diophantus, a Drachma, say some, whence risen the Proverb, h Zenobius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; because at the establishing of it, there fell hail) This money they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: because with it they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, buy a seat to behold the show exhibited. Now because the poor people had not to give, & so were deprived of the spectacle, Pericles desiring to be popular, made a law that they should receive out of the City's revenues two oboli each man. i Cont. Leocha. p. 617. n. 50.51. For the right of exacting which money, they were to produce the authority of the Lexiarchicall Rolls, as appears out of Demosthenes. For the distribution of this were certain officers appointed, named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But afterwards Apollodorus strove that in war and public necessity, these sums might be employed in military affairs, but he endeavoured in vain; Eubulus in flattery to the people, enacting it capital for any that should attempt that which Apollodorus did; Which makes k Olymth. 1. p. 7. Demosthenes desist, willing, yet not daring to persuade to convert the money to the use of the Army. But see the folly of them! l Lacon. apud Plut. Mor. p. 421. For they spent as much on these sports as in obtaining the Mastery and liberty of Greece. And the end was miserable for they became effeminate, and so put their necks under the Macedonian yoke. m Lib: 6▪ fine. justin of the death of Epaminondas. Siquidem amisso, quem aemulari consueverant, in segnitiem torporemque resoluti, non ut olim in classem exercitusque, sed in dies festos apparatusque ludorum, reditus publicos effundunt: & cum auctoribus nobilissimis, poetisque theatra celebrant, freqentius scenam, quam castra visentes. Versificatores Oratoresque meliores, quam duces laudantes. Tunc vectigal publicum, quo antè millites & remiges ●lebantur, cum urbano populo dividi coep●um est. Quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter otia Graecorum, sordidum & obscurum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret, etc. Of the Theatre I will say little, as also of the stage: Only that the places in the Theatre were not promiscuous. For there was a distinction between Senators and younger sort. The Senators was named n Aristoph. p. 578. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, among which it is probable the Judges had the first place, as o Lib. 4. c. 19 p. 202. Pollux The seats of the youth were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One part of the stage was Orchestra, in which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either a Tribunal or an Altar. That upon all their stages there was an Altar sacred to Bacchus, is apparent out of Donat: he says it stood on one side of the stage, before the doors, Pollux: who names it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There was more over a Table called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, on which before the time of Thespis some body ascending in the Poet's place, did answer the Chorus. p D● Musica p. 441. Plutarch thinks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because that before the building of theatres the ancients embracing Music only for institution of youth and praiese of their Gods, sung the commendation of good men and honour of their Deities in Temples. LIBER TERTIUS. CAP. I. De Legum latoribus Atticis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De sanciendis Legibus. AS a Lib. 2. p: 27. justin hath been too forward in relating the mutation of the Athenian government, passing by the perpetual and decennal Consuls, and naming only the yearly: so hath he erred in the original of their Laws, making Solon the Father of them, but it seems otherwise. For, as b Arist. Plut. pap. 67. Gerardus hath observed, Theseus gave Laws to the Athenians. And c In Theseo p. 8. l. 2. Plutarch witnesseth, that when he congregated the Attic people, and constituted a Democracy, he reserved only to himself the government of war & custody of Laws. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Add to this, that before the knowledge of letters & writing, it was a custom among the ancients to sing their laws, lest they might forget them, used in the days of d Problem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. fol. 189. b. Aristotle by the Agathyrsi, a people near to the Scythians. Whence afterwards the rules of Music, for the true keeping of time, singing, & playing, are supposed to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither may it be thought otherwise, because all the notes of the e Vide Alypium in Isagoge Musica. Lydian, Hypolydian, etc. Doric, Hypodorick, etc. Phrygian, Hypophrygian, jonick, etc. songs were distinguished by the Alphabet. Yet f In libro de Musica. Plutarch is of opinion, that they derived the word from those bounds, which the Musicians of old prescribed, for the tuning of voices or instruments, lest they might be confounded, and therefore he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. g Loco citato pag: 437. Idem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Greeks', says h De leg. lib. 1. fol. 16. b. Cicero, think the cause of this word, jus suum cuique tribuendo, intimating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ which signifies to distribute, because the Law gives every man his due. Thus see we, that there were Laws of yor●; let i Loco laud. justin say, Nullae civit●ti leges tunc erant, quia libido regum pro legibus habebatur; That the City was without Law, because the wills of Kings were Laws. In succeeding ages, and before Solon too, Draco gave Laws, living about the three k Clem. Alex. p. 226. hundred and ninth Olympiad. His Acts, says l Variae hist. l. 8. c. 10. Aelian, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by m Arg. orat. con. Lepti. Ulpian is interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A Law giving in precept how to make a Law. And yet n Poli. 2. c: 10 Aristotle calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, giving them this commendation, that they are not worth remembrance, but for their great severity. Which gave occasion to a Arist. Rhet. l. 2. c. 44. Herodicus to say, that they were not the Laws of man, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in a double sense of the word, which is also put for a Dragon. And b Plut. in Solon. p. 63. l. 2. Demades, that they were not written with black, but blood For he punished every peccadyllo almost with death, those that were convicted of idleness, or stealing of potherbs, alike the sacrilegious and man●slayers. Wherefore were they made of none effect by Solon. For he abrogated all, except those which concerned murder, entitled * Demosth. p. 70. ΦONIKOI NOMOI. Him succeeded * His laws continued 100 years says Plutarch in strength. In Solone. p. 66. & afterward by little and little decayed. Aelian. Var. hist. l. 2. c. 22. If any speak against them, he had corporal punishment. Solon, a man so well tempered, and equal betwixt the Commons and the Peers, that he was beloved of both, having still a care, lest while he should side with one, he might displease the other. Whom, for his uprightness, c Sat. 10. vers: 274. juvenal styles justum, and for the care of the Republic, which d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 390. Demosthenes avers he had in all his Laws, e Pag. 190. Aristophanes' terms, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a lover of the people. f In Timaeo. Plato brings him learning his Laws from a Barbarian: And g In Solone p. 66. l. 31. Plutarch tells us that he traveled afterwards into Egypt. But it seems by h Lib. 22. Ammianus Marcellinus, that in the making of his Laws he had the approbation and judgement of the Egyptian Priests. Et Solon adju●us sententiis Aegypti Sacerdotum, latis justo moderamine legibus, Romano qu●que juri maximum addidit firmamentum. i Bibliothec. Diodorus Siculus relates two things brought from thence to the Athenians by him. First, that all the Egyptians were compelled to bring to the governor's of the countries their names written, and by what means they sustained themselves; wherein if any were found false, or that lived by unjust gain, he fell into danger of life. Secondly, it was a custom among them, that payment should be made only with the goods of the debtor, and that the body should not suffer. For they thought the estate alone to be subject to the creditor, the body addicted to the Cities in which they lived. Neither was it fit that Soldiers, who were to undergo hazard for their country, should for usury be committed to prison, or the country be in jeopardy for the avarice of some one man. Which induced Solon to make the first decree, as k Initio vitae Solonis. Laertius and l In Solone p. 62. l. 8. Plutarch say, of freeing the bodies; which, if there were not wherewithal to satisfy the craving loaner, were compelled to serve. He therefore out off all use, a Plutarch. p. 62. as some writ, or else b Androtio. lessened the burden of it making it more moderate by his Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to shake off, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an heavy weight: Forgiving himself first, c Loco laud. as Laertius, seven talents; or, as d Pag. 62. fifteen says Polyzerus Rhodius. Plutarch, five. But this seems to have been done for the avoiding of the aspersion cast upon him as accessary to the injuries of some, who having an inkling of his intent, borrowed much money with hope of never making restitution. e Laert. p. 14. Casaubon conceited that this was not his first exploit, but long after he had sat at the stern of the Weal-public. Yet it seems probable. There being no more compendious way to make a man popular, then to give liberty to the common people. which he to bring in an innovation of Laws did willingly invent, and they afterwards lovingly accepted. For in testimony of their approbation, they kept a Festival named f Plutarch. p. 62. l. 43. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Here likewise you may observe the ancient flattery of the Athenians towards their own vices, putting gilded names on those things, which themselves were ashamed of, calling g Plutarch. loco laudato. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. as our blades name drunkenness, good fellowship; whores, she sinners; and nigardise, thriftiness; springing from this root of Solons, who called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. h Dem. p. 477. To these Laws two ends were proposed, mutual commerce. and direction of behaviour towards the state. i Idem p. 484. To curb wickedness, and injustice▪ & to punish offenders that they might be bettered. And although they were the ordinances of Draco and Solon, yet may we fitly call them the Athenian Civil Law. Each City, as k Institut. l. Tit. 2. Sed jus quidem civile ex unaquaqu● civitate appellatur. veluti Atheniensium. justinian teaches, giving a denomination unto her Statutes. Nam si quis velit Solonis vel Draconis leges appellare jus civil Atheniensium, non erraverit. They were engraven in tables of wood called l Sch. Apollo. Rho. Argo. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, triangular, if we may believe the m In Avibus pag. 604. Scholiast of Aristophanes, who quotes Aristotle and Apollodorus, witnessing that they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the elevation. n Vi●e▪ Plut. p. 66. Some are of opinion that the Rites pertaining to the Gods & their worship were written in the Cyrbes, and Laws belonging to men in the Axones. Apollodorus says that all decrees are called Cyrbes, because they were written in stone, and so set up, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which from their standing were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I know that decrees, merits, praise & dispraise too, were written in stone. whence b Vide Nonnum in Naz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be put for a Treatise tending to a man's disgrace. But this by the way. These Tables were kept in the Acropolis, translated afterwards to the Prytaneum by Ephialtes, where to the days of c In Solone p. 66. Plutarch, some relics of them were to be seen. The Antegraphon or copy written with his own hand was not removed, but those that were transcribed by them. Because in matters of doubt and controversy they might have recourse unto them. * Pollux lib. 8. p. 408. For the distinction of which, some think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in Demosthenes for that in the Prytaneum. Others for the Law in the l●wer part of the table; but to me it seems improbable for then the number of the table ought to be cited; and indeed, one Table sometimes could not contain a Law. For we read in Solone pag. 63. l. 37. Plutarch, that the eighth Law was cut in the thirteenth. I am not averse from the guess of Petitus, who supposes the Orator to mean the Law which afterward he quotes▪ nor ignorant of the opinion of some, who think that it is to be understood of the under line. For the Laws being written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, converso sive retrogrado literarum ordine, says e In Pausaniam. p. 426. Silburgius; which f In Eliacis p. 174. Pausanias explains, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the right hand to the left, g Eodem lib. pag. 165. more significantly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When the second verse gins at the end of the former, as in the race which they call Didulus, or if I shall speak nearest to the word, as husbandmen turn their Oxen when they plough, as for example: ΕΚ ΔΙΟΣ ΑΡ ΧΟΝΕΣΘΑ See those that have written of divers ways of writing. They therefore take the lower, that is turned, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, After this manner were the Laws written, and doubtless there were some customs as strong as Laws. For although the Lacedæmonians governed by tradition of custom, & the Athenians by written statutes, as h Contra Appionem. Vide Justinianum. Inst. l. 1. tit. 2. josephus, yet surely had their customs great force, insomuch as i In Avibus pag. 576. Aristophanes uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. a Pag. 577. Scholiastes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, b Vide Justinianum. So did the Greeks' divide their Laws into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wri●ten and unwritten. The unwritten, sine scripto jus venit, quod usus approbavit, use. The c In Ajacem Locarium. Interpreter of Sophocles thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A Law is a written custom, and a custom an unwritten Law. Besides these there were decrees which they termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Psephismata, a word used by d In O●at. pro Flacco. Cicero, nothing different, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. e Cont. Leapt. p. 296. Demosthenes. who means in virtue and power. For they differ much. A Law maintains justice once found, f Aristides. Tom. 2. p. 30. common for ever. A Psephisma follows the necessity of the time, as it differs in events: it directs not warlike affairs, but is applied unto the occasion of arms, & as Laws can be abrogated, so decrees chanced. And here ought we to note, g Demosthen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 417. that no decree is greater than a Law. Of decrees there were two sorts; h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as the Senate by itself established, which were but of twelve months' continuance; to the confirming of which, the people were not convocated, or their consent required, termed i Ulp. in Dem. p. 418. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Demosthenes proves to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ulpian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Like to the edict of the Roman Praetors which lasted but a year k In Vetr. 1. Cicero. Qui plurimum tribuunt edicto▪ Praeteris edictum legem annuam esse dicunt. In other decrees the opinion and good liking of the people was asked, for the giving of the authority unto them, which endured in force a longer time. l Ulpian. loco laudato. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And therefore we may easily know a problema from a decree of the people's confirming, by this observation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only, gives us to wit, that it is a problema. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the beginning of a decree, shows it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Senate always sat in consultation about that which was to be enacted, whether any damage might accrue to the State by it or no, the Law commanding that no decree should go forth without deliberation. m Ulp. in Arg. Orat. And. p. 181. Vide Dem. p. 182. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which done the Pritaneis took certain Tables and wrote on them Such or such a day, about such a time there should be an assembly to consult of these and those affairs: and this they called a Sch. in Naz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pag. 55. vid. Ulp. in Dem. p. 240. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When then they were assembled, and the people purified, the decree was read; which if the people allowed of, stood; if not▪ decayed. It was forbidden that any should raze out a Decree of any table. And he was brought in question of life, who should presume in making a decree to pretend a fallacy. Now because future time might haply perceive some inconveniences to arise by oversight in their Lawgiver, and that as abuses should happen, which in his days were not discerned, so there would be a necessity of making new statutes: It was ordained therefore that every year there should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wh●ch b Demosth. p. 445. Ulpian expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A consideration of what ought to be done concerning the Laws. c Vid. Dem. loco cit. The manner was this. Every eleventh day of July in the assembly after the Crier had made his prayers, as his fashion was, & shall anon be spoken of, the Laws were read over in order. First those which concerned their Senate, next the we●le public, and thirdly the 9 Archons, & afterwards the other Magistrates. Then was it demanded if there were Laws enough for the Senate, and so for the Commonwealth, etc. If any of the Laws in force were to be abrogated, it was adjourned until the last of the three days of the three Convocations; on which the Prytanes, appointed for the revising and reciting of the Laws, were to take the matter in hand. The Preedris chief of the Assembly, were to d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Demosthen. Ulp. expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to report. acquaint them with it. Five men at the first meeting, were chosen out of all the Athenians, who should patronise the Law to be abolished; and according to the judgement of the Nomothetae, chosen out of the Council of five hundred, was the business carried, that the Laws should be of none effect, or full strength. Whosoever should bring in a new Law, was to write in a Table, e Cont. Timocr. p. 446. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Demosthenes, the form thereof, and set it up at the Statues of the Heroes before spoken of, f Demost. p. 297. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which standing in a place conspicuous, that some certain days before the Sessions, any Citizen might read what was to be handled; & if any so pleased, he might at the proposal of the Law declare his mind either for, or against it, as at the preferring of a Ulp. in Dem. p. ●97. Bill in our High Court of Parliament, where it is not denied any Burges or Knight of a shire, to speak his opinion pro or con, either with any whole Bill or some part thereof, or in opposition to it, or some one clause. Provided likewise, that he, who attempted to enact a new Statute, should take care for the disannulling of the old, that might contradict it, otherwise he came within the compass of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a writ of Transgression of the Laws: which was of two sorts. First, when time is not observed in writing them, a Ulp. in Dem. p. 297. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Next when one is made that is adverse to a former. And if it so happened, that any persuaded the people to make a Law that was not commodious to the weal-public, he might be questioned within b Dem. Orat. Arg. cont. Leptinem. a years space; c Dem. p. 419. but if the time was expired, he could not. d Idem p. 468. Nay, they slew Eudemus, a Cydiathenian, for bringing in a Law they liked not; scarce different in that one example from the Locri; among whom, he that would propose a Law, should do it, his neck adorned with a halter, that if his request pleased not, he strait way poured out his soul under the hands of the hangman. Their Orators, which are called e Gellius l. 3. c. 13. Is. Callistratus Athenis Orator fuit, quos illi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellant. L●vie Dec. 4. of Athens, ubi Oratio plurimum pollet, favore multitudinis alitur. Ulpian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they lead the people with their Rhetoric and flattery, wrote Laws and decrees, as we learn out of f Pag. 468. n. 225. Demosthenes; and therefore are they deciphered by g Dipnos. l. 12 Athenaeus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. II. De Comitiis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. THe Assemblies were called by the Prytaneis four times in five and thirty days. f Pollux l. 8. c. 9 Sect. 7. p. 398. In the first they confirmed the Magistrates in their offices, if all things were managed well by them, otherwise they put them o●t▪ They heard public causes, looked into confiscate goods▪ & possessions left by inheritance. In the second, any one with leave might freely speak of private and public affairs. In the third they gave audience to Ambassadors, who before aught to deliver their letters to the P●ytaneis. In the fourth they treated of holy things, such as belong to their gods and worship of them. The first meeting was the eleventh day of the Prytanea; the second the twentieth; the third the thirtieth; the fourth the three and thirtieth. I find a difference between the g In Achar. p. 371. Scholiast of Aristophanes and Vlpi●● in the days on which they came together, one making the first day of the month to be the day on which the first assembly was, h In Dem. p. 445. the other the eleventh of the Prytanea, which seems truest▪ And whereas they both writ that every month there were three lawful assemblies, to wit, on the first, tenth, thirtieth; or tenth, twentieth, thirtieth, we are not so to reckon them, but according to the Prytanea, it being the Prytanes charge to congregate the people. They seem to have been called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because in them they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, establish decrees, as the a In Achar. Scholiast of Aristophanes. Other assemblies there were which are termed b Ulp. & Sch. Arist. loc. laud. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when war, or any sudden accident troubled the State, than the people were called together over and above those four times in a Pritanea. They are styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because the people of their own accord met on the other days; but when they would have a Convocation some went about the City and called them. There is likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Poll. p. 405. when they were summoned out of the fields to go to the assembly. It seems to me that the Crier in the streets on their lawful assemblies gave some token when they should hasten; and so much d In concionantib. p. 725. Aristophanes' witnesses, bringing in the woman speaking, that it is high time to be stirring because the Crier— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, had cried the second time. And indeed need was there of some warning, and compulsion too; for so slow were they in coming to assemblies, that the L●gista were feign to thong them to the meetings, as the Scholar of Aristoph: on these words, e In Achar. p. 406, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sometimes they took a ●ope, and dying it with red earth, they sent two slaves into the market place, who should one of the one side of the way, & the other of the opposite, pursue the people, & to whose chance it fell to be marked with the paint, paid a certain piece of money. Hence in the f Aristoph. Achar. p. 371. Com●edian— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Up and dow● they eat the cord slained with Vermilion. And again— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. jupiter, the red earth which flew about made laughter. g Scholar Arist loco laudato. Sometimes would they take hurdles, and barracado all the streets except those that led the Ecclesia: Sometimes take away all their saleable wares which they brought into the market, lest people, intent on their traffic, should absent themselves from the Assemblies. When they had met oft times the company would be dismissed at some prodigious sign, as thunder, lightning, tempest, and the like, which they called h Vide Arist. p. 379. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: i Plut. p. 386. l 7. & 384. l. 34. and earthquakes, or o●ther occasions, deferring the Assemblies meeting until the next day. When they were come together, and the Senate ready to sit, one man sacrificed which rites were called a Demost. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 241. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they were done at the entry of the Council. b Vide & Ulp. p. 351. Ulpian, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I will not justly say that it was the purification made with a young pig, before the bench was sat; and yet I may presume to aver it, the Grammarian that interprets c In Contion. p. 728. A. Aristophanes witnesseth that immediately preceding the Sessions this custom was observed by one, whom they named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies cleansing, because by that he purged the Assembly, Theatre, and congress of the people. After they were sat, d Demosth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 213. the Cries did pray for the good of the people, e Id. p. 418. & cursed those who should offer to deceive the Senate or people. After this, he spoke with a loud voice, f Alcidamus Aristoph. p. 372. Diod. Sic. l. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; who will make a speech▪ whereupon one of the g Demosth. p. 29. Aeschines contr. C●es. initio. Elders arose that gave his verdict, it being not permitted to any to utter his opinion, before the reverend hoary head had spent his judgement. Whence by h Philippic. 1. Demosthenes they are styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those that were wont to orate. After they had finished their say, others had leave to declare themselves. Neither must we omit the fashion they had to exclude all private men from their assemblies sometimes, when the Senate alone sat, or the Areopageticall Council; sometimes to debar all servants, strangers, and men deprived of their liberties from their convents, which at other times they admitted, and then was it called i Plut. p. 552. L. 11.17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an open Theatre to all comers. The place of meeting was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pnyx, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the frequent concourse of people there. It stood on a rock, and therefore by Aristophanes is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ 345. Sch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There was a stipend for them that came to assemblies, as you may see in Demost. contra Timoc. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Because they might be at leisure without damage. Aristot. Pol. 1. c. 13. They assembled also in Pir●eus. Vlp. in Dem. CAP. III. SECT. I. De Tribunalibus Atticis, & primum de Senatu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. WHe● the mutiny between the fac●ion of Megacles & Cyle disturbed the Attic Commonwealth, Solon persuaded the people that those, whom for their audacity in drawing away the suppliants from the Altars they named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should undergo judgement, there were chosen k Plut. Solone, P. 60. l. 31. three hundred men, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according, to their worth, to sit upon the case▪ But these were not a perpetual judicatory▪ For when the people murmured at the cutting off of the usury money, than was the Grand Council ordained; out of every Tribe, which was then but four, an hundred chosen, who by their advice should direct the people in those things which were to be handled, lest any thing should be inducted, or proposed to the Assembly, without due consideration. Who from their office in a Democracie, m Polit▪ l 6. c. 8. Aristotle says are more properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but where the Root rules, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But when Clisthenes, who by Plutarch is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, had augmented the number of the Tribes from the four to ten, eighty six year after Solon's Laws were received, he made the number five hundred, taking fifty of every Tribe, which double ten times make up the sum. This Counsel by Aristotle is described 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Mistress of all the rest: and I am not of opinion that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a in Solon. p. 63. Plutarch, is to be understood of the Areopagus, as if that were above the Senate, but as instituted first by Solon, and so related by the Author. And yet I, know b Possardus. false, for Pausanias calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Att: p. 27. l. 15. one writes, Tam dignitate, fama, quàm officio, secundum post Areopagitas locum obtinere. To this Counsel none was chosen under thirty years of age, which time is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by c In Arg. otar. con. Androt. Libanius. And doubtless d Vita decem Rhet. p. 378. Plutarch justifies it speaking that Demosthenes wrote his Orations against Androtion, Timocrates, Aristocrates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when he had not attained to to the managing of state business, because we wanted two or three of thirty years. Agreeing to this is e Stobaeus serm. 112. junius, who says that Solon admitted none very young, though very wise no Magistracy or Council. Nay the f In Nub. p. 157. Scholiast of Aristophanes tells us the green heads were not permitted to speak publicly. The law prohibiting any to attempt it under forty, or as some say (which is truest) thirty, one these words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which to be otherwise understood by some, is not hidden from me. They were called likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and their Tribunal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the word g Ulp. Dem: p. 445. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies to throng together, because the people were frequent there. But the more probable reason is * Ulp. loc. laudato. vide & Aristoph. Sc. p. 436. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the place was open and exposed to the Sun. And in respect of this a Pag. 486▪ Aristophanes makes that cold conceit branded by Didymus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In the morning thou shalt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the sunshine. At their admission they had this oath given them. b Dem. Orat. cont. Tim. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. I will give sentence according to the Laws, and decrees of the people of Athens, and Council of five hundred: I will not consent to be a Tyrant, or bring in oligarchy: Neither shall any approbation be to any that will dissolve the Democracie of Athens by speech; or decree, I will not cut off private use, or suffer a division of the Athenian lands or houses. I will not bring back exiled men, or those that are condemned. I will not thrust out of the City any innocent against the Laws and Statutes of the Athenians, & Senate of five hundred: neither by myself or suffer any other. I will not create a Magistrate, who hath not given an account of his former office, whether of the nine Archons, or agents for the holy things, or they, who at the same day are chosen with the nine Archons by lot, Ambassadors and assistants. Neither shall the same man bear the same office twice, or two in one year. I will not take gifts for judgement neither myself or other for me, or others with my privacy, by fraud or deceit. I am not younger than thirty. I will hear both parties, the accuser and defendant, alike. I will pass judgement aright in the thing prosecuted. I swear by Jupiter, Neptune, Ceres. * If I transgress any of these, let me and my house perish: but if I faithfully keep them according to my oath, let us be happy and prosperous. Dem. p. 470. There is also another oath which they took; some clauses whereof, we have left in record. To ratify the Laws of Solon. Plutarch in Solone. p. 62. To give counsel for the best of the people. To advise according to the Laws. I will not bind any Athenian, who shall give three sureties of the same revenues, unless for treason, or he conspire the subversion of state popular, or buy custom, or be engaged, or gather public money and not pay it. I will sit in the order which lot shall direct me to. I will not permit any unless banished to be accused or imprisoned for what is past. This last was made after the driving out of the 30 Tyrants, when a Vide Zen● in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cic. init. Phil. 1. Vellerium. Paterculum l. 2 p. 84. Arist. Sch. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aeschin. contr. Ctesiph. Thrasybulus gave them to oath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not to remember ancient wrongs, which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The authority of this Counsel was great, for it handled causes of war, tributes, making of Laws, civil businesses and events, affairs of confederates, collections of money, performance of sacred rites, accounts of offices discharged, appointing keepers for prisoners, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Orphans, as b Athen. Rep. pag. 407▪ Xenophon. c See Sir Tho. Smith in his Commmon-wealth of England. Resembling our Court of Parliament in England, by whose consent all Laws are abrogated, new made, right & possessions of private men changed, forms of religion established, Subsidies, Talies', Taxes, and Impositions appointed, weights and measures altered, etc. As not unlike also the Venetian Gran Consiglio, or Senate, of which the Contarene, d As Eranchirio Andirimi hath translated it. lib. 3. fol. .34 B Tutta la cura del governo della Republica apparti●●●al Senato, etc. The whole manner of the Comon-wealths government belongeth to the Senate That which the Senate determineth is held for ratified and inviolable. By their authority & rule is peace confirmed and war denounced. The whole rents and receipts of the Commonwealth at their appointment collected & gathered in, and likewise laid out again and defrayed, etc. In a word, I may say of these five hundred, as a In Pandect. Prio. p. 298. Budaeus of the Parliament of France; Amplissimam eam curiam causarumque omne genus diceptatricem justam ac legitimam esse, that that Court is most ample, and justly and equally decided all sorts of controversies whatsoever. b Dem. 385. To their charge was committed the making of new ships, for which at the years end they were to be rewarded by the people. To this alludes c Avib. p. 546. Aristophanes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— d Sch. Arist. p. 93. Without their consent could the people do nought, as indeed they made not any thing sanctum against the people's wills. Hence in e Pag, 234, Demosthenes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In testimony of their pre-eminence are they termed f Demosthen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and g Idem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Lords of sentence. In time of war they would send Commissions to their Captains, as they thought requisite. h Plut. in Cimone p. 356 l. 50. Such as in the battle between the Lacedæmonians and their countrymen in Tanagra, where fearing lest Cimon banished by Ostracism should betray them to the Laconians, they sen● to the commanders not to entertain him in the Army. The honour was not during term of life, but every year changed. Apostolius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which Anonymus in Arg. Orat. contr. Androt. expresses by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The manner of choosing them is this. i Verbo Emmius in Descrip. Reip. Athen. The chief of every tribe, on an appointed day before the beginning of the month Hecatombaeon, brought the names of all their Tribe that were capable of this dignity, and cast them written into a vessel, and into another they put an hundred white beans, and all the rest black; Then drawing out a name and then a bean, to who●● chance the white bean fell to be extracted with his name, was designed Senator. This they did when they had but four Tribe, and so four hundred Senators. But when they had ten Tribes, there could be but fifty white beans, to the making up of the tenth part of five hundred. This differs not from the election observed by the k Contaren▪ l. 1. fol, 11, b. Venetians upon the fourth day of december, when the names of all the young men that have not by lot obtained the right of Citizens, nor passed twenty five years old, are put into a pot, and carried unto the Prince, & there the same set before the Counselors▪ with which there is another pot, wherein are round balls equal with the number of the names written in the first, every one having his mark, the fift part of these balls is guilded with gold, the rest with silver. The Prince taketh out of the first pot the ball, which if it be of the golden sort, the young man whose name is drawn, is presently admitted to public authority, they to whom the silver chance, lose it for that time, expecting it the ensuing year, unless in the mean space they accomplish twenty five, at which age all the young Noble men partake of the City's liberties. So every year the fift part of the yonkers is chosen to give voice with the other Citizens. The use in choosing I deem the same, & shall until I find authentic writters contradict it. But the number, as augmented by Clistenes according to the Tribes, so by his successors▪ For when they added two the number was increased 100, by reason of the Tribes Antigonis & Demetrias after named Attalis & Ptolomais in honour to the Kings of that name which were benefactors to the State a Stephanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. b Arist. Scholar p. 37. Out of these were their Judges chosen; but such as were above thereescore yares old. For although juniors were admitted into this company, yet none judged under that age. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To these was any business referred, of which the Senate and people were in suspense what to determine. c In vesp p. 471. Aristoph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When the Council and people are in doubt how to judge a great matter, they decree to deliver the guilty over to the Judges. And no marvel. For the office of a Judge is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, prerogative in sentence, says d Pol. l. 3. c 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristotle; that is, to state those Questions which the Law hath not decided. The order of their giving sentence before the third year of the ninty second Olympiad I know not. Afterwards they sat by turn in their own Tribes, every one as his lot fell. For there being formerly ten Tribes in Athens, they chose out of each five men, & to which one of them the chance happened, and sat judge. I cannot say that the manner of election was like that of the e Cic. in Verrem. Act. 3. Syracusians concerning the Priest of jupiter, who taking the names of so many as were nominated, and casting them into a pot▪ created him, whose name should first be drawn, of that sacred function. But of our own must I speak f Aristophan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 30. When then they were appointed, they met, every of them bringing with him a table and a wand on which was written a letter that did betoken some Judicatory, (For there being ten Tribunals every one of them was noted with a red letter, Α, Β, Γ, Δ, Ε, etc. to Κ. over the door) time calling them to sit, they drew lots, and he to whom A. was taken out, sat in the Court noted with Α. and Β. with Β and so to Κ. This done, they shown their lots to the Praeco of the Judicatory, who gave them their wand & table. This they did, lest any should rashly attempt to sit and pervert Justice. I know not whether I may better call the rod of authority a wand or staff: because that g Suidas proverb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was a proverb used in derision of the Judges. h Sch Aristop. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 30. This staff at the day's end they brought to the Prytanes, who gave them their wages; But the a In Equites pag. 301. Scholiast teaches us other ways, saying, that the Demagögi paid them, it being manifest out of Cleon's words the Orator, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— judges which I feed. Their pay was not always the same, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In nubes pag. 174. says the inrerpreter of Aristophanes. First they had obolum, which Calistratus surnamed Parnytes was author of. Hence the proverb c Appendix. Vaticana. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Afterwards it was augmented by Calicrates, d Zenobius. and from him grew the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it may be, for a pretty sum of money. Nay it changed, for now I read of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one, and anon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three a e Sch Aristop. p. 487. Drachma or two. And therefore may we conclude that it was sometime more sometime less. Thus having spoken a little of their Judges, I proceed to their causes of Law, in which I shall add, When any one had received wrong in Athens, it was their custom to make their cases known to a Magistrate, whose office it was to report to the Judicatory. And this they did by a Table in which was written, f Ulp. in Dem. p. 343. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I accuse H.B. and cite him to the Court by W. N. not unlike the Romans proceed, who brought the name of the delinquent to the Magistrate, before the accusation; to which g Asinaria Act. 1 p. 54. Plautus alludes, Ibo ego ad tres viros vestraque ibi nomina Faxo erunt— when this note was given up, the Magistrate asked the plaintiff, whether he had witnesses and would prosecute the matter, who answering that he intended it, had thereupon authority to summon the defendant to his appearance, and this he did either by himself or other, called therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, h Sch. Arist. 190. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a bringing into suit: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The word signifies a witness also. For when they warned any to the Tribunal, they bade any that stood by to testify that they had admonished them. i Sch. Arist. p. 442. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. You may use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for an Apparitor, Sergeant, Baliffe or the like. Sometimes they would run strait to the Court, as it were headlong, in k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p, 596. n. 17. Demosthenes his phrase, sometimes the Suitor would forthwith draw the Defendant, if he were loath to come, as you may see out of l In Vespis p. 487. Aristophanes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— But if the party could put in two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sufficient bail, he was dismissed. Hence in m Arist. Concio. p. 755. the Comedian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ I will procure the a couple of able sureties. Sometimes they would appoint a day of appearance, that might be a week or more after the vocationem in jus, at which time if the Defendant were not personally at the Judgement seat, he came within compass of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Writ of Eremodicium, refusal to come in and answer. Which was avoided by suing for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ten day's afser. For when the party to defend was absent, he was condemned indictâ causâ, so a In prioribus & Post. No▪ add Pand. Budaeus expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by this therefore the case was renewed, and stood as at first, the sentence that before past, being made of no force; and for this was it termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, b Vlp. in Dem. p. 343. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because in the beginning it seemed to carry some power but at last was nothing. The business than made a new the party that was cast by an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after that he had obtained a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, c Pollux. l. 8. p 390 was within two Months to set the Law on foot, which they term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or else the sentence given before was ratified. Whosoever should offer to call call any man to Court, unless upon good grounds, was liable to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a writ of molestation for a false cause Having thus far proceeded, the Impleader gave in a Libel, which held contents of his action, and the sum of the Defendant's answer. This the Greeks call d You have a form of this in Demosth. p. 628. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Antigraphen. Though I know also that all cases in law were termed e Arist. Nub. p. 154. v Sch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They took this course because the Defendant might know what to answer. And because it was ordinary in Athens for knaves to accuse out of envy, which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they made a f Demost. pag. 716. n 7. Law, that whosoever accused and had not the fifth part of the voices, should be fined a thousand Drachmas. And he that could not prove his objections was also punished in the purse a certain sum; g Arist. Scholar p. 1▪ 0. which if he paid not at the constituted time was fourfold; & if his ability reached not so far, he suffered inprisonment. At the presenting of the Antigraphe, testimonies were also delivered, (forms of which you shall often meet with in h Unum contta Stephan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 622. aliud p. 624.629. Demosthenes) and a copy of an oath, which the Suitor gave, in these words i Scholar A●ist. Vesp. 505. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he would justly accuse. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he would according to truth make his Apology: and this they name k In Vesp. p. 504 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. These writings were cast into a certain coffer, forth coming as occasion should require; all wh●ch l Aristophanes in one verse comprehends. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, They joined or put together oaths, citatons & testimonies. I so interpret it against the Scholiast's mind, who will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be exortations given to the plaintiff and Defendant to come to composition. But I know that m Scho●. Arist. 239. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to accuse, in jus rapere, n idem p. 195. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The chest or coffer was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and of this are the words of the Greek Orators to be understood o Demosthen. 622. n. 33.629. n 80.640. n. 22.655. n. 65.665. n. 66. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p Charact. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 21. Theophrastus' of a mad man that would entangle himself in any thing, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Having an Echinus in his lap, and abundle of libels in his hands. Pollux makes a different exposition of this oath from that that which other Gramarians do, confounding, as is most probable, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that first oath, which the Plantif gave to the prosecute, the party prosecuted to answer, which on the defendants side was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & generally on both▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Scholar Aristoph. Vesp. 505. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, follow the delinquent in law: the defendant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to stand stiffly to it that he did not trespass. b In Demost. p. 287. And yet Ulpian makes both these one. After this were they that sued one another admitted to the judicatory, it being first demanded of the Suitor c Vide. Ulpian in Dem. pp. 347.341. whether he would persequi, follow the suit, & had sufficient witnesses for evidence; in causes capital it was asked if there were need of any, who could not then be present. This interrogation was termed d Bud. in Annot. Rel. ad Pan p. 341. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If then any thing was deficient, the judgment was prorogued by an e Ulpian in Dem. p. 226. the Scho. of Aristoph. makes it the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 75. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or an oath, which the Plantif took, that for the present he could not perform it, but certainly would. f Ulpian in. Demost. 341. Perhaps for that time pretending sickness, death of friends, or some urgent necessity, on which their fortunes might depend. When then all things were ready, and at hand, they proceeded towards the Tribunal, the Judges first swearing g Pollux l: 8. pag. 406. that they would give sentence according to the Laws, & in those things concerning which there were no Laws according to conscience and equity (which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) h Dem. pag. 628. and of those things only concerning which they did debate. This oath seems to have been taken at the Altar, from whence they brought their little stones (of these by and by) with which they gave sentence. 1 Pag. 122. Plutarch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The oath is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Then went the Judges to their seats k Aristoph. Sch. p. 239. neatly spread with mats, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and all others being warned by the Praeco, to go without the bars, in this form l Demost. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they sat down. For we must know that the Athenian Judicatories were environed in as the Romans, with lettuce I suppose, by them called m Poll. lib. 8. p. 407. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cancellatae, by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, n Pollux loco citato. though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, more properly signify the door of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before which was o This is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pollux. a rope of fifty foot length drawn, and public servants set, that none might enter, but who had business. The partition I think was but weak, & therefore by Demosthenes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Within which none was permitted to come but the Judges. p Pag 485. And therefore when a Plutarch. in Vita. Demosthenes did long to hear Callistratus plead concerning Oropus, he over entreated his Pedagogue that he would bring him, where he might have the happiness to be an auditor. The Pedagogue therefore acquainted with the public officers that opened the doors, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, procured him a place where he might hear and not be seen, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When then the Judges had gone within the bars, lest any should be wanting the Praeco cried b Aristoph. p. 494. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if any Judge be without the door of the place of judgement, let him anter. c Aristoph. Sch. Ibid. Because if any came after the case began to be pleaded, he could not have admission. Being then seated the Crier read the Indictment, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a copy of some part of which you have in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 567. Demosthenes ΕΒΛΑΡPSgr; Ε ΝΙΚΟΒΟΥΛΟΣ ΕΠΙΒΟΥΛ●ΥΣΑΣ ΕΜΟΙ, etc.) in which according to the custom of the old Egyptians, e Boemus De Custum delle Genti. lib▪ 1. cap. 5. were given up to the court in writing all the reasons of accusation, the wrong received & the manner of it, with an estimation of the damage; The several heads of which the Judges wrote down, lest the Impleader and Defendant should swerve from that they had in hand. Then stood up the Suitor in a pulpit on the left hand of the Tribunal, & spoke an accusatory oration, made for the most Part by some of the Attic Orators: which use brought in by Arist. Rhet. l 1. c. 33. Antiphon the Rhamnusian, f Stromat. 1· pag. 226. Clemens of Alexandria calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g In Bruto▪ Cicero scribere aliis causas, quibus in judiciis uterentur, such as Lysias is reported to have done for Socrates: Which lest it should exceed in length, was limited to a certain time, by a vessel, in the bottom of which was a small hole for water to run, as sand doth in hourglasses, thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, into which was poured an equal measure of water; and lest there should be deceit, there was an officer made for that purpose named Pollux▪ l, 8▪ pag. 404. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, filling alike for the Impleader and answerer. i Ulpian in Dem. p. 356. When therefore the glass was run, it was not lawful for them to speak farther, k Demost. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p 586. nay for scantiness of time they were compelled to pass by many things, & for that reason were they chary of their water, bidding that it should be stopped at the reciting of Laws, or the like, which Demosthenes intimates in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to stop the nose in l in Pluto. Aristophenes. m Apologia. Apuleius. At tu interea dum legit, aquam sustine. Pancirollus. Ne si aqua interim e●fluxisset, amplius sibi dicendi praebita foret facultas, lest he might not have leave to speak any more, if the water were spent. If any would give way to another to speak while his glass was running he might; which Demost. testifies; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But if he would not permit it, he bade the Praeco cast it forth a Demost. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ulpian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, From which kind of pleading it grew into a proverb b Aristoph. 617. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, c Tus●. Qu. l. 2 in fine. Cicero, ad clepsydram, to speak by the hour or an allotted time. His speech being ended, he sat down. l Ulpian. in Dem. 226. The defendant the● sitting all that while over against him, until he had finished after addressed himself to his answer, which he made from the right hand of the Judicatory; where he had a pulpit, & station. For this reason (says e Problem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristotle,) because they would make both parties equal, For the Suitor having the better part, they gave the upper hand to the defendant. Or because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or defendants, were for the most part in custody; If therefore the guard stood on the right hand, the defendant stood there also. Thence than he pleaded for himself; in which plea, he was only to wipe out those accusations which adversary laid against him, f Ulpian in Demosth p. 252. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, And in that had the plantif a pre●rogative. For he might object what he would; nay and as g Loco laudato. Aristotle, forecast all before he commenced his suit, and feign to himself what he pleased; The defendant perhaps innocent, was at that instant to clear himself, h Demost. p. 219. either by witness, or probabilities, of all doubts, whatsoever the plantif could cast in. Sometimes the Plantif & defendant would desi●e Advocates of the Judges, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hence i Clemens Alex. Th●se had certain pe●●forgers ●nde● them that a●mi●istre● the Laws and forms ●f action. Cicero. apud G●aecos infimi ho●i●nes mercedulà adducti ministros se praebent in judiciis Oratoribus iis, qui apud illos. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocantur. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to plead for a fee. In the time of their pleading, witnesses were called, who came in, & gave their testimonies, & after they had uttered what they had to say, they went to the Altar (as it seems to me, either in, or very nigh the Judicatory) & swore k Corneliana. Vide ad Attic●m. l. 1. c. 13. Cicero. Athenis aiunt cum quidam apud eos sanctè graviterque vixiss●t, & testimonium dixisset publicè, &, ut mos Graecorum est jurandi causâ ad aras accederet, unâ voce omnes judices, ne is juraret, reclamâsse. They report that in Athens, when a certain man ( l Vide Laertium in vita ejus. Xenocrates) who had lived godly & gravely among them, had given witness, & as the fashion of the Greeks is, approached to the Altar to take oath, all the Judges with one voice cried, that he should not (They would not, it seems, have belief rather be bound with religion than truth) Fit to this is the answer of Pericles to a friend of his desiring him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to testify a lie, which he was to avouch with an oath, I am your friend, quoth he, to the Altar, that is, as far as conscience, religion, & honesty shall permit; hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usque ad arras grew, I suppose to be a proverb. Plut. Apoph. p. 112. Whether in this ceremony they touched the Altar, I cannot justly say; in delivering their testimonies they were wont to touch the tips of the ear (for reason to me unknown) called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Etymologicon; (But I rather may suppose it to be a Roman fashion, where the Plantif was wont to pluck his witness by the ear, for remembrance sake. Horace lib. 1. Sat. 9 Licet antestari? ego vero Oppono auriculam— To which Virgil looked, saying Cynthius aurem vellit & admonuit. Eclog. 6.) and at the end thereof wish all destruction to themselves and house if they dealt falsely. Which if they did, they were subject to a writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of false witness, and he that suborned them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sometimes the witness was not present at the doing of the wrong, but took it from others by hear-say, which the Greek Lawyers term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as m Demost. pp 619 634. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they they take from those that are dead, which went for currant, & was allowable. But to bring a testimony from the Mouth of one that was alive, and within the territories of Athens, it would not pass. As neither theirs who were discarded the liberties of the City, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or servants, or any man in his own cause. a Ulpian in Demosth. 238. The manner of witness was twofold, either by personal appearance & testifying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and then he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in no case liable to the Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: or else by writing, by which he offered himself to his questions or attachments in Law, against whom he witnessed; if he were not true; and this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Both parties being heard & the altercation ceased, the Praeco cried, To whom E N. hath seemed to violate right, (so they interperet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, jus violare) let him cast in the black stone, or hollow, to whom he seemeth not, the whole or white. For we must know that anciently the Greeks gave their sentences with black and white pebbles, called b Aristoph. 438. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which the French semblably term Procellaines, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 porcus) c Metamorph. 15. F. 1. Ovid. Mos erat antiquis, niveis atrisque Lapillis, His damnare reos, illis absolvere culpâ. The antique fashion was with white stones to absolve, with black to condemn the accused▪ Pertinent to which is the saying of Alcibiades, when he was called out of Sicily to go home and answer for his life, counting it foolish to go thither, whence he was never like to escape; when one asked d Aelian. Var. lib. 13. c. 38. Piut. Mor. p. 140. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Wilt thou not trust thy country which begat thee to be thy judge? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quoth he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. No not her, that brought me forth. For I fear lest she being ignorant and not conceiving the truth, mistake the black for the white stone. The black made trist●m sententiam, and was so named, the sad sentence; the white candidam or acquitting. They used likewise black and white beans; in respect of which Pythagoras is thought to have spoken as a riddle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not to eat beans, by e In Naz Stellit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nonnus interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not to undermine justice with bribes; or that men should get by the perverting of equity. I see no reason but that I may think he means men ought not to be forward in getting places of judgement. For f Pagina 290. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Aristophanes is by the Scholiast expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & g Lysistrata. p. 870. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used for a Judge, which properly signifies an eater of beans. But afterwards they had little pellets of brass; The bloody ones of them were pierced through, therefore termed, h Pollux l 8. pag. 407. U●pian in Dem. 407. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the saving were whole, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of these every one took, of each one, from the Altar, as I, have said, i Ulpian in Dem: p. 162. where laying their hands upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or balls they intimated by a transposition of them (as from the black to the white, and from the white to the black again) that they would not for envy or by respects, but indifferently and truly judge. When then they were ready to pass sentence a Aristoph. 485 the Praeco carried about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a certain pitcher (for so b ●ag. 263. Xenophon calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) having on the mouth of it a conveyance like a Tunnel, named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the top thereof was covered close, except a little hole for one pellet at a time to be put in, made for the avoiding of deceit, I suppose, lest one man might cast in mor●; and therefore were they to touch the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, only with the forefinger, middle, and thumb. c Pag. 437. vide Scholiast. Aristoph, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But we must know that the black and white pellets were not promiscuously cast into one pot, but two; d Aristoph. Ve●pis 5●0. The one which freed was made of brass called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whether because they first threw into it their voices, or because it may signify the better, I know not; The other that condemned, being wooden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. After the Crier had gone round with both▪ because some would keep their balls, and for favour no● give their voice against a friend or a great person, therefore he cried e Aristoph. Vespis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who hath not cast in his ball? let him rise. So he risen and threw it in. Then they took them out and numbered them; and in matter of lands, money or the like, whose vessel (for there was as many set as the number of the litigants came to) had most; got the upper hand. At the counting of them a Magistrate stood by with a rod, & laid it over those that were told, lest they should mistake the one for the other or wittingly do it. For so were they wont to do; thence named f Scholar Naz. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which g Sophocles Ajace. p. 68 Teucer objects to Menelaus about Ajax, when by his deceit the armour was given to Ulysses; and therefore he calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: not amiss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. h Scholar Arist. 438. When the number was known, if the white or solid balls were more, they took their tables, which they had in their hands, and drew a short line, as a token of absolution; if the black or hollow were more they drew a longer line, as condemning. Hence i Aristoph. Vesp. loco. cit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, may be used, for to condemn every body. The thing itself they termed k Pag. 491. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Aristophanes. By this the one party being overthrown ( l Aristoph. p. 472. as none never was without the sentence of the Judges) his adversary wrote down what damages he should pay, which they term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 454. Plutarch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. n Scholar Arist. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag 50. For it was a use of old for those that went to Law to make agreements (I know not whether by oath, for they did swear by three gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and put it into the Echinus, that they would stand to such and such conditions, before sentence, that he that was cast should undergo somewhat; and afterwards 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is set down what loss of limbs or life, or means etc. For although they did o Scholar Arist. 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 give their estates as pledges to answer and meet at the Court; yet it may be that might be less or more than the fine. There was in cause capital another proceeding, like to that in the city of a C●●arren. de Rep Ven. l●b 3. Venice, where they gave two sentences. In the first they determined whether they should condemn or free; If in the first he was condemned, the manner of punishment was ordained in the second But if in the first they found no cause of death, they bid the accused to fine himself, which b Apolog. Socr. p. 265. Xenophon intimates by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & if it were too little, the Judges doubtless made it more, as the Scholiast of Aristophanes, if I forget not: The custom is set down by c De Orat. 1. fol 61. b. Cicero, speaking of Socrates. Ergo ille quoque damnatus est etc. And he too was condemned; not only by the first suffrages, but also by those, which, by the appointment of the Laws, they were to give the second time. For in Athens the accused being found guilty, if the offence were not capital, they weighed and considered the penalty. When the sentence was to be given by the Judges, they asked the defendant, what he thought himself to have deserved to forfeit, etc. (In the Venetian Common wealth this is not observed.) In trial if there be more for the prisoners liberty, then against him, he is straight acquitted, but if more than half be in the pot of condemnation he suffers. d Laertius in Socrat. p 115. Socrates at the first had two hundred eighty and one more against him, then on his side; & at the next eighty more were added to the former, so in all he had three hundred threescore and one condemnatory suffrages. But fewer might have done as much. For we read in e Pag· 436. Demosthenes of Cimon like to be punished with death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if three had not been wanting. And again f Pag. 430. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nay one was sufficient, g Pag. 338. Demosthenes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But Ulpian on the place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says, that he was lightly punished. h Aristoph. p. 244. If the voices were equal, than was the prisoner loosed; because sometimes he might be accused upon suspicion; or of those things which he did not willingly commit, or perhaps was sued out of envy, and many other reasons given by i Probl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristotle: therefore did the Lawgiver leave some place for pity and compassion. To which the Judges were often moved. And therefore would they plead the k Dem. p. 492. deserts of their ancestors▪ their own lives formerly well led. l Aristid. T. 3. p. 292. Sometimes shown they their wounds; n Aristid. loco cit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and brought the venerable grey hairs of their parents, but m Dem. p. 493. mothers chief, to intercede in silence: Sometimes embracing their children in their arms, they held them up in the Judge's view; or caused them to a Aristop. pp. 469.499. come up into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or pulpit, & supplicate with tears, which wrought so much upon the Judges, that b Vesp. p. 499. Aristophanes in a scoff presents one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, drowning his sentence in weeping. Then in compunction would the Judges speak to the prisoner, c Sch. Ar. 500 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wishing him to go down from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a token often of mercy; though now and then it proved otherwise. Nay it was a word of displeasure too, as when d Laert. Socr. p. 115. Plato would have been Advocate for Socrates. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they thundered out, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither may I forget e Aelian. Var. hist. l. 5. c. 19 Amynias the brother of Aeschylus the Tragedian, who, when the people would have stoned his brother for some impiety brought on the stage, held up his elbow and arm without a hand, lost in the fight at Salamis: by which spectacle the Judges calling to mind the merits of Amynias, dismissed the Poet. Neither may I omit what f Athen. Rep. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 404. Xenophon objects to them, that they cared not so much for justice, as regarded what might conduce most to their own profit, and be convenient: g Apol. Socr. initio. And that they condemned innocents', and spared offenders that could speak well. Furthermore another fault of theirs was the prolonging of cases a whole year, says h Athen. Rep. 406. Xenophon, and i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 752.753. They are translated foolishly into latin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is what the Proctors in the Civil Law usually mean by in proximum in proximum. Aristophanes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now we do not handle suits of above threescore years, but we are put off until the next day. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For we come to trial within twenty years. This Xenophon imputes to the multitude of their employments. As long as the case hung in suspense, the name of the accused was (as among the Romans, whence k Budaeus in Pand. No. Relig. p. 31. Rei periurii) exposed in a public table to the view of all men, which they term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: l Demost. in Mid. 347. Demosthenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ulpian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. You see here the place too, viz. at the Statues of the Eponymi▪ Before a man was convicted, all that they objected to him was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by m Cont. Andro. 388. Demosthenes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ a bare report: but after proof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. After judgement past, n Dem. p. 406. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. An indictment of sacrilege, theft, murder, treason, is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the evidence and conviction makes it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the sentence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. III. SECT. II. De Areopago▪ & ejus appellatione. Areopagitas. ON the hill, on which the Acropolis was built, stood the Areopagus, in the old translation of the Acts of the Apostles rendered Vi●us Martius, by our Englishmen, Mars his street, falsely. For a When Tullu● had divided the Roman field, he made on high hills and places fortified by nature, refuges for the husbandmen and called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dion Hal. 4. Not as if it signified a village, but as it was situated. For Pagus villa rustica comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Because built near a well. Perot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bears not that signification, but what b In Acta. p. 136. justin Martyr interprets, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an eminent place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For that Judicatory was on a high rock Therefore named by c Eumenid. p 296. Aeschylus, & d Elect. p. 836. Euripides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by e Metamorph. l. 6. fab. 2. Ovid, Scopulus Mavertis, and f Vide Scalig. in conject. Ennius, Areopagitica petra: so called, as fond Antiquity would have, g Demost. p. 413. Paul. 26. Simeon Met●e● Pachym. in vit. Dionys. Areopag. from the judgement of the twelve Gods upon Mars, for killing Halirrhothius the son of Neptune: But h Loco citato. Paul. Attic. p. 31. justin Martyr, because he was there arraigned of adultery, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But alike true. It pleases me to consider the superstition of the ancients, that consecrated high places to their deities, & erected the statues of their Gods upon hills. As i Parnes, Hymettus, Anchesmus whence jupiter Parnethius, Hymettius, Anchesmius. And as in Athens, Neptune had a hill 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Saturn another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pan another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mercury another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so Mars h●s Areopagus k Eumenid. p. 296. Aeschylus gives it ● nomination from the Amazons, sacrificing to Mars there, when they came & fought against Theseus. Or if you will receive the opinion of others, it takes name from the cases in it handled, of blood wilfully shed: so Hesychius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that when l Satyr. 9 v. 100 juvenal calls it Curiam Martis, you may interpret it, The Court of murder, but willingly committed. This is termed by the m Aeschylus pag 297. Tragedian, the most uncorrupt, sharp, reverend council, than which nothing is more constant (says n Ad. Atticum l. 1 ep. 11. Tully, comparing to it the Roman Senate) nothing more severe, as by o De bello T●o l 6. p. 14. Pseudo-Dictys Cretensis it is styled judicium severissimum per omnem Graeciam. Then which none judged better, more just, or honest, says p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. P. 448. Xenophon, q In Solone. pag. 63. Plutarch writes that this Court was ordained by Solon, and r Offic. l 1. Cicero received the like opinion, but that seems to contradict it, which Plutarch presently brings, quoted in the thirteenth table, that they, who had lost their liberties, should be restored again, unless they were condemned by the Areopagites, Ephetae, Prytanes, Basileis, of murder, slaughter, tyranny, when that law was enacted. And by & by, s Loco laud. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Who were condemned in Areopagus before Solon's time (if he first instituted the Areopagites.) t Pollux. l. 8. p. 407. Others are of opinion, that Solon added the Areopagites to the Ephetae (Judges so called, because when formerly the Basileuses made inquisition after murder unwillingly committed▪ Draco made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, translated it to the Ephetae, their num●er was but fifty one. And though they judged in five Courts once, yet by little & little they became ridiculous.) u De Athen. mag. p 446. Possardus says he abolished their severity, and substituted the Areopagites. But a De Repub Athen. p. 20. Vrbo emmius more probably, that Solon was not the Author of this Senate but brought it into a better form, made it more strong and firm, and augmented the power of it. For Draco it seems lessened the authority of it, deriving it to the Ephetae; Solon restored that authority & made it greater. b Vide Maximum in Prologue. ad S. Dionys. ope●a & Niceph. l. 2. in vita Dion. To this company none were admitted, but wise, wealthy, and noble men; c Pachymer. famous for good life, and innocency, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whom no man could justly charge of misdemeanour. Nay men, whose behaviour was intolerable, d Isoc. in Areopag p. 133. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after they were chosen into the College of the Areopagites, abhorring and blushing at their former dispositions. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, changed their natures, and embraced virtue. The number of them is uncertain. e Loco supra laudato. Nicephorus makes them but nine; as Maximus too out of f Atthid. l. 2. Philochorus; Pachymerius fifty and one. But what Maximus produces after, is somewhat, that they consisted of fifty and one, besides the Nobility most wise and rich. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. * They were of those Magistrates that were ch●sen by Lot, as the Archon, Thesmothetae. Basileus, Polemarchus, for which cause Pericles was not of that number because he never attained to these offices. Plut. in Peric. p. 113. By which words he seems to aim at the nine Achontes, g Anonym. in Argu. Oratio Androcia. who when they had governed one year, and given an account of their offices, and had administered all things justly, were chosen ●early into this society. For which election annual, the number was doubtful. For some might die in that space; or all live, and in the next year be increased. Volatteran out of an old inscription in Acropolis; that they were three hundred; ΤΩ ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΩ, etc. To the most famous Rufius Festus, Preconsul of Greece & Areopagite, the Council of Areopagus consisting of three hundred; and the people of Athens set up this monument for a testimonial of his good will and benevolence. But that might only happen when this was erected. h Anonymus loco laudat. They continued all their life time in this dignity, and were never put out, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unless for some grand offence. i De statu Italiae adversus Machiavelli. Bozius tells us (how true I wots not) that they were all Priests. Athenienses olim, etc. The Athenians, quoth he, did strive to challenge to themselves the prerogative of wisdom, and to them it is bend what the Apostle says, The Greeks seek after Wisdom. Nevertheless their Areopagus, who had the power of all things consisted of Judges that were Priests, and the High Priest of all that asked every of their sentences, took the suffrages. Their authority was unlimited. For k Plutarc. Solon p 63. they were overseers of all, l Aelian. Var. l. 15 c 15 Dem p. 406. Judges of wilful murders, wounds given out of pretended malice: which would make some, having a desire to drive a man out of Athens, m Demost. in Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. go to a Chirurgeon & make an incision in their heads, that they might sue him who they hated upon an action of battery, as Mantitheus against Baeotus. They sat upon incendiaries, and impoisoners, if the party died they took their doses. a Dem p. 445. They saw that the Laws should be put in execution, b Pachymer. such as Contaren would have in Venice to be Guardians to their Statues. c In Sympos. unless I am extremely forgetful. It is quoted likewise by Athenaus Dipnos l. 4. p. 167. In a word all great delinquencies came under their censures. They enquired into the behaviours of men; & we read in d Xenophon that they sharply reproved a young man for his lose living. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. says the Dipnosophist, e Lib. 2. c 6. Valerius Maximus. Est & ejusdem urbis f Aristides T. 1 p 331. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanctissimum concilium Areopagus etc. There is likewise in that City the most sacred Council Areopagus, where they were wont most diligently to inquire, what every of the Athenians did, by what gain he maintained himself, and what his trade and actions were. That men, knowing and remembering that once they must give an account of their lives, might embrace honesty. g Anon. Atg. Orat. Andror. The Greek authot tells us that except in great cases of necessity they meddled not with state affairs, but it seems otherwise. For if any one say, quoth h De natura Deorum. 2. Tully, that the Attic Republic can be well governed, without the council of the Areopagites; he may as well say that the world may be governed without the providence of the Gods. When the Medes and Persians invaded Greece, i Est enim bellum g●stum consilio Senatus ejus. Cic. Off. 1. by the advice of them was the war waged, wherein Themistocles purchased an everlasting memory of a victory k Plutarch. in Themistocl. p. 84. l. 3. And when their public treasury was bare, they furnished each man with eight Drachmas, and stored the ships with Mariners. Which advice, when they had won the day, was a cause, says l Polit. l. 5. c. Aristotle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to give strength and sinews to the Common wealth. m Isocrates A●eop. p. 132. Under their sight were all the youth of Athens. For this reason especially, because that when they were reckoned among men, ●nd were come to age, they needed more care to be had of them, than when they were children; not observed by our Countrymen in sending their sons ●oung to the Inns of Court: youth and heat of blood, unstaidnesse in judgement, rashness in adventures, & proneness to vice, leading, or rather carrying headlong tender years to their own destruction. To them appertained blasphemies against their Gods, violating of religion, & divulging mysteries, as when n Laert. lib. 2. in Aristippo. p 154. Euryclides the Hierophanta in answer to the question of Theodoru●, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; who offended against the mysteries? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, replied; such as open t●em to those who are not initiated. Therefore, quoth the Philosopher, art thou impious: For which crime had not Demetrius Phalereus befriended him, the Hierophanta was in danger, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to have been brought before the Council of Areopagus. By virtue of which authority S. Paul was here judged for teaching strange Gods (as they supposed.) a Simeon metaphrast▪ For although that the Athenians were under the Romans, yet their Lords made them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sui juris, & permitted them to keep their ancient customs The manner of proceedi●g in this Court, was thus. After the felony committed, the appellant brought his indictment to the Basileus, who giving the prisoner and his accuser audience once a month, at three several times to debate the business, in the fourth month, brings in the accusation to the Areopagites, b Pollux, l 8 and putting off the crown, which he wa● wont to wear, sat down as judge with the Areopagites in the dark: for they judged by night, says c Hermotim. p. 505. Lucian, that they might not regard the speaker, but what was spoken. It being there forbidden d Pollux pag. 405 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to move to compassion, and use Proems, as in other Courts, wherein they craved the Judge's favour and attention, which by Demosthenes are termed e Vide Ulp. in Dem●st. pag. 39●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This f Aristotle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to speak beside the matter. Before the trial both parties swear (which they style g Pollux loco laudato Dem. count. Aristocr. p. 413. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) The appealer standing upon the testes of a Goat, a Ram & a Bull (usual to the Greeks, as Tyndarus swore he Suitors of Helena, that they should revenge any wrong done to her and her predestinated husband, h Pau●anias Lacon p. 103. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Hercules the children of Heleus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to●k oath, therefore named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; in which he maintained that he dealt justly and rightly, & that he was joined in affinity to the slain man; k Demosth. p. 6●8 & 416. Th●se agreed says Po●●a●d. about the punishment, according to the damage received. De Ather▪ Mag. p. 449. which if he were not, he could not prosecute, the Law forbidding The reason why he stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I suppose is, because they are the instruments of generation, and in that oath, if he were not true, he wished an extirpation of his house, h●mselfe and his posterity. In which if he were perjured, he was liable to no punishment, as among the Romans i Idem Messa▪ n●acis p. 126. juris jurandi contempta religio satis Deum ultorem habet. For swearing is punished by a revenging God, l Lib. 2. ● de re●●●red. but if any swore false by the life of the Prince▪ he fell under the julian Law, Laesae Majestatis. After this the prisoner swore; which among us will not be allowed Then setting each of them upon a Paul. Attic p. 27. two silver stones, one of which was named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the stone of iniquity; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Adrian junius thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of innocence's, not impudence. Then the appealer asked the prisoner three question●, which b Eumenid. p. 202. Aeschylus calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. First, whether he were guilty or no, c Ibidem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to which he answered, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yea or nay: secondly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for what reason he did the murder: thirdly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were the Abettors. Then arose there certain Lawyers, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who shown whether the murder was committed d Aeschylus p. 293. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in justice ( e Demost vid. p. 647. For in Athens there were such Counselors, to whom in matters of difficulty they had resort) By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, you must understand those causes, in which f D●most▪ p▪ 312 Draco thought it lawful to kill a man▪ As taking him committing uncleanes with wife, mother, sister, daughter, or concubine, or any whom he accounts among his children: Vid. Demost. count. Aristocr. the party so offending might be slain in the manner by him, against whom he had trespassed Likewise in the defence of a man's goods, if the thief were killed, impunity was granted. After this inquisition, they passed to sentence, which was given very privily, as juvenal intimates, Ergo occulta teges, ut Curia Martis Athenis; without speaking (as the Tabellares sententiae of the Romans in which they wrote C if they condemned. Vide Sylvium in Orat. pro Flacco. A if absolved. N L. if the case were not manifest) hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for one that is close and silent; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for one that is grave, and who can hold his peace, & in whose countenance is g Terentius. tristis severitas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whatsoever they concluded of, stood irrecoverable, h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pachymerius. neither could there be any appeal to another Tribunal. And no marvel. For so upright was their sentence, i Demost. cont. Aristocrat. p. 413. that none either Appellant or Prisoner, could ever say, that he was unjustly condemned. Nay both parties, as well those that are cast, as they that cast, are like contented. k Aristides Tom. 1. p. 185. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. After doom the prisoner was to suffer death. In which execution also the Areopagites had a care least the innocent should be punished with the guilty. l Aelian. Va●. h●st. l. 5. c. 13. When therefore they had condemned a woman for poisoning another, they deferred the execution, because she was great with child, and strait way after her delivery put the mother to death. Which custom is by us also observed at our Assizes. m Valer. Max. p. 322. It will not be amiss to relate one memorable thing done in the time of Dolabella Proconsul of Asia, who, when a dame of Smyrna was brought before him, for killing her husband & son▪ who had deprived her of a hopeful youth, begot of her by a former husband, referred the audience of the matter to the Areopagites; who commanded the woman and her accuser to appear some hundred years after; that by such a bottom of time, scarce able to be unwound, they might show, that neither would condemn nor acquit the woman. One thing more, a Lib. quinto. Quintilian tells us, that they condemned a boy for putting out the eyes of Quails. Because it was a sign of a mind, likely to prove most pernicious. Their power was shaken and somewhat plucked down by b Plutarch. Vit. p. 355. & Mor. 391. Ephialtes, a sore enemy of Oligarchichall government, and more inclining to the people, who was secretly slain by c Plut: in Pericle p. 113. Aristodicus of Tanagra. They sat three days every Month, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. III. SECT. III. De judicio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. AFter the siege of Troy some of the Grecians came with Diomedes, d Dictis Cretensis de bello Trojano. l: 5. p. 14 P. who kept the Palladium, to the coast of Attica, and arriving by night at Phalerum, supposing it to be an enemy country, went to make a prey. Where Demopho ignorant that they were Grecians came to aid & defend his own▪ & slew many of the Argivi; which they cast out unburied; whose bodies when no beast had touched ( e Libro octacto pag. 406. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Pollux, the interpreter, nullus vivus, I better think it no creature, either foul or beast) Acamas shown that they were Argivi having the Palladium; Being warned then by the Oracle (who named them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, f Scholar Soph. in Oed. Tyr. neither knowing nor known) they buried them; and in that Place consecrated the Palladium; where they made also a judicatory, for murders unwillingly committed, and called it * It is simply so called Palladium Aelian Var. l. 5. c. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, juxta Palladium, as some. Here was Demopho first tried▪ who returning from this battle, killed with his horse, somewhat diverting, an Athenian; g Pausan. Attic. pag. 27. For whose kindred some think he satisfied the Law, or generally for the Argivi. h Demosth: contra Neaeram: pag: 727. Vide 647. If any had stricken a man or woman, and the party chanced to die, he was judged in this Court. i Demosthe: pag. 329. In such cases the Law was very favourable; for the party, offending was not punished with perpetual exile, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in wilful felony; (kept by us in England once, called Abjuration (where the guilty had his life upon oath, that he would never return) but he did k Demosthenes, Midiana. Aeust, in Iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in a gentler term. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. For it was a custom of old, to give a ce●tane sum of money (the Attic Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in wilful, all was confiscate) to the kindred of the slain that they might not departed their country: but if they could not purchase an abode they went some where else. m De Ponto lib. 1. Eleg. 4. Ovid, Caede puer factâ Patroclus Opunta reliquit. Their discountenance was but for one year 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. n Eustath. But Demosth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Until he obtained remission from some of the kindred of the slain. The money disbursed on such occasions was properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 murder, as if it were the price of blood. And the Scholast of Sophocles tells us that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is spoken only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of payment of money, but abusively of any punishment▪ a Demosthe. If the party wounded had forgiven the offender before his death, or the allies of the man desperately hurt, none could afterwards compel him to flee; otherwise he fled. And in that flight he betook himself to some acquaintance; by whom he was cleansed from the guilt with certain ceremonies of washing, which the Romans call Februa. So was Patroclus, Peleus, Medea, Al●maeon purified: b Fastorum 2. initio. Ovid. Graecia principium moris fuit: illa nocentes Impia lustratos ponere facta putat. Actoridem Peleus, ipsum quoque Pelea Phoei Caede per Aeinonias solvit Acastus aquas. Vectam fraenatis per inane draconibus Aegeus Credulus immeritâ Phasida fovit open; Amphiaraiades Naupacteo Acheloo Solve nefas dixit, solvit & ille nefas. Ah nimium faciles, qui tristia crimina caedis Eluminea tolli posse putatis aqua. In this ceremony they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sacrifice, says c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 414. Demosthenes, (which custom likewise was observed by the d Pausan. Corinth. p. 74. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Traezenians in the lustration of Orestes from the blood of his mother; which I gather by the feast which they presently celebrated there, and yearly observed afterward. This manner was done with water, as you may read, taken out of the well Hippocrene, made by the foot of Pegasus; the sprinkling was with a little bough of Laurel, as I suppose (by the words following persuaded to it, which tell us, that when the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were buried, there sprouted out of them a Bay-tree) & after that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This as I said was in his flight. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The proceeding in this Court, was first, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as before I mentioned, an oath of each party, accuser & defendant: secondly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, their speeches of both sides: thirdly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Judgement. If the prisoner were found guilty, that is, unwillingly to have murdered, then had he a time appointed him▪ how long he should flee, as above said, until he had made peace and gotten pardon from the Cousins of the deceased. CAP. III. SECT. IU. De judiciis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. AT Athens there was a Temple erected by e Plutarch. pag. 4. l. 19 Aegeus (who lived in Delphinium) to the honour of Apollo Delphinius and Diana Delphinia, a Scholar Arist. pag. 333. where was the Tribunal named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. * Aelian. Var. l. 5. c. 15. In this Judicatory were heard cases of murder, when the party confessed the fact, but pleaded that it was legitimate. b Demosth. contra Arist. pag. 410.411 For the Law required no punishment of any man that should kill another taking him committing adultery with his Wife, or uncleanness with his Mother, Sister, Daughter, Concubine, or free Children. Likewise if in preservation of his goods or own defence he spilt blood it was not capital. The first that was arraigned here was Theseus, maintaining the right he had to slay the Thiefs, says c Lib. 8. pag. 406. Pollux, (I know not whether he mean Sciron and Procrustes &c.) and Pallas with his children, d Pausan. Art. p. 27. who were rebels. Before this trial of Theseus, whosoever had slain any body was compelled to flee the Country, or staying dye, were the cause never so just. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Here they sat on things inanimate. As if a stone, timber iron, or such like, fall on a man, & kill him, if the party that fling this be not known, sentence was passed on that thing which slew him; and the f Pollux loco citato. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that were the Masters of this Court, were to see this thing cast out of the Territories of Athens, to which g Contra Ctesiph· p. 103 Aeschines alludes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first thing that here was judged was an axe, wherewith the Priest, whom they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, had slain an Ox on the Altar of jupiter Polieus in the time of Erectheus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In that part of Pireaeum which is next the Sea, is a place which they name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from Phreutus an Heros, some think; not because it stood in a pit, whence h Lib. octav. 406. Pollux names it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hear they were judged who having fled out of an other country for unwilfull murder i Demosth. contra Aristocr. 415. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they that drove him out not acquitting him, if in the space of his exile it happened that he wittingly slew another he answered here. The proceeding was in this sort. The Judges assembled in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in a place seaten on the Sea, k Demost. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; where the guilty drawing near in a boat or bark was to make his apology, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not coming to land or touching it, neither casting anchor l Rodolphus Galterur▪ out of Pollux interprets it Scalam terrae injicentem; putting down a lader; the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. or moaring his bark; and if he were found guilty he underwent deserved punishment: if he were not found guilty they cleared him of that fact, not discharging him of the former m Demosthenes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I know not whether I may be of that opinion that others are in this, that if he were cast in this trial, he was exposed to the cruel mercy of the wind and waves. These last quoted words seem contradict it. The first that ever answered here was Teucer, proving himself to be innocent of the death of Ajax; a Dictis cretensis de bel●● Trojano. l. 6. p. 145. whom treacherously circumvented because he defended not, his father Telamonius drove out of Salamis, unto which that he might be restored he made appeal to this Court. Which gives light to b Politico● 4. c. 17. Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Judicatories concerning men flying for murder, that care for their bringing back again, such as in Athens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When the party prosecuting will not admit of reconciliation. CAP. III. SECT. V De Tribunalibus reliquis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. BEsides these Courts of blood and causes criminal, there were for civil matters these, Heliaea, of which before for the excellency of it I treated. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of this name there are two, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the greater and the middle. In this Court were handled matters says Petit that exceeded not one drachma, to which c Polit. lib. 4. c. 17. Aristotle might be thought to look speaking of Judicatories, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. And this was the meaning of d Att●els. pa: 27. l: 13. Pausanias, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Suing here for the least occasions. The Vndecimviris were Judges of the Court, which made Petit to suppose that it was not to be reckoned among the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It stood e Pausania● ibidem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in an obscure place of the city; whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in f Pag. 450. Demosthenes, is by Ulpian expounded, privily, by a Metaphor taken from the situation of the Judicatory, or, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from goods secretly hidden. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the form of it, which seems to have been triangular. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the colours that were painted g Aristoteles Athen. Rep. apud Arist. Sch. pag. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the post of the entry, answerable to which there was a staff given to the Judges, that they might know in what Court to ●it. For they presently went to that Court which had the same colour with their staff. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From the statue of Lycus on Heros, which was there set up, having the face of a wolf; where likewise the statue of juno stood visaged in the same manner. But we must not omit that the image of Lycus was erected in every court; hence h Zenobius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lyci decem, for sycophants and such as corrupt judgement, because that such persons were very frequent and busy there; And so think I Pollux is to be read, a Lib. octavo p. 406. The place is extremely corrupted, as you may perceive by the false Greek. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the like) at which they who bribed the Judicatories met. Zenobius helps my conjecture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The b Vesp. p. 457 Scholiast of Aristophanes writes that this noble Lycus had a Temple near the Judicatory, where the Judges divided their money for pay, three oboli to each, a day. c Pollux lib. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This was a great Judicatory; so named from Metichus an artificer which built it. Here, who had passed thirty years of his age, and was well & Nobly descended & owed nothing to the public treasury, might be chosen Judge. For of such they all consisted. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Some have falsely supposed that there was a Tribunal so called: neither did d Athen. At. l. 2. c. 12. p. 124. Meursius think otherwise, when he translated these words of e Lib. 8. pag. 406. Pollux, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud tribunal Ardettum. The fault crept in by the negligence of the transcriber; for the place is thus to be read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Judicatories were wont to take Oath or be sworn in Ardettus. Ardettus is a place near the river Ilissus, so named from Ardettus a Peer, who swore the people, being in sedition & mutiny, to love and amity. Where afterwards, as is most probable the Judges took oath (I cannot justly say presently after their election) to give sentence according to the Laws, and concerning things to which no Laws were enacted, in equity and justice, f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. by Apollo Patrius, Ceres, and jupiter Rex. And this the Etymologist affirms, speaking of Ardettus, g Etym. mag. p. 147. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Judges in this place took their bath touching the discharge of their office. From whence among the Ancients such as would presently swear, were called h Casaub. Theoph. Char. p. 178. Ardettis, proverbially; as also those who wear perjurious and forsworn. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thus have we viewed the Athenian Judicatories, in number ten. i Etym. Mag. loco laudato. For Murder, Ariopaguses, Palladium, Delphinium, Prytanum, and Phrea●tys. For other matters Heliaea, Trigonum, Parabystum (not the Medium but Majus) Metichi forum, & ad Lycum, where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were wont to sit, says k De Mag. Athen. p· 540 Possardus; of whom, because l Discrip. Reip. Ath. p. 41. Emmius numbers them among judicia qua●uor praecipua, the four chief Courts, I will now speak. But of every Tribe were chosen m Ulpian in Dem. p. 342. forty four men, n Pollux l. 8. p. 407. above four years old, who judged in several Tribes, as it fell to them by lot. And if any refused to sit according to his lot he was deprived of the privileges of an Athenian Citizen. o Pollux ib. In former time there came no controversy into the Courts, which had not first passed through their hands; (if it succeeded ten dracmes; Although p Demosthenem loco citato. Ulpian tells us that they determined of petty businesses) but that seems to be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, holy matters, if Pollux be so to be read. For some things there were which came not under their Jurisdiction. What ever the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 judged, if the plaintiff and defendant, or either of them liked not the award, they might refer it to the Senate (as appears out of the q Pag. 678. Argument of Demosth. Orat. contra Callippum; & r Lib. 8. p. 407. Pollux) at which removing of the suit they were to cast their suffrages into a pot as they gave them, on what side soever, for the piaintif by themselves, and for the defendant by themselves. s Vide Dem. Midian. etc. Ulpian in illum. p. 344. When they were appointed for the hearing of a case they were to meet at the place for them ordained, there to expect both parties until the even, at which time if neither or but one was present, it was in their power to fine them according to the Law. At the time they entered the suit, and wrote the accusation, with the fine which was required for damages; they received as a fe● from the plaintiff one drachma, which they called t Pollux. 8. c. 10. p. 408. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as also another from the defendant, when they gave him his oath. Their office was but annual; And because would pervert justice, (as u Orat. in Baeotum pro dote. Demosthenes is witness, * Idem pag. 682 n. 41. although they were not to judge before they had sworn) give sentence according to favour, envy, or for gain, therefore x Ulpian loco laudeto. 342. at the years end they made an account of their function upon the last day of y Petit Miscel. l. 8. p. 211 Thargilion, on which ie was lawful for any to speak what he could object against them; & if any were faulty, they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thus much of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There were other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 likewise, such as our Civilians call Arbitri compromissarii: & we in english Arbitrators: whom two parties choose with resolution to stand to their determination; whether in matter of debt, covenant, or other controversy whatsoever such by th● Attic Law any might request, but with necessity of abiding at their judgement. z Vide legem apud Dem. p. 344. For they could not appeal from them to any other court. To refer matters to their arbitremet the Greeks' term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and it will not be superfluous here to relate the story of Bunas an Athenian, whom when the Elei and Calydonii had chosen arbitrator in a difference, after he had heard both parties, he prolonged the sentence until at last he died. Whence grew to a proverb, a Zenobius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bunas' judica●, Bunas judgeth, of those that defer to pass sentence, and hold a case long in suspense. CAP. IU. De Nominibus judicialibus. HAving thus treated of the Attic Courts, it follows that I speak of the Terms of law, Writts, Accusations. These were of two sorts, private and public. The public were properly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says b Descrip. Reip. Arh. p. 41. Emmius. Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, there were divers sorts. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says c In Demost. pro Corona. p. 159. Ulpian, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of any trespass against the Law, by which the Statutes of the Commonwealth are violated; & most properly, d Orat. contra Leapt. p. 296. quoth he, else where, it signifies an accusation made according to the Law; or to come nearer, it is the same which in English we call a e Sir T. Smith Com. Wealth of Engl. l: 2. c. 10. Writ or Right, in Latin Actio or Formula, as in f In Vitelio. Sueton, Injuriarum formulam intendere, to serve a man with a writ. g Pollux l. 8. p. 387. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a kind of an Information made against any for abuses in the Mines, or, Custom houses, for converting Tribute money to a man's own use, or the like. Which offences were brought to the Archon in witing, with the names of the accuser & accused, and the fine which the parties convinced should undergo, to be paid to him to whom the wrong was offered. But if the informer had not the fift part of the suffrages, he was to lay down the sixth part of the fine; which the h Demosten. count. Caricl. p. 699. n. 6. cont. Everg. & Mnesib. p. 646. n. 90. cont: Steph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A. p. 622. n. 9 con●tra Onetora. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 528. n: 19 cont: Aphob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 508, n. 97. Orators call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it signifies the sixth part of a Drachma. At the end of the accusation, the informer was to subscribe the names of the witnesses that were present. In general, all discoveries of private injuries are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which in Latin you may name delationes. For which the Romans allotted the fourth part of the forfeit, whence they are styled Quadruplatores but among the Athenians not so, if i Onomast. l: 8. c: 6. p▪ 387. Pollux say right. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The amercement fell to the person injured, although another accused for him. If the fine were written down a thousand Drachmas, & the Accuser had not the fift part of the voices: he paid two hundred and one Drachma; if it exceeded; a thousand, four hundred and one. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Writ against those that own to the City Treasury, and yet go about to bear office, says k In Demost. p. 391, Ulpian, which by the Attic Law was utterly foe bidden. The Scholiast of Aristophanes, takes it for the accusing of any that did amiss in public affairs; l In Equit. p. 303. & the m Pag. 469. Interpreter of Demosthenes in another place, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for men disfranchised. But n Onom. lib. 8. p. 388. Pollux teaches us that it is a declaration made to the Archon against one taken in the manner; which the Greeks' term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o In Stelit. 1. Scholar Nazianz, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pollux expresses by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the offence is confessed. Because men so apprehended were forced to condemn themselves; no further evidence required then from their own mouths. By which acknowledgement of their guiltiness, without greater trial, they received their doom p Sir T. Smith Commonw: of Engl. l. 2. c. 26. p. 281. as among us when a prisoner arraigned, confesses his indictment to be true, Noah twelve men go upon him: there resteth but the Judge's sentence of the pain of death. Whence grew our proverb, Confess and be Hanged q Loco laud. Pollux 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He that thus made his declaration, was to subscribe his name, that if he were false, he might be liable to the writ, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The declaration was against men who were not present. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a carrying of a man before the Magistrate, being taken in the fact, whom otherwise he was to accuse by declaration in his absence. By which a thousand Drachmas were endangered. In this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; they brought not all offenders to the same Magistrates, but according as they were made judges of such and such offences; r Vlp. in Dem▪ p. 389. sometimes to the eleven, sometimes to the s Idem p. 407 Thesmothetae, sometimes to the Archon. Now if a man had found out any indebted to the public treasury, or bound for those places or countries where it was not permitted for him to go, or one who had committed murder, if by reason of weakness he durst not venture to apprehend the person, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he would perhaps fetch the Archon to the house where such a party lay hid, which the Attic Lawyers term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is when a felon hath committed murder, & flies for succour to any; ( t Dem. p. 416 as the Law suffered any to receive him) if the kindred of the slain or others had required the malefactor to be delivered to them & the protector would not, it was lawful to enter into his house & carry a way any three persons, as some translate it, or all save three 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as others, u Idem con●▪ Arist. p. 415. who were to answer for the outrage done. But who so entered unjustly was not to escape unpunished. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says * In Dem. p. 58. Ulpian, is accusation concerning great and public matters, such as x Eund. p. 453. elsewhere he speaks of, to wit, the dissolution of the Democracie; or if an Orator had spoken what was not for the benefit of the weal public; if any went to wars before they were sent, or betrayed a Garrison, A●my or fleet. In other accusations, if the accuser had not the fift part of the suffrages he was fined a thousand drachmas, & lost the privileges of a Citizen, in this he was uncontrollable. But in after time, because men would accuse presently for none, or small offences; therefore was there a law enacted, that whosoever accused by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & had not the fift part of voices on his side, was fined a thousand drachmas, although he lost not the privileges of a Citizen. This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contained no written crimes but was only by bare word of mouth; & as the accusation was given, so was the defence made according to the Law called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Senate was judge, (Pollux says that Solon made a thousand to sit on this, and Phalereus 1500. Where the interpreter errs. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 500 to them, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Demosthenes, and somewhat more) and whom they found delinquent, if in small faults, they fined; but if the offence were heinous, they committed him to prison. Thus much for public actions; private were these that follow, more properly calid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an action against a man, who when too shall scuffle, y Dem. p. 410. vide Vlp. ibid. & Arg. Orat. cont. Everg. p. 637. gives the first blow, which they Greeks' call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. z Sch. Arist. Conc. p. 745. The matter was heard before the Judges; and though the Law ordained not any set some of money for damages, yet it was permitted for the party smitten to to write down what he thought fitting. a Dem. count. Con. p. 690▪ The reason why these actions were so strictly looked into, was lest any not able to defend himself with his hands, should seek to revenge himself with stones or any other hurt full weapon. b Idem ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Some what near our proviso of giving the lie, least by taunting & reproachful words, men be provoked to blows. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Is when any man receives damage and hurt in estate by another man. c Arg. Orat. Dem. contra Calliclem. As to turn water into his ground, by which it is annoyed; d Dem: count: Callip: p: 680. n: 20. to refuse to pay money where it is required, or to give it to an other. e Dem. count. Tim. p. 659. n. 25. to promise to bear witness in a suit, and then not be present, by which the case falls, & the like. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. About pawns, I suppose, which men that needed money mere wont to leave with the usurers, f Sch: Aristo: 137. E. as clothes household stuff, etc. Or about money put to the bank, which exchangers did employ to the advantage of the owners, as I gather out of g Cont: Phor: p: 555. n. 7.8. Demosthenes▪ The word imports both. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of divorce. h Vide Cujacium. Observe: l: 6: c: 15. for they were wont to put a way their wives, in former time, upon discontent or hope of greater portions; which divorce they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & as Lysias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the husband's side, and on the wives 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for he did as it were turn her away, she was said to forsake him. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of ill usage of parents, as not relieving them if they were poor. Of wives against husbands, of Pupils against Tutors. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of theft, after what manner soever. Which if it were by day, was not capital, but by night was deadly. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Such as our Act of Parliament hath allotted for extortion, it being by i This is reckoned among the Laws▪ which were made for private men. Vlp in Dem: p: 481. Law provided in Athens that none should take too much use, although once allowed by Solon, that any might make the best of his money: which he terms k Vi Casub: in Theoph. p: 191. Char: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of usury I shall speak more in Chap. of money. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When men had bargained and would not stand to it, l Polit: l: 2: c: 3 Aristotle. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When men broke the Articles which they made to each other, about deviding of inheritance between man & man; or between City & City, concerning free trading, as that of the Carthaginians with the Romans. Arist. Pol. 3. c. 6. or the like. m Dem: p: 651 n: 13. These 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were usually confirmed by oath to each other. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. n Ulp: in Dem p: 62. & 310. A contention about bearing office, in which they seek to have a time appointed, when a man shall enter into it. For the discharge whereof they are to prove him fit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When parents died & left their daughter's inheritrices, the kindred was wont to sue each other to make it appear who was nearest joining in blood, that he might marry her. Hence a Virgin to whom an inheritance falls, o Pollux l: 3. c: 3. p: 136. is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is Controversa. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. About letting of houses. (For Herodotus terms that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which other Greek writers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it is as well to set to hire, as to take to rend, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to let out. Which they ofeten did for want of money which that they might obtain the quicker, they wrote over their door as we use do, This House is to be let▪ which custom Menedemus in p Heut: Act: 1. Sc: 1: Terence expresses— Inscrpsi ilico, AEDES MERCEDE.) This Writ was properly against Guardians of Orphans (not concerning men of years, such as immediately is before spoken) who having taken the charge upon them of Tuition, were to employ for the benefit of their Pupils what was left them: they therefore made known to the Archon that such a house was to be let, he then put it out upon some pledge for security. But if the house were let under the yearly rent it could bring in, or was suffered to remain void of a Tenant, to he loss of the Pupil, than was it lawful for any man to sue the Guardian in the Archon's court Upon a writ of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I have observed it to have been a custom among the Anciens, when they perceived themselves to draw near to death, to call for some one to whose care they would commit their children, & delivering them into their hands, beseech them to have a tender eye over them & to provide for them what should be most convenient: such as Odipus in q Odip: Col: p: 314. Sophocles entreats of Theseus in the behalf of his daughters- 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Not unlike is that of the r Ter: Andr: Act: 1. Sc: 5▪ Comedian under the person of Chrysis, committing Glycerium to the Tuition of Pamphylus. Accessi: vos semotae: nos soli: incipit. Mi Pamphile, hujus formam atque aetatem vides: Nec clam te est, quam illi nunc utraeque inutiles Et ad pudicitiam, & ad tutandam rem sient. Quod ego te hanc per dextram oro, & ingenium tuum, Per tuam fidem, perque hujus solitudinem Te obtestor, ne abs te hanc segreges, non deseras. Si te in Germani fratris dilexi loco; Sive haec te solum semper fecit maxumi, Seu tibi morigera fuit in rebus omnibus. Te isti virum do, amicum, tutorem, patrem: Bona nostra haec tibi committo, & tuae mando fidei. Hanc mihi IN MANUM DAT, mors continuo ipsam occupat. But among the Atheneans the use was to nominate in their Testaments and last wills, whom they would have to be Guardians. Which office after they had undertaken, if they should defraud the Orphans of their patrimony, or any part thereof, they were sued with a Writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as s Plut. in vita eius. Demosthenes did sue his as soon as he came to age. But if the matter were not questioned within five years after the pupil was admitted among the number of men, by the t Demosth. p. 724. n. 22. Law the Guardian could not be taxed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Of a Master against a servant ingrateful for his manumission, not doing his duty to his Master. Because, as u Pag. 465. Demosthenes' witnesses, it was the nature of servants once made free, not only to be ingrateful but also to hate their Master's most of all men, as those who had been conscious to their servitude. It was enacted therefore that whosoever was convicted of ingratitude should again be made a bondslave. * Lib· 2. c. 1. p. 670. Valerius Maximus. Age, quid illud Institutum Athenarum, quam memorabile? Quod canvictus à patrono libertus ingratus, jure libertatis exuitur. The Romans did not only acquit them of the liberty of the City, (which the Athenians gave not) but made them also slaves, which punishment they term x Justin. Ins●●. l. 1. T. 16. Maximam capitis diminutionem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If any man put away his Wife he was to restore her portion again; if he refused he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, every month for one pound to pay nine oboli, which the Atticks term y Demost. p. 733. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the revenue of her Dowry. The Writ whereby he was sued was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the repayment. z Dem. pag. 655. n. 58. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, If any went to Law, as claiming title to an house, he was first to serve him that dwelled in it with a Writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which he demands his rent for the time the defendant had the house: if it were for any parcel of land, there was a Writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 given out, for the provent & fruit thereof; afterwards (in both cases alike) they proceeded to an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in which they claimed right & title to the house or land. Although in all these trials the defendant were cast, yet could he keep justly either house or land: but if in a 3d trial, which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he were overthrown, he was compelled to relinquish his possession. This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also is a Writ against those that would cast an inhabitant out of his house, it being termed from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to throw forth. a Vlp. in dem▪ p. 340. It is also a Writ of Execution against any overthrown in the Court, & fined a thousand drachmas, which at such a day he was to pay; & if he laid it not down upon the nail, there went forth a Writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to make enter upon the lands and possessions of him so cast. It is also a Right against any who will not suffer him, who hath bought any thing of the public to reap the fruit thereof. Who either withholds any thing from the owner, or violently takes from any, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when two had been partners in estates, & one of them would have a dividence made, if the other refused, he might be restrained to it by the Writ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Because the Market place among the Greeks was the fittest to cheat & cousin in, as b Apud Laer. p. 74. Anacharsis was wont to say, therefore the Athenians enacted that none should buy in the market place; (to which the Scythian wise man pointed likewise, saying, that they forbade to speak false, & yet did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) if any man had bargained for any thing, & another sued and doubted of the right of it, c Pollux l. 8. c. 6. p. 385. he might require the seller to confirm the lawfulness of the thing sold, and maintain it against all controversy, otherwise the seller was liable to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For although in Athens they bought for the most part Graecâ fide with ready money; as d In Auson. Lect. l. 2. c. 6. Scaaliger & e In Theoph. Char. p. 312. Casaubon truly interpret it, f Adversariorum l. 4. c. 13. Turnebus, Repraesentatâ pecuniâ: yet sometime gave they Earnest only to make the thing sure, which the Greeks' and Latins call g Don. Quod prius datur, ut reliquum reddatur. in Ter. Heaut. Act. 3. Sc. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the h Vide Dasq. in Basil. Sel. Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This seems to me to have been the hundreth part of money which was to be paid for the thing bought, as i Sermone 42 Stobaeus out of Theophrastus. Where you may read likewise that it was the custom, when any thing was to be sold, to bring a note thereof to the Magistrate some threescore days before. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, For the laying open of any thing, concerning which was a suit in law, by k Onomast l. 8. c: 6: p. 384. Pollux his words I may conjecture, goods or money privily taken away 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When any should offer to take another man's servant and make him free against the will of the Master, which the Greeks' term l Demost. p. 718. n. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a suit about nearness of blood, in matter of inheritance, when a man dies without issue of his own body. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When a man went to prove that he was to challenge the inheritance of right, as near of blood; or upon some other conditions: from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; because he laid down the tenth part of the inheritance, which if he were cast in Law, he was to pay, if the cause were private, says m Pand. Prio. p. 100 Budaeus: but if public, the fift. n Dem. p. 620 n: 78. Here followeth the terms promiscuous, private and public, which are public and lawful for any to prosecute: see Polux, pag. 386. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When any shall protest that an inheritance doth hang in controversy, & is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as a true heir being still alive, of which thing chiefly treats the Oration of Demosthenes against Leochares. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When any shall try to falsify the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When men went to Law about kindred, as to prove themselves of such and such houses. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, All strangers in Athens were compelled by the Law to get them Patrons (as my most worthy Schoolmaster the glory of his time o in Epist. Dedic. suo Euchaitensi praesixa ad Richar. Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum. Mr Matthew Bust hath observed, whom for honour's sake I name) or else they might be questioned, and if they were convicted their goods were sold and put into the City Treasury. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of ingratitude against those who shown not themselves thankful to those who had well deserved of them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when any will reckon himself among the number of Citizens who had never been made free, by which he purchased imprisonment until such times as there was a Court kept, and then he was sold. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when a man is eye witness of a matter. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When another witnesses from the report of him that saw it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 false-witness, which to prosecute in Law they term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when one was eyewitness & promised to testify, yet would not appear at the appointed time; which they were wont to compel them to do, which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after which citation the party was to be at court, or forswear that he saw not the matter, or was not present; otherwise he was to pay a thousand Drachmas, in which sum to be fined the Attic Lawyers give the appellation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When the Judges were corrupted with bribes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against those that did corrupt them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a man convinced of idleness, which once taken Draco punished the elinquent with loss of the City privileges, Solon not unless he were thrice delinquent. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When any of the mariners ran away from their ships. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When the Mariners that stayed in the ships would not fight, if occasion required. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when any would falsely accuse, there was likewise against them a writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Against those that unjustly cite to the Court. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when any is accused of encroaching into the number of Citizens, and gives gifts to escape free. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when any was accused of making a decree or Law contrary to former statutes. This accusation was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; because the accuser swore that it was against the Laws, or unjust, or inconvenient for the Common wealth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was an examination of the Magistrates whether they were fit to govern, or no. Whether the Orators were not given to Lust, and incontinency, whether they had not spent their patrimonies, or dealt unkindly with their parents, or lead a life any other ways unblamable, whereupon they were discarded the privileges of the City, and not suffered to plead, or speak publicly. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, An account of public offices borne, laying out of money, and dispaching Ambassages, made to the Ten Logistae (for the breach of which went out a Writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rationem reddere) if concerning injuries given to the judges. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an accusation against those who are ill affected toward the Commonwealth, made by the decree of the people, and such as are wellwillers to the state. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 likewise are accusations against men injurious, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Lib. Arg. in Midianam. & such as are delinquent against their festivals, as the oration of Demosthenes against Midias. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, An oath which the accuser took that he would justly accuse. q Ulpian in Dem. 226. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The defendants oath that he had done no wrong. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an oath of Ambassadors, or men chosen for state service, that by reason of sickness they cannot give attendance. They may do it by a proxy, if they please. It is likewise the oath of one called to witness, wherein he swears that he knows nothing of the business. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When others shall swear that pretended weakness was only a shift to put of the burden of public office which the state laid on them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an accusation of a Law or decree unprofitable, against the motioner, as above said. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when a man shall object a case not to be entered rightly that the writ aught to be such, & such, and not as it is. ex. gr for a man that runs away from the Army, which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and I accuse him of leaving his rank, to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or objection of the time passed within which space the suit was to be commenced, or that it should be handled in such a Court, and not in such; as wilful murder in Areopagus, not Palladium: by which evasion if the case fell, it was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when he that is sued puts in a bill against the plaintif in like manner. But if the defendant (I call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so) were cast, he paid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. r Ulpian in Dem. 334. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when a man is summoned to answer before the Arbitri a controversy, if he swear that he is sick, or pretends a journey from home, and appears not at the day appointed, he was cast in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eremodicio, as if he scorned to come, or were obstinate, he ought within ten days to sue out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein he reproved the sentence, and made it of no effect, so as it came to its first state again. But if he could not obtain a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having before sworn that he would stand to the award of the Judges, their determination stood in full strength and power, & he was constrained to pay a thousand drachmas (as s In Dem. p. 340. Ulpian) which was the mulct appointed by the law: for the discharge whereof he put in good security. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When any was absent from the Court, or heard not his name called by the Crier to answer thereunto, he was fined, as conscious of Eremodicium, and if within the space of two Months he did not renew the suit (which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) he was sure to pay the fine. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when any man will challenge out of goods forfeited, & publicly sold, somewhat as debt to him, or say that part belongs to him, the state would narrowly search into it, which thing they term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is a citing of one before the Archon in controversy about inheritance, or a Virgin left inheretrix. Now if the plaintif did not warn the defendant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the suit died, and such actions are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. t Dem p. 623 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is as letting a case fall, or dissolving it upon some witness, oath, confession extorted by torments, and the like. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is an appeal from one court to the other, as from the Senate to the people, and from the people to the Senate again, or from their Judicatories at home to some foreigners in another country▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when there is no more fine laid upon a man then what his adversary did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, writ down at the lower end of his indictment: of which custom somewhat hath before been spoken. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Against such as stole Ox dung out of their neighbour's lands; whence of those that are put in the court for trivial matters the proverb u Aristoph: Sch. p. 3.28. Laertius in vita. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of impiety against their gods, as Aristotle for his hymn on Hermias, Tyrant of the Acharnenses, which he engraved on a statue at Delphos. For revealing mysteries, or imitating them as Alcibiades. Of which if a man were convicted he was put to death; as on the contrary the accuser if he got not the better▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of being false to the state, the punishment was death, and after that, that they should be cast out of the Territories of Athens unburied. * Dem. count. Theocr. pag. 7.13. n. 76.77. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, If any owed to the City Treasury, and his name were registered, and before the discharge of the money his name were blotted out, they sued him before the Thesmotheta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but if his name were never entered, he was prosecuted by an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proper only to such as dealt in the Mines, like to the Stanneries in the County of Cornwall my Country, and Devon-shire her sister. x Dem. con. Pantae. p. 567. n. 51.52▪ Liable to this Court were they who should thrust any man from his work, who should dig within another mans liberties, who should bring weapons thither, I suppose to take away Minerals by violence, who should kindle any fire in the Mines etc. Who should offer to take away the props that upheld the weight of the incumbent earth, which to do was death, as y In vitis Decem. Rhet. p. 453. Plutarch tells us. There was likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against the labourers in the Mines, who if they intended to begin a new work were to acquaint the overseers appointed for that end by the people, that the four and twentieth part of the new coin might come to the public Treasury. Now if any presumed to work who had not made it known to the officers it was lawful for any to accuse him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 About money put out to the money changers. z Argum. Phorm. Orat. p. 554. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Atticks is the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Lawyers of latter time, in jure Graeco, Rom. Sometimes indeed they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for means, and sustenance a Sch. Eurip. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have this difference, b Med. p 368. that b Ulpian in Med. p. 368. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Judge that gives sentence, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is he that put in the controversy, to be the means that the sentence passed against the defendant. c Idem in Dem. p. 450. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is when a man deeply indebted pretends that he is not able to discharge all and therefore desires the people that a part thereof might be remitted. LIBER QUARTUS. De Ritibus Nuptialibus, & Amatoriis. CAP. I. De Venere, & Cupidine. THE People of Athens, had their habitation too near the Sea, to keep their affections fare from her that risen of the Foam. For that they were devoted to the service of Venus, the two Temples wherein she was courted, and the over favourable name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will sufficiently testify. One of those Temples was for Venus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( a Pausanias. si diis placet) a name better becomeing one of the Muses, b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a play so called. or the play with the ball, than her: and the other, for Venus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which two names put me in mind of an excellent saying in Achilles Tatius concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A saying good enough for a Christian, and a Bishop, such as Suidas reporteth him to have been. But, à diverticulo. The Sacrifices of the first Temple, were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with a little more state, and chastity than became her; but those of the last, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as easy, and as wicked as herself: For every farthing-strumpet, might by Solon's own appointment prostitute her body in the very Temple, as well as in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, c Pausanias. or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) or any other or the places abused to lust. Nay those sinks d Clo●cae. besides places for the purpose, they had garments also for the purpose, and flowers on the Garments too, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, storidas vestes, apparel fit for such floras as wore them. The Rites of her service the Athenians are said to have received from the Phaenicians, the Phaenicians from the Cyprians, the Cyprians from the Assyrians. Fides penes Authorem e Coel. Rh●d. sit. The fashion of her Picture they had from the Cyprians. (viz.) with a head, and all like a man as fare down as the girdle, and all the rest like a woman▪ (to show she had a place in the Ditches f Inter Socraticos notissima fossa cinaedos Juven. Sat. 2. too as well as in the Sinkes, and patronised lust to either of the Sexes,) Insomuch, that many have been scrupulous whether they should call her Deum, or Deam: for there is one that says — Pollentemque Deum venerem. Which Macrobius himself commends for the best, and therefore in Virgil. Aen. 2. v, 632. reads Discedo, & ducente Deo flammam inter & hosts Expedior— and not Deâ, and so Aristophanes calls her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the masculine gender. But, now this makesmore work, & therefore (to plaster two walls with one pot full of plaistring) they made it a custom, ei sacrificium * Philochorus, cited by Macrobius· facere viros cum veste muliebri, Mulieres cum virili▪ Quod eade & Master, & Foemina aestimaretur, for the men to Sacrifice to her in women's apparel & women in men's. If it be so▪ you may say Aphroditus for Hermaphroditus, if you please. I read of no such thing concerning Minerva: only the g Aristophanes' Act. 5. s●. 2. Poet (because she was such a Virago) honours t●e Manhood of the Goddess, with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as Theocritus h in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5. does Hecate▪ with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; an appellative of the masculine gender: Nor is it enough, that the Mother is thus religiously wood, and adored: but the blind paltry Boy will be crying for a Temple too And if Her due be a Cow, certainly His cannot be less than a Calf, neither was it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says Theocritus: and Amori Litari to sacrifice to Amor or Cupid is common in Apuleius. Me thinks he might have been content to sit still in his Mother's Temple (where he was lovely Pourtraicted by Zeuxes and crowned with flowers) and have soared * Alatus. with his wings no higher. But the Temples of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the way to the Academy, and the famous title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, do more than whisper what cause he had to be so proud, and how amorous this People has been. CAP. II. De Paederastiâ. TO omit the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Abomination of the Women one with another changing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i Ep●ad Rom. c. 1. v. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the natural use into that which is against nature; give me leave to speak a little of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, k Ibid. v. 27. practised by the Men upon their own Sex. The first that ever taught — Amorem In teneros transfer mares.— (if we may believe Ovid) was Orpheus, How good a Scholar of his the Roman was, Lippis & Tonsoribus notum. And for the Greeks, 'tis reported by Herodot●●, that the Persians derived the infection from them; which I am apt enough to believe, when I read those words of Cornelius l Initio lib· de Excel. Imp. Nepos, Laudi in Graecia ducitur adolescentulis▪ quam plurimos habere Amat●res, in one place, & those concerning Alcibiades in another Ineunte adolescentiâ amatus est à multis more Graecorum, not to tell you how he himself afterwards was more than Pathieus in that double-Cappa-rougery as well as m Aemil. Prob. Pausanias or n Socratici 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Socrates, or any of his Wagtail * Plato in Symp. Sectaries. The Cretians (whatever Strabo commends of that government) if Aristot. say true, made a la for a toleration of it. The o Athenaeus. Megarenses had their Kissing-matches, when he that could kiss sweetest was led away in pomp Corollis onustus. only thus much is said in commendation of the Lacedæmonians, & the Athenians, that they confined the Lust to the person of a slave. Nay p L. 3. Var. Hist. c. 12. Aelian (who makes bold to vary from other authors in several relations) goes farther, and says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. but how true that is, I know not, I am sure their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tell in plain song what they loved: though I confess, I have found no such feats among them, as that of q Lycoph. Achilles in Murdering Troilus for refusing to submit to his lust. One word more and I have done. He that was inspired with such a love as this, (as if they had used the trick of Pyramus r Inque vices fuerat captatus an●elitus oris. and Thisbe) among the Lacedæmonians had the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Callimachus hath it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By which word (saith the etymological Dictionary) is denoted, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. one inspired, shall I say, or beloved, for so signifieth the word at Sparta (viz.) to love a boy so perdite as to blow in his lower end, (as we say) or spit in his mouth, or give him Mansum ex ●re, take the Authors own words for't in the place above quoted. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so Hesychius says of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This was all (as he says) or (as I say) it should have been all: for a man may love his house well enough, though he do not ride upon the ridge. However, I must confess they had so much care still of the Commonwealth, notwithstanding their private pleasures, as not to give a voice to one whom they knew to be guilty of so Much Mollities, as to scratch his head with one finger. Insomuch that if a man had sued for an Office, to give a testimony of his virtue, and Manlike disposition, he was feign to lift up his Arms, and show his hair in his Armpits. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says Aristophanes. And good reason for this practice, for, Dura per brachia set● Promittunt atrocem animum— says Persius. And therefore the Woman (s) Apud Aristoph. that desired to be taken for a Man, thought this the best Argument she could use — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whereas on the contrary, those that had the forehead to seem, as they were, effeminate, used the same tricks, which the Romans are said to have used (for which service they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or alipilarios) to pull away their hair, and be as smooth as they could. But I have said too much of so odious a Love, as should not indeed be named among us. I will now proceed to speak of a chaster Venus (notwithstanding that Menelaus in (t) Achilles Tat. lib. 2. Achilles preferred the former) Quae primis rerum exordiis sexuum diversitatem generato amore sociavit, as (u) Metam. l. 11. Apuleius said in his Prayer. CAP. III. De Amore Mulierum. WHen they first listed themselves into the service (for, Militat omnis amans, and Cupid is painted like a Soldier) some of them made it such a solemn business, as to be formerly initiated, like so many Priests. * Achilles. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ says Clitophon to Leucippe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Ismenias, x Eustath. l. 5. to his mistress, alluding (it may be) to such Books as the old fellow brought forth to Apuleius, y Loco ante laudato. Litteris ignorabilibus, z Hieroglyphicis. pranotatoes. Well it seems Venus had her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too, as well as Ceres. for her Priests, though they were not under an enjoined silence, as the others were: yet the greatest part of their tattling was under the Rose. Conscius omnis abest Nutu signisque loquuntur. (a) Ovid Met▪ lib. 4 fab. 4. And therefore Cupid had not the name of a Whisperer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for nothing, seeing speaking through the teeth, and whispering thorough the walls (like Pyramus (b) Ovid Met: lil 4 f●b. 4. and Thisbe) was so commonly used by his followers. Such as that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Euripides, succrotilla vocula. Fae●●inina fabulare (c) Titinnius. succrotilla vocula, says one. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (d) Eustath. says another, of Ismene. And not only their words, but every thing they did, was by stealth, for what are all their pleasures but fur●a? What is Cupid (e) Theo●ritas says he stole honicombs. Id. 20. but a Thief. No wonder then if lovers used to worship the Moon: and the Night be the blind boys holiday. (f) Eurip. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says one (like that of the Scholiast upon Theocritus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) for the greatest part of their employments were not able to look upon the Sun. Yet Pindar (as I take it) says the custom was, for the man to worship the Sun, and the Woman the Moon. It may be the Man's aim (g) Venerem tum Marte depre. hendit. Ovid Met. lib 4 fab. 6. was to have the Sun's help in bringing Adulteries, and the Woman's the Moons, in bringing her (h) Luna par. turientibus adest. children to light. Besides these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) Longus in Pastoral. l. 2. Pan had his worship too. But for any thing I can perceive (though some of them it may be, were of Theocritus his mind, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) whatsoever they pretended to the Band of Religion, they took the liberty and looseness in such businesses to swear and forswear, as fast as they listed, whiles jupiter stood by and laughed— Perjuria ridet amantum. insomuch that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Love oath, became but a proverb at last, as being accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not deserving punishment, if it were taken: nay if Plato (in Ephebo) say truth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Gods gave them leave: as having done haec eadem juvenes, the same themselves once: and none can play the (k) French proverb. knave better than an Abbot that hath been a Monk. CAP. IU. De Amoris I●diciis. NOw to know whether such an one were in Love or not, (though they say? Love and the Cough can never be hid) at the keeping of a feast, they took special notice of the untying of his Garland (as we use to do of the Garter) making it a forerunner of that of the Zona. But I take to much upon me to determine so soon of the reason, for l Lib. ●5. Deipnos. Athenaeus says it had been a riddle a thousand years before his time, and propounded at their merry meetings, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and he himself hath served up no less than eight other reasons: but I know never a one better than another to give you a ●ast. Another sign that they were in Love, was the tinkling of the Ear, whence that of Sapph 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Catullus, — Sonitu suopte Tintinant aures.— To know whether the party loved did love again, they took a leaf▪ (whether of Poppy, or what it was I know not) they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and putting it on the forefinger, and the thumb of the left hand (as our Children use to do with us) struck it with the right. If it gave a crack they rejoiced, if not they gave a sigh: ou● alas! * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says Theocritus Idyll. 3. So m Aristoph. Schol in Pace. at their Feasts they had a ●rick, to fasten a long stick in the ground, with another upon it (in the fashion of the cross beam of a Balance) with a pair of Scales hanging to it. Under the scales stood a couple of Bowls filled with water, and under the water a statue of Brass, gilded and called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( n Id, in Avi●●●▪ once the name of a Servant.) Now the manner was for such as were in Love (with the same Woman as I think) and would willingly know their fortune who should carry it, to take each his phiale of brass (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to stand a pretty way off, and having drunk as much as he listed, with a sudden turn of the hand (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they call it, and thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to throw the remainder into the Scales; the remainder thus thrown they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the klat or the sound that it gave in the fall: Now he that could do this so well, as to make his scale sink, and strike the image hardest on the head (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so that some of the Wine leap out upon him saith the Scholiast) presumed presently upon the love of his Mistress, and had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or his Cake (the usual reward of victory in most of their plays) for his labour. sometimes they fling the liquor on the bare ground, and if it gave a good flash it was counted as lucky for a Lover, as the crack of the Leaf. Thus to drink and play, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the name of the cup and the play too) and seldom a drinking match without it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Saith the Poet. The invention of this barbarous gambol they are ashamed to own themselves, and therefore turn it off upon the people of Sicily. I might speak more of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were it either fit for the present discourse, or not spoken of so largely, and by so many, as Athenaeus, Rhodiginus and others already. Let it suffice only to have minded you of the folly so usual among Lovers in those times according to that of Callima●●u● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. V. De Philtris & incantamentis amatoriis. BUT what if she could not be won over by fair means? was there then never an arrow left in the Quiver to wound her with? or a juggling trick to bewich her? Yes, but first they must get something or other of here's into their possession, and work upon that, according to the nurses advise to Phaedra in wooing of Hippolytus, Euripides Hipp. v. 512. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And if they could come to the sight of her, your illices couli (in Apuleius) there's nothing like is for a fascination. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he threw a sheep's eye at her (saith * Lib. 4. Heliodorus) The proverb, that Love comes in at the Window and goes out at the Door, may not absurdly be understood of the eyes, which Maximus Tyrius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Doors of the Soul which seem to be the way & the passage by which the two loves go in & out. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Musaeus: or if you will, the eyes of either party are a Torch lighted by the others, to kindle the fire in the heart. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith * Lib. 3. Eustathius, and so † in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lucian make the sight the first step * Oculi sunt in amore deuces. in Cupid's ladder of love▪ To try therefore what this Card could do, they would go to the house where she lived, and the fashion being for the Daughter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to fill drink to the stranger: (as Sosthenes commanded his Daughter to do to Ismenias) after the old folk had drunk, when it came to their Mistresses to drink to them, they observed at what part of the cup she drank, to be sure to drink at the same, according to that of the * Ovid de Arte Am. lib. 1. Poet Fac primus rapias illius tacta labellis Pocula; quâque bibit parte Puella, bibe. forsooth they thought thus to have a kiss mediatè at the second hand wa●ted over in the cup 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Aristaenetus calls it, not to kiss the cup, but to cup the kiss. Nam transmissa tuis ad me fert suavia labris Ille Calix. Saith Scaliger translating that verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Such a kiss they used to call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (missivum osculum, or a Kiss conveyed in a cup, like words in a Letter) as both Achilles and Eustathius do. And by this time they have seen whether they can do any thing or nothing by the eye. Next they will try what they can do with the Tongue, by enchanting songs and tales: or by the Hand with gifts and Philtres. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Xenophon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more especially is the name of a Bird, (whether it be torquilla or regulus, or passerculus: the last is most likely because of its salacity) whose tongue they made use of to such purposes, putting it under the knap of her ring with the paring of her nails. And we can thank no body but juno for such a naughty Bird, for having been formerly a Woman, and the Daughter of Pan and Pitho (of Echo says Callimachus) because she bewitched jupiter to the loving of Io, juno turned her into a Bird of the same name, and of a making very suitable to her former condition, and the uses for which she serves, For (according to the Scholiast upon Lycrophon) it is a Bird with a long neck and tongue, continually wagging both the head and the tail and punished she is enough for her roguery, for (besides that way I told you of before) some times they tied her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a wheel (as I think) and chanted a charm as they whirled it round, sometimes (at least the entrails) to a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of wax, causing both together to consume in the fire. But what will you say, if all this while it be nothing but an instrument pleasantly tuned and played? as some say it is, and that it is therefore commonly used for any pleasant thing, or enticement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says * Nem. Od. 4. vid. Theoc. Pharmacentr. & Aristophan. Lusistrate prope finem. Pindar, or any other Magical Love toy, such as Vngues muscles, wreathed fillets, hair, and bands of twisted wool, and divers other gambols of the same bran according to that which I have seen of Laelius an ancient Poet. Trochiscili, Vngues, taeniae Aureae, Ilices bitortilae, With no stronger chains than those of twisted wool ( * not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch calls it) is Saturn reported to have been bound by jupiter when he ●lung him down. I can rather believe that all the Gods had laneos pedes woollen feet, as the proverb says they had, then that any of them should have Laneas pedicas, woollen fetters. And yet that dull and lazy old dotard, could be content to lie fast in those bands all the year long, till the Month December, when he had his liberty, because of the Saturnalia which Papinius therefore calls Saturni compedem exolutum: I refer you for the reason to Macrobius Saturn. lib. 1. c. 8. Though I believe they intended no other than a Magical tye, upon the affection of the party, Yet they seem to have made use of wool, rather than any other thing, because it was so much in fashion in such kind of matters; for first, the girdle the woman used to wear, was made of wool, twisted and tied with an Hercules or a True-lovers knot, not to be untied but in the Geniallbed. Then the doors of the Bridehouse, and the posts of the doors, were bound about with woollen fillettings, and the Wife was to sit upon a fleece for a Cushion. Yet how they used this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I cannot tell, whether they put it about the cup wherein the potion was given, according to that. * Theocrit. Pharmaceu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Or about the Bay which they burned, or in some other way▪ but thus much I have observed of their ordinary practices in such Rogueries (too common with the woman in these times) that what ever was done to the things which they used they imprecated the same, or the like, to the parties whom they imagined the things to represent. Thus a Ovid. Met▪ lib. 8 fab. 4. Althaea burned Meleager out in the brand. Thus juno tied up b Ovid. Met. lib. 9 fab. 5. Alemaena's womb Digitis inter se pectine junctis. I know not how. Thus c Theocrit. Pharmac. Simetha (to come nearer home) angry with Delphis for want of his Love would have scattered his bones in the meal, burnt his flesh in the Bay, melted him away in the wax, or have had him tumble to her door in the Brazen Bowl, and have killed him with kindness. Every one o● which practices was attended with prayers to Hecate and the Moon for success: as things that were fit to be done neither by day, nor above ground▪ Infinite more were the tricks they used to make a man to love them, such as d Lib. 8. E. 68 Philostratus speaks of in his Epistles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be thought to be Cerussa. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Multicia or Bombycia, a kind of e Pollux. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a garment that hide the body so that it might be seen, lucet sic per Bombycina corpus, says f Lib. 8. Ep. 6. Martial, such Women used it g juvenal. Sat. 6. Quae tenui sudant in cyclade quaerum Delicias, & Panniculus bombycinus urit. It had the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith h Lib. 7. c. 17. Petulans, madidumque Tarentum. Pollux, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are like to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lacertae, such as she in Theocritus would have used in a potion, but I had rather take them for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worn about the wrists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and the golden fetters I suppose to be stronger than woollen▪ But besides all these there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, feats to be done by the throwing of an Apple. Cydonium malum I mean, reported to grow in the Garden of Venus, and used at weddings (as shall be shown hereafter.) Thus when Cydippe was sitting in the Temple of i Aristan. lib. 1▪ Ep. 10. Diana, Acontius threw in his Apple with this Inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or if you had rather have the Latin juro tibi sane per mystica sacra Dianae, Me tibi venturam comitem sponsamque futuram. And so made her think she took, when she did but read the oath. And thus * Ovid Met: l. 10 fab. 11. Hippomanes threw Back Atalanta, by throwing of his Apples. Nay, if they bitten off a piece, and threw it; it was enough which made k Aristaen lib: 1 op. 25 Philenis, being jealous of her sister Thelxinoe complain of Pamphilus his throwing a piece of Apple in her lap. The l Achil. Tat. l. 5. Thessala vendit Philtra. juvenal. Women of Thessaly are especially noted for cunning Women at this work, being able (as he says) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And so are the Women of Egypt (I think the sex hath still had the Monopoly of Magic (however the Egyptian m Corgias apud Tat: l▪ 4 Soldier cam● to mistake in the Dosis, when he gave Lucippe the Potion. For instead of putting her into a fit of love, n Suetonius. he put her clean out of her wits as Caesonia did her Husband Galigula with an Hippomanes. Those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Love-potions, were commonly made of the juice of such herbs, as disposed the body to Venery, such as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (rendered Pastinaca) called by way of excellency 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Eustathius. Plutarch (if I mistake not) in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, expresses his dislike of these courses. But what? was there never a way to unwitch the party again? (for I have heard of some that can do this, who cannot do the t'other) yes, either by taking counter-physick, (as Leucippe did:) or by washing it away in the River Selemnis, as (Pausaenias says) they used to do in Achaia: or else by Sacrifices or charms, according as they imagined the cause. Whence those words of the * Ovid. Met. l: 10. fab. 9 Nurse to Myrrah incited by the Furies, and not by Cupid, to the wanton love of her own Father. Seu Furor est, habeo quod Carmine sanet, & herbis: Sive aliquis nocuit, Magico lustrabere ritu: Ira Deum sive est, sacris placabimus iram. CAP. VI De Vsitato more significandi amorem. IF the Love came of its own accord, and were kindled with a natural heat (as indeed the soul is naturally inclined * Plut. in Solon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the love of another) you will not think what a tender care those Grecian Women had of their Sweethearts. In so much, that if you call to mind some of their choicest expressions thereof (especially that of Ariadne to Theseus) you cannot but be of * In vitâ Thes. Plutarch's mind, in approving the definition given by some of the old Philosophers, who said that it is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Not to tell you that sometimes they sent a wooing to the men, pray take but a taste of their customs in this particular of expressing their love. To trim up their bodies as they did their own a Eusta●b. Ism. with flowers (like a May-maid) or hang up Garlands at their doors (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the parts of the house exposed to sight when the doors were open, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Hesychius) was an ordinary caresse, though indeed (as b L. 15. Athenaeus says) they intent it chief to the honour of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as making the body of a sweetheart the Image, and his house, the Temple of Love. The tokens they usually sent were Garlands and Roses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says Petala to Simaleon in Alciphron) and (it may be) sometimes bitten pieces of Apples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Lucian calls them) tokens very well agreeing with those expressions in fashion among the Romans when they sat at table, viz: leaving drink in the cup, and giving morsels of meat, such as c L. 6. Ep. 7. Marshal would have Pontia send him, rather than a whole leg, or the like, or such as d Amor. l. 1. El. 4. Ovid speaks of, Si tibi fortè dabit, quos praegustaverit ipse, Rejice libatos illius ore cibos. But I must tell you S. Hi●roms (e) De vitâ Cleric. ad Nepotian. censure, degustatos cibos, blandosque ac dulces literulas sanctus amor non habet, it ought not to be so amongst you. Symmachus upon those words of the birds in Aristophanes,— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says they were wont to gratify one another with Birds, such as doves, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the like. But these expressions I weigh but little, when I observe that scarce a Wall or a Tree, where ever it were (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Scholiast) was passed by without writing f Diog La●r. in Diadero. thereon the name of the party, in this form 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Grecians signified am asium▪ a Woman's word, like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Theocritus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Instead Whereof (say some) you shall read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Comedian in Vespis. but I see no such need of a correction, for he speaks of the Lawyer that was so much in love with the employments of the Court, that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Vid. p. 118. (the cover of the pot for the calculi) or one such thing or other ran still in his mind, and therefore (says he) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In like manner the men dealt with the names of their Mistresses. which they wrote sometimes upon the very leavs of the trees, according to that of Callimachus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let on the leaves so many letters lie, As my Cydippe Fair may signify. Which puts me in mind of what Lucian in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says of one that was ready to die with the love of C●idia Venus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not a wall now but what was engraven with▪ nor a bark of a tree but what proclaimed VENUS FAIR. How glad would they have been, if they could have written them upon paper, and have worn them in their hats as we do. but no wonder they did as they did, having a copy written to them by Nature, (for — Inscripti nomina rerum Nascuntur flores—) and an example given them by Apollo himself, who when he turned Hyacin▪ thus into a flower of the same name to keep his memory alive when he was dead; not contented with that Ipse suos gemitus foliis inscribit, Lib. Ovid. Met. 10. Fab. 5. & Ai, Ai, Flos habet inscriptum— Thus was the memory of Ajax preserved, and one half of his name, as the same Author has it. Littera communis mediis pueroque viroque Inscripta est foliis: L. 13. F. 1. haec nominis, illa querelae. But the vehement love of Moschus to Bion his deceased friend thought those lamenting interjections too little, unless there were written a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 besides upon the same Flower. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for him, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Her was sure to be written, for never seemed Mistress foul, nor Prison fair. But for her part if she were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or had black eyebrows, she was counted fair indeed, Theocr. according to that of Gregori Nyssen, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, insomuch that jul. Pollux says, they had a trick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to black them: or if she were somewhat big of stature; and therefore Aristotle in his Rhetoric, puts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as part of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as he doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the most commendable virtues of her mind. What the Women of other times esteemed to be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a man I know not. It seems in Aristotle's time, it was counted most commendable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ But I have talked too long of Love, or of Robin-hood, that never shot in his bow. I fear the Reader will blame me, for casting away so much oil and labour upon such a subject, and (it may be) give his censure that Oratio est vultus animi. Seneca Ep. 115. But those that know me will mistrust his Physiognomy, for defining the temper of my mind by my look in a paper. However now I am in, I will not stick but properè sequi quae piget inchoare, * Tacit. and proceed to the Nuptials themselves. CAP. VII▪ De Nuptiis. THE parties being both agreed, unless the Wench were as yet Acerba (as Varro calls her) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but a sour grape (as Eustathius) and not yet ripe (Matura viro in the words of Virgil.) they were thus betrothed and yoked together. The man did in the the presence of witnesses, promise himself after the manner of the Latin form, se sponsam post concubitum invitam non deserturum, and so gave her one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or other in earnest: but the Woman she was desponsata, promised or bestowed upon him by the Parent or the Guardian; as if the promises of a woman were false enough to make the saying among the French to be true. Qui femme croit & asne mesne, Son corpse ne sera ia sans peine. And yet (it seems) though they feared she might break a promise, they thought an oath to be strong enough to hold her. For sometimes at the consummation of the business, Achil. Tat. l. 5. they went both into the Temple, and there engaged themselves mutually by oath, as it is probable by the practice of Clitophon and Leucippe, in the Temple of Isis, where the man swore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Woman, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I do not remember that the Athenians had that good-fellows-trick of the Galatians, to make a poculum conjugii as well as Charitatis, & to pledge their troth in a cup, a trick by which a Alex. ab Alex. l. 2. c. 5. Camma is reported to have poisoned Synorix, (whom she pretended to marry) for kissing her Husband. Or that they used the custom of the Macedonians of cutting a Loaf in two between them with a sword, related by b L. 8. Q. Curtius. Surely it had been a true Roman confarreation, if they had. The rites usually observed at a wedding are said c Cael. Rhod. l. 7: c: 4. to have been invented by Erato. They were partly these. The Daughter being betrothed, was led by her Parents into the Temple of Minerva, as who would say to take her leave of the d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Minerva so called. Virgin. Besides this, before she can cease to be of the herd of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Eurip. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, take heed, Great Diana will be clean out of patience, if she have not a draught of the blood of a Heifer calf never yet married in the yoke, (and so the fit for the maid that gives, and the maid that takes (and a crop of her hair besides, according to that of Euripides. e Eurip. in Iphigeneia. Aul. versu 11.12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And therefore Clytaemnestra (speaking of her daughter, whom they pretended to marry to Achilles) demands of her Husband. f ibid. v▪ 711. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Whether he had seen the sacrifice performed? But alas poor Iphigenia, she was not so much to do as to be a Sacrifice to Diana the Goddess of Aulis, and be made a calf herself: When as our Woman, it will serve her turn to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Diana the goddess of Virginity; that is, give her in a basket for a present to stop her mouth, some curius needlework or other, with a prayer besides to this purpose g Theocr. Id 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— that she would not take it amiss if she married. But now I must tell you, that besides those rites of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, there were others as solemn as they to be observed too, if ever they thought to obtain the good will of the goddess. The manner of them, and the occasion, you have related by Suidas thus. It happened upon a time that a certain Bear growing tame, came and lived in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Phlavides: insomuch that at length a little girl durst go so fare, and so near, as to play with it, but the Bear quickly grew to be in earnest, and drew her blood for the stake: whereupon one of her brothers shot the Bear and killed it. Presently after this there happened a very great Pestilence in the City▪ and the Oracle being sought unto, answer was returned, that if they meant to remove it, they must make a decree, that every girl in the City of Athens, some time or other between the years of Five and Ten of her age, clad in a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a Saffron colour garment, do offer and devote herself to Diana, to make amends for the Bear, and therefore a girl thus consecrated, was herself called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Harpocr● the Bear, and the action 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to play the Bear, (which me thinks was very unfitting for a Maid) and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because commonly they deferred it till the last year, as she did in a Aristoph. Leusistrate. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, she says, becaùse it was to be done in the feast of Brauronia kept in the Month of Munichion to the honour of the same Diana, who a Athen l. 6. is reported to have been delighted very much with Brauron a Village of Attica, where Pausanias (in Atticis) says, that Image of hers, which Iphigenia brought from the Tauri, was continually kept, till Xerxes took it away, insomuch that she came to be called by the name of Diana b Pausan in Arcad. Brauronia. And yet after all this, for aught that I can see, she need not have been so Scrupulous of displeasing I know not whom, if she had C●crops his own Law for a warrant, who first instituted the contract of Matrimony, and was therefore called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith c Ad Odiss. Σ. Eustathius: or else, (according to the Scholiast upon d In Plut. Act. 3. Sc. 3. Aristophanes d In Plut. Act. 3. Sc. 3. ) quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he had in a manner invented the two natures of a Father and Mother (as to knowledge, and in the way of a certain couple) or rather (if you will) the natures of a Father and a Son; for before, neither the Father could be known by the Son, nor the Son by the Father. But some again say, he had this name, because of his having the bodies of two distinct natures: in the upper part of a man and in the lower, of a Dragon, as he says (in Vespis) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And others, because of the many excellent Laws, which he made. Whereby he is reported so to have tamed and civilised the brutish conditions of the ancient People of Athens, that he seemed to have new-moulded them, and made them of another nature: in the sense, that the stones have been said to be turned into men, and the Trees into Lovers of Music: of all the reasons that are given, I like that best, which likes c Lib. c. 25. Rhodiginus: who says he was called by this name, because the children did now appear to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, come of two; whereas before (for aught any one could prove) they might be but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Sons of a Mother only: nay hardly that, at such time as the fashion was to be exposed, or put out to nursing to Bears & Wolves and the like. But enough of this, for I have more work for the Woman yet. She must Sacrifice to Venus and the Graces for the past, and in special manner to juno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, either as a Pronuba for the present, or as a Lucina, or a Mater-familias (as he in a In Amphitr. Act. 2. Sc: 2▪ Plautus calls her) for the future. An ordinary thing it was among the Heathen to change their Gods, when they changed their condition; and I should be glad if we Christians could answer, not guilty, in this particular, being every one of us too too ready 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. (as Aristotle says in his b L. 1, c. 4. Ethics) to have a new Summum bonum every day at the least. The Sacrifices performed to juno went under the several names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, indeed the two first are sometimes the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the gifts sent before the wedding and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is used also sometimes in relation to others, as well as to juno, as it is to Diana in that verse of Euripides already cited. And therefore in another c V 433. place of the same Tragedy, you have the Greek Soldiers at Aulis, when they saw Iphigenia brought thither in a Nuptial pomp, thus speaking. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; And so sometimes to the d Jul Pol. l. 3. c. 3. Parcaes, whom they had reason to remember, if they meant to be spared, or to spin out their lives to the longest. But yet juno (I think) was in a great deal more request among lovers than any of the rest, because they had her name so oft in their mouths. For among the Latins, when they would express themselves in the most affectionate manner that might be, they used to call one another by the name of jupiter and juno, as the old dotard does his Casina in the Poet * Plaut. in Casina Act. 1. Sc. 3. by the name of juno: Eia mea juno, non decet te esse tam tristem tuo jovi. Add hereunto the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as there is also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) under which she was worshipped, which (together with the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) must be so said either from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anciently put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) from whence comes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both the Sacrifice and the day or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to initiate; or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adultus, as if only such as were of age, (& 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) * Aristotle. might be suffered to have the happiness to marry. Now juno adulta and jupiter adultus, were the more religiously worshipped at such a time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says Suidas) as being esteemed in a manner the Prytanes, and overseers of the wedding. Here's a great deal of cry about Sacrifices, but you●ll say the Wool is to come: only some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there must be, lest any Roman should grudge the Woman the name of a Sponsa. Now because (it may be) I set you a longing upon the mention of Gifts, I will speak a word or two more of them. The gift called by Demosthenes' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was that which they sent to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the making of a feast, when they were to be admitted into the Tribe of their Husbands. The gift of either party to the other at the time of the Nuptials, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as they did also those which they gave when they went a wooing) But the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a garment bestowed upon the husband by the Wife, (giving of apparel was very usual once, both with the jew * Genes·s c. 24. v. 51. & the Gentile.) And you may not wonder at her for liberality, if she gave a cake to him that had a Pastry in the Oven, for if she brought her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, she had her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to carry away. Nor can you blame her for immodestly in giving, who was to be given herself: for else (it may be) before it was come thus fare, she might bear the blame of the proverb, femme qui donne's abandoune, she that gives is soon gotten. The petty gifts then given by the Parents they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as were those which were giving after the Wedding. The Dowry bestowed upon her by her father at the first, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that which was afterward added to improve it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (thus some have thought good to distinguish, and look their gifts in the mouth, but they may be too free of their distinctions) At her first bringing to her Husband, she had bestowed upon her by him and her friends 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which was also the name of the day itself) otherwise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and all for the same reason, viz. because those gifts were given at illa pateretur se videri, says * Var. Lect. l. 25. c. 3. Victorius, to make her take off her veil, and be seen. In such a way jupiter is reported to have bestowed upon Proserpina the City of Thebes: according to those verses of Euphorion, as they are cited by the Scholiast upon Euripides in Phaenissis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to I. Pollux: for although she might now show her face & be modest nevertheless, yet before, she stood behind a red veil or hood, with which she hide herself▪ & so deserved the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if it were for nothing else * See another reason in Prov. c 3. v. 19▪ but for that. This Luteous veil is otherways called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin Flammeum, a juven. Sat. 2. in Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such a thing as Rebeccah had when she met with her Husband, Gen. 24.65. or Tamar when she met with a worse thing c. 38.19. The reason why they were not unvailed till they came to be covert Baron (I mean at Athens, for at Sparta they say, it was the clean contrary) is by Charilaus (cited by b L. 13.36. Cael. Rhodiginus) delivered veiled under these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the scope of the man, or the true reason of the custom though I cannot easily hit, yet I may give a very great aim when I say, Aucta fuga forma est— (as Ovid says of Peneis when Apollo pursued her (or when I express myself in the words of Nonnus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Men long to see a face that's hid, the more. Indeed the case was otherwise with the Sophister Hermocrates▪ who having a Wife, that was none of the handsomest, put upon him by the Emperor Severus, and being demanded his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, very handsomely answered to put it off, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I had more need give her somewhat to let her veil alone, unless she were better than she is. Whether these Flammea were of the same making that their ordinary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were, I cannot well tell; but if they were, (as I have some cause so to think, by those words of a In Aul. v. 372. Iphigenia as she was going to be Married 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—) then I must tell you, they were so thin, that their faces might well have been discovered, and the covering been let alone, for Helen, it seems, could see the flowers thorough them. b Eurip. He●. v. 150. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— But this may be easily answered: for as (you know) a mountain that is a fare off, may be hid by putting but the little finger between: so again, one man is able to see another plainly thorough that which is sufficient to hid himself. And so much for the gifts at present, perchance you may have more anon. Now the custom was for the Bride to be carried from her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chamber, to her Husband, in a Coach (or some such kind of thing) which the poor Girl in the Poet * Id. in Tauris v. 370 etc. (complaining to Agamemnon of her abuse) could term little better than being ferried in Charon's boat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To Pluto, not to Peleus ' son You would me then have married, When me to bloody Nuptials In Coach and fraud you carried. The fellow that was the Coachman, carried a Torch in his hand, if we may gather so much by the Nuntius in another Tragedy, for he says, he had done this office for Helen himself. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. in Hel. v 728. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (I make bold to trouble you with so much Greek, because it explains the custom so fully.) The song which they sung as they went along, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Coach, the Axletree whereof they burned as soon as they came to the Bride grooms door, ut signarent illam ibi perpetuò mansuram, neque inde ullâ tempestate * Alex. ab Alex. recessuram: to show that she was never to return from thence again: just as William the Conqueror burned his ships at Pevensey, that so his Soldiers seeing their return to be desperate, might Fight the more desperately (as we use to say,) or with the better courage. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that was sent to fetch her, either sat by her side in the same Coach, or else went a long by her Coaches side in another, and was therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; unless that she were e●ther willing, or constraned to foot it, ●or than he could be but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Pedee. This custom for the Husband to lead his Wife home by the hand of a proxy (yet in fashion among Kings and Princes) was sure to be observed at his second marriage, for then (says a In Homeri Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eustathius) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says b L. 3. c. 5. Pollux) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he might not do it himself, perhaps out of shame, because they accounted it a disparagement for a man to Marry the second time, yea though his former Wife were dead, as (it may be) I shall have occasion to show you hereafter. Besides the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Brideman, & some of her own friends, there went along with her a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a Bride-woman to take of her veil, and dress, and undress, and do other such offices as should be required. Her Wedding ornaments were precious stones and jewels, especially about her head, such as a Eurip. Androm. v. 147. Hermione had in the Tragedy. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Her Wedding-garment all of purple, save in one place, (where her other garments were to be of that colour, and no where else) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and there it was gold: which agrees very well with that of Hesiod concerning a Virgin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Who never yet the Works of Golden Venus knew. I think I might venture upon this custom to interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (in b Isra l. 10. Eustathius) in another sense than others have done. When she came to the house, she found the Doors all hung with Garlands already, Domus tota laureis obsita, says c L▪ 3 Met. Apuleius: it seems they tarried not till * Sat. 9 juvenal's time — Foribus suspend Coronas jam pater es— Neither was it any whit strange to her to see those ornaments upon the House, for she herself had the same according to those words of Clytaemnestra to Achilles. d Eurip. Iphig. in Aul. v 705. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And (I think) her Husband too, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Declam. 39▪ Libanius, speaking to the Father, whose work it was to trim the Husband: as it was the Mothers to adorn the wife. That custom of adorning the House with Garlands, was very much in use among the Romans too, and as much detested by the Christians, Christianus nec Laureis januam infamabit, says f De Co●on. milit c. 13. Tertullian. Those Garlands have been made either of Verbena, consecrated to Venus, and so they made them in Italy; or of Asparagus, and so they made them in Boe●tia, or else of the leaves of the herbs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so they made them at Athens: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the a Upon Aristoph. in Pa. Scholiast: the leaves had the name of the herb in the plural number. The Garland made of Sesamum-leaves had the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the Cake which they made of the grain was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For Cakes they usually bestowed upon them at their day of Marriage, as well as Garlands, as He says in the * Aristoph. Pac. Comedy (telling how all things were now ready for the Wedding) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And made they were of Sesamum rather then any other thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith the Scholiast) as if it were the bearb Polyganum a name very well ominous to the new Married people. Whether the custom of kembing her hair with a Spear (such as had been kept by a Fencer with the loss of his life) were in use among the Grecian Women too (as b Alex. ab Alex. l. 2. c. 5. some say it was) I cannot determine. But among the Romans it was, and they called such a Spear hastam celibarem. The reason why the woman made use of such a comb, or made this use of a spear, is thought to be, either quasi fortes eâ de causâ viros se genituram ominetur, because she ominated that by this means she should have strong men to her children, or quod sponsi disciplinae se subditam fateatur. Because she acknowledged herself subject to her husband's discipline. As the woman went forth of her father's house she was to be lifted out over the threshold, just as the Emperors were wont to be lifted by the Soldiers at the time of Election, to pretend a constraint. You see, 'tis ducere (Vxorem) almost every where, and yet they say, that Love will creep where it cannot go. As she entered into her Husband's house, the a Aristoph. in Pluto. Boys, and maid's fell a throwing of Figs, and junkets upon the head of the Bride, not to upbraid him of sycophancy, but as an omen of fruitfulness, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (says Rhodiginus out of Theopompus) which puts me in mind of a foolish custom once in fashion with some of Us, viz: upon Twelve Eve (as they called it) to put a part of their toasted Bean-cake upon one of their Trees, and so to cry Whatsayle, and sing a Carmen for a fruitful year. The trumpery thus thrown or poured out, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the word is used by the Poet in his Comedy of Pluto where he brings in the Woman ready to do the like upon him, and so to give him the joy for his new-bought eyes: says She — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Upon which words the Scholiast notes it to have been the custom also for a new servant, at his first coming into the house, to have him to the fire side and there to sow upon his head 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Junkets, and Figgs, and Palme-branches, and a hundred other such trinkets. But this I think was done, not only as he says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to make it an Omen of fruitfulness (as they had done to his Master before) but also for the benefit of the old Servants, who when the Scamble was made, gathered up all that was thrown, and demanded it for their due, as Seniors (in Oxford) do the Fresh-mens-gawdies. All this while the Gods were not forgotten neither, but some beast or other was bestowed upon them for a victim. In the cutting of it up (to show that in Wedlock all bitterness and choler must be cast aside) they took the a Cael. Rhod. l 28. c. 21. Gall, and fling it with a most eager loathing behind the Altar during the time of Sacrifice. if there happened any thing obscene or unlucky, the Nuptials were dissolved, and thus it happened to b Ache Tat. l▪ 2. Clitophon, and Calligone: for an Eagle came and snatched away a piece of the Sacrifice as it lay upon the Altar. Now this Sacrifice was usually performed by the Fathers (and none so fit to be the Priests of their own family) as may be gathered from the practice of c Eurip. Iph. in A▪ v. 721. Agamemnon: who, when his Wife called upon him to make ready the Wedding cheer, very religiously made answer yes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When I have done my Wedding Sacrifice. As also by that which you may read of the like practice in Achilles Tatius, where he speaks of the Marriages of Lycippe, and Calligone. In this Sacrifice they directed their Prayers in a more special manner to jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Libanius Declam. 35. and juno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if it may appear by that of Libanius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By reason of this and other solemnities of their Weddings, you will not imagine what a profanation they made it to disturb the business never so little, or to offer any incivility to either of the parties, especially to the Wife: as for instance. One Callicles (of whom you may read the story in Phocius Codice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) being accused of bribery to the Areopagus, they summoned him to make his appearance at the Court to answer the crime; but the Sergeants that were sent (saith my Author) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as soon as they saw but the signs of a Wedding (the Garlands which hung at the door) and were informed of a Nuptial Sacrifice: because they would not rush uncivilly in upon the new-Married-Wife, they made no more enquiry after the Man, but returned presently back again, and the court was contented with the news. So likewise in the Wars with King Philip, having intercepted several Letters of his to his friends, and among the rest one that was directed to his Wife Olympia: when they came to reading of the Letters in the Court, they no sooner cast their eye upon that to his W●fe, but presently every one cried out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that it might not be read, nor so much as broken up: a Phocius ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they thought it a thing no way beseeming them to divulge that most secret converse by letters betwixt a man and his Wife. From the service of their gods, they made haste to the service of their Genius: but amidst a great deal of good cheer, the Man and the Wife were always noted a Athenaeus. l. 9 for a great deal of temperance too. The Bread which they had was carried about in a basket by a Boy with his Garland of Thorns, and boughs of Acorns, singing as he went b Zenobius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I (or they) have avoided a worse evil, and met with a better. If he spoke in the person of the Man, he meant that he had met with optimum malorum, the best of the three evils at the least; & so it is not so bad as Out in the frying pan into the fire; (unless you will prise the finding of a Wife, after the rate of the losing of her, for so (they say) he that hath lost his Wife and sixpence, hath some loss by the money. The Music which they had was singing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by turns; and calling upon Hymenaeus (as the Romans did upon Talassius c Aristoph. in Avib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, imitated by him in Plautus. Io Hymen, Hymenaee, Io Hymen. And this they did either in a thankful commemoration of one of that name, who had sometime saved the Maids of Athens from a general ravishment; (such as there was once of the Sabines) or else in a sorrowful commiseration of another, that happened to be killed by the fall of a house the very day that he Married. What ever the Man was, they seem to have given him the honour of a God, and therefore to have been very loath to give him distaste, in omitting any part of the Nuptial ceremonies, Quid si etiam offendam Hymenaeum? Says he in a In Casinâ Act. 4. Sc. 3. Plautus. And this it was that made them keep such a noise in the Streets, as they did with their Io Hymen Hymenaee, as soon as ever she was out of her Father's house. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says Clytaemnestra: b Eurip. Iphig in A. v. 693. which agrees with that of the other Poet in the same place. Age tibicen dum illam educunt huc novam nuptam foras, Suavi cantu concelebra omnem hanc plateam, Hymenaee. Whether 'twere the fashion in Greece to set the Woman first in the lap of Priapus, I cannot tell: But (if I mistake not) Lactantius has somewhat of such a thing, and I might speak more of Priapus too, if it were fitting. As the Woman was led into the Chamber, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to show whereto she must, there was a ●ive carried along with her, and a pestle hung up at the door, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as I. Pollux says) or to signify that hereafter she must learn to put her hand to any kind of labour. When the Man and the Woman were both in (for the Woman was in first, as the fashion is with Us) according to Solon's own order, they were to take a Quince-apple and eat it between them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Plutarch in the life of Solon, to signify the pleasantness, and harmony which should be in their talk at first. And yet notwithstanding, now they are in the very Bedchamber, if a Chough would but come and scold (grave cornicaretur forsooth) 'twas enough to make them part for that time (at least) and leave the building imperfect; and this they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because by this means — a Valer. Flacc. Conjux miseranda Cayco Linquitur, & primo Domus Imperfecta cubili. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I said (or if you will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speak a little finer,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: for this word is many times used by itself for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it seems to be by Plato in his third book de Republ. speaking of jupiter thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And yet I think, b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 2. Hesiod without any wrong done him) may be understood of any other business left Roughhewn, unpolished, or not done over again, when he ●aies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c Apud. Eusta●h. l 5. Ismenias applies it indeed to our purpose: but now to prevent such an omen as this, they set the boys to cry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in manner of a Scare-cry, as if they had been set to keep off the Rooks from the corn: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (I say) and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Plural number▪ for herein the Scholiast upon Pindar is supposed to have mistaken; because neither that bird, nor the Turtle at the making of their Augury (which was commonly the day before the Wedding) was ever wont to be looked upon as unlucky; unless it came in the singular number; and then the birds being singled and divided one from the other, could not possibly be a good sign, to those that were to be coupled, and joined together. But some notwithstanding like the Choughs for very good lucky birds (as we use to say) let them come how they will: either because they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Homer calls them longlived or because ea cornicum societas est (says a Alex. ab Alex. l. 2. c. 5. one) ut ex duabus Sociis, alterâ extinctâ, vidua altera perpetuò maneat. Now in the Chamber where they were to lie, they had two beds, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a side-bed for a change or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Hesychius. If the parties that were married were very young, their Poets would term the bed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Aristophanes does (in Pace.) and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Homer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the house, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Wife. Before the Woman could lie which the Man, she was to have her bath of water heated of purpose to wash her body in, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they called it, according to that of the Comedian in Lusistrate. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in Pace, you have Trygaeus when he intended to marry Opora, giving order to his servant, as soon as he had brought her to his house, first to provide him a pot of Water, and afterward to make the bed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This water at first was fetched as fare as from Callirhoe-well; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But afterward says a L. 3. c 3. Pollux) from Enneacrunos', which was so called because it had nine several 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or fistulas, or salientes, where the water sprung up: and so you might allow one for every Muse in the City. But what if Callirhoe and Enneacrunus were but two distinct names of the same Well. The one expressing what fair Water it was, or how well and clear it ran: and the other in how many places: for it may very well be thought so by that verse of b Theb. 12. Statius. Et quos Callirhoe nonis errantibus undis Implicat— Nay, Thucydides says positively, they were the same. Only that when the Well was repaired by the Tyrants (as it was usual when they newmade a thing, to give it a new name) it received the name of Enneacrunos'. Which if it be so, I think it may be no offence to Pollux, when I come to that place of his formerly cited, to read it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From Callirhoe afterward named Enneacrunus. The Woman whom they employed to fetch this Warer, was commonly called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When the Wife was ready to undress, her Mother took her hair lace, and winding it about one of the torches (for they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too) burned it out, and made up her hair with a new. The Mother I said. For she commonly would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, carry the torches or hold the Candle to it, or any other work which the Pronuba's used to do. — Non te duxit in thalamos parens Comitata primos, nec sua festa manu Ornavit aedes, nec suâ laetas faces. Vittâ revinxit— says * Senec. Theb. jocasta. For the matter of these Torches, or of what kind of wood they were made, I am not yet assured: whether it were Corylus commonly used for such purposes, according to Pliny: or Larex, or Spina alba, which they used among the Romans. and so likewise for their number, whether the custom were to have just five according to the number of the Gods which they prayed to, viz. jupiter Adultus, juno Adulta, Venus, Suadela, and Lucina: they have not given me light enough to discover, a little glimmering I have, and some cause to conjecture, that there was a certain number required. Otherwise, why should the covetous Father in a D●clam. 37. Libanius complain so heavily (among other charges he was put to in marrying his daughter) that he could not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, light the Bride to bed with one and no more. But for the bearer that it was usually the Mother, will appear by the discourse that passed between Clytaemnestra and her Husband in the * Eurip. Iph. in Awl v. 7.34. Poet; for when her Husband bid her go back again to Argos, and leave her Daughter with him; she asked him — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but who shall carry the Torches then? and being answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ that he meant to do it himself: nay, quoth she 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that was never the custom, neither do you yourself think it to be handsome and fitting And indeed, I think, Clytaemnestra was wronged: for it seems to have been reckoned not so much the office and the charge, as the Privilege and the honour of the Grecian Woman. And therefore Medea made it one of he sad consequents of her banishment from the company of her Children, to be debarred the bearing of the Torches at the Wedding. O my dear children, quoth she, what a Wretch am I, who must thus leave you before, I carry the Torches. Eurip Med. 1025. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 'Tis true, if Agamemnon had desired only to have lighted the Torches, she might very well have been blamed for her passion, because than he had done no more than other fathers used to do. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: I lighted the Torches, says he in * Decl. 35. Libanius. But this office neither of them could challenge from the other, but they shared it between them, for the Mothers might do it too, if we may believe the Author in those words which he puts in Niobe's mouth (but took them out of Medea's) upon the death of her children, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: I made account to have lighted a Torch at the Wedding &c▪ At Sparta there was none of these do, only the Pronuba shaved the Woman (whether because she had vowed to be henceforth her Husband) and so delivered her up to the man (if she had gone among the * Deutr c. 21. v. 12. Israelites when she was thus used, certainly the People there would have taken her for a captive Wife.) The Zona which the Woman wore was untied by her Husband in the bed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast upon Euripides in Helena: certainly the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might be given to Diana as seasonably then as at the time of Childbearing: and worshipped she was then, as well as at any other time. But at which of the times it was that they gave her the Zona: or whether there were another yet to be untied besides this: or whether it were tied and untied again: or whether one knot were untied at first time, and another at the second; there's the knot of question (if we may question for knots in bulrushes) Indeed that there was a Zona untied the Wedding night, I th●nk it may be proved by those words of Alcestes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— And that there was another left to be untied at the time of Childbearing▪ I have reason to conjecture from the Herculaneus nodus formerly mentioned: because (I suppose) they called it by that name in allusion not so much to Hercules his strength, as if they would have it the faster, that is the stronger tied; as to his happiness in making of Children, as if they would have it the faster untied, as fast as ever it was by Hercules, who had seventy Children just. After they were both in bed, the Boys and Maids (whom we may call the Children of the Bridegroom) stood at the Chamber door, and sung their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with as great noise as possibly they could, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast upon Theocritus, so that if the Wife should Cry out (as we say) before her time, she might not be heard. Pollux l. 3 c. 3. Which they had no such need to do, if that be true which they say, that one of the Bride's friends, whom they called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, usually did him that good office to stand Sentinel at the door, and keep the Women off from coming to help her. All this while the man was not so much wedded to his pleasure, as to be clean divorced from his friends; for besides the feast which he made altogether for the Women, (called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Isaeus in his oration for Pyrrhus) he made another for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as his Father in Law had done before him. This making of Feasts at Weddings, was properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it is in the Tragedy. Iphig. in Auliv. 707. & 720. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— And a little before. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither was the Woman & her Mother behind hand at this kind of work: for they also kept a feast of purpose for the Women besides. And therefore says Clytaemnestra in the place but now cited. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The saying aujourd hue mariè, & demain marri, to day Wedded, and to morrow sadded, would scarce hold true among them. For the day after the Wedding, the mirth ran as f●esh as ever it did before, and the gifts were carried to the house in pomp, a Boy in a white coat walking before with a Torch in his hand, and the bearers in the rear, with suits of clothes and all sorts of Household stuff, as Spoons, and Cups, and the like: a custom observed by the Lacedæmonians with so much pride and excess, that Solon was feign to make a Law to restrain the Suits to the number of three, and the rest of the things to a lower price. The gifts than bestowed they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as those which I presented you before, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being that which (to speak in Juvenal's words) Primâ pro nocte datur— and such gifts Medea once sent by her children to Glauca. But so with the vengeance, as she made them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, killing her with the Spit, from which she gave her the roast. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Eurip. Med. v. 784. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. And this puts me in mind of some that reckon three days for a Wedding, I. Pollux. l. 3 c. 3. allowing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (when the garment called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was given by the Woman to the man) for the second, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the third. CAP. VIII. Quo tempore optimè ducatur Vxor. THE time of the year which they deemed most lucky to Marry in (for almost every Nation has had their nefastous time and days) was the first Month of the Winter. (Clean contrary to the custom of the Persians, who thought it fit to follow nature's example, and set upon the work of Generation in the Spring.) But though they chalked but one part of the year, I hope they did not mark all the rest with a coal, neither can I think they had the same opinion of all the other Months, which the Romans had only of the Month of May, a Ovid. l. 5. Fast. Mense malas Maii nubere-it may be malum by Quaest Rom. 8.6. plutarchs consent. The best day of the Month, they reckoned to be the middle or the Full of the Moon; that they might be brought to bed (as we say) the sooner, and grow the fuller themselves. But the best part of the day was the last, or the next to the night, and so they might go to bed the sooner. Just at these seasons Themis in * Isthm. H. Pindar would have T●etis to be Married to Peleus, as appears in those words of hers (and the Poets) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But I make no question, (as exact as they were in Marrying) many of them had the fortune to be borne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quartâ Lunâ, as Hercules had. Besides, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 3▪ Hesiod is of opinion that the forth day (and I believe he means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the first third part of the Month) was a very good day to be Married in, so that no Oscinous bird did obcaevare or occinere, sing another song to the contrary. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whereas the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as he calls the eighteenth day, if you reckon thirty days to the Month) was in his judgement all as bad again, especially for the Woman. But I must confess, I rather incline to the judgement of the Goddess: especially having a Eurip: Iphig. in A v. 717. Agamemnon too (a man) on my side, who when the question was asked— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; made answer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When that blessed season of Fullmoon shall come. I do not find the Romans to have been so scrupulous, as to think Marriage to be imperfect, unless it were at the full or never to be as good as it should be, except it were in Medio, like the virtues. 'Tis true, the Kalends and the Nones, & the Ideses, were days of another colour, black & unsuitable with the mirth of a Wedding: and so were all Holidays whatsoever, and the reason you have given by b L▪ 1. Sat. c. 15 Macrobius in these words, Feriis autem vim cuiquam fieri piaculare est: ideo tunc vitantur nuptiae, in quibus vis fieri virginibus videtur. To whom if you object that the Nones were no Holidays, he will reply, that neither were the Nones Holidays to any, neither Religious days (as they called them) to such as intended to Marry, but only thus: all your postri●uani dies, that is the first days after the Ideses, or the Nones, or the Calends, being accounted atri were not to admit of any Sacrifice. Now every new married Wife, the day after the Wedding was to offer a Sacrifice, which she could not do, if she married upon the Nones. 'Tis true a Widow might be suffered to Marry upon a Holiday; (and Varr● will tell you the reason) but in the Parentalia in February, and the feast of the Salii in March none at all. Besides having of nonlicet days, they had a custom to Marry only upon such a day as by the judgement of the ginger (to whom they sought) copulas nuptiales affirmet. But so much may suffice concerning the time of Marrying. I proceed to speak of the qualifications of the persons to to be Married. CAP. IX. Quae requirantur in Marito THE Conditions required in a Husband were these. First, he must be no stranger; for if it could be proved that he was; both his goods and he too were sold, and the third part of the price went to the informer. Secondly he must be no less than five and thirty years old, according to the Law; and according to a Polit, 7. Aristotle two years elder. But according to a Polit, 7. Hesiod a little younger, or a little elder is seasonable enough. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Thirdly if the Woman with whom she was to Marry, were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sole daughter and Heir (such a one as Aristophanes in Vespis calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) he must be one of the same house, and the next of the blood. But then there always were, and (it may be) there ought to be (as I have known the like in other matters) some others of the kindred (if they were to be gotten) to controvert the business with him▪ and plead to the same; and then such Women were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, b I. Poll. l. 3. c. 3. and the whole suit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the question was wont to be decided by the Praetor. Lastly he must not be one that had another Wife yet living with him, at least he might not be so, upon pain of being accounted a fellow of no account, or repute among the Citizens, for Charondas having made this Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whosoever shall superinducere novercam, let him be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Besides the hurt done to the Children (it being as good to have the Devil to their Dame, as a Stepdame) gave one pretty reason more against being the Husband of two Wives in this sense, by way of dilemma: you shall have his words, as I found them in a Monmebasiae Archiepis. Arsenius his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. says he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, If thou hadst good luck in thy first Wife, thou shouldst have kept thee well while thou wast well: if thou hadst not, thou art a little better than a Fool or a Madman, to stumble again at the same stone. CAP. X. Quae requiruntur in Vxore. THE Qualifications required in a Wife, were these. First she must be free, before she put her neck in the yoke. For otherwise the Marriage was counted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and you might call the Woman (in the words of Hesiod) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— If she were a stranger, she must pay sound for it, no less than a thousand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the City. This Law though it were for a time let down by Pericles his ill example, yet it was brought up again by Aristophon. Secondly, she must be six and twenty years of age, and yet Aristotle even in b L. 7. c. 16. Pilicy can be very well contented to let the Woman Mary at eighteen. Out of indulgence to the Sex surely: for else he thinks it very unfitting they should Marry so young: both because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. they travel with a great deal more labour, and labour for their travel with a great deal more intemperance; and also because he had observed that in those places where they used to make so much haste, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Puppies for the most part were blind, not so perfect, or not so big of stature as else they would be. But then there is * Hesiod. Oper. another who would be willing to let them Marry a year or two sooner than he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And a Eurip. in Hel. v. 12. another sooner yet (if I do not mistake) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cùm ad pubertatem venit, tempestivis nuptiis. Thirdly she must be but one, and no more according to b L. 13. Athenaeus; and yet about Socrates his time, by reason of the scarcity of men, to make the more haste for a recruit, they made an Act for toleration of keeping a Concubine; (whom they made use of only ad concumbendum for the present occasion) and that Children begotten upon such a Woman were accounted for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as good as the best. And what will you say, if Socrates himself made use of this liberty? For I have read he did, and that besides Xanthippe the shrew, he had another named Myrto, the daughter of Aristides, of which two it is said, that upon a time they fell out, and were presently reconciled again by their Husband, who told them, it was a shame for two handsome Women as they were, thus to fall out for one unhandsome man. But * Rhod. Panaeth●us others there be again that deny the whole. During that liberty, I cannot see how the Etymology could hold water 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Unless you will have the man to stand out. Hermione herself, though she were super inducta over Andromache's head did altogether dislike the increase of the number. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which words of hers were presently seconded by those of the Chorus. a Eurip. Androm. v. 177. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Such envious things the Women are, That fellow-wives they cannot bear. And verified they have been, not only by her own example in conspiring the death of Andromache: but by the ordinary practice of other such Wives among the Greeks, especially in the Country of Epyrus, b Eurip. ih. when one to bring the Husband out of love with the other, made use of Magical devices, especially such as might hinder her bearing Children to him, and so consequently his bearing affection to her, there being no better way than a juven. Sat. 2. partu retinere maritos. Thus Neoptolemus was made to hate his Wife Hermion●, as she supposed, and so she told the other. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ When such courses as these are taken b juven. ib. Turgida non prodest conditâ pyxide Lyde, Neither the keeping of a Spider in a box, nor the lash of a naked Lupercus will do any good. Fourthly, she might be half a sister to the Husband, so it be meant not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or uterina; but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the Father's side, or germana, as the word is used by Aemilius Probus; (whether in its german sense I know not) where he speaks of Cimon's marrying his Sister Elpinice, Habuit autem in Matrimonio s●r●rem germanam suam, nomine Elpinicen, non magis amore, quam patrio more ductus: nam Atheniensibus licet eodem patre natas Vxores ducere. c L. 13. This act of Cimons, Athenaeus thinks to have been done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, contrary to the Laws, and so in a clancular way. But Plutarch says he did it in a public manner, not only by making her his Concubine to lie with him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as he terms it) which agrees with that which I told you before concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, * taking her into his house to live with him, and that for a lawful cause, (as he thought) viz. because she was to seek of a Husband fit for her condition. But for all this, I do not see how he could by a Grecian well be excused, for Hermione (in the place above commended) made it alike barbarous. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— When Son is joined with Mother, Or Sister with the Brother. Unless you will maintain the goodness of the practice then, by the greatness of the Persons that used it before, I mean jupiter and juno, who had but one Womb, one birth, and one bed, (when they pleased.) Fiftly, she must be no Bastard, unless she were intended for a Bastard-maker, and in a Proletarious manner, only for breed, I mean for a Concubine: for such I take to be little better than what Talthibius once said poor Cassandra was like to be made by Agamemnon, viz. a Eurip. in Troad. v. 251. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Children little better than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if the Father were more in the dark. As for the Portion or Estate, she was either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one that had no Brother, and was Heir to the whole Estate: or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that had a Brother, and no more than her part, or a portion. The greatest distinction between a Wife and a Concubine, was the having a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a portion. Insomuch that if any married with a Woman that had none, but was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; yet he would have the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Writings, formally drawn up however, to make the World believe the best. Those writings were signed and sealed in the presence of witnesses, and the man did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, make over to the Woman some House of Land in exchange, and this they called a Harpocr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. XI. De Divortiis. ANd now that they are Married, the Husband was to lie with the Wife thrice in a Month (once for every part; for they divided their Month unto three parts.) or else, if she were an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 she might go to another, unless he were able to excuse himself by a lawful impediment. Such as coming from Funerals is accounted by b L. 2. Hesiod in those words of his. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Or by any other unseasonableness of time: for that they thought some times more seasonable than other, and some fit to beget Man-children then Women, may appear by the words of the same Poet, speaking of the sixth day of the middle part of the Month. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And a little after of two other days. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But if they were about any solemn Sacrifice to the gods be the time what it would, it could never be lucky for either, and therefore at such times they used (as well as the Israelites) to obstaine altogether, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pure habere, as the Poet called it, in Asinario. Si forte purè velle habere dixerit. If a Wife that was an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were overlayed, or any way abused by her Husband, she might have a Writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, otherwise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and be suffered to leave him; and this they called a Schol in Aristoph. in Equit▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: where as if the Husband would part with her, it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he might tarry in his own house, and be rid of her company never the less. But one thing I must tell you too, that for either party to leave, or to put away the t'other, was a thing always very much detested among the Grecians. Insomuch that at Sparta, even then when the custom was for so many Men and Women to meet in the dark, and every on to buy his pig in the poke, the Ephori imposed a mulct upon Lysander himself for putting away one, that he did not like, for a better. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the Woman to separate from the Man, 'twas a thousand times worse than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, even flat Rebellion, or delinquency at the best. Hear but what b Eurip. Med▪ v. 236. Medea says of it — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where she puts it for one of the privileges which the Man enjoys before the Women, to leave where he cannot like; whereas the poor Wi●e if she be well used, 'tis true, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— no life like hers— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— but if ill— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is no remedy but death, or she had better be out of the life. On the other side, what an honour they counted it to live content with one Wife, or one Husband in all: and what a disparagement it was to Marry a Second, not only after the Divorce, but even after the death of the former, a In Alcestis. ●. 464. Euripides will tell you in the words of the Chorus to Alcestis, thus threatening her Husband, if he married again, though she were dead. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But was it so indeed as Medea complained, and was the Woman to be miserable still without any hopes of redress? no, for at length it was provided by the Law, that if she found the Conjugal yoke too straight, and had a mind to slip the Collar, she was to make her complaint to the Archon: who deputed other judges to consider if the cause were lawful, and so to give her a Bill of Divorce with this condition, that she engage herself by Band, never to return to her Husband's house again: and when this was done, she might either have her portion back again from her Husband, or else serve him with a Writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or allow her maintenance, and so much a Month for use, as long as he detained the money. CAP. XII. De Mulierum scleragogiâ, & servilibus minister's▪ BUT now whether the Woman reckoned it sufficient cause to complain, to be put to servile employments, I know not, such abuses as this were many times offered. I do not stand so much upon keeping of the Keys, or making of the Bread; (whatever (a) Apud Eurip Tpoad. v. 293. Heouba has complained of that employment) but the base sort of services, such as fetching of Water upon their heads: which the poor old Maid in the (b) Id. in Elect. v. 55. Poet, might justly make one of the saddest parts of her slavish condition, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It seems the Grecian Women their fashion of carrying Water, was the same that ours is now; nay and the Roman too▪ for c L. 3. Fast. Ovid says of the Vestal Virgin herself (Sylvia I mean when she went to fetch Water, and slept away her Maidenhead, a good caveat for all sleepy Servants) Ponitur è summâ fictilis urna Comâ. And so likewise I did once conjecture that the Men amongst them used to carry Water and other things too, much in the same manner as they do with us, I mean with things put about their necks, because of that which the Poet says of Ulysses his Mariners, when they took in fresh Water in Sicily. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Now whereas I mentioned only fetching of Water, I might indeed have added, any other work without doors, which belonged to the Men; for to them on the other side, it was reckoned neither a duty, nor a thing beseeming to meddle with any thing within doors, or so much as to know what was done there, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is Aristotle's own Economics, at least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, though not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (to use the words of Tusanus sometime professor at Paris, who translated into Greek again, that part of the Book which concerns Man and Wife, the Original being lost, and only a Latin translation of one Arrhetinus left) And very good reason you will say there is, for her to be excused from labour abroad, that must keep so close at home, and yet travel too: which close confinement made Medea thus bemoan the Wife's condition. If any thing grieve her (says he) she has no more company to make known her grief unto, than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, her own poor soul: And whereas they object that the Husband goes to War, and does this and that, I for my part says she — a E●rip. in Med v. 244. to 251. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — Three times to bear a shield Thrice better do it think, than once to bear a child. And yet at home too, the liberty of the Wife was wont to be more or less, according to her Father's liberality in her Portion; and therefore Hermione told Andromache that in this she came behind her, though she were otherwise the first Wife; my Father, says she, sent me hither in a liberal manner. a Eurip. Androm. v. 153. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. With many a good thing. That having been free of my hand, I might be free of my tongue too. Only you that brought nothing with you, must go to doors. And she that cannot pay, must be sure to pray. This argument of hers, her Waiting-maide afterward bandied back to her again, to put her out of her fear that her Husband would put her away. For, says she, he did not take you as a Captive, or so, but b Ib. v. 872. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had something with you. CAP. XIII. De Mulierum honestioribus opificiis THE employments most usual and least dishonourable, were seeing things handsome and neat in the house, and providing for the Workmen abroad: take it in Electra's own words — c Eurip. Elect. v. 75. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Or else woking at any kind of Lanifice, either at d I. Poll. l. 7. c. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the tazing, (shall I say) or the carding of the Wool? or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they went to spin out the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or stamen, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they called it) to divide it, and part it from the rest of the Wool; or last of all at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Weaving and joining the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together, with the help of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (the pecten or the slay like a comb) and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, smooth stones (like our smooth lace-sticks, that they might not wear) which hung at the end of the threads. The posture in Weaving was more anciently a Servi ad Aen. 8. standing, but at length (when they were weary) it came to sitting (with the Romans at least) excepting when they made plain work recta as the Latins called it, down right with one thread a cross and no more; for there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too, and a great deal of variety in some works, as well as several sorts of works in the trade; which was the cause why b V 141 g. john in Euripides when Crusa told him of a Bearing-cloth of her own Weaving, asked her of what sort of making it was. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Unless you will confine this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Virgins, (as you may seem to have cause from the words but now produced▪) and the Wives and Mothers (or their servants for them) to the plainer work. As it is said, they were wont to be among the Romans, for rectas parentes boni ominis causâ liberis confici curabant, says Festus, the Parents among them would make their Children none but plane clothes, to show they must use themselves to plain dealing. And seeing Weaving was a work so well beseeming the better sort (as appears in Creusa the daughter of no worse man than Erectheus a King of Athens, and that noble Lady Penelope) I cannot but wonder at Electra, if she have put it among her complaints in that verse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That she was kept to Weaving. For (it may be) her complaint was, rather that she could not be her own Woman, and Wove for herself, but must be still winning and never wearing, and starve in the Cook's shop. I must tell her thus much from a Polit. l. 6. c. 143. Aristotle, if she lived in a hate of levelling Democracy, though she were a married Woman (as she was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that or any work else would have been thought too much to little purpose. For says he in such a case, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, she must be forced to do things herself for want of Servants, and so there could be no such thing at all as Gynaeconomy, which might give the Wife any privilidge at all. CAP. XIV. De Vxorum & Filiarum Oecuria. NOW the Wives besides their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (their Bedchamber shall I call it, or their Attiring room, or their Dining-room, just as the men had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) had their b I. Poll. l. 1. c. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too, to work in, as the Virgins had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ to play in, for I fear me, unides chambres font dames folles, and Agamemnon is of my mind. c Eurip. Iphig. in Awl v. 737. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That Maids at home should not be left a loan. 'Tis true they were helped ●o gadding abroad. Insomuch that a man would think they had Sentinels set at their Chamber-doores, by the words immediately following the former, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And if their Daughters not yet shut fast in Wedlock, were kept so in safe custody, and as it were, in Prison (for which their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, things which their Parents gave them to keep them quiet, was a small amends) what strong guards think you would they put upon their Wives; when they tied them up? as good as ever any King in Epirus had to keep his daughter, if we may believe the complaint of one of their Women, in one of their a Aristoph. in▪ Thesmop. Poets: — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — besides the seals Upon the women's Chambers, bars they lay To make us sure; nay more, their Mastive curs They keep to fright adulterers away. No wonder then if the Housekeepers of Athens, were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 House-dogs (as we call them) or Keep-houses, when it was so hard a matter to get abroad▪ if it were for nothing but the trouble and the charges. In which sense you may well take that of the same Poet in Lusistrate: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For if at any time they got forth (as a great many of them were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of a gadding Gossipping humour) they must be sure to have the attendance of Maids, and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all the ornaments that belonged to the Women about them: and if they were found defective herein, there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they called them) officers of purpose, who had power to impose a mulct upon them for it, and the mulct was a I▪ Poll. l. 8. c. 10. posted up upon a certain planetree, which they had in the Ceramicus for every one to read. But what do I talk of going, when as Fathers and Husbands, were so hard or so jealous, as not to suffer their Wives and Daughters so much as to look abroad: or if they were suffered by them, they should be sure to suffer themselves from others in their good name, as if they were wanton and the like. Hence it was that Hermione's waiting maid took up her Mistress so short, when she went forth at doors in a passion. b Eurip. in Androm. v. 876. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But, pray, get in, and show not thus yourself Before the house, etc. Where, I dare not say, the translator was Fantastic to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, imagineris▪ but what ever he says, I cannot but imagine it fit for my purpose. Nay looking out at a window, was almost as bad as looking out at door; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Women complain in Thesmophroris azusae * Aristoph. where you may read more of their grievances) if they did but peep out, they would be thought to do it, as other Women used to do: and to draw in their head again, the better to draw out the affection of the beholder. Nay farther yet, I fear me, some of the Daughters had scarce the liberty to go out of one room into another: for so it was with Antigone, when she went up to the top of the house to view the Army, as well may be conjectured by the words of her Pedagogue (a Tutor, such as to whom they committed the bringing up of their Children Maids or B●yes) Eurip. Phanis. v. 88 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whether the Wives could change their Chambers without leave, I know not, I believe they could hardly do it without company, and the attendance of their Maids: as if they were going abroad, for so I remember Penelope went up to her Chamber, as Homer says; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Woman's own private chamber, (Gynaeconitis, Gyneconites, or Gynaecon, call it what you will) was (saith Didymus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two stories high, like a nest, to make it the harder to climb up to them: for (to tell you in his Words) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the People of ancient times, built their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their upper Chamber for the nonce. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they called them then, insomuch that Helena having been always close-bred up in such a chamber, is thought by some to be said to be hatched of an Egg, either from the oval fashion of the Room, or the like signification of the name in the Greek. Whether they went up by the Ladder, or a pair of stairs, 'tis not so easy to determine, as it was to get up, for when I call to mind what ado the Pedagogue (whom I lastly mentioned) had to help up his Pupil by the hand, I am apt to think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Parthenon, and the t'other to the Gynaecon, to have been a ladder, and not a stare-case: hear how she cries for help: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had Penelope in Homer, but no such need of help; for, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now a Woman if she went about any work that required expedition, her fashion was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as a Id. 14. Theocritus says, to be nuda genu, to pin up her coat to her knees, but no farther, for fear of being taken for a doxy. Such a one as in Hesiod is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, me thinks not so well rendered nates ornata, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ad nates succincta, from the stola, too short to become the modesty of a Woman, or the use of the word among the Latins. I might here take occasion to speak a great deal of their apparel, and the over many ornaments which they used about their heads, their necks, their ears, their arms, and their fingers, and twenty other sorts of this kind, but because there has been promised a draught thereof from a pen able to do it, I think it better to hold my hands. Besides, I am of I. Pollux * L. 5. c. 2. his mind in this, that for a good many of those names which we find in Authors, where they speak of this kind of things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 'tis hard to know what fashion the things whereof; because it is hard to tell whether the Author be in jest or in earnest in the names. CAP. XV. De Adulterio. IF a Man had ploughed in another Man's ground, though not as a Moechus manifestarius, * Plant. in Bacchid. but by enticements, and in a clancular way, and were taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they called it) in the fact it was counted so much the worse, and he that found him, might abuse him as much as he pleased: yea and kill him too, if the Cuckold did desire it, (and no doubt, but sometimes he had hay in his Horns. If the felon had no mind to meddle with him himself, he might have him before the Thesmotheta, and cause him to be punished at the pleasure of the * Poll. l. 8. c. 9 Judges▪ The ordinary manner of punishing an adulterer, had as little modesty a●●he crime itself, it was called either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 synecdochically the part for the whole. for having plucked off the hair of his privities, they threw hot ashes in the place, and thrust up a Radish or a Mullet into his fundiment, according to that of juvenal, Quosdam maechos & mugilis intrat: Insomuch that ever after he was disgracefully called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A punishment little enough for so great a vice, so great I say, that Solon is thought to have tolerated the public use of Harlots (as I formerly told you) of purpose to prevent it. And for the Woman having thus violated the Laws of the gods (or the men rather, for they were better) she was not only forbid to go to the Temples, but if she went any where else with the ornaments and attire which other Women wore, it was lawful for any that met her to take them, and tear them, and if her husband lay with her after, he was branded for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a base companion. On the other side, if the Women were forced, and openly abused, the Adulterets punishment than was no more than a fine. and you will not so much wonder at this manner of dealing with him, if you consider how the other commits Adultery with the mind too, as well as with the body of the Woman; and is so much more the dangerous of the two, as he that works by a Mine, or can get in at a private way, than he that must break the door. For proof whereof, if the Adultery of Aegysthus and Clytaemnestra which proceeded to the death of Agamemnon be not sufficient, I refer you to that practice of Sejanus: who having on a time received an affront from Drusus, had no other way to be revenged▪ Cuncta tentanti (says * L. 4. Anral. Tacitus) promptissimum visum ad uxorem ejus Liviā convertere: hanc ut amore incensus adulteris pellexit ad conjugii spem, consortium Regni, & necem mariti impulit .. In like manner, if a Man had ravished a young Woman, (so she were free borne,) his b Isaeus pre Pyrrh. punishment was a fine, viz. a thousand Drachmae, but then besides that, he was to marry her too, (unless it could be made appear she had taken something of him in consideration) which puts me in mind of a story of the Messenian in Pausanias: who to compel Aristodemus to give him his Daughter to Wife, pleaded that he had brought her with child: whereupon he to evidence the contrary, killed her with his own hand, and cut up her belly worse than Virginius. There was a time when a ravisher of a Virgin was to be stoned shall I say, or pressed to death, for they called such a punishment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Homer speaks. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. LIBER QVINTUS. CAP. I. De Puerperarum Religione, etc. THE Athenians (says Plutarch in his Marriage exhortations) had three sacred plowings. One in the Sciron, another in the Raria, and another called Buzugion: but yet, says he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the ploughing for Children is the best Husbandry. In that he calls it ploughing (a word very suitable to a Conjugal condition) he agrees with the expressions commonly used by the Greeks' of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, concerning the Women. For as * L. 7. t. 67. Aristotle says in his Politics, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: as also with the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for to beget, as you have in Sophocles his Oedipus Tyrannus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in his Antigone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same sense. So Aristaenetus a L. 1. Ep. 18. in one of his Epistles (speaking of a Woman to be Married) says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Moschus has an Epigram of purpose upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Latin word Sator answers very well to it, and so would Insitor to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a bud, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so commonly used in Sophocles and other Authors in the same sense. Now for a Woman with child, it was sometime the custom for about forty days before her time, to abstain from going to the Temples, and pray at home. But then Aristotle's * Loco predict. advice could not be followed, who would have a Law made to compel Women with child, to go every day in Pilgrimage a certain journey, to do service to one or other of the Gods of Generation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and his reason was, that they might not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grow unlusty by sitting still, but by this kind of travelling prepare their bodies for a worse: as Plutarch says, Lycurgus caused the Maids of Sparta to use the exercises of wrestling, and coyting, and shooting and the like, that by this means having confirmed their own health and strength, they might make the stronger Children, and might the better 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wrestle with the throws. The principal god whom they prayed unto, especially in the time of travel was Diana, cal●ed by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from her readiness to come to the woman at a call, or a crying out: — Aperire partus a Horat. Carm. Saec. Lenis Ilithiia— So that from the office of a Hand-woman, and her handynesse or dexterity, and willingness to perform it, she was worshipped by the Romans under the name oh ‛ Egeria, quod eam putarent facile Conceptam alvum egerere, says Festus, an sometime, under the name of Facilina. — Facilinae templa Dianae. b Sil Ital. Either a face, because she was painted with a Torch in her hand; (as if she did but hold the Candle to it) and so was Ilithiia by the Greeks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (says Pausanias in Arcadicis) because the pains of a Travel are so hit: or else from facilis, easy and without difficulty to be won. — Gravidis facilis Lucina puellis. c Ovid. Fast l 2. likewise for the same reason called by the Greeks' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: as by Orpheus, by whom she is also termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because she stood still ready as it were at the door, and was always at hand to do the work of a hand-woman— tu voto parturientis ades. Or lastly from facilis easy, d Id. and without pain, because she gave the Woman facilem partum, as he says Vt solvat partus molliter illa suos. For the same cause they gave her also the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Latins did that of Genitalis, Sive tu Lucina probas vocari, Seu Genitalis. To this purpose I remember a jest related by Cicero of one Timaeus, made upon the burning of her Temple at Ephesus near about the time that Alexander was borne: Non esse mirandum, quòd Diana occupata in adjuva●dâ Olympiâ Alexandro gravidâ domo abesset, that it was no wonder; because Diana, was then taken up in helping Olimpia and yet this jest (as dry as it is) Plutarch is so far from liking, that he says it was cold enough to have extinguished the flames. Last of all she was also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the a Aristoph. in Lusist. Scholiast, as much as to say Lucifera or Lucina. For by this name she was most of all adored by the Romans too, according to that of Ovid. Dicite, tu nobis lucem Lucina, dedisti: Dicite, tu voto parturientis ades. Now this Lucina (saith b L. 2 de Nat. D●or. Cicero) was nothing but the Moon: Luna à lucendo nominata est, eadem est enim Lucina. And the Moon being (as c L. 4. de Ling. L●●. Varro saith) nascentium dux, was therefore worshipped by the women in travel, quod partus maturescant septem aut nonnunquam novem Lunae cursibus. Or because the Moon by the filling and opening moisture of her influence, graviditates & partus afferat, maturitatesque gignendi, as the Orator said in the same place. If you chance to meet with a Plural number, as you have in Homer— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. you may take it to be in reference only to several names of one and the same Diana and in especial manner to those three viz. Lucina in Heaven, Diana above ground & Proserpina beneath in regard to which the Women among the Latins, used to call her Diva triformis, in their prayers at the time of Childbearing, Quae laborantes utero puellas Ter vocata audis, adimisque letho Diva triformis. Diana should be a Gentlewomen by the number of her names. Diana, I said; for that was the ground, or the principal name: all the other names seem to be but the descant, or so many Epithets, and Sur-names upon it. So in Euripides his Hippolytus you have. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In another tragedy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Diana stands still the substantive, and all the rest hang like so many Adjectives. Besides these to the Moon, they talk of other Sacrifices to they know not whom themselves, whom they worshipped by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cottus, Gyges, and Briareus say some. So many winds, says one a Etymol. Diction. (that which is thought to be meant by the Giants in the Fables.) But what have the women to do With the Wind? it can blow them no good, but a Tympany, and so puff them up with the conceit of a Child. Orphaus calls them by the name of Amalcides, Protoclias, and Protocreon and Philochorus says, they were the three first men that were begotten. And here I must tell you of somewhat to be done by the Husband too; for he was to Sacrifice to the Nymphs, and pray to them then for the bringing forth of the child, as he was afterwards to give them thanks for the bringing it up. And thus much I conjecture by those words of Orestes, when one told him that he saw Aegystus Sacrificing to the Nymphs. a Eurip Elect. v 616. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; For breeding was it, or for bringing forth? CAP. II. De Puerperio, & foetu Masculo. FOR the place where they lay in, whether it were a Chamber kept of purpose for that use I cannot tell; neither durst I conclude as much by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in● Euripides where speaking of jupiter and Bacchus, he says, b In Baceh. v. 96. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. At the time of travel, they were wont to take Palm branches and hold them in their hands, as thinking they had a virtue either to conquor the pain, (for a palm brench was a token of Conquest) or to make them bear up under the burden the better, (for no weight will make a palme-brance go downward) according to that of Theognis. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I do not read that ever before travel they stood in fear of such things as Incubi, c De Civ. Dei l 15 c. 22. and Fauni, and Sylvani, as the Romans did, who (as St Austin says) supposed those Hobgobling improbos saepe extisse mulieribus, & earum appetisse, ac peregisse concubitum. Or that after the delevery, they kept three men of purpose to sit up all night, one with an Axe, and another with a Pestle, and another with a Broom, cutting and beating, and sweeping at the thresholds to keep▪ a Ibid. l 6. c. 9 Sylvanus off from coming to hurt the Woman for having child without him. I hope they had more wit. When the Woman was delivered, if it happened to be a Male, then what joy and confidence of the building of their house (as the Hebrew phrase is) for partuviri fundavit familiam, says ●. 10. Met. Apuleius, such a one they accounted as a Pillar thereof, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Lycophron of Hector, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Pinner of the same. Iphigenia herself, when she dreamt of the fall of a house, could interpret the Pillars for so many Sons. For says she, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Males are pillars of a family. And very good reason the men should bear the name of the Pillars of the house, if the Pillars of the House can bear the names, and the figures of the men. As they do many of them to this day. Name's they made choice of the best, such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Greeks', and Telamones among the Latins: but indeed the figure was commonly of the worst, with a hunch back, bowing under the weight, and therefore they were called Gibbosi, according to that in Martial. — Ridetur Atlas cum Compare Gibbo. Besides in ancient time, 'twas an ordinary thing to erect a Pillar instead of a Statue, or the Image of a man. CAP. III. De infantibus lavandis & ungendis. THE Child as soon as it was borne, was washed in Water (or else in Wine, a Plut▪ in Lycurg▪ if they followed the Lacedaemonian fashion, and desired to prove, shall I say, or to improve the strength of the Infant) of this washing mention is made in Plautus his Amphitryon thus, Postquam peperit pueros, lavare jussit; nos occapimus. Sed puer ille quem ego lavi, ut magnus est & multum valet! and so likewise in Lycophron (for I thing it may be meant of the child, as well as the Mother) where he speaks of Priamus his putting to death the Infant Munippus (as he did his Mother Cilla, rather than Hecuba her sister, and her son Alexander) though the Oracle named no body, but only bid him kill 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Mother and the Child, he did it says he. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from which verse (after I have started the question how he came to be called Munippus, if he liv●d not long enough to be named) I have occasion given to tell you more of this matter. For the Scoliast notes upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that after they had washed the body with Water (heated I suppose it was, and used only for the cleansing of the body) they anointed it with oil, kept in a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a vessel so called, which they had for that purpose. The reason I believe to be the same, for which they did it at other times upon the elder sort. viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as the a In Aristoph. Plut. Scholiast has it) to close up the pores again after they had been opened by the hot water, and to keep out the cold. This thing of anointing, was so constantly used just after the washing, that you shall have the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes used to signify the same, as it is in Callimachus his Hymn upon jupiter. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In allusion to this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b L. 9 Di●nys. Nonnus calls the birth of Bacchus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For coming from so clean a place as jupiters' thigh, he had no great need of a washing. CAP. IU. De Cunabulis, etc. THE Child being washed, it was wrapped in a cloth Woven for the purpose by the Mother in the time of her Virginity; as may be conjectured by that which Creusa made for jon. In this cloth the Erecthidae wrought the Image of the Gorgon, and the Snakes of her head, as it was in Minerva's Aegis, by help whereof Perseus had cut it off. Besides the likeness of two Dragons drawn in gold, by Minerva's own command, and in memory of Ericthonius: who being borne of nothing but Vulcan's seed spilt on the ground in forcing of the goddess, and having feet like a Dragon was exposed and committed by her, to the custody of two vigilant Dragons. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eurip. in jon. v. 25. & 1427. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Says the Poet▪ and from thence came the custom I speak of. And yet perhaps neither those Dragons, nor the others in imitation of them, were any thing else but emblems, used by the authors to express the narrow and watchful care that was or ought to be had in the breeding of the child; for so they are like to have been assigned for keepers of other things too, as of the apples of the Hesperides etc. & that because of their quickness of sight, according to Festus: Dracones dicti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod est videre: clarissimam enim habebant oculorum aciem quâ ex causâ incubantes eos thesauris custodiae causâ finxerunt. Being wrap▪ d in the cloth instead of being put in a cradle, it was either laid upon a Clypeus, as an omen of fortitude in a time of War▪ (& thus was Hercules himself, and the Lacedæmonians generally used; thus also the * Strabo l. 7. Celtaes used the children when they threw them into the Rhine:) or else upon a Vannus or Ventilalabrum quod alimentorum copiae & bonitatis Symbolum conjectabant says Rhodiginus, as an omen of peace and plenty. CAP. V. De Infantis gestatione circa focum, & de nominis impositione. WHen the child was five days old, they took it and carried it about the hearth running: perchance to initiate him to the Lares, and make him one of the house. At the same time the custom was for the Midwives to wash their hands. Now in token of joy for having a child the Parents bedecked their house with Garlands, and in congratulation the kindred that intended to be at the naming-feast, sent their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Aeschylus calls them in Eumenideses) before, as they have used to do with us at a Christening▪ the things which they sent, were commonly Polypodes, and Sepiae, whether as rarities, or for what reason I am yet to seek. The verses of Eub●lus cited by Atheneus c. 2. speak as if those things were not kept till the feast, but used the same day, as likewise Doves, and Thrushes, and Coleworts with oil, and toasted pieces of Chersonesus-cheese, and I know not what: the whole solemnity of the day is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so is the Genius, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the running about the hearth (which it seems was placed in the midst of the room) or as we may call it Dancing about our coal fire, for we read of no more but the hearth: but surely there must be a fire, for Hesychius says, those that carried the child must be naked The naming-feast which I mentioned, was kept upon the seventh day after the Birth, says b L. 7. de Hist. An● Aristotle: and his reason is, because that day was observed to be very critical to most things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and therefore, says he▪ when that day came, if they perceived the child to be well, than they presently gave it a name, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as presuming it would continue so. But (with reverence be it spoken) I rather believe it to have been upon the tenth day (or the tenth night rather) because the feast which they kept was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and those which then sacrificed (for that was to be done first) were said to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and at the same feast (says Suidas) were the Kindred wont to meet all together, to be witnesses (as we call it) to the naming of the child, after the manner of the Romans at the Nominalia. Again, besides the authority of a Scholiast upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (in Avibus Aristophanis) I have the plain testimony of the Poet himself in the same Comedy in another place, where he brings in Pistheteros thus speaking of Athens, in an allusion to the custom, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now a a Eustath▪ in Il. 5. Father might give what name he pleased to any of his children: but usually the eldest son was called by the name of the Grandfather. I cannot say that they kept this name, and had no more: for many times they changed their name, as they changed their condition. Thus the daughter of Proteus, Eur. Hell v. 13. when she came to be elder and wiser, assumed the name of Theonoe; thu● * A●chil. Ta●. l 5. Eustat. l. 9 Leucippe when she was bought, was new-named Lacaena; and Ismenias, Atraces, when he became enslaved. And indeed for the Servants, it was an ordinary thing to give up their names, and all to their Masters: who presently gave them new, such as they thought sit. Either from the Country, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the colour and complexion, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Phoc. Biblioth. Cod. 279. or some good quality in him, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or else from the day or the time whereon they bought him, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. At Rome the Master gave them a name of their own: but 'twas when they set them free, and so a new name was a token of liberty too: or of something better, See Rev. 2.17. as of an adoption, (when the adopters name was the better of the two) or some other good fortune: which made him in Lucian, when an Estate fell to him, to change his name from Simon to Simonides▪ and thus they took new names when they came to be made Kings, as among the Persians etc. or gods, as every where besides, which appears in those names of Palaemon and Quirinus, & a great many more. CAP. VI De Puerperarum Lustrationibus. THE Mother after her delivery (though some say it was done after the first nights lying with her Husband) hung up her Zona to Diana 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (Cinxia you may call her in Latin) and her clothes too (says Callimachus) to Diana 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ until she were purified, she was as carefully shunned, as any Woman of the Jews, insomuch that reckoning her among the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they loathed to go into the house where she lay, as much as if she had lain for dead: or if they happened to go in unwittingly or by constraint; when they came forth again, they would be sure to wash. whence that of Diog: Laertius in the life of Pythagoras, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which puts me in mind of Iphigenia in Euripides: when bemoaning the condition of Orestes, whom the Scythians designed for a Sacrifice to Diana, she spoke her mind so plainly in relation to her curiousness, to have no body come near her, that came from a Woman in Childbed, or a slaughter, or a funeral, etc. I defy (says she) the hypocrisy of that Goddess whatever she be, that shall take delight in the murdering of men, and yet notwithstanding out of purity, forsooth, shall forbid such & such to come near her Altars. — a Iphig in Taur. v. 380. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A saying so cutting to the folly of the best of the heathen Theology, that it would have sounded very well from the mouth of a Christian. For Thucydides says, that the Athenians, for fear the holy Isle of Delos, should by this means be polluted, made a law, that no Woman should lie in for child there, but she must be removed to Rhenia, an Island near adjoining. What day she was purified in, I cannot yet determine, and I remember the question put in Euripides: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whether it were at the time of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the feast that was kept at the forty day's end (for so many days she was to keep in after her delivery, as well as before) or whether it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the child was a tenne-night old, (as we say a seven night, counting nothing but the nights: for I do not think 'tis the tenth Month) I do not well know: but Electra says it was so, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whensoever the time was: the Woman, after she had washed away her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the river (as Rhea did hers in the river Lymax so called from * Pausan in Ach. thence) she herself was to Sacrifice to Diana, for helping her to a child: and her Husband to the Nymphs, for helping him to such a Wife: or both (if you will) to return their thanks, that the child came in its due time. And this one calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It may be in case of weakness, or if she were ignorant of rites (as she might be at the first) another did it for her, as Clytaemnestra did for Electra upon her request. But indeed it should be the Midwife by right, as Clytaemnestra herself confessed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eurip. Electr. v. 1128. During her lying in; the greatest part of her food was colewort. CAP. VII. De Nutricibus. THE Nurses during the time of sucking, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the paps) but after they came to be Weaned (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dry Nurses. Now the custom was for the Nurses (the better to harden the Children usu liberioris * Rhodig. ex Plat. aurae, and to make the Nurse's the more neat and cleanly) to be often carrying the children abroad in the ways and the streets: and in case they should be unquiet, the Scholiast upon those words of Aristophanes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Says they were wont to have their sponge full of honey, in a little pot always ready for the purpose. Of all Women they counted a Lacedaemonian the fittest for a Nurse, (and such a one Alcibiades had himself.) Or rather indeed the Athenian Women were so proud, that they counted it a disparagement to them, to be nurses themselves. And therefore the Woman in Demosthenes, when it was objected to her, that she had sometimes used this base employment, was feign to excuse it, by the necessity of the Famine, which was in the City at that time. And so likewise you shall find Hecuba in Euripides complaining of her unhappiness, that she must be forced to such an office as this was. When they would lull as we call it) or lalle a child a sleep, they used lallare to cry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to sing songs to it. Their songs they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: (for so is naenia used in the Latin too, as in Arnobius lib. 7. Somno occupari ut possint leves audiendae sunt naeniae,) such a kind of song is that in Theocritus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sleep my little souls, etc. For thus they were wont to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the child, calling it also sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the like. CAP. VIII. De expositione Infantum. BUT we shall have no need to trouble ourselves to get Nurses, if the child either die of itself, or be exposed to die by the Parent. If it die in the time of its infancy (before it had teeth says Pliny) it was to have but a cold burial without any fire, or any funeral sacrifice or solemnity in Mourning or otherwise As being (in the words of * Sat. 8. juvenal) minor igne rogi. Which practice is by Plutarch in his Consolation to his Wife, produced for an argument, to persuade her not to grieve for the death of her child; Says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The custom of exposing childring, which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with the people of ancient times was very usual; it was exercised upon such children as were lame, or deformed, or defective in any of their Members. We * Exod. 7. v. 2. read indeed that Moses was used thus because he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a godly child: but he was rather hidden from Pharaoh, then exposed to the river. This practice was in most places at the pleasure of the parent: but at Sparta I read that they took better advices for there they had a Committee of purpose called by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appointed to examine every child, whether it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sound or not. The places where they exposed them, were sometimes Rivers and Lakes, such as Moses was put in by his Mother, and Romulus and Remus by their Uncle Aemilius; sometimes a sink or a gutter, according to that in juvenal. — votaque saepe Ad spurcos decepta lacus. Sometimes a deep pit, such as the Lacedæmonians had at Taygetus in common for all, sometimes Woods and desert places, such as Oedipus had, as Seneca says: & in alta nemora pabulum misit feris Avidis— and sometimes the wide Sea, as justin says of one Habides, (if that be his name,) Gargoris Habidem nepotem suum in mare projici jussit. If a child were exposed any where upon the Land, after they had swathed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fasciis, they put it in an earthen pot. Such a pot some would have to be meant by the Cantharus in Terence his Andria. — verum vidi Cantharum Suffarcinatum▪ As if it were Suffasciatum. Whereas others would have you read it Cantharam, for an old Woman of that name, and suffarcinatam, for as much as succinctam. It is sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as by Aristophanes in Ranis, where he speaks of Oedipus thus — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— And sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast upon the same place, whence comes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exponere. What kind of thing that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was, wherein Creusa exposed her Bastard in a rock in the Acropolis; or whereof it was made, I cannot so well determine. Euripides says it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a vessel, and that jon the child was wrapped up in a skin, or a leather, and put into it, according to that — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Me thinks it might be rendered area, and more properly so then Moses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can be: for first he says there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 skin or leather, rolled or folded up, such as some of our Chests have. 2. It was fastened or locked of one side: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as our trunks are. 3. It was round also, and fit to be tumbled as he says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that will serve well enough for any such thing, as well as vas, or a vessel. If the child were exposed on the Water, it was usually put in a thing made like a basket made of oziers', or bulrushes, daubed and closed with slime and pitch, such as that we read of in * C. 2. v. 3. Exodus. But though they thus set him out to the mercy of fortune, they would be sure to set him forth too, in the best manner they could, with rings, and jewels, and garlands, and many precious ornaments, either in a way of mourning, to do as they did to the dead, according to that — a Eurip. Ion: v. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Or in a way of care and providence, that if it lived, and any one happened to find it so lying, and would Tolleret. take it up (as they call it) he might have his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his charges to breed him advanced to his hand: and if it died, there might be enough for him, that would bestow the pains, to bestow the cost too in the burying, according to that in * Heautont▪ Act. 3. Sc. 1. Terence. — cum exponendam do illi, degito annulum Detraho, & eum ut unà cum puellâ exponeret Si moreretur, ne expers partis esset de nostris bonis. These 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or crepundia, most commonly were fastened about their necks, and were therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as they were likewise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for they were many times, bottles and bells, and such like toys (and so you must distinguish betwixt ornaments & marks) because they were for another end yet besides the former, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says * Dio Chrysost. one) not to adorn him, but to mark him so as to know him again, and to set the parents name therein, as we use to fasten collars and such like things, about the necks of our dogs: and it may be the rattle-bels were fastened to find him by the noise, as we do our Hawks. For you must know, every child that was exposed, was not exposed with this intent to be killed (as some would have exponere and necare to be little different) for many times they did it to hid it only, out of fear it would be killed, if it were not exposed (as it was with Moses:) and sometimes (if it were a Bastard) they put it out of purpose to have some body nurse it, for if she bread it up herself, every body would know it. Besides, when they were exposed with that intent, the parents for the most, part had not their ends, for none have proved more famous men than such as were exposed, as might be made appear by sundry examples. At the best, exposing in my mind was very hard dealing, and therefore the Thebans (whom Aelian commends for their humanity) made a Law to forbid it: and so did the Romans too afterward: among whom, no exposed child could be free of the City. And yet Aristotle could afford to prescribe it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But he was then in Politics, and that made him forget his Physics, or his natural affection. Our putting out children to Nurse, many times proves little better than exposing. Another way there was of carrying a child into another Country, where it might live in secret, and secure from an enemy: as Orestes did in Phocis, from the rage of Aegystus. And therefore Sophocles speaking of his manner of life in his youth, calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and so you might have called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the words of Lycophron: but enough of exposing. I will proceed to speak of the customs they used in education: only, because their practice was different according to the birth of the child, it will be necessary to speak a word first of the several sorts of children, in regard of their Birth or Parentage. CAP. IX. De Liberorum diversitate. ACcording to the Scholiast upon Homer, there were four sorts of Sons. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin Legitimus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the son of a married free Woman. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, qui Latinè reddi non potest, says * L. 3. c. 6. Quintilian, the son either of a foreign Woman, or a Concubine; such a son, if his Father were but a private man, might have nothing to do with the name, or the kindred of his Feather, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Aristophanes: * In Avib. Eurip. v. 591. and if the case were thus when the Mother was a stranger, how just a cause had jon in the Poet, to complain as he did? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But if the father were a Prince, or some great Potentate (if we may believe Eustathius upon b Il. 8. Homer concerning Teucer who was a nothus himself) being well born he must needs be lawfully borne, and so he was held in as great esteem as any other, and enjoyed his inheritance: consuetudinis Regiae fuit ut legitimam Vxorem non habentes aliquam licet captivam tamen pro legitimâ haberent, ut liberi ex ipsâ nati succederent, says Servius. Whereas the other must be popped along with a portion only of a thousand drachmae at the most: * Harpoc. this portion they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which they had in the nature of gifts, like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which † Gen. 25 c. 6. Abraham gave to the sons of his concubines: it was the value of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of five minae says the Scholiast upon Aristophanes in Avibus▪ where I remember how Hercules (jupiters' bastard by Alemaena the Wife of Amphitryon) when Pistheteros had told him, that being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the Law he could not lay claim to the least part of his father's estate, makes answer thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; But what if he give me a portion, I hope there is no law against that. But the other replied again and conf●ted his answer, by urging Solon's Law, which ordered indeed that, the nothi should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, have the estate shared among them in portions, but it must be only for default of legitimate children and not otherwise. This Law is mentioned by Demosthenes in his speech 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thirdly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an obscure son, whose Father we know not: in Latin Spurius or Favonius. As if he were nothing but terrae filius, rising out of the ground like the wind; or as if he were begotten of the wind, (which we know not from what part of the earth it comes) without the help of a Father; like the eggs which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, made by the hens without the help of the cook. In allusion to which Lucian calls Vulcan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they feigned him to be borne of juno, but begot of the Wind, or they knew not whom. 4ly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Pollux; A Son borne in Wedlock, of a woman with child when she married, whom the Husband took for a Maid. To these may be added, first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a son not begotten, but made, or adopted: of whom (it may be) I shall speak more anon. Secondly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 liber, whose father was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 libertus, made free: and thirdly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ingennus, the son of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Any son begotten by a Father in his old age, or the only child, or the only beloved, they usually called * 1 Poll. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. X. De Liberorum educatione. IT is said of Greece, that it took the best course in breeding up of Children, of any Country in the world. In so much that Euripides is therefore thought to have given it the Epithet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by way of excellence above the rest. But how is it then that Homer gives the same to Ithaca: as Cicero does that of a Nidulus. In Aristophanes his Thesmophoriazusae, the Pr●co, calling upon the Women, to provide to sacrifice to such and such Gods, among the rest brings in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But whether this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here be Tellus in general, the Mother and the Nurse of the Creatures; or whether it be only▪ Tellus Attica, Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the best Nurse of the best, I know not, but thus much is delivered by Suidas, viz. that Ericthonius the poor exposed child of Vulcan, in a thankful acknowledgement of his education in that land, first sacrificed ●o this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and having built an Altar of purpose to her, made a Law that whosoever would sacrifice to any other god should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, do it to her first. Well let us see a little what their manner of education was. They say the Children were usually taught 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, first to swim and dive and then to read; Very good method. If the Father was poor, he was brought up to a trade; if able and rich, to Philosophy, Music, Gymnicall exercises, hunting and the like. If he were brought up to no calling at all, in case his Father should come to poverty, he was not bound to maintain * Plut. in Solon. him, as otherwise he was. Many times the boys were taken up, and maintained by the greater sort, in a lustful manner (as they have been by the Romans) and were called their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pages: all such Catamites or Ganymedes were usually called * Hesych. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, though, I know, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too, are frequently used by Sophocles and others, in no ill meaning at all. CAP. XI. De Puerorum Castigatione, etc. IF a boy at any time were refractory, and stubborn in committing a fault, the best means the Mother could use to persuade him to leave it, was to show him her breasts, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast upon Euripides, as the most powerfulll motive she had. But the Fathers and the Masters took another course with them. If a boy had deserved to be whipped, he should be sure enough of his wages from them, for they tied him fast, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to a block, to make him kiss the post, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to a stake, or a pin, and so whipped him. And thus to be punished they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says he in * In Equit. Aristophanes, which is rendered by Frischlin, Distentus affigêre humi, as if they stretched him out every way as much as they could, and tied his neck, and arms, & legs, too pins fastened in the ground for that purpose, to keep him from striving. I know not whether this were the same as they called * E●. ad Hebr. c. ●1 v. 3.5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But I think that to have been rather the stretching, or pulling of the skin, only fidiculis with little cords, to make it as tied as that in a drum. Of which perhaps the Poet speaks when he says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the stool, whereon they stretched him or beat him, as they would a skin or a hide. That torture of one of the seven brethren in the * L. 2. c. 7 v. 7. Maccabes, pulling his skin off his head, may be very well reduced hither. And indeed I do ●ather think the true apo●ympanismum, to have been a torture or a rack exercised upon any by Tyrants rather than a punishment of boys and children by their Masters. For so Aristotle in the second book of his * L. 2 c 8 ●. 38 Rhetorics, says that Antiphon the Poet, was used by Dionysius the Tyrant. And in the sixth * T. 24. Chapter of the same book, speaking of the want of all fear, in such as had already suffered the extermity of evils, he instances in those that are thus used; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And so Plutarch in his book de Adulatione, cries out upon those flatterers or Ptolomee, that even 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when he was thus racking and torturing of men, durst not open their mouths to dissuade him. But yet I believe also, that there was an easier kind of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they would but beat a fellow with clubbs, which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (if that be not rather the word for the block upon which they suffered, for the Scholiasts on these words of Aristophanes in Pluto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— says both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, on which, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with which they beat him.) And that boys were punished with such a thing, I have cause to think, from these words of Plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. But to return to the punishment with the Passalus. I know the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that Poet, is more often used to express another manner of handling a man, by any body else as well as a Master. For instance, in Thesmophoriazusae, when one kept a great deal of noise and would not be silent, another threatens him to put a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his mouth. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where the Scholiast says he alluded to the trick (used with us also) of thrusting a stick in a Hogs mouth, when they would see whether it had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Hail, or the Measles or no; nay in the Poet himself in Equites, you have one threatening to use another in this very manner. That fashion of tying the boys to a stake to whip them, I remember mentioned by Themistius, under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in his first Oration, where speaking of a Plagosus Orbilius, that used to pay the poor and Fatherless children to the purpose, because they could pay him no better; says he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And so Prometheus, whom the gods tied to Caucasus-hill for stealing fire is said by Menander, to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or tied like a boy to the Rocks; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where he prettily pleads his cause, as if he had been too hardly dealt with for so small a matter. Nay the power of a Father over a child went farther yet: For first, (before that Solon made a Law not to do it unless it were found in the act of adultery) any one might sell his child when he * Plut. in Sol. pleased. 2. The Father, if the Son had been faulty, might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, * Lucian. abdicere filium suum, turn him out of doors. But not till the Judges had the hearing of the cause, says * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Demosthenes: and then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Crier went about, and cried that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such a one did deny 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such a one to be his Son any longer. He that was thus used was said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be ejected out of the Family, and nas called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If he were received into favour again, he was said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be taken into the family again: and then he could never be abdicated any more. CAP. XII. De ascriptione in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. THE Sons when they came to be three years old at the soon, and seven at the latest, were carried by their Fathers to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and registered, in the Tribe. But before they could be registered, the Fathers were to take their Oaths that the children were theirs: and yet notwithstanding the Oaths, those heads of the Tribe if they listed, might question the matter, and put them to a suit in * Demost. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Law. The time on which this was usually done, was the third day of the Feast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which was so called, either according to the etymological dictionary, because the sons which before might be thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to have no Father, did now make it appear, who the Father was. Or according to to the opinion of Xenophon, L. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: because at that feast, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Fathers met altogether: and so it must be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in that manner as a wife is called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: where A is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and not a privative, as in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and many other such words. The third day of the feast was called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as who would say, a Shearing-feast: because at that time they used to cut their hair. The hair which they cut they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that which they cut at a funeral. This lock (as I think it was) they had nourished of purpose till that time, and consecrated to the honour of one of their gods: as may appear by the practice of Bacchus himself: for when Pentheus threatened to cut of his dainty lock, he had nothing else to dissuade him, but to tell him it was sacred, (like the lock of the * Numb. c. 6. v. 5. Nazarites) a Eurip. in Bach. 494. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And thus Theseus is said to have consecrated his hair to Apollo at Delos. The hair thus cut because it was the first time that ever they cut it, and because it was done by way of an offering, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the first fruits of the hair, (for the word both English, Greek, and Hebrew, is appliable to any thing that is first.) Such first fruits of his Beard b Sueton. c. 12. ejus vitae. Nero put it into a golden box, which he adorned with precious jewels, and laid it up in the Capitol. If the children were of an noble blood, the would go as fare as Delphos to give it Apollo. But if others, some to one god and some to another (I think they had their choice, for there were gods enough of conscience) at Rome, besides Apollo, whom still one or other was careful to supply (notwithstanding his own Intonsum caput, & his long hairy beams) Hos tibi, Martial. Phoebe, vovet totos a vertice crines. Aesculapius was remembered too. For Statius speaks of one Earinus, that sent his hair to him to Pergamus, in a curious box beset with jewels, and a lookingglass besides, Mart. Ep. 9 — dulcesque capillos. Pergameo posuit dona sacrata deo. How was it then that the Vestal Virgins hung up theirs upon a Tree: which Festus says they kept for the purpose, by the name of Capillaris? The Nuns the Vestal Virgins of these times have no such need, they have gods and Saints enough and to one of them they bestow a love-lock for entrance, as I have heard it reported. But let me not run on with my empty cart, and take no notice of that which is asserted by some, contrary to what I have delivered. Car. Sigonius and divers others say, that this regestring in the Tribe-Book, and that which they called the Searching too, was not done till the boys were fifteen years old, and the enrolling of them into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at eighteen: according to that of Pausanias in Eliacis, where he says, that after they were eighteen years old, they were not to play at any kind of plays with boys any longer. But as yet, I dare be so bold as to be of a contrary mind. For first, Proclus upon Plato's Timaeus, says that when they went to be registered, they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, three or four years old, and there is my authority. 2ly, Cnemon in Helidorus saith, he was registered as soon as he went to School, which is like to have been sooner than at fifteen year old: and there is my example. 3ly. It is agreed upon by all, that at the time Registering they offered up the first-fruits of their hair: and it is not likely they should let it alone till fifteen years of age, and there is my reason. But, Si quid novisti rectius etc. It is all one to me. CAP. XIII. De ascriptione in Epheborum censum, & in album Lexiarchicum. WHen they came to be eighteen years old, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they were listed among the number of those that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 puberes. And to this purpose they had certain Officers appointed to search them, to see whether they were so or no, and to prove them whether they were able (as they called it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to keep Guard, or do service in the City▪ (of which hereafter.) This search or examination was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If they were found to be puberes, sound wind and Limb, and like to prove a Soldiers; they were led into the Temple of Argulus, where they took a solemn oath conceptis verbis, to be true to the gods and the Country. The time when this was done, was upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too, and that may be the occasion of the difference I lately spoke of. Neither were these later rites performed without cutting of hair too. But commonly the fashion was, either then, or at any other time but the first, to consecrate their hair, Sch●l. in Hom. Il. ●. not to this or that God, but to the rivers, especially such as belonged to the Country they lived in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thus much may be gathered from b Pausan in Att. Peleus his vow to consecrate his hair to the River Sperchius', if Achilles returned in safety: and c Philostr. Memnon's performance of the like to the river of Nilus: so (as * Acts 18.18. Paul shaved his hair at Cenchrea, upon the like occasion,) the Nazarites, when they cut their hair of Num. c. 3. consecration, were to make use of the contrary Element, and to throw it in the fire. But amongst the Greeks the custom of paying tribute of their hair, when they cut it, to the Water (as to a principal cause of life and growth) was very usual both in men & women, especially in times of mourning, when they cut it most. I remember Helena in Euripides, where she bemoans the condition of the poor Trojans, and the sad fruits of the War, speaks of such a thing done by the Virgins at the river Scamandar. a Eurip. Helen. v. 372. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Unless you had rather think it was done (according to the custom) to the dead bodies of their friends, that lay therein. I should have told you that before they cut their hair, (I mean when they went out Ephebi) they first took a vessel of Wine (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Hesychius) and having consecrated it to the honour of Hercules, they began a health in it to the company there present. This ceremony, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Wine. And here it may not be amiss, to mention the distinction, which you shall find in the Poets of two several ways of cuttting of their hair, in use among the Greeks. The one was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they did but pair their hair, as they would do the borders in a garden: the other called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they shaved it so close to the skin, that they made the head look like a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Skiffe, or a boat. When they came to be two years puberes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as Demosthenes calls it) or twenty year old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they wrote men, or they became sui juris, and their names were registered by the Demarchus in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Albo Lexiarchico, a book wherein he kept the names of all those that belonged to his Demus. It had this name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because as soon as any one's name was written therein, he might be master of an estate himself if he had it. Besides this book, there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a table of box-wood, wherein every one was to set down of what Demus he was, together with the name of his Father. Now as for the women, they were not wont to be entered into any tribe, till the time when they came to be Married, and that in the month of Gamelion, whereas the men were entered into the Month of Pyanepsion. CAP. XIV. Alimenta parentibus & alumnis praebenda. WHen the Father came to age, or necessity, if the Son refused to support him (unless he were a nothus, or had not been bred up to a calling) he might be served with a Writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and if he were convicted, his punishment was to be excommunicated all Society, both Sacred and civil, and to be fined a mulct besides. This maintenance and succour, he was bound by a Law of Solon's making, to afford not only to his Parents, but to any friend else, to whom he owed his education: and thence it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin Alimenta. This debt they reckoned themselves so strongly engaged to pay, that they abominated, depreciated, and grieved for nothing so much, as to die before it was paid, according to that in the Poet, Iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— rendered by Val. a L. 6. Flaccus thus. — nec reddita charo Nutrimenta patri: brevibus praereptus in annis. Insomuch that the Parent might very well say to his children b Quinul. deel 6. Non est beneficium, quod pascitis; sed facinus, quod negatis. And indeed I must needs say thus much for them, I have found them for the most part, very careful to keep out of debt in this kind, and very tender hearted to their Parents, as may be gathered by this one practice of theirs in use among them, a In Aristoph. Vesp. viz. If a Father had been any time abroad: when he came home again, the Daughter themselves, presently fell to washing his feet, and anointed them with oil, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Scholiast, insomuch that Euphron▪ (saith he) thought that Homer had used the Epithet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the feet, in allusion to this anointing, (it may be) they used to kiss them too (as she did the feet of our Saviour) for so saith he of his Daughter in Aristophanes. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For the Children thus to maintain their Parents out of an Antipelargy, and to feed the old ones like the birds, it was commonly termed in one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so Medea uses the word to her children at parting. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Eurip. Med. v. 133. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Next to the charges of maintaining the parent when he is old, are those of burying him, when he is dead; and those to be borne by the Son too. And therefore Admetus running out upon his father, for nor offering to lay down that life in his room, which being then very old, he must shortly leave in his own; Well (says he) I am to be reckoned but a dead man, and you for your part, are not like to have any more sons now. a Idem in Alcestis. v. 664. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That will you feed, and shroud your head, And Lay you forth when you are dead. And now that we have brought the man so near his end: we will show him what course he is to take for the disposing of his estate, only because if he should have no children at all, or none such as they should be, there might be a doubt what to do; I will speak a word of that first. CAP. XV. De adoptione, testamento, & haereditate. IF a man had either no child at all, or none that was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, free borne: he had power * Isa. de Aristarch, to adopt him a nothus or any one else. And this was to be done after the manner of a Will, signed and sealed in the presence of the Magistrate, as their Wills were wont to be. Whosoever was thus adopted, must be first made free of the City, and then be ascribed into the Tribe (or fraternity) of him that adopted him. But this last was to be done upon the feast of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the month of Thargelion, and not at the ordinary time. Having thus left his old Tribe (which they were not bound to do among the Romans) he was not to return to it again, till he had begotten a child in the new. As for the man's estate it passed to another either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by descent, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by virtue of a will. Now by Solon's laws (for before, their estate could not be conveyed but to those of the kindred) a man might make any body his heir, Demost. of any estate t●at he had which was not in controversy: but with these six qualifications. First he himself must be no Fool nor Madman, 2 No prisoner, so as to make his will against his will: for than it could be no will. 3 No stranger, for then his estate went to the common treasure. 4 No adopted man, for such a ones estate (if he wanted a child, was to pass to the * Demost. ad Leochar. next of the Adopters kindred) 5 Not persuaded thereunto by his Wife: for such a one (says my * Id▪ cont. Olympiodorum. author) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is little better than a madman. 6 Not having a male child of his own; for then the inheritance should go to him. And if there were more Males than one, they were to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, coparteners, or joynetenants. But in case he had no male child at all, and died without a Will, the estate fell to the next Male of the Kindred. If he had but one Daughter in all, or if the Sons that he had, were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, free borne and legitimate: the Daughter was to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sole heir. And therefore he in Aristophanis Avibus, told Hercules, minerva could not possibly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to jupiter, if Mars and Vulcan were his legitimate sons: — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I say this Daughter was the heir, and the next of the kin was to marry her; or the next of kin who was to marry her, became the heir by the marriage. A Woman or a Boy, if they made a Will, could not go beyond 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, six bushels, Isaus de Aristarch. (they say it is) or the value of such a measure of Barley. He to whom the estate did pass, by what way soever it were, was forthwith to make his claim to it before the Praetor: which thing they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And if any one would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lay in any thing to defeat the claim, he was to prosicute his title. Demst. contr. Stephan▪ And now the man hath made his will, the next care he has is how to be buried when he dies: I shall therefore endeavour to show him how to have that done too in the amplest manner, only first, I will satisfy him of the necessity of having a burial. CAP. XVI. De necessitate s●pulturae. I Remember Cicero in his Topics, divides justice into three kinds, unam ad superos, alteram ad manes, tertiam ad homines pertinentem of the second kind of justice viz to the dead, I do find every where among the ancients so religious a care; and such a sacred esteem of a burial; that Sepulchers were called templa, and the rite- of a funeral acknowledged and called to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Greeks, as well as justa by the latins. Insomuch that the Athenians had a Law, that if any one happened but by chance, upon the carcase of another, whosoever it were: he should be boun● to cast earth upon it, three times together, Aclian. Var. Hist. l. 5, c. 14. and give it a mouthful of Tur●e, — a Horace l. 1. Od. 28. Capiti inhumato Particulam dare— The Romans (it seems by Quintilian Declam. 5.) observed this custom exceeding well, for (says he) Ignotis Cadaveribus humum congerimus & insepultum quodlibet corpus nulla festinatio tam rapida transcurrit, ut non quantulocunque veneretur aggestu. And if any one omitted the duty he must make satisfaction by sacrificing a Sow pig▪ porcam b Festus c. 14. praecidaneam (as they called it) to Ceres. But the Scholiast upon Sophocles in Antigone goes farther: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whosoever saw a dead body▪ and did not turn up the dust upon it, was not only a breaker of the Law▪ but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a scelus, an accursed devoted fellow, anathema, acer (for what should the body do any longer in the air, which it is not able to draw?) and therefore they accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast upon * In Helen. Euripides, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, very much feared that the gods under ground, would be angry, if any belonging to them were a 'bove ground. No greater imprecation to an enemy amongst them, than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he might not be covered with the earth. Me thinks I see * Homer. Sophoc. Hector upon his knees to Achilles, as he was ready to stab him; and * Homer. Sophoc. Ajax in his prayers to jupiter (before he fell upon his sword) earnestly beseeching them not to suffer their bodies, when their souls were removed, to be left behind in the lurch to be meat for the dogs and the birds. Hence surely it was; that the ancients stood so much in fear of a death upon the Sea: or a shipwreck; because of death: for there they could never be interred. Demite naufragium. & mors mihi munus erit Says Ovid. Insomuch that when they went to Sea, or at least when they feared to be cast away (as we call it, for there if the Soul be gone, we have lost the body too) their custom was to fasten to one part or other of their bodies, a reward for him that should find it, and bury it, if it were cast a shore. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; says Synesius in one one of his Epistles▪ Moreover not only if a corpse were not buried at all: but if it were not buried as soon as possibly it could, it was counted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if they had offended the manes; whereas on the contrary, if it were done without delay, they thought it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that they had done them a pleasure. You have those two words used by the Scholiast, upon the saying of Homer. Iliad 7. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Petroclus is said to have been angry with Achilles for such a delay; Alex. ab Alex l. 3 c. 7. and how true it is which one says, that the bodies were kept fourteen days, and fourteen nights, before they were buried, I do not yet find. CAP. XVII. De ter vocanda animâ, & de Cenotaphiis. BUT next to the happiness of being buried, was that of being buried in their own Country. Insomuch that if a Man died so fare from home, that they could not come to the body; they were wont with solemn and frequent invocations, naming him thrice at every time, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— manes ter voce vocare (as I may say) to give a hollow for the Soul: which they thought was still quick enough to come to them. a In Pyth. Od. 4. Pindar says: that Phrixus, when he was a dying at Colchis, desired Pelias to see this office performed for him — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— And so Ulysses, after he had lost threescore and twelve of his company among the Cicones, presently made it his business (says Homer)— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: to give a hoop for every one three times. Id. 13. Eclog. 6. As Theocritus says of Hylas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Virgil he is named but twice. — Hylam nautae quo fonte relictum. Clamessent●ut littus Hyla, Hyla, omne Sonaret. Doubtless they would have been glad, to believe their bodies also might be rolled under ground, into their native Country, as some of the jews do think theirs shall into the land of Canaan. And yet a great many of them knew, that if they cried their hearts out to the Souls themselves, it could be to little purpose. For as I remember, one in Aristophanis Ranis says concerning the dead, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They are gone so fare (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to go isused also for to die, we say a man is dead, and gone) that you cannot reach them at thrice calling. But must this be all? can there be no way else to honour the man, unless you can finger the carcase? yes, he shall be kept safe in Grave and a Monument, though he never be buried. Such a monument they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and to bury a man thus in effigy (as I may say) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in * Helen v. 1●62. Euripides. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Scholiast upon the Same Poet in Hecuba, gives a full testimony of the custom, saying that, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, though the body were buried in another Country, to keep his memory above ground, they would bury his grave. Nonnus calls this Cenotaphium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Sepulchre. Such a thing as this Aeneas made for his Father. — b Virg Aen. 6. Tumulum Rhaeteo in littore inanem Constitui— c Ovid. l. 6. fab. 8. Progne for Philomela. — & inane Sepulchrum Constituit— The Pythagoreans for those qui à Philosophiâ suâ descivissent, (accounting them as bad as departed out of the life, that had departed from the principles) The Athenians for all those that died upon the Sea. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— says the Poet concerning Helena's husband. 'tis worth your labour to read the story, what a pother the Woman, kept about putting a suit of clothes in a beer; as if his body were there; and bedecking it with flowers, and carrying it out into the Sea to drown it. If it may not be grievous▪ I will produce the words which passed betwixt Theoclymenus and Helen concerning the custom. Theoc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Hel. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teoc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hel. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .. If a man died fight in the field, and his body could not be found; he was honoured with the carriage of an empty beer in pomp, and a burial, in the Ceramicus, with Pillars and Epitaphs in the stateliest manner that might be. For with this provision for his burial, he in * In Avibus. Aristophanes comforted himself and his friend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; what need I say more of this? It was a common thing every where as * L. 11 fab. 10. Ovid says. Et saep● in tumulis sine corpore momina legi. CAP. XVIII. De mortui mutilatione, & iis quae in homicidiis fieri solebant. THE customs used in Athens upon the dead body, were different▪ according to the different ways by which he came to his end. viz. Violent, and Natural. And first of the customs used in a violent death. If the man had killed himself (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) they cut off the hand with which he did it and buried it in a place apart from the rest of the body. So says Cel. Rhodiginus, but I know not who told him so. In dying (or falling down) Men and Women. but especially the Women, were exceeding careful, that they might not discover any thing that was not to be seen, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Euripides says of Polyxena. If another killed a man: he that killed him, if he thought that he had done it justly and in a good cause, though he washed his hands after it (as they would do after killing any other Creature) yet he used to take the sword that he did it with, and hold it up towards the Sun with the blood on it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (says the scoliast upon Euripides in Orestes) to show that he feared not if heaven were witness, and all the World knew of the fact. If he had done it unjustly: instead of showing the blood he wiped it off in the hair of the party slain. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says the Scoliast upon Sophocles in Electra) averruncare, to abominate, and wipe away the abomination of the fact. But if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as he says) i. e. If the party were one of his own Tribe or kindred: he could never wipe it so clean, but some would stick. And therefore fearing it would draw the Furies to revenge it, they provided. Annulets and spells to keep them off: And what better thing than a part of the body itself? for having that in their power as a hostage, to do what they would with it, the Ghost of the party would not offer to meddle with them, or else would spare the bearer, for love of the carriage. And therefore as soon as they had slain him they cut off all the extreme or outmost parts of the outmost members: Soph. in Electra. and sewing them, or tying them together, wore them under their armpits. The extremities thus used they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so to use the body 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so as they called it likewise, if they did but cut the tops of the ears, when a man had committed a fault, says the etymological Dictionary: which may more properly be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lap of the ear. Though that word, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, be also used for as bad usage as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: unless you will say this was properly said to be done, when they killed the party quite. Those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in L. 4. Apollonius, where he speaks of Absyrtus his being thus used by his sister Medea. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: because oftimes they hung those pieces of the body 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their armholes▪ of which Sophocles speaks thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But if he had killed the man by treachery, he hung those pieces about his neck, and taking some of the blood, spit three times in his mouth. This fashion of mutilating, or Laceration as they called it, and cutting of pieces from the Noses, and the ears, and the hands, and the feet, was in use likewise among the Romans: not only upon men slain, (as Quintilian says, truncas partibus suis umbras) but when they did not kill them outright: according to that in Virgil Aen, 6. Atque hic Priamidem laniatum corpore toto. Deiphobum vidi lacerum crudeliter ora, Ora, manusque ambas, populataque tempora raptis Auribus, & truncas inhonesto vulnere nares. That practice of Adonibezeks which we read of in the book of judges, C. 1. v. 7. in cutting the fingers and toes of the Kings, may well be called ocroteriasmus, as this was. The usual punishments to be suffered by him that had killed another were these. If he had done it unwillingly, he must fly his own Country, and get into another, (as the Israelites were to fly to the Cities of refuge) Being there he must betake himself (saith the * On Homer Il. O. Scholiast) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Joshua c. 20. into some great man's house that was able to protect him (for reject him he might not coming as an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Petitioner,) & there set him covered by the hearth (a place which they counted holy) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to expiate the fact, and purge himself of the pollution. If the party were one of his own Tribe or Kindred, he must tarry out of his Country a whole year at the * Schol in Eurip Hippol. least. a lib. 18. Eustathius says anciently they suffered them sometimes, to redeem their liberty with a fine of two Talents of gold. But afterward, it seems to have been otherwise: Insomuch that a Murderer was not only forbid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to perticipate in their Sacrifices himself. But every body else (of his own Country) was forbid to receive him into his house. Nay they might not be allowed to speak to him: as thinking him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so unholy a thing, as that he might not have the name of a Man, as Euripides says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Scholiast upon * Il. X. Homer, out of Callimachus, says, that among the Thessali, they used to drag him about the grave, where the party was buried whom he had slain; as Eurydamus did Simon for killing his brother Thrasynus. CAP. XIX. De claudendis oculis, pulsandis aeneis vasis, & amiciendo corpone. IT was the custom among the Greeks', as well as among the Jews and the Romans, when a man was a dying, or his Sun was a setting as they used to say— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to have his eyes closed by the Parents, Theoc. or the next of the kindred: and they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The performing of this ceremony by the Kindred, was so much valued, that it was bewailed as a very great unhappiness, to die in such a place where a man's friends could not be present to do it: Il. O. as Ulysses says — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— If a man died suddenly; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says the * Il. Scholiast upon Homer) it was attributed to Apollo: if a Woman to Diana. I know not whether I may here venture to tell you, from an old Scholiast upon Theocritus, that just at the time of death, they had a custom likewise to make a great ringing with vessels of brass (Bells, some render it) to fright away the Hobgobling, and Furies from the Soul. For such a kind of sound (he says) is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a special virtue for such effects. But else I should rather imagine it to have been done for the same end, that a Roman Conclamation was, viz. to t●y whether the party were but dead a sleep (not dead and gone) and so to awake him with the noise: as they were wont to do to the Moon in an Eclipse, when they thought her a sleep. The eyes being covered with the lids; the face was next covered with a cloth: and that by the next of the Kin too: for Hippolytus as he lay a dying, thus calls to his Father to do it. Eur. H●pport. b. 148. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And indeed the whole business of stretching out and shrouding the body, belonged especially to the next of the Kin. And therefore Cassandra, in Euripides, endeavouring to prove the condition of the Trojans to be better than that of the Greeks that besieged them, says, that they, having the happiness to die at home among their friends and kindred were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shrouded by whom ●hey ought their Kin. If a Father or a Mother died a Widow: the Children did it. And so Medea tells her children, she had once hopes it should have been done by them to herself. Eur Med. v. 1035. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If a Husband died: the Wife did it. Which happiness the Greek Soldiers could not attain, if they died at Troy. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Troam v. 277. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If a brother; the Sister. Which made Orestes when he was to suffer death among the Scythians, a great way of from his home, cry out so pitifully, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Alack! how shall my Sister shroud me now! Id Iphig. in Taur. CAP. XX. De offâ Cerberi, & Naulo Charontis THE body being dead, began from thence to be Sacrum Sacred those that are dead are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a In vita numae. Plutarch, and the graves themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Lycophon, as soon as the body was in. Sacred I say, that is not to be injured, fare enough from holy, insomuch that if a man had but touched it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as you have read it already) he could not meddle with any holy thing after, till he had washed, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a Jew. Touched did I say; when Hippolytus lay a dying Diana would not so much as stay to see him dead, for fear of pollution. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eur. Hipp. v. 1437. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The same may be said of the graves. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Hesiod; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they were not, but only in this sense, that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not to be meddled with as some would have it to be meant by that of the same Poet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Insomuch that Plutarch in his Rom. Quest. says, that those men, that out of Pride would make their burying place, and provide the funeral pomp, before they die▪ d, were not fit to bear the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 themselves. The whole performance of the ceremonies used to prepare the body for the burial, was called (says the Scholiast upon Aeschylus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: as the elation or carrying forth, was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The ceremonies were these. First they took a piece of money above a halfpenny ('twas dearer there then at Rome) and put it into his mouth to speak his fare to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Ferryman Charon▪ the piece of money was called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it was given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which signifies the dead, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dry, because of their dry bones. I remember the Scholiast upon Aristophanes in Ranis, (where Charon bid the man to wait. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says that there was a stone which the Poets feigned to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the place of the dead, called by the name of Auaenus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the bodies of the dead must needs be as dry as dust. Together with the money, they threw in a morsel of pudding or past, or Cheese, to give to Cerberus to stop his wide mouth, when he had bit him to death already. It was usually made of flower tempered with honey (too good for a dog) and therefore called more peculiarly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Suidas▪ such a kind of thing Aeneas is said to have given him; when he visited the dead. Melle Saporatam, & medicatis frugibus offam Aen. 6. Metam. l. 6, Objicit. Apuleius speaks of more pieces than one: offas polentae mulso cencretas, and says, they were to carry a piece in each hand. The Poet in * Aristophan. Lusistrate used it but in the singular number — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It may be the same Poet alluded to this custom in those words of his in pace. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. XXI. De Ablutione mortuorum, Pollinctura, & amiculo ferali. IF the party deceased were free of the City, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (you may render it Pollinctores) took out his bowels, and with heated water, which they put in a Labrum kept in a Temple for the purpose, washed the body: as those * Acts c. 9 v. 57 Eurip. v. 157. Electra. did the body of Tabytha before they laid her in the upper room. This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Electra called it in the Poet) was a thing accounted so necessary, that Socrates (as it is in a In Phaedone. Plato) when he intended to drink his own death in a health, thought it best to set about it himself afore hand, and save the Women a labour: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which puts me in mind of the like practice of Alcestis, when she intended to die for her Husband. Says the Poet. b Eurip. Alc. v. 116. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When she perceived the day appointed near, She washed herself in river water clear, In allusion to this custom * apud Eurip. Iphigenia in her dream, fell a w●shing one of the pillars of the ruined house, which she fancied to see. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Interpreting the Pillar for a Son, and concluding the death of that Soon by the washing of the pillar. To this washing, (it may be,) alludes that expression of Strepsiades to his son in Aristophanis nubibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He casteth aspersions upon my life, & washeth me as if I were dead. This work was indeed proper to the Women; but in case of necessity others might serve. And therefore in c De Method. Medendi. l. 1 c 15. Galen you shall find the Cynics themselves a washing poor Theagenes, because he had neither Wife, nor Child, nor chick of his own to do it. Having washed the body, they anointed it with ointments, and poured Ambrosia upon his head and his face, as Homer says, jupiter bid them do to Sarpedon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Il. 11. Having done this, they wrapped the body in a fine garment, woven (it may be) long before by his Wife, Homer. Odyss. 1. or some other friend for the purpose: having also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bands or lists of cloth, to tie the hands and the feet withal, such as * john. c. 11. v. 44. Lazarus had. Feralibus amiculis obstrictus, says Metam. l. 10. Apuleius. The colour of the shroud (if my memory fail not) was white among the Grecians, but black with the Latins. CAP. XXII. De ablutione à Mortuis. De coronis, quibus corpora ornabantur. de l●cto, & de coll●catione. HAving thus clothed him with his Winding-sheet, and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: next they trimmed him with Garlands, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Suidas as they would do to one that had run out his race, or fought it out: & with the like signification, I have thought they put the cake in his mouth, for the same reason: for cakes were given for rewards, as well as Garlands. In allusion to these Garlands, Eustathius, when the Father was lamenting the death of his Son, makes him say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, how shall I crown thee with my tears? L. 10. Ism. an example of this practice, you may see in Euripides: where Talthybius speaks to Hecuba to do it to Astyanax, in the absence of his Mother, thus. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eur. Troam. v 1143. Artem l. 1. c. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. After they had done this they set him on the ground, with his feet outward toward the gate: as being never to put his foot in the house again. Then they took him and put him into a couch or a bed (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to be in a readiness to be carried to his bed, for so Lycophron calls the grave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it is likewise termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so the dead are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for death is a long sleep, as sleep is a short death. The couch was also adorned with Garlands made of all sorts of Herbs and flowers, (as * In Hel. Euripides says) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but especially of Olive, which they used in victories: having thus adorned it, they placed it, or set it forth at the doors as Potroclus in Homer was, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This placing of him they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, collocare, Laying forth (as we call it) as it is in Alcestis. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. * Eurip. During the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and all the time till the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they called it) till the body was carried forth, efforebatur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as St Luke saith, * C. 7. v 11. (whether out of the house or the City) there stood at the door, a great earthen vessel filled with water, which they fetched from another house, for the people to wash in, that came in and out. This vessel is called by Hesychius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Pellux 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and by Aristophanes' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in that * In Eccles. place where he speaks of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too, that is the Pots for ointments wherewith they anointed the body, as likewise of strewing of Origanum (they say it is for good hearts origanum tueri) and of Vine-branches, for what use I know not, unless it were to lay the Corpse upon in the time of anointing, or else to make the Torches of them▪ for of such stuff Torches were commonly made: as Eustathius says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And so our Poet in Lusistrate calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: pray take his own words, for the great pot of Water, the lesser pots of ointment, and the Vine-branches together. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus I remember in Euripides his Tragedy of Alcestis (verse 99) one makes a doubt whether the woman were indeed buried, as they said she was, because he could not see any Spring-water 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as he calls it, for such it should be) standing at the door as the custom was. The Washing itself was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, like the Israelites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we read of in Ecclesiasticus cap. 34. v. 25. and in Numbers c. 19 v. 11. The Romans used Suffitionem, a perfuming of the house: for they thought the whole house polluted, where there lay but a dead body by the wall. And so did the Greeks' too, as may appear by those words of Helena, and the Poet, a Eurip. Hel. v. 1446. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Our house is clean, for Menelaus here. Lost not his life.— CAP. XXIII De ritu efferendi & portandi corporis. THE best time of burying, they reckoned to be in the day and not in the night. And this I gathered by those words in the Poet, wherein Cassandra the Fortune-teller, threatening Talthybius, told him his fortune to be buried in the night (clean contrary to the judgement of many now a days, who make it an honour for the better sort.) says she b Id. in Troad v. 446. Il 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Therefore the next day after the Collocation, before Sun rising, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (says Homer in the funeral of Hector) at break of day, up the corpse is mounted, and carried along most bravely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says * De Luctu. Lucian) in pomp, as if it were intended for a show. Now it was carried (says the Scholiast upon Homer) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not in any Litter or Coach, etc. But upon men's shoulders up aloof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Euripides calls it, speaking of Alcestis, where he speaks also of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Servants (I should have thought the bearers had been some of the kindred rather) that thus carried the Corpse. — a Eurip. Alc. u. 607. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the like sense he uses the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in another Tragedy; where speaking of Rhesus his being trudged away to be buried by his mother Terpsichore, when Ulysses had slain him, ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— If the party died of a violent death, especial in a fight, they used to carry forth Spears, and other arms and armour along with the corpse, as the Arcadians did at the funeral of Pallas — Hostam alii, galeamque ferunt— And it is likely they held those Spears at the wrong end too, as the custom is with us at the burial of a Soldier, and as they did then — & versis Arcades armis. As the corpse was a carrying forth from the Porch, it seems that they used some speech or other, as to the party deceased either to commend him for his virtues, or to commend him to the protection of the infernal gods to whom he went, or to bemoan his departure; for it may well be conjectured by the words of Admetus to the people of Pherae concerning his Wife, a Eurip. Alc. 608. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Those that accompanied the coarse, and were invited to the funeral, sometimes went on foot, (if it were one whom they honoured very much) and sometimes in a Coach. If it were a public * Diog. Laert. L. l. 10.. person, or one of great note, they were all clad in white, and adorned with Garlands. In going to the grave the manner was for the Men to walk stately before the corpse, and the * Demost. ad. Macart. Women (but not unless they were threescore years of age, or of Kin to the party) to come whining behind, every one with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about her; whatsoever that was. CAP. XXIV. De Ministerio Funerarum & Siticinum. TO set forth the mourning with a better grace, as the Jews had a See Jerem. c 9 v. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Romans Praeficas: so they also had their singing Women of purpose to lead the dance, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as * Il. Ω. Homer calls them; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Nonnus. And since vocal Music might be allowed, I marvel very much why Admetus upon the death of his Wife should be so strict against any Instrumental, either with the Harp or the pipe. Eurip Alc. v. 430. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Especially considering the virtue supposed to be in it, of mounting up the Soul into the Heavens, the original of all harmony according to that of Macrobius, Mortuos quoque ad sepulturam prosequi oportere cum cantu plurimarum gentium vel regionum instituta saenxerunt persuasione hac, quia post corpus animae ad originem dulcedinis musicae, id est ad coelum redire credatur. Indeed for the Harp, I have read, that they might not sing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in such times of mourning, because it was an instrument consecrated to the service of Apollo, for Paan's, and such merry songs (as the reason is given upon the Scholiast upon those words of the Poet in his Phoenissaes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) But for the Pipe, I never knew but that they might sing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for else why were there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pipers among them? as there were Siticines among the Romans. As many as came to the Funeral, brought along with them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one fine thing or other, to carry in their hands, or to put upon the coarse; such as Admetus in a 〈◊〉 Alc. v. 630. Euripides denied his Father the liberty to give to his Wife, when all the company besides had given before. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I have some cause to think that some of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which they carried, were the Images and the Arms of the family of the party deceased; (for such they were wont to have among the Romans) the more to honour the funeral. And if so, than those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Ib. de v. 612. (near the place above quoted) said to be carried by those which followed the corpse, may be translated imagines, as well as grata munera. Or if it must needs be grata munera, it must be meant to the gods of the dead, and not the dead themselves. But yet after all this, you may do well to take notice, of a great deal of difference in the Pomp, according to the age of the party deceased for such as had more age, had more honour than others. And therefore when Death told Apollo (as he was interceding for the life of Alcestis) of a great deal more glory to be gotten by the death of the younger sort, he replied, by no means; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If old she die she wall be richly buried. And here, because I have such an occasion given me before I go any farther with the Corpse, I will make bold to tattle a little more than I thought to have done, concerning the customs used in mourning at Funerals, or any other time, and first of the cutting of the hair. CAP. XXV. De Capillis tondendis in Luctu. THE Grecians upon any extraordinary occasion of sorrow and boldness (as the Hebrews say) used to cut their hair 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they called it) or to shave it close to the skin. For so much may be gathered by those words of Lysias (cited by Aristotle in his * L 3. c. 10. Rhetorics) which he had in his speech for the Corinthians that died in the fight with the Persians at Salamis▪ says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It had been no less than desert, if all Greece had been shaved at the burial of those gallant soldiers that died at the fight of Salamis. If this suffice not, you m●y take the testimony of Euripides, who would have the whole Country of the Cyclopians to do the like. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And he himself when he died (as Solinus reports) was mourned for after this manner, by no worse man than Archelaus the King of the Macedons▪ In reference to this custom, Strabo speaks of a Town in Cappadocia called Comona, from the mourning-haire, cut in that place by Orestes and Iphigenia. So you shall meet with the like practice of Tellus in the behalf of Phaeton: and of Bacchus the god (as intonsus as he was) for the loss of his wife. Nay you shall find job himself at this very work upon the news of his children's death▪ and in the Prophecy of * C. 7. v. 29. jeremy you may read Cut off thy hair, and cast it away, and take up a lamentation. 'tis true, they were to be blamed for these follies, and in * Tusc. Q. l. 3. Cicero you shall meet with a saying of Bion himself, deriding the use of this custom in Agamemnon, Perinde stultissimum Regē in luctu capillum sibi evellere, quasi calvitio maeror levaretu●, as if he aggravated the former l●sse, of his friends, with another of his haire●, what if it be objected to all this, (which we confess to be true too) that it was a custom to cut the hair in token of joy? For first among the Jews, if you look into the Bible, you shall find joseph cutting his hair, when he came out of Prison; and jonathans' Son, when he met with David for joy doing the like▪ nay that action of job itself, is by Origen (the Allegorical interpreter) thought to have been an expression not of Sorrow, but of a kind of joy▪ or a cheerful patience under his affliction. 2ly Among the Romans, you know their squalid prisoners let their hair hang down long, that they might look the more dejected, and so move the Judges to pity when they came to be tried. * Ovid. In. Epist. Aspice demissos lugentis more capillos. Whereas after their absolution or releasement, they presently cut it▪ & therefore Pliny in one of his epistles interprets his dream of the cutting off his hair, to be a token of his deliverance from some eminent danger. And last of all for your Greeks themselves, that they let their hair grow long in times of sadness, may appear by that of Lychophron. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And that they cut it in times of joy; will be out of question if we believe Artemidorus, who says that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the word for rejoicing comes from the word which they use for cutting the hair. To reconcile these things, perhaps it may suffice to say, That cutting their hair shorter by way of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a trimming (as we call it) was a token of joy; but shaving it close, even to baldness, of sorrow and dejection as among the Jews, Isaic 22. viz. weeping, and mourning, and baldness were joined together. I know there are some, that think to reconcile all, by saying as Plutarch says (in Romaicis) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that That women expressed their sorrow by cutting their hair, & the Men by letting it grow▪ which may be likely enough, because in sorrow, people out of a dejected carelessness, love to appear as unhandsome as may be and contrary to the usual fashion: now it was accounted a handsome thing, (and so it was the custom too) among the Greeks', for Women to wear their hair long, and the men to wear it short▪ but how is it then that in * In Heaut. Act, 2.51.3. Terence there is mention made of a Woman in mourning with long hair? Capillus passus, prolixus, circum caput Rejectus negligenter. CAP. XXVI De ritu Lugendi in funere. WHen any disaster befell such as were near of kin unto them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. it being a time for sadness, they forbore to drink any Wine, (which hath a property to make men glad) and confined themselves to that which the Scholiast calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Barly-mash, (Ale, it's like.) But sorrow must be more than negative: (negatives make an affirmative) and therefore, First, they used to tear their clothes & their hair, Eurip. after the manner of the Hebrews, and some times to fling their veils in the fire, (not in healths, but in sobs and sighs) as it is in Rhesus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2 To throw their faces in the dust, or the dust in their faces, as the Romans did after them. Ovid. Met. l. 8. fab. 9 Pulvere canitiem genitor, vultusque seniles. Faedat humi fusos— Or sometimes ashes, as Achilles did, when he mourned for the death of Patroclus, and the Argive Women for the death of their Sons at the Leaguer of Thebes. Eurip. Suppl. v. 826. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:— 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which is used for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to beat their breasts & their thighs, and cut and tear their flesh like a Jew: as one says * Smyrnaeus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Making streaks and furrows with their nails in their face. (as * In Hel. Euripides uses the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 4 To drain, and draw out at length, and repeat the interjection 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and from hence (if we may believe the Scholiast upon b In Avib. Aristophanes) comes the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be used for a song of lamentation scilicet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But at a funeral, so immoderate were they (especially the Women) in these and the like expressions of sorrow, that Solon was feign to make this Law of purpose to restrain them, Mulieres genas ne radunto, ne ve lessū funeris ergo habento, Let no Women etc. * Cicero De Legib. Their customs they used at such times were these. First, when they came forth of the house (and not only at the grave) every one lop'd off a lock of his hair and it is noted by the * Eurip. Alc. v 100 Tragedian for a very ordinary practice, where he shows how it could hardly be believed, that Alcestis was indeed buried, as they said she was, because neither the pot of Holywater, nor so much as a lock of hair could be seen at the door, as they were wont to be. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2 As they went along with the corpse they kept their heads close covered, * See Esth●r. c 6. v. 12. & J●rem c. 14 v. 3. and their faces: as other people do. And therefore Orestes, when he bid Electra leave mourning, says he — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Be uncovered etc. In like manner Theseus (as it is in another * In Suppl. v. 110. Tragedy of the same Poet) when Adrastus came to petition his help 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all bemufled and covered in the habit of a Mourner, said to him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They used likewise to lay their hands on their head, (as we do our heads upon our hands.) So * Id. v. 376. Helen says of the Trojans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3 Their manner of going, was to tread as softly as they could with their feet, and make no noise with their tongues (I mean the rest of the company, and not those which they got for the purpose to Weep) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Says the Chorus. In the book of * l. 1. c. 21. v. 27 Kings 'tis said that Ahab lay in Sackcloth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and went softly▪ and so * c. 38. v. 15. Isaiah says I shall go softly all my years in the bitterness of my soul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though I know some translations render it otherwise. 4 When they come to the place of burial (for I mean to end the Mourning first, and then to come to the rest) they would cut off all the best locks of their hair (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and lay them on the grave, or cast them into the fire. And this they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as it is in Aristophanes) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as in Aeschylus) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as in Sophocles) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as it is every where.) All their best Locks I said; for I remember how Electra in Sophocles, was very angry with Helen for dealing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deceitfully, and hiding the best of her hair to save it, at the burial of Clytaemnestra▪ for indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they should with it all, saith the Scholiast upon that Poet: who in another place has given a reason or too for the action, viz. First to make them seem squalid, and careless, and contemptible; whereas locks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are used for ornament, and spruceness, as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as I may say) the Luxury of the hair. Then, 'tis known that the Greeks' were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & used to wear the hair long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the * Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scholiast, both to please their friends and to fright their enemies. Nay they took such a pride in having it so, (calling themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & such as cut it to short 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying to wear hair long, has been used to signify to be * Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. proud. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To get the good will of the deceased party, and the Manes. Some again say it was done by none but a Parent, or a Foster-father, or Mother, by way of thanks for their education, and so they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But why then should * Pausan. Hercules do it to Sostratus he who was but his Ganymede Last of all, during the whole time of Mourning for the dead (which Lycurgus confined to the space of eleven days) the Women were not to wear any * Lycophr. Jewels, neither was there to be fire or Candle light (which too at first were but one thing, viz. * Vid Suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Hesych in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, juven. Sat. 3. Wood for heat and light too.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith an old Gloss, and to this custom some do refer that in the Satirist. Pullati proceres, etc. — tunc odimus ignem. If the mourning were for a public calamity, all the palaestrae, and gymnasia, must be shut up: together with the Baths and the Shops, and the temples themselves. But it is time to return to the Corpse, and see it buried as soon as I can for fear of giving offence (as I told you before) CAP. XXVII. De viâ per quam efferebatur corpus, & de loco sepulturae. THE ordinary way by which the corpse was carried was the gate called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so called because they led to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Graves, or the Common place of burial. This gate is sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Theoph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sacrae portae, whether in opposition to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (in Plutarch) or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (you may render it the Gates of Hell, * I. Pollux. in the Scripture phrase, or Scelerata porta as the Romans do) by which they dragged the Malefactors; I am yet to seek: for Malefactors were to suffer death without the Gates, as no others were to be buried within. It seems they thought the dead by Law, and the dead by nature alike unclean, and so took the like care to avoid the contagion of either. The place of burial in ancient times for a King or a Prince, was wont to be the foot of a hill, (to show that he might not be a Mountain * Kings and Princes are so called in Script. as Isaiah. 41, 15▪ etc. for ever) according to that in Lycophron. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Or that of * Aen. 11. Virgil. — fuit ingens Monte sub alto Regis Derceni terreno ex aggere bustum. * Lib de Orig. Gent. Rom. Aurelius says of King Aventinus Silvius, that he was Sepultus circa radices Montis cui ex se nomen dedit. unless you will say that those Montes were nothing but that in a larger size, which tumuli were in the diminutive: & so the hills must be made by the buryer as L 8. Lucian says. Et Regum cineres extructo monte quiescant. But for men of a lower rank, till the days of King Cecrops, it went to higher than a Pit or a Cave, according to that of Theognis — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'Tis true that in after times there were two common Churchyards (as I may say) appointed for the purpose, called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Potter's fields, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one within the Walls, and the other without Aristophanes in his Ranae, calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Burials or the Berries. That burial place within (otherwise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Thycidides) was for those that made an honourable end in the Field for the good of the Commonwealth: the manner whereof I shall mention perhaps in another place. The outer Ceramicus was distinguished into several fields, and enclosures. And therefore we shall read. That sometimes close to the Gates, sometimes by the way sides, according to that of Hector in In R●es. v. 880. Euripides, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. XXVIII. De Corporis crematione. NOw for the usage of the bodies: when they came to the place of burial, says the Scholiast upon Homer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the custom was at first to burn them; according to that of Quintilian. Declam. 10. Animam, quoties exonerata membris mortalibus levi se igni lustraverit petere sedes inter astra. And the reason was, says that Scholiast, because by this means the body might presently consume all away to nothing. But that custme (I know not for what reason) was not so well liked by other people. Insomuch that the Magis among the * Diog. Lert. l▪ 10. Persians, thought it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a thing most profane (I fear me more for the Fire then any thing else.) and therefore at length it came to be less used, so as sometimes they would bourn them, and sometimes only cover them with earth. Which is enough to prove, that there is no necessity that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Grave, should come from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to burn, as the Scholiast upon Aristophanes would have it. but for aught I can find even in after times, among the Greeks, burial by burning, was still esteemed the more honourable and stately way of the two: as may appear by their unwillingness to have it common. For they denied the use of it, First to Infants. 2 To such as killed themselves. 3 To suce as were killed with Lightning or Fulguritis, struck with the Planet (as we say) who were to be buried there where they died, or at least in some peculiar place apart, as we do those that Hang themselves, or the like. And thus Capaneus, whom the Athenians stoned to death, as he was scaling the walls (a thing invented by him as some report) because they imagined him to have been shot to death by jupiter, must needs be buried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seorsum, so Adrastus says in Euripides▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And lastly to Traitors: on whom they were loath to bestow any burial at all. Insomuch that Themistocles having been dead long before in Magnesia, the Athenians in time of a Pestilence, though they had express command from the Oracle, to fetch his bones and bring them to Athens, could by no means be permitted by the Magistrates to do it, in regard he had dealt with Artaxerxes to betray their Country▪ and therefore having obtained fifty day's time to celebrate his Funeral, as the fashion was (as I may say) in his picture, having erected a Tent, closely conveyed thither his bones, and hide them in the ground. The Original of this Law the Scholiast upon Homer fetches from Hector, who in the time of the siege of Troy, threatened whomsoever he found leaving his place treacherously in the fight, to kill him himself, adding withal, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Upon which words you have this Scholy. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hence came the Law etc. But I must tell you after all this, that however burning and burying are so near in their sound, they have been fare enough distant in their being; at least in some Countries. For at Rome it was not used in Macrobius his time. Among the Greeks indeed it may be rather thought to have been discontinued only upon dislike, than not to have been begun when it was not used. For one of them (I know not his name) thinking the fire (which they esteemed pure and holy) to be polluted by the dead body, which it was to purify, is reported by a Scholiast upon Homer, to have cried aloud to Prometheus with these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, O, pray carry the fire back again where you had it. The first that ever gave example in this kind, is reported to be Hercules. Who desiring of Licymnius to send his son Argius to help him in the war with Laomedon for the horses, engaged himself by an oath, to see him home safe to his Father again; but the son being killed in the War he took him and burned him, and carried his bones to his father, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 putting a fallacy upon him, as if he had had his son indeed, when there was nothing left but the bare bones. And yet he used him better than Cyniras' K. of Cyprus, did Menelaus, who having promised him fifty ships with men, sent him but one true ship, and popped him along with ships and men made of clay for the rest. The story is likely enough, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hom. Il. A. but he that told me said he did not believe it, and therefore leaving the argument of an example, gives a reason or two of the use of the custom, either because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, every dead thing is impure, and so it had need to be purified: and the rather by fire, because it was commonly used to such a purpose, as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, able to make that pure and chaste which before was adulterated with Heterogeneous abasements and alloys: whence Euripides says of Clytaemnestra's body 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Or else to show, how the divine and purer part of the man is carried in the fire, as in a coach to be joined in society with the gods above, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (how near this goes to express the fiery Chariot of Elias) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which Princes had no need of, if they could be carried upon eagle's wings: as I shall tell you anon. Thus Scylla in Lycophron is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be made again by the fire, and so to become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as he calls it. Thus the naked Sophisters of India (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) used to burn themselves into that immortality, * Cic Tusc. Q L. 5. which they desired of Alexander, when he put them to ask what they would. CAP. XXIX. De ritu Cremandi, sive comburendi corporis. De loculis & reliquiis. THE manner of burning, was to make a pile of wood; and having laid the corpse on the top, to set it one fire. according to that of Homer, where he speaks of Hector, Il. Ω. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The wood was not all ways of one sort. But sometimes Oak: as in * Herc. Fur. v, 241. Euripides, where you shall read of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oaken billets, at the funeral of Hercules his children. Sometimes Olive, as in a In Trach. Sophocles. And sometimes Pine, as in Atheneus: unless shall I say, b L. 15. that he confined the use of it to the burial of Virgins. If the party had lost his life in a shipwreck, I have read that they made the fire of the planks of the ship, — ut corpus sepeliret naufragus ignis Manlius l. 4. Et collecta rogum facerent fragmenta carinae. Thus to burn the bodies, they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Bonfire itself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. All the while it was burning, the mourners stood round about the Bonfire, and prayed to the Winds to blow, (for so Achilles in Homer is said to have done at the burning of Patroclus) to make it burn the better. Not to put the carcase (surely) but themselves out of the pain. If there happened to be a very strong wind just at that time, they embraced it as an excellent good omen▪ Still there was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Bellman there ready to keep off any that should offer to meddle with the bones. Ossa ne legito, says the Roman. When all was burnt to the Bones, the next of the kin quenched the fire with red Wine. And after that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, * Il 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. they swept up the ashes together in a heap. The bones they took and washed them in water brought in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pots for the Purpose, by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (Women appointed for that work, * E●ym. Mag. and for bringing Milk, and such other things as they used in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and having anointed them with ointments, and the fat of a Sow; they wrapped them in fine linen, and put them into a coffin which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The vessel, whatsoever it was, is in Lycrophon called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if it were a Pot: Idy l. 4. and in Moschus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if it were wont to be gilded. And in * In Numa. Plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if it were wont to be of stone. Methinks it may be called a coffin, for I read it was usually made of Wood, viz. of Cedar, which is longest a rotting, and is therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the life of the dead. Indeed whether it were ordinary to have such coffins, or only for those that had Sepulchra, and vaults of purpose under ground to set them in, I cannot well tell. But that there was such a thing, and that it was made of Cedar, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, used sometimes for the chest itself does seem to declare in those words of Admetus desiring to lie with his Wife in the Grave-bed too. * Eurip. Alc. v 365. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— A wish not unreasonable; seeing the thing desired was so usual both among the Greeks and the Romans too, St Augustine's own Mother was of the same mind: for why? Quos certus amor quos hora navissima juxit Ovid. Met. l. 4. fab. 2. Componi tumulo non invideatis eodem. The Athenians indeed seldom put above one man's bones in the same coffin: but the Megarenses many times four, says Pausanias. The bones which they kept, because they were that which the fire left, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Relics. And they were thus kept saith the Scholiast upon Euripides in Orestes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. lest they should be exposed to the rage of too deadly Enemies. If the party were burnt in a foreign Country, his bones or his ashes were carried home in the coffin, and pompously showed and adorned with Garlands in every place they came to, according to that of Ovid. Ossa tamen faci●o paruâ referantur in Vrnâ Sic ego non etiam mortuus Exul ero. When they came where there were cross ways, those that were of kin to the party, kept Compitalia-feasts, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Vetus Gloss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, After they had laid it up among the Monuments, they cited the party three times ('twas a number very superstitiously used by all nations) to make his appearance. — Magnâ manes ter vo●e vocavi. (but of this already) Now the place where the coffin was put, Virgil. was a Sepulchre common to all the rest of the family, only such as proved a Diog. La. unthrifts, were excommunicated by Law, and branded with the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. * Harpocr. CAP. XXX. De Tumulis. THE customs used in a cold burial were these▪ (and some of them used at a burning too: as the Sacrifice, the speeches, and the plays) The peculiar place of burial was usually chosen before they died, and marked with a black stone. And when they came to be buried, a heap of earth thrown upon the body, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. says Ulysses (in Hecuba Euripidis) agreeable whereto, is that phrase of the same Poet in another place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latin word Tumulus a heap or a grave. But (I think) for the better sort, they made it higher, & a little handsomer, with stones, somewhat after the fashion of our Tombs. For so Theseus told Hercules, the Athenians should honour his Corpse— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whether earth or stones: it seems they desired to have it polished, as neat as might be, fast and smooth. * Ib. v. 836. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the same Poet in Alcestis, and in Helena— a Ib. v. 992. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The peosture which the body usually had in the grave, was with the face towards the East says Diogenes Laert. in Democrito; towards the West, says Plutarch and Aelian. On the stone which I mentioned, was written the name & the condition of the party deceased, which they described commonly in verse. Plato was for just four Heroic verses and no more. Such Epitaphs they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they made known the party: as the Romans did Monumenta and Memorias, because they made them remembered. And therefore the Lacedaemonian Soldiers, (says justin) used to tie a ticket, or a note, about their wrists, to certify of what condition they were; that in case they should die in the Fields, they might have a burial and a Monument, according to their quality. Having thrown the earth upon him, the next work was to Sacrifice, and pray that it might not lie too heavy. Sit tibi terra levis. Such a prayer as the Chorus in Euripides used for Alcestis. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which benefit as they thought too great to be granted to a wicked * U. 462. fellow, or a * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Coward, so they thought it too little to be denied to another: and this made Menelaus to fear so little to die, for says he. * Eurip. Hel. v. 857. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. XXXI. De Infernis. THe manner of Sacrificing to the Infernal gods, or the gods of the dead (for infernum or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was a place for all alike) was to dig a ditch for the Altar (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) (perchance to get the nearer to them) according to that practice in Ovid. Haud procul egestâ scrobibus tellure duabus Met. l. 7. Sacra facit. The Victim then slain, Odyss 11. was either a barren Cow, as * Aen. 6. Homer says — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Virgil. — Sterilemque, tibi Proserpina, vaccam. Or else a black sheep, such as the old fellow saw slain at the grave of Agamemnon * Eurip. Electr. v. 513. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— And such as Seneca speaks of a In Oedip. v. 556. Nigro bidentes vellere, etc. the reason why they made choice of this colour, was either because it suited best with mourning: or because it was to the black gods of the dark. For as L. 7. Arnobius says, Diis laevi● sedes habitantibus inferas color furvus est gratior. Afterwards it risen to an Ox; Plut. in Sol. till it was forbidden by Solon. Whether it were Sheep or Bullock, or Hog: as it was best, if it were a spayd or a barren female: so it might not be Ram nor Bull, nor Boar. etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast; Hom. Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and that for the same reason (as he saith) for which at the same time they offered down both their hair, and the Bristle-haire of the beast, which grew upon his forehead, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that they might not give the dead, either that which had life in itself, or that which could beget it in another thing. Those setae, or bristle-haires, are in a peculiar manner termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the offering thereof, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in these words, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus rendered in the words of Virgil. Et summas carpens media inter cornua Setas Ignibus imposuit— Yea not only the beast which they slew; but all the rest which they suffered to live, in the time of a public funeral, came under the hands of the Barber, as well as the men: As appears by the practice of Mardonius and his Army, reported by Herodotus, to have trimmed their Horses and Bullocks, and all, at the funeral of Masistius. In the like manner Alexander at the funeral of Hephaestion dealt with the Horses and the Mules, and the Walls themselves of the Town of Echatanae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Aelian has it) shaving them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 close to the ground. And, I remember, in * In Alcestis. v. 429. Euripides, Admetus desiring to celebrate his Wife's funeral in the best manner that might be, giveth order for the Coach-horses manes to be all cut. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Then besides the victim they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Libationes, which was usually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, honey and milk and wine; to which they added Cakes, if the Translator render aright — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In * Hel. v. 554. Euripides. the manner of using these liquors, was first to go round about the grave, and pour out some as they went out of the bottle (as he * Id. in Elect. v. 530. says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and then to stand on the top, and do it there too, as Sophocles says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. As they offered, they used certain speeches to the party deceased, such as that was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Together with prayers to the gods, and the ghosts of the dead, to be propitious to them. And therefore those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were usually termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and they made choice of the most proper liquors, for to sweeten and supple them. Such a prayer is that in Euripides to the ghost of Achilles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Those Sacrificing offices were especially to be performed by the Kindred too (as most of the rest were) and therefore Cassandra setting forth the sad condition of the Leagurers at Troy, and their friends at home, says she, Their Parents being thus bereft of their children in the Siege. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — no body have To let a victim blood upon their grave. CAP XXXII. De Coronandis tumulis, & de Phylleboliâ. BEsides all this, there must be Garlands laid upon the grave too, as there were before upon the the hearse and the corpse. And this action they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Garlands themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that more properly than any of the former, as being not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, made of a Collation, or a collection of all sorts of flowers gathered together, but also made to be thrown 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon the Earth. Sometimes indeed they made those Garlands of nothing but the flower 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (saith * L. 14. & 5. Athenaeus:) and then the Garlands were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too. And it may be sometimes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Apium as I have occasion to think from that story of Timoleon, who when he was to fight with the Carthaginians; there met him by chance Mules laden with this Apium. The Soldiers being affrighted therewith, because of the use which they knew to be made of that herb in funerals (whence the proverb of on that is desperately sick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he needs Apium) refused to fight: but he told them, Nay, rather take courage, my Soldiers, and make it an omen of victory, for there is use of the herb, when a man has won the best at a fight, as well as when death hath given him the worst. The first beginning of this custom, is by Pilostratis (in Heroicis) attributed to the Thessali, when they did it to the grave of Achilles. The reason of it, says * Pedag. l. 11. c. 8. Clemens, was to express the quiet condition of the dead, and their freedom from care & trouble, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But I rather think with the Scholiast upon Euripides, as I have formerly told you, that they intended it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to honour the dead as they use to do the living, when they won the Game. For the same reason, doubtless, was it that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they called it) fall a throwing of boughs and leaves upon the grave: as Euripides says, they did to Polyxna, when she died (for in latter times, if a man had won a race or the like, they had a custom to bedeck his valiant corpse with boughs and leaves) you have it done by an old fellow in * Electr. v. 512. Euripides with Myrt●e. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whether was there any allusion therein to the golden-bough or no? I think not: but if you will, you may read more of that bough in Virgil, and in Servius his notes upon him. It seems that in Italy they had the same customs. For says Aen. 6. Varo, ad Sepulchrum ferunt frondes, they carried leaves to cast upon the dead trees. And that they took the pains to make Garlands too will appear by those words of Min. Felix to Octavius, Coronas etiam sepulchris denegatis etc. nay, Addunt nunc etiam lanam, says my * L. 6. de L. L Author, they came to wool at last, when they had more to spare. CAP. XXXIII. De Columnis. de Oratione. & Ludio funeribus. & de Aquilis. EIther upon, or close by the grave, they were wont to erect a Pillar, the height whereof was not to be above three cubits by the Law. To the Pillar sometimes they added, either the Image of the party, or of somewhat else to resemble him. Thus Diogenes was honoured with the Image of a dog, for being a Cynic: and Isocrates with the Image of a Siren, for being an Orator. And it puts me in mind of Admetus his over constant love to his wife; when he would get the Image curiously made, and have it lie in the bed with him in her place, for so he tells her. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The honour which they gave the dead in commending him, was either by private discourse at home at the feast, or by a public speech in the Ceramicus. Which speech, if the party died in a battle, was to be made by one appointed by the Magistrate, (ordinarily the Father or one of the Kin) and that not only at the time of burial, but every year after: as Cicero says, Lib. de Or●●. in Populari oratione mos est Athenis laudari in concione eos qui in praelio sint interfecti: quae sic probata est, ut eam quotannis, ut scis, illâ die recitari necesse sit. The first that began this custom of making speeches, some say, was Pericles, who made one upon the death of those that were slain in the Peloponesian war; and some. Solon. but besides funerall-speeches, they had funeral- plays too, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. both the Play and the Feast, commonly go under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. After I have thus vexed you, with a tedious company of fopperies, practised by the unhappy people of those times, even in burials, when they should have more wit: what will you say, if I have that yet left, which will please you all as much, viz. that even they themselves for the most part, esteemed those practices, both unprofitable to the dead, and vain and foolish in the living, as may appear in the words of Hecuba herself, or the * Eurip Tro. ad v. 1247. Poet for her. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I think it boots the dead the least of all, How rich or poor they have the funeral, 'tis th' livings vanity for this to call. Having thus disposed of the body, they returned home. For the Soul they take no care, unless it were a King or a Prince, whose souls they imagined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be carried into heaven upon eagle's Wings: and therefore was it, that they were Artemid. l. 2. c. 20. wont to honour them with the pictures of Eagles. So at Rome, when they buried an Emperor, they used to let fly an Eagle over the grave. In allusion to this Lycophron calls Achilles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Eagle, because he carried about Hector's body in a Coach. CAP. XXXIV. De Lustratione Domus funestae, & de Parentalibus. etc. BEing come home, they fell a purging and Lustrating the house with brimstone; and themselves, by going through the fire; or some other lustration, for there were several sorts thereof, and if I have leisure, I may chance to speak more of it.) thus I remember in the Poet, 'tis said they did to the King's house, who was slain by Hercules: rounding the Altar with a Basket, and dipping the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the holy-water, and I know not what more. Eurip. Herc. F. v. 923. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. After this they kept a feast, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Silicernium, or circum potationem, as the manner is with some of us. Those that were at it wore Garlands: Odyss. 17. as Cicero says, quas inibant parentes coronati. The colour of their apparel was white: & quis unquam caenavit atratus, says * In vatinium Il. 24. Cicero. But how is it then that Homer makes Thetis to go all in black to jupiter about the death of her Son? So I remember Admetus in * Alc. v 427. Euripides bids them mourn for Alcestis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in black: and Venus in Theocritus celebrated the funeral of Adonis' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a sky coloured gown. Perchance they wore black no longer, then till it came to the feast. This feast they renewed again, not only nine days after, a Po●lux l. 3.6.19. when they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and thirty days after, when they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (when they sacrificed to Mercury, that he might carry their souls to the fields) but also upon the day of his death ever after; calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and upon the day of his birth calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The common name for all these feasts, or the common festival for all the infernal rites, and for all persons, was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, usually kept in the Month of Anthesterion: as the Parentalia were by the Romans in the Month of February, in quibus parentabantur manibus mortuorum when the Kindred especially (les parens) did sacrifice both to the earth, and the Gods under it and the ghosts of their Parents, or their Ancestors above it. Of all these Funeral rites that I have named, none that had been an enemy to the person deceased, might be suffered to bear any part: as appears by the words of Electra to Chrysothemis forbidding her to sacrifice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Nor so much as come near the grave, as Ulysses in Sophocles is forbid to do to the grave of Ajax. Nay such was Sepulchralis sanctitas, (says Tully,) that no stranger might be suffered to do it, for fear he might be an enemy. Moreover a law was made to forbid any one to take away from, or add any thing more to the monuments, than what was already made. And now it is high time to leave the body in the Mouth of death,) for so * Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Psal 49 14. Homer calls the grave) to be gnawn like a sheep, by the never satisfied teeth of a hungry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he that is buried, and laid in a Sarco-phagus in the belly of the earth, is as properly said to be devoured, as what is devoured and enclosed in the stomach of a Whale or a Vulture, or any ravenous creature, is commonly said to be buried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For so the Vultures are called * H▪ mog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, living graves: nay the Metaphor is commonly made reach to men themselves, some of whom, even their mouths are open sepulchres, as well as the bellies have been of others. As that of Tereus when he eat his Son. — Seque vocat bustum miserabile nati. And of Saturn when he did the like. Nay being buried, and being devoured, have been counted so synonymous, that (as Lactantius says) Saturn was thought to have been said, to have eaten his Sons, L. 1. c. 13. because he buried them where they might not be seen. Well, it cannot be helped: these great eaters Death and the Grave are all mouth, and no ears, like the belly. There's no stopping nor filling their mouth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Aeschylus, Pluto has no Altars. He is inexorable, and therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Euripides. Neither (says a * On. Hom. Il. 1. Scholiast) was Death ever known to have an Altar but at Gadira, I know not wherefore. Let us see therefore that his Wife be the more made of, now he is gone. His Wife if she seemed to be with child, was taken into the care and protection of the Archon, lest she might be cunningly persuaded to marry with whom she should not; and if any man offered to wrong her, the punishment was arbitrary. The children were committed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a Tutor. He that was to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be overseer or Guardian, was either not to be of Kin at all; or else so fare off, that if the child should happen to die in his nonnage, the inheritance could not fall to him. A Tutor was either by will or by appointment of the Archon. Which way soever it were, he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says Aeschines) and had the managing of all the affairs, till they came to be twenty year old: and then either they themselves, or any else that would, might sue out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a writ Malè administratae Tutelae, and have him before the Archon. But this must be done within five years after the Pupil came to be of age, or not at all. LIB. VI SECTIO. I. De Supplicationibus & juramentis CAP. I. De Supplicibus sacris. De asylis & aris. HAving taken this care to see the Marriage of himself, the Education of his children, and the honourable Burial of his Body, it will be expected that now I say somewhat in commendation of his conditions, and concerning his manner of Life, either towards the gods, or towards Men. Of his carriage towards the gods, because there has been something already done in that kind, I shall not speak so largely; only a word or two, or more of the customs used in Supplication to, and in Swearing by the gods: and then I shall proceed to his actions towards Men, whether his friends in making merry with his equals, and giving to the Poor; or his Enemies in waging of War. This Treatise, because of the diversity of subjects, you have divided into three several Sections, the first of Supplication called by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The person of a distressed Petitioner (as an abused slave or the like) whether he addressed himself to men or to the gods, but especially if to the gods, was to be looked upon as Sacred and inviolable, as appears by the Oracle, sent from Dodona's Vocal Forest to the Athenians, related by Pausanias. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For if he came flying to such or such Altars as were appointed to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 none might touch him upon pain of exilement. And therefore is it that Polydorus in Euripides makes it such a ground for his confidence: says he — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Altars are not fare off. So in another Tragedy, when Helena kept hanging upon the Bed for her refuge, Menelaus wondering thereat, Eurip. Hel. v. 805. what (says he) dost Altars want, or is it the Barbarian mode? And no wonder that they thus fled to Altars, or that others feared to meddle with, or to slay any body near them: viz: because they thought the blood would be upon them that should do it, yey though the Supplicants were already dead in the Law. For so the Chorus in jon tells Creusa, the Law forbids any Petitioner to be put to death, True (says she) but I must be killed by the same Law. No matter (replies the Chorus) sit fast, and if any one kill thee there * Ib. v 125●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thy blood shall be upon him. Insomuch that a great many even among them, seeing malefactors thus protected from the Law, and consequently encouraged to the transgression, were bold to complain of the injustice of it, as you have jon in the Tragedy, thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I said before, such or such: because 'tis thought that not any of the Altars or Temples had this privilege, but only six viz. Misericordiae, Minervae, Eumenidum, Munichiae, and two of Theseus' Temples, one within and another without the Walls. The first of these some say was the first Alylus that ever was made, erected by Hercules his grandchildren, to preserve them from their enemies, according to that of Servius ad Aen. 8. Postquam Hercules migravit è terris, nepotes ejus timentes insidias eorum quos avus afflixerat Athenis sibi primi Asylum, hoc est, templum misericordiae conlocarunt, unde nullus posset abduci. An example imitated by other People, almost in every country. For they thought that otherwise a beast had a safer condition than a man. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But is he now safe for ever? yes, unless they made a fire, and burned him out of the hole, as we use to do eels, etc. And thus he in Plautus threatened to do. In Rud. Act 3. Sc. 4. Ibo Herclè aliquò quaeritatum ignem Ignem magnum hîc faciam— and Hermione in Euripides to Andromache sheltering herself by the Altar of Thetis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— on which the Scholiast thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And yet all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Petitioners, were not so afraid of a fire. As appears by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which they have from flying to hearths, the place for the fire, for refuge: as Themistocles did, when being Ostracised and banished, he fled to Admetus' King of the Molossi for shelter. Otherwise none that fled thither, could be so wicked, but they counted him worse that should meddle with him. Insomuch that those who killed the followers of Cylon (though they plundered the Temple of Minerva) because they killed them hanging on the Altars, were ever after themselves, and all other such profane companions after them called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as who should say, hinderers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supplication. Profane, I said, for it was no better than profanation, according to the Poet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Garlands are Polluted▪ Eurip in Heracl. CAP. II. De tangendis genis, manibus, genibus. PEtitioners both to the gods and Men, used to go with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Garlands about their necks, or green boughs in their hands * In O●d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith the Scholiast on Sophocles) to beget respect, and amuse the beholders. Those green boughs are called by the several names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for In Awl v. 1216. Iphigenia wanting them, told her Father she would make her own body supply the room thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— In those boughs they put wool, (as we do silk in posies) and so called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Aeschyl in eum. vittatas laureas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The wool was not tied, and so fastened to the bows, but only wreathed and wrapped up in them: and (it may be) therefore it was that Aethra in the Tragedy of the Theban Women petitioners (v. 31.) called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Tie without a knot. The Italians used such boughs too, as it seems, for Virgil says jamque oratores aderant ex Vrbe Latinâ Velati ramis oleae veniamque rogantes. And Livy speaks of the like pactise of the people of Rhodes. The boughs were either of Laurel or Olive. * Stat. Theb. l. 12. Vittatae laurus & supplicis arbor Olivae. First because both those kinds are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not subject to withering, and therefore a In jon. v. 1436. Euripides gives the latter the epithet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2ly, Because the Laurall was sign of prevailing, and the Olive of Peace and good will, as Lactantius says, per quam pax petitur supplicando. Now the custom was with those boughs, if they were doubtful of prevailing, to touch but the knees of the man whom they Petitioned, or of the statue of the god, just as * Dion. Halic. Lucretia did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But if hopeful; the hands. b Soph Oed. T. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And if confident; the chin, l 4. and the cheeks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Eurip. in Heracl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is said by a Comment upon Pindar in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (where the Poet desires to touch Aeacus his knees, when he prays for a Gale of success for the Aeginetae) that when they desired the party's consent, they touched the head to have at annuere: when his help, his helping hand; when success, the knee. The Last I know no great reason for, but history enough, even from the Natural Historian himself. Hominis genibus quaedam religio inest observatione gentium; haec supplices attingunt ad haec manus tendunt, haec ut arras adorant. All his reason is, because of the abundance of spirits in the hollow of the knee, fortasse quia inest iis vitalitas, quip quorum inanitate fossâ, ceu jugulo, spiritus fugiat. And therefore Homer makes the Litae, the Petitioners gods to be lame. As good as that of Zenobius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because Judges had that upon their knees then, which now they writ in their books. If the Petitioners were very fearful, and the persons of very great quality, they would bow so low as to kiss his feet: Xenoph. l. 7. as those did to Cyrus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was either this kiss, or a kiss of their own hand, which they anciently termed labratum. The old gloss calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I have read of a kiss of the hand when they did the reverence to the Gods, with putting the forefinger over the thumb (perhaps upon the middle joint, which they used in counting for the number of ten) and then giving a turn on the right hand, as it is in * In Gurculi Plautus, Quo me vortam, nescio. Si deos salutas, dextro vorsum, censeo. The safest place for a Petitioner to men too, as well as to the gods (as I have already told you) was the hearth or the fire whither they presently ran, when they came to any strange place in travel, or exilement, as to the only Altar of the house, and the gods thereof. For according to that of Cicero in his oration for his house, Nihil Sanctius, nihil omni religione munitius, quam demus unicujusque civium. Hic arae sunt, hic foci, hic dii penates, hic sacrae religonis ceremoniae continentur: hoc perfugium est ita sanctum omnibus, ut inde arripi neminem fas sit. When they had once seated themselves there in the ashes, in as mournful posture as might be: they need not open their mouths for pity; neither was it the custom so to do. For those actions speak loud enough; and an eye would serve for hearing. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. This was the * Odyss 7. practice of Ulysses at the house Alcinous. L 4. Argon. and of Themistocles at the house of Admetus; but so as first, by the instruction of the Queen, he took the King's little son along with him for his guard, Thyciddid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the only way in use among the people to obtain a request. If they fled to the gods for refuge or for help, their fashion was first to crown the Altars with Garlands, and then to pray, that their desires might be crowned with success. * Eurip in Aclest. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Their usual gesture in praying, was to hold up their arms right toward heaven, as * Eurip. He●len v. 1 100 Helen says — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— But to wrest their hands as fare as they could upon their wrists. According to that of Aelchylus, where he says of Prometheus, that though the gods had tied him fast to the hill, his stomach was so great, that he said he scorned to submit or pray manibus supinis, with bended hands like Women and children. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now sometimes, if they obtained their request and it were a matter of consequence, you should have them relate it to the Priest of the Temple to be registered; or writ it down in a Table, and leave it behind them, to show for a testimony. CAP. III. De generibus & locis sacrificiorum. AND now we are in, let's even out with a little more of that which we have observed in reading, concerning their manner of serving their Gods. Their divine services in respect of the cause or occasion, were 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vota, freewill offerings. Services promised and paid for a victory or the like. — * Ovid. Met. l. 9 Cenaeo sacra parabat Vota jovi— 2ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as were imposed, and commanded by an Oracle. — * Sophoc on Trach. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In respect of the object (that is to which of the gods they were form) they were done either 1ᵒ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the gods under ground, and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a ditch digged▪ or ploughed up for that purpose. The Latins called it Ara, such as they used when they sacrificed to the Heroes, (for whom they had also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Temples and Plays, and what not) together with the a Scholar in Arist. in Avib. Image of Vulcan made of clay, to set it forth. 2ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the gods upon ground, much in the same manner▪ and 3ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the gods above ground, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon an Altar raised up high from the ground, which the Latins therefore called Altar, and the Greeks b Soph. in Trach. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and c Eurip. in Heracl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if it were a work, vallum, or Agger, made of earth cast up together. The distinction betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is set down by the Scholiast on * In Pheniss. Euripides thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an Altar built up high with an ascent of several steps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as it were one step itself, after the fashion of some hearths in the figure of a quadrangle▪ (just as they made their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Schol in Aristoph. Eccles. wherein they poured oil and wine, and tempered it with the dust, to make cakes for the devil) The occasion given him to make this distinction, was the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Author: whereupon he notes that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was there used in a large sense, for the hole, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the concavity in the top of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the fire. At the making of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (and so at the making of a Statue to be worshipped) they had a custom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for women in garments of several colours, to carry about pots of several sorts of boiled pulse, and to offer thereof to the b Schol in Aristoph. in Pluto. gods. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They made it commonly of earth heaped together, and so it may be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or tumulus, as it uses to be sometimes of ashes; sometimes of earth and blood tempered together; sometimes of stone, and sometimes of wood. For the figure, it was sometimes long, and sometimes square; but most often * Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, round: as the Theatre, the market-places, & their Tables used to be. The places where they made their Altars, were usually Mountains & high-places (so often objected to the heathenish Israelites) for according to the Scholiast upon those words of * In Trach. Sophocles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, every Mountain was called by jupiters' name, or consecrated to jupiter, because the god being in a high place, it was fit to sacrifice to him in a high place, to be heard the better; as it was to the terrestrial gods in a low, to come nearer to them. Besides, the Altar in such a place, was the less in danger to be got up upon, and profaned, as being kept (as the same Scholiast says) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, holy and untrodden. 3ly In respect of time, some do say that they sacrificed to the Hero's, * Pindar. Isth. Δ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; in the evening; and to others in the morning. Lastly in respect of the matter or the thing sacrificed, it was either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of living creatures, * Scholar in Eurip. properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or else of things without life; and those either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dry, as corn and flower, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wet, as Wine, or Milk, or Honey, usually called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first Pythagoras could not endure, as thinking it unnatural to kill any thing; and so was all for his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein there was no blood, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as Thucydides calls them) where there was no smoke, or * Suidas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where there was no Wine. But every one else almost likeed it too well, and no such glorious a business as an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a whole burnt sacrifice. Sometimes greater than a Suovetauralia, and consisting of a Sow, a Bull, a Ram, and a Goat: and sometimes but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of a Sow, a Ram, and a Goat. I hardly believe they ever went so high as an hundred, notwithstanding— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Out of every Sacrifice one part went for a fee to the Prytanes, or Comissaries, unless they were robbed of their due: as it seems they were sometimes, by him in the Poet, threatening to complain of one that did so, * Aristo●, in Equit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 CAP. IU. De generibus & formulis jurandi. O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Oath, (the Son * He●iod. of Eris, and yet the end * Ep. ad Heb. 6.16. of all contention) was of two sorts, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the greater, * Idem. in Theogon, and the less. The greater oath was either of men by the gods: or of the gods themselves, by the Stygian Lake. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which is the cause why some fetch the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an oath, from Orcus Hell. This Oath was then invented by jupiter, and prescribed by him to the rest of the gods, when he had the assistance of Styx, and his Sons against the Titans; or when he drank of the water, to quench his thirst in the fight. Servius says (out of Orpheus) that if any god had sworn false, or broken his oath when he swore by Styx, he was to be punished for it in hell nine thousand years. Which order, even jupiter himself submitted to, and therefore took the more care how he swore, as Minutius says, Destinatam enim sibi cum suis cultoribus poenam praescius perhorrescit. He that swore either of these ways, was properly said to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to yield himself up to the mercy of those that were able to punish him, if he called them to witness that which was contrary to his knowledge, or his meaning. So that sometimes it was the custom to add an imprecation of some evil, wherewith he knew them able to punish him, if the swore false. As Telemachus does in Homer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By jove, and the sorrows of my Father. The women's oath was commonly by juno; and by my Lady Diana, as * In Elect. Clytaemnestra uses in Euripides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, much like the superstitious oath of By my Lady, among some of us. The gods, by whom the m●n were to swear by the appointment of Solon, were three (or if you will, one jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with three names) viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For that jupiter was the proper Custos juramentorum, (as I may call him) if it do not appear, (as some say it does in the word jusjurandum, quasi jovis jurandum, it will sufficiently be proved by the plain testimony of the Poet, that says — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eurip. Med. v. 170. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But so fare were they from being contented to swear by none but jupiter, that not only, any other of the gods, but any of their own men lately dead, and thought to be deified, did serve the turn: as when Demosthenes swore by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those that valiantly died in the battle of Marathon. Sometimes for over much haste or confidence, or some such reason, they left it to the party, to whom they swore, to choose any of the gods, whomsoever him pleased to be tried by: in this manner, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we say, I'll lay you what you will. This form you may find used by Plato in Phaedro, and by Aristenetus in his Epistle of * L. 2. Ep. 2 Euxith●us to Pythias. Sometimes they swore by many gods together in the plural number, without specifying whom they meant. And sometimes by all their twelve gods, (as the Lacedæmonians did by their two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Castor and Pollux) * Aristoph. in Equest. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— by the whole jury of the gods, (neither honest nor true; only they thought them to be Majorum gentium, of the higher house, and Deos consentes, and so they put them together.) Other times again, they swore by this or that god in particular, to whom either the affairs they handled, or the place where in they were, especicially belonged: expressing his name. For so in the Market in buying and selling, or the like business, they commonly swore this Oath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Mercury. But than you should have some that out of mere deisidaemony, would say no more than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with a * Aristoph. in Ran. religious aposiopesis, forbearing to name the God. Hitherto you may reduce the oath by an oath itself, * Pind. Nem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before it, in the Poets, was for an affirmative oath: and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a negative. CAP. V. De riitbus in juramento Magno. THE customs in taking a Great oath, if it were in a public manner, and by way of vindication of the truth, were these. The gods used to lift up their hands, as Apollo in the Poet bids Lachesis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Little thought he how the Scripture makes the like action of the true God in several places. Men when they swore a great oath, laid down their hands upon the Altar, as we do upon the New Testament: whereas in a less, or in a private oath, made to such or such a Man, by way of a bargain or a promise, according to the Roman fashion, they laid their hand, upon the hand of the party to whom they swore. This ceremony, I remember, Menelaus in * Helen v. 834. Euripides demanded of * Helen v. 834. Helena besides the words of her oath. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2ly To honour the gods by whom they swore, they sacrificed the life of one of these three beasts, Arist in Lusist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. a Boar, a Ram and a Goat: or all three, and of every sort one or three of one of the sorts, as Adrastus was made to do of the three sheep, in behalf of the Argivi. — * Eurip. Supl. v. 1200. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sometimes when they killed a Boar, they cut out the stones (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are pretty near kin) and stood upon them as they swore. A Ram or a Boar thus used is properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Perhaps they used to sacrifice Pigs chief (as the Romans did) at the confirmation of Leagues and Truces. And good reason choice should be made of that beast, rather than any other in swearing too, since there was so great account made of it in other businesses, as solemn as that. For 1. Jupiter was nursed by a Sow, (say some) and concealed by the noise of the grunting: and therefore with the Cretians his Country men, there might be no initiation without it. 2ly Varro * De Re Rust. saith, pecoris immolandi initium sumptum a suillo: that it was the first beast that was Sacrificed. which made some think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was so called, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Sus quasi Thus. Nay it was a creature so greatly sacred, (or employed to a sacred use,) that Sacres by itself, is used for little pigs consecrated for a Sacrifice. Clem. Alex. in Strom. The flesh that was wont to be eaten in other Sacrifices, in these was not to be * Arestoph. in Lusist. eaten at all, except it were by the worms and the fish. For either they buried it in the * Eustath. in Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ground, or else threw it into the Sea: as Talthybius did the Sow, which was sacrificed at an oath of Agamemnon's. CAP. VI De juramento Parvo & ejus ritibus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the little oath, was when they swore by a creature (and their gods were hardly so much) such as per Cramben, or by a Goose or a Dog, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Socratics did, having that practice commended to them by their own Master: who as it is in the Scholies upon * In Avib. Aristophanes) in his twelfth Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, had told them that Rhadamanthus the justest man that ever lived, had expressly forbid them to swear by the gods; but instead thereof had allowed them the use of a Dog or a Goose, or a Ram, or such like creatures. Sometimes they swore by the ground they stood upon, as * V 1025. Hippolytus does, in Euripides. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sometimes by their Nets, or by any other thing which they made use of. If the matter were serious, you might hear them swearing by their right hand, or by their head, as he does in Virgil. Per Caput hoc jur●, per quod Pater ante solebat. Which was the reason (says Atheneus) first, why they accounted the head 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, * L. 2▪ holy and Sacred. 2ly Why they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bow the knee at a Sneeze. 3ly Why the old Philosophers made such a scruple to eat of the head of any kind of creature. And 4ly Why they used this oath but seldom, accounting it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Helena called it when she swore to Menelaus, Eurip. in Hel. v. 841. though it were by his head, and not her own, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Customs used both in the Little and Great oaths too, in abjuring and purging of crimes, were sometimes, creeping upon their hands thorough the fire, or holding in their hands a red hot Iron, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they called it, such a thing as Anaxagoras, and his Scholar Euripdes * Schol Eurip. in Hel. took the Sun to be) supposing (as the Scholiast says upon Sophocles) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that if they were not guilty of the crime, they should not be sensible of the pain. Thus the fellow in Antigone would have taken his oath to Creon, that he buried not Polynices. The like custom, we read to have been in use among the Saxon ancestors, and for the same purpose, under the name of Fire-Ordeal. For Emma the Mother of King Edward the Confessor, passing blindfolded in the spaces between a great many red-hot Ploughshares laid on the ground: & Kunigund the Wife of the Emperor Henry the second holding a red-hot Iron in her hand, receiving no hurt thereby, cleared themselves of the crime of Adultery laid to their charge. Sometimes they took the Iron and threw it into the Sea, solemnly vowing to keep the oath without breaking, as long as the Sea should the Iron without swimming. — * Callimach. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sometimes (as I have known Boys do among us) they wrote the oath in a Paper, and threw it into the water: if it swam, and the water could endure it, he swore true; but if it sunk, and the water would not suffer it to be seen, he was to be punished immediately without more ado. And this puts me in mind of that oath of Adrastus, and the Argivi, for amity and League with the Athenians, which the Poet says they would have written in the hollow of a tripus, and the tripus to be sent to Delphos to Apollo, to be there kept for a testimony, and a memorial. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be produced when occasion should require. So Achilles Tatius (in his 8th book de Clitophontis, & Leucippes ammoribus) speaks of a custom, if a Wench were accused of Whoredom, to have her make a formal oath of denial, and having written the oath in a table, to stand in water up to the shins, with the table about her neck. If she were chaste, and had sworn true, the water remained as it was: but if not, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says he) the very water grows angry at it, and never leaves swelling, till it get up as high as her neck and cover the table; lest so horrid a sight as a false oath, should look the Sun and the World in the face. CAP. VII. De perjurii religione. IF a man made a conscience of swearing aright, he was counted religious indeed. Insomuch that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was commonly used for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Hesiod. and— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. * In Plut. in Aristophanes. Whereas on the other side, when they expressed a very wicked man, they made use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perjurious. And therefore Aristophanes (in nubibus) speaking of Jupiter's lightnings and thunderbolts, which some said, that they did more hurt to the wicked then to others, says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if perjured men are only liable to be struck, how comes it to pass that Cleonymus and Theodorus escape so well? or that the poor Oak tree is so often hurted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 since it can never be perjured Such as were common & customary swearers, for ill making, as well as for ill keeping of oaths, were branded with the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Hesychius) the place where the oaths used to be administered. Now for the punishment of such vile persons, they supposed the furies every fifth day to have a visitation, & to walk the round, for no other purpose: according to that of * In Dich. Hesiod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— and therefore Agamemnon when he swore that he never had to do with Briseis, called the Furies to witness too, as well as the Earth and the Sun. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nay in some places, the insensible creatures seemed to be sensible of the sin and save the furies a labour. For I have read that in a Temple at palace a City in Sicily, there were certain crateres or fonts, out of which there risen sometimes flames, and sometimes hot boiling water: and that thither people used to resort from other places, for deciding of Controversies by taking an oath. For if any one swore false near these fonts, he was presently strucken blind, or lame, or dead in the place. Besides these there were other means of their own appointing to affright men from perjury. Such as that of the image of jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pausan. in Eliac. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which they made in the most dreadful manner of any viz. with Thunderbolts in his hands, and a plate of brass at his feet, on which were engraven certain elegiacal verses, composed of purpose to terrify such as durst to invocate that god in falsehood. All this moved the Lacedæmonians little or nothing, if that be true which the Poet said of them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which you will say is very likely, if you remember the saying of Lysander, one of their own generallls, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fallere oportere pueros astragalis, hosts autem juramentis. SECT. II. De Ritu Convivandi. CAP. I. De Leschis, & de tempore victus caepiendi. WHat ever they talk of Atticus moriens porrigit manum, (as if an Athenian were charitable, and so he died) for my part, I have found him to be of a very good nature, both to the Stranger, and the Poor, and among his companions as merry as a Greek. Of the goodness of the Athenian natures, I can give you two or three very pregnant testimonies, whereby I shall make it appear, how tender hearted they were, not only to men in philanthropy, but even to Brute Beasts. For the first you may hear it from Demosthenes his own mouth, whom, as he was going into Exile (a time not so safe for such expressions) they brought going on the way, and carried every one something under his arm, to furnish him for his journey, insomuch that at parting he cried out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. How shall I endure to leave such a City, wherein the very enemies are as good as a man can find friends any where else. For the last you shall have two pretty instances, as I had them from the same Author. The first is of an Areopagite, whom they expelled the house for killing a Sparrow which being pursued by another bird fled into his bosom for shelter. a Phoc. cod. 1591. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (says he) as if he had not done righteous things. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not so much out of love to the Sparrow, as hatred to his conditions. The last is of one Praxitiles, whom for skinning a Ram alive, they punished much after the same manner, as the Ram was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The goodness of his nature among his companions, appeared either in eating and drinking, or merry talking, and discourse. For there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Theophrastus, good cheer in words, as well as in meat and drink. Aristophanes calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eating of words, Plautus comedere sermons. And it may be they might be made sometimes to eat their words indeed, if they prated so much as by all men's report they did. Theophr. For they were so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as the character terms them) so employed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in disseminandis & spargendis rumoribus; and were so much given to spend their time in nothing else, but either to hear or to tell some new thing, * Act. 17·21. that I wonder with what face, they could call St. Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Though I know some do rather choose to fetch the word from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to gather, as the Scholiast on Aristoph. interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as watch for lose things that drop out of carriages, and gather them up. The places where they met and discoursed were either the Baths, or the Vaults, and the Porches for the better sort: or Trades●mens shops for the meaner, like the Roman Tabernae; Nulla Taberna meos habeat, nec pila libellos. Their meetings in this kind, but especially those in the shops and the places themselves, and the coufabulations therein, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Euripides. And yet Sophocles in Antigone durst call the convention indicted by the King, by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too. Now those shops were commonly Perfumers or Barbers, whence the proverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used by Polybius, i. e. Barber's talk, (as we say) Lie like a tooth drawer.) But especially Smiths, and such as made use of a Fire; being free for any that would warm themselves, and without any doors, as the Scholiast upon those words in Hesiod l. 2. Concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And to this belongs that of Homer. Il. Θ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The discourse was for the most part de Lanâ Caprinâ (as they called it) or de Gerris Siculis, childish & Idle, well befitting such Geruli figuli, as most of them were. But the Philosophers that met in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Hierocles speaks of, had better discourse. These places were consecrated to the honour of Apollo, who is therefore said to have the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (so saith Suidas; but it should be rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Meursius.) the reason was, because such meetings were, or should be in the day time: and sometimes in the Sun. Their merriment in eating and drinking, at a set meal amongst themselves, was anciently, but once a day at supper (as it was with the Romans.) but afterward more often, and how often (for aught I can find by the Scholiast upon Homer in several places) it is not easy to determine. Some say, there were four meals a day, viz. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Breakfast. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Dinner 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Beaver. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Supper. Just so many Atheneus has, but in this order, viz 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or (Vesperna) 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Others make but these three. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. You see that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the last meal still, and so it is in Aristophanes, In Vesp. who after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supper time, makes it to be presently Bedtime. To any of these meals if they came to late, they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which they need not fear, if they had a bell to call them, as Plutarch says they had in the Fishmarket, and therefore terms those, Sympos c. 4. whose bellies had no ears, but for the Bell, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. II. De ritibus & variis modis convivandi. THeir merriment with others, was when they kept a feast. And thus to spend their money, was especially called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and the merriment itself, by the name of * Schol in Arist. Vesp. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which made Homer bring in Hebe ministering to the gods at a feast; and from whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came to be used for a little cup to drink healths out of. Now a feast was of three * Eusta●hius in Hom. kinds, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, otherwise called * Aristoph. & Scholar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was when they joined or clubbed for it, and every one brought his Symbolam his part, or else lay in his Symbolum, his pawn, or his earnest with the master of the feast. The earnest was commonly a ring, as Terence says, dati annuli, locus, tempus constitutum. And sometimes any other thing: which he that laid out the money for the feast, if he were not paid, or the party did not come, had power to sell, or do what he would with it. The reason why it was not so costly, and those that were at it, did eat so sparingly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was because every one brought his own provender with him, and from thence they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Festus. Sodales. Sometimes they call such a feasting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from joining as we say, or clubbing, or casting every one his lot into one purse. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Tzetzes upon * L. 2. Hesiod. And so likewise sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the charges came scattered, or sown by several hands, which is resembled very well by the Sportula instituted by Nero. Lastly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (they say) has been used for the same, Athen. l. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the company. Of this way of Feasting, you have a brief and large commendation in Hesiod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Be not averse from common feasts; for there The charge the least is, and the most the cheer. Sometimes you should have a Covetous fellow make his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his very wedding dinner, in the manner of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and every one that comes must bring his part with him, and be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a In Crass. (as Plutarch calls the Soldier that goes a Warfare at his own cost.) This kind of feasting (I think) may very well be named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for * Schol in Aristoph. Pace. that is either when there is meat of all sorts, or when is it brought to every man, or when they sit higly pigly, and every one takes where he likes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (for of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have spoken already) used to be a little more costly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was thus called either, 1. From 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lapping and tippling in it, or, 2. From their gathering together, or sitting in companies; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 5. From 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the vertigines or rounds used in dances, * Pindar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The company at such a feast were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Contrary to the manner of the Romans, the poor Women were left by themselves alone in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unless it were to accompany some of their very near friends: according to that of Cornelius Nepos, in the beginning of his book: Nam neque in convivium adhibetur nisi propinquorum, neque sedet nisi in interiore parte aedium, quae gynaeconitis appellatur, quo nemo accedit, nisi propinqua cognatione conjunctus. The usual customs in feasting were these. 1. The number of the company was not above thirty, and if there were more, there were certain officers, appointed for the purpose to discommon them: and to them the Cooks were to repair, to be examined concerning the same. Besides those Officers, there was an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too, to see how oft, and how much every one drank. And if it appeared that a man was any way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or intemperate; he was to be punished by the Areopagus. Which perhaps gave occasion to the Drunken unthrifts of those times, to call the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if they were niggardly in their diet. But if they were indeed such bite-figues, and cummin-cutters as they make them, how came it to pass that Cookery was so much in request among them; (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it is an honourable profession says Athenaeus) or that the skill in Physic, * L. 4. Astronomy, and Geometry, was thought so requisite to that art: or that in ancient time, the Cook should be one of the chief officers at a Sacrifice, as they say he was? the Last indeed very convenient, since a Sacrifice and a feast so well agreed that commonly either the latter followed the former, or instead of invitations they sent their friends a piece of the victim. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — as soon as you To the Nymphs have offered, give to Morson too. CAP. III. De more salutandi, Symposiarcho, Coronis, unguentis, modo accumb●ndi, & de mensis. WHen the guests were come, the manner of salutation for little boys (if any came) was to take them by the ears, as one would take a pot, and kiss them; and such a kiss as this they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a pot. Pollux. l. 9 c. 24. The fashion of kissing the lips was but of latter days, and osculum may be osculum upon any thing so it be from the mouth. Anciently they used to lay their mouth upon the eyes, and sometimes upon the head, or the shoulder, or the neck, like the Jews. Sometimes they went no higher than the hand, with an embracing of the body: as Xuthus desired to do to jon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eurip. jon. v. 518. Embracing was the most usual salutation. Insomuch that (if you will believe the * On Aristoph. Plut. Scholy) the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used to signify to Salute, does properly signify to embrace, as being derived (says he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The compellation to such as they respected was usually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vir honest, worthy Sir, rather than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Domine, or Master. Eurip. in Supl. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Till the meat came up, the Guests spent their time, in observing and commending the conveniences of the house, and the householdstuff, & the like, according to his instructions in * Vesp. Aristophanes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Master of the house, shall I say, or the Master of the Feast? or rather the founder of the feast; (for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Master, was many times no more than a Master-Steward, or * Pollux. l. 2. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Caterer chosen by a company at a Collation) presently had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ brought him in by the Cook i e. a note containing the several sorts of dishes which they were to expect. Now in some feasts, to carouse it (according to the manner of the Roman Modiperator, and the fashion yet in use in Italy, and among us upon Twelfthday) they threw lots who should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King: and he to whose lot it fell, was to have the whole command of all, for matter of drinking, or ceremonies, without any restraint. Which sometimes proved too tyrannical: as it did in him in Diog. Laertius, who commanded a fellow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to take the drink in his mouth, C. 8. or have it fling in his face. All the while that the feast lasted, they kept burning of Frankincense and Myrrh upon the hearth. Either that the sense of smelling too, might have a taste of the mirth, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for * Atheneus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 smell-feast) or else to stop the mouths, and the angry noses of the gods: to whom, before they eat any thing themselves, they used to offer a taste of the best of every dish. But how they did it I know not, unless they threw it in the fire as Patroclus did. Il. 10. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Guests before they sat down, used to crown their heads with Garlands, made for the most part of Myrtle▪ for so I remember the bold guest in Euripides, calling and commanding for his drink.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. bound his head with Myrtle-boughs to secure it from aching. and the Romans it seems agree with them herein, for says Horace, when he went to be too merry, Nunc decet aut viridi caput impedire myrto. The use of these Garlands, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Says the Scholiast upon Aristoph. in Avib. was to cool the head, and so to restaine the heat of the Wine▪ neither did they crown their heads only, but anoint them too, as if they had been going to wrestle with the strength of the liquor: for so says he in Vespis. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ovid and the Romans knew of this too it seems. — habent unctae mollia serta comae. Using it as they did, either to keep the fumes and vapours from coming altogether; or to open the pores, and let them out as soon as they came. for the same end was it, that the herb cram was so much used in their feasts, as it was also among the Egyptians. and very likely it is to have a virtue that way, in regard of the antipathy said to be in the nature of it, to the nature of the Vine, so great, that it will not endure to grow near it. which antipathy (they say) has been in it, ever since * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. On Aristoph. in Equit. Act. 1. Sc. 3, Lycurgus (a King of Thrace) for cutting down all the Vines in his Kingdom to prevent drunkenness, being bound by Bacchus with Vine-twiggs, to be thrown into the Sea, in crying, let drop a tear upon the ground, out of which tear presently sprung the cram. so called quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Pupillae the Apples, or the Babies (as we say) in the eyes, to which 'tis thought to be hurtful. Besides anointing, there was washing too, both before and after meat. that before, had a peculiar name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the other they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Their posture at eating was lying upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beds (imitated by the Roman lecti) with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a mat * Poll l. 6 c. 2. close by, which had bed clothes and all to sleep upon. Those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were usually covered with skins: according to that in the * Aristoph. in Eq. Poet of one that lay snorting upon a full belly. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And sometimes with Tapestry, for the better sort: for with such Achilles his Ambassadors are entertained in * Il. 10, Homer, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The manner of lying was on their sides, and leaning upon their elbows. And therefore Silenus, in Euripides, bids Cyclops (when they sat at meat upon the ground) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to place his elbow handsomely. They rested their feet upon a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a footstool: such a one as Juno would bestow upon Somnus for the same use. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And yet I remember one in the Poets Vespae, ask how he should sit, was bid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to stretch out his knees. The table was ordinarily Tripus. Unless the man were of a higher stomach than he that said, Sit mihi mensa tripes: for than it might be of another fashion. But usually it was made with three legs, and an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon it, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (in imitation of the Tripus at Delphos) to be taken off, and set on, as they had occasion. Of what fashion soever it was, they used to reverence it with a great deal of religion: so as not to have any uncivil or profane or immodest discourse, as long as they sat at it. For why (says Synesius) it is holy and consecrated to Jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ep. 57 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which gave occasion to that expression of Demosthenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sat. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And to juvenal's, reverentia mensae. The Paus. in Phoch. first that ever dared to profane the table, were the Women that killed Tereus his son, and served him up in the dish. CAP. IU. De Cibo & Potu. THE Greeks (they say) in ancient times, as well as other people, were contented with Masts and Acorns: for their bread at least, if not for their Meat. And there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Viig. Ae●. people employed of purpose to gather them. There was no cereale solum, in those days, no fear of mensas consumimus. 'Twas enough for the luxury of later days, to make paniceas mensas, tables or trenchers of bread. In allusion to the use of this food L. 5 c. 6. A. Gellius says that the Romans made their civica corona of Oaken boughs, quoniam cibus victusque antiquissimus quernus capi solitus sit. In remembrance of their oaken diet. After mast, they looked lower and found better food in barley. For that kind of corn was the a Artemid●r. l. 1. c. 71. first in use. Afterward, when fine Wheat, and teeth came up, it was made a punishment to use it, as b In Aug. c. 24. Swetonius says, decimatas hordeo pavit. Their way of using corn at first, before that mills came up (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, said to be first invented by Mylas) was to roast it in hot embers, or to parch it upon the hearth: & then pinsere to beat it, Seru. ad Aen. and knead it into hard lumps or loaves. Those that did this the Romans called pinsores, which afterwards came to pistores, bakers. 2. Sam. c. 17, v. 28. We read of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 parched stuff among the Israelites too, even there where we read of flower, and so it was not for need that they used it. In time it came to varieties: and I also might say a great deal concerning them; as likewise of their usual dishes at feasts, both of fish and flesh. But you may have enough in Athenaeus with little pain, and less profit. Only I desire to observe one thing, that of all the parts of a beast, the brain might by no means be seen upon a table. For they loathed to eat it, as much as Pythagorean could to eat a bean: and thought that none but he that had lost his fences, would offer to devour that, from which all the senses had their life. Nay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the brain, might not be in their mouths to speak it, as well as to eat it. * In Trachin. And therefore Sophocles, when he speaks of Lichas his throwing from the rock into the sea, and dashing out his brains, how gingerly does he relate it, calling the brain white marrow of his head. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Hecuba in Euripides speaking of Astyanax his throwing down from the tower by the Greeks, relates it after the same manner, calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, adding withal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with reverence be it spoken. But as for the entrails, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, no dish so common as that: insomuch that you should have some covetous fellows make a feast of nothing else. Such a feast they called more peculiarly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The meat was served up in dishes of wood: or of brass (for the better sort) and every one's portion at his place. The drink, which they had at feasts during meal time, was usually wine mingled with water to allay the strength of it. And this mixture they say was the invention of Amphictyon (him whom they report to have first instituted the meeting of the seven Cities called Concilium Amphyctyonicum) but I have another story for you from * L. 15. Athenaeus, who had it from one Philonides a Physician, and it is this. When Bacchus first brought his Vines from the Read-sea into Greece; the people came presently flocking to the Sea side, and fell so immoderately to the liquor, that some became dead-drunk, and some raving mad. Others that came later, being driven away by a sudden tempestuous shower, when they returned again, found some of the rain mingled with the Wine, which they had left in the cups, and drinking freely of it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not withstanding found no such effects as the former did, but continued sober. This (they say) is the reason that at the first bringing in of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or mixed wine, to the table, they used to remember 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, jupiter the founder of the rain, and the mixture. To which they added the health called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if the feast were a victor's feast; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if it were at a Wedding: altering the name of the health, according to the occasion of the feast. And yet Sophocles seems to make the third round to be to jupiter Servator — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Presently after meal came in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Wine in puris naturalibus whereof (it may be) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, promulsis, or gustatio, the first taste before they went to eating used to be. The great Crater being filled, the Symposiarch began a health, either to the good Genius (to whom they meant to indulge) or to the goodly god that invented the liquor. This health is called Poculum not Charitatis, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and so to drink it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, making it a religious business, as if it were a Libation or a drink offering: Aristoph in Eq. as he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And many times they prayed too, crying out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Some say, this health was at the beginning of the feast. But they did but sip at it, and therefore Hesychius interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, little drinkers. * In Vesp. The last health of all, which they drunk just as they went to bed, was to Mercury, as to the god of sleeping and dreams — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for that was the reason (says Athenaeus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Yet some say it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the bottle or vessel out of which they filled the Wine, was usually made of the skin of a Boar. And therefore in Lysistrate (Aristophanis) it is called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Wine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 blood, and the pouring it out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 slaughter, as if the Goat were a killing but then. When one friend drank to another, they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a cup of good friendship: and such kind of expressions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, take or pledgings: according to that — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— And thus if a great man kept the feast, when he drank to his favourites, he gave him the cup to keep. But if he drank a health to one whom he loved (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his friend or his Catamite) he drank part himself, and bestowed the rest upon the ground. Sometimes after Supper, they would sit up drinking for a wager all the night, and he that could keep himself waking till morning, had a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a cake made of flower and honey for his labour. Just as the women used to have in the Thesmophoria. In such mad fits as these, they were wont to have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, riddles proposed: which he that could not interpret, was to drink off his cup. And if any one were weary, he might not departed unless he had leave, (perhaps it was unless he took his leave) of the Master of the feast. and hear I might easily speak enough of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but I think a little is sufficient, and that I have done already. Now the cups wherein they drank in ancient time were nothing but Bulls horns, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast upon Nicander, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Insomuch that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to fill drink, seemed to be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these horns. Scilicet. Hence it was that they used to picture Bacchus with Bull-hornes. Nay the Argivi made his picture all Bull. which occasioned some to call him downright by the name of Taurus a Bull. And the reason of those fancies was (says the Scholiast) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the strange (says he) or rather the Bull-wood carriage of those that use his liquor. But the best is, that Deus immiti cornua curta bovi. Afterward they grew weary of horns, and came to their cans, which they seem to have made of Ivy (for Bacchus his sake too no question, to whom the wood belongs) Eurlp. Alc. v. 756. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. V. De iis quae à discumbentibus fieri solebant. FOR their behaviour at table, spitting and coughing, and speaking loud, was counted uncivil in any but a Gentleman (as we say in the University, that nothing is fresh in a Senior) and to him it was a glory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Stobaeus, to spit stoutly, or as Quintilian calls it; clarè excreare as it is among us for great men to sit and eat carelessly. But paring of nails was such a sordid thing, that no gentility could bear it out. Hesiod (as 'tis thought) long since abominated the incivility, or what shall I call it to hit his meaning. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor from the five-branched green do with a knife At feasting cut the witberd for thy life. Their attendance was, every one his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or his Pedee, to whom they used to deliver 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, choice bits, or such dainties as they liked best, to keep, or to carry whom with them: but I must confess it was counted somewhat base: and therefore clancularly done, except it were a very high feast indeed, and open house. Those boys or servants were commonly Black moors; after the fashion of the Romans, — tibi pocula cursor Getulu● dabit, aut nigri manus ossea Mauri. Your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, portions, which we read of, were another thing: as a piece of the Victim at a Sacrifice, or a part of the choicest dishes at a feast, sent by all the company in a public manner to friends that were absent. For such Plutarch reports to have been sent to Aratus by King Antigonus, when he Sacrificed at Corinth: and Aristophanes (in his Archarnanes) by the Bride at a Wedding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And indeed not only the Greeks, but the Romans and the Jews too, are to be commended for remembering their friends in this kind: for the Jew's both at Sacrifices (as 1. Sam. 1.4 Elkanah did to his Wife,) and also at feasts (as those were bid to do by a Nehem. c. 8.10. Nehemiah) used to send 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 portions to them, for whom nothing was prepared. When they had greased their fingers, they would take a piece of soft bread, and rub them with it, and throw it to the dogs, and from thence came the proverb tanquam canis vivens è magdaliâ, or rather (if you will) apomagdalia, for so they called such a piece of bread from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wipe; such a thing as their Cook's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a piece of course bread, which they had for the same use. The desert consisted of nuts and fruit, and all sorts of junkets▪ they called this service, by the several names of * or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Epidorpiae mensae. And now to crown all with dancing and music, which Homer calls * Coronas Convivii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (usually accompanied with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, merry songs, and tales) because they themselves spent most time in practising it, I shall be bold to spend a little the more in relating it. CAP. VI De cantu Convivali & Scoliis. ALthough Socrates in Plato's Protagoras, speak against the use of Music at a Feast: and Euripides say, it were better used at a Funeral, to make the Mourners merry: yet you shall find Xenophon himself (in himself) commending, & Phemius (in Homer) practising the same. Odyss. I. Now the custom was when they came to the dancing and the Music, (whereas at Mealetime less cups would serve) then to have greater, and a fresh bowl (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to begin with, for such a one they had at every change, if they observed that fashion we read of in Euripides. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * In jon. v: 1177. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The song most common among them was Harmodius: so called (just as Hymenaeus is from a man of the same name, and as we call our songs Chloris and the like) because it was sung to the honour of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, the two famous Tyrannicidae, that put an end to the tyranny of the Pisistratidae, by putting Hipparchus to death: and of whom it is reported that the strumpet Leaena (as beastly a name as Lupa) so faithfully loved their bodies, that when she was racked by the Tyrant, to discover their conspiracies, she bitten off a piece of her tongue with her teeth, and spit in his face. The beginning of Harmodius was thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. You have mention of it in Aristophanes his Acharnenses, and his Vespae. Sometimes they would have up Admetus, or a song to the praise of Admetus, (for most of their songs, as well as those of the Romans, tended to the praise of one famous worthy or other.) It began thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. where you may observe the oppsing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For so you shall find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, commonly for a Coward in Heathen writers, who reckoned virtutem (as they called it) valour and fortitude, the only virtue worthy the name. Besides these two which I have named, you shall find a great many more such in Authors, under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I will only give you one whole one, made by Tim●creon, a Poet of Rhodes, against riches. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Aristoph. Ran. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Those kind of songs which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were first invented by one * Plutarch. de mus. Terpander. They were so called either first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says the Scholiast upon Ranae,) from the crooked placing of the beds, and the lying of the guests upon them. Or else 2. (as the Scholy says upon the same Poet in Vespis) from the flexuous disorderly manner in the singing. For there were in use among the Greeks (says * Scholar in Ra●. Dicaearchus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) three ways of singing ●ongs at such meetings, the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by all together. the 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by one after another in order as they sat. the 3. one after another, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not in order, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, either by such as had best skill, or by such as he that sung last, should please to choose, I say to choose; for in singing a Scolium, as 'tis properly used, this was the custom. He that Scolid first, took him a Mirtyle rod, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and holding it in his hand like a thyrsus, (for all the devotion now was to Bacchus and to Venus,) begun in any place of Simonides, or Stesichorus, or Aeschylus, where he had a mind, and continued as long as he pleased. The verses which they sung, they called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the rods, as being apta virgae, in the words of Apuleius. When he had done, he delivered his bough to whom he thought fit▪ and he to whom the bough was delivered, was to go on where the t'other left off: and thus it went round till all had done. And then he that was judged by the company to come off best, and have capt the rest, Eustath. Il 1. had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they called it) i. e. a cup, or some such thing for his reward. Unless they sung some of Homer's verses, for then both the bough was Laurel, and the prize a Lamb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristoph. in Nub. from whence they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as well as Homeristae. Others say it was the custom presently after taking away, to have a harp to go from one to another, and every one as he was best able, or as his mind gave him, to sing to the Harp, with a bough in his hand besides. A third reason of the name is given by Oru● (a Grammarian:) viz. because the eye, and the understanding of those that sung, were by over strong drink become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, distorted, as they are in Madmen (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right eyes, and a right mind, are put a Soph. in Oed. Tyr. together in the Poet.) 4. The song was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (says the * In Ranis. Scoliast) by the Figure Antiphrasis, because it was least difficult of any, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, consisting but of a few staves. But this etymology in another place of the same book is utterly disliked, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because that Figure Antiphrasis, is always by way of Euphemy, to give a bad thing a good name, but never to give a good thing a bad name. Origen (they say) wrote a Poem, wherein he briefly comprised all such things, as seemed to be intricate and perplex, and gave it the title of Scolia. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Arist. in Ran. Pericles is said to have made his Laws, in the manner of Scolies, I think not for any obscurity in the meaning, but Poëtry in the making. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is not opposed (what ever it may seem to be) to that which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which might be sung by one alone, whereas the Scolies could not) so called, not because it was sung right along and in order: but either because the persons sung 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, (as Suidas expounds it) altâ & erectâ voce, with a long blast, (like the trumpet in judges c. 7.5.) or because it was sung 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which I know not what way it was, but that Herodotus says Arion played after that way upon the ship, and Eustathius and Suidas, say that Timotheus playing after that manner to Alexander 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. So moved his spirit, that he leapt immediately to his arms and took them up to fight. Instead of Scolies, sometimes you should have hole Comedies acted, and then none so soon as Menander's. But amidst all this jollity, to put them in mind of the changeableness and uncertainty of their conditions, (for this they say was the use as they made of them) they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, oscilla, or ossicula, like those which they use at Rome at the feast Sigillaria, or such as Suet. c. 83. Augustus is said to have played with (talis aut ossiculis ludebat cum pueris) things so artificially made with joints and pins, that in so many throws they would yield you a thousand shapes, or mouths, or faces. Petronius having at a certain feast, thrown those things on the table, presently cried out upon mortality, but with an ill intent, viz. to be merry therefore while he might. Heu, heu nos miseros, quam totus homuncio nilest! Sic erimus cuncti, postquam nos auferet ●r●u●. Ergo vivamus dum licet esse bene. And just so the Egyptians used at feasts, to bring in the picture of a dead man in a Coffin: for he that brought him in, bid every one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to eat and drink, Herod. l. 2. for to morrow he should die. CAP. VII. De Peregrinis excipiendis. A Stranger, whether you take it for a Guest or for an Alien, so it were not a god, was always had in so religious esteem at Athens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that (as the scholy saith upon * In Helen. Euripides) if any one wronged a stranger, he was looked upon as a profane cursed fellow: according to the Poet himself in another * In Taur. v. 468. place. — Let go the stranger's hands, Which being sacred may not be in bands. And good reason; for— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— all strangers have jupiters' own Letters of protection: and therefore no dolus so malus, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now this esteem they had, First in obedience to the Laws of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. you may call him jupiter hospes: for * L. 10. Fab. 6. Ovid in his Metamorphosis speaks of l●vis hospitis Ara an Altar of his in Cyprus, where the unhospital people, for their brutish inhumanity, are said to have been turned into Cerastas' bullocks. jupiter Xenius as much as he was for the strangers, was notwithstanding better known and honoured then any of the jupiters' besides, according to that of Plutarch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if he had ca●'d more for them then other people. jupiter hospitibus nam te dare jura loquuntur. Virg. Aen. 1 I remember indeed once to show how well he was pleased with that virtue of hospitality, being in his travels in Phrygia with Mercury lovingly entertained by Baucis and Philemon, when no body else would receive him, in requital thereof, he preserved the house from the Earthquake, and made it a Temple. 2ly In obedience to the Laws of the City, Xenoph. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which expressly commanded them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not to wrong a stranger. And this made Aristippus, upon Socrates his information, presently to remove to Athens and dwell there. L. de Offc. Nay says Tully Execrationibus publicis sancitum est etc. (speaking of refusal to show a stranger the way) that command was enforced with the penalty of public execrations. If a stranger had received any wrong (because they might not be so familiar as to do it themselves) there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, allowed of purpose to plead for them, as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to entertain them. Unless you will say that these last officers were not for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is hospites, such as tarried a while and away: but for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inquilini, such as set up their habitation in the place where they came. For those were made to pay their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an early rend to the City, the men twelve, and the * Isaeus contr. Elpagor● Women six Drachmas: which if they did not pay, they sold them, and put them into the ships for galley-slaves, as not reckoning them clean corn, and true Citizens, any more than * L 3. Polit▪ Aristotle; but only (in the words of Aristophanes) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the out casts and chaff, and no more. Even the Cretians themselves (as evil beasts as they were) seem to have had humanity enough in this respect. Athenaeus Otherwise what meant their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, two distinct Tables, and a Chamber kept a purpose for strangers? The very Soldiers at the taking of Troy, so much valued the hospitality shown by Antenor to Menelaus, as to spare his house alone. I must confess indeed the Lacedæmonians hear but ill for their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Lycurgus his Law against admittance of strangers, but upon certain days, and their dealing deceitfully with them then too. Which made the Poet (even in Pace) brand them with the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nay it is said how that they never made any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as they called it) free of their City, but only two, viz. Tisamenus the Poet, and his brother Hegias. But still I hope, their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strangers, were all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Barbarians, for whom the word is often used, says Herodotus, and the Scholiast upon Homer. For else certainly Plato would never have given such commendations of their Policy, though it be as proper to the nature of (as we usually take it) policy, as it is inconsistent with the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to care most for one's private good. CAP. VIII. De Hospitibus excipiendis. IF the Athenians were so kind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to every stranger, properly so called: what were they (think you) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to their own strangers (as we use to call it) or to their sworn guests? Those had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or tesseram hospitii, something or other like a ticket, to show for their quarter when they came: such as jason in courtesy offered Medea to help her in the time of exilement. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So fare were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those that entertained guests (you may call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too, for it is a name for both, like hospes, perhaps to show their near relation) from so much as suspecting a return of hatred for kindness, that it cost Dio no less than his life. Who though he were forewarned of an intention of Callipus his guest to murder him, took no care to avoid him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being ashàmed (says Plutarch in his chapter de Vitioso pudore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to beware of one that was his friend and guest too (as if that were more.) The manner of entertaining a stranger was this. As soon as ever they saw him, Pindar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the first care they had, was to have somewhat for him to eat. Egredientem illico è navi adduxit ad caenam, says * In Heaut. Terence. When he came to the door (as some say) they both joined feet one the threshold, & there mutually engaged themselves to be true and trusty. Qui recipiebant, & qui recipiebantur veniebant ad hostium, Vetus Diction. & ponebant pedē in eo, & confirmabant quòd unus non deciperet alium And therefore hospes is said to be derived from hostium, or ostium a door, and pes a foot. When he came in, they called for the Stranger's bottle (as he says in * Eurip v. 511. Electra, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and drank to him in a cup of Wine, before ever they asked his name (saith Athenaeus,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as giving him honour, because he was a stranger, not because he was this or that particular man. Now they used Wine, rather than any other liquor (says the same Author) because they took it to be, Idem. Ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Powerful to warm the affection too, as well as the stomach. The next thing they presented him with, was Salt: intimating their friendship must be so seasoned with good carriage, as it might keep long and sweet. All the time of his being the house, this respect he had. They made their own daughters to attend upon him, to fill drink and the like: nay and to bring him Water in a Basin, and wash his feet with their own hands. As may be proved by several places in Homer both observed and approved by Athenaeus, * L. 1. who makes it to he an ancient custom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 2. They allotted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Chambers a part from the rest, of purpose for strangers. Which puts me in mind of Admetus in the * V 545. Poets Alcestis, who when Hercules coming to his house in a time of Mourning (a thing accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so unfit to be seen by the sacred eyes of a stranger (as he there says) was therefore about to be gone again, replied; no such need, good Hercules, notwithstanding the mourning in the house. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For we have Chambers on the other side of the house which we keep only for strangers, and you shall be there. 3ly When they sat at Meals they had a table also to themselves: as may be conjectured by that which Orestes had at his being at Athens. Eurip. El●ctr v 849. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— last they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 places allowed them at the shows, instituted by Sphyromachus. Therefore to return respect again to the people of the house: as at his coming into the Country, he ought to do reverence and Sacrifice to the Genius of the place, saluting the ground with a kiss Ovid. Met. l. 3. Cadmus agit grates, peregrinaeque oscula terrae Fecit, & ignotos montes, agrosque salutat. So during all the time of his being with them, he was to do Divine service, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto their gods especially, or the gods of the place: as Alexander did at his being at Troy: and as they themselves, Id▪ Herc. v▪ 609. if they had been from home at their return, were to do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Hercules calls them) to the Penates, the gods of the house. In like manner, at his going out of the Country, when he came to the borders he kissed the ground, and so took his leave of the Genius: as Ovid says, Met. l. 13. — daunt oscula terrae Troades— Whensoever the party had a mind to be gone, it was counted an uncivility to detain him. Menelaus' accordingly practised, and left it for a rule. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And parting they usually gave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, some thing or other for a remembrance: or to bear their charges by the way. Besides every man's private benevolence, there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a common Hospital maintained by the City. Where if any strangers, to whom it belonged, were denied entertainment, they might complain to the Magistrate and be righted. Indeed a murderer or such like person, they might not by any means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as he * calls it) entertain him, and give him meat and drink, as being aquae & igni interdictum. CAP. IX. De Pauperibus sublevandis. AND now in the last place, I have a word to say also, of the good will, which the Athenians bore to the poor. And certainly if they intended no more than the Honour of their City, they would be loath to suffer any to become a beggar; * That there may be no poor among you. &c Deuteron. 15.4. So some render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of whom Isocrates says in his Arcopag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he is a disparagement to the city wherein he lives. To prevent the disgrace, every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Society, kept a poore-man's box, or a common Treasury, for the relief of such as came to poverty, and the ransom of the Captives. Into that box once every month, they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, confer eranum (as Plautus says eranum amici contulerunt) to put every man's contribution; and from thence were the contributers called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He that thus came to a gathering (as we call it) was said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in Aristotle (Acroas l. 2. e. 5.) where he makes this instance of a thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that happened by chance; if a creditor, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with his Bond in his hand should come to his debtor for money, when he with his roll in his hand, was come to the parish (as we say) for a collection. Such another contribution was that which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, appointed by Aristides for those that assisted him in the War against the Medes, of which Aristophanes in his Lysistrate. If there happened any controversy in this business, there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Laws and Writs made for the purpose. Plato speaks very well of this * L. 9 de Leg. custom, and Trajanus the Emperor in his answer to Pliny approves of it, permitting the use thereof to the Amiseni (for other Cities had it as well as Athens) eo faciliùs, si tali Collationi etc. Other provision there was besides this eranus, for their relief. For the richer sort were wont every new moon, to make a great feast of Bread, & other course far for this purpose. Which feast being chief intended to the honour of Hecate, gave occasion to them to call every course beggarly feast, by the name of Hecate's caena. But as bad as the fare was, the person in Pluto Aristophanis, took his argument even from thence, to commend the condition of the poor, above that of the rich. Says he— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Ask Hecate and she will tell which is best. To conclude, I have read that they had a Lucar, money allowed them out of the Treasury, to pay for places at the Plays and shows. SECT. III. De Ritibus Bellicis. CAP. I. De Militibus. HAving spoken of the customs used by the Athenians amongst themselves, it will be fitting in the next place to say something of those which they used towards their enemies; and after that of those towards either, or both, in Divinations. The Warlike provision which they made for the defence of the City, was partly this. The young men being Listed inter Ephebos (which was as I told you, at the age of eighteen) were from that time till twenty, Harpocr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they ●●lled it) that is, they must be circitores or fraxatores. Or they must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stand sentinel and keep Guards in the Forts, and be employed in the making of Works and the like: according to that of * In Ennucho. Terence, Video herilem filium minorem huc advenire: Miror, quid ex Piraeo abierit, nam ibi custos publicè est nunc. The first of the two years they kept within the City, but the second they proceeded to the Suburbs, and in token of the degree they had taken, they received of the people a Shield, and a Spear, and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Coat for a Livery. During these two years, they could not be compelled to fight 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without the Liberties. But ever after till forty they might. Ulpian. ad Olymph. And both the first, and every year after, till the end of forty two years, (as I take it) they had their own names, together with the name of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, registered in this manner, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Such a one in pay ever since such a one was Archon Eponymus: to show how long every man had been in service. Of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, there were twenty two, according to the number of the years from eighteen to forty. They are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in which they listed their names after they were twenty years old; and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they thus kept a note of every man's age: in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were but to keep a note of their Tribes. Aristot de Rep. Ath. Now some there were that were exempted, and some that were excluded from that service▪ the former were such as Custom-holders' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who therefore had the privilege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Bacchus his Salii, or dancing Priests. The latter were, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 slaves and all such proletarious People who were not to be employed but in case of necessity, nor had the honour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the others had. For they, as soon as they had taken the oath in the Temple of Agraulus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were listed by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or General (as many as he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made choice of, after the manner of the Roman Delectus) in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Muster-role, which he kept for the same purpose, having besides that another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Table-book, for such as were Emeriti out of service, and discharged. After they had been listed by the general, they were to be listed again by the under Officer, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the foot by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Horsemen by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were of three sorts. First those more especially so called, such as used much armour, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and were gravis armaturae milites, with their wide Shields and long Spears. 2ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Levis armaturae milites, such as had little or no Armour, but carried Arrows, and Darts, and Stones for the sling. And 3ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a middle sort between both, with their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, narrow Shields, and short Spears. Such as they made choice of for Horsemen, were to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says Xenophon) able both in body and purse, and therefore were to be examined first by the Senate of 500, before they could be listed; and so were likewise the Horses themselves, to try whether they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 skittish, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as the Scholiast calls it) Noyse-proofe. And this they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with a Bell, or a Kettledrum, or a Pipe, I know not which I shall render it. And now I am put in mind of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which they used to make a noise withal, when they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Walk the round to try whether the Guards were asleep or no, which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Insomuch that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is used for the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to try, or prove (as in Aristophanis Batrachis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intentatum. (as in Lysistrate, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) If a Horse had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worn and beaten out with long service, they marked him in the Jaw with the sign of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a wheel I think) and gave him his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Hesych. for so they called both the mark & the discharge itself: whence came the proverb used by Eupolis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to give a man his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is his discharge. All their Horses the Greeks reckoned to be consecrated to the Sun, and Beda upon the Kings, giveth this reason, Audientes Graeci ab Isra●liticis, (quos divinas habere literas fama prodebat) quod Helias curru igneo, & equis igneis sit ad caelestes translatus (vel certè hoc ipsum inter alia depictum in pariete●videntes) crediderunt viciniâ decepti nominis Solis hic transitum per coelos esse designatum, & miraculum divinitas factum comutarunt in argumentum erroris, etc. because Helias once was carried up to heaven with Horses, therefore Helius or the Sun, must be thought to have horses consecrated to his service for ever after. The Horsemen, first, some were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that had two ways to fight, I. Poll. l. 8. c. 10. with Armour for the purpose, and a boy to hold their horse while they fought a foot (a fashion of Alexander's own inventing. 2. Some were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that had two Horses, one to ride upon, and the other to lead: from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Their manner of life was very high and stately, for many times they would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, have a transvection, or ride into the City in Pomp and triumph, with a Coach, and a garment of Scarlet or Purple, usually called by the name of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it is these verses. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For in ancient time it was counted not below a King, for to ride the Coach-horse, or sit in the chair. aurigae then were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and were better than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who looked to the Coach only. The number of the Horsemen was greater or less, according to the number of the people. Otherwise (as Pollux saith) every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which was the twelfth part of a Tribe) was to find two. Most of the Athenian Soldiers were assidui, and went to War upon their own charges, insomuch that they reckoned it a very disgraceful thing to be aerarii, or me●●lli, and to take pay. Concerning a mercenary Soldiers pay, what it was, because it was so often changed, I think I had better be silent. And concerning the habit, and diet of others only this, that a Law made by Cineas and Phryxus, forbade them to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dainty and to wear long hair, as some say: but (it may be) the latter is to be meant only of their forelocks, which they were to cut, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that the enemy might have no holdfast, says Plutarch in his Theseus, where he says also that the fashion being first used by Theseus, was therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. II. De Armis quibus vim propulsabant. THE first makers of Armour are said to be the Lemnians, of whom Vulcan was the chief workman. The Mettle whereof it was made, at the first was Brass, says * In Lacon. Pausanias: but for want of Iron, says Hesiod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The most noted Armour was the Helmet, the Shield, and the coat of Mail. The most noted thing in the Helmet, was the Crest, invented by the Cares, and therefore called by Alcaeus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The thing▪ or the part wherein, or whereto it was fastened they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to fasten it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer. The Crest was double or triple, according to the quality of the person. For if he were an heros, it might be triple, says a In Orest. Euripides, and quadruple, says b L. 2. Apollonius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The stuff whereof it was made, was usually feathers, and the hair of a Horse-tail; and thence it is that it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in * Id 23. Theocritus; and that it is said c Aristophan. Puce. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the hair fell off. The other parts of the Helmet bore the name of that part of the head to which they belong, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the eyebrows, and the rest, except the Penthouse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of the shield, both the matter, and the form, was of several kinds, for sometimes it was made of Oziers' woven together, Aen. 7. according to that of Virgil. — flectuntque Salignas Vmbonum crates— (but than they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and sometimes of wood: Mesych. but most commonly of raw Ox hides, or of pieces of Leather, doubled or laid one upon the other. Ovid says Ajax had Septemplicem clypeum, a Buckler that had seven pieces of or fold in it; and Achilles another that had ten. Neither was this all, for it was done over with Brass besides, as that of Achilles was, — & aes & proxima rupit Terga novena boum, decimo tamen orbe moratum est. And therefore in * Troad. v. 1336. Euripides it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For the form of it, it was sometimes long, sometimes round, and some times square. The names of the several parts of it you may have in I. Pollux L. 1. c. 10. Only thus much I may tell you, first for the making of them, that it was wont to be done with a great deal of curiosity, both for show and for use, as having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ornaments to be seen, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 little holes to see others by, set in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the border. And 2ly▪ For the invention of them; the handle by which they held it, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was invented by the Cares, and thence it was that Anacreon called it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and so were likewise the umbilicus, Strabo l. 14. and the arms, and most of the rest. In memory of this invention, when they buried any man, they used to put a Shield and a Crest into the grave along with him. The Arms (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) were different, according to the quality of the bearer. Ulysses had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Idomeneus Grandchild to Sol a Roust-cock the avant coureur to the Sun. But the Heroes anciently, & for the most part, * Aristop. in Ran. used to bear Eagles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To the Arms, they added verses in commendation of the prowess of the Person, by which he deserved those Arms, and the name of the maker; such as Pausanias relates upon that of Idomeneus. The case or Theca wherein the shield was put, In Eliatr. they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a name (it may be) for any other the like cases, according to that in Eut. v 617. Andromache. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rhodiginus says, L. 21. c. 14. that in the use of the shield, there were some things which they observed to be ominous▪ for if it happened to strike their knees, they counted it lucky: but if they struck it with their Spear, 'twas an ill sign. The most famous shield that ever I read of in heathen writers, was that of jupiter Aegiochus, named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he covered it with the skin of his nurse the goat called Amalthaea▪ this shield he bestowed upon Minerva, who ingraved upon it the Stone-making or astonishing head of Medusa. Whether that Scutum sacrum which Alexander is said to have stolen, and to have carried always before him, were the same with this or no, I know not. Their shields when they laid them up in the Temples (as the fashion was also for the other sorts of arms) they suffered not to have their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 handles, (or some such necessary appurtenance) that so in case there should be any insurrection, they might be the less ready for use; which was the cause why he in the Poet cried out so as he did, when he saw it otherwise. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For says another a little before. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Coats of Mail were of three sorts, the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which reached from the navel to the knees: the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which covered half the breast, such as Polyaenus reports to have been much used by the Soldiers of Alexander the Great. The third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which reached from the shoulders to the navel, Etymol. so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from preserving the heart, and the breast▪ from which peculiar office of it, Aristophanes in Acharnensibus, borrows the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for to signify to be well nigh drunk, (as we say when we have well eaten or drunken, that we are well armed against the cold) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to signify 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 drunk to the top. now a Thorax was either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all of one piece plain like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 recta tunica: or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with chains or plaites of iron put between the leather (as it is in our Coats of Mail.) The leather I say, because it was usually made of a hide (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) as the S●uta were, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristoph. in Pace. So they say that the Latin word Lorica comes from Lorum, the dried and tanned hide, whereof it was made. According to that of Virgil. Cui pellis latos humeros exempta juvenco Pugnatori operit. The holes where they put out their arms Aristophanes calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by a Metaphor from the holes of a boat, where they put out the Oars. The Colour most in use upon their Arms, Clothes, or Crests, etc. was crimson red, either to make themselves the less afraid, if they saw their blood, being used to the colour; or else that the enemy might be the less able to perceive it, if they should chance to be wounded. From the Phaenicean colour, the Lacedæmonians called their Coat (or Crest, Aristoph. in Pace. or what is it?) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In allusion to whose red bloody colour, the P●et in Acharnenses speaking of having a fellow beaten▪ till the blood came, thus expresses it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let's carded him, and work him, and belabour him, till we make his skin like a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Idem. Ibid. To carry their Provision in, every man had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a kind of basket (fiscinam,) made of Oziers' (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) with a long narrow neck. And therefore the Poet having used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to signify such a thing, in the same Comedy uses the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to signify men that had a neck as long as that thing. Their ordinary provision was Cheese, and Olives, and Onions. The quantity commonly so much as would serve for three days, according to that of the same Poet still, and in the same Comedy, where speaking against the troublesome life of a Soldier▪ among other troubles he reckons in viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Those too often repeated orders for three day's provision. CAP. III. De armis quibus vim inferebant. THE Arms, or the Weapons they used to fight with, were in ancient time clubs (used also for the putting of Malefactors, to death) called by * Il. 4. Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to that of Horace, Vnguibus & pugnis, dein fustibus; atque ita porrò Pugnabant armis quae pòst jabricaverat usus. But afterward they came to Spears, a weapon so highly esteemed, that some would not stick to adore it; as may be gathered by the words of Eustathius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, some say signifies to worship (and so they say of the word numerare, used by Cicero in his book De Nat. Deorum. Novi ego Epicureos omnia sigilla numerantes.) Thus it is reported of one Pheraeus Alexander a tyrant, that having killed his uncle Polyphron with his Spear, he took it and crowned it with Garlands, and caused it to be adored by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One would have thought it sufficiently honoured, to be used by Kings instead of Sceptres, as justin saith it was: or at most to have a place in the Temple: or else to have been dedicated to a god, as Plutarch saith it was to Pallas, (because of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the proper word for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and to be joined to the statue of the god: for so it commonly was among the Latins especially; whence it came that hastae motae shaking of the Spears, so often spoken of by Livy and others, was accounted such a grand prodigium. If there were none of this, yet the respect they gave to them will sufficiently appear, in the care they took of the keeping them. For when they slept in the field they fastened it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Pollux interprets, the butt-end of the Spear, made (it may be) with a cross for the better holdfast, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But Eustathius saith it was an iron with a sharp tail like a snake, to be set in the ground, and hollow head, to set the Spear in, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lacerta a Lizard, which it resembled. When they came home, they set it in a long wooden case, made of purpose by a pillar of the house. Odyss. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— says Homer, and Virgil has the like. Aen. 12. Exin quae mediis ingenti adnixa columnae Aedibus astabat, validam vi corripit hastam. The custom first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to vibrate the Spear before they used it, to try the strength of it, was so constantly kept, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a shakespeare, came at length to be an ordinary word both in Homer and other Poets to signify a Soldier. When the Greeks began the use of Bows, I know not: but it seems they had such things, and Hesychius in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says they made the strings of Horse's hair. Swords likewise they had, which they used to hang by their sides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by belts, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. or strings of leather, as they did the shields: and the strings came over the shoulders as ours do. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hesiod. What other offensive arms they had I know not. But the Scholiast upon Euripides, in one place reports, that about the time of the Theban War, they excelled most in the defensive: and that the Barbarians were better at the offensive. CAP. IU. De ritu excipiendi legatos, indicendi Bellum, consulendi deos, observandi dies, & trajiciendi fluvios. AS careful and as cunning as they were in Warlike affairs, I cannot find but that they did properè sequi quae piget in choare, bear a greater affection to Peace: as may appear in their honourable receiving of Ambassadors, to whom they gave hearing in no worse place than a Temple, * Demosth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and their entertainment in the Prytaneum. The usual Ensign carried by Greek Ambassadors, was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caduceus a right staff of wood with snakes twisted about it, and looking one another in the face. Wither this was to affright them from discord, and to put them in mind of the Serpent's teeth (a seed of dissension sometime sown by Cadmus among Draco's friends) 'tis but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 my conjecture, and a bolt perhaps too soon shot to hit the mark. An Ambassador's allowance, was two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a day, * Etym. which they usually called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If t●e Peace could not be kept, but they must needs have war: ye● they you'd be sure to give warning, and fair pla●, and make Proclamations of their intentions, before they marched. the manner in proclaiming War, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer in Batra chrm. was to send a fellow of purpose, either to cast a Spear, or to let lose a Lamb into the borders of the Country, or into the City itself, whether they were Marching (which Hesychius rather thinks to have been the signal before a battle) thereby showing them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that what was then a habitation for men, Diogenian. should be shortly a pasture for sheep, and what was then pasture for their own sheep, should be shortly turned to the use of their enemies. Before they set forward upon a March, you will not think how exact they were in preparation considering, and examining whether it were convenient or not, the Gods must be Sacrificed to, the Prophets and Diviners sought to, & all the old Oracles and Prophecies concerning the City search into: for this course the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tragedian makes to have been taken by Demophon of Athens, upon the coming of Euristheus. Then besides this, after the manner of other Nations, Jewish, La●ine, and Persian, they used to vow one thing or other, to be devoted and consecrated to the gods, in case they prevailed: such as was that of the Tithe of the men to Apollo, and many other vows of the like price. Nay the Athenians were so over-lavish in this kind, that once there came an Oracle from jupiter Hammon, testifying the gods dislike of such courses, and commending the frugality of the Lacedæmonians. In like manner were they superstitious in the observation of days. For as the Lacedæmonians thought it not good to march 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, till the full of the Moon: so neither did they think it lucky either to march 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, till the seventh day of the Month, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristoph. in Eq. Herodot. or to make any Commanders till the new of the Moon. In Marching the General used always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to keep himself one the right horn, or wing. The Soldiers but newly entered (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) kept themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Suidas. in those parts, or those Corpora (as the Romans called them) which were less in danger, such kind of service was from thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When they came to a River, before they went over, they would be sure to Sacrifice by it, which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. No passing without a prayer Hesiod. l. 2. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Romans always observed the like custom when they came to Petronia, (a River that runs into Tiber) commonly calling the action Peremne auspicari. Festus. CAP. V. De ritu Committendi praelium, & de usu tubarum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Eurip. Phaen. WHen they fought a Battle, after they had killed a victim and looked upon the gall, than away to the Torches▪ for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, instead of sounding a Trumpet, they had fellows whom they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that went before with Torches, and throwing them down in the midst between the two Armies, gave the sign. Prima manu rutilam de vertice Larissaeo. Statius Th. 4. Obtrudit Bellona facem. Lycophron in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Pindar in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seem to allude to this incentive or incendiary. Now this business they might do safely, and without any danger, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For the Torch bearers were peculiarly protected by Mars, and accounted sacred, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Eurip. Phaen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: insomuch that it became a proverb, when an Army was totally defeated, * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Eurip. Phaen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Those Torches Euripides in Rhesus calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where he says that the Achivi avoided them, that is, refused to fight. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Qui elatus es, audience faces Fugere Achivos. (better in my mind then Qui audiens ignis faces accensas adductus est, ut credat fugere etc.) Nay, not only when they would signify their intentions to fight with the enemy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Homer Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to the enemy himself: but also when they would signify his approach to others, to have their assistance, they made use of Torches too, which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The word rendered faces, and you may render it Brands, or Beacons if you will, for they were made of dry wood, or sticks, that would quickly take fire, as our Beacons are. And they had men still who did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 keep 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Watches, in the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristoph. in Avib. Towers or Forts, as we do at the Beacons. If the enemy came in the night, they fired the Brands, if he came by day, they raised a smoke. But I must tell you, there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Torches or Brands, to be lighted upon the approach of their friends too; as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But with this distinction, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were held, or let lie still: but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were tossed and shaken to and fro. But those Torches lasted not always. In Persis. For afterwards they came to make use of Trumpets, according to that of Aeschylus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In or accendit still, perhaps in a metaphor from the fire of the Torches once in use. The first invention of the Trumpet is attributed by the Scholiast upon Euripides to the Tyrrheni, In Phaen. from whom it is conceived to have been first brought into Greece by own Archidas an assistant to the Heraclidae, as the same Scholiast reports in the same place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And therefore he calls the Trumpet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, viz. from the inventors; as the Poet himself had done before, both in his Phoenissaes, and his Heraclidae: where he says it was used when they joined Battle, and that then it sounded * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v 830. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a long blast, like that in the book of judges (but of this word I have bespoken before.) There was a time when Shields did serve for Trumpets conchaeque sonantes: * C. 6.5. and then you might easily construe that riddle of Theognis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. VI De Scytale, de Militum paenis & praemiis & Sepulturâ, IF it went well with the Army in the fight, the messenger that was sent with the news was adorned with * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Soph. Trach. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Aristoph. Eq. Garlands. In the mean time those that were at home, and continually looked for news, used to sacrifice to the gods in the ways, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if it were good to bring it along the way to them, if not to be there in the way and stop it For close conveying of the intelligence I suppose they had several ways. Whether they made use of the Lacedaemonian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I know not. If you please, you may read the description thereof in A. Gellius at full: L. 17. c. 9 or in the Scholiast upon Aristophanes in his Aves. Where he says, that the made them two stave● or rods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a length, one to be kept at home, and the other to be carried by the General along with him. When they meant to send him any private message, they took a piece of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a skin, or parchment, and wrote upon it, so as it could not be understood, unless it were rolled upon those staves, and the Parchment and the staff one applied to the other. This Lacedaemonian trick (as it seems by the Poet, whether he spoke in jest or in eargest, I cannot tell) was imitated by the Athenians, among a great many other things, out of a Laconomany, as he terms it, or a humour like that of the English towards the French. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If any one turned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 transfuga, or betrayed the place committed to him, he suffered death. If he had been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and would not, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and could not fight for fear, or if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he had left his rank or thrown down his Arms, he was registered, and delivered to the Heliastae to be punished as they pleased, * Vid supr. and not to come to the Temples, Aeschines contra Ctcsiph. Eurip. Heracl. v. 966. till he had satisfied justice. If they had taken any man alive, they were not to kill him afterward. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Such as were maimed, were to be allowed two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Hesychius: (but one, says Harpocration) every day out of the public Treasury: but first they were to be examined by the Parliament of five Hundred, Vid. Supr. whether they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Harpocration, those whose estates came not to so much as three minae. Such as were slain, their Children were maintained out of the public Treasure, till they came to be twenty years old: and then they had a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Suit of Arms bestowed upon them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to put them in mind of their father's exploits, & to keep them from degenerating. They had the honour also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of having the foremost seat at shows. If they buried the party slain in the same place (as they did all at Plato. Marathon ●fight) the fashion was then to make a shield his Beer, as 'twas before to make it his cradle, according to those words of the Lacedaemonian virago to her Son, as she was helping on his shield, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, either do thou bring the shield home again, or let the shield bring * Arma superveheris quid, Thrasibule, tua Auson Epig. 24. thee; nay and to make it his Coffin too sometimes, as it seems by the saying of Talthybius in Euripides concerning Astyanax. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. At the burial, the rest of his company Marched in equipage thrice about the Pyra, shaking their Arms, and throwing their swords, bridles, belts, or one thing or other, into the fire or the grave after him. But for the most part, they were allowed a public burial upon the common charge, at home in the Ceramicus all together. And then three days before the burial, Thucid▪ l. 3. the bones being laid up in Tents, upon the burial day, every Tribe brought a Coffin of Cypress wood and carrying away each one their bones, put them in the ground with several pillars and inscriptio●s, and one solemn speech for all. Such as came off with life and honour, were allowed to have their Arms in their Shields, or else placed in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and honoured with the name of Cecropidae, Citizens of the true old blood: according to that Eurip. in Ph●n. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sometimes such as had the first fruits (or the prime) of the spoils, were adorned with a golden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. VIII. De Trophaeis. FOR memorials of the victory, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they erected Trophies: (you may right 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if you had rather follow the most * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Aristoph. Plut. ancient, then that which is newest in fashion.) Trophies were usually pillars of brass, or stone, or wood. And the wood sometimes olive (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Dionysius) and sometimes the trunk of an Oak. — Quercusque trophaeis Curva tremens— Those Pillars among them answered to the arcus triumphalis among the Latins. Only that might be overthrown; but these might neither be taken away, nor restored again, if consumed with age or the like, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plut. in Roman. lest they should thereby rub up the old sore and revive the grudge with their enemies. And therefore, says the same Author, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those that made them Trophies of brass, were looked upon as contentious men, and haters of Amnesty. Now upon the Trophy, they engraved an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, declaring the cause of the War, Stobaeus de Fortunâ. and the manner of the Victory: such a one as Othryades wrote with the blood of the Argivi. The like inscriptions many times were written upon other things. For Pausanias' having conquered Mardonius at Platae●, did not only at Byzantium writ it upon the Cup, which he consecrated to the gods of the place; (as Athenaeus reports to his dispraise for his arrogance) but also upon a tripus besides, which he caused to be made of Gold and sent to Delphos, with this inscription, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Wherewith the Lacedæmonians being displeased blotted it clean out and instead thereof, engraved the names only of those Cities, by whose help they obtained the victory, And so when they overthrew the Medes at Marathon, they caused an inscription to be set up in the vault called * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Cicero's b Pison. time (it seems) the custom of erecting Trophies was left off. And therefore he says, that the Thebans were accused for erecting a Trophy over the Lacedæmonians. But instead of them, they erected sometimes Altars, (as Alexander did upon the hill Amanus:) and sometimes Images to jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (so called from causing the enemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to turn their backs: as the Romans did to jupiter Stator, for causing their own Soldiers to stand to their ground) such a one as Hyllus and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as I told you before of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) good or valiant jolaus erected. Eurip. in Heracl. v. 937. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Spoils which they took (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the dead, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the living) they usually dedicated to the gods, and sometimes sent them to Delphos. The common name for such things was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In Odyss. 4. qusi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Eustathius as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the same name which they gave to those goods, which Merchants consecrated for delivery from shipwreck (only that then there is a new Etymology, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à littore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because the things were saved from being cast on shore.) But I rather incline to the Scholiast upon Sophocles Trachiniae, who says those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the first fruits of the spoils which they Sacrificed to the gods were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they used to lay the spoils, which they had taken, together on a heap, and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they skimed away the Cream as I may say, or the Crop, or the Choice to be given back for the gods that gave them. In allusion where to Megara in Euripides, speaking what choice of Wives she had made for her Sons out of Athens, Thebes, and Sparta, expresses it thus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Arms which they took, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they hung up for the most part in their Temples, and some times in their own house) as they did their own, when they left the service, as Horace says — Veianius, armis Herculis ad postem fixis, latet abditus agro. Some of the spoils they hung upon the Trophies, but wrote them * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Eurip. Heracl. v. 786. all. For that was the custom, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says the a In Phaenis. Eur. Scholiast. LIBER SEPTIMUS. SECT. I. De ritu Divinandi per motum furentem, & s●mniantem. THERE were not many things in use among the Jews the people of God, which the Gentiles imitatorum pecus, do not seem to have imitated; and so vice versâ. Such as the Prophets were among them, such were the Magis among the Persians, the Chaldaei among the Assyrians, Gymnosophists among the Indians, the Galleotae among the Sicilians, and the Hetrusci among the Italians. Neither was the honour or credit of Divination less than the use. For if we may believe * L. 16. Strabo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, many of their old Prophets have been thought worthy to be Kings. To a Persian King it was necessary, to any other convenient. Amphilochus, and Mopsus Kings of Argivi were Augurs too. Helenus' and Cassandra Children of a King; one was an Augur, and the other a Sibyl. But to a Physician, it was reckoned so necessary, that Aeschylus has used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Physician, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Prophet, one for the other, which made Achilles in time of the Pestilence, to seek to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a cure. The Scholiast upon Homer speaks of two men, Melampus and Polyidus, th●t were excellent in both Professions. Credit it had among the best Philosophers (especially that of Dreams, and Enthysiasmes) maintained by Plato and the Socratics, Zeno and the Stoics, Aristotle and the Peripatetics▪ Pythagoras' indeed was against extispicina, Divination by entrails; and only Epicurus against that and all the rest. Prediction of things to come, was either from men, cal● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: or from the Gods, properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Oracle. According to that of the a In Oed. Tyr. Scholiast upon Sophocles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be the genus, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the species. The same Prophecy which when it was spoken by a god, was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: when it was delivered by * Ennius. men, was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the Oracles the word was Fari (neque me Apollo fatis fandis dementem invitam ciet:) whereas in the other it could be but praesagire at the wisest. The faculty in the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as we now called it, * Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Plato called it (for, as Tiresias said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) is divided by Plutarch, and Cicero, into first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 artificiosam, that which is acquired by observation and experience, Eurip. in Bac. 199. observatis longo tempore significationibus etc. And 2ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 naturalem, for which we take little or no pains. These two species are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the twins, or the double legacy, which Apollo bequeathed to jamus his son, and to his Family after him. The natural or infused faculty of Divination, most properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, proceeded first à motu furente, from a Frantic motion. Which though they took it for a help to prophecy, yet it seems rather to have been a punishment sent from God, who in the Prophecy of Isaiah c. 44. v. 25. Said he would make their Diviners mad. And Cicero himself says 'tis very strange, ut qui humanos sensus amiserit, divinos assecutus sit, that he that hath lost his own sense, should be able to know the sense of the gods. Hitherto you may reduce the Prophetic speeches of dying men: such as that of Rhodius in Cicero, who foretold the death of six men that were of the same age, which should be first, and which next and so along. Or else it proceeded à motu somnianti, from a doting dreaming motion. And then they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which because it helps nature forward when it is going already, he that had it is by Plutarch compared to a stone tumbling down the hill. The first kind coming by Enthusiasm or Inspiration, was either of less authority; such as Cassandra had: or Polybius Prophesying his Son's death, as he went to Troy; or Solon foretelling the tyranny. Or else of greater, so as to command a belief: such as the Sibyl women had, or the Pythia wench, who delivered the Oracles; which was nothing but a cunning trick, à vafris quibusdam & quaestuariis inchoatum, invented for gain. The difference between those two Prophets consisted in this, that * Cic. l. 1. de Divin. Terrae vis Pythiam Delphis incitabat, naturae Sibyllam. Pythia had it inspired, or blown into her out of the ground, and the Sibylles had it by nature. Now, because the number of Oracles, and the superstition was greater in Greece and in Athens, then in any other part of the world, It may not be amiss to speak somewhat of the most noted of them, viz. Pythium, Dodonaeum, and jupiter Hammon's. CAP. I. De Oraculo Pythio. THE most noted of the three Oracles was the first. It was called Pythium, for the same reason that the Woman was called Pythia, i. e. Either from Python the serpent, that lay in the pit, out of which the Oracle came, afterward killed by Apollo, who possessed the place by conquest Or from Pytho, another name of Delphos the place of this oracle, which came from Pythis the son of Delphus▪ the son of Apollo. Delphos was as fit a place to distribute Oracles to all the body of Greece, as the navel is to distribute nourishment to the body of a child. And therefore Sophocles calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Navel, or Vmbilicus the midst of Greece, (says Strabo) and not of the World as Ovid would have it Orb in medio positi. And this they came to know forsooth, by the two Eagles (says Pindar: Crows says some, and others Swans) which being let fly by jupiter, met both in that place. Nay in allusion to the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (by which it was commonly called) Pausanias sa●es there was to be seen in the Temple a Navel made of white stone, with a Ribbon hanging to it for the Navill-string. But Lactantius had rather derive it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Oracle. And Varro would by no means yield to have it derived from the Navel, quoniam neque locus is sit terrarum medius, neque umbilicus sit in homine medius. But the latter reason is defeated by Vitruvius, or by any one else. The first beginner of the Oracle (some say) was Tellus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and some Themis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first beginning of the Oracle, was after this manner. When the place was a Common, Diodor. l. 6. the Goats that fed there, coming to a den very large below; with a little mouth at the Top, and looking in, on a sudden fell a leaping and making a strange noise. He that kept them (Plutarch calls him Coretas) seeing this, ran to the place to know what the matter was, and fell into the same frolic; but prophesied tool And thus it fared with divers others, that came thither to the same purpose. Nay a great many, with the breath (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or anhelitus terra, as Cicero calls it) that came out of the earth, expired. Insomuch that afterward they set a Three-footed-stoole upon the hole, and a Maid upon it consecrated for a Priestesse, whose common name was Pythia, and her office to put the Oracle into verse and deliver it out. For (says Plutarch) the words are hers, only Apollo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sat in under blowing with the bellows to set her a peeping, or a whispering like those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Isaiah c. 8. v. 19 Where he speaks of such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or belly. Prophets that peep and mutter; such as the Pythia was, * As I have heard he lately did in a possessed Christian in the Town of Barwick out of whose belly the Devil spoke his Prophecies with a small peeping voice like a child's. But that Prophet in another place comes nearer to us, saying, thou shalt not speak out of the ground, and thy speech shall be low out of the dust, and thy voice shall be as one that hath a familiar spirit out of the ground, * C. 29. v. 4. & thy speech shall whisper out of the dust. Now some say the Tripus whereof I spoke, was a pot filled with dust, thorough which the afflatus the wicked inspiration, was to pass into the belly of the Wench, and so to go forth at her mouth for an Oracle. And therefore it is that those Prophets which in those tims had a familiar spirit within them, were commoly called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plutarch. de Or●c● defec. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and * And Euriclidae from Eurycles a Prophet of that name. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the manner of her sitting &c▪ when she took the spirit in, because it may not so fitly be expressed in English, I desire to give you it in the words of the * Aristoph. in Avib. Scholiast, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. She was no sooner inspired, but she fell a tearing her hair, and running round, foaming at the mouth, and cutting her flesh as bad as ever the Prophets of Baal did. Lactantius thus speaks of their gestures, Sectis namque humeris & utraque mann districtos gladios exerentes currant, efferantur, insaniunt. But this peeping may not make me preposterous; and therefore I will tell you more of the Wench and the Tripus. The first Maid's name that Prophesied in that place, was Phaenomene. All the rest were young Virgins, as she was, till Echecrates a Thessalian deflowered Phaebas; and then they made choice of Women of fifty years of age, but made them go in the habit of a Virgin. The * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. on Eurip. Phaen. custom of those Virgins was, before they went to stool, to wash their bodies, and especially their hair in the fountain Castalius (where the Poets a people of the like inspiration, and Vates too, were used to wash) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— when they sat first on the stool, they used to shake * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. on Aristoph. the Laurell-tree that grew close by the Tripus, and sometimes to take the leaves and chew in their mouths, as Lucian says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: for so other such Women used to do, and therefore Lycophron calls Cassandra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first that came to receive an Oracle from them, was Parnassus, from whence (some say) the place took its name, whereas before it was Larnassus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deucalion's Ark that rested there fides penes autorem. As for Tripus (called by the Latins Cortina, whence Cortinipotens for Apollo, thouhg Prudentius made it but the cover— tripodes Cortina tegit) It is thought by the Scholiast upon Aristophanes in Lysistrate to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Pot (as I told you before) with a wide mouth, and made of Brass, but filled with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or calculi, cuts, or Lottery-pellets (usually put in such pots) whereof those that leapt out of the Pot, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) or leapt and danced in it, when any one came to ask, according to the signification they bore, made up the answer. But it is rather thought to have been a thing with three legs (after the fashion of the common sort of Tables) with a round cover like a table-bord called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) as the table-bords were) whence Apollo is by Sophocles called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and his Wench 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I wonder that ever people could so much lose themselves, as to go to her that would be sure to put the business in a greater question by the answer, and make them more to seek than they were before. But that they were resolved to be fooled, because forsooth Apollo is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crooked there too, as well as in the Zodiac, and he must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, be crabbed in in his delivery, as well as in his gate. 'Tis his use. Senec. Oed. Act 2. Sc 1. Ambage nexâ Delphico mos est deo Arcana tegere. And indeed if we may believe the Scholiast upon Aeschylus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in ancient time they made their verses in riddles. Now the Oracles, were delivered commonly in verse, as he says. — dictae per carmina Sorts. For Sorts they usually called them, and the Verse for the most part was Hexameter, insomuch that this Oracle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Was thought, to be none of Pythia's, because it was not heroic enough to become the author. * De Pythiae Oracul Plutarch says some were of opinion, that there were Poets kept of purpose in the Oracle place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to catch the Oracles as they fell, and wrap them up in verse. But one reason why they delivered their Oracles in verse, or in brief, and so commonly in obscurity, was because the god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not willing to conceal the truth altogether, nor yet desirous to make it known, was feign to have delivered in such manner, as no body might take advantage to hurt the speaker, if that answer were not according to his mind. 'Tis true in later times it fell to prose (when it began to fall in the price) and the reason thereof has been sufficiently disputed already by Plutarch in a treatise of purpose. The esteem, which they had of those Oracles, was such; that in times of War, when no other Divination could prevail, Polyanus l. 2.27. it was an ordinary thing to feign an Oracle, to persuade the Soldiers to fight. For they might very well be of Tiresias his mind, who though he were an Entral gazer himself, yet in Euripides you shall have him confessing to Creon, that men were so apt to speak contrary to what they knew, either out of ill will, or for fear, or for favour, that there was little, or no credit to be given to any other Prophecy, besides Apollo's own. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And yet it is clear, that the Woman or some body else was naught, and corrupted very often. Tully when he had thus commended her for a telltruth, nunquam illud oraculum Delphis tam celebre & tam clarum fuisset, neque tantis donis refertum omnium populorum atque regum, nisi omnis aetas oraculorum illorum veritatem esset expert●, afterward comes in with a jamdiu idem non facit. But indeed, she has not been thus a long time. Nay for three hundred years (I think) before his time, Demosthenes could complain she did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plutarch. de Herodot. flatter and speak, as Philip would have her. Thus one time she was bribed by Clysthenes, to persuade the Lacedæmonians to free the Athenians from the Tyranny; & another time by Cleomenes, to persuade them to deprive his Colleague Demaratus of his place. Neither would Lycophron call Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for nothing. But you will say some other body might play the knave, and put it upon her. L. 2. de Divin. And likely enough. For so Cicero thinks they did in that answer reported to be given by Apollo to Pyrrhus, Aio te Aeacida Romanos vincere posse. And that, First because Apollo did not speak in Latin. 2ly Because none of the Greek writers mention any such thing. And 3ly Because the Oracles were not given in verse in Pyrrhus his time. CAP. II. De Templo Delpico, de Theoris, & Oraculi cessatione. ALL this while I have said nothing of the Temple, for fear of saying too little. So famous and so rich as it was with the gifts or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of most of the Princes or People in the world (insomuch that Aphetoriae opes, so said from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the name of Apollo, who was emissor Oracul●rum, hath been used as a proverb for abundance of wealth· I have red of five Temples erected in the same place at several times. The first was of Laurell-boughes fetched from Tempe fields. The second, of Wax and Feathers: or else feigned to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of wings, because the man's name was Pteras that built it. The third, of Brass (as the Temple was at Sparta Minervae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) This some say was melted to ground, others that it was swallowed up by the Earthquake. The forth, Pausan in Pho●. of stone, destroyed by fire the first year of the fifth Olympiad. The fift, built by the Amphyctions out of the ho●y treasure in a very s●eep place, with but one narrow way for the entrance More might be said concerning the temple, and the E. I. in the frontispiece, the reason whereof is disputed by * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 E. I. 78 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pluturch; but I doubt there is too much already. I will proceed to the Customs, which the Athenians (the devoutest servants of Apollo) used in sending to him: either to Delphos, or to Delos, to do him honour, or to ask his advice. The occasion of sending to the Oracle, was either for help in performing some arduous affairs; or for delivery from sickness, or the like. When they went thither, they were said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ when they returned again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The ceremonies used in sending Embasses extraordinary to Delphos, were near the same with those that were ordinarily used in the Delia-feast once a year, and they were these. Those that were sent were called sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the feast, sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (like Hebrew seers) a name suitable to that of Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Pindar (Pyth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) which some notwithstanding interpret to be his Index, or his angel the Crow. He that had the ordering of the business was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There were also sent along with them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, two that were to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Eupulones at Delos for that year. The ship in which they went, was first to be adorned with Garlands by the Priest of Apollo, and so were the messengers too on the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apollonius l. 2. Argon. head, the brow, and the neck, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, head in allusion to the three parts of the soul. The ship was likewise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was wont to be Theseus' his, in which the Boys were brought, that were to be paid to the Minotaur, at such time as returning from Crete to Athens he instituted the Plays, and the solemnity celebrated by the aforesaid Deliastae, when they came to Delos. This very ship the Athenians kept for his sake, till the time of Demetrius Phalereus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Insomuch (says Plutarch) that Philosophers use to illustrate that opinion, that the body remains still the same notwithstanding continual decay, by this similitude. Thucyd. l. 5. Besides this, there were four more naves sacrae, viz. the Paralos, Antigonis, Ptolemais, and Ammonis. The things that were sent for the keeping of the feast and the Sacrifice, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For when they came thither, first they * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. apud Pind. Olymp. H. Sacrificed; and then the Maid sent thither from several places, fell a Dancing a strange kind of dance about the Altar, which the called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Gruem the Crane: wherein, their motions being crooked like the cranes-neck when he holds it in, they imitated the turn and wind of the Minotaurs Labyrinth; beating the Altar, and biting at a bush of Olives with their hands behind them (as our boys do at Snap apple) if so much be imported in the words of Callimachus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hymn. in Del. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. The Altar was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it was made by Apollo at four years old, of the horns of the Goats, which his sister Diana killed a hunting upon Cynthus hill. The horns were all of the left side, saith Plut in Thes●o. And yet in his book de Solertia Animalium, 'tis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whether it should be rendered of the right side, or right, that is, fit or handsome, I know not. But so strangely were these horns joined together without any Cement, glue, or tie, that it was reckoned for one of the seven strange sights 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Ovid says, Miror & innumeris structam de cornibus aram. During all these holy days no malefactor was to suffer punishment. By which means Socrates had the hap to be reprieved for thirty days, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Xenophon. When the Theori returned, they came with their Garlands about them, and the People ran all forth to meet them, o●ening their doors, and making obeisance as they passed by, which made him complain so in Euripides. In Hippol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. How the Oracle at Delphos came to cease is uncertain. Some say, Alexander put it down. But it appears to have flourished after his time● Plutarch thinks, it ceased as soon as men had wit enough to advise themselves, without seeking to him that made it his business to cozen them. Dion says, it was Nero murdered the men at the hole. When it left Delphos it went to the * Pulcher Apollo Lustrat Hyperboreas Delphis cessantibus arras. Claudian. Hyperborean Scythians: for Abaris a Scythian one of Apollo's Priests, wrote a book of his Oracles, and his coming thither. The Athenians when all Greece was infected with the Plague, had an Oracle from thence, to make vows and prayers in the name of the rest. And it was their fashion to send gifts & offerings thither, as they had done to Delphos. But what need we doubt of the time or the cause, since we doubt not of that which Prudentius asserts — Ex quo hominis Deus induit ar●u●, Delphica damnatis tacuerunt sortibus antra. Non Tripodes Cortina tegit, non spumat anhelus Fata Sibyllinis fanaticus edita libris. Perdidit insanos mendax Dodona vapores Neo responsa refert Lybicis in Syrtibus Ammon. The Oracle place, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) of jupiter Hammon, is thought to have been at first a kind of School for the family of Cham, or Ham, but afterward abused by the Devil to this delusion of Oracles. It was in Africa among the Garamantes in a place almost inaccessible for heat, as that place at Delphos was for height. Dodonas Grove is thought to have been such another School, viz. For the offspring of Dodonaim Nephew to japhet. But for this there is a Fable of a pair of Doves, that should come from Egypt, one of which pitched upon a Beech-tree in Epirus, and there using the voice of a man among other good instructions gave order for the building of a Temple in that place; which was done by Deucalion after his ship came thither (while I speak of these things I cannot but think upon Noah and his Ark, & his Dove) besides the building of the City Dodona, near unto which this Oracle was. These two Oracles are reckoned the most ancient of all, & of these two, the last. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodot. And therefore a word or two more of it then I thought. It is conceived by most, that those Doves were certain Women-priests or Prophets, fetched from Egypt (the Mart of superstition) by the Phaenicians first, & from them conveyed into Thessaly. Now in the Thessalian language, the same word which signifies a Dove, is used also to signiy a Prophetess, In Il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eustathius says, that in the Thessalian tongue old Women were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & old men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & that those Prophetesses being three old women, whose names were Promenia, Timarate, & Nican●●e, either by mistake of the word, or the fiction of Poets were commoly supposed to be doves. The same author also says, that perhaps those women being Barbarians (whom the Greeks would scarce allow to be men and women) for the rude brutish language might have been counted as so many birds. But it seems to have been no such strange thing in ancient times, for Prophetesses to have the nanes of doves. And therefore Lycophron calls Cassandra by the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Palumbes: though in another place she have the name of a more rattling Bird, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Swallow. The Scholiast upon Sophocles (in his Trachiniae) hath another conjecture more besides that which I named last, viz That these Prophetesses had the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: or rather if you will, the old women therefore had the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grey haired and aged. Strabo speaks of four Priests called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the fens near the Temple, viz. of jupiter surnamed Tomurus, which was a name common also to the Priests. Homer calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saying — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They used not to wash their feet; and lay upon the ground when they slept. When they gave answer, they got them amidst the boughs, and so the Oracle was thought to come from the Oaks, when it came but from between them. They are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Argo reported to be made of the timber Lycophron called * Coeco Tomuri jovis augure luco Arbore praesagâ tabulas animasse Loquacis. Claudian▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Round about the Temple stood Basins of Brass, one just against the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Eustathius, of which if you struck but one all the rest would cry, and make such a noise, that at length Aes Dodonaeum became a Proverb. Be●ike they used to strike these Basins as they used to do other Basins and Pots, with a ring held by a thread in the hand, and striking the sides of the vessel so many times, to make a Divination by the sounds. CAP. III. De Divinatione persomnium, super Melotas in Templis, cum observatione diaetae. Prophesying by a Dream, was either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Somniatoris, of a Dreamer of Dreams, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Conjectoris, of an Interpreter of dreams, such as Hecuba spoke of when she said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The latter of these surely belongs to the technicall part of divination, and may be reckoned for an Art, as well as any other sort of Ariolation. For he that shall object that speaking but sometimes true, does not argue skill, because si saepe jactav●ris, quandoque venerem jacies, in Cicero's opinion may be answered with this question, Lib. 1. Divin. Quae tandem id ars non habet? Besides if it were no Art, what talk we of Xenophon's dreams in his service with Cyrus; or how came it, that there were so many books written of this subject? For, to say nothing of * Hadr. Iun animad. eleven more that wrote of purpose of it, nor of the Treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reported by a In Pompeio. Plutarch to be found among Mithridates his books, Artemon Milesius wrote two and twenty books of it himself; and there is a very pretty copy of about fourscore Senarii verses in Greek, touching the signification of such or such a sight in a dream▪ But the dream (you must understand) was not every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or vain dream (for so does the Elymology import. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Eustathius) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Morning dream, fresh and fasting, such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is, saith * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hom. Odyss. T. Homer, which they derive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which comes about waking time, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which they derive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and of such is that of Orph●us in the Hymm: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I believe few that read me are such as Plutarchy Thrasymede, or Pliny's Atlant●s, that never dream● of a dream▪ & therefore I will make ●old to detain them the longer. It is variously conjectured who was the first conjectour in this kind. Lib. 7. cap 5· Pliny says, Amphic●y●n, Deucalion's son; Philo judaeus, Abraham; Trogus Pompeius, joseph; Pausanias would have it to be Amphiaraus, whom he reports to have been Deified for his skill; and that they used to sacrifice to him, when they looked for a dream. They talk that the People that lived near Borysthenes, and the Gades, were excellent at this work; and so were those that lived at the * Pausan Eliac. Propertius lib. 2. El. 4. Hiblae, two Cities so named in Sicily. But amongst all, the old doting Women were best at it, Quae mihi non decies somnia versat anus. When they desired to dream a Prophetical dream, sometimes they would sacrifice a Ram to Amphiaraus, and sleep upon the fleece. For thus the Daunii used to do in the Temple of * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo l. 6. Calchas. So likewise the Calabri used their m●lotae sheepskins, or fleeces, to sleep upon at the Sepulchre of Podalirius And it seems, it was a common practice both for dreaming; for Virgil also says, — Caesarum ovium sub noctae silenti Pellibus incubuit stratis, s●mnosque petivit. And also for purifying a polluted person in the Ele●sinian & other sacrifices: for they took the skins of beasts that had been sacrificed to jupiter (which they called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and laid them under their feet. Nay there was no small use of fleeces and skins in several other businesses: as in Mourning, and at Weddings, when the Wife (as I told you) sat upon a fleece for a cushion, to show her purpose Lanificie intendere of spining and carding. The Scythians played mad tricks with skins. For among them, if a man had been wronged, and had need of help to revenge himself, he would sacrifice an Ox, Cal. Rodig. and cut the flesh into pieces and boil it, and sit upon the skin with his hands behind him, and so beg for help. Then come his friends, and every one taking a piece of the flesh, and setting his right foot on the skin, promised either men of Arms, or what he best could▪ Such ceremonies as these, they accounted a fast engagement, and much conducing to the success. Sometimes they would go and sleep in a Temple with Laurel, or some such fatidicall stuff tied about their heads, and sacrifice to * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athenaeus l. 8. Brizo, the goddess of the dreamers, so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to sleep. The Lacedæmonians kept men of purpose to sleep in the Temple of Pasithea, to watch for dreams. So if any were sick, they would go and sleep in the Temple of Aesculapius, to dream of a remedy, (as they have used to do with us, to go watch at the Church door, to know who shall die next) Pluto in Aristophanes did so, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And the like was wont to be done in Egypt in the Temple of Serapis. But juvenal has sufficiently declared the vanity of all this do in saying, Sat. 6. Non delubra deûm, nec ab aethere ●●mina mitt●nt Sed sibi quisque facit. Besides all this they took a special care of their diet, so as to fast for one day before, and abstain from Wine for three. as likewise to forbear eating Beans or raw fruit. Aristotle says there is no credit to be given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to dreams in the Autumn. * Sympos l. 9 But Plutarch questions that again, and says if we eat good and ripe fruit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, our dreams will be the truer. Fish either they counted very good, or very bad▪ For when they sacrificed to Brizo, they offered boats full of all manner of things but Fish; whether it were to please the goddess with the sparing of the best thing, or the rejection of the worst I cannot tell. Cael. Rhod. l▪ 27 c. 10. Plutarch observes that the head of a Polypus is as sour in the dream, as 'tis sweet in the taste: & therefore compares Poetry to it, when it is not moderately used. Some choice there was also of the colour of their Clothes. For the whitest and clearest was best, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Suidas: as if Dreams and the Visions must needs be the clearer. The truest dreams (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) or the clearest visions, were either a little after it was day, or toward the morning (the form's time Homer calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the milking time in the Morning, in opposition ●o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the milking time in the evening) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says Theocritus: and Ovid was of the same mind * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Odyss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pliny says a dream is never true presently after eating and dinking. a Namque sub aurorâ ●am dormitante lucernâ Tempore quo cerni somnia vera sole●t. But Artemidorus says it is all one for that, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for if you eat too much, the dream will never be the truer i● it tar●y 'till morning. CAP. IU. De duahus portis. SO great a difference there was in Dreams, that they were feign to make two distinct doors for them to come in by, one of Horn, and another of Ivory. Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For thus much Penelope herself could tell Ulysses (when she desired him to interpret her dreams) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ausonius says as much; telling you which are the true, and which the false, In Ephemer. Et geminal numera porta● qua fornice eburn● Semper fallaces glomerant super aëra somnos Altera qu● veros ●mittit corn à visu●. And I have heard of some Christians that have believed the same. Philostratus says, that in allusion to these doors, they used to picture a dream with a white garment upon a black, & a horn in his hand▪ The door for the true dreams was of Horn. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (Surely this was made of the horns of the Ram when they s●ep● upon the fleece. Nonnus dion. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of which before) the door for the false and deceitful dreams, was of Ivory, such as that wherewith Morrheus was cozened with in the Poet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nonn. Lucian therefore jeers the covetous Micyllus for wishing his dreame-doore were of Gold, whereas there were but those two in all, as may be gathered by these words in * In Charmide Pluto. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The reasons of those names, I find very prettily guessed at by the Scholiast upon Homer at the place above commended; & I shall desire your patience to tell them. First, the true (says he) comes by the Horne-doore or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is effectum reddunt, they say no more than comes to pass whereas those that come in by the Ivory-doore, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, delude the dreamer with a fruitless hope of truth. 2ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the coming in by the Horn is as much as coming clearly, for one may see throw horn, if it be made chin▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the ●o●her confusedly, for one cannot see throw Ivory, nor any other such white things, as milk or the like, if they be never so little, and so Macrobius does Interpret * Speaking of sleep says he. Hoc velamen cum in quiet ad verum usque aciem animae introspicientis admittit, decornu creditur cujus ista natura est, ut, ut ●enuatum vis●i pervium sit, cum autem à vero h●be●at ac repellit, obtuum, ebur putatur cujus &c l c. 3. in Somnium Scip. it too. 3ly By the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is meant the eye, by the figure Synecdoche, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cornea t●nica, the first coat of the eye. And by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the mouth, or the Ivory-coloured tooth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: & so the meaning must be, that which is to be seen with the eye is likelier, then that which is but said to be so from the teeth. And this was also the opinion of Servius concerning the same fiction, upon those words of Virgil Sunt Geminae somni portae &c. 4ly By the Horne-doore, may be meant the passage for the more heavenly & Diviner sort of dreams, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: by the other, the entrance for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more earthly, gross, and confused. Because the Elephant's Proboscis turns downward towards the earth, whereas the Horns of other beasts look upward toward heaven. 5ly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the door for the false dreams; because there can be no other but false dreams expected, when the Teeth have eaten too much. The Guests which are to come in by these doors, were thought to be Ghosts and Spirits from hell. Vmbrae, shadows they might well be: & such as ascend in a fume too, like Furies from the neither part of the body. Again as Ghosts are— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, * Homer. Odyss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. said to fly in and out like dreams, and death is a sleep: so dreams are said to fly in and out like Ghosts, and sleep is a death. Lycophron calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, night-walking· Bugbears. Fly they did with black wings, like bat's of the night; and therefore Euripides calls a dream 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Orpheus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lucian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If this be so, the reason, why before they went to bed, when they meant to dream, they used to sacrifice a Victim to Mercury, was it may be not so much because of his rod, with which he brought people a sleep, and awakened them again, as because he was Gentleman-usher of the Ghosts: for what reason so ever it was, it seems Mercury was most in their minds when they were ready to sleep: and therefore as at feasts, so at other times, the last of their prayers was to him, & the last health that went round was his. For so we find Calasiris in Heliodorus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. After he had prayed to all the rest of the gods, calling upon Mercury for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, L. 3. Suidas. a night of good dreams. Hence was it that they used to fasten 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Images of Mercury to their beds feet, which from thence had the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When they sacrificed that victim, they used to take the tongue & * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. on Odies. 12. burn it in the fire, as in honour to him to whom they thought all tongues and speech to be consecrated. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast upon Aristophanes. With whom agrees Athenaeus, * Plut. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, other who did not think dreams to be Ghosts, yet would have them to be put into the head by Spirits, as Plato who thought the air to be full of such things. And so Democritus (as the Scholiast reports, In Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. who says that he had it from Homer himself) thought that men dreamt this or that dream 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or (as De Placit. Philos. Plutarch has it from the same man) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to this composition, or separation of Images, or Ghosts, or fancies, or somewhat. But indeed I think those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, should not be so much Images as Imaginations, nor so much umbrae Ghosts, as adumbrationes, Images and Species in the Fancy proceeding from the spirits within, and not from those without. CAP. V. De Somniorum variis generibus, & de eorum lustratione. FOR their descent, they thought all dreams to have one common mother the Earth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Euripides. And the Scholiast upon him gives the reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because from the earth comes meat from meat sleep, and from sleep dreams. Some indeed thought, they were from Hecate, (and so they may come from the earth still.) And some from the Moon, which was all one, and suited very well to the time of their coming, the night. For the Kind's of dreams, Macrobius makes five, viz 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Others divided them into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when things appeared in their own likeness. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were when they appeared in the likeness of other things; when one thing was dreamt and another meant. Such as Cesar's was, when he dreamt he lay with his Mother, and so was informed Imperium orbis terrae portendi, quae cunctorum viventium sit mater, that the whole earth the mother of every living thing was to be under him. Nay the distinction of dreams was so accurate, that in the making of them, Somnus was feigned to have no less than three servants to wait upon him. For if he would have a dream that should concern men, he made use of Morpheus: if beasts, of Phobetor (as men called him) or Icolos (as the gods called him) Fit fera, Ovid. Met. l. 12. f 10. sit volucris— if nanimate creatures (Quaeque vacant animâ— of him that had the name of Phantasos (I wonder how he could remember all the shapes and the river of Lethe spring in his house, and his house be as dark as a den as any among the Cimmerii, for so it is feigned to be.) But after all this doting about a Dream, is there any remedy, if I meet with any of the best? Yes by all means as soon as I arise, be sure to tell it to Vesta, or some other household stuff, Propert l. 2. Eleg. 29, diis penatibus. Vadit & hinc castae narratum somnia Vestae Quae sibi, quaeque mihi non nocitura forent. Or if you think this to little, tell it to the Sun, or Apollo averruncus, called by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because his Image used to stand in the Porches. Some had rather to do it to Hercules, and some to jupiter, as he does in Plautus. But there is better reason why they should do it to the Sun, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. In Electr. Because the Sun being contrary to the night, might have power to avert, or expel all evils brought by the same. They are the words of the Scholiast, upon that of Sophocles— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ etc. They called this action 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eurip. in Hec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but most properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was practised by Iphigenia in the Poet, when she had dreamt of the fall of the house: although she (or the Poet) had so much wit as to think it to be to little purpose. Idem in Taur. v. 43. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If you think that this will not do neither, try a third remedy, go make a prayer and wash yourself lustily in the cold River till you sweat. — sub lucem ut visa secundent. Oro caelicolas, Sil. Ital l. 8. & vivo purgor in amne. Or if the River water be not good enough go to the fountain, as he did in * In Persis. Aeschylus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If you think no cold water will do it, call for hot, as he does in Aristophanes. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Ranis: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But perhaps no kind of fresh water is strong enough; you may do well therefore to try in the Sea, for there they used to wash away not only the evil of a dream, but of a crime, or disease, or any thing else: for 'tis reported that Euripides when he went with Plato into Egypt, being troubled with the falling-sickness, was bid by the Priest, to bathe himself in the Sea, and being by that means cured, he presently gave this commendation of it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So I remember Plutus in the Poet is led to the Sea, for recovery of his sight. After murder (for other sins they scarce thought great enough, to cost hot water) it was a common practice; and then no fear of the displeasure of a god for the future. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. SECT. II. De Divinatione artificiosâ, & primò de Ornithomantiâ. THE Technicall part of Divining, artificiosum genus divinandi, as Cicero calls it, consisted especially in the observing of birds, and the entrails of Beasts. Besides which were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ominous words, or things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lots, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sights, and indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as the Scholiast saith upon Homer) infinite many more: but the two first were every where most in use. Il. A. Quae est autem gens aut quae civitas, Cicer. l. 1. Divin. quae non aut extis pecudum, aut Augurum, aut sortium praedictione moveatur. In the first the Phrygians, Sicilians, Arabians, Pisideans, and the Vmbrians excelled: the Lacedæmonians had so great esteem of it, that every King had his Augur to advise him, as well as the Senate▪ It was first invented, L. 7. c. 55. (saith Pliny) by one Car. Auguria ex avibus invenit Car, à quo Caria nomen habet: adjecit ex caeteris animalibus Orpheus. Improved it was very much by Calchas: so that he proved exceeding useful to the Greeks in the Trojan expedition, not only showing them how they should pacify Diana detaining the ships at Aulis, Il. ●. & Apollo afflicting the people with a Pestilence, but telling the number of years that the war should last, by the number of Sparrows destroyed by the Serpent in the nest as Cicero renders the verses. Nam quot aves tetro mactatas dente videtis Tota nos ad Trojam belli exant labimus annos Quae decimo cadet, & poenâ satiabit Achivos. And yet as cunning as he was, he died for grief, because he could not tell how many Pigs were in the belly of a Sow (say some) or how many Figs upon the fig tree (saith Hesiod) which Mopsus, with whom he contested, was able to tell. The name they called it by was▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at first with an omicron, according to Plato, as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: but now (saith Aristides) they writ it with omega 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to give the better grace to the word: and it is still used as the old word was, for any kind of divination; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a bird, are for any other ominous thing. Now among the Greeks it was the Augur's fashion to were a white garment (whereas it was purple, or Scarlet among the Latins) and to have his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his place & his seat appointed for the purpose, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Antigon. Says he in Sophocles. And the Scholiast upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Euripides says, it was a place made in Thebes, where Tiresias used to sit & divine. When they went to it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith the same Scholiast) doubting their memory might not suffice, they carried their Table-books with them, and wrote down the name, and the flight of the Bird, and every thing belonging thereto. This and the seeing too Tiresias being blind, and only able to foresee, and judge of things as they were told him, was fain to have his daughter to do for him: by which means she herself at length, after the death of her father, became very famous at Thebes for her skill in the art. Yea not only the habit of the Greek Augurs, but their manner of observing was different from other people's. Quid, quod aliis avibus utuntur, aliis signis? Aliter observant, L 2. aliter respondent, says Cicero. The Greeks accounted the right side the luckiest, Graiis & Barbaris dextra meliora: the Romans the left. Although (to speak the truth, the side was the same, only the posture of the Augurs was different. For the Grecians looked towards the north, & the Romans toward the south; & the word sinistra for lucky or good signs, came not so much à sinistrâ manu from the hands being left; as a sinendo, from the man's being left to his pleasure to set upon his enterprise if he would▪ So says Festus and Cicero thus, Quanquam haud ignoro quae bona sunt sinistra nos dicere etiamsi dextra sint. But yet this was the manner of speech, viz▪ For the Greeks, to call the lucky tokens always * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Says Ajax Hom Il. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right (and therefore Statius may seem to have mistaken, when he spoke of Grecian Augury, * Theb. Signae feras laevusque tones—) The Romans sometimes dextra, and sometimes laeva; but the one more suo, and the other more Graeco. Unlucky birds (word used among us for an unhappy wag) they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when they fled not, or pitched not in their usual height or place This last word puts me in mind of that saying of Hippolytus perhaps in allusion to it. Eurip Hippol. v. 934. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sometimes they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inhibae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arculae, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as in * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says Aeschylus Apollonius) ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cedo, as who would say non sinistra, or non sinentia, as I told you before. And such they commonly counted those that had long talons or * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says Aeschylus scratched their heads as they fled, such (as they say) were seen upon Cassius his Tent before his defeat: the Latins call them Volsgras. But what? is there no amuletum, nor remedy against a few paltry birds? yes, I have read in Apulius of a trick to kill one or two of the worse sort, and hang them up at the door: as we use to do dead Crows upon a stick in the field, to scare the living away: * Says he, ●stas nocturnas aves cum penetraverint Larem quempiam, sollicitè prehensas foribus videmus aff●●gi, ut quod infaustis volatibus familiae minantur, exitium suis luant cruciatibus. Birds that were lucky either in their nature, Metam. lib 3. or the place they appeared in, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, such as were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (unseatly, or unsightly as we use to say) but appeared 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eurip in Hec. Aeschylus has it,) in their proper sphere or seat. such they counted Doves, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in matters of Love: as they did the Cocks, if they kept a continual crowing, in matters of War. For hereupon the Augurs once foretold the Thebans a victory. Propterea quod avis illa victa silere soleret; cantre, si vicisset. Cock- fightings indeed were usually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Lib. 3. c. 5. Artemiderus, signs of sedition and discord. But than you must except the Cock- matches kept once a ●eare in the Theatre and instituted by b Aelian. Var. Hist. l 2. c 28. Themistocles after the victory gotten over the Persians from whom * Athen l. 14. the Cock first● me into Athens. This bird being always very much looked upon in matters of War, was the occasion that Mars was pictured with a Cock: Rosin. insomuch that it was their ordinary sacrifice to Mars, and therefore Aristophanes in Avibus calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Aristoph Aves Mars his own bird▪ All birds (saith one) were either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (I believe) were not many besides Crows, and Eagles and Doves, and Owls the most noted of all. Some of them are thought to have had a kind of language; which the Augurs came to understand by being licked by Snakes, or some such venomous & veneneficall means Qui credit ista (says Pliny,) & Melampodi profecto aures lambendo dedisse Intellectum avium sermonis dracones non abnuet, vel quae Democritus tradit, nominando aves quarum confuso sanguine serpens gignatur quem si quisquam ederit, intellecturus sit avium colloquia. Eustathius says that Helenus and Cassandra were thus licked clean into Augurs. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I am glad I am saved the labour to reprove those fellows myself. For it seems that the wiser sort even amongst them, did give but little heed to the wagging of a feather, or of a bird's tail, when they had a mind to be serious. Look in Homer, and you shall find Hector thus chiding with Polydamas the Theban Augur (who had dissuaded from fight, by reason of some thing or other which he had observed in the Birds) says he, you may if you think good, sit and gaze upon a few foolish birds till your eyes be out, for my part this is my opinion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Aristophanes you find the birds themselves oscinentes, chirping and gibing their spectatators for their superstition. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CAP. I. De extispicinâ, & quibusdam aliis. DIvination by the Entrails of beasts, or Extispicina (for so Aruspicina, Divination in Sacrifices, is denominated à ●otiori from the best part of it) was more common than that former in all places (Extis omnes ferè utuntur says Cicero:) and especially at Elis where it was, by the two families of the jamidae, and the * Pindar. Clytidae, and Thelmessas' in Caria much improved. Tiresius had so great skill in this art (I cannot say insight, because jupiter gave him the skill to recompense his blindness) that even after his death, among the Ghosts there were none but▪ * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hom. Odyss. K. his. Ulysses' himselefe, was feign to trouble his soul to come back again to give him advise. The whole business of Divining at the offering of a Victim (for there was something else to do besides poring in the guts) was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And a very solemn business it was, being usually attended with a feast, according to that. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eurip. Elect. v. 835. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or that part of it in killing, and cutting it up, is called by Sophocles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the act of cutting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The signs observed were most properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the observers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If the beast were drawn by force to the slaughter, if it escaped by the way, avoided the blow, fel● not down quietly, bled but little, were long a dying, kept beating the ground, they were all ill signs. For the two latter of them you have sadly expressed in the sacrifice of Aegysthus. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ill signs, I say those were; and so was any thing else that either was contrary to nature or use, or put themselves to any trouble. Whereas on the contrary all was well, when every thing was done with ease, the beast not striving, and the blood presently darting out, as it is said it did in the Sacrifice of Menelaus. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Somewhat there was too, which they observed in the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or wagging of his Idem. v. 1603. Tail, whence that in the Poet. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The beasts that were thus used were anciently sheep, and Goats, and Calves. The Cyprians (they say) made use of Sows, & the jamidae of dogs; which was the reason why * Paus. in Eliac. Thrasybulus one of the pedigree was pictured at Olympia with a a dog lying by him dissected, and a Weasel (an ominous creature) creeping over his shoulder. In Fissiculation or cutting it abroad, they took most notice of the Liver, which * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Philostratus says they accounted the Tripus (as it were) or the chair, & the key of the work. For they thought if the Liver was naught, both the blood and all the rest of the body must needs be so too; insomuch that the work about all the bowels was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a looking into the liver. The Concavous part of the Liver was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 familiaris, because the signs which they observed there, Hesych. concerned themselves and their friends: the Gibbons side, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hostilis, because the tokens in it concerned their enemies (as it was with the Romans). The place or seat in which all the parts of the liver lay, was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the place between the parts in the middle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ad orat. Demost. Coron. Hesychius calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Euripides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they called it) too much dryth, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a tye between the parts, or especially if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or without a lobus, it was a very ill sign: according to that of Appian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. L. 2. This and other such signs because they were so bad, that they feared to go any farther in it; they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When they came to handle the heart, they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If it were little, or palpitated much, it was an ill sign. Fat in any part of the bowels was good (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) says Aeschylus; & so were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, plaites and foldings, says Euripides. When they came to burning, than they were said more properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hesych. At Delphos they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, officers of purpose for the work. The fire which they made use of for this occasion, was in most places made of some peculiar fuel, kindled by the beams of the Sun, and kept in a peculiar place. Thus in Egypt they had the seraphim, and among the Persians, the fire which they worshipped under the name of Orimasda. Xenoph. At Athens they had a torch still burning in the temple of Minerva Polias, and Virgins constantly there to see it renewed; just as it was at Delphos, and at Rome in the temple of Vesta. In burning they observed especially the flames, whatever he in V 751. Helena say to the contrary, where he speaks against all other divination too. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Good signs in the flame were these, if it went upright without a noise, if it continued till all were consumed; or if it suddenly began to have the latter sign, instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●left wood, which they used at other times, they would get small dry sticks that would soon take fire, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to that, Aristoph. in Pace. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now indeed many times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Eurip. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the Priests being divinarumque sagaces c Sil. Ital. Flammarum, divined by the burning when there was nothing seen in the cutting: and therefore they took the bladder, and binding the neck of it with wool (for which reason Sophocles calls the bladders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) put it into the fire, to observe in what place it broke, and which way it darted the Urine, b Id. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sometimes they took pitch off the Torches, and threw it into the fire, and if there risen but one entire flame, it was taken for a good sign. In matters of hostility, they took most notice of the gall, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the flame: and very good reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for enemies are as bitter as the Gall they burnt. Of the Ashes too they took some notice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says * Eurip. in Phaen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sophocles. In the smoke they observed if it went upright and smelled of the flesh. And so at other times they used to throw frankincense and Poppey, and other several things in the fire, for nothing else but to observe such things, and to sell the smoke▪ Besides these there were infinite more Devilish sorts of Divinations: In Oedip. Tyr. have the patience to take notice of two or three of the more notorious. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, w●s sometimes by the magical use of a bone, or a vein of a dead body, after the fashion of the Thessalians, or else by pouring hot blood into the carcase, to make it answer a question, as Ericto does in Lucian, — Dum vocem defuncto in corpore quaerit Protinus astrictus caluit cruor, atraque f●vit Vulnera etc.— Now because the Ghost or the Soul was thus recalled to the body (— animas responsa daturas) it was therefore sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Horace. or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Divining by the Soul▪ or the Ghost. But such as expected any answer thus from the soul then, must be sure to be kind to the body before: for Melissa the Wife of Periander refused to answer him, because he had not buried her body as he should. Herod. l. 6. But surely there was somewhat worse than a Soul; else what need of lustration of the party? Such as Tiresias used to the * St● l. 4. Theban King, to keep him from receiving harm. Hydromanteia was sometimes by Sea-water, but most commonly by that of a fountain, and so was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It was done several ways. 1. By drinking of the Water (enough to make many a Poet too) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Aristides in his Orat. de Puteo. 2ly By throwing things into it to try whither they would sink or swim, as they did cakes in the Well of Ino. Pausan. in Lacon. 3ly By seeing the Images of such things as they sought for, especially in the well of Apollo Thyrxeus in Achaia. 4ly By dipping a glass in the water, to know what would become of a sick-man. For as he looked well or ill in the glass, accordingly they presumed of his future condition. 5ly By throwing in three stones, and observing the rounds they made in the sinking. Sometimes they made use of oil, or of Wine instead of Water: and so it was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as when it was done in a Basin, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was by a Syderitis a kind of loadstone, which if they washed in spring-water, would speak like a child. With such a one Helenus is reported to have divined the destruction of Troy. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was by a Sieve held up by a Thread, or a pair of Shears, and turning round at the naming of the party that stole the thing or the like Of this Theoc. Idyl. 3. And I have seen it used by some women, impiâ fraud, or anili superstitione, I cannot tell which. I have not leisure (neither indeed is it tanti) to tell much of other ways of divining, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with Gyg●s his ring: or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with Eggs, which Suidas says Orpheus wrote a book of. Or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with barley, or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the burning of a candle, L. 30. c. 11. mentioned by Pliny in his Natural History, and by Aratus in his Prognostics. To which you may add their common oldwives. Saws concerning weather or the like, such as this Clara dies Pauli bona tempora denotat anni, not to disparage those more Astrological and Rational, such as that of Virgil. Luna revertentem, etc. with the rest. CAP. II. De ritu Divinandi ex vocibus, & rebus ominatis. ALL this which I have spoken is to conjecture by things. but there is a way by words also; by which according as the words were good or bad, they presaged such and such events. Such words were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (suitable to the name of Propheta:) as omen comes from oremen quia fit ore (quoth Festus.) You may render it voices (for so we use to call those prophetic speeches, which we hear we know not from whence, as the Scripture also does) & Tully called them by the name of voces; Pythagorei non solum voces de●rum observarunt, L. 1. Divin. sed etiam hominum. Any words that either boded ill, or signified that which they disliked, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and he that used them to another, either to hurt him, or to vex him, was said to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to blaspheme him. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euripides calls it, where he speak of certain ominous speeches let fall at a feast by a servant, just as one of the company was going to drink 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Io●. v. 1188. The Latins call it obscaenare, and the words themselves malè ominata verba (as it is in Horace.) we may english it halzening speeches. Such words as these they had always a superstitious care to avoid: insomuch that they would say instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a prison, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a house. And so for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the like. For there is a kind of words, which (as Tully says of Nulla spes Reipublicae) non licet, In Epist. ad Cassium. or (to speak in the phrase of Terence,) Religio est dicere, they made a scruple to speak & therefore in time of Sacrifice, or any other business with the gods, nothing was more strictly commanded and observed, than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as it was among the Romans in the Proclamations for keeping of holy days) to avoid all ominous expressions, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as they called them.) Which if they were spoken by a brother, Plato l. 7. de Leg. or one very near of kin to that party whose business was then in hand, they took the greater notice of them, and thought them so much the worse. What words were especially counted for ominous, you might give me an account, if you could give me Suetonius his book, of which we have but the title, viz: De vocibus malè ominatis. Only thus much I may tell you, that when they first set about any business of concernment, they had a special care to begin with a Preface 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, like to Persius his hoc benè sit, and that old threadbare word of the Latins, Quod bonum felix fortunatumque sit. Some words there were, and Proper names of such a signification, as it was counted a happiness but to hear them spoken. For so when julus had said Mensas etiam consumimus— presently (says Virgil) his Father laid hold on the word and embraced the omen — ea vox audita laborum Prima tulit finem, primumque loquentis ob ore Eripuit pater— So Leotychides, when he desired ●f a Samian his assistance against the Persians, asked what his name was, and being answered Hegesistratus, replied, I embrace the omen in the nomen, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the same with them, that accipere omen is with the Latins, that is, to make an ominous speech an omen indeed, and take it to myself. For indeed they counted it much in the power of the hearer, to make it an omen or not an omen; ostentorum vires in eorum erant potestate, quibus ostendebantur, says Pliny. Now the way to ab●eminate an omen, was either to fling a stone at the thing, if it were an ominous creature, as a Cat, or the like; or else if it were an unlucky speech, to retort it back again with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tibi in caput redeat, let it return upon thine own head. Which perhaps is an expression borrowed from a custom of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Herodot. not only among them, but among the Egyptians also▪ who when they spied any thing in the victims, that seemed to portend ill to their country, used to pray, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that it might return upon the head of the beast. The like perhaps is used in the Hebrew, Obadiaev. 15 & 1 Kings 2. v. 44. etc. viz: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in several places of the Scripture: & it puts me in mind of that saying in Seneca, Quis non, si admoneatur ut de suis cogitet, tanquem dirum omen respuat, & in capita inimicorum, aut ipsius intempestivi monitoris abire illa jubeat. Instead of this sometimes they would say, * Mosch Idyl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dii monuerint meliora. Sometimes upon such an unlucky speech heard while they did such a thing, they would do it another way: or do it again; as one in Euripides, upon somebody's speaking an unhappy word as he was a drinking, threw the drink on the ground, & called for another cup. Things ominous, some of them were in the parties own body, and those were ●●ther 1. Marks, such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spots like oil. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were such as the palpitations of the heart, or the eye, or any of the muscles, called in Latin Salissationes, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or tinnitus aurium; which if it were the tingling of the right ear, it was as good as the palpitation of the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theocr. Id 3. right eye. Of these things Melampus the great Fortune-teller wrote one book to Ptolomaeus Philadelphus; & Posidonius another (says Suidas which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sneezing, was so superstitiously esteemed of, that it came at length to be counted for a god. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Aristotle in his Problems. Which was the reason, saith L. 2. Athenaeus, that they abstained from eating the brain, out of which the sneezing came; as also the cause of that usual prayer of salutation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at a sneezing: according to that jeer of Ammian upon a fellow with a long nose, as if it had stood so fare out, that he could not hear himself when he sneezed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Insomuch that if a man sneezed at such a time, or on such a side, they were either persuaded to, or discouraged from the business undertaken. Socrates (as emunctae naris as he was) had so little sense himself, Plutarch de daemon. Socrat. as to fetch advice from another man's nose, and to make a Sneeze serve instead of a genius or a daemonium, to tell him the good and the bad; for it did both, according to circumstances. If a man Sneezed in the afternoon it was a good omen: but ill in the morning and the reason is disputed by Aristotle in the Problem. If a: man Sneezed at table while they were taking away: or if another happened to sneeze on the left hand of a man; then beware all is not right. But if it happened one the other hand all was well. If I may take Euphrantides his judgement, encouraging Themistocles his Soldiers to fight, upon no other ground then such a sneeze, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Such a sneeze while Xenophon was making his speech, was enough to make him a General. But another, while he persuaded the Soldiers to fight, was to them such an omen of ill luck, that they were feign to nuncupate a public vote for the expiation of it. However (I think) ordinarily it was reckoned for good; as in Homer that of Telemachus was, presently after a speech made of Ulysses his return, and revenging himself of his enemies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— and so Penelope took it; (for says she, laughing and rejoicing) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And the reason may be because esneezing is commonly healthy and wholesome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which perchance was understood by the aforesaid Euphrantides, when he added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But now at last I must tell you of this way of divining too (as I did oft he former) that it was long ago slighted even among the Grecians by the wiser sort. For example, Timotheus, when one of the Soldiers happened to sneeze, as he was going on shipbord; being therefore dissuaded from going by the Master of the ship, burst out a laughing and said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; What great omen can it be for one man to sneeze, when there be so many together. But among the Romans a great deal more: for Cicero put it among the other fooleries, L. 2. de Divin. Quae si suscipiamus, & pedis offensio nobis, & corrigiae abruptio, & sternutamenta erunt observanda. Ominous actions, or accidents were such as these following. First at a Sacrifice, it was an action much used, to take a piece of the cake or any other thing, and carry it home bonae scaevae gratia, as we say, for the luck's sake. This piece of cake, or pudding, or what shall I call it, they called by the name of * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says Hesychius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanitas. If in Sacrificing the Priest did let any thing fall out of his hand, it was looked upon as an unlucky accident. This observation the Romans called, caducum auspicium. 2ly At a Feast this action was lucky, to crown the Cup with a Garland— pateramque Coronâ induit. The reason (says Eustathius out of Athenaeus) was this, because a Garland represents a circle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is the most complete figure of all, & holds most. Unlucky accidents were such as these, viz. The coming in of a strange black dog, the creaking of the table, the spilling of wine (of which Xenocrates had no more wit then to write a book) taking away while one was a drinking, or a sudden silence. In putting on of the clothes the right side must be served first; and therefore if a servant had but given his Master the left shoe first, he was sure to have * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysostom. it. And thus much at Home. Abroad they had for their omens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is (says the * In Aristoph Au. Suidas. Scholiast) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occursacula, any thing that met them first. Of such as these one named Hypocrates (not the Physician) and another named Pollos wrote their books If a Snake lay so in the way, as to part the company: or if they met with a Hare, or a Bitch with Whelps, or a Fixen with Cubs; Lucian. O! these things were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, abominanda & averruncanda, abominable sights. So if a man happened to meet with a Black-more, or an Ape, or an Eunuch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Lucian, he must stand forty foot off. Nay if we met with but a Weasel or such a creature in the cross way, Aristoph. in Eccles.▪ we will have no Comitia sit for all this day. And * L. 3. Artemidorus will give you a reason, why a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be so much taken notice of, in his * Plutarch. de Philadel. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or running by▪ because (forsooth) it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is (as I think) the letters in each word will signify the same number, viz▪ 42. But if it be so, how came she to be such an enemy to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as to interrupt the course of justice? perhaps, it was only then, when they omitted that usual ceremony, of leading her about the house for a lustration, Aristoph. in Eccles. to purge it of unlucky things. Infinite many more sorts of divination might I mention of this kind, but it will sufficiently testify what regard the Grecians had of such babbles, if I tell you how that at Thebes Apollo Spondius himself had his Altars, and his prophesying by Omens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So likewise at Smyrna he had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Temple for omens too, In Eliacis. (says Pausanias:) where the fashion was for him that came for an omen, first to whisper his question in the Idol's ears, and then presently stopping his own, to go forth of the temple, and the first voice he heard after he came out must go for the Oracle. And so much of divining by a conjecture by art. One word or two of lots, and I'll have done. CAP. III. De Sortibus, etc. THis way of Divination is clean different from the former, because in it (as Cicero says) termeritas & casus, non ratio & consilium valet. For though there might be casus of the things in the former, yet there was skill with all in the person to give the signification. It was invented by Minerva: only jupiter took away her credit, to make the better trading for Apollo. Casting, or Drawing lots, was either with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or tali cast into a box: or with tesserae (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * In Fabio. Plutarch calls them) little wooden tables with letters upon them drawn out of a pot, or calculi little balls of earth, with marks upon them for the names, sometimes taken out of a pot, & sometimes thrown into a well, (whether to see which came up first, or how it was I cannot tell.) Pausanias speaks of the wooden tables, that they were used in the temple of Hercules 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Achaia. And the like (they say) were used by the Parliament of five hundred, * De iis supra. with the characters of the ten first letters upon them, to show to which of the ten Courts every judge was to go (together with the Image of a rod the ensign of Mercury, the God of Lots) he that had the Alpha, went to that Court which had the sign of Alpha, and they had the rest, to the Courts that bore the names of the letters. One of these ways or all (which I know not) was so much used by the Thriae, (the three Nymphs reported to have been the nurses of Apollo) that at length the word thriae came to be used for sorts, lots, according to that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Calculi were very much used in ancient times in judging of causes, L. 2. devin. & in wrestling matches, & the like: though (it seems) in Cicero's time not so much, Quis enim magistratus, aut quis vir illustrior utitur sortibus, caeteris verò in locis planè refrixerunt. In their Wrestling-matches I have read that they had a silver pot called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, into which they put little pellets about the bigness of a bean, according to the number of the men, two with one mark; and those that happened to draw the same mark were to Wrestle together: or if there were an odd man, he that had the luck to meet with the odd pellet (whom they named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) was to come in at Kings (as we say) or to wrestle at last with him that had the mastery. How they used them in judging of Causes, has been showed by another Pag. 118. already. But that they were used also by persons condemned to die, may be gathered out of Aristophanes in Pace For by reason that one only was to be put to death in one day, and sometimes the judgement was reversed: the Prisoners did cast lots who was to die first; and he that drew first, was commonly called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mercury. Thus in the ships in a storm, they used to cast lots who should be thrown over board for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thus Eustathius says, the lot fell to * L. 7. Ismene, just as it did to the Prophet jonah. And so in most of the Temples, that were resorted unto for Oracles, there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lots and a table of purpose to throw for it; after the receiving of the answer; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (says the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon Pindar) if I throw such a cast, * Pyth. Od. 4. the Prophecy will be fulfilled, If I do not, it will not. Nay in the Lanes, and the Streets, and cross ways they had their sorts viales (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aeschylus calls them and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Title of Mercury) as well as the Romans. For the party that would know his fortune, carried so many cuts about him, with several inscriptions; and the next boy he met with in the way as he went, he bid him draw: and if that which came forth, agreed with that which he had in his mind; it went for as good a Prophecy as the best, according to that of Tibullus Eleg. 1. ●lle sacras pueri sorts ter sustulit, illi Retulit è triviis omnia certae over. Artemidorus in his Pr●oemium, speaks of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Diviners in the Market. The original of this divination Plutarch in his book de Isidè & Osiride, fetches from the Egyptians. For when Typho had put Osiris in a chest, & thrown him into the Sea: Isis as he was wandering too and fro to seek him, happened upon a company of boys at play; and ask of them, they shown him the place. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Besides these ways already mentioned, they had another, by opening such a Poet in one or more places, and taking the first verses they met with for a prediction: which way of prediction they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And of this are meant the Sorts Homericae we read of. And Virgilianae; which they say Severus Alexander made use of, when he met with this verse of Virgil Tu regere imperio populos, Roman, m●mento. Nay the Christians themselves have not sticked to practise the like upon the Bible, according to that of Nicephorus Gregor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And thus Hercules is reported by Cedrenus, to have asked counsel out of the New Testament, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to have been thereby persuaded to Winter in Albania. Sometimes they would make choice of divers fatidicall verses, and have written them upon little Tables, put them into a pot and draw for it. Aug. l. 4. Confess. cap. 3. Makes mention of these lotteries. Si enim de Paganis poëtae cujuspiam longè aliud canentis atque intendentis, cum sortem quis consulit mirabiliter consonus negotio saepè versus exiret. And this way they say that Socrates foretold the day of his death. But thus much may suffice of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sorts, for by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular number, is many times meant the hint, or occasion given to Diviners to speak what they did. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Eurip. Hippol. For the Diviners themselves, Vates▪ or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as they did but little better than feign like Poets; so they did imitate them too in many other things, as in eating of hearts and livers, and tying of Laurel about their heads, as the Poet * Eurip. Ipbig. in A. v. 757. says of Cassandra * In Androm. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For why?— venturi praescia laurus. The Laurel the● took to be a thing of special and sovereign virtue, both to set a man a Prophesying, (and therefore Eurip. calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and to preserve him from any evil; & therefore very much used in Lustrations, insomuch that they would commonly have the staves they carried in their hands, to be made of Laurel wood. They had their diet in the Prytaneum like public persons. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says the Scholiast on Aristophanes. There was one more noted Fraternity of them, called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Hesych. Three Prophets there were of very great fame, every one called by the name of Bacis. The eldest was of Eleon in Boeotia; the next of Athens (he that cured the Lacedaemonian women of their madness:) and the youngest of Caphua in Arcadia (of Locris some say) otherwise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Answering to these three men, the Scholiast upon Aristophanes (in Irene) says there were three Women Prophets, every one of whom was called by the name of Sibylla, viz. Delphica, Erythraea, and Sardiaca. But the first (I believe) had most of the Spirit of Py●hon, * Acts c. 16, v 16. and brought her Master most gain by soothsaying. And now, Courteous Reader, though I have done so much so ill already, I must be forced to do more yet; and excuse one fault with another. For my desire is to leave thee fully satisfied with my reasons why I did it at all, and why I did it not better. The cords that drew me to do it (and drawn I was) were three, such as twisted together I could by no means break viz. First the importunity of my friend. 2. The necessity of the knowledge of Ancient Rites and Customs, for the understanding of Authors and 3. The hopes which I had, by Employment (as by an Issue) to divert my humour of Melancholy another way. The causes why I did it no better, are as many. viz. First, want of years and judgement, having done the most part of it in my Tyrocinium (when I took more delight in these studies) as appears by the number of the Authors which I have cited. 2ly. Want of health. And 3ly, Want of time and leisure being called away by occasions, that might not be neglected, and by friends that could not be disobeyed. If yet I have given thee but a little light, and my labour and oil be not all lost, I have as much as I desired myself, and thou hast no more than I owed thee. Z. BOGAN. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. R. WAR. è C.C.C. FINIS. INDEX VOCABULORUM. A ACerba: i. e. non matura viro, 166 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after sentence, 122 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ 129 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, properly before indictment 122 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 306 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 104 Alcibiadis dictum 177 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unde 276 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon hearsay 117 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ga●ymeds 223 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 239 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5.6. circuitus ejus 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quomodo differt ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148 Amoris indicia 156 Amatoria philtra 158 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 212 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jusjurandum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 107 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144 Amyniae Aeschyli fratris Philadelphia 128 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 236 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 171 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ●p●cted 60, 62 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quid 138. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. ‛ Annus Atticus 60 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Delphica 342 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 113 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 227 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 226 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, carrying one before the Magistrate 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quomodo differunt 140.193 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 192 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 159 Apollo 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 87 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 238 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 149 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, numerare, to worship, 223 Areopagus, Areopagitas 122 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 133. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 288 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Homeristae 306 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 173 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 168 Arma defensiva, 319. Arms offensive 323 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 triplex 204 Ascriptio in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, album lexiarchicum etc. 226 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unde 296 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro Athenis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quid 81 Asyla Atheniensium 5● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diff. 14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Impudence, 16. Attica sides 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5 Circuitus earundem. 9 portae 11.12. Laus 13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 243 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 238 Aucho dea 37 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 97 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 132 B 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prov. 133 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prov. in case of deferring sentence 139 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, priùs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictum, primò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53 Brickbuilding first invented by whom 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. diff. 380 C CEphisus amnis 13. Classes tres Populi Atheniensis & Aegyptii 19 Casaubonus reprehensus & Theophrasti Characteres emendati 12 De Capills tondendis. c. 25. l. 5 Caena Hecates a beggarly feast 315 Cibus & potus Graecorum 299 Cedar called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 263 Comaedia unde dicta 23.80 Comitia Attica 101 Convivium triplex, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 293 Convivantium gestus 303 Crambe, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 297 Cupido 151.152 Cunabula 211 Crematio corporum & ritus cremandi 259. 26● D 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 292 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 213 Demetreus Phalareus. 300. Statius ornatus 32 Demosthenes' dictum 290 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, prius dicti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. num. 174.24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ibid. nomina eorum vide. pag. 25.26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28.30. Diacrii 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 141 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 135. Arbitrators unde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 136 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicuntur Poetae 85.86 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 315 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decem 135. viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 105 Divinationes variae per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, persomnum etc. 347 Divinatio artificiosa per ornitho manteiam etc. 356 Divortia Graecorum 162 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 102 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cecrops cur sic dictus 168- 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an oath of both parties: pleader 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, defendant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 113 Draconis cur incubantes Thesauris finguntur. 211. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 videre 211 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 179 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 E 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 171 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the indictment 144 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Junonium incedere. 45. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 257 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not to be eaten, or named 303 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 139 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 205. Sic Egeria ab egerendo partus. Facilina a facilis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Lucina a lucem ferendo ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Seniores quare sic dicti 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, july the first month afterwards in the year 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 October 65 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 102 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be fined for not appearing to witness after citatitation 145 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. vid. & alias rationes 351 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 122 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 255 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after proof 122 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 festa 271 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against taken 137 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to give bail 119 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 349 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 134 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to fine for damages 119 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 141 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 115 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144 Epihtalamium, why sung with a great noise 184 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tutor, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 173 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 270 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 100 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quid 137 Equites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facere, Sacrificare 59 Estates, passed either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 233 Eumendes 44 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 288 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18 Eupolis his Baptae, ominous to himself 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unde deriv: 153 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 58 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 12● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144 Extispicina 36 Ephetae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 123 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 110 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112 F Figs thrown at the head of the Bride 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Ferali amiculo 244 Fire ordeal, parallel to the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 287 G 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unde 190 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 212 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 200 Going softly. i e. Mourning 256 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 luctus cur 51 Governments, several kinds of it among the Ancients 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Actio, formula, a writ 137 Graecâ fide i, e. with ready money 144 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 278 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 322 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eodem sensu quo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 199 H HElena, why said to be hatched of an egg 200 Herba quaedam mirabilis Atheni● in Acropoli 8 Hospites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excipiendi 310 Hospes ab hostium, vel ostium quare 311 Hypocritae▪ Actors properly 82 I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, olim pro eodem habebantur 336 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 275. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 276 Idololatria Atheniensium 36 Infantium Lotio & unctio 190. expositio 216 Io poean, unde 41.42 Judicialia nomina 159 Judicium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 121. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 131 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, passerculus 159 Jurandi Genera & formulae 282 Juramenti Magni ritus 284 Parv● 286 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à J●van Κ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 118▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 167 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quare. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in bonam, & malam parpartem 121 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pollinctores 244 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of divers sorts 137 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Assembly summoned out of the fields 102 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Amasium ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 164 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 237 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 258 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 302 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 343 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 370 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 115 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to hisse 89 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus Theramenes, cur 31 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. id genus 364 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ominous, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 180 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 157 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 256 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epitheton Graeciae ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Tragic judges 87 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 118 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Alleg. 118 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gut●ings 222 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem. Item ten●tare. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117 Λ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quid sign. 203 Lallare, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 216 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 183 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unde Missa 55 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 290 Liberi quadruplices. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 221.222 Liberorum Educatio, 223. Castigatio 224 Leges & legislatores Attici 94 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 127 Livius emendatus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tips of the ears, why from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 380 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 244 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, undè Lymax flu. 215 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diana cur 183 Lustratio Domûs funestae 271 M 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, partic. used in negative oaths 284 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secundum Platonem quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 335 Mars 42 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 239 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quomodò differt ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145 Mercurius 39 Menses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64 Mensium nomenclatura, comparatio, schema 46.66 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 103 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 148, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 149 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 161 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 134 Melotae 348 Meursius reprehen●us 10.134 Militum poenae, praemia, sepultura, 328 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 141 Mos amorem significandi. 163 Mulierum amor. 154. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 194 honestioria opificia, 196. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 199 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vude 299 N 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in affirmative oaths 284 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 363 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 146. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 147. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 147 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 52 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unde 95 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eodem sensu quo lat. justa 234 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 248 Nuptiae Graecorum 166 Nutrices duplices. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116 O Offa Cerberi. 243. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 244 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 230 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solitae filiae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quis 294 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 301 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 282 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 48 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 347 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prohibited 99 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 triplices 316 Oraculum Pythium etc. 316. Templum Delphicum ibid. Oracula 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solita 341 Oracula, cur, quomodo, & quando cessaverint 345 Orationes funebres 270 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab Orcus 283 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 282 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 155 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 127 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Venus. Item lusus pilae 150 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 Π PAgus quid, unde 122 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 152 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 133. Situated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 146 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 146 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 269 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 83 Pauperes sublevandi 313 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 propriè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Parentalia 272 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 224 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, old Prophetesses, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 346. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 140. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 108 fiunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 109 De Peregrinis excipiendis 308 Pelargi, pelargicum 8 Pediaei, paralii 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53 Perjurii religio 288 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 316 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 103 Perenne auspicari. 326. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. Perjuries not punished among the Greeks, or Romans, why 127 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 83 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 364 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the place of meeting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. alias petra. Petitus reprehensus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 133. propriè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cur dicta 174 Pollux emendatus 134.181 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 convitiari. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85 Possardus reprehensus 150 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 227 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 100 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 168 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 148 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 260 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and some what more 139 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 309 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ilex, an Holm 48 the Prytanaeis 102 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 flos quidam, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coronae quib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 268 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 74 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 48. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 367. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 368 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ad nates usque succincta 201 Puerpurarum religio. 266. Lustratio 214 Puerperium 280 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, prov. 54 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Prov. not a mother's son escaped 56 Q QUadruplatores cur ita dicti ●37 Quince-Apple to be eaten between the new married Bride, & Bridegroom 179 R 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poena adulterii 202 Recta quid 197 Reges, cur ad radices montium sepulti 258 Requisites in a husband. 87. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 187 Requisites in a Wife 189 Ritus Convivandi varii Ritus Bellici. 316. indicendi bellum 326 praelia committendi 326 Ritus legatos excipiendi 327 Ritus lugendi in funere 254 Ritus divinandi. vid. divinatio. S SAcerdotia Graecorum 55 Sacrificiorum genera & loca 280 Saturnus 42 Saturni compedes exoluti 160 Satyrica 85 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Scaliger reprehensus 323 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 96 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apium. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, prov. Of one desperately sick 268 Sepultura. 233. Necessitas ejus. 234. locus 237 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 179 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 175 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 143 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 363 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 307 Somnia. 348 eo●um genera, Allegorica & Thorematica 353 de Sortibus. 371. Sorts Homericae, Vi●gilianae etc. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 291 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the entrails, also the heart. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 59 Spolia twofold▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the dead. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the living 332 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus Constantin. M. pòst 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 97 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1●2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 243 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 40 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occursacula 369 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 241 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 206 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 140 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differt a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 190 Superstitio Atheniensium 47 De Supplicibus Sacris 274 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus Antigonus 72 T 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 161 Tempus sumendi cibos 291 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quare 31 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 60.61 Templa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 151 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 170 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 156 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quis secundum Pollucem 122 Thallo dea unde 37 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 38 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cur 46 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 158 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Thete's unde 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Co●f●● 263 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quia in Theatris deos celebrabant 93 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 92 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 36 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 250 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 231 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poculum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inebriari 321 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34 Tragaedia, 80. vocavit eam Solon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 12. undè der: à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 83 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 127 Tribunalia varia 133 Tribus quatuor sub Cecrope, sub Clisthene decem, posteà duodecem 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21 Trophaea, 330. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jupiter, from cauthe enemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 89 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicuntur qui à lupis etc. de vorautur I●●n. vocantur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 272 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 259 Tumuli 264 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 224 V Venus' duplex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150. deus dicitur ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to fine ones self 120 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 113 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quare 285 Vulcanus 42 Uxor, quando ducenda 185. quae in eâ requirantur 189 W WEdding days three, 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 X XEnocrates, quantae fidei vir 116 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 312. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primum fundavit Hircanus 313 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 110. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112 Φ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an information, delatio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 366 Phaenomoe Pythia prima 338 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 302 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 undè 22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 327 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 269 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 162 X 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cur 252 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 153 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 267 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 210 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 218 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Porcellaines, pebbles 117 Ψ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 145. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 118 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cupido 152.155 Ζ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 39 Ζ. Η.Θ.Ι. 64 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duplex 183 Ω. ω. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab ovali figurâ 200 FINIS.